_]__ -i, ' . . • <^ ^°-'^, .0' .l::c.'> <^ >5>. ^'^v^v ,^-' "'^.Z •^ ^0 V-, 4 o *o.. ;f; <^'' .c^ ,#/ . y .^^ ,. ^^--c^. ,0 o • » Si 4 o 0' V .V ,0 o '^' ^•^'^^ ♦- o. O > * '"oV^ ... .oC^ -V'' » • * ' > .-e-' s^' v¥. .c>^,n ABRAHAM LINCOLN. President United States of America. TllK UNION CAUSE IN ST. LOUIS IN 1861 AN HISTORICAL SKETCH BY ROBERT J. ROMBAUER St. Louis Municipal Centennial Year 1909 Copyright, 1909, BY Robert J. Rombauer 248365 Press of Nixon-Jones Prig- Co. St. Louis PREFACE. The object of these lines is to give a comprehensive History of tlic 8t. Louis Union movement of 1861, and of the general conditions in the State of Missouri and the Union, which reacted upon local events. While the statements of details will be restricted to the spring and summer months of 1861, even their remote causes will be sought. This seems to be all the more necessary, because in a community of freemen, where every one does his own thinking, and acts upon his own feelings, the, disposition of the masses makes History, whose way stations only are signalized by the names of the leaders. When two antagonistic momentous issues arise in a nation, only the one which is conducive to the welfare of the entire country deserves success, notwithstanding that persons who stake their lives upon these issues, are honestly convinced of the righteousness of their cause. Besides this, it may be considered as an uncontroverti- ble axiom, that no party should ever rush into a hostile conilict, in which inherent conditions of power entail its inevitable defeat. Thus it is that through the study of Historj^, we may be enabled judi- ciously to shape our actions, in order to meet present exigencies and forestall individual and national disasters. Our era may in'operly be designated as the epoch of the assertion of human rights, as divi- sions in History have generally been made by the leading and origi- nating causes and resulting events. Thus the patriarchal sway of Abraham established the rule of experienced age ; the monotheism and theocracy of Moses, the priest rule in Palestine ; on the Dualism and utilitarian tendency of Zoroaster rose the Persian realm: the beautiful naturalism of (Greece culminated in a Periclean age; the stern realism of liome i)aved the way to a world's empire; the divine doctrine of love laid the foundation to modern civilization; Moham- ed's con.sequential fatalism broke rotten empires; a second edition of priest rule under Gregor VII. bent the knee of the feudal knight and curbed the pa.ssions of Kings; the reformation of Luther and his coevals freed the conscience of men and th(» radical philosophv of the Eighteenth Century established rationalism while the war of Independence, the French revolution, the popular upheaval of 1848. vindicated national independence and natural rights and by. the aid iii iv Pre] ace. of the free press of the nineteenth century, liberated downtrodden humanity from privileged oppression, which the cohesive power of plunder, had legally saddled upon it. All these past epochs only confirm the lesson, that there is no lasting greatness without truth and no lasting happiness without morality. It is the object of this sketch, to inculcate a thorough appreciation of the heavenly twins of truth and morality, and great stress has been laid upon their value, pointing them out by calling attention to biographical rela- tions upon important actions. Nevertheless great liberality is claimed from the reader, for even with the m.ost sincere intentions, no one can free himself from the bias of his own individuality and no one can claim to stand on the balance beam of the historic scale. Observing the sequel of dates, as far as possible, portions of the work present special phases collectively. Thus, Chapter I gives the Introduction to the leading ideas and political measures in the Union bearing upon the great questions at issue, to the j^ear 1861. Chapter II treats upon the people of St. Louis and those features of their past History, which shaped tlieir convictions and character and shows that the ancestors exhibited qualities of virtue, worthy the imitation of the most ambitious genius. Chapter III gives the events in the Union immediately preceding Lincoln's taking office; and Chapter IV those specially relating to St. Louis and Missouri, during the same period; Chapter V and VI deal with the first steps of War; Chapter A^'II with the organization of the Union and Secession host in St. Louis; Chapter VIII, IX and X wifh Lyon's Command and Camp Jackson ; Chapter XI with Fremont's accession, Chapter XII the battle of Wilson's Creek. An outline of com]3letc Emancipation in Missouri precedes the Conclusion. In the course of the narration, it will be found, that the State troops organized by Governor Jackson are almost invariabl}^ called Secessionists, because all their higher and most of their lower officers and men eventually became Confederate troops and were either con- ditional or unconditional Secessionists from the start. After the Missouri State Convention had been elected by a very large majority, (80,000) the supreme authority of the State vested in it, and even from an extreme State Rights' standpoint, the Secessionists in State Guard garb were logically bound to submit to the authority of the United States, which, however, they failed to do. The word "Rebel" is not used in these lines, except in quotations from other writers. The Confederates held that they had a right to secede under their Preface. v Slaic Constitutions, sayino- tiiat as they had foi-jned the pact of the Union, they had also the right to dissolve it. The name of Seces- sionist and Rebel had been used interchangeably during the war, often abbreviated to ''Secesh" or ''Rebs," for which the latter retali- ated by the terms of ''Feds" and "Yanks." The terms of '"Volun- teer," "Reserve Corps" and "Home Guard," were also used indiscrim- inately in the hostile camps of Missouri, which will be chiefly noted in reading quotations from them. There is no disposition in this work to glorify military achieve- ments, well aware of the fact that "Peace has her victories no less renowned than War.'" However, culture of thought and sentiment have only a value when they lead to correct action, and it would be a false policy to obliterate the memory of the Civil War, for it was the most serious, most important, and most far-reaching lesson which this nation ever received, and to hide its causes, disregard its conse- quences and shun its warnings, could have only disastrous results in the future. Just because war is a terrible calamity, should its lessons be heeded. If the arbitrament of arms is invoked, its consequences cannot be avoided. Fatigue, siclaiess, poverty, death and destruction follow in the wake of the furies of war ; even though the object be the victory of a just cause and not revenge or cruelty. Incidentally it may be said, that today he is considered the greatest general who will attain victory with the least amount of suffering. In compiling this work, many contemporaneous writers have been read. Billons' excellent chronicle of Missouri in its Territorial days; Henry Boernstein's autobiography of 75 years; Wherry's Wilson's Creek; F. Schnake's Geschichte; Schlosser's Welt Geschichte; John Minor Botts, The Great Rebellion ; J. C. Abbot's History ; the United States Records oi the A\'ar of the Rebellion ; J. C. Moore's, Galusha Anderson's, J. Thomas Scharff's History of St. Louis, and Books, Charts, j\Iaps and Lists have been consulted by the aid of Libraries and the very valuable collection of the St. Louis Historical Society. Particular mention deserves in this connection John M. Schofield's "49 Years in the Army;" Colonel Peckham's "Life of Lyon;" Thomas L. Snead's ''A Fight for Missouri," and the last three are specially recommended to every student of History, because their writers took an active and prominent part in the events of 1861. and as Schofield and Peckham were Union men and Snead a Secessionist, a better and more reliable representation can be secured by com- paring views of opposing parties. vi Preface. Credit Avas given in this sketch, wherever the opinion of others was quoted or their words used. In gathering the details of Com- pany or Regimental organizations and actions, a great many com- rades cheerfully aided with advice and information of details, and this valuable assistance and that of the sons of the writer, made this publication possible. Upon the organization of Union troojjs in St. Louis, more details are and could be given from the First Volunteer and First Reserve Regiment, for their story came more within per- sonal experience, and is also characteristic for the development of the others, while a repetition of a similar detail, would have only a very limited interest to the general reader. Important documents, orders, reports, speeches, resolutions, proc- lamations, letters, have been given in the original, as the best evi- dence of their faithful interpretation, and the sketch was verified by the recollection of yet living men of that period. Discrepancies in dates, names,^ and numbers are almost unavoida- ])le ; they are caused by the failing memory upon events that passed forty-eight years ago; but it is hoped that the main object was attained, and that was to do justice and give a true picture and reliable characterization upon one of the most memorable jjopular upheavals in modern History. ^ Page 104, second line, read "Preetorius" instead of "Pretorius". Page 104, third line, read "Enno Sander" instead of "Eno Sanders." CONTENTS. PART I. Chapter I— INTRODUCTION. Page Considei'ations 1 Slavery 2 Local Differences ■ 6 Territorial and Economic Relations 9 Louisiana Purchase 13 Segregation of Parties 1,5 State Rights 16 Missouri Compromise 19 Tariff and Nullification 21 Abolition Movement - 26 Elijah P. Lovejoy 30 Incentives to Mobs 38 Florida and Texas > 36 Effects of a Liberal Movement 40 Compromise of 1850 .- 41 Fugitive Slave Law 44 The Kansas Contest 46 Presidential Election of 1856 54 Dred Scott Decision 56 Monroe Doctrine and Slavery 58 Spirit of North and South 61 Lincoln-Douglas Debate 62 Ch.\pter II— THE PEOPLE OF ST. LOUIS. Origin ; First Settlement 65 Indians and Fortifications 69 Louisiana Territory in the Union 71 Territorial Days of Missouri 78 Settlers of American Era 80 Admission of Missouri 84 German Immigration of 1830 87 Immigration of 1848 92 Chapter III— UNION POLITICS. Presidential Election of 1860 105 Causes of the Civil War 110 vii viii Contents. Page Secession 113 Vain Compromise Plans '. 117 A Square Issue 119 Treason in the Cabinet 123 Chapter IV— MISSOURI EVENTS. The Southwest Campaign 126 The St. Louis Turnverein 127 The St. Louis Press 129 Last Days of 1860 132 Missouri Legislature in 1861 135 Fears and Doubts in St. Louis . . ■ 139 A Tell-Tale Letter 142 The Missouri State Convention 14.5 Nathaniel Lyon 1.50 Chapter V— THE APPROACHING STORM. Drifting Towards War 156 Alexander Stephens' Great Effort 158 Peace Conference and Schemes 162 Lincoln's Journey to Washington 164 Lincoln's Inauguration 166 Secession Constitution 167 Loyalty of the Missouri State Convention 168 Legislature Tries to Curb St. Louis 174 The Dawn of Relief 176 Chapter VI— THE WAR COMMENCES. Fort Sumter 178 Lincoln's Call for 75,000 men ' 179 Governor Jackson's Treason 180 General Frost's Advice 182 Harney Sees Danger . 184 Chapter VIT— ORGANIZ.ITION. On to Washington 186 Union Military Organization in St. Louis 188 The Safety Committee 190 St. Louis Minute Men 193 The Three Months Volunteers -. : 195 The St. Louis Home Guard or United States Reserve Corps, Missouri Volunteers 200 The Muster for Arms 205 Secession Schemes 212 Camp Jackson Established 216 Contents. ix Page Arming the Home Guard, or United States Reserve Corps, Missouri Volunteers 219 War Democrats 223 Chapter VIII— THE WAR IN MISSOURI. Union Schemes 224 Capture of Camp Jackson 226 Days of Excitement 238 Secessionist War Measures 242 General Harney's Failure 245 Chaptek IX— LYON IN COMMAND. Limited Means 254 Moves for Time and Position 260 Hostilities Commence 263 Lyon's Advance Into the State -. 266 Battle of Boonville 270 Chapter X— THE SOUTHWEST. The Disposition of Secession Forces 278 The Southwest Union Column 280 The Battle of Carthage 281 Lyon's March South 286 Southeast Missouri 288 Missouri State Convention Ousts Governor 290 The Battle of Fulton 292 The Situation at St. Louis 294 Chapter XI— JOHN C. FREMONT. John C. Fremont 297 Cairo and Bird's Point 300 Lyon at Springfield 304 Chapter XII— THE BATTLE OF WILSON'S CREEK. The Battle of Wilson's Creek 314 Resolute Measures 334 The First E.mancipation Proclamation 337 CoNCUJSioN OF First Part 342 X Contents. PART II. THE FIRST UNION REGIMENTS. Page General Remarks 349 First Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers, Partly Three Months' and Three Years' Service 351 First Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers, Completed List of Three Months' Service 364 Second Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers 367 Third Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers 380 Fourth Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers 394 Fifth Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers 407 First Regiment United States Reserve Corps, Missouri Volunteers 417 Second Regiment United States Reserve Corps, Missouri Volunteers 431 Third Regiment United States Reserve Corps, Missouri Volunteers 441 Fourth Regiment United States Reserve Corps, Missouri Volunteers 452 Fifth Regiment United States Reserve Corps, Missouri Volunteers 464 Pacific Battalion, Company B, United States Reserve Corps 475 Note Relative to Artillery and Pioneer Company 475 ILLUSTRATIONS. The illustrations in this book are characteristic representations of its con- tents. They comprise leaders, officers and privates of the several Regiments of different ranks, ages and callings. Hundreds of others could have been added who were prominent men at the time, or who rendered excellent service during the war, and attained a high usefulness after their return. A like praise could be given to many champions of the other camp in their later life, but that would lead beyond the aim and limits of the present sketch. The ranks stated under the photos are those of 1861. Facing Page Abraham Lincoln — President United States of America; born in Kentucky , fifty-two years old in 1861 ; died in 1865 Title Francis Preston Blair, Jr. — Colonel First Infantry Missouri Volun- teers ; lawyer ; born in Kentucky ; forty years old in 1861 ; Private in Mexican War ; Free Soiler in the Missouri Legislature ; Member of Congress from 1856 to 1862 ; Major General ; United States Senator; in 1868 candidate of the Democratic party for Vice-President of the United States ; (see p. 104) ; died in 1875 176 CONSTANTIN Blandovski — Captain Third Infantry Missouri Volun- teers ; instructor St. Louis Turnverein ; born in Poland ; thirty-four years old in 1861 ; took part in the Hungarian war of 1848 ; mortally wouncjed at the capture of Camp Jackson, May 10th ; died May 25, 1861. 232 Henry Boernstein — Colonel Second Infantry, Missouri Volunteers; author; born in Austria; fifty-six years old in 1861; had a military education; active in the revolution of 1848; editor Anzeiger des Westens; rationalist and agitator; for a brief period Military Governor of Missouri 272 B. Gratz BRowN^Colonel Fourth Regiment United States Reserve Corps, Missouri Volunteers; lawyer and editor; born in Kentucky; thirty-five years old in 1861; started Free Soil movement in the Missouri Legis- lature, whose member he was from 1852 to 1859; United States Senator from 1863 to 1866; Governor of Missouri in 1871; candidate for United States Vice-President in 1872; died in 1885 64 Adolphus Busch — Corporal Third Regiment United States Reserve Corps, Missouri Volunteers, merchant and brewer; born in Germany; nineteen years old in 1861; graduate of Belgian College; organized the Anheuser-Busch Brewery, the second largest in the world; likewise the South Side Bank, the Manufacturers' Railroad, glass factories, many other companies and hundx-eds of ice plants, employing many thousand people, and is a most generous supporter of all charities and public enterprises 240 xi xii Illustrations. Page IsiDOR Bush — Private Second Regiment United States Reserve Coi-ps. Missouri Volunteers; merchant; born in Bohemia; thirty-nine years old in 1861; appointed Captain and Commissary on Fremont's staff; member of the City Council, School Board and of the Missouri Con- vention of 1861, farmer and philanthropist; died 1898 168 James B. Eads — Captain of steamboats; civil engineer and ship builder; born in Indiana; forty-one years old in 1861; planned and constructed armored fleet and gunboats, originated Mississippi delta jetties; financier and chief engineer of Ead's Bridge across the Mississippi, which was started in 1867; member Mississippi River Commission; died in 1887. 224 John T. Fiala — Lieutenant-Colonel Second Regiment United States Reserve Corps, Missouri Volunteers; topographical engineer; born in Hungary; thirty-nine years old in 1861; Major in Hungarian army of 1848; made and published the first large sectional. and topographical map of Missouri, Colonel on Fremont's staff; suggested to General Lyon the St. Louis forts built by Fremont 216 GusTAV A. FiNKELNBURG — Lieutenant First Lifantry Missouri Volunteers; Captain Company A before muster; Speaker of St. Louis Turnverein; lawyer; born in Germany; twenty-four years old in 1861; in Missouri Legislature from 1864 to 1866; in Congress from 1868 to 1872; candi- date for Governor; United States Jxidge in 1907 and 1908; died 1908. . 192 Henry T. Flad— Private Third Regiment United States Reserve Corps, Missouri Volunteers; civil engineer; born in Germany; thirty-seven years old in 1861; commanded engineer company of 'German revolu- tionists in 1848; Colonel of Engineers in the Civil War; afterwards Water Commissioner of St. Louis, President Board of Public Improve- ments for three terms; President Mississippi River Commission, also of American Society of Engineers; leading assistant engineer of Eads Bridge; died 1898 104 John C. Fremont — Major-General and Commander of Depai'tment; West- poiriter; born in Georgia; fifty-two years old in 1861; pathfinder over the Rocky Mountains; Free-Soil candidate for President in 1856; (see page 385); died 1890..... 336 Friederich Hecker — Born in Germany; fifty years old in 1861; lawyer and farmer; Member of Parliament and leader in the Republican up- rising of 1848 in Germany; entered United States mihtary service in 186ras private; elected Colonel; after the war an effective lecturer, vindicating the gospel of rationalism through his speeches and writ- ings; died March 24, 1881 96 Nathaniel Lyon — Captain United States Army; Brigadier-General of Volunteers; Westpointer; born in Connecticut; forty-two years old in 1861; fell at Wilson's Creek, August 10, 1861; had bequeathed $30,000 by will for the maintenance of the Union; (see page 208) 152 Peter J. O.STERHAus — Captain Second Infantry, Missouri Volunteers; army officer in Europe; born in Germany; thirty-eight years old in 1861; commander of Manheim during revolutionary war of 1848; Brigadier- General and Major-General in the Union army and successful leader in many campaigns and battles; later Consul in Europe 320 Iliustral.ioiis. xiii Page Roderick E. Ro.mbauer — Private First Infantry, Missouri Volunteers; afterwards Captain First Regiment United States Reserve Corps, Missouri Volunteers; lawyer; born in Hungary; twenty-eight years old in 1861; active in the revolution of 1848; after the Civil War Judge of Law Commissioners, Circuit Court and Court of Appeals; legal ad- visor of School Board for years; one of the ablest jurists of Missouri. 200 John M. Schofield — Lieutenant United States Army; later Major First Infantry, Missouri Volunteers; Westpointer: professor at Washington University; mustering officer; born in New York; thirty years old in 1861; Lyon's Adjutant; became successful commander and Lieutenant- General of all armies of the United States; died in 1906 208 NicoLAUS ScHUETTNER — Colonel Fourth Infantry, Missouri Volunteers; car- penter and builder; manufacturer of brick molds; born in Germany; forty years old in 1861; leader of the Schwarze Jager Schuetzenver- ein, a hunter's society; held Bird's Point in Southeast Missouri; died in 1868 288 Francis SiGEL — Colonel Third Infantry, Missouri Volunteers; teacher; born in Germany; thirty-seven years old in 1861; artillerist and command- ing officer in Baden dui'ing the revolutionary war of 1848-9; principal German institute of education in St. Louis; organized Third Regiment and Battery, Brigadier-General and Major-General in the Union Army, holding important commands; after the war editor in Baltimore and civil officer in New York; (see page 262) ; died in 1902 280 Joseph Spiegelhalter — Lieutenant Fifth Infantry, Missouri Volunteers; medical student of Humboldt Institute and teacher; graduated as doctor in 1862; twenty-six years old in 1861; surgeon of the Twelfth Missouri Regiment during the war; later health officer, coroner; mem- ber of the Board of Health and of medical societies; President of St. Louis T\irnverein and other associations; died in 1909 304 St. Louis Turnverein Building — Tenth and Walnut Streets; most popular meeting place of Union men in and before 1861, and cradle of first military Union organizations 128 Charles G. Stifel — Colonel Fifth Regiment United States Reserve Corps, Missouri Volunteers; brewer; born in Germany; forty-two years of age in 1861; member of City Council in 1855; organized the Fifth Reserve and was its efficient and popular leader; presented the Schiller statue to St. Louis; public-spirited member of benovolent and other societies; died in 1900 296 MAPS AND CHARTS. Page Territory Ceded by States to United States 10 St. Louis County in 1861 66 Territory Acquired by United States 72 Camp Jackson in 1861 228 Camp Jackson's Present Subdivision 229 Map of Missouri , 267 Battlefield of Wilson's Creek' 315 1 Compiled from notes of United States Topographical Survey and various reports. xiv PART I. CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION. CONSIDERATIONS. History is a unit by reason of the logic of events, which act all over the world in accordance with the eternal law of cause and effect. This applies to moral as well as physical conditions ; all laws should be in keeping with the laws of nature, which are immutable. They leave us the only alternative — either to live in accordance with them or to suffer. The obedience to these laws is dictated by common sense, and the Egotist will submit to them as well as the Altruist. It is our action within them, which establishes true value, and correct conventional law is, or should be, only natural law, with proper safeguards against the abuses facilitated by social relations. When our affections take in the members of our family exclusively, we prove our human worth to that extent, and in filling that first duty it is so decreed by the eternal wisdom which rules the Universe that we also become useful to mankind. Enlarged views and nobler senti- ments will also consider the community in which we live, and in proportion as our consideration embraces larger divisions of our kind, our value and worth as human beings also increases. Thus the Egotist rises to a good member of the family, a good citizen of the community, the state, the nation and the world. That is the prog- ress of the development of man — in cocentric circles from the nar- row limits of self to the all-comprehensive considerations of philan- thropy. But this process will be beneficent only as long as we are correct in our reasoning. We admire the attachment to family and kindred, the undaunted l)ravery of resolution, the perseverance of devotion, the fidelity to honest convictions, which guide the actions of man, but all these fine qualities can not make convictions right when they are cardinally wrong: all these high qualities which everybody admires, can not .^anctify an aim which is destructive of the happiness of humanity (1) 2 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1801. at large. AVhen Ave look back on the great tragedy of 1861 we find that a very large number of those who gravely erred in their judg- ment acted from pure motives and in keeping with their honest convictions; for the preceding events of a century had shaped opin- ions, and even sentiments, dividing the nation into two great camps, and leading with the certainty of fate to the irrepressible conflict. The eminent German historian Schlosser writes in his works: "No national, religious or class distinctions threatened the peace of the Union. Still the antagonistic relation of free and slave labor led to ominous contrasts which caused the greatest civil war known to History." There is no doubt now in the world, that Slavery was the cause of the civil war. This is generally conceded. The develojD- ment, however, of Slavery from small beginnings until it became an aggressive power which shook a continent is full of the gravest lessons that may be most beneficently utilized by their timely appli- cation in future. In order to understand and to appreciate the actions and events of 1861, a brief review of the past is necessary. SLAVERY. Slavery existed before History knew civilized people. Probably it was restricted at first to captives of Avar and their families, and, as soon this proved profitable or convenient, it was made hereditary. ProAvess on one side and Aveakness on the other have often produced a condition of dependence akin to Slavery. A relation Avhich became common and general had to be regulated by law, and the person AAdio already inherited slaves grcAv up accustomed to relations whose justice he had no incentive to question. The desire for happiness is, however, born with every human being, and this leads direct to a Avish for liberty. As soon as this desire is noticed, repressive mea- sures are applied. These have a very bad eiEfect on the master, mak- ing him more domineering, stern, often of necessity cruel, and they make the slave more miserable and discontented, and estrange him from his master. The ancient despotisms and more or less aristo- cratic republics nearly all kept Slaves, and, as Avar and conquest was the natural and usual condition of those States, their citizens AA^ere ahvays ready to suppress every uprising. The baneful reaction of Slavery on the master and the nonslaveholding citizen Avas little considered or understood by the ancients. That the immense AA^ealth of one class engendered .the relative great poverty of the other Avas J iifi'odiicflon. 3 not thought of; that hixiiry and passions, unrestrained by any con- siderations or laws of equal human rights, destroyed morality and justice, -was not taken into account by ambitious and greedy states- men ; that Slavery, in overloading the bondsmen, took from the citizen the chance of a healthy activity, qualifying him for idleness and military ambition, facilitating conquests and spoliation of other nations, was rather coveted than shunned; and yet militarism de- stroyed in the end the liberty loving spirit of the citizen, and cor- rupted his body and soul with the customs, vices and luxuries of inferior nations. The cruelty toward the slave dulled the sensibili- ties and kind feelings of the masters toward their other fellowmen, and led to fearful butcheries, proscriptions and wholesale spoliation, which caused the power of Rome, the best organized State of an- tiquity, to rot toward destruction. This lesson is the ''Handwriting upon the wall" for other nations; it reads: Beware of Slavery, the inequalities of citizens, foreign conquests and militarism. The im- mortal doctrine of universal love, proclaimed by the great teacher of Nazareth, placed all human beings, a Roman Emperor as well as an African Slave, upon an equality before their Maker. A tran- sition from a corrupt empire to a radical republic, however, was an impossibility; but the spiritual equality established by the Church mitigated the conditions of slave dependence to milder forms, in establishing the organization of the feudal system, and of a serfdom conditioned as well as based on low ignorance on one side, and well nerved but often greedy capacity on the other. In the Orient Slavery continued unbroken ; the warlike, conquering disposition of the Mohamedan spread it across Northern Africa to Spain, and in the year 990 merchants from the Barbary Coast brought slaves from Central Africa to Europe. The Turks enslaved their captives in Avar, without discrimination of color or nationality, carried women and children away, and raised the latter for the military service of that formidable body of soldiers, the Janissaries. Even this very astute slave policy proved a fearful curse in the end. The Janissaries grew as dangerous to the Sultan as the Pretorian Guards to the Roman I'hnperors, until in June, 1826, Sultan Mahomed defeated their insurrection after a most sanguinary battle and had them extermi- nated. In their attempts for the circunniavigation of Africa, the Portu- guese came in touch with the tribes of that continent, and brought from there the first colored slaves to be used for labor. Spain was 4 2^he Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. not slow to follow suit, and when Columbus discovered America, he enslaved Indian prisoners and Avith the blessings of his discovery laid the foundation of an evil which 365 years later should have to be redeemed by the untold sufferings of a great nation. In speaking of this arrangement of Spanish settlers in San Domingo, Washing- ton Irving in his "Life of Columbus," states: "He assigned to them (the settlers) liberal portions of land, and numerous Indian Slaves taken in the wars. He made an arrangement also by which the Caciques in their vicinity, instead of paying tribute, should furnish par- ties of their su'bjects, free Indians, to assist the Colonists in the cultiva- tion of their lands; a kind of feudal service which was the origin of the 'Repartimientos' or distributions of free Indians among the Colonists, after- wards generally adopted and shamefully abused throughout the Spanish Colonies; a Source of intolerable hardship and oppressions to the unhappy na- tives, and which greatly contributed to exterminate them from the island of Hispaniola" (San Domingo). This was a source of evil, w^hich three hundred years later, most cruelly exterminated the White race from that "West Indian Para- dise." While Queen Isabella discountenanced the enslavement of Indians by Columbus and even returned large numbers from Spain to their native island, they w^ere still compelled to work in the mines and in other employments, which owing to the cruel greed of the Spaniards, finally ground them out of existence. It Avas at this time that Negro slaves born in Spain, were first imported into the West Indies. Of this event Washington Irving says: "It is a fact worthy of observation that Hispaniola, the place where this flagrant sin against nature and humanity was first introduced into the New World, has been the first to exhibit an awful retribution." This came in San Domingo in the year 1791 ; a few refugees from this awful catastrophe found afterwards a sheltering home in St. Louis. Upon the share which Columbus had in introducing Slavery in San Domingo, Washington Irving says: "It is not the intention of the author, however, to justify Columbus on a point where it is inexcusable to err. Let it remain a blot on his illus- trious name, and let others derive a lesson from it." Columbus enslaved a large number of Indians and sent them to European markets. Isabella of Spain ordered the liberation of the Indians in Europe, but left captive Moors and Negroes in bondage. Now Slavery ceased to be a war measure and became a factor in agri- cultural and mercantile economy. While the introduction of the Introduction. 5 stronger, more docile and tractable Negro, relieved the Indian on the Continent from this immediate danger to his liberty, it laid the foundation of an evil which almost became fatal to the life of the North American Union. The Popes, at the time the highest repre- sentatives of the ethical principle in the world, condemned Slavery at its very cradle. Pope Leo X. declared early in the sixteenth century: ''Not the Christian religion only, but nature itself cries out against the state of Slavery;" and not much later Pope Paul III. imprecated a curse on Europeans who would enslave Indians, or any other class of men. It is hardly correct to lay the responsibility for the introduction of African Slavery in America, at the door of the Dominican monk De las Casas, who is said to have advised the practice of Negro Slavery already introduced before him, in order to protect the native Indian. That human rights did not then enter into the consideration of the Slavery question, is shown by the exam- ple of Charles Y., who sailed with a great fleet, to liberate Christian slaves at Tunis, and at the same time sanctioned the African slave trade, by giving one of his subjects the exclusive privilege of import- ing Negro slaves to the West Indies. No insincere motives can be attributed to Charles V., who abdicated the greatest power in order to become a monk. When in 1607 the first permanent English col- ony was established at Jamestown, Ya., Negro Slavery was over a century old in Spanish and Portuguese America and had existed over fifty years in other British American possessions. The adventurous disposition of the first settlers, who were little inclined to work, and the rich crops upon the virgin soil of the new Continent, created the strongest tendency, to propagate and to perpetuate Negro Slavery. The first slaves were sold at Jamestown, Va., December 22, 1620, and Slavery was introduced in all the colonies by 1650, while the legality of Slavery was still a mooted question. About that time Lord Holt expressed an opinion that Slavery was a condition un- known to English law, and that every person setting foot in England, thereby became free; soon after this Yorke and Talbot, attorneys and solicitors general, gave an opinion in 1729, that Negro slaves might be held in England just as well as in the Colonies, and later on, in 1749, Yorke as Lord Hardwick and Chancellor, gave the opinion that the Colonies are subject to the laws of England, and that if Slavery be contrary to English law, no local enactments of the Colonies could give it any validity. jNIighty rulers, as well as men of letters, supported Slavery. In 1713, according to Bancroft, a 6 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. company was created to engage in the African Slave trade; King Philip of Spain reserved to himself one-quarter of the stock, Queen Ann another quarter, and the last two quarters were to be divided among her subjects. For a long period there appeared no serious oj^position to Slavery on any ground, and although liberty and self- government were vindicated by some nations more than two thou- sand years earlier, this seems to have been more an inborn human propensity than the acknowledgment of a principle applicable to all men. The chance warnings of Popes and some human philoso- phers were obliterated by the false, but general prejudice, that Pagans were not entitled to any considerations from Christians. In an age of "Autodafees" and of the most cruel butcheries of Chris- tians of one sect by Christians of another sect, this need not surprise anyone. English courts held up Slavery by various decisions until 1772, when Lord Mansfield, Chief Justice of England, pronounced in the famous Sommerset case, that by the laws of England no man could be held in Slavery. What a pity that this doctrine was not immediately applied to the Colonies; it would have saved America the civil war of 1861. LOCAL DIFFEREI^CES. Notwithstanding this high-sounding doctrine. Great Britain offered armed assistance to the Creole Slaveholders of San Domingo, ■when the latter were brought between two fires : the French radical- ism and the Negro insurrection. The relations of Slavery in San Domingo differed materially from those in the United States. There were three times as many mulattoes and twenty times as many Negro slaves as the 20,000 Creole white descendants of the original European conquerors, free- booters and adventurers. Many mulattoes also owned real estate and slaves. There was no love lost between these three races, and the hatred and prejudice of caste precluded a mutual understanding, even when that became the only rational remedy to pi'cvent disaster. The Creole wdiites, brave and reckless to a fault, often treated their slaves with brutal cruelty. Slave babies were marked with three cuts in the cheek, notwithstanding that the midwives for white and black were Negro women. Such conditions and the ideas of liberty, equality and fraternity, spread by the French Revolution, led to the uprising of the Negro slaves, who, degraded to the level of brutes, ex- I ntfixhicflon. 7 tenninated their former tormentors in the most brutal manner. The oruehy of (he masters was intensified by the tropical climate fostering violent passions; it was made unbearable by arrogant aristocratic notions, sprouting in the Iiotbed of voluptuous luxury, and became relentless by the fear of slave insurrections, threatened by the great disproportion between AVhites and Blacks. In the United States the separating line was drawn betw^een the pure White race and persons of all shades of color, and thus a more intelligent element, with better chances of enlightenment, was identified with the cause of the plantation slave, in addition to the ethical influence of the nonslaver holding White population. In a contest between human rights based on natural law, and special privileges based on conventional law, the former will prevail during the healthy development of a people, and where privileges prevail, there the State is sinking through ignorance to dependence. The narrow exclusive religious convictions of the New England settlers had little consideration for people of other or of no religious creed. The enslaved Indian was held by them more as a conquered foe than a merchantable article, while holding Negro slaves was more the aristocratic distinction of wealth. The agricultural and industrial conditions did not favor slaveholding at the North and the spirit of the community did not connive at slavebreeding. Entirely different relations existed in the South, w^here slave labor was highly remunerative and where the climate, the health, the descent or previous residence, to some extent at least disqualified the AVhite inhabitant from great exertions. Georgia was the only Southern State which prohibited Slavery, owing to the farsighted wisdom of its chivalrous founder and first Governor, James Oglethorpe, Avho aided by John Wesley, the founder of Methodism, kept Slavery out of Georgia from 1733 to 1752, or as long as their persoiial influence lasted. As soon as Georgia became a royal province, the desire of its inhabitants for pecuniary profit upset all the humanitarian aims of its great founder. The opposition to Slavery or the appreciation of its true nature, did not fade out in the South, with the departure of men like Oglethorpe. A Darien, Georgia, committee, in denounc- ing the arbitrary lueasures of the British Government, also con- denmed the institution of Slavery, as follows: "To show the world that we are not influenced by any contracted or in- terested motive, but a general philanthropy for all mankind, of whatever climate, language or complexion, we hereby declare our disapprobation and 8 The Ionian Cause in St. Laiiis in 1861. abhorrence of the unnatural practice of Slavery in America, a practice founded in injustice and cruelty, and highly dangerous to our liberties, de- basing part of our fellow creatures below men and corrupting the virtue and morals of the rest. . . We therefore resolve at all times to use our utmost efforts for the manumission of our Slaves in this colony, upon the most safe and equitable footing for the masters and themselves." Far more important than the above is the language of the Declara- tion of Independence, which was solemnly adopted and ratified by all the States of the Union. In this document the immortal Thomas Jefferson, who is deservedly but not most logically considered the Apostle of one of our great political parties, vindicates absolute and universal human right, in the most unqualified terms. If there could be any doubt about the general application of these terms to all men, African or any other, slaves included, it must be removed by the statement of Thomas Jefferson's autobiography, in which he refers to a sentence contained in the original draft of his Declara- tion of Independence, thus charging George III. : "Determined to keep open a market where Men should be bought and sold, he has prostituted his negative for suppressing every legislative attempt to prohibit or to restrain this execrable commerce. And that this assemblage of horrors might want no fact of distinguished dye, he is now exciting those very people to rise in arms among us, and purchase that liberty of which he has deprived them, by murdering the people on whom he also obtruded them ; thus paying off former crimes committed against the Liberties of one people with crimes which he urges them to commit against the Lives of another." Jefferson states that this clause was struck out in complaisance to South Carolina and Georgia, who wished to continue the importation of slaves, and further on he states verbally : ''Our Northern brethren also, I believe, felt a little tender under those censures; for, though their people had very few slaves themselves, yet they had been pretty considerable carriers of them to others." This goes to show, that at the time of the Declaration of Independence, both North and South were responsible for the existence of Slavery. The evil effects pointed out by Jefferson in his original draft, were terribly felt during the war of Independence ; thousands of Negroes escaped to British camps, and those that did not flee but heard of the exciting proclamations of the British, kept the people of the Southern States in a continuous dread of insurrection and hindered them from giving the American cause their full energetic support. Introduction. 9 For it is only fair to believe, that in 1776 the men of the South were as patriotic as those of the North, as in the number and ability of eminent, genial statesmen who espoused the cause of Inde- pendence, the South even excelled the North. Yet the following table shoAvs an astonishing disparity in the proportion of men from these sections, who had rendered military service during the war of Independence: States. Population End of War.i Continent- al Sol- diers. - Militia Soldiers. New Hampshire Rhode Island Connecticut Massachusetts , New York New Jersey Pennsylvania Total of Northern States. Delaware Maryland Virginia North Carolina South Carolina Georgia Total of Southern States. 102,000 51,869 208,870 330,000 215,283 138,934 330,000 12,496 5,878 32,039 68,007 18,331 10,726 25,608 Slaves ap- proximated by Census of 1790. 1,376,956 173,085 2,093 4,284 7,792 15,155 3,304 6,055 _7',357 46,040 158 952 2,759 21,324 11,423 3,737 37,000 250,000 532,000 224,000 188,000 80,000 1,311,000 2,317 13,912 26,668 7,263 6,417 2,679 376 4,127 5,620 40,353 59,256 10,123 8,887 103,036 293,427 100,572 107,094 29,264 642,280 Thus, to the Continental Army the Northern States sent nearly three men to one sent by the Southern States, and in the Militia the ratio was nine from the North to two from the South. The above numbers by themselves alone would fully justify the opinion of the greatest statesmen of the South, who were in favor of discontinuing Slavery as soon as possible. The fact that one- third of the Southern population were slaves, had a very bad effect upon their defensive capacity, which was still more reduced by their having few large cities and a very extended coast, offering an excel- lent base of operations for the British army. TERRITORIAL AND ECONOMIC RELATIONS. At the time when the Territories, previously claimed by States, were partly ceded to the general Government, Jefferson gave another 1 From Andrews History. - Collection New Hampshire Historical Society. 10 The JJnlon Cause in St. Louis In 1861. TERRITORY CEDED BY STATES TO UNITED STATES. Introduction. 11 strong proof of his desire to restrict Slavery to the narrowest limits. On March 1, 1784, he presented the deed of cession of the Territory, heretofore claimed by Virginia, and being appointed on the Com- mittee, he reported an Ordinance for the government of the Terri- tory ceded already, or to be ceded by individual "fStates to the United States," for all land included between the ^1" and the 47'^ of Lati- tude, which actually also included the Territory of the present State of Alabama, Mississippi, Tennessee and all land North of these States. This Ordinance also contained a subdivision of the ceded Territory, with the names for the new States to be subsequently admitted by a two-third vote of the old States. The fifth Section of that Ordinance read : "That after the year 1800 of the Christian era, there shall be neither Slavery nor involuntary servitude, in any of the said States, otherwise than in punishment of crimes, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted to have been personally guilty." At the end of this Ordinance was a provision that its "Arti- cles shall be formed into a charter of compact," which shall stand as fundamental condition, between the Thirteen States and those newly described, unalterable, except by the joint consent of the United States in Congress assembled and of the particular State, within which such alteration is proposed to be made. This proves (hat Jefferson wanted to add only Free States to the Union, and to make a change of that condition as difficult as possible. When this Ordinance was taken up by Congress, members from North and South Carolina objected to Section Five. The vote had to be taken by States. Six States voted for the Section and three States sustained the objection. A majority of all the Thirteen States being required. Section Five, containing the restriction on Slavery was lost. This was caused by the absence of one member from New Jersey. A very unfortunate event, fraught with the most disastrous consequences, for if the restriction had been adopted. Slavery would have existed only in the States of Maryland, Virginia, Delaware, North and South Carolina and Georgia, it could have been bought off gradually, without loss to the slaveholder and at a very moderate cost to the nation. It is awful to contemplate what sacrifices were entailed by the absence of one man from his post of duty. Restricted forever to six States, the Slavery question could never have become the Keystone of a great political party, it never could have consumed the energies of a great nation by endless and hopeless altercations, it never c(»uld have alienated the South from the North, could not have 12 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. led to an almost successful Secession of half the Union, and never could have provoked the greatest and most expensive civil war. On July 13, 1784, the Continental Congress adopted by an unani- mous vote of the States then represented, an Ordinance regarding the Territories of the United States Northwest of the Ohio River, which among other things, enacted : ''There shall be neither Slavery, nor involuntary Servitude in the said Territory, otherwise than in punishment of crimes, whereof the parties shall be duly convicted." This last Ordinance also contained a provision for the rendition of fugitive slaves, which appears to have been the prize for the exclusion of Slavery from that Territory Northwest of the Ohio. Congress was authorized by the Constitution, to forbid the foreign slave trade from the year 1808, which was fortunately done by an act passed March 2, 1807. The power and obligation to return fugitive slaves, embodied in the Constitution of the United States, Art. IV., Sec. 11. , Paragraph 3, designates slaves as "persons held to service or labor in one State," and neither in this Section, nor in the one providing for the prohibi- tion of the foreign slave trade, nor in the Section which establishes that three-fifths of the slaves shall be added to the White population in apportioning the quota of representation in Congress, nor any- where in the Constitution, is the word "Slave" used. This proves that the framers of the Constitution, far from endorsing Slavery, even avoided to name it, and only suifered its existence in the hope that it will fade out soon. Coming events did not verify this expecta- tion. A peaceful and final solution of the Slavery question was possible, by framing the. privileges and obligations of the Constitu- tion accordingly, but as this was not done, the two sections of the country started on diverging roads; two contrary systems of labor bred opposing interests, various customs, tastes, convictions, a hostile spirit, and the only other final solution left, was that awful arbitra- ment of arms, which ended at Appomattox. Ever since the adoption of the Constitution, the influence and power of botli free labor and slave labor grew steadily, and they grew sometimes by giant strides. Opinions crystalized North and South on a different basis and in different issues, and an earlier calamity of an open breach was only staved off by periodical com- promise. The Constitution of the United States was adopted and signed, September 17, 1787, and already, in 1790, a stringent Fugi- tive Slave act was passed by Congress, the execution of which became Introduction. 13 a source of continuous trouble and agitation. Shortly before, in December, 1789, North Carolina ceded the Territory of Tennessee to the Union, with the following condition: 'Trovided always that no regulation made or to be made by Congress shall tend to emancipate Slaves."' On the 2d of April, 1802, Georgia ceded her Territory, which now forms most of the States of Alabama and Mississippi, under the same conditions which governed the North- West Terri- tory, "the article only excepted which forbids Slavery." These very large Territories were situated far inland ; nowhere bordering on the sea; adjoining Slave States; well adapted for the staple products of the South — and they were many hundred miles away from the Free States, it was therefore, only natural, that the new States to be formed fi^om them would become Slave States. Thus retribution followed upon the heels of an evil compromise, and the chance frustration of Thomas Jefferson's far-sighted policy. The aggression of the slave- holders did not stop here. A convention of that part of the North- AVest Territory which was to become the State of Ohio, petitioned Congress in 1802 for a temporary suspension of that part of the Ordinance which prohibited Slavery. Had this been granted, it would have carried Slavery North of the Ohio River, and once estab- lished there, it would have been very difficult to eradicate it. John Randolph of Roanoke, Va., himself a slaveholder, as Chairman of a Committee, reported adversely to the petition, stating that they ''deem it highly dangerous and inexpedient to impair a provision wisely calculated to promotie the happiness and prosperity of the North Western Country." No action was taken by Congress upon this petition, not even after the same was endorsed later by both Houses of the Territorial Legislature and repeatedly presented by William Henry Harrison, then Governor of the Territory and later President of the United States. Thus the wisdom of Congress saved the North-West Territory from a blight, which a great many of its inhabitants were ready to fasten upon it. LOUISIANA PURCHASE. It now happened that an event, otherwise of incalculable benefit to the people of the Union, should incidentally also strengthen the cause of Slavery. On April 30, 1803, Napoleon sold the Louisiana Territory comprising the land west of the Mississippi, to the L'nited States. The motive for this was evident. France could not defend this Territory, neither by sea nor by land, and in order to prevent 14 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. its conquest by England, Napoleon transferred it to the United States, which already then bid fair to become a most formidable rival to the English power on the American Continent. Slavery -was an existing institution in the Louisiana Territory, already before the transfer, and as all property rights were guaranteed by the pur- c-hase. Slavery became an established fact in this part of the Union. Before portions of this new Territory could possibly become States, the number of slaveholders would increase, making it quite certain that the Southern part of the Louisiana Purchase would eventually be divided into several Slave States. The products of slave labor exhausted the soil and migration from old plantations, particularly from the hill lands, to the rich bottoms of the West, was the easiest remedy against the curse of impoverished lands. Besides the robber agriculture, the continual abrasion of large cleared tracks, the habitual exportation of bulky raw material, of necessity reduced the fertility of the old plantations. For this reason, the Eastern Slave States with impoverished soil, became slave breeders, and the South Western States slave consumers. In 1793 an invention made by Eli Whitney, of Massachusetts, added infinitely to the growing power of Slavery. The greatest drawback in the production of cotton was the difficulty of its separa- tion from the seeds. Even the first crude machines of Eli Whitney's cotton gin, increased the producing capacity of one man thirty fold, and improvements to the machine added much to its capacity. This made cotton raising exceedingly profitable and increased the produc- tion from 10,000 bales in 1793 to 1,000,000 bales in 1830, and to 5,000,000 bales in 1860. Eli Whitney reaped little benefit from his invention. The same greed which made chattels out of human beings, trespassed upon his patent, and robbed him of the just fruits of his labor. The long cherished expectation that Slavery would decrease, after the importation of foreign slaves ceased, was not realized, chiefly on account of the great wealth of the unoccupied land. Never since mankind has a History did any nation fall heir to such an immense land possession, of a fertile virgin soil, located in a genial climate. There was elbow room here for many, many millions of people; slave raising was inexpensive in the South and the price of slaves high, labor Avas degraded, the workman called the mudsill of society and the White man considered it beloAv his dignity to work in competition with the Negro slave. Introduction. 15 In 1817 an attempt was made to colonize the AVestern Coast of Africa, and to 1847 about 15,000 colored people made the new State, Liberia, their home, liut the result was out of all proportion to th^ object sought, and this notion of solving the color problem has been pretty nearh^ abandoned since. The very great pecuniary investments in slaves and their products obliterated by degrees in the ])()pulation of the Slave States the virtuous principles of the heroes of the revolutionary war and of the framers of the Constitu- tion. Practicing Slavery in all its horrible details, men became callous to all finer sentiments and boldly advanced the doctrine that Slavery was right; that it was a blessing for the slave; that it was in keeping with the laws of God, as stated by many ministers of the Gospel in the South. Habit, local pride and a false idea of self interest prompted the large majority in the Southern States to follow the political lead of John C. Calhoun and other talented men, who placed Slavery and its extension above Liberty and the Union, and the spirit of 1776 was shared in the South by a great many only so far as it maintained the "peculiar institution." Con- trary opinions were at first frowned upon, afterward proscribed and very soon persecuted. SEGREGATION OF PARTIES. Not only interests built up parties, but also political convictions and sympathies. The Federalists, under the lead of Alexander Hamilton, being in power, during the first two administrations, favored a liberal construction of the Constitution ; sought the friend- ^I'.ip of England, advocated a national bank, urged the assumption l»y the Fedci-al Government of the State debts which made a Tariff necessary; while their opponents condemned most of these measures, and as a minority, demanded a strict construction of the United States Constitution, favored democratic France and styled themselves "Republicans," strengthening thereby the inference, "that the Fed- eralists were leaning towards the centrali»zation of power common to monarchies. The Federalists were strongest in the North, the Republican Democrats in the South. The first issues between these parties, already lead to the first compromise, in consequence of which the national capital was located on Southern soil, while the Federalist policy, for the assumption of the State debts prevailed. The natural sequel to this was a Tarift' policy, because the raising of 16 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1S61. the needed funds by direct taxation was out of question, on account of the provisions of Art. 1, Sect. II., Par. 3, of the United States Con- stitution, which ordains: ''Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included within this Union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the w^hole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other persons." Thus a direct tax would have been most oppressive on the poorer States and on the Slave States. The party division, already strongly sectional, was made critical by influences from beyond the sea. The French revolution of 1789 breathed the spirit of the Declaration of Independence of 1776 and of its author, Thomas Jefferson, the acknowledged leader of the Republican-Democrats. The political waves in France ran high enough to be felt on this side of the Atlantic, all the more, as the people here had just emerged from a long and victorious con- test against England. No wonder that with the just criticism of the Federalist policy of the Government, needless abuse and vitupera- tion was also heaped upon leaders, who favored England in the giant contest in Europe. Thus it happened, during the administra- tion of John Adams (1797-1801), that the Federalists retaliated upon their adversaries and adopted the ''Alien and Sedition" laws, which gave the President power to send any foreigner at his discre- tion out of the country, also to punish libels on the President or other high officials, without judicial proceedings. This violation of the liberty of the press and free speech was resented all over the country and caused the final and lasting defeat of the Federalist party. STATE RIGHTS. The policy of the Federalists was met by the Republican-Demo- crats with a declaration of State Rights in the Kentucky resolutions, restricting the Federal authority to the rights granted by the United States Constitution ; claiming those rights not prohibited as reserved to the States, and declaring that all laws and measures of the Gen- eral Government, not in keeping with such delegated powers, were void and of no force, and that according to the "compact (the Con- stitution) each State acceded as a State and as an integral party, its co-States forming as to itself the other party; that the Government created by this compact was not made the exclusive or final judge Introduction. 17 of the extent of the powers delegated to itself, since that would have made its discretion and not the Constitution, the measure of its powers; but that as in all other cases of compact among powers hav- ing no common judge, each party has an equal right to judge for itself, as well of infractions, as of the mode and measure of redress." The resolution, credited to Thomas Jefferson, also attacked the Alien and Sedition acts in strong terms, calling upon other States to condemn and oppose all such usurpations of power by the Gen- eral Government, and they assume also for the other States, that each will take measures of its ow^n, in providing that neither "these acts nor any others of the General Government, not plainly and intentionally authorized by the Constitution, shall be exercised with- in their respective Territories."' ^''irginia passed similar resolutions, which had James ^ladison for their author. These resolutions already contained the seeds of Secession, for a difference of opinion upon a question of competency might arise at any time, and in such an event Nullification was not the proper remedy, but reference to a final tribunal; such was the Supreme Court of the United States, which by the terms of the Constitution had authority "in all controversies to which the United States shall be a party," also "in controversies between two or more States." It must be borne in mind that Jefferson's championship of State Rights was caused by the tendency of centralization in the Federalists' camp and by their evident abuse of power in passing the "Alien and Sedition" laws; for no statesman ever opposed Slavery extension more successfully than Thomas Jefferson. The fear of centralization aided the State Rights doctrine, still the Constitution gave Congress the final sovereign power, and the method of election of United States Senators and jMembers of the House neutralized all dangers of centralization. The Supreme Court consisting of members from different sections of the Uuion and sub- ject to confirmation by the Senate could hardly be considered a parti- san body, representing only the specific interests of the Federal Gov- ernment. This seems to have been the only chance for adjustment of a radical difference between the Federal and State authorities, and its only alternative was Secession and civil war. Upon this subject James INladison writes in a letter of December 23, 1832, to II. P. Trist, that Jefferson believed in the power of the old Congress to coerce a delinquent State and also states that neither the Virginia resolutions, which he wrote himself, nor the Kentucky resolutions, 18 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. attributed to Jefferson, bear out a different construction. In another. letter to the same party, dated January 20, 1833, Madison states ''The doctrine of Secession is losing ground, but it has as yet more adherents than its twin heresy Nullification, though it ought to be buried in the same grave with it," and farther on the father of the Constitution foreshadows the great tragedy in store for this nation : ''In the event of an irreconcilable conflict, not. of rights, but of opin- ions and claims of right, force becomes the arbiter." During the debate of January 26, 1830, upon the Nullification of an act of Congress by a State, Daniel Webster clearly and forcibly stated the issue in these words : "I cannot conceive that there can be a middle course between submission to the laws, when regularly pronounced constitutional, on the one hand, and open resistance, which is revolution or rebellion, on the other. I say the right of a State to annul a law of Congress cannot be maintained but on the ground of the inalienable right of man to resist oppression — that is to say, upon the ground of revolution. I admit that there is an ultimate violent remedy above the Constitution and in defiance of the Constitution, which may be resorted to, when revolution is to be justified. But I do not admit that, under the Constitution and in conformity with it, there is any mode in which a State Government, as a member of the Union, can interfere and stop the progress of the general movement, by force of her own laws under any circumstance whatever." This opinion, from one of the greatest legal minds and statesmen of the Union, although given thirty years later, is quite as applica- ble at the time, when the Kentucky resolutions appeared in the polit- ical arena, and it would be highly surprising should the same argu- ment not have been also obvious to the sage of Monticello, whose sincerity and patriotism was never doubted. When the Louisiana, Purchase was made, Jefferson stated: "It w^as an act beyond the Constitution," which had made no provision for holding foreign territory, and he stated : "The Legislature must ratify and pay for it and throw^ themselves on their country for doing for them unauthor- ized what we know they would have done themselves had they been in a situation to do it." The readiness to act for the benefit of the country, even without authority, the adherence to strict construction of the Constitution, the conscientiousness of seeking subsequently the authority for the action, are equally commendable, though these virtues do not seem to harmonize with the Nullification doctrine of the Kentucky resolutions, which showed the road to a most danger- ous application, no doubt foreign to Jefferson's mind, who vindicated Introduction. 19 State Rights to counteract centralization. As Jefferson prevented Slavery from going into the North-West Territory and exerted him- self to restrict it, to the original States, it could not possibly have been his intention to advance a State Rights doctrine which could be used to spread Slavery over this Continent. It is astonishing how in the course of years party names and party programmes changed. Thomas Jefferson, the Apostle of the Demo- cratic party for nearly a century was the leader of the Republicans or opponents of the Federalists. In his message of December 14, 1806, President Jefferson recommends not only protection, but also the application of a probable surplus in the Treasury, to public education and internal improvements. As a strict constructionist he recommends at the same time that the enumeration of these powers should be added through amendments to the Constitution. His devotion to the Union is expressed in these words: "By these operations, new channels of conmiunication will be opened between the States, the lines of separation will disappear; their interests will be identified, and their Union cemented by new and indissoluble ties." The Presidents elected by the followers of Jefferson, inclusive Jackson, advocated a protective Tariff. John C. Calhoun favored this policy, and a national policy generally, up to the year 1820, about which time his convictions changed and he became the leader of all violent State Rights men, and an micompromising Free Trade advocate. THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE. At the session of Congress of 1818, a petition was presented for admission of Missouri as a State in the Union, which led to a very spirited contest between the Free and Slave State parties. After many debates, amendments and votes, no definite result was attained, nor did the Congress of 1819 settle the question. Arkansas, however, was admitted as a Slave State by a very close vote. The Missouri Statehood question, relative to Slavery, came up again in the fall of 1819. The Ordinance of 1787 had fixed the Ohio River as the Northern boundary for Slavery, and a majority of the House of Representatives desired to extend that boundary due Westward from the mouth of the Ohio, and to restrict Slavery North of that line to those born at the time of admission and until they were twenty-five years old. This proposition was rejected by the Senate. Memorials from State Legislatures and citizens, written by the ablest men of 20 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. the country, supported the restriction of Slavery in Missouri, while fully as able men espoused the Southern side. It is noteworthy that at this time, the Grand Juries of St. Louis, St. Charles and Jefferson Counties, volunteefed to instruct Congress, that it was infringing upon the rights of the States, by forestalling the existence of Slavery in Missouri, nor is it less memorable that Edward Bates, "the favored son of Missouri," for the Republican nomination of 1860, was March, 1819, Deputy Circuit Attorney for Jefferson County, of above Grand Jury celebrity. The remonstrance from Massachusetts, writ- ten by Daniel Webster, contained these memorable words : "We have a strong feeling of the injustice of any toleration of Slavery. Circumstances have entailed it on a poilion of our community, which cannot be immediately relieved of it without consequences more injurious than the suffering of the evil. But to permit it in a new country, where as yet no habits are formed which render it indispensable, what is it but to encourage that rapacity, and fraud, and violence, against which we have so long pointed the denunciations of our penal code? What is it, but to tarnish the proud fame of the country? What is it, but to throw suspicion on the good faith, and to render questionable all its professions of regard for the' rights of Humanity and the Liberties of Mankind?" On the 19th of February, 1820, the United States Senate sent to the House an act to admit Maine as a Free State, with the condition attached, to authorize the people of Missouri to form a State Con- stitution. The bill now^ introduced for the admission of Missouri contained a provision to exclude free colored persons from residence in the State. This was deemed unconstitutional, and the House of Representatives opposed it. Upon the initiative of Henry Clay, a Conference Committee was selected, which recommended practically the admission of Maine as a Free State and of Missouri as a Slave State, provided no more Slave States shall be created from the Louisi- ana Purchase Territory, North of 36" 30' North Latitude. Upon motion of Mr. Thomas from Illinois, who had opposed restriction all the time, the so-called Missouri Compromise measure was adopted, which reads as follows : "And be it further enacted, That in all that Territory, ceded by France to the United States, under the name of Louisiana, which lies north of 36 degrees 30 minutes north latitude, excepting only such part thereof as is included within the limits of the State contemplated by this act. Slavery and involuntary servitude, otherwise than in punishment of crime, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall be and is hereby forever prohib- ited: Provided always. That any person escaping into the same, from whom Introduction. 21 labor or service is lawfully claimed in any State or Territory of the United States, such fugitive may be lawfully reclaimed and conveyed to the person claiming his or her labor or service as aforesaid." The Missouri Coinijromise measure passed the House by a majority of three, all Representatives from the Slave States and fourteen from the Free States voting for it, and eighty-seven Representatives of the Free States voting against it. Animosity run high during this debate and threats of separation were freely made ; but it is more than doubt- ful that the exclusion of Slavery from Missouri would have led to a Secession attempt. The passage of the Missouri Compromise quieted for a period the existing antagonism which had deeply agitated all minds. Ex-Presi- dent Jefferson wrote about it: ^'The Missouri question is the most portentous which has ever threatened the Union. In the gloomiest hour of the Revolutionary war, I never had apprehensions equal to those which I feel from this source." Considering that these words fell from the lips of the sage of Monticello, who trembled for the fate of his country as he reflected upon the wrong of Slavery, and the Justice of God, the Missouri Comjiromise as a mere procrastina- tion of the Slavery issue, had an ominous significance. However, other questions of moment, soon occupied the public mind. Spain ceded Florida in 1820, and the Union recognized the South Ameri- can States, which recently set up independent governments. TARIFF AND NULLIFICATION. A very high Tariff was passed in 1828, and although shortly after- wards modified, it exasperated the State Rights partisans for political as well as for economic reasons. To remedy this grievance, a con- vention was called in South Carolina, which met at her capital, November 19, 1832, and which passed an Ordinance, declaring the existing Tariff "Null and Void and no law, nor binding on this State, its Officers or Citizens," and at the same time it was forbidden within the State of South Carolina to pay duties on imports, after February 1, 1833. No appeal to the Supreme Court against the validity of said act should be permitted, and any appeal to the judiciary of the United States, relative that Ordinance, should be dealt with as for a contempt of the Court. Officeholders and Jurors were obliged to swear to obey this Ordinance. In case the Federal Government should trv to enforce the law nullified bv the Ordinance, South 22 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. Carolina would no longer consider herself a member of the Federal Union, but forthwith proceed to organize a separate Government, and do ''all other acts and things which sovereign and independent States may of right do." The Governor of South Carolina endorsed this Nullification Ordinance in the strongest terms; the Legislature passed acts to give it effect and authorized the Governor to accept the services of Volunteers ; John C. Calhoun resigned the Vice Presidency of the United States and was elected Senator; proceeding in Decem- ber to Washington, took his seat and the oath to maintain the Con- stitution of the United States, thereby proving his firm belief in the legality of the Nullification Ordinance and practice. But other Southern statesmen thought differently at that time (1832). The Richmond Enquirer, headed by Thomas Jefferson and the ablest Democrats, stated upon Secession : "The majority of the States which formed the Union must consent to the withdraw^al of any one branch of it. Until that consent has been obtained, any attempt to dissolve the Union or obstruct the efficiency of its constitutional laws, is Treason — Treason to all intents and purposes." About this time, President Jackson summoned Francis P. Blair (the father of Mont- gomery and Frank P. Blair), an able political writer and planter from Kentucky, to edit the Globe at Washington, in order to combat the then revealed powerful combination of Nullifiers. President Jackson did not wait for the prompting of Congress, but anticipating the passage of the Nullification Ordinance, assembled Regiments within convenient distance of South Carolina, stating to its people what they had to expect. He is even reported to have sent word to Calhoun that if he did any treasonable act he would hang him. General Scott received instruction for "superintending the safety of the ports of the United States," and also that he would be aided with the available military force. Instructions were likewise sent to the Collector of the Port at Charleston, guiding his actions, in case the Nullifiers should attempt to prevent the collection of duties under the United States law and Tariff. In December, 1832, President Jackson issued his famous proclamation, that he Avill suppress Nulli- fication as treason. In this document he declares: "To say that any State may at pleasure secede from the Union, is to say that the United States are not a nation, because it would be a solecism to contend that any part of a nation might dissolve its connection with the other parts, to their injury or ruin, without committing an offense. Secession like any other revolutionary act, may be morally justified by the extremity Introduction. 23 of oppression; but to call it a constitutional right, is confounding the mean- ing of terms, and can only be done through gross error, or to deceive those who are willing to assert a right, but would pause before they make a revolution, or incur the penalties consequent on a failure." On his duties as President he says: "The laws of the United State must be executed. I have no discretionary power on the subject. Those who told you that you might peaceably prevent their execution deceived you. They could not have been deceived them- selves; they know that a forcible opposition could alone prevent the execu- tion of the laws and they know that such opposition must be repelled. Their object is disunion. But be not deceived by names. Disunion by armed force is Treason." Jackson died tlie idol of the Democratic party which only in later years, by a peculiar combination of circumstances, became the cham- pion of Slavery extension. The President in this document also appeals to the patriotism of the people of South Carolina, to their conscience as men imperilling the happiness of their fellow citizens, and closes his proclamation Avith these patriotic w^ords : "May the great Ruler of nations grant that the signal blessings with which he has favored ours, may not, by the madness of party, or personal ambition, be disregarded and lost; and may his wise providence bring those who have produced this crisis, to see the folly, before they see the misery, of civil strife; and inspire a returning veneration for that Union, which, if we may dare to penetrate His designs. He has chosen as the only means of attain- ing the high destinies to which we may reasonably aspire." January 16, 1833, President Jackson issued a special message against Nullification, in which among other statesmanlike arguments he says : "It is the attribute of free institutions, that under them the empire of reason and law is substituted for the power of the sword," and he declares, "It is the right of mankind generally to secure, by all means in their power, the blessings of liberty and happiness; but when for these purposes any body of men have voluntarily associated themselves, under any particular form of government, no portion of them can dissolve the association without acknowledging the correlative right in the remainder, to decide, whether that dissolution can be permitted consistently with the general happiness." If these uncontrovertible truths would have been heeded later on by his fellow citizens, fellow partymen, fellow inhabitants of the 24 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. South, and fellow slaveholders, what immense sacrifices would have been saved to this nation ! Presideut Jackson's policy and proclamation was greeted enthusi- astically by all States except South Carolina. Nevertheless, a bill v;as introduced in Congress proposing sweeping reductions and equal- ization of duties. This gave the South Carolina Legislature an opportunity to put off with good grace the date set for the actual infringement of the revenue laws, from the first day of February, ] 834, until the close of the session of Congress and its final decision upon the new Tariff. Congress yielded towards the end of the ses- sion and adopted the compromise Tariff proposed by Henry Clay, which reduced the rates one-tenth every year until the 31st day of June, 1842, when all duties should be reduced to a maximum of twenty per cent. This left Calhoun and his followers the satisfaction that their grievance was acknowledged as just, even if their means for securing redress were considered wrong. Webster and Benton placed themselves in this controversy on national ground, claiming that the minority must submit; though Benton at this time com- menced to revise his views upon a protective Tariff, saying in one of his speeches: "The fine effects upon the prosperity of the West have been celebrated on this floor (Senate), with how much reason, let facts respond, and the people judge! I do not think we are indebted to the high Tariff for our fertile lands and our navigable rivers, and I am certain we are indebted to these blessings for the prosperity we enjoy." President Jackson signed the new Tariff act, though he con- demned the policy of yielding, stating in a letter to a friend: ''The next will be the Slavery or Negro question." Daniel Webster pro- tested that no concession should be made to South Carolina until they should have abandoned their treasonable attitude, and Senator Benton said: ''A compromise made with a State in arms is a capitulation to that State." This success of South Carolina would naturally encourage the State Rights element in the South to try the threat of Secession {'.gain in the future. A litigation between the Cherokee Indians and the State of Georgia also proved that the sphere of Federal and State Rights was not clearly established. The United States had by treaties, granted to the Cherokees the possession of their lands, from which they were ousted through legislative proceedings of the State of Georgia. When the case of Tassells, a Cherokee, was Introduction. 25 tried, the United States Court issued a ''Writ of Error," asking Georgia to show cause, 'Svhy Tassells should not be discharged and Ids case be transferred to the Cherokee authorities, in keeping with existing treaties, the Writ was defied by Georgia, and the Indian was hung. In another instance, two missionaries were imprisoned by Georgia. Chief Justice Marshall held, that the treaties between the United States and the Cherokees were valid and binding on all the States and paramount to all State law, according to Article VI., Section 2, of the United States Constitution. When the attorney of the missionaries applied to President Jack- son to have the judgment enforced, he declined to do it, saying: "Well, John Marshall made his decision, let him enforce it." This was not at all in keeping Avith President Jackson's former energetic proclamation against the South Carolina Nullifiers, and he laid him- self open to the supposition that in the South Carolina Nullifiers' case, he either yielded to his gifted Secretary of State, Edward Liv- ingston, or possibly acted from personal jealousy of J. C. Calhoun, the leader of the NuUifier movement, while in the Georgia case he followed a policy of expediency, which suggested itself very oppor- tunely, to reward political services. Possibly also Jackson may have thought, if Congress yielded to the South Carolina Nullifiers' threat, by adopting the Henry Clay compromise Tariff Bill, why should he, Jackson, not yield to the widespread prejudice against the Indian and his vested rights. Be this as it may, both cases were most un- fortunate, as they strengthened the State Rights doctrine and helped to build up that arrogant, haughty spirit of the South, which in 1861 precipitated the civil war. The lack of presidential power in similar difficulties, as the South Carolina Nullification scheme, caused the introduction of an act in Congress, named the Force Bill, which was to strengthen the Presi- dent's hands; it passed the House by a vote of 149 to 48, and the Senate by a vote of 32 to 1. When this bill was before the Senate, Benton emphatically reiter- ated the sentiment voiced by President Jackson, that the Union must and shall be preserved, and that it must be perpetual. On another occasion Benton used these words: "It was to get rid of the evils of the old Confederacy that the present Union was formed; and having formed it, they who formed it, undoubtedly undertook to make it perpetual and for that purpose had recourse to all sanctions held sacred among men : Connuands, prohibition, oaths." 26 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. Comparing these sentiments with Benton's early inactivity during the admission of Missouri as a Slave State, it is safe to assume that he did not appreciate at first the Union destructive tendency of Slavery, and that later on he was influenced by other statesmen, most of all by that sterling Union man. President Andrew Jackson. The protection of Slavery was no doubt the strongest incentive for the advocacy of State Rights, yet the Tariff question was closely linked with it. The Southern States were agricultural States, so made by the fertility of the soil, by climate and jby their system of labor and lesser chances of navigation. The South, of necessity, had less cities, which are naturally the centers of manufactures. Producing only staple articles and buying all their other goods, even provisions, the Tariff^ appeared an injustice to them, as it raised the price of every commodity they had to buy. The ships that left the Southern States laden with tobacco and cotton had to return with empty hulls. All this deserves consideration, as it belongs to the springs of action, for even in a State like South Carolina, whose population has a decidedly emotional character, it would be difficult to start any great political movement without the substratum of an apparently rational cause. It must be also conceded that in an immense country, with a great variety of climate, soil and produc- tions, it is an exceedingly difficult task to construct a Tariff which will be just to all sections. The home market which a Tariff policy created did not benefit the Cotton States and benefited the Border States only to a limited extent. The manufacture of articles for defense in case of war, called for their nursing as a home production, but the Southern States had no share in this manufacture, which built up during wars with foreign countries, still needed protection after peace was made. These differences of interests would probably have been adjusted by the accession of many AVestern States, which had similar Tariff interests as the South; the latter, however, showed no disposition to regulate the slave question in a manner to secure its extinction at a future, even at a remote future date, and it is this chiefly which led at the North to the ABOLITION MOVEMENT. The w^ave of popular enthusiasm which spread by the Declaration of Independence, carried sentiments for freedom, equity and human rights all over the Union ; still the ablest and most outspoken oppo- Introduction. 27 nents to Slavery came from Southern States; among these were: Oglethorpe of Georgia, Henry Laurens of South Carolina, John Randolph, Thomas Jefferson, George Washington of Virginia. The brightest minds during the war for Independence, held, that the right to self government and to a representation of interests could only be safely based upon the broad principle that every man is bo]*n free and equal and entitled to enjoy the fruits of his labor. These sentiments grew strong in the character of the American people, by the exertions with which they conquered the difficulties of settlement; they flashed into consciousness through the doctrines of contemporaneous philosophers, who even before the Declaration of Independence, spread the political gospel of ideal democracy and human rights, shaking the structures of legalized usurpation and blind prejudices, to their very foundation. From the works of the Reformation, from the examples of Sidney and Hampden, from the writings of the Encyclopedists, sprung the seeds of independence, of convictions and measures, which had to destroy Slavery. Among the Articles of Association, which the General Congress of Philadelphia adopted in 1774, was the agreement, "that we will neither import nor purchase any slave imported after the first day of December next," and in keeping with this agreement the slave trade was discontinued in nearly all States, while Slavery itself was gradually abolished in all Northern States. Societies were formed in most States, including Maryland and Virginia, which favored the emancipation of all slaves. Benjamin Franklin at the age of 84 years, was President of a similar Society and petitioned Congress for the "restoration to liberty of those unhappy men who alone in this land of freedom are degraded into perpetual bondage." Congress politely declined many similar petitions, stating it had no power to abolish Slavery in the States. These petitions created no excitement at first, but the spirit of the population and of the representatives changed, when new machinery and new territory made Slavery more remunerative. Many people at the North shared in these advantages, by furnishing provisions and other goods to the South and favored conditions resulting to their benefit: thus Edward Everett from Massachusetts stated in the Congress of 1826, tliat Slavery Avas sanctioned by religion ; Avhich John Randolph rcl)uked with the words, "I envy neither the head nor the heart of that man from the North who rises here to defend Slavery upon principle." 28 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. The majority in Congress, however, resented the numerous peti- tions for the abolishment of Slavery in the District of Columbia, and by Rule 21, forbade their reading, which reduced their number from 6000 a year to 2 ; of this policy J. M. Botts, the distinguished Virginia statesman and slaveholder, stated that the denial of the right of petition in connection with Slavery "gave the first impetus toward a regular organization of a formidable Abolition party in all the Northern States." Botts further shows how the position of extreme Southern states- men in the Texas question reacted upon the North, by stating of Calhoun : "He openly proclaimed that the great object of the annexation was for the expansion of Slave territory, and consequent increase and continuance of power of the Democracy of the South, and this it was, as I had it from his own lips, that first drove John Quincy Adams into the ranks of the Abolition party." In his work, "The Great Rebellion" (page 95), Botts relates upon this subject the following colloquy with Adams: "Upon the adjournment of the House, we walked down together, and I took occasion to refer to his remarks and said, I thought he did not mean to say all that his language could imply? Yes, he replied, I said it delib- erately and purposely. But, said I, Mr. Adams, you are not an Abolitionist? Yes, I am, said he. I never have been one until now; but when I see the Constitution of my country struck down by the South for such purposes as are openly avowed, no alternative is left me; I must- oppose them with all the means within my reach; I must fight the devil with his own fire; and to do this effectually, I am obliged to co-operate with the Abolition party, who have been hateful to me heretofore." Mr. Botts adds that John Quincy Adams exercised more influence upon a large portion of the North than any other man. The action of the Constitutional Convention of Virginia in the year 1820, proved the aggressive disposition of the slaveowners. The majority sought a representation in the State Legislature, based upon the number of white inhabitants; the minority claimed that three-fifths of the slaves held chiefly in the Eastern counties, should be added to their white population and form the basis of representa- tion in the State Legislature. The minority carried the day, and the slaveholding or Eastern counties got the preponderance in polit- ical affairs. After this, the question of gradual emancipation was brought up only once more in the Virginia Legislature, but without hifroduction. 29 practical result. However, as the question of emancipation of slaves faded out in the South, it received now life and vigor in the North. Abolition Societies, Newspapers and Public meetings increased the agitation. Fearless men of strong convictions, great energy and per- severance devoted their capacity and life to the cause of emancipa- tion. Benjamin Lundy, William Lloyd Garrison, Gerrit Smith, Elijah P. Lovejoy and others, exerted a most powerful influence upon the conscience of the nation. Though their number was small, their means insignificant, their education mostly common- place, they reached the heart of the nation, both North and South; at the North rekindling the fires for universal freedom, reaching at first the leaders of intellect, from whom political insight permeated to the masses; while in the South, they excited the ire and hatred of the slaveowning aristocracy, who dreaded the danger to their possession in slaves and who were also deeply offended by the detesta- tion of the peculiar institution, which they cherished, and enraged that petty scribblers and itinerant preachers dared to question the ethics of men before whose frown perhaps a thousand slaves trem- bled. At the same time, poetry, novels and the stage graphically sketched the horrors of Slavery. ''Uncle Tom's Cabin" by Harriet Beecher Stowe ; poems of Longfellow and other able writers, roused the finer sensibilities of the nation. Extreme views, always strongly in evidence, were voiced North and South, and in both sections inconsiderate zealots were ever ready to plunge the nation into the misery of civil war. It can not be denied, however, that even among moderate people, the sentiment opposing the further spread of Slavery was steadily growing at the North, while the disposition to spread Slavery at all hazards was ' steadily growing at the South, where liberty of speech, of the press and even of conscience, soon became a myth. The Abolitionists were mobbed not only in the South, but even by Proslavery people in the North; and this did not only happen to persons of extreme views, but also to those who remained loyal to political obligations. A striking example of this was the tragic fate of Elijah P. Lovejoy, which is, all the more germain to this sketch as the scene of his activity was St. Louis and its neighborhood. 30 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. ELIJAH P. LOVEJOY came to St. Louis in the year 1827, and earned his living as a teacher. He became editor of a political paper in 1828; four years later he became greatly interested in religious matters and entered a theological seminary in the East. Receiving a license, he preached in Rhode Island and New York in 1838. Re- turning to St. Louis, he established a religious newspaper under the name of "The St. Louis Observer," an orthodox Protestant paper although the people of St. Louis were mostly Catholics at the time. He took a firm stand against Slavery in 1835, but was opposed to immediate or unconditional emancipation. This does not seem to have, been an exceptional position, for shortly before, the "St. Louis Republic," in discussing a proposed Constitutional Convention, stated : "We look to the convention as a happy means of relieving the State at some future day, of an evil, which is destroying all our wholesome energies, and leaving us, in morals, in enterprise and in wealth, behind the neighbor- ing States. We mean of course the curse of Slavery. We are not about to make any attack upon the rights of those who at present hold this descrip- tion of property. They ought to be respected to the letter. We only pro- pose, that measures shall now be taken, for the Abolition of Slavery, at such distant period of time, as may be thought expedient, and eventually for rid- ding the country altogether of a colored population." Lovejoy, in Avriting upon this article, expressed the wish that some Southern man, well acquainted with all the relations of Slavery, should take the lead in this matter. Nevertheless, a hostile move- ment was started against the "Observer," whose patrons knowing the dangers of the situation, addressed, on October 5, 1835, a letter to Reverend E. P. Lovejoy, its editor, of which the following are extracts: "The undersigned friends and supporters of the 'Ob- server' beg leave to suggest that the present temper of the times re- quires a change in the manner of conducting that print in relation to the subject of domestic Slavery. The public mind is greatly excited, and owing to the unjustifiable interference of our Northern brethren with our social relations, the community are, perhaps, not in a situation to endure sound doctrine in relation to this subject. Indeed, we have reason to believe that violence is even now medi- tated against the 'Observer' office" ; advising him farther on 'to pass Introduction. 31 over ill .silence everything connected with the snbject of Slavery.' " This letter was signed by Archibald Gamble, Nathan Ranney, Wm. S. Potts, G. W. Call, H. R. Gamble, Hezekiah King, John Kerr, Beverly Allen, J. B. Bryant, some of the foremost men of all Mis- souri. The letter not only characterizes the situation, but also shows in what esteem E. P. Lovejoy was held. Not less character- istic is the endorsement of Lovejoy thereon: 'I did not yield to the wishes herein expressed and in consequence have been perse- cuted ever since. But I have kept a good conscience in the matter, and that more than repays me for all I have suffered or can suffer. I have sworn eternal opposition to Slavery, and by the blessing of God, I will never go back.' Amen. E. P. L., October 24, 1837." The disposition on both sides, foreshadowed the issue, which was advanced by events, conditioned in the nature of things. Tw^o men were illegally seized in Illinois, on a suspicion that they had decoyed slaves. They were brought to St. Louis, taken outside the city limits and whipped with 100 to 200 lashes, the citizens taking turns in the castigation. A meeting was held after the execution and reso- lutions passed, denying the right for the free discussion of Slavery and as leading to the disseverment of our prosperous Union. The resolutions also invoked the example of the Patriarchs and Prophets, who possessed slaves and ended by stating: "We consider Slavery as it now exists in the United States, as sanctioned by the sacred Scriptures." Lovejoy criticised these resolutions, and quoted Article 13, Section 16, of the Constitution of Missouri, in force at that time, which orders : "That the free communication of thoughts and opinions is one of the invaluable rights of man, and "that every person may freely speak, write and print on any subject, being responsible for the abuse of that liberty." After logically and elo- quently defending his position, Lovejoy concluded his appeal to "My Fellow^ Citizens," with the following manful words: "I do therefore, as an American citizen and Christian patriot, and in the name of Liberty and Law and Religion, solemnly protest against all these attempts, howsoever or by whomsoever made, to frown down the liberty of the press, and forbid the free expression of opinion. Under a deep sense of my obligations to my Country, the Church and my God, I declare it to be my fixed purpose, to submit to no such dictation. And I am prepared to abide the consequences. I have appealed to the Constitution and Laws of my country; if they fail to protect me, I appeal to God, and with him I cheerfully rest my cause." 32 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. Soon afterwards another incident aggravated the situation. In April, 1836, one Mcintosh, a mulatto, while under arrest at St. Louis, killed an officer of the law. He was dragged by a mob to a stake near Sixth and Chestnut and burned alive ; the charred corpse was afterwards made a target by degenerate boys. The case came before a Jury, which, in accordance with instructions, found no one guilty for the lawless and inhuman outrage. Lovejoy wrote about this in keeping with his conscience and convictions, whereupon the mob tore down his office. His press had been removed to Alton, Illinois, but was destroyed there by some antagonists. Citizens of Alton made good his loss and Lovejoy bought another press and again published the "Observer" until August, 1837, discussing Slav- ery in the same spirit as before. On the 17th of August the St. Louis Republic published an article, counselling the Alton people to eject from amongst them that minister of mischief, the "Observer," to put a stop to the efforts of fanatics or expel them from their community. If this is not done, the travel of emigrants through their State, and the trade of the Slaveholding States and particularly Missouri, must stop. Four days later, the press, type and furniture of the "Observer" w^ere totally destroyed by a mob. An appeal to friends furnished Lovejoy again with means to purchase a new press and type. When this press arrived it was broken to pieces by a mob and thrown into the river, the city authorities of Alton ap- parently conniving at these outrages. ]\Ieetings held and resolutions passed repeatedly, to influence his course, met the same moderation, but also the same resolution, that he will remain true to his con- victions and practice the rights of an American citizen. In one of his last speeches he said : "I know, sir, that you can tar and feather me, hang me up, or put me intD the Mississippi without the least difficulty. But what then? "Where shall I go? I have been made to feel, that I am not safe at Alton; I shall not be safe anywhere." ... "I have no more claim upon the protection of another community than I have upon this; and I have concluded, after con- sultation with my friends, and earnestly seeking counsel of God. to remain at Alton, and here to insist on protection in the exercise of my rights. If the Civil avithorities refuse to protect me, I must look to God; and if I die, I have determined to make my grave in Alton." Was it a premonition of his sad fate, or was it an intuitive divina- tion, such as active exalted minds readily may gain from the logic Infrodvctiov. 33 of past and coming events, which prompted these words? Sure it is: that what they implied, was soon to be fulfilled. The last printing press was landed November 7, 1837, and under the protection of the city authorities, was safely placed in a ware- house, under the guard of a constable and a squad of a few men. These were attacked at night by a mob with brickbats and shots; the guard returned the fire, killing one man and wounding several others. Upon this the mob recoiled, but approached again more cautiously, scaled the roof with ladders and set the building on fire. A sortie of the guards succeeded in driving the mob back again. Lovejoy had stepped in front of the door, when a shot from ambush pierced his breast ; he run back into the warehouse and fell dead with the words, "0 God, I am shot." Here is an example of true greatness, such as Horace may have thought of when he wrote his immortal lines : "Justum ac tenacem propositi virum, Non civium ardor prava jubentium Mente quatit solida ... Si fractus illabetur orbis, Impavidum ferient ruinae."i Mobs do not reflect: they act upon the spur of the moment's pas- sion. Had they reflected they would have paused, heeding the adage : ''The blood of the martyrs is the seed of the church." INCENTIVES TO MOBS. The lawless violence, which as a means of intimidation, destroyed the property and life of Lovejoy, was not restricted to the ''Wild West"; nor was it a rare occurrence. Other presses were thrown into the river ; other offices gutted ; other editors and speakers threat- ened and mobbed. Prices were offered for the heads of prominent Anti-slavery men, while newspapers bribed by the profits of slave labor, preached a crusade against Anti-slavery agitators, and l)rovoked mob violence against the modest cottage of the ignor- iThe just man. in his purpose strong. No madding crowd can bend to wrong — On him all fearless would be hurled The ruins of a crumbling world." (Gladstone's translation.) 34 T'he Union Cause in St. Louis in 1801. ant and heedless Negro. President Jackson, in his annual mes- sage of December 2, 1835, called upon Congress to pass laws pre- venting the circulation of incendiary publications, prone to insti- gate slaves to insurrection. In this he had the support of J. C. Cal- houn, saving the condition, that the latter desired the States to exer- cise the censorship. Governor Marcy, of New York, followed the lead, but Congress and Legislatures of Northern States were slow to mfringe upon the liberty of the -press, because the genius of the American peojole will stand considerable abuse before it will agree to curtail the free expression of thought. This, of course, did not quiet the sensibilities of slave owners or the inhabitants of South- ern States, who actuated by economic and political motives, had also some apprehension of slave insurrections. True, there were fearful slave insurrections in ancient times, attempted wdth some show of success, even against powerful and warlike States. The uprising of the Helots against Sparta, about 470 B. C, tested the power of that State; but the Helots and their ancestors had been mostly warlike Greeks, and as knowdedge in those days was chiefly spread by tradition and was not greatly cultivated by the Spartans, the intellectual superiority of the latter could have hardly outweighed the great numerical preponderance of the Helots, but for the rigid and perfect organization of the Spartans. Even a more formidable insurrection of slaves took place in the Roman State about 73 B. C, which not only left the local slave owners at the mercy of their former slaves, but also actually endangered the State. But the circumstances and conditions there were also wddely differ- ent from those of the Slavery in the United States. The Roman's slave was often a captive of war, not seldom from a people of an old civilization ; a considerable number of those slaves were trained for gladiators; their bodily strength, fighting skill and disdain of danger and death, were systematically cultivated, and in their great Slave insurrection they had the sympathy of the old but subdued owners of the soil. The military organization and maneuvers of Roman troops were convenient for observation and imitation ; the weapons in use w^ere within reach of the' next blacksmith shop, no ammunition was needed, no large distances or rivers had to be over- come, and a few able men could organize an army in a compara- tively short time. Notwithstanding these favorable circumstances; the revolt was ended in three years. The 6,000 slaves which were Introduction. 35 crucified or hung, and tlie 60,000 slaves wliicli were slain during this war, bear testimony to its dimensions. The cruelties perpe- trated were those of ignorant masses in revolt, no matter what color they have. Another slave insurrection, the rising of the Negroes in Hayti, in 1791, was much more akin to the relations in the United States, with regard to time, place and other circumstances, being in the immediate neighborhood and effected by Negroes shortly before the time when the Slavery difficulties commenced in the Union. The Hayti slave insurrection deserves special notice and considera- tion, because it was originated by political strife and ended in the self-liberation of black slaves. In consequence of the proclamation of universal human rights by the National Assembly in France, a conflict took place in Hayti, between the French White slave owners and the free Negroes and Mulattoes, in which the numerous slaves soon took part, siding naturally with their own race. The French Legislative Assembly tried to end this difficulty, by granting equal rights to all. The Whites, being heretofore the privileged and possessive class, refused to obey the Assembly. This renewed the strife with horrible cruelties, which ended in the almost total extinc- tion of the former slave owners. Compared with these mighty up- risings of slaves, what w^as Nat Turner's attempt with a band of 200 or John Brown's raid on Harper's Ferry w^ith 22 men. And what could any slave insurrection at the South accomplish, as long as a fraternal fellow feeling at the North and the powerful arm of the Government was ready to suppress it? Still, with such examples before them, the slaveholders of the United States fought with the greatest susceptibility and irritation against every publication which touched upon Slavery. This disposition made itself felt in Congress, mainly relative the District of Columbia, in which the law^s of Virginia and Maryland had remained in force. Washington City soon became a lively domestic slave market, and even the United States ^larshal entered into competition with the other slavedealers, by selling colored per- sons who stayed at the Capital contrary to law. This anomalous condition, considering the Declaration of Independence, was the cause of taunts from foreign nations, and was greatly resented at the North. Petitions for the discontinuance of the slave market and Slavery in the District were frequently presented, but differently received from the one sent in by Benjamin Franklin shortly before his death. Year after year the restrictive rules, bearing upon this 36 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. subject were made tighter; at first the petitions were to be read and then laid on the table ; next, they were to be referred with instruction to report adversely; then they were to lay on the table without printing or reference; next there was added to the last condition, that no further action should be had upon them; next they should be received without being debated, printed, read or referred; and last the reception of such petitions should be considered objected to and laid on the table. It was proposed at one time, to the whole Southern delegation in Congress, to retire from the halls of Con- gress, on account of the bare presentation of Abolition petitions by members. Some of these rules are in violation of Article I of the amendments to the Constitution of the United States which enjoins "Congress shall make no law abridging the right of the people to petition the Government for a redress of grievances." All these subtle schemes were vain ; the spirit of the age effaced a cause which was lost from the very cradle. FLORIDA AND TEXAS. In 1820, or seventeen years after the Louisiana Purchase, Florida was ceded to the United States for Five (5) Million Dollars, and schemes were already then maturing which should bring Texas into the Union. The Western men sought new territory. American settlers moved into the province of Texas, before the Treaty of 1819 was ratified. They attempted an insurrection before Slavery was abolished in INJexico, but failed. Americans had taken their slaves with them into Texas, and when the Mexican Government decreed the liberation of all slaves, they refused to be bound by the decree, and thus Slavery became one of the causes of the rebellion of Texas against IMexico. Senator Benton was in favor of acknowledging Texas as an independent State ; the North-East of the Union opposed it, for the intention was patent to secure more land for Slavery exten- sion and to increase the representation of the Slave States in the Senate and House of Representatives. In 1806, three years after the cession of Louisiana Territory, the Sabine River was agreed upon as the boundary of Texas. This was also acknowledged by the treaty ceding Florida in 1820 and was also admitted by two Secretaries of State, in offering a price for Texas Avhich Mexico, however, declined to accept. For years com- binations were planned and partly carried out, to wrest Texas from fiiti'odncfion. 37 the Spaniards, and after Mexico's Declaration of Independence, in 1822, also from the latter State. Many adventurers and pioneers, mostly from the Southern States of the Union, settled in Texas, among whom M. Austin from St. Louis, and Sam Houston from Tennessee and Arkansas, were lead- ing and representative men. These settlers called a constitutional convention in 1833, and passed a Declaration of Independence in 1836, which they actually made good, by the result of a successful war against Mexico. The origin of the settlers, the location and climate of Texas and Florida and their staple article cotton, had the tendency to make Slave States out of them, and for this reason their acquisition was firmly opposed at the North. In a speech at Niblo's Garden, March 15, 1837, Daniel Webster said: "Texas is likely to be a slave holding country, and I frankly avow my unwillingness to do anything that shall extend the Slavery of the African race on this Continent or add other Slaveholding States to the Union. When I say that I regard Slavery in itself as a great moral, social and political evil, I only use language which has been adopted by distinguished men, themselves citizens of Slave- holding States." In 1844 J. C. Calhoun as Secretary of State, presented a treaty for the annexation of Texas, which was rejected by Congress. The vote cast was in line with the Anti- and Proslavery element, and the latter openly avowed that they desired to establish an equipoise of influence in the Halls of Congress, which shall furnish them a guar- anty of protection. When Texas applied for Statehood and admission to the Union in 1838, the administration was not ready for war. The evident intention in the South was to perpetuate Slavery, by having at least as inan}^ Slave States as Free States. The argument was also used that as the United States laws protected the interests of the manu- facturer at the North, they ought to extend their protection to Slavery at the South. Predictions were freely ventured that unless the above mentioned equality was maintained, the Union would vanish in the air. On the other hand the anti Slavery men stub- bornly held that if Texas was annexed and Slavery perpetuated, the Union could not hold together. Ex-President Jackson advocated the annexation of Texas on militarj^ grounds, which argument was rather questionable, considering that England had not only the whole Atlantic Coast, but also the St. Lawrence River and the Lakes 38 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. as a basis for military operations and that very long and difficult marches would have to be made, in order to reach from Texas any point of strategical importance. John C. Calhoun, as President Tyler's Secretary of State, sounded France on the annexation of Texas and advanced the argument that this measure would uphold Slavery through the w^hole Continent, which in his opinion was very desirable, as it would assist in the production of tropical and semi-tropical staples. Calhoun's political friends publicly declared, "Texas without the Union, rather than the Union without Texas." Men who afterwards had a great influence in shaping the destinies of our nation were of a different opinion. In his Personal Memoirs, U. S. Grant says upon this question : "United States Colonists to Texas introduced Slavery into the State almost from the start, though the Constitution of Mexico did not, nor does it now, sanction that institution." "I was bitterly opposed to the measure (annexation of Texas), and to this day regard the war which resulted, as one of the most unjust ever waged by a stronger against a weaker nation." "The occupation, separation and annexation were from the inception of the movement to its final consummation, a conspiracy to acquire territory, out of which Slave States might be formed for the American Union. . . . Nations, like individuals, are punished for their transgressions." All controversy on Texas was brought to an end when J. K. Polk, an outspoken annexationist, was elected President, with a majority in Congress of a similar disposition. The act of annexa- tion was approved March 2, 1845, even before the inauguration of President Polk. In expectation of hostilities from Mexico, General Zach Taylor landed in August, 1845, with 1,500 men at Corpus Christi, and by the end of the year had his little army increased to 4,000 men, stationed near the Nueces River, which was claimed as the boundary by Mexico. In the Spring of 1846 he was ordered by the President to advance. He reached the Rio Grande at the end of March, and being asked by the Commander of the Mexican troops to return to the Nueces River, while the pending question relative to Texas is regulated by the Governments, he declined to accede to this request. The Mexicans, 6,000 strong, attacked his 2,300 men at Palo Alto and were defeated; suffering another reverse next day at Resaca, they recrossed the Rio Grande. Congress, informed of these facts, discussed an act for the prosecution of the war by calling out 50,000 Volunteers and appropriating ten million dollars. It was quite J iitru(]\(ct)on. 39 evident now that more territory would be added to the United States, and as John C. Calhoun, the leading representative of the slave power, had already proclaimed what the Dred Scott decision soon afterward corroborated, that the Federal Constitution carries Slavery into every Territory as soon as it is acquired, even the most moderate Antislavery men at the North became justly alarmed, and after con- sultation agreed to add to the first Section of the war bill the follow- ing, which ever since has been known as the Wilmot Proviso : "Provided, that as an express and fundamental condition to the acquisition of any territory from the Republic of Mexico by the United States, by virtue of any treaty that may be negotiated between them, and to the use by the Executive of the moneys herein appropriated, neither Slavery nor involuntary servitude shall ever exist in any part of said territory, except for crime whereof the party shall first be duly convicted." This was offered by David Wilmot of Pennsylvania and adopted in Committee of the Whole. The House passed the Bill with the Wilmot Proviso, but as it came up on the last day of the session, the Senate failed to act upon it. Tyler, hoping for re-election, by favor- ing the annexation of Texas, did not wait for the Congressional measure to reach him, but sent commissioners to negotiate for the annexation of Texas. The decided vote of the House of Representatives ■ in favor of the Bill with the Wilmot Proviso, caused a change in the policy of the advocates of Slavery. They set up the claim that this ques- tion should be settled by the local Governments, starting in this manner the Squatter Sovereignty doctrine, soon afterwards made famous by the championship of Stephen A. Douglas. This was in keeping with J. C. Calhoun's claim that the Constitution carried Slavery into all Territories; the doctrine was convenient for the Northern Proslavery candidate, as it relieved him from the necessity of defending the spread of an institution, which was fast becoming unpopular at the North, and it referred ultimately all features bear- ing upon it, to the Supreme Court of the United States, which, as the Slave power controlled the Government, was made up of its partisans. This was very soon afterwards to be proved in a most signal manner by the decision of the Dred Scott case. It is not material whether this was the premeditated plan of crafty states- men, or whether it was a natural development by measures in the direction of least resistance ; the tendency was wrong, and that con- demns it. 40 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. EFFECTS OF A LIBERAL MOVEMENT. The spring of nascent liberty had come for Europe in 1848; feudal privileges, clerical restrictions, aristocratic prerogatives and royal usurpations, carefully nursed by the reactionary spirit of the past decades, were superseded everywhere by the institutions of a free press, equal representation, religious liberty and constitutional guarantees of human rights. The influence of that popular up- heaval was also felt on this side of the Atlantic, in the spirit of public manifestations and the adoption of measures. The Demo- cratic National Convention, which met towards the end of May, and nominated General Lewis Cass, congratulated Europe for prostrat- ing thrones and erecting republics, by resolving that "the thirty States of the American Republic tender their fraternal congratula- tions to the national convention of the republic of France, now assembled as the free suffrage representatives of thirty-five million of republicans to establish government on those eternal principles of equal rights for which their Lafayette and our Washington fought side by side, in the struggle for our national independence." It adds significance to this resolution that the members of that convention must have been informed of Washington's and Lafay- ette's Antislavery convictions and that in speaking of "the thirty States of the American Republic," they blandish State Rights with the conception of the Union. The Free Soil Party convention met at Buffalo, nominated Martin Van Buren for President and came out boldly for limiting, localizing and discouraging Slavery; deny- ing that Congress had the power to establish it anywhere, and de- manded that the Government should abolish Slavery, wherever it had the Constitutional power. The Whig Party Convention met at Philadelphia on June 7, nominated Zach Taylor for President; it did not accept any decided platform nor did it act on the Wilmot proviso, which had been proposed to the Convention. General Taylor was elected President by the people; this was owing partly to his military renown and partly to the more liberal stand the AVhig party took on the Slavery question, which was strengthened by the moral influence of the popular upheaval, be- yond the Atlantic Ocean. This election proves the growing Anti- slavery disposition of the North; for INIartin Van Buren from New York, President of the United States from 1837 to 1841, elected as a Democrat, became the candidate of the Free Soil party in 1848, IiifrodiicfKiii. 41 after the delegation of the New York Free Soil Democrats, not will- ing to share equally in representation with a contesting Proslavery delegation, had seceded from the regular Democratic convention. COMPROMISE OF 1850. Repeated attempts Avere made in Congress to extend the line of 36° 30' North Latitude clear to the Pacific Ocean, as the limit between future Free and Slave States. This would have given the Indian Territory, Oklahoma, New Mexico, Arizona and Southern California to the Slave power. These attempts failed, showing that the .Vntislavery extension movement had gained considerable strength, since the adoption of the jVIissouri Compromise. A sign of the times also was a resolution to stop the slave trade in the District of Columbia ; it was introduced in the House and endorsed by the same, but strangled in committee; still more important than this was the ordering of a territorial government for Oregon, with a prohibition of Slavery, and without the counterweight of a slave Territory to pair off this Northern acquisition. The question upon the condition of the Territories acquired from Mexico was unsettled. The Military Governor of California, General B. Riley, issued on June 3, 1849, a proclamation, calling a Con- vention for the formation of a State Constitution, and the people of California framed such a document in which Slavery was for- bidden. President Taylor had recommended in his message to await the action of the people of the Territories, to organize on such prin- cij^les and forms as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. This recommendation also appears to be a precursor to Squatter Sovereignty. In Congress, views differed on various matters, but there was a pretty general desire to dispose of the ]\Iexican Territory question. It again fell to the genius of Henry Clay to propose a compromise, which covered the issue and to which Webster and Calhoun agreed. After an animated debate, in which H. S. Foote and Jefferson Davis from Mississippi, and J. M. Mason from A^irginia, stood up for extreme Southern theories, Daniel "Webster occupied a middle ground and Henry Clay advo- cated for the people of the Territories more free choice relative Slavery, the compromise measure of 1850 was adopted, admitting California as a Free State, organizing the Territories of New ]\Iexico and Utah Avithout the Wilmot Proviso, establishing the boundary 42 The Union. Cause in St. Louis in 1861. of Texas and paying that Territory ten million of dollars for ceded lands, making the Fugitive Slave law more stringent, prohibiting the slave trade in the District of Columbia and leaving Slavery there undisturbed. During the debate about this measure, Benton in plain words claimed to have been opposed to the extension of Slavery, since he was a law student in 1804. Referring to Tucker's edition of Black- stone's Commentaries, he said: "And here I find the largest objection to the extension of Slavery; to plant- ing it in new regions, where it does not now exist, bestowing it on those who have it not. The incurability of the evil, is the greatest objection to the exten- sion of Slavery. It is wrong for the legislator to inflict an evil which can be cured; how much more to inflict one that is incurable, and against the will of the people, who are to endure it forever! ... I deem it an evil and would neither adopt it, nor impose it upon others. Yet I am a slave- holder and among the few members of Congress who hold slaves in this District. . . . "Every one sees now that it is a question of races, involving consequences which go to the destruction of one or the other. It was seen fifty years ago, and the wisdom of Virginia balked at it then. It seems to be above human wisdom. But there is a wisdom above human! and to that we must look. In the meantime, do not extend the evil." These plain and forcible words, if spoken by Benton at the time when the admission of Missouri was considered, instead of his submitting to the Missouri compromise, would have had the most far-reaching consequences and would have made Missouri the greatest State, Benton the greatest man of the Union. There is no doubt that the tidal wave of Liberty, which swept away thrones iu Europe in the spring of 1848, made a deep impression upon the mind of Benton, as it had its influence in taming John C. Calhoun and the Southern extremists to submit to the terms of the compro- mise of 1850. The compromise of 1850 was not to go on record without the protest of ten Senators, who stated their disapprobation and pre- dicted the dissolution of the Union, ,in consequence of similar legis- lation ; these ten Senators asked that their protest be spread upon the records. Benton objected both to the spirit of the protest and also to its being spread upon the records. The protest was not received by the Senate, and of course could not go on record in the journal, but for all that, no power on earth could prevent it from Introduction. 43 going on record in History, and according to Benton's own words did mark "one of those eras in the Plistory of nations, from which calamitous events flow." Benton was not previously as outspoken on the Slavery question, for Calhoun said he was surprised at his opposition to the protest, expecting probably Benton to support it, as he came from the Slave State admitted by the Missouri compromise, which also made him Senator. The Missourian resented these remarks, saying it was impossible for Calhoun to have expected anything of that sort, to which rather insulting remark Calhoun retorted: "Then I shall know Avhere to find the gentleman." To which Benton replied: "I shall be found in the right place on the side of my country and the Union." The compromise of 1850 was hailed as a measure calculated to adjust differences between the North and the South. It gave great satisfaction to the business, manufacturing and trading people, whose prosperity was threatened by every political commotion, which endangered the peace of the Federal Union. This satisfac- tion at first appears to have been quite general. For, as the extrem- ists in the South, set up State Rights tickets, always with a menace for the dissolution of the Union, as an alternative to the adoption of their policy, they were signally defeated in the States of Mississippi, Alabama, Louisiana and South Carolina, by the Union or Moderate Democracy of those States. An even stronger endorsement to the Compromise measures was given by the National Democratic Con- vention of 1852, wdiich nominated Franklin Pierce for President, and declared itself against all interference by Congress in the domes- tic institutions of States, but also pledged the party to abide by the compromise, in the hope that this will stop the agitation of the Slavery question in Congress and out of Congress. The Whig Na- tional Convention nominated General Winfield Scott, endorsed the compromise and deprecated the agitation of the questions thus set- tled. The Free Soil Convention nominated John P. Hale and came out in a radical manner against Slavery extension and all measures caflculated to aid Slavery. While the Democrats carried the Union by a large majority of the electoral vote, the proportions of the popu- lar vote showed far less difference in relative strength, namely: 51 percent for Franklin Pierce, Democrat; 44 percent for Winfield Scott, Whig; 5 percent for John P. Hale, Free Soil. As both the Democratic and the AVhig party had endorsed the 44 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. ■ compromise of 1850, this vote would appear very promising for a lasting arrangement. Unfortunately, however, the compromise contained a feature for continuous friction in the stringent obliga- tions of the FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW. The Southerners professed that they derived no benefit from the comj)romise, as the Northern people did not carry out its provisions in good faith. This was certainly true with regard to a great many persons, who regarded the Fugitive Slave Law, and their own forced participation as a "Posse Commitatus" to carry out its behests, as a gross infringement of their liberty of conscience, not deeming that any State had a right to demand from them actions, which they considered sinful. Thus nearly all Northern States tried to obviate the objectionable provisions of the Fugitive Slave Act, by passing Personal Liberty Bills, with various conditions. Maine forbid its public officers to aid the capture or detention of persons claimed to be slaves ; New Hampshire declared all Slaves free that were brought into the State with the consent of their master ; Vermont recognized no warrant under the Fugitive Slave Law and forbid its officers or citizens to give aid in capturing slaves, exempting United States officials from this prohibition, but orders State Attorneys to assist the fugitives, securing to them the benefits of the Habeas Corpus act, trial by Jury and liberating the slaves under various conditions and providing punishment for captors; Massachusetts secured them Jury trial, legal advice, writ of Habeas Corpus and prohibits State officers to assist in the capture or detention of persons accused or convicted of resisting the Fugitive Slave law, punishes heavily all persons who aid a spurious claim, also punishes State officers and militiamen for assisting in the capture; Connecticut fines spurious claimants heavily; New York had a Habeas Corpus act protecting fugitives, which was deemed void under a United States Supreme Court decision; Pennsylvania prohibits her State officers to take cognizance of writs under the Fugitive Slave Law; Michigan gives legal aid, grants Habeas Corpus act, trial by Jury, and denies deten- tion in State prisons of persons claimed; Wisconsin gives legal aid, Habeas Corpus act, trial by Jury, appeal to Circuit Court, demands evidence by two credible witnesses and voids the sales made pursuant to the Fugitive Slave act penalties. I ntrodnrtiov. 45 Disobedience of these several enactments were punished by fine and imprisonment, as follows: Maine, 5 years prison and $1,000 fine. Vermont, 15 years prison and $2,000 fine. Massachusetts, 5 years prison and $5,000 fine. Pennsylvania, 3 months prison and $1,000 fine. Indiana, 14 years prison and $5,000 fine. Michigan, 10 years prison and $1,000 fine. Iowa, 5 years prison and $1,000 fine. Wisconsin, 2 years prison and $1,000 fine. No less just complaint could be raised by the Northern States. As every law is liable to be abused if executed by partisan agents, so was this, and men who would volunteer to catch fugitive slaves certainly belonged to the roughest element of the population North or South. Cruelties were perpetrated which would have shocked the sensibilities of any civilized community. Men were murdered be- cause they did not quietly submit to arrest, and trial by Jury was denied to fugitives ; mothers arrested, murdered their children rather than to have them returned to a cruel master ; people who had lived as free men and raised" a family under free relations, were claimed as slaves with all their descendants. The fee for delivering a claimed person, being double in amount of the fee for his liberation, also strongly favored the claimant. The question of the constitu- tionality of the Fugitive Slave act, was raised by men of high authority in the community; this encouraged many to evade the obligations of the law wherever possible, Avhile it nerved others to open and defiant resistance. The people of both the North and the South considered themselves aggrieved by the workings -of the Fugi- tive Slave act, and this served to increase the animosity which Avas already previously engendered by party jealousy and rivalry. The aggression of the slave power became steady and unrelenting ; in 1835 South Carolina passed an act for the arrest of free colored sailors found on board of vessels entering a South Carolina port, the same to remain in prison until the vessel cleared the port and to pay the expenses for these proceedings. Under this act, sailors from Massachusetts were arrested contrary to the provisions of the United States Constitution which ordains that: "The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States." As free colored men were citizens and voters 46 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1801. not only in Northern States, but also in a Southern State, the Legis- lature of Massachusetts resolved to test the constitutionality of this special South Carolina law and commissioned Sam Hoar, a promi- nent citizen, to proceed to Charleston and institute legal measures, in order to secure in the Supreme Court of the United States, a final adjudication of the questions at issue. The Governor of South Carolina, being informed by Mr. Hoar of his mission, laid the matter before the Legislature of South Carolina which passed resolutions that persons of color are no citizens of the United States; that the emissary from Massachusetts is to be regarded a person interfering with the institutions of South Carolina and disturbing her peace, and that the Governor should expel such agent. A proposition for an agreed case was declined by the local officials and Mr. Hoar threatened with mob violence and lynching, had to return to Massa- chusetts, without being able to bring the case into Court. It was evident that the North and the South became more and more estranged and the compromise of 1850 was not a solution, but only a procrastination of a very grave issue. THE KANSAS CONTEST. While prosperity spread over the fair realm of the Union, heavy clouds gathered for the coming storm. West of Missouri and Iowa and East of New Mexico and Utah lay the balance of the Territory acquired by the Louisiana Purchase, in which Slavery was prohib- ited by the Missouri compromise, in consideration of the admission of Missouri as a Slave State. The inhabitants of the Western States desired the opening of this vast agricultural empire, whose great advantages were made known through a lively and lucrative trade with Santa Fe, through the migration of the Mormons to Utah, and most of all, through the very great number of teams, wdiich by various overland routes were moving to the gold fields of Cali- fornia. In 1851 and 1852 petitions were presented to Congress for opening this Territory; they were urged by Willard P. Llall and David Atchison of Missouri, A. C. Dodge of Iowa and Stephen A. Douglas of Illinois. The latter reported early in 1854 a bill for the organization of that Territory, which is memorable, because in his report, he questioned the constitutionality of that portion of the'Missouri compromise of 1820, whereby "Slavery and involuntary servitude, otherwise than in punishment of crime, whereof the party Introduction. 47 shall have been duly convicted, shall be and is hereby forever pro- hibited — in all that Territory ceded by France to the United States, under the name of Louisiana, which lies North of 36° 30' of North Latitude," excepting that part occupied by the State of Missouri. This bill reported for the organization of the Territories of Kan- sas and Nebraska enjoined "so far as the question of Slavery is concerned, to carry into practical operation tlie following propositions and principles, established by the com- promise measures of 1850, to-wit: 1. That all questions pertaining to Slavery in the Territories, and in the new States to be formed therefrom, are to be left to the decision of the people residing therein, through their appropriate representatives. "2. That all cases involving title to Slaves, and questions of personal free- dom, are referred to the adjudication of the local tribunals with the right of appeal to the Supreme Court of the United States. "3. That the provisions of the Constitution and Laws of the United States, in respect to fugitives from service, are to be carried into faithful exe- cution in all the organized Territories the same as in the States." The. same report added: "That the Constitution and all laws of the United States which are not locaUy inapplicable, shall have the same force and effect within the said Territory as elsewhere in the United States, except the Section of the act preparatory to the admission of Missouri into the Union, approved March 6, 1820, which, being inconsistent with the principles of Non-intervention by Congress with Slavery in the States and Territories (?) as recognized by the legislation of 1850 (commonly called the compromise measures), is hereby declared Inoperative and void; it being the true intent and meaning of this act, not to legislate Slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States." An attempt -was made by S. P. Chase in the Senate and by Mr. English in the House of Representatives, to leave the Slavery ques- tion, with the Territorial Legislature, but both were voted down, as it was the intention of the Congressional majority that only when the Constitution was framed and proposed for the admission to Statehood, should the citizens of the new Territories have the chances to determine whether they want to admit Slavery or not. The first energetic protest against this measure came from an indignation meeting at Chicago, called by George Schneider and George Hillgaertner, editors of the Illinois Staats Zeitung. The repeal of portions of the Missouri Compromise, by the Kansas- Nebraska act, was a breach of good faith, perpetrated by the Pro- slavery element. ]\Iissouri had been admitted as a Slave State only 48 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. on the condition that Slavery should be excluded from the Western Territory, lying North of 36° 30' North Latitude; if the compro- mise of 1820 was wrong, all of it should have been repealed if prac- ticable, and if not practicable, it should in all fairness have been left undisturbed. The Dred Scott decision, endorsing the extreme Southern views of John C. Calhoun, could not be used as authority for the Kansas-Nebraska act, which preceded it. Nor could the terms of the compromise of 1850 be made retrospective upon the compromi.^^e of 1820, as this would have been an evident anachron- ism, and as the two compromises treated upon different Territories, acquired under vastly different circumstances. Slavery was not excluded in so many words from the Territories of New Mexico and Utah in 1850, because according to Daniel Webster this would have uselessly reaffirmed an ordinance of nature, or re-enacted the will of God. Although the Congress of 1850, did not deem any condi- tion necessary for excluding Slavery from New jMexico and Utah ; this was no sound reason to repeal its prohibition from the Terri- tories of Kansas and Nebraska, where a previovis Congress had deemed the prohil^ition most necessary and had even allowed a valuable consideration for the same. The great actors in the contest on the Slavery question, the origi- nators and champions of the compromises, had now passed away: John C. Calhoun, President Taylor, Henry Clay and Daniel Web- ster, died in short succession. The sentiment for and against Slavery had steadily become more outspoken, and it is now quite certain that even these master minds could no more stem the swelling tide which pushed both sections of the country, to try conclusions by the force of arms. The events which resulted from the unjust repeal of part of the Missouri compromise did not meet the anticipations of its advocates, nor did they verify the fears of its opponents. If the supporters of this measure expected that it will quiet the agita- tion of the Slavery question, thej^ made their calculations without due regard to human nature. The opening of a new Territory always puts in motion a number of men who, from a desire to improve their condition, sometimes only from love of adventure, seek the dangers, difficulties and rewards of a new settlement. Shortly before the passage of the Kan- sas-Nebraska act, treaties were concluded with most of the Indians settled on the Eastern boundary of Kansas, which opened their lands to purchase and settlement. Citizens of the Western part of J/iitrodiiction. 49 Missouri had early notice of these advantages and organized societies for protecting their interests and for planting Slavery into the new Territory. Soon after the Kansas-Nebraska act was passed, many members of these societies crossed the jNIissouri River, staked out claims and passed resolutions hostile to settlers from the Free States. The resolutions at first only mildly hinted that no protection shall be afforded to Abolitionists settling in the Territory, next they de- clared that Slavery was already existing in the Territory, calling upon their fellow slaveholders to introduce their property as early as possible. This last suggestion seems to imply that slaveholders were rather slow, to risk the safety of their slave property, by taking it to Kansas. In the meantijne associations were also formed in the Free States to assist emigrants to Kansas who would oppose Slavery. This brought out a threat from Missouri societies that they will "remove" from Kansas Territory any and all emigrants who are sent there by Northern emigrant aid societies. The word "remove" used in this connection had an ominous sound, as it left an uncom- fortable latitude for the imagination. But the men from the North had just the same American spirit as the Missourians, and by the beginning of August, about one hundred men, directed by the New England Emigrant Aid Society, settled at Lawrence, Kansas. Soon afterwards a much stronger force of Proslavery men, mostly from Missouri, went into camp near by and sent a threatening note to the Free State people, stating that "the Abolitionists must leave the Territory;" finding, however, that the Free Statesmen were well armed and organized, the Proslavery men broke camp and left. In the fall of 1854, Andrew H. Reeder, the appointed Governor of Kansas, arrived in the Territory, and an election for one Delegate to Congress was held in November. About sixty percent of the votes were illegally cast by men who resided in Missouri and Avho were urged by Senator David R. Atchison at a public meeting to go and vote in Kansas. John W. Whitfield, an Indian Agent, was by these fraudulent votes elected delegate to Congress. The temper of the Proslavery press may be judged by a quotation of the "Squatter Sovereign," in which that newspaper promises: "We will continue to lynch and hang, tar and feather, and drown every white-livered Abolitionist who dares to pollute our soil." As every Free State man was termed an "Abolitionist," and as the road to Kansas led through Missouri, chiefly by steamer up the Missouri River, this language really applied to the whole Free State emigration. It is 50 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. quite clear from the above, that whatever rights the Kansas- Nebraska act intended to convey by the much vaunted principle of Squatter Sovereignty, those rights could be only maintained by the rifle. At an election for a Territorial Legislature and County Officers, ordered by Governor Reeder for March 30, 1855, large bands of Missouri Proslavery men overrun the Territory and carried every- thing by high-handed usurpation and fraudulent returns. In some districts, ten times as many votes were reported cast as there were actual voters in the district ; Judges of Election who tried to admin- ister the prescribed oath of residence were intimidated or driven away ; men protesting against this wholesale fraud were tarred and feathered, by that greatest disgrace to democratic institutions — a lawless mob. Governor Reeder set aside the election in a number of Districts, and ordered a new election, wdiich resulted in the choice of Free State men in all but the Leavenworth District, which was carried again by fraud. Governor Reeder's fairness did not change matters ; for the men elected were not admitted to seats by the Proslavery majority. The Legislature adjourned from Pawnee City in the interior to Shawnee Mission near the Missouri line, in order to be near the source of their inspiration and the State of their constitu- ency and armed support. This Legislature adopted most of the laws of Missouri and also passed -some original laws for the protection of Slavery, by which the de'ath penalty was decreed for raising a rebellion or insurrection of Slaves, free Negroes or Mulattoes; like- wise for aiding such rebellion or furnishing arms, or doing any other act in furtherance of such rebellion ; likewise was the death penalty decreed for all who shall aid or assist in the bringing into Kansas, or publish, print, write or circulate, any book, paper, circu- lar, or magazine, inciting insurrection and rebellion. Smaller offenses, of a similar nature, were to be punished by imprisonment lasting from ten down to two years. The act of bringing a stolen slave into the Territory was also made punishable by death. Gover- nor Reeder vetoed these Drakonic law^s, which were fit for the code of a Nero or Caligula. They were passed over his veto, and Presi- dent Pierce superseded Reeder by appointing Wilson Shannon, a more obsequious tool of the Slave power, who openly declared that he w^as for Slavery in Kansas. The Free State men forming the majority of actual settlers, Introduction. 51 spurned the authority and acts of a fraudulent Legislature and offi- cers, and in the true spirit of Squatter Sovereionty, assembled in mass convention at Big Spring on September 5, 1855, and repudi- ated tlie Shawnee ]Mission Proslavery Legislature and all its acts; they ordered an election for a Representative to Congress to be held on the second Tuesday in October, and called a Delegate Con- vention to meet at 'I'opeka the 19th day of October, 1858. Governor Reeder was nominated and elected to Congress by the Free State men, while on a different day the Proslavery men elected John W. Whitfield. The Constitutional Convention elected by the Free State Settlers, assembled at Topeka October 23 ; framed a Free State Con- stitution, and applied to Congress for admission under the same. The confusion created by the practical application of the Squatter Sovereignty doctrine was now complete. Two Legislatures; two sets of laws ; two sets of officers and a bitter hostile disposition of the two contesting parties, trying to manage the Territorial affairs, offered numberless chances for conflicts, murders, robbery and arson, for which some show of legality or authority could be pleaded, either under one code or under the other. As usual, the press discussed Kansas affairs from a partisan stand- point, and the irritation of parties North and South grew from day to day. Two Representatives to Congress had been chosen : John W. Whitfield, Proslavery, held the seat, which Andrew H. Reeder, elected by the Free State party, was contesting. In order to get at the true state of affairs. Congress appointed in March, 1856, William A. Howard of iNlichigan, John Sherman of Ohio, and Mordecai Oliver of Missouri, an Investigating Committee, which took testi- mony in Kansas and reported back to Congress: that organized bands from Missouri prevented the settlers from exercising their citizen rights; that the Legislature of Kansas was illegally consti- tuted and could not pass valid laws; that it enacted measures for unlawful purposes; that John W. Whitfield, the Proslavery candi- date, was not elected in pursuance of any valid law ; that the election of Andrew H. Reeder was not held in pursuance of law^; that Andrew II. Reeder, the Free State candidate, received a greater number of votes of resident citizens than John W. Whitfield, the Proslavery candidate; that a fair election could not be held in the Territory without a new census, a stringent election law, impartial judges and the presence of United States troops at every place of election ; that the constitution framed by the Topeka convention embodies the 52 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. will of a majority of the people. This report was valuable, for it gave a reliable basis for action, as it emanated from men of a national reputation for candor and patriotism. But partisan spirit run too high, and, while the House of Representatives adopted the constitution by a close vote, the Proslavery Senate defeated all action upon the same. In the meantime, acts of violence continued in Kansas and Mis- souri. Persons were murdered; farms and towns sacked and burned ; presses destroyed; emigrants forcibly detained; ships stopped at the mouth of the cannon ; men tarred and feathered. Most of this was done by Proslavery mobs; sometimes under the plea of law, by the order of a Governor, an act of the Legislature, or by the Posse of a Sheriff. In the spring of 1856, a Regiment hailing from South Carolina and Georgia, under Colonel Bufford made its appearance. This body with the Piatt County Rifles under Senator Atchison from Missouri surrounded Lawrence on May 21, 1856, disarmed its citizens, plundered the town, and burned down the hotel and print- ing office. Palmyra, Ossawatomie, Leavenworth, fared no better than Lawrence. These outrages called forth an energetic resistance from the Free State men ; raids were made that extended into the State of Missouri; little battles were fought, in which John Brown, the hero of the most popular song in the Union armies during the civil war, came prominently before the American people. Being endangered in their passage through Missouri, large numbers of Free State emigrants took their route through Iowa and Nebraska, and came into Kansas through its Northern boundary. Here they were disarmed, however, by United States troops. This was in keeping with the dispersing of the Free State Legis- lature at Topeka, effected by Colonel E. V. Sumner, U. S. A., under orders from President Pierce. It must be said in justice to the people of Missouri, that the high- handed outrages and acts of violence were confined to the Western border and large slaveholding counties, whose population coming from Slave States had a more violent disposition, which was not at all improved by their contact with the neighbor Indians. Outside these genuine ''Wild West" people, the other citizens of Missouri were opposed to all lawless acts, and not a few of them decidedly opposed to Slavery. This last class lived mostly in St. Louis and the other cities in the State, and was largely composed of adopted citi- zens, their descendants and mountaineers. Nor did the out and out Introd'iiction. 53 Proslavery men start in this controversy with as ferocious a disposi- tion as the one with which they ended. Their first manifestations were far more moderate than their later acts, and it was the greatest fault of the Squatter Sovereignty measure that its practical applica- tion worked up the passions of both parties to such a pitch as to greatly hasten the outbreak of the Civil War. With the duration of the strife, the rage and hatred intensified until it knew no measure and no story illustrates that more glaringly than that of John Brown, a diligent, successful and religious business man and father of twenty children. Four sons of John Brown went to Kansas as Free State settlers, to build up new homes. Believing in the peace- ful development of the Territory, they brought no arms with them, and were driven away by armed Missourians from their first settle- ment. They now "^rote for arms, and John Brown brought them out, took the lead of his neighbors, who retaliated a raid of the Mis- sourians upon the hamlet of Ossawatomie, in which one of John Brown's sons w^as murdered. Another of his sons, elected to the Legislature of 1856, was seized by Proslavery men on some pretext or other, and while heavy chains cut into his ankles, marched under a hot sun from Ossawatomie to Lecompton, a distance of thirty miles ; he arrived exhausted and died from brain fever. John Brown had been an enthusiast for liberty before ; now he became a relentless foe to Slavery. In the raids upon Missouri farms, some slaves were liberated. As Brown was disowned by the more moderate Free State men, he left Kansas and went to Canada. Wrought up to fever heat, he planned and on October 17, 1859, with 22 men, carried out his reckless attack on the United States arsenal at Harper's Ferry. Inheriting the religious fanaticism of his Pilgrim forefathers, he was convinced of fighting.the battles of the Almighty. Overpowered, wounded, almost the last man of his little squad, his soul remained unconquered, and on December 2, 1859, he walked to the scaffold "with a radiant countenance and the step of a conqueror." Of John Brown's deep religious fervor, his last letter to his wife and children bears testimony in the following words: "I can not remember a night so dark as to have hindered the coming day, nor a storm so furious and dreadful as to prevent the return of warm sunshine and a cloudless sky." While John ]k*own's raid on Harper's Ferry arsenal was lawless and under all circumstances doomed to failure, it greatly exasperated the Proslavery party at the South, and by its devoted heroism, it 54 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1801. called forth an inspiration at the North, which led to victorious battlefields while singing, "John Brown's body lays mouldering in the ground, but his soul is marching on." The war in Kansas, though on a small scale, reverberated in thundering peals through the press and the rostrums of the nation. Congressional debates and the Presidential election campaigns gave the issues a publicity which brought them home to nearly every citizen. Feeling run high, and the decided expressions of platforms showed that parties crystalized more and more on the one sectional issue of Slavery. The two antagonistic systems of free labor and slave labor had created a difference in convictions, disposition, morals, habits, educa- tion and wealth, which even the wise provisioils of the United States Constitution, and the genial efforts of its most patriotic men could no longer harmonize. One incident in Congress brought this to light, in a manner which shocked the civilized world. Senator Charles Sumner of Massachusetts, having made a strong and uncom- promising argument against Slavery extension into Kansas, was attacked May 22, 1856, while in his seat in the Senate chamber by P. Brooks, M. C. from South Carolina. Senator Sumner was brutally knocked down and beaten, while laying, unconscious on the floor, until his life was endangered. Keith from South Carolina and Ed- mundson from Virginia, fellow-members of Brooks, abetted this outrage by their presence. Brooks was censured by the House and resigned his seat, but was immediately re-elected in South Carolina, showing that his constituents endorsed his brutal act and proving thereby that they had already lost their fitness for a free representa- tive Government. PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1856. The Democratic National Convention met at Cincinnati, June, 1856, nominated James Buchanan for President and notwithstand- ing the evil experiences of the past, endorsed the doctrine of Squat- ter Sovereignty in the hope of securing all Southern and sufficient Northern votes to carry the election. The Republican party con- vention met at Philadelphia, June 17, 1856, nominated John C. Fremont for President and adopted a radical Free Soil platform, excluding Slavery from all Territories, and stating that it is both the right and the duty of Congress, to prohibit in the Territories those twin relics of barbarism, "Polygamy and Slavery." There Introfhiction. 55 was a tliirtl party convention nnder the title of American National, based chiefly on nativism. One-third of the members withdrew from this convention after their failure to hold the middle ground between the extreme parties, by the limitation of Slavery to territory South of 36° 30' North Latitude. The remaining two-thirds en- dorsed the Squatter Sovereignty doctrine and nominated milliard Fillmore, who was afterwards also endorsed by a Whig convention at Baltimore. Upon the issues of the presidential election of 1856, Preston Brooks of South Carolina, the same who committed the ruffianly attack on Senator Sumner, gave it as his deliberate opinion, that if Fremont was elected, the South should on the 4th of March, 1857, ^'march to Washington, seize the archives and the Treasury of the Government, and leave the consequences to God." About the same time Governor Henry A. Wise of Virginia called on all Governors of Southern States to meet him at Raleigh and consult upon com- mon measures to organize the Militia of their respective States; in all probability to carry out the idea of Preston Brooks. Wise w^as disappointed in the attendance, as only Governor Adams of South Carolina appeared. James Buchanan, the Democratic candidate, was elected by a majority of 60 electoral votes, but failed to secure a majority of the popular vote, which stood : James Buchanan, Democrat. . . .1,838,169 near 45% John C. Fremont, Republican. . 1,341,264 near 33% Millard Fillmore, American... 874,534 near 22% Total of votes cast 4,053,967 This proves that one-third of the voters were radically opposed to Slavery extension into any Territory, and that fifty-five percent were opposed to the policy of the Democratic party, which was again endorsed by the vote of all Southern States, with the exception of Maryland. It was evident from the above vote that no more Slave States would be admitted to the Union. In Kansas itself the Free State voters, largely exceeded the Proslavery citizens, Avho were defeated in their various schemes to perpetuate Slavery in the Terri- tory. In October, 1857, an election was held for a Territorial Legis- lature. Governor Rolicrt J. Walker, a Mississippian by l)irth. secured a fair election, which defeated the Lecompton Constitution by a vote 56 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. of 162 in favor of it and 10,226 against it. Notwithstanding this fact, President Buclianan recommended the admission of Kansas under the Lecompton Constitution. The Proslavery Senate agreed to it, but the House rejected it. The Territorial Legislature having now a clear Free State majority, ordered a Constitutional Conven- tion to assemble at Wyandot; this framed a Constitution, which was accepted by the House on April 11, 1860, but not acted upon by the Senate, probably to prevent the Kansas vote to affect the Presi- dential election. However, on the 21st day of January, 1861, Jefferson Davis and a number of other Southern Senators left the Senate, to pursue their ill-fated design of Secession, and on the same day Kansas was admitted by the Senate. The curtain fell on the Drama of Kansas, soon to rise on the great Tragedy of the Civil War. THE DEED SCOTT DECISION. The History of "Bleeding Kansas" illustrated the spirit and dis- position which influenced the citizens of the Union at large, w^hile the Decision of the Dred Scott case demonstrated the partisan sub- serviency of the Supreme Court of the United States. As this Deci- sion was given after all the mischief of the Squatter Sovereignty practice had been accomplished, it came apparently only as the approving seal to a most nefarious public act, though in prospective iniquity, it went a good ways beyond it. Dred Scott, a Negro slave, was taken in 1834 from the Slave State Missouri to Rock Island in the Free State of Illinois and later to Fort Snelling in Minnesota Territory, to which the Slavery Prohibi- tion of the Missouri Compromise was applicable. Here Scott mar- ried a woman who was also held as a slave. His master took the family to Jefferson Barracks, afterwards to St. Louis, where he sold them. Dred Scott now brought suit for his freedom in the St. Louis Circuit Court, and got judgment in his favor, which, however, was reversed by the Supreme Court of the State. The case w^as appealed to the Supreme Court of the United States, whose mem- bers save one belonged to the Democratic party. This Court ap- proved the decision of the Missouri Supreme Court and declared that this Negro Slave was no citizen and had no citizen rights, nor could any such rights be conferred upon him ; that Negroes had no rights which the White man was bound to respect, but were an article of property, that the Declaration of Independence did not Introduction. 57 mean to embrace them ; that they can not be made citizens, because this would inconvenience others, nor can they sue because they are not citizens; that neither Congress, nor a Territorial Legislature can exclude Slavery from any Territory. The decision also stated that the United States Constitution takes effect upon any Territory which our Government may acquire, and this secures the right to the Slave owner to take his slave property into the same. Congress, therefore, was barred by the Constitution from the rights of prohib- iting Slavery in any Territory. The Kansas-Nebraska act anticipated most of these principles in practical execution. As the act and its sequels took place before the Dred Scott decision was made, and as the Supreme Court went out- side the record to make it, the object seems to have been to give the Squatter Sovereignty bill a judiciary foundation, which it had lacked before. The denial of the right of Congress to legislate upon Slavery in the Territories was made in this decision, in the face of contrary opinions of such eminent jurists as Daniel Webster, Thomas H. Benton and a number of Southern and Northern Judges, who all pointed out the fact that Slavery exists in the States only by local law, which can not be transferred from a State to a Territory. The Dred Scott decision spread Slavery over all Territories, and it is noteworthy that it embodies the ideas and conclusions which John C. Calhoun and W. L. Yancey, as leaders of the extreme Pro- slavery party, proposed to the National Democratic Convention of 1848, but which were rejected by a very decided vote of 216 to 36; probably because that Convention assembled under the elevating influence of the Revolution of 1848 for universal Liberty in Europe, and, therefore, could not possibly decree universal Slavery in America. Since that Convention, however, the Slavery party came into desperate straits. The doctrine of Squatter Sovereignty came in its very first application very near to start hostilities between the North and the South. The Republican victory in the general election made it highly probable that Kansas and the other Territories would become Free States; for this reason some other means had to be devised to prop up the tottering Slave power. Thus the opportunity of the Dred Scott case was seized upon by the Proslavery Supreme Court to nationalize Slavery and proscribe Freedom. This decision, brought by the majority of barely one vote, had only the effect t(^ 58 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. outrage all thoughtful men in the North and to mature the decision in a majority of citizens that, cost what may, they will put an end to the spreading of the demoralizing influences of the "Peculiar Institution." Bouten states that the Dred Scott decision had been made, but was kept from publicity under the plea of reargument, and was only reported after the inauguration of President Buchanan. Had the decision been known before the election, its effect would probably have made John C. Fremont President and cut off four years from the preparations for Secession. THE MONROE DOCTRINE AND SLAVERY. The activity of the Proslavery power was not restricted to the home Territories, to Congress, State Legislatures and the Supreme Court; but it made itself also felt in diplomatic circles, influencing the policy towards foreign countries. The Central and South American States had severed their allegiance to Spain and as inde- pendent Republics sought new channels for their trade, which largely fell to the share of Great Britain. The ambitious heir of the French Revolution was a captive to the powers of the "Holy Alliance," which reinstated the absolute governments all over Europe, and were eager to reach over the Atlantic, in order to reduce the new Spanish Republics, to their former state of depend- ence, from European monarchical authority. Canning, the English Prime Minister, called the attention of the Washington Govern- ment to this rising danger in commercial and political relations, and suggested a warning declaration, which should protect the Southern Republics and estop the powers from monarchical aggres- sions upon the American Continent. President Monroe shared the views of the English statesman, and in a Message of December 2, 1823, frankly stated that the L'^nited States should consider any attempt on the part of the allied monarchs to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety, and any interposition by them to oppress the young Repub- lics, or control their destiny, as a manifestation of an unfriendly disposition towards the United States. The President also stated: "The American Continents, by the free and independent condition which they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European power." The South American States called a Congress of American Re- Inivoducilon. 59 publics to PaiiiUiui, in order lo unite on questions of connnon inter- est and common defense. It was also surmised in this connection that this Congress may devise means to free Cuba and Porto Rico from Spanish dominion. When the Soutli American Republics secured their independence they emancipated their slaves, and Cuba and Porto Rico, if liberated from Spain, would no doubt, do the same. This was dreaded by the Slavery champions, as the emanci- pation notions might spread to the Union, and our diplomatic agents were instructed to counteract this disposition for the liberation of Cuba and Porto Rico, and to induce Spain to acknowledge the South American Republics, in order to remove the danger of interference with her sovereignty in the two islands. Thus the curse of Slavery placed the United States Government in the anomalous position that, while it protested against any attempt of European powers to extend the monarchical system on the American Continent, it pre- vented at the same time the liberation of Cuba and Porto Rico from the misrule of Spain, although the latter was a monarchical powder. President John Quincy Adams appointed representatives to that Panama Congress, but when the nominations reached the Senate, that body ruled that the President had no right to name men for a mission which was not previously authorized by Congress. In his work on Benton, Theodore Roosevelt states that the Panama delegates were confirmed with Benton's opposition. Benton opposed the Congress at Panama, on the ground that matters were to be discussed there which could not be discussed at Washington. The United States had only commercial and no diplomatic rela- tions with the Negro Republic Hayti, while the Latin Republics were ready to treat the dusky representatives on equal footing. Catholicism, the almost exclusive religion of Mexico, Central and South America, never recognizing the color line, probably greatly assisted to frame the above disposition. The United States delegates came to Panama, after the Congress had adjourned, and it was sixty years later that a Pan-American Congress met at Washington. The Slavery power did not wish Cuba free, but sought the possession of the island with Slavery in it. President Polk had offered One Hundred Million Dollars for the island, which offer was declined. On December 1, 1852, Secretary of State E. Everett disclaimed to the French and English Ambassadors all desire for the annexation of Cuba; but only two years later did President Pierce actually instruct his ambassadors to London, Paris and Madrid, to devise 60 Tlie Union Cause in St. Louis in 1S61. means for getting possession of Cuba. These ambassadors met at Ostende, and on October 9, 1854, issued the famous Ostende Mani- festo," in which they declared that it was time for Spain to sell Cuba and for the United States to buy it ; no foreign power having a right to interfere, as it properly belongs to the United States, pursuant considerations of trade and security ; that this transfer would benefit Spain; and the ambassadors also intimated, that the United States would have Cuba at all events. Later several filibuster expeditions were started towards Cuba, which generally ended with the execu- tion of the leaders, of whom Lopez was the most noted. Cuba was not the only country where the Slave power of the Union sought a new foothold. William Walker, originally a citizen of Tennessee, started a filibustering expedition and made a descent on Nicaragua; he captured Granada October 13, 1855, declared him- self President of the little Republic and established Slavery. Mis- managing his affairs, he had to surrender May 1, 1857. Avoiding punishment for this international ofl^'ense. Walker started a second expedition : on this he was intercepted by United States Commodore Spaulding and sent home a prisoner, but was set free by President Buchanan, while Spaulding was reprimanded for his interference. Walker, nothing daunted, set out with a third expedition to Central America, was captured and shot. General AValker's perseverance and courage deserve all praise, but, most unfortunately for his famCj these fine qualities were wasted in an evil and hopeless cause. He did not heed the warning of ages : Be right first and then go ahead. According to the historian, Schlosser, the secret organization of the ''Knights of the Golden Circle" was committed to a scheme of uniting the Gulf States, Mexico, Central and part of South America and adjacent islands into one great Confederation of Slave States. No great results are" credited to this organization. Before the great contest for. the "election of 1860 set in, Missouri's greatest statesman, Thomas Llart Benton, paid his last debt to nature. Over forty years he was a leading spirit in public affairs. During his thirty years in the Senate, he was independent on every question, neutral on none. Early in his life, he antagonized General Andrew Jackson in a murderous fracas and afterwards became his best friend. He suffered Missouri to become a Slave State, but stood valiantly by his obligations when Southern Statesmen w^ent back upon their plighted faith, saying: "I have stood upon the Missouri Compromise for about thirty years, and mean to stand upon it to Infrodvction. 61 the end of my life;" it is "a binding covenant upon both parties, and more so upon the South, as she imposed it." A champion of sound money, of the Homestead act, of the development of the West, of the Pacific road, he remained a Democrat, voted for Pierce and even for Buchanan, against his own son-in-law, Fremont, but always remained an uncompromising Union man. Benton run for Gover- nor of JNIissouri at the age of 74, made forty speeches, traveled 1,200 miles and being beaten lectured in New England and remained a diligent worker to his death on April 10, 1858. Theodore Roose- velt's work on Thomas H. Benton gives a detailed representation of a life, whose strenuous activity was conducive of health, longevity and great usefulness. SPIRIT OF NORTH AND SOUTH. However much the Proslavery leaders may have erred in their estimate of relative strength and their appreciation of ethical obli- gation, they certainly pur.sued their object with a wonderful tenacity, courage and adherence to their program. In the face of the threatening Free Soil majority at the North, their demands became more aggressive and left the only explanation, that they were bent on ruling or on dissolving the Union. The New ^Mexico Terri- torial Legislature passed in 1859 acts for the protection of property in slaves, while a Democratic convention in Texas advocated the reopening of the slave trade. The hostile disposition in the South grew worse from day to day. A few examples will suffice. A planter and slave owner, who had come from Connecticut to Eufaula, Ala- bama, in order to avoid the suspicion of being a Northern sympa- thizer, joined the Minute Men and was compelled to assist in the hanging of five mechanics and one minister, all from the North, and still could only save his own life by sudden flight. There were many similar difficulties. In 1860, free Negroes had to leave from Southern States at their peril of being hung, or sold into Slavery. Among others, the New York Times brought the following item: "Forty-three Negroes, who have been expelled from Arkansas, under the terms of the recent legislative enactment, which prescribes that in the event of their non-departure they should be sold into Slavery, arrived in Cincinnati, January 2, 1860, in a destitute con- dition." ''The North bound boats on the ]\Iississippi were crowded with these fugitives fleeing from their homes." Two hundred thou- sand free colored people were menaced with these laws. 62 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. THE LINCOLN-DOUGLAS DEBATE. The contest in Kansas had agitated the minds of the whole nation. People who took little interest in politics were roused by the pas- sionate appeals to their judgment and sympathy. Most far-reaching of all campaign debates was that between Abraham Lincoln and Stephen A. Douglas, candidates for the United States Senate in the State of Illinois. When Lincoln was nominated at Springfield, June 16, 1858, and stated: ''This Government can not endure perma- nently half slave and half free," the words were re-echoed by the nation, which had gone through a long and bitter lesson of experi- ence, but whose very worst ordeal was yet to come. He endorsed the avowed policy of the Republican party by saying: "I am impliedly if not expressly pledged to a belief in the right and duty of Congress to prohibit Slavery in all the United States Territories." That no interference was intended with Slavery in the States where it existed is shown by Lincoln's words. "It is nothing but a miserable per- version of what I have said to assume that I have declared Missouri or any other Slave State shall emancipate her slaves." With regard to the District of Columbia, he recommended the abolishment of Slavery in a conservative way, that should have been acceptable to every one: 1. That the abolition should be gradual. 2. That it should be on a vote of the majority of the qualified voters in the District. 3. That compensation should be made to unwilling owners. These propositions were decidedly moderate upon a subject which Henry Clay once apostrophized: "Sweep from our Capital that foul blot upon our nation." In Congress the agitation of the Slavery question was unabated. The Kansas issue, the Harper's Ferry raid, the reflections of campaign speeches, gave rise to heated debates and were supplemented by mat- ters from outside as the discussion on Helper's book, "The Impending Crisis," a most forcible collection of authorities and statistical dates, supporting free labor. Poetry and novel, pulpit and stage widened the breach between North and South. Jefferson Davis had intro- duced a series of resolutions limiting Squatter Sovereignty to the final adoption of the State Constitution, also some, reiterating the prin- ciples of the Dred Scott decision and others .claiming that attacks on Slavery, were a breach of faith and a violation of solemn obliga- Introduction. . 63 tions. These were adopted by the Senate only. During his debates, Lincohi referred casually to St. Louis and Missouri politics on gradual eniancii)ation and said: "You all know that Frank Blair and Gratz Brown down_ there in St. Louis undertook to introduce that system in Missouri. They fought as valiantly as they could for the system of emancipation. . . . After a hard fight they were beaten." Conservative and moderate as Lincoln was in treat- ing the Southern problem in the States, he did not fail to point in his speeches to Jefferson's prophetic w^ords relative to Slavery : "I tremble for the fate of my country when I think that God is just," and he said himself, ''It is the same spirit that says. You work and toil and earn bread and I'll eat it," and also, "The real issue . . . is the eternal struggle between right and wrong." Lincoln held correctly that the premises in the Dred Scott decision, that slaves were recognized in the Constitution of the United States as being same property as cattle or money were false: for the Constitution does not speak of slaves at all, except by inference, as being among the "three-fifths of all other persons" counted in making up the ratio of representation ; while no representation whatever is granted to property of any kind. Characteristic is Lincoln's statement: "Slav- ery and oppression must cease or American liberty must perish. True democrac}^ makes no inquiry about the color of the skin, or place of nativity, or any other similar circumstance of condition. I regard therefore the exclusion of the colored people as a body, from the elective franchise, as incompatible with the true democratic principle." Lie also called attention to Thos. Jeff^erson's recom- mendation to the Congress of Confederation in 1784, of an ordinance, which provided the prohibition of Slavery after the year 1800, above the 31° of North Latitude (the Northern line of Florida), Avhich failed to pass by the lack of one vote, to the keen disappointment of Jefferson. To friends who objected to Lincoln's uncompromising utterances, with regard to Slavery, he said : "Friends, this thing has been re- tarded long enough. The time has come when this sentiment should be uttered, and if it is decreed that I should go down, be- cause of this speech, then let me go down, linked to the truth, let me die in the advocacy of what is just and right:" as prophetic upon his own fate, as previously similar words of Elijah P. Lovejoy; or those spoken later by Nathaniel Lyon. 64 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. In his speech of August 27, 1858, at Freeport, Illinois, Lincoln put to Douglas this question : "Can the people of United States ter- ritory, in any lawful way, against the wish of any citizen of the United States, exclude Slavery from its limits, prior to the forma- tion of a State Constitution?" Douglas answered in substance: The Territorial Legislature could exclude Slavery indirectly by un- friendly legislation. This "Indirection" saved Douglas sufficient votes of m.en who were in favor that Kansas should become a Free- State, to secure his senatorial election in Illinois, but it hopelessly lost him the support of the Southern Democracy, for the presi- dential election of 1860. The South never could forgive Douglas that he pointed out the way, by w^hich the effects of the Dred Scott decision could be .neutralized. One of the most remarkable speeches in the campaign of 1860, was held by Lincoln at the Cooper Insti- tute on February 27, 1860; in this he pointed out that in the Congress of Confederation in 1784, Sherman of Connecticut, Miflin of Pennsylvania, Hugh Williamson of North Carolina, voted for excluding Slavery from the Northwest Territory; also that in 1787 Wm. Blount of North Carolina and Wm. Few of Georgia voted the same way; that in 1789 the Congress of the United States excluded Slavery from that Northwest Territory by a unanimous vote; that sixteen members of that Congress were among the original signers of the Constitution and that George Washington approved their de- cision and signed the act. In the same speech Lincoln also mentions that Washington wro'te to Lafayette: that we shall at some time have a confederacy of Free States. He also called attention to the fact that Congress had legislated upon Slavery in the Territory of Mississippi, and did the same in 1803 wdth regard to the Territory of Louisiana. Having given the general trend of events relative to the Slavery question in the Union, the special motives influencing the loyal movement of 1861 at St. Louis and in Missouri, may now be duly considered. B. GRATZ BROWN. Colonel 4tli Regiment Reserve Corps, Missouri Volunteers. CHAPTER 11. THE PEOPLE OF ST. LOUIS. ORIGIN; FIRST SETTLEMENT. To realize the part which St. Louis bore in the events of 1861, a brief sketch of its origin, situation and the character and motives of its people, is necessary. Situated on the right bank of the Mississippi, St. Louis occupies a series of gentle hills, whose highest elevation will reach near 200 feet above the river. St. Louis County, with which the city will eventually be co-extensive, borders on the East for 34 miles on the Mississippi; on the North for 46 miles on the Missouri; on the South 53 miles on the Meramec; takes in also twenty-five square miles south of that river and has westward a dry boundary of 11 miles. From an elevation of 390 feet above the sea level, at the Levee of the City of St. Louis, the ground is rising in undulating Avaves northward 260 feet; southward 280 feet; westward 410 feet, to the highest elevation on the western County line of 800 feet above the level of the sea. The declivities of the hills are gen- erally most sudden towards the rivers, offering beautiful residence sites, with fine garden and truck land in the interior. The many small creeks emptying into large rivers, and the general conditions of elevation in the County, offer unsurpassed facilities for drain- age and grading. With the two largest rivers on this Continent and a third river which readily can be made navigable; with good clay for common and fire brick, fine limestone, a large coal field within 10 miles east, ample wood and a salubrious climate, St. Louis offers conditions for an immense city, unequalled anywhere in the world. This tract was originally part of that vast French empire, which extended from Labrador to the Floridas, and from the shores of the Atlantic to the most distant lakes of 'Tipper Canada." The prevalent French names and character of settlements in the Mis- sissippi Valley are due to the first discoveries by Frenchmen com- 5 (65) 66 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. ing South from Canada on a search for the "great river." As early as 1673, Joliet and Father Marquette reached the Mississippi about the 40° and traveled South to the 33°. Robert Cavalier de la Salle enlarged their discoveries in 1678, while D'Iberville entered the mouth of the Mississippi early in 1699, when the first Governor was appointed for the immense Ter- ritory of Louisiana, which hardly numbered a few hundred White inhabitants. Ninety years had passed since Joliet floated down along the rock}^ shore and primeval forest, where now St. Louis stands. Other less eligible places were colonized before St. Louis, such as St. Genevieve and New Madrid, INIissouri. Cahokia, on the opposite bank in Illinois, was long in existence, when on the fifteenth day of February, 1764, the boat of Pierre Laclede Liguest, The People of St. Louis. 67 with young Aiiguste Chouteau, and a large party of Frenchmen, mostly mechanics from New Orleans, came near the site of St. Louis. The joy of the men may be imagined when after the fatigue of more than three months in bringing a heavy boat by mere muscular exertion up the river, they beheld the site of their destination, near a valley hemmed in by primeval forest and a short distance to the north of it and skirting the Mississippi, a rocky shore rising grad- ually from the bottom for a quarter of a mile to a perpendicular height of 40 feet and continuing northward at that elevation to a greater distance, while terraces of higher woode'd hills reached to the horizon towards the setting sun. The party landed at the foot of the present Walnut street ; a camp was established on the rocky bluff which extended northward from the present Poplar to Vine streets and blocks were laid out accord- ing to lines of trees previously blazed by Laclede and young A. Chouteau. They established a warehouse and huts by driving posts perpendicularly into the ground and quarried out a road through the edge of the rock to the river. With the people that came over from Cahokia and Kaskaskia, the settlement had 120 persons, who were chiefly attracted by the privileges of the Northwestern fur trade, granted to IMaxent, Laclede & Co. Pierre Laclede, the enterprising head of the colony, was born in France, in 1724, came to New Orleans when 31 years old and joined the above mercantile house. At that time Madame Marie Therese Chouteau, nee Bourgois, had separated from her husband on account of ill treatment and with her son Auguste Chouteau returned to her own family. Laclede made her acquaintance there, a mutual affec- tion sprung up, and by common consent she became the wife of Laclede : but as no divorce could be obtained under the French law from her first husband, she retained the name of Madame Chouteau, which also passed to the children of her second union. In the new colony, Laclede assigned lots under his original grant ; established commons for the cattle in the Southwest and apportioned common fields in the Northwest of the village; the limits of the place were then : on the East the Mississippi, on the South a line near Mill creek, on the West a line between Third and Fourth streets and on the North a line near the present Wash street. The high- est point of this location was on Fourth and Walnut, from which the grade was sloping down in all directions. Uj^on this territory Auguste Chouteau laid out the first plat of town of about 50 blocks. 68 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. the North and South streets being 36 feet, the East and West streets 30 feet wide, made so narrow chiefly for defensive purposes; the quarter of a square block was considered at first a lot for each dwell- ing and garden. Later on, the streets received the names, which they nearly all bear to the present date. The place was surrounded at first by an indented line of logs and earth thrown up as a parapet from the ditch. The commanding "Fort on the Hill" faced with a tower Walnut street on Fourth street and formed a square of 300 feet enclosed by loopholed stockades. The town was named St. Louis, in honor of Louis IX., who lived in the Thirteenth Century and was surnamed ''Saint" on account of his piety and a crusade he led into Egypt. One year before the first settlement of St. Louis, the treaty of Paris ended the "Seven Years' War" in Europe. Frederic the Great remained in possession of the bitterly contested Province of Silesia ; England gained posses- sion of all the territory East of the Mississippi save New Orleans and its neighborhood, and November 3, 1762, France ceded all Louisiana West of the Mississippi to Spain. It took some time till this news reached the Territory and several years till the Spaniards took actual possession, thus without knowing it, the French Colonists founded St. Louis on Spanish territory. Soon" afterwards, the French garrison of Fort Chartres, Illinois, commanded by St. Ange de Bellerive, being relieved by English troops, came over to St. Louis; many other Frenchmen from Illinois followed this example, and in 1766 the new colony had already 180 houses. The greater security from Indians, ■Laclede's genius in dealing with the savages and the antipathy which the French had against their ancestral foe, the English, aided the growth of the colony as much as its natural advantages. To bring order into public affairs, St. Ange was elected tem- porary Governor with Lefevre as associate and Joseph Labusciere Secretary. The latter kept the land grant book and the seal of the Governor had to be affixed to the land grants. The houses built wdth upright logs were of modest dimensions; a lot on southeast corner of Walnut and Second streets, being 60x150 feet, was sold for $20, the house upon it for $200. Negro slaves were then already bought and sold. Spanish troops passed St. Louis in 1768 and took possession of it in 1770 and Lieutenant Governor Don Pedro Piernas, with 80 soldiers, took command, in 1771; Spanish became the official language, but socially St. Louis still remained French. The People of St. Louis. 69 INDIANS AND FORTIFICATIONS. Indians were frequent visitors at the new colony ; sometimes they came in sufficiently laro,e luimbers to endanger the safety of the inhabitants. The ai3prehcnsions from them grew when Laclede died in 1778, the year in which Colonel Geo. R. Clark captured Kaskaskia from the British. These fears led in 1779 to the fortifi- cation of the place, commencing on the River on the Southern end of the village, and coming back to the river, at the Northern end; three gates led through the line for convenient communication. These precautions were taken none too soon, for already on the 26th day of jNIay, 1780, a band of hostile Indians surprised a number of inhabitants working in the fields outside the fortifications and killed about 30 persons of all ages and sexes. This sad lesson was not passed unheeded; the incapable or treacherous Commander Leyba was superseded by Lieutenant Governor Cruzat, who built half a dozen stone forts, fifty feet in diameter, and connected them by loop- holed stockades. Misfortunes were not spared the growing city; a great flood de- vastated the neighborhood in 1785, and besides the depredations of the Indians, organized bands of river pirates infested the trade of the colony, which otherwise prospered under the fair administration of Spanish Governors; still at that time no free Negro was admitted without a pass and no Protestant without a written permit from Spanish authority; but for all that, up to the year 1800, St. Louis had not taken the decided lead of the surrounding settlements, which at that time are credited w^ith the following number of inhabitants: St. Genevieve, 989 ; St. Louis, 925 ; St. Charles, 875 ; New Madrid. 782. Nevertheless St. Louis had then its great promises and natural charms, not the least of which was Chouteau's pond, a beautiful sheet of water of over 100 acres, surrounded by verdant hills and groves, occupying the very area where to-day a hundred locomotives and a thousand cars subserve the demands of a metropolis of trade and industry. The home relations in St. Louis at the time were quite primitive: water was hauled from the river on a drag; the people raised only what they needed; judgment sales were made at the church door after the mass ended on Sunday, and in the afternoon there was a dance. In April, 1775, 78 householders agreed to build a church 30'x60'xl4': as the Spanish succession terminated the exclusive privi- 70 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. lege or monopoly of Maxent Laclede & Co., of which house Aiiguste Chouteau had become an mfluential and leadmg partner, trade be- came free. Among the amenities of the business relations may be quoted that Charles Gratiot rode 1,500 miles from St. Louis to Rich- mond, to collect some due bills given him in payment by officers from Fort Chartres, and returned without success, though he had the honor of meeting Thomas Jefferson and Patrick Henry. Legal service in St. Louis was then by written process: application, answer, rejoinder and judgment were brief, to the point and mostly final. Manumis- sion of slaves were frequent, and even Indian slaves are mentioned in a document. Regulations with regard to safety, health, fire, prices of provisions, morals, etc., were simple, partaking somewhat of a paternal character, the same as the verbal grants and verbal permis- sions : a sign of primitive relations, but also of great reliance in the general honesty of the inhabitants. Inventories of estates of deceased persons were taken by order of the authorities and the beneficiaries were named, forming a valuable genealogy, highly useful in after years in tracing titles, a work which to some extent was made diffi- cult by the republican disposition of dropping prepositions or deriva- tive second names, habitual with gents of the antiquated nobility. War was threatening Spain in 1798, and its monarch asked for a voluntary contribution from those who had fortunes, promising in return rewards of dignity, office and honor. This genial sugges- tion is most likely the prototype to political campaign contributions, which came into practice with the increasing party spirit and mer- cenary disposition. Trouble being anticipated with the Indians near New Madrid about November, 1802, all arm-bearing citizens were enlisted at St. Louis, St. Genevieve, Platin and New Bourbon. The wdiole force marched down in the best order and with all mili- tary precautions, necessary in a heavily wooded country and with an unknown foe. A number of Indian tribes were assembled at New ]\Iadrid; five Indian murderers were tried, found guilty and, w4th the approval of the tribes, one Indian w^as shot and several others pardoned. The wdiole affair, inclusive the march back to St. Louis, was highly creditable to the military disposition and self-control of the young communities. The moral relations of the young colony while under Spanish authority appear to have been very satisfactory. It has been asserted that during upward of 30 years not a single instance of civil delin- quency or crime had been committed. While such negative evi- The People of St. Louis. 71 dence is not ('(.lu-hisive, it is an indication of the spirit of those times. Certain it is that the refined manners of the French settlers, their capacity as traders, their friendly policy with the Indians, which enabled the Whites to go as hunters and trappers to the foot of the Rocky Mountains, added a great deal to the amenities of life as well as to the commercial development of St. Louis. LOUISIANA TERRITORY IN THE UNION. Pursuant the Treaty of Ildefonso of August 19, 1796, Spain retroceded the Louisiana Territory to France. On the 30th of April, 1803, the same Territory was purchased by the United States of America, in consequence of negotiations inaugurated by President Thomas Jefferson with the Republic of France, the purchase price being $15,000,000. Captain Amos Stoddard took possession of the new Territory on March 10, 1804, and was placed in command of the same. ' The cause for this transfer, by Napoleon Bonaparte, then the all-powerful Consul of France, could easily be divined. France could not possibly protect this Transatlantic possession agamst England and at the same time, the vast area of this Territory, would greatly add to the power of the United States, which on the Continent of North America, was already then more than a match for England in any issue that had to be settled by the last resort of nations. The following is an abstract of the treaty of purchase by the United States of America from the Republic of France, April 30, 1803: Plenipotentiaries on behalf of the Ignited States, Robert R. Liv- ingston and James Monroe; on behalf of France, Francis Barbe Marbois. 1. Spain cedes the Colony and Province of Louisiana to the French Republic and the lattier cedes it to the United States. 2. This cession includes adjacent islands, lots, public places, vacant levees, buildings, fortifications, barracks and other buildings that have no owners; archives, papers, etc. 3. The inhabitants will be admitted conformably to the require- ments of the Federal Constitution to enjoy the rights of citizens and in the meantime be protected in their liberty, property and religion. 4. A French officer to receive and execute transfer. 5. Upon the ratification of the treaty France will deliver all mili- tary posts, and French and Spanish troops will vacate, if possible, within three months. 72 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 18G1. The People of St. Louis. 73 6. United States will carry out Spanish treaties with Indians until new treaties void the old ones. 7. French and Spanish import to be placed for twelve years on the same footing as current American import. _ 8. After twelve years French vessels to enjoy rates of most favored nation. 9. Payment due to U. S. citizens prior to September 30, 1800, is approved; special convention relative to the definitive law between the contracting parties to be approved the same time. 10. Ratification to be exchanged within six months. Treaty written primitively in French, also in English. Executed at Paris, April 30, 1803. "^ (Signed) ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON, JAMES MONROE, F. BARBE MARBOIS. The Convention between the United States of America and the French Republic, after an appropriate introduction and preamble,, stipulated : Article I. The Government of the United States will pay to the French Government sixty million livres. Article II. United States issue bonds for eleven million two hun- dred and fifty thousand dollars ($11,250,000), bearing 6 per cent interest per annum, payable half yearly. The principal payable at the Treasury of the United States not less than three million (3,000,000) annually, first payment fifteen years after the ratifi- cation. Article III. The dollar shall be fixed at five livres and eight sous, Turnois. To be ratified as above. Dated and signed as above. Another convention by the same parties regulated the total amount, mode of proof and payment of private claims. Governor Laussat from New Orleans authorized Lieutenant Gov- ernor Dehault De la Suze at St. Louis to deliver to Mr. Stoddard, under a power of attorney from France, the civil and military pos- session of that part of Louisiana, Avhich De la Suze commands; he also instructed the latter, in conjunction with Pierre Chouteau, to make an inventory of all houses and buildings to be transferred, and sends these instructions on. December 21, 1803, also: To Don Pedro Dehault De Lassus, commandant at New Bourbon. To Don Francisco Valle, commandant at St. Genevieve. 74 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. To Don Louis Lorimer, commandant at Cape Girardeau. To Don John Lavallee, commandant at New Madrid. By the middle of February, 1804, letters from Laussat reached Cap- tain Amos Stoddard and he in turn wrote to Lieutenant Governor Delassus at St. Louis : Kaskaskia. 18th February, 1804. SiK — I have just received by express from New Orleans, a variety of dispatches, relative to the late retrocession of Louisiana. "Those addressed to you and entrusted to my car^ by the French and Spanish Commissioners, I do myself the honor to forward by a Sergeant of our army, who is bound on business to Captain Lewis. "In a few days the troops under my command will ascend the Missis- sippi in public boats. I shall proceed before them by land and concert with you the necessary arrangements before their arrival ■ at St. Louis. The inclosed letter to Mr. Chouteau, I would thank you to deliver to him. Please accept the assurance of my respectful consideration. "Amos Stoddasd, "Captain U. S. Artillery, Agent and Commissioner of the French Republic." In preparation for the transfer Lieutenant Governor Delassus or- dered all the garrisons to be neat and in readiness to evacuate with arms and knapsacks, the commander trusting that ''every man will so comport himself as to uphold the reputation of the Spanish troops." A soldier standing on the gallery of the Governor's man- sion, southeast corner of Main and Walnut, was in proper time to wave his hat as a signal for a "Salvo" from all the cannon that were mounted and in battery. This w^as practicable, as the "Fort on the Hill" was on Fourth and Walnut and the ceremony took place at the Chouteau mansion on Main and Walnut. The troops of Captain Stoddard landed at Cahokia and were cantoned several days, waiting till March 9, 1804, w^hen they were led over to the St. T.(Ouis side by Lieutenant AVorrall, Adjutant to Captain Stoddard, who with Captain Merriwether Lewis' First U. S. Infantry, and the most prominent citizens of the place, assembled at the Governor's office, while most of the inhabitants gathered on the street before the house. Lieutenant Governor Delassus then read the following : PROCLAMATION. March 9, 1804. "Inhabitants of Upper Louisiana: "By the King's command, I am about to deliver up this Post and it-i dependencies. "The flag under which you have been protected for a period of nearly thirty-six years, is to be withdrawn. From this moment you are released from the oath of fidelity you took to support it. The People of St. Louis. 75 "The fidelity and courage with which you have guarded and defended it, will never be forgotten, and in my character of representative, I en- tertain the most sincere wishes for your perfect prosperity." With the exchange of the usual civilities, Delassus turned over the Governmental residence to Captain Stoddard, and the boom of the cannon announced to the whole neighl)orhood that a new era was to dawn on St. Louis and the West. The official document, testify- ing to the transfer of the Territory by Spain to France, represented by Captain Am'os Stoddard, was executed in triplicate, both in the Spanish and English language, signed by Carlos Dehault De La.ssus and Amos Stoddard in i)resence of Merriwether Lewis, Captain First L^. S. Infantry-; Antoine Soulard, Surveyor General, and Charles Gratiot. This constituted a double transfer; first, from Spain to France, pursuant the peace of Ildefonso, Captain Stoddard representing France, and second, France transferring the Territory to the United States by the means of a power of attorney given to Captain Stod- dard. The American troops marched to the Fort, exchanged mili- tary salutes with the evacuating Spanish troops, which took quar- ters on southwest corner of Elm and Third streets, waiting for a chance to embark via New Orleans for Pensacola, Florida. At the request of Captain Stoddard Lieutenant Governor Delassus addressed the Delaware, Abenaki and Sagui Indians, and informed them of the transfer in the usual patronizing style ; he lauded their past loyalty and exhorted them to follow it up in the future and added that their Spanish father's heart was happy to know that they will be protected and sustained by their new father. Official circulars were sent to the subdistrict commanders conveying the news and directions relative to the transfer. In keeping with instructions of President Jefferson, the old method and practice of Administration was continued during the seven months of Captain Stoddard's authority, except that English became the official language instead of Spanish, which the inhabitants could easily stand, for they were still mostly French. Delassus gave to Stoddard the characteristic description of about 45 persons, more or less officiating in Upper Louisiana. Of these eight-ninths (8-9) were of French descent and one-ninth (1-9) of other nationality. A spirit of candor worthy to an old Roman per- vades this list, which is highly interesting reading, given in full in Fred L. Billon's Annals of St. Louis, first v(»luni(>. pages 365-371. 76 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1801. With regard to legal transactions in the young colony it may be noted that the original documents of grants, deeds, certificates, etc., were made out on loose sheets, and afterwards stitched together, kept at the Government Office and passed from Governor to Governor. Most of these papers are now at the Recorder's office. These notes com- menced January 21. 1766, by Joseph Labusciere, were headed appro- priately and turned over to the first Spanish Governor. The first regular record books were commenced in November, 1816. The mode of securing land grants was simple. The settler peti- tioned the Governor for the grant of the land described by him, who acceded (if so) to the petition on the bottom or back of the same paper, and directed the Surveyor to run out the lands. This petition and the report of the Surveyor entitled the actual settler on application to the proper officer at New Orleans, to the issue of the grant. The great majority of these settlers never called for these grants, as it took five months to- go to New Orleans and return, but having an equitable claim, expected an acknowledgement of their grants from the United States. On the suggestion of the Attorney General of the Indian Terri- tory, Captain Stoddard wrote on January 10, 1804, to the Secretary of War, that attempts to defraud the United States of land are being made; a previous Commander having signed blank papers for the insertion of the necessary petition, order of survey and dates. While that Commander had left more than 5 years ago, some of the claim- ants by the strength of such papers, had not resided in St. Louis for 2 years. Jefferson referred this report to Congress. The conditions of settlement exacted great fortitude on the part of the first inhabitants, who commenced to build up St. Louis. It took a resolute disposition to move a thousand miles into the wilder- ness, face an unknown climate, the savage Indians, forego the charms of civilization and medical aid. But these circumstances and their trials helped to mould the character of men, who played an impor- tant part in subsequent events. A few examples will suffice to show the nature of then existing general relations. Charles Gratiot came to St. Louis in 1781; he became a Spanish subject in order to be permitted to trade with, the Indians; went to Richmond in the year 1783 and was absent one year to collect govern- ment bills due him. In 1791 he sailed with furs to Bordeaux in France and from there to London, which already then was the best fur market; from there he went to Switzerland and called on his The People of St. Louis. 77 relations after an absence of 25 years; returning by way of London he secured an outfit of merchandise needed in the far West, and came over Montreal and Mackinac back home to St. Louis. Gratiot made a second trip to London, but was dissatisfied with his results, and returned again to St. Louis. His energetic disposition and the general wants of a new community led him into various enterprises and he carried on a farm, mill, distillery and operated a tannery and salt works besides his trading ventures. In 1798 he received from the Governor General at New Orleans a concession for Gratiot League Square, and with his wife Victoire, eldest daughter of Madame Chouteau, educated their 13 children. Gratiot was active, judicious, perseverant and ambitious. Daniel Boone, from Pennsylvania, came to Upper Louisiana in 1797 when 62 years of age. His previous successive homesteads were lost to him on account of neglect in perfecting their title; Boone received a grant of land from Governor Trudeau and settled with his son at the village of ''Charette," probably named after the heroic leader of the Vendeens: another proof of the great diversity of the first settlers of Missouri. Daniel Boone's portrait was taken shortly before his death, at 86 years of age, by Chester Harding. Boone was for a time Syndic (Civil INIagistrate) of the Femme Osage settlement. The adventures of the hardy pioneer are known all over the world. Chester Harding, painter, came to St. Louis in 1820. remained long enough to paint over 100 portraits, among which was also that of Daniel Boone. Left to perfect himself in Italy, returned to Bos- ton, living there in easy circumstances from the reward of his art; one of his daughters married Judge John ]\I. Krum, father of Judge Chester Krum. Two sons of Chester Harding the painter, became very prominent in Missouri in 1861. The one also named Chester Harding was Lyons' Adjutant General, and as such by General Lyons' order the actual Commander of all troops in Missouri; the second, James Harding, was Quartermaster General of the State Militia under Governor Jackson ; he married into a Southern family, and by the force of circumstances and associations drifted into the Confederate service. Interesting as the journeys through primeval forests and unknown rivers may have been, they were full of dangers, which tried the nerve and endurance of men to the utmost. Consider the case of Dr. Antoine Francois Saugrain from Paris, France, who started in March, 78 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 1788, from Pittsburg, with three companions and horses on a flat- boat down the Ohio river. Opposite the Big j\Iiami a party of In- dians commenced to fire upon them from ambush, and shot two horses, wounded one man severely and injured the hand of Sa-ugfain. Being j)ursued by the Indians in a canoe, all jumped froni,Jnfe flat- boat to reach the Kentucky shore. The wounded man's s^"ength gave out and he drowned ; another man was waylaid on shore, toma- hawked and scalped. Dr. Saugrain and the fourth man, named Pierce, were overtaken by the Indians, bound and dragged along. During the night, while the Indians were fast asleep. Dr. Saugrain succeeded to loosen his ties, liberated his companion and they fled through the woods skirting the river, until after three days of hunger, frost and exposure, they succeeded to hail a boat and secure relief and assistance, to nurse their wounds and frosted limbs. It took nearly two months before they were able to continue their journey. Even more manifold than the experience of the first immigrants was their derivation and the causes which brought them to St. Louis. Adventure, trade, necessity brought the trapper, the merchant, the refugee from the reign of terror, from the insurrection in the West Indies, the ice-bound lakes of Canada, from the ranks of discharged Spanish and American soldiers, all to the common destiny of be- coming here good American citizens. TERRITORIAL DAYS OF MISSOURI. An Act of Congress of May 7, 1800, divided the Northwest Ter- ritory into Ohio and Indiana: the latter comprising Indiana, Illi- nois, Michigan and Wisconsin, to which, in 1804, Louisiana, includ- ing Missouri, was temporarily attached. Courts were held in June, September, December and March, and a Sheriff^ and Recorder ap- pointed. The days of Arcadian simplicity and quiet life were ended by the American possession and immigration. In 1804 Lewis and Clark started on their great expedition of discovery Northwest to the Pacific Ocean, considerably aided by the experience of St. Louis traders and trappers. Merriwether Lewis from Virginia, was private Secretary to Presi- dent Jefferson till 1803. Congress making an appropriation to ex- plore the Missouri river, cross the Stone Mountains, and descend on some river to the Pacific Ocean, Lewis was appointed for the task and Captain Wm. Clark was associated with him. He waited in St. Louis for the spring to open as well as for the actual transfer of tho The Pcoplr of St. Louis. 79 Territory, at wliicli he was present, signing the document as a wit- ness. The expedition party was camping opposite the month of the Missouri; it consisted of 45 persons, of whom 12 were soldiers and 15 boat hands. One man died the first winter and 15 Avere sent back with dispatches. The expedition crossed the Rocky Moun- tains September 22, 1805, built boats and reached the Pacific Ocean on the Columbia river on November 15, built a fort and passed here the second winter, returning to St. Louis September 23, 1806, after a voyage of 28 months. Lewis was rewarded by a land grant and the appointment as Governor of Upper Louisiana. He left St. Louis for Washington, became low spirited and shot himself on his way in Kentucky. The Lewis and Clark expedition practically gave Oregon to the United States. The Northern boundary of the Union was subsequently secured by a treaty with Great Britain. In the meantime, the city destined to become the commercial metropolis of the West, prospered. The numbr of taxpaying inhabi- tants was already 729 in the year 1807 and taxes could be paid in deer skins from October to April, after that date in cash. The town was incorporated in 1809, the centennial celebration of which will l)e held in October, 1909. The first Treasurer, Auguste Chouteau, reported end of the year 1810: Receipts from all sources $529.68 Expenditures 399.15 Balance in the Treasury $130.53 A more promising sign of advancement was, in 1808, the first edi- tion of a newspaper: the Missouri Gazette, published by Joseph Charless, a son of Erin, and a refugee of the Irish rebellion of 1795. The fir.'it number of the paper was printed on foolscap; subscribers gave their notes or verbal promise, which they could redeem in flour, corn, beef or pork. The paper was quite efficient in promoting the best interests of the community. The way of making roads was simple, the Court ordered and in- spected the survey and made provisions for its ''cutting out.'' Thus a road was ordered to St. Genevieve, Cape Girardeau and New Madrid, quite an enterprise, considering that the only road leading from town to the river was on Market street, for perpendicular rocks, about 40 feef above the usual stand of the river, extended from Poplar street to Rockv Branch. 80 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. In 1812 the Territory was named Missouri; a Governor was ap- pointed and the Legislature, biannually elective, met every year in St. Louis, the first meeting being in Mr. Sanguinette's loghouse on Second street. For the war of 1812 with Great Britain, St. Louis mustered one Company of Riflemen, one of Infantry and one of Artillery and one of Veterans above 45 years of age, wdiich, according to the ''Gazette," comprised nearly every man in the place. There were also several hundred Regulars here; their main duty was to watch the Indians, who under the pretext of war, robbed and killed several persons in the neighborhood. During this w^ar, expeditions of Regulars went from St. Louis or Bellefountaine to Portage des Sioux, Rock Island, Natchitoches, the Falls of St. Anthony and Council Bluff. Already February 18, 1815, the St. Louisians could fire a salute in honor of the victory of New Orleans, gained January 8, full fourteen days after the ''Treaty of Ghent" had been signed, of which no tele- graphic news could then be conveyed. Another memorable event gladdened the heart of the St. Louis people, when on August 2, 1815, probably the larger portion of the 2,000 inhabitants, watched the landing of the first steamboat on the St. Louis Levee : little did they dream then that less than fifty years later more than one hundred large steamboats would crowd that landing and that within another fifty years those floating palaces would be almost entirely superseded by the "Iron Horse," which on this Continent commenced to feed on coal, cash and human flesh, full 13 years later than the landing of the steamer "Pike." From the date wdien St. Louis became part of the Union to the admission of Missouri as a State, namely, in a period of 17 years, the new conditions brought many notable men to the city. It is not possible within the compass of these lines to do justice to their merits. To those readers acquainted with the relations of St. Louis, the names themselves will suggest many living and institutional mementoes, while not few of these men acquired even a national reputation. SETTLERS OF AMERICAN ERA. This designation comprises chiefly those settlers who came to St. Louis between the dates of the Louisiana purchase and the admission of Missouri to Statehood. Many of these men are most intimately connected with the early development of St. Louis and are known even to the present generation. According to Mr. Billon's excellent The People of St. Louis. 81 Chronicle, there came to St. Louis in 1804: (lon. Daniel Bissell, Merriwether Lewis, Geo. Wni. Clark, Wm. C. Carr, Rufus Easton, Alex McNair, John Mullanphy ; in 1805 : Z. M. Pike, Clement Biddlc. Jno. B. C. Lucas; 1806: Joseph Charless, the Blow family, Fred Bates; 1807: Dr. Bernard J. Farrar; 1800: John W. Honey, Michael Tesson, Bartholo Berthold. Kene Paul, Mo.ses Austin; 1810: Judge Robt. AVash; 1811: LTy. Von Phul : 1813: Peter, John and Jessie Lindell, Captain Thco. Lfunt, Jas. Kcnnerly; 1814: Edward Bates. Nathaniel Paschall; 1815: Major Thos. Forsyth, Captain Mackey Wherry, Thos. Hart Benton ; 1816 : Archibald Gamble, James Clem- ens, John Bobb; 1817: Robt. Collet, John D. Daggett, Wm. Glasgow, Jr., Thornton Grimsley, John L. Sutton; 1818: Hamilton R. Gam- ble, Geo. Collier, Sullivan Blood, Archbishop Louis Wm. Y. Du- bourg, F. K. Billon, Jeremiah Connor, Col. John O'Fallon, Fred Dent ; 1819 : Dr. Wni. Carr Lane, Henry Shaw, Chas. Chambers, Jos. C. Laveille, Edward Knapp; 1820: Chester Harding, Sr., Elihu W. Sheppard, Britton A. Hill, D. Robt. Barclay, Wm. Higgins, N. B. Atwood. These men, with a few of the original settlers, very soon controlled the bulk of the real estate. Some of the largest holdings were soon subdivided, like the John jMullanphy estate, which through five married daughters went to Richard Graham, Chas. Chambers, Thos. Biddle, Wm. S. Harney, James Clemens, and one son, Bryan Mullanphy, whose generosity established the Mullanphy Emigrant Home. No doubt these large land holdings exerted a conservative influence and in latter days outweighed slaveholding interests. Gen. Daniel Bissell, Commander at Bellefountaine, bought a large tract of land in that neighborhood. Officers of the Army and of the Terri- torial Governnient, exercised through their culture and education a directive influence, while old troopers, discharged at this point, added to the settlement a hardy and resolute element. When Fred K. Billon arrived in St. Louis in 1818, its population was estimated at 3,000. The census gave the State of Missouri 20.000, and the Legislature petitioned Congress for admission as a State into the Union, which proved its appreciation of this part of 'the country by sending in 1819 the steamer ''W^estern Engineer," drawing only 19 inches of water, up to the Yellow Stone river, to select a site for a fort and to make geodetic, geological, botanical and zoological observations; each branch being represented by a pro- ficient scientist. This expedition started from Pittsburg and was ex- jx^cted to stay out for two years. By this time two banks had been 6 82 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. started in ^St. Louis: the first was discontinued on account of too little confidence by the people, and the second on account of too much confidence in the people. Characteristic for the period (1810- 1818) ,are the four duels which had been fought on Bloody Island opposite St. Louis. None of these had an adequate cause and two terminated fatally. All of the parties professed to be Christians, though their vindictive hatred is little in accord with the teachings of the great master. In one of these duels, Thomas H. Benton killed Charles Lucas, a young attorney. Benton came recently from Tennessee, where he had been already prominent in politics, and where some of his experience is so far germane to these lines, as he was soon to become the most prominent man in St. Louis and Missouri. Under date of September 10, 1813, Thomas H. Benton describes a scene which casts a shadow^ before coming events, in so far as it brings to light vindictive passions and acts of cruel violence, that could only have been nurtured under the degrading influences of Slavery surroundings. He writes to a newspaper at Franklin, Tenn., September 10, 1813: "A difference which had been for some months brewing between Gen- eral Jackson and myself, produced on Saturday, the 4th inst., in the town of Nashville, the most outrageous affray ever witnessed in a civilized country. "In communicating this affair to my friends and fellow citizens, I limit myself to the statement of a few leading facts, the truth of which I am ready to establish by judicial proofs. "1. That myself and my brother, Jesse Benton, arriving at Nashville on the morning of the affray, and knowing of Gen'l Jackson's threats, went and took our lodgings in a different house from the one in which he stayed, on purpose to avoid him. "2. That the Genei'al and some of his friends came to the house where we had put up, and commenced the attack by leveling a pistol at me, when I had no weapon drawn, and advancing upon me at a quick pace, without giving me time to draw one. "3. That seeing this, my brother fired upon General Jackson, when he had got within eight or ten feet of me. "4. That four other pistols were fired in quick succession — one by Gen- eral Jackson at me, two by me at the General, and one by Col. Coffee at me. In the course of this firing, General Jackson was brought to the ground, but I received no hurt. The People of St. Louis. 83 "5. That daggers were then drawn. Col. Coffee and Mr. Alexander Don- aldson made at me and gave me five slight wounds. Captain Hammond and Mr. Stockley Hays engaged my brother, who, being still weak from the effects of a severe w-ound he had lately received in a duel, was not able to resist two men. They got him down, and while Captain Ham- mond beat him on the head to make him lay still, Mr. Hays attempted to stab him, and wounded him in both arms, as he lay on his back parrying the thrusts with his naked hands. From this situation a gen- erous hearted citizen of Nashville, Mr. Summers, relieved him. Before he came to the ground, my brother clapped a pistol to the breast of Mr. Hays to blow him through, but it missed fire. "6. My own and my brother's pistols carried two balls each; for it was our intention, if driven to our arms, to have no child's play. The pistols fired at me were so near that the blaze of the muzzle of one of them burned the sleeve of my coat, and the other was aimed at my head, a little more than arm's length from it. "7. Captain Carroll was to have taken part in the affray, but was absent by the permission of General Jackson, as he has since proved, by the General's certificate, which leaves the doubt open, whether it reflects less honor upon the General or upon the Captain. "8. That this attack was made upon me in the house where the .Judge of the District, Mr. Searcy, had his lodging! So little are the laws and its ministers respected! Nor has the Civil authority yet taken cogni- zance of this horrible outrage. "These facts are sufficient to fix the public opinion. For my own part, I think it scandalous, that such things should take place at any time, when the public service requires the aid of all its citizens. As for the name of courage, God forbid that I should ever attempt to gain it by becom- ing a bully. "Those who know me, know full well that I would give a thousand times more for the reputation of Croghan, in defending his post, than I would for the reputation of all the duelists and gladiators that ever appeared on the face of the earth. "TiioM.^s Hart Bkxtox. "Lt. Colonel 39th Infantry." The incident displays the temper of persons, called upon to act a leading part in coming events. Soon after the above incident, Ben- ton removed to St. Louis, and in 1819 edited a newspaper in opposi- tion to the ''Missouri Gazette" published by Josei)li Charless. Charless was born in Ireland, 1772; took part in the Irish rebellion of 1795. in which Robert Emmett perished. He fled to the United States; went first to Lexington. Ky., and came in 1806 to St. Louis, and being a practical printer and man of a liberal disposition, founded the ''Mis- souri Gnzctte.'' the parent of the "St. Louis Republic." It was prob- 84 The (Jnion Cause in St. Louis in 1861. ably the example of Charless which started a large Irish emigration to St. Louis, the city whose name was also congenial to their religious tennets. ADMISSION OF MISSOURI. The fourth session of the Missouri Territorial Legislature, organ- ized at St. Louis, October 26, 1818, by electing David Barton Speaker, and resolved upon the recommendation of a committee, that it was both proper and expedient to petition Congress, to admit Missouri as a State, authorizing it to propose a Constitution and form a State Government. The census gave Missouri 19,218 white male inhabitants, and the whole subject relative to Statehood was embodied into a memorial and the delegate to Congress was requested to present the same to the Federal Legislature. An act introduced at the same time in the Territorial Legislature of Missouri by Hy. S. Geyer, to incorporate a Board of Trustees for superintending schools in the town of St. Louis, shows the fostering care for education, coeval with the ambition for Statehood and a resolution passed shortly before adjournment on December 24, which rebuked the Lieutenant Gov- ernor for arrogating to himself the privilege of letting out the public printing, proves the jealousy of the ancestors in the case of vested rights. On the reassembling of the Territorial Legislature at St. Louis on September 18, 1819, Alexander McNair was declared elected Gov- ernor. On October 2 the Legislature had a joint session, in order to elect two Senators for Congress. Every one of the members of both houses had the right to vote for one Senator. David Barton received 34 votes; Thomas H. Benton 27; John B. Lucas 16; while 27 votes were scattered between three more candidates. Barton and Benton were declared duly elected, though either of them received only a plurality of the votes cast. As the member to the House of Representatives in Washington had been previously elected by the people, the w^hole State machinery was ready for operation, long be- fore the State was admitted to the Union. The Constitutional Convention assembled at St. Louis, June 12, 1820, under an act of Congress of March 6, 1820, entitled "An act to authorize the people of Missouri Territory to form a Constitu- tion and State Government and for the admission of such State into the Union on an equal footing with the original States and to pro- hibit Slavery in certain territories." The "certain territories" des- The People of St. Louis. 85 ignated in that act were laying West of Missonri and North of 36° 30' Latitude, and their consecration for future Free States was the consideration for admitting Missouri as a Slave State into the Union. This solemn compact was afterwards broken by the repeal of the Missouri compromise in 1854. St. Louis members of that convention were : David Barton, Presi- dent; William Rector, Alexander McNair, Bernard Prattc, Edward Bates, John C. Sullivan, Pierre Chouteau, Jr., and Thomas Riddick, William G. Pcttus was made Secretary over Archibald Gamble, can- didate for the same office. The Constitution this convention framed guaranteed to colored people equality of punishment, but only with regard to capital offenses; slaves abused by their masters Avere to be sold by authority of the State, for the benefit of the master ; which for the slave, was rather an additional and cruel punishment. Slaves could not be emancipated, except b}' the consent of the ow'ner. The provision to prevent free Negroes and Mulattoes from coming to and settling in the State was obviated by special ordinance, exacted by Congress as imperative, before the President could issue his procla- mation for the admission of the State. Article II, Section 9, of that Constitution enjoined: ''No person, while he continues to exercise the functions of a bishop, priest, clergy- man or teacher of any religious persuasion, denomination, society or sect whatever, shall be eligible to a seat in either branch of the Legis- lature, or to be elected or appointed to any office of profit within this State, the office of Justice of Peace excepted." This indicates that the direct political activity of the designated persons was not deemed beneficial, by the framers of the Constitution, who adopted the same by the vote of all members save one. English and French copies of the Constitution w^cre ordered printed, for the use of the authorities When the Constitution was presented to Congress for approval and acceptance, the motion for its unconditional adoption was de- feated, and a resolution passed, of admitting the State on certain conditions. The Missouri Legislature complied with these on June 26, 1821, Avith these words: "That this State has assented and does assent that the fourth clause of the twenty-sixth section of the third article of the Constitution of this State shall never be construed to authorize the passage of any law, and that no laAv shall be passed in conformity thereto, by which any citizen of either of the United States, shall be excluded from the enjoyment of any of the privileges and immunities to which such 86 The Union Cause in St. Lonis in 1861. citizens are entitled under the Constitution of the United States. This proviso secured to free Negroes and Mulattoes the right to come to and reside in Missouri. In consequence of the above pledge Presi- dent James Monroe issued his proclamation on August 10, 1821, that Missouri had become a State by virtue of accepting the condi- tions stipulated by Congress. The contest ended by the Missouri Compromise has been related before, with the general political development of the Slavery power. It seems that Benton's ability and influence lay dormant during this important j)eriod of State organization, which was the most oppor- tune time to free Missouri, as it would also have been the best time to fight Slavery extension. But no one was great enough to follow the footsteps of Thomas Jefferson, who liberated the North- West Territory, by his far-sighted policy. Had Thomas H. Benton cast the weight of his capacity and influence for making Missouri a Free State, he would have become one of the greatest men of this nation and saved hundreds of thousands from premature graves. Fearless, able, learned, genial in his disposition, he secured success and renown with other measures, but missed the chance of his life, when he assisted or suffered Missouri to become a Slave State. It is true he Avould have had to rise above the influences of his youth, the training in a Proslavery community, the vicious effects of absolute power, and for the time being, the allurements of high office. He was born a slaveholder in North Carolina, removed in his youth to a cotton plan- tation in Tennessee, got early into politics and w^as influenced by the unbridled passions of Southern Society; of which his own letter upon the difficulty with General Jackson is the best proof and the duel with young Lucas a sad sequel. Benton had afterwards the greatest merit in developing the Great West; he helped to secure Homesteads to millions; was a sound financier, and like his latter days friend, General Jackson, an uncompromising Union man ; but he failed to see that the Union could not exist with Slavery. Theo- dore Roosevelt says in his work upon Benton : "The South falling always more to the rear in the race for prosperity and blindly attrib- uting her failure to everything but the true reason — the existence of Slavery," also held that Benton tried to hide this cause from himself and others and placed it upon the Tariff. A few pages farther Roosevelt states : "Now whether a protective Tariff is right or wrong, may be open to question." It certainly was not an open question in the minds of the Southerners, who exported their staples for the price The People of St. Louis. 87 made in tlic world's markets and paid for Ihe imported manufac- tures the prices enhanced by the Tariff. There are several mitigating circumstances, which to some extent, palliate a Proslavery disposition in Missouri at the time. Slavery existed in the Louisiana Territory under Spanish dominion. France repossessed Louisiana only on paper and made the United States guarantee all possessive rights, which could readily be construed to include Slavery. The ^'peculiar institution" exhibited in Missouri a milder nature than farther South. While corporal punishment could be administered by master and overseer, its more severe applications were relegated to the justices and resolutions introduced in the Legis- lature ''to treat them (the slaves) with humanity and to abstain from all injury to them, extending to life and limb," prove that the slaves were partly protected by the Missouri laws, which were not as cruel towards the offending slave, as those in other parts of the country. It is true that here as in all Slave States a great many masters waived excessive punishments and treated their dependents with kindness and care; but neither this, nor the fear of remote slave insurrections could possibly excuse inhuman laws. On July 4, 1826, Thomas Jefferson died; the great statesman and patriot w^as also the ablest opponent of Slavery expansion. Jefferson Barracks, named in his honor, was occupied the same day by foui* Companies of United States Soldiers and the next year the St. Louis Arsenal was started: few anticipated then that civil war was so near, nor that this Avould be a most important place in the organization of Union forces. Three years later the corner stone of the St. Louis Cathedral was laid on Walnut street, very near the point where the first settlers landed ; the very considerable dimensions of the Church anticipated the future great City. THE GERMAN IMMIGRATION OF 1830. AVith the year 1830, there commenced in Europe an era of such momentum in History that it cast the shadow of coming events west- w^ard, even to the far off banks of the Mississippi. The American War of Independence of 1776, and the French Revolution of 1789, by their declarations of inalienable natural right, had roused a large portion of the people of Europe to a sense of their human dignity. The genial heir of France's revolutionary power humbled privileged legitimacy all over the Continent. Overreaching his capacity and 88 The Jlnion Cause in St. Louis in 1801. neglecting the very principles which elevated him, the Corsican conqueror fell as much through his own faults as through the national enthusiasm of the countries which his despotic rule had oppressed. The humbled legitimistic rulers took advantage of the national enthusiasm of their people, and, making a virtue out of necessity, partly granted and partly promised, liberal organic mea- sures. Once out of danger, however, nor dreading any more the ''Ghost of St. Helena," their memory relative liberal promises failed; granted rights w^re evaded; old privileges re-established, and the reaction flourished all over Europe. This was the era of the ''Holy Alliance" between Russia, Austria and Prussia, whose grasping abso- lutistic tendency was not limited even by the Atlantic Ocean, and elicited from a far seeing American Cabinet the famous document originating the ''Monroe Doctrine." This "Reaction" was supreme from 1815 to 1830; but while it could change outward forms, it could not suppress the awakened spirit of the people seeking more liberal and progressive relations. The great lessons of American Independ- ence and the French Revolution, lived in the minds of the best and ablest men, and spread from them quietly but irresistibly through the masses. Charles X., King of France, by the grace of the Holy Alliance, a royal Bourbon, who never forgot past privileges nor com- prehended the progress of modern evolution, was chased from France by the revolution of 1830, which guided by aged Lafayette, Thiers, Arago and other liberal minded men, raised Louis Phillip to the throne as a "Citizen King" with constitutionally limited powers. This popular upheaval of France set all liberally disposed persons of Europe in motion, and for a time a general uprising was anticipated. It was partly suppressed and partly neutralized by the yielding of the Governments, granting some constitutional institutioiis. which, however, were not satisfactory to the men of most progressive minds, and especially not to the students of the German Universities, where the "Bursch Societies," cultivated an idealism of truth, which the most resolute capacities among them tried to apply to practical life. The theories of natural human rights brought down upon them the persecution of the absolute governments. Prominent among theso students, both for his zeal in the cause of free institutions, and his ability and learning, was Karl Follen or FoUenius, who even dreamed of a German Republic to be proclaimed on the battlefield of Leip/ic, for which he and friends had already discussed the plan of a Consti- tution. Follen was an uncompromising Republican, in the full The People of St. Louis. 89 meaning- of tlie word. The dawn of the new era of 1830 animated him to these lines: "It is awaking. It is awaking! Out of the depth of sun pregnant night, In flaming glow of a morning rapture, The sun of suns — . . . • The people's might. Humanity, thou greatest of deserts, Greeted in vain, by the spring of mind. Tear up and break up the ice of ages. Rush on in strong, proud ocean billows; Down serf and tyrant, who only abused thee. Be now a nation, and a Republic — Fight for thy kind!" Follen's general tendency being known, the authorities made an attempt to connect him with the crime of Sand, who for political reasons murdered Kotzebue in 1819. This attempt failed, but the' persecutions continued. Follen accepted a call for a professorship in Chur, Switzerland, which shielded him against the attacks of the reactionary powers, until he left for Paris, where the venerable Gen- eral Lafayette gave to Follen letters of recommendation, which secured him a professorship at the Harvard University in Boston. He found friends among the most cultured people and joined the Antislavery Society started in 1832, knowing that this would bar his permanent employment at the University. Animated by the idea of "a healthy mind in a healthy body," Follen started a Turn place for gymnastic exercises. It will be seen later that the Turners, whose societies spread all over the country, were among the first and staunchest supporters of the Union cause. The Governor of Massachusetts in his inaugural address, intimated that the Abolitionists, by their sayings and doings, were guilty of an offense against the laws of their country and liable to prosecution. The subject was referred to a Committee before Avhom delegates of the Antislavery society appeared, in order to prevent hostile legisla- tion. Follen pointed out in his pleading that the object of muzzling people by law was to perpetuate Slavery ; that the slaveholders had incited hatred against the Abolitionists; that Southern Legislatures had offered rewards for the abduction or assassination of Antislavery men, and that if now any censure should be passed upon the Aboli- tionists or members of the Antislavery Society, this would even 90 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. endanger their personal safety or life, just in the same manner as a recent meeting at Faneiiil Hall condemning Anti-slavery doc- trines, caused the gathering of a mob, which threatened the personal liberty of jDeople, and dragged Lloyd Garrison with a halter round his neck, through the streets of Boston. Heedless of such experiences, five thousand people celebrated the martyrdom of Elijah P. Lovejoy at the Tabernacle in 1837. For all that, Karl Follen never dared to call on his brother in Missouri ; he perished in 1840 on the steamer Lexington. The same spirit which animated Karl Follen Avas shared by his younger brother, Paul Follenius, and the latter's brother-in-law, Friederich Muench. While classmates at the University they had the same political aims and shared in the same disappointment in their old home relations, and organized in 1833 the "Gieszen Emigra- tion Society" of five hundred members; one-half started under the lead of Follenius via Bremen and New Orleans, the other half under the lead of Frederick Muench via Baltimore. Cholera broke out on Follenius' vessel on the Mississippi; he himself remained behind sick in Paducah; when he arrived at St. Louis, the society had dis- banded, without due consideration of incurred obligations. Follenius and si?: families went to Duden's old place, 56 miles west of St. Louis ; he bought there a farm of 160 acres, and Father Muench settled in the same neighborhood. Fred Muench was very active in securing a large German immigration to Missouri. Having faith in free institutions, he desired to share them with men of similar convictions, who at that time despaired of a favorable political development in Germany. He no doubt held that an addition of German idealism, thrift and social tendency, will be very acceptable to the serious business disposition, daring enterprise and more or less puritanic rigor of the native American. His writings of a political and philosophical nature, enlightened the reader on the questions of American organization. Antislavery in conviction, as all educated Europeans had been, he still did not agitate the question, expecting from the natural develop- ment of forces a favorable solution of the issue. The few allusions to the Slavery question in his works published in 1902 are conserva- tive, but none the less decided; thus he said in an essay before the National Turner Convention at Pittsburgh, in August, 1856 : "No one will doubt that where equality of human rights is maintainel without exception, the community is morally elevated. It has the same The People of St. Louis. 91 effect here (in the Union), wherever it exists, to bring tlie demands of justice home to the conscience of the people; while the great exception of this condition of the equality of human rights, which still prevails, contrary to the spirit of republican institutions, and which threatens even to root deeper and spread farther, necessarily obliterates the moral conscience and demoralizes the entire character of the people. Had we no contest against Slavery, and the other deviations from human rights — could we not hope that the better sense of the people will awake and carry on the initiated contest until inhumanity is conquered, we would have to despair of the possibility of ever vindicating a more honorable character as a people, than such as the Russian knout and bondage system can show\" Of the liberal and dissatisfied men of Germany and Switzerland, many immigrated and settled in the immediate neighborhood of St. Louis, St. Charles, Belleville and Highland. Seeking their new homes from love of Liberty, it was not strange that these men cast the full weight of their intellectual and moral influence against Slavery. It was not only the personal activity of men like Fred Mucnch, Gustav Koerner, Weber, Wesselhoeft, the Engelmanns, Kehr. Bunsen, (roebel, and many others too numerous to name, which exerted a powerful influence in local and national politics, at and around St. Louis, but their liberal tendency and connections gave like elements in Europe a direction towards this locality, when the similar, but far more serious later popular upheaval of 1848 and its failure, scattered its champions all over the world. The men who settled in Missouri during the decade after 1830 had soon reason to ponder over the evil influence engendered by Slavery and race prejudice, when in 1836, F. L. Mcintosh, a colored steamljoat hand, was burned at the stake on the corner of Seventh and Chestnut streets, notwithstanding the exertions of Joseph Charless, the first publisher of a newspaper in St. Louis, to prevent this brutal act. In 1837, the year Lovejoy was murdered in Alton, the St. Louis Republic first appeared as a daily paper; the Bank of Missouri was incorporated with a capital of Five Million Dollars and the Planters' Llotel Avas started. In 1846 the Mercantile Library was originated and the year later the Boatmen's Savings Institution. In 1846 Congress called for 50,000 Volunteers for the Mexican "War. A Legion was formed in St. Louis, which took a prominent part in the war with ^Mexico, and in which many foreign born citizens had enlisted, as their afiiliation with the Democratic party which favored immigration,. led them to support a Democratic measure. This is strange enough, as the emigrants from the Continent of Europe were 92 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. nearly all hostile to Slavery, while the Mexican war was waged chiefly in the interest of that institution. The year 1849 was one of great calamities to St. Louis ; a great fire destroyed nearly all the wholesale business portion of the city and the cholera reduced the population by many thousands before it was finally controlled, and an unex- plained bank theft of $120,000 shook the confidence of the financial circles. Matters improved again when July 4, 1851, ground was first broken on the Pacific railroad. In 1852 the great Hungarian patriot, Louis Kossuth, animated a St. Louis audience with his eloquent pleading for liberty, for his country's and humanity's cause; it was the epilogue of a popular movement which shook Europe, and the prologue of a popular storm in America, such as the world had never Avitnessed before, and may never witness again. While the ele- mentary forces of this contest were segregating in the Union, more or less for three-quarters of a century, the European Revolution of 1848 had a most direct and powerful bearing upon the determined and successful evolution of the Union cause in St. Louis and, there- fore, deserves more than a casual notice by all those who seek in History the unbroken chain of cause and effect, for useful applica- tion in the solution of future events. THE IMMIGRATION OF 1848. The dissatisfied European Emigrants of 1830 left a large number of dissatisfied persons behind, who did not have the heart to part from their native country; some of them had faith in the promises of the rulers ; others in their own capacity of redressing matters, and some did not even have the means to move to localities of better rela- tions. But the desire for liberty and equal rights, always latent in the human breast, had been roused by the events of the past, and when the aggression of the privileged few encroached upon the slen- der popular acquisitions, it met a passive resistance from the masses, which was only the calm before the storm. After the year 1830, the co-relation of nations in Europe became even more patent than that of forces. The new election law of France brought the possessive and middle classes to power. The census was 500 Franks for offices and 200 Franks for electors, and there was a tendency to represent wealth rather than men. Thus the National Guard of Paris, numbering 60,000 men, was regulated to wear expensive uniforms, entirely be- yond the means of small people, and while prosperity was flourishing in trade and industry, it was that of the classes and not of the masses. The People of St. Louis. 93 Liberal persons like Lafayette were soon shelved and more and more conservative measures adopted. Speculation was rampant, legislators indulging in it on the basis of anticipated measures, for which they were vigorously attacked by a press, which the Government tried to silence by heavy bonds. Meetings of clubs discussing the rights of men were closed ; the bearing of arms prohibited. No wonder that the fortifying of Paris in 1840 Avas suspected as a design for the coercion of its inhabitants. The opposition in Par- liament ventilated all evils with the full vivacity of the French temperament, and demanded universal suffrage, government work- shops, exclusion of public officers from politics and a moral reform to abate the ruling corruption. The progressive and often revolu- tionary commotions in other parts of Europe only added fuel to the smoldering fire. Yielding to popular pressure, liberal constitutions were granted during 1831 in Saxony and the electorate of Hesse, likewise in 1833 in Brunswick and Hanover; better press regulations were adopted in Bavaria and by the Legislatiu'e of Baden, where a German National representation was even mooted. The student associations at the Universities were a powerful lever to raise the sentiment for a United Germany, and in adopting the Black, Red and Gold colors, aided in verifying Lafayette's prediction that the "Tricolor"' would Diake the round of the world. The enthusiasm of the youths was not yet shared by large portions of the people and some premature revolutionary movements for Union and Liberty were suppressed almost as quickly as started. Prussia advanced steadily in its industrial development; the im- proved means of communication bettered home relations ; with only 12,000.000 inhabitants but 15 times as many newspapers as Austria, it bid fair to outstrip that three times larger empire, whose excess of conservatism produced a general stagnation at home. The assimilation of all German interests with those of Prussia were greatly aided by a Tariff Union with other German States, by which 25,000,000 people were united by a common trade regulation and policy. This, no doubt, was advanced through the more rapid com- munication by railroads, steamboats, mails and telegraphs; while eminent men of thought sought to establish fundamental principles, upon which all governmental and generally humane relations should be based. It was evident that the spirit of critical research th ;i3 created could not be satisfied with half measures. The ultra conserwi- 94 The Union Cause in St. Louis iti ISOl. tive policy represented in England by the ''Iron Duke," Wellington, had also to yield to the spirit of the age, which carried the Parlia- ment Reform and a more just representation by the threat of the abo- lition of the House^ of Lords. The so-called ''Chartist" movement presented a petition with one and a quarter million signatures, de- manding universal suffrage, inclusive women; secret ballot; pay of members of Parliament ; equal election districts ; no census for elective representatives and yearly elections, showing that their aspirations were in sympathy and in some features, even beyond American in- stitutions. The emancipation of 800,000 slaves in the West Indies set an example whose imitation would have saved the Union several milliards of treasure, half a million of lives and untold grief and suffering. The emancipation of slaves in the West Indies cost Eng- land one hundred million of dollars; it liberated field hands in seven years, other slaves in five years ; it also freed all newborn chil- dren and those under six years of age. This act of emancipation passed in 1833, in which year Wilberforce, its chief promoter in Parliament, died. In 1839 Richard Cobden brought the Free Trade question to the front, while the reduction and final abolition of the grain taxes secured a much needed relief to the poorer people; the deficit in the Budget, which was thereby created, was made up by an income tax exempting $750 incomes, and placing the burden of taxa- tion where it could be best borne. Other States were not free from the commotions which followed the year of 1830. In Belgium the movement took a national character, through its separation from the Netherlands and the election of a Constitutional King in the person of Leopold of Coburg, the neutrality of the country being guaran- teed by the Great Powers, who after the sea battle of Navarin, October 20, 1827, broke the Osman power and established Otto of Bavaria on the Greek throne. This ended in Hellas the turbulent wrangles of native oligarchs, but it could not end the continued jealousies with Turkey, which latter country was sorely pressed by Mehmed Ali, Viceroy of Egypt, until it found protection through the Great Pow- ers, chiefly Russia. Even Turkey yielded to the general drift of political affairs and made some reforms by the Statute of November 21, 1839; but it took good care at the same time to have its army reorganized by the greatest military capacity of Europe, General Hellmuth von Moltke. While Austria lost steadily ground in the German Confederation, to which its Teutonic Provinces belonged, there was great organic progress in Hungary through the emancipa- The People of St. Louis. 95 tion of serfs, the nationalization of its Parliament and administrative reforms, under the leadership of a number of able representatives and chieliy through the undaunted patriotism and genial eloquence of Louis Kossuth. In Spain also liberal concessions were made to propitiate the ]»eoi)le, for the (iovernment of Christina, the daughter of the King, against the legitimate claims of Don Carlos, the brother of the King, who justly clniiiied that imder the Salic law, only males could succeed to the throne of Spain. In the course of repeated wars between "Carlists" and "Christinos,"' the Church property was confiscated and liberal Constituti^)ns granted. Similar, though Avith slightly differing causes, were the events in Portugal. The rise of Poland against the land grabbing powers of Russia, Austria and Prussia, and its heroic struggle, may be also attributed to the general liberal trend of afTairs. The Poles had one element of weakness, which entailed their defeat; they did not liberate their serfs in time, and these had no incentive to sympathize with a national movement, but even helped the aggressive powers to break it down. In the manner of emancipating slaves in the AN'est Indies, England gave the Union one example worthy of imitation; Switzerland gave her another, by the manner in which it suppressed a Secession up- rising. In Switzerland, which was a rather loose Confederation of nearly 2,000,000 people, the Cantons, a subdivision similar to the States of the Union, exercised considerable independent rights, while rifle and other societies kept up generally a sound spirit of democracy all over the land. The great number of political refugees, which her laws freely admitted, always exposed Switzerland to considerable political friction. This as w^ell as the liberal progress of other coun- tries and the growing necessity of a more concentrated power for defense, led to luorc liberal constitutional amendments, which strengthened the common federal administration. The admission of the Jesuits gave rise to serious contentions in several Cantons, seven ()f which, namely: Luzerne, Schwyz, Uri, Unterwalden, Zug, AV^ailis and Neufchattel, formed a separate Union. This the Congress at Berne declared dissolved July 20, 1847, and demanded the removal of the Jesuits. The seceded Cantons declined to accede to this request and took up arms, whereupon the Central Government ordered Gen- eral Dufour on November 4 to exact obedience, placing 30,000 men at his command and called out its Reserve forces. The General lost no time and moved upon the Secessionists before they could con- centrate their forces. Neufchattel had to capitulate on November 14 : Zug, November 21 ; on November 23. Dufour outmaneuvered the 96 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. opponents at their intrenched camp and brought Luzerne to sub- mission ; on November 25, Schwyz and Unterwaldea surrendered ; Uri followed suit on the 26th and Wallis November 29 ; this whole civil war lasted three w^eeks. This result made room for the closer Union of the whole Confederation, as the recent events had most forcibly demonstrated the necessity thereof. In comparing the results of this Secession war, with the later one in the United States, it should be borne in mind that in both, numerical and industrial preponderance and established military organization favored the general Government ; the soldierly qualities of the opponents were in both equal, but in the United States the armies had to overcome im- mense distances with a sparse population, w^hile small Switzerland, studded with cities, had ready depots of provisions ; the North Ameri- can Union, however, is an open country, while Switzerland is a natu- ral fortress all over. Considering all in all, it must be acknowledged that General Dufour used his time and chances to very good ad- vantage. The impulsive character of a Southern people brought the popu- lar fermentation of this period, more to the surface in Italy, than anywhere else. Revolts in the poorly governed Pontificate, Modena. Bologna, Parma and the Ro magna, were aimed against the temporal power and authority of the Pope, which had to be re-established by Austrian bayonets. The tyranny wielded by foreigners and a great many secret societies readily united the people, and the most able agitator, Guiseppe Mazzini, prepared Italy for the coming event?. Carlo Alberto, King of Piedmont, was called to play the part in Italy, which later on was offered to the King of Prussia, in Germany. Carlo Alberto organized his Kingdom on sound lines of political economy, improved the administration and perfected the army. Tariff Unions likewise prepared the ground. In 1846 Pope Gregor XVI., who had condemned railroads as the work of the devil, was succeeded by the liberal Pope, Pius IX., whom Italian enthusiasm pronounced the leader of Italy on its road towards Republican freedom, and the shouts "Eviva Italia libra" were alter- nated with 'T.viva Pio Nono." This was no small gain with a people of whom a large portion was fanatically religious. Hostilities between the people and the Austrians governing the Provinces of Venice and Lombardy were of daily occurrence. Petitions for reforms were declined by the Austrians and offensive police regulations enforced. FRIEDRICH HECKER. Leader of Republicans in (iennany The People of St. Loni.s. 97 Considering that at this time alM.ul five inillidus of Germans lived in the United States, it heeonies quite evident that their representa- tions of American institutions and rehitions exercised at home a ]>(»\vc rt'iil iiiduence by spreading progressive poHtical ideas. In 1845 an ujn-ising took phice in Leipzig. Saxony, which commenced with religious grievances, but also aft'ected political questions, and was partially successful. Another issue sprung up in 1846, about the nationality of the Duchies of Schleswig and TTolstein, the former being claimed absolutely and the latter conditionally by the Danes, wliilc (Icniian public opinion and the great majority of the people in the Duchies lirnily held to their union and representation in the German Confederation. Tho famous song, "Schleswig-IIolstein Meerunischhmgen" sounded from the Belt to the Alps and roused the German national spirit to fever heat and proved already then, that the Germans although divided into great many smaller States, were still one nation. Events commenced to point now towards a near and forcible re- arrangement of governmental powers and institutions. Even in pro- gressive States like Prussia and Piedmont, the material development had outstripped legal provisions, and the wants and desires of the people were in advance of the measures designed to satisfy them; though urged repeatedly, the King of Prussia conceded to the col- lective provincial representatives only an advisory voice and not legislative powers. Russia was governed by the absolute will of Em- peror Nicolas and Austria by that of the Prime Minister. Metternich. In France the exertions for redress of evils were rejected l)y the arro- gant claims of a self sufficient power; in Bavaria, public opinion was outraged by the insolence of the adventuress, Lola Montez. whom the favor of the King had dubbed Countess of Landsfeld. Inconsiderate repression of popular tendencies and sentiments had gathered in many States explosive material, aug-uring that sudden and forced change of relations, which is usually termed a revolution. The verdict of the Confederate Diet, claiming only Holstein, dissatis- fied all Germany; Prussian liberal statesmen insisted on tlie consti- tutionality of their demands ; the martial law inflicted on the Vene- tians and Milanese was met witli undisguised hatred; the baffled oppo- sition in France only watched the moment to upset by force what it failed to change by argument. On January 12, 1848, the people of the City of Palermo in Sicily rose in arms against the Government and demanded a more liberal 7 98 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. Constitution ; other cities in Sicily followed this example, which brought the Neapolitans to their feet, and by the 10th of February, the Government granted a new Constitution for both parts of tlie Kingdom. February 11 the same was heralded by the Grand Duchy of Toscana, while in Piedmont Carlo Alberto proclaimed at the instance of Count Cavour a ''fundamental statute"' (Constitution) as the basis of progressive laws. In France the message from the throne was met by ominous silence from the opposition, which resolved to have a monster public dem- onstration at a Reform banquet, to be held February 22. This was officially postponed, but the people of Paris gathered in large masses, cheering for Reform and against the Cabinet; by the 23d the dis- contented masses had largely increased, armed men appeared among them, and the Government called out the Militia, which, however, assembled only partially, showing little disposition to support the Government, and in many places took active part in the demonstra- tions against the same. King Louis Phillippe now got alarmed and accepted the resignation of the Guizot Cabinet, the news of which created some satisfaction among the surging crowds, when a chance shot went off before the palace of the Secretary of Foreign Affairs on the Boulevard of Capuchins. A guard stationed at that place thought itself attacked, fired upon the people and killed and wounded a large number. Placing the dead and wounded men, women and children, on carts, the people marched through the streets shrieking for vengeance, while the chimes of the churches called the citizens to arms. Barricades rose in all directions; contradictory orders neu- tralized the arm of the military, and when the Tuilleries were threat- ened by surging crowds, Louis Phillippe abdicated the throne in favor of his grandson and sought his own safety in flight. A large number of armed citizens pressed into the Chamber of Deputies, where the Republic was proclaimed and a provisional Government organized. The news of successful revolutions from the South and the AVc'^t spread like wildfire over Germany and the excitement, though slower in groAvth, was for the same reasons all the more lasting. On February 27, 1848, a large assembly of people at ]\Ianheim demanded representation of the people in the German Confederate Council; liberty of the press; trial by jury; arming of the people; in fact, all rational and liberal guarantees for human rights. Similar demands were made in many large cities of Germany. On jNIarch 1 the President of the Confederate Council issued an address, vindi- The People of St: Louis. 99 eating Germany's position among the nations; on the 9th the same Council adopted for the Confederation the ''Black-Red-Gold'' colors; on the 10th they called upon the various German Governments to send representative trustees, who should form a Council for the revi- sion of the fundamental law of the Confederation. This w^ork was partly anticipated by a Committee of seven representative men, who were elected on March 25 by a meeting of liberal citizens at Heidel- berg. This Committee proposed : One head for the German Confed- eration ; a responsible Cabinet ; Upper and Lower Chamber of Depu- ties, a common army, diplomatic representation, tariff trade policy, civil and criminal law and a guarantee of all popular rights. The masses of the middle and smaller States favored the above demands and also soon secured power to effect them. In Bavaria the King yielded on March G, resigned on the 20th, and the new King swore to support the Constitution. The Governments of Wurtemberg and Saxony yielded likewise with good grace; those of Hanover and Hesse, to an uprising of the people and the threat of an imminent attack. However, in those small States there was always a disposi- tion towards liberality, as governors and governed were more in touch with each other and conditions partook to some extent of the nature of patriarchial relations. It was different in the two large German States of Austria and Prussia. In Austria the great diversity of nationalities gave to the Govern- ment a convenient weapon to suppress one nationality by the preju- dices of the other. The aristocratic privileged element, aided the Government to keep the masses in a dependent state. There was no progressive betterment of public affairs to be expected, without a successful revolution. Hungary having a constitution and own Leg- islature, was in better condition for organic progress. The King of Hungary, who is also Emperor of Austria, had sanctioned many liberal laws passed by the Hungarian Parliament, but still more liberal laws awaited the King's sanction, when the revolution broke out in Vienna. By a concerted notice, the members of student societies assembled on March 13 in the Aula of the University, in the inner city of Vienna. Members of other societies, especially the literary society, were present in large numbers and a surging mass of humanity crowded the principal streets. At the state house a petition for popu- lar rights was presented, backed by thousands of men in the yards and on the avenues. This petition received a favorable answer from 100 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. the Government. Yet some detachment of the military fired on the people at the State house and at the Government Arsenal and a few persons were killed. This was the signal for every one to seek such arms as he could find. The students assembled at the Aula, put that place in defensible condition and sent deputation after deputa- tion to the INIayor for arms from the citizens' armory. The order for this was received in the evening and by next morning so many arms were in the hands of the people that the movement was considered beyond the control of the Government. By March 15, the armed and partly organized citizen soldiery, greatly outnumbered the regu- lar military organization. Emperor Ferdinand had opposed the use of force from the start and yielded to all demands of the people. A large Hungarian delegation came up to "\^ienna the same day and presented all laws passed by its Parliament, which, under the pres- sure of circumstances, received the immediate sanction of the King. In Berlin and other Prussian cities, the same excitement was caused by the news of successful revolutionary movements in other parts of Germany and Europe. On March 14, the King of Prussia proclaimed the date of April 27 for the assembly of the United Diet and for the exercise of its consultative voice. As threatening dissat- isfied masses continued to gather, the date of meeting was reconsid ered and the Diet was convened already for April 2 with an announce- ment that it will deal with all the demands of the new era and man\ timely measures, looking towards the union of all German States. This paper was issued March 18, and it is asserted that the population conceived the idea to march to the castle of the King in order tc thank him for this grant, while many remained behind, to gather materials for barricades, in case the "thanksgiving move" should lead to trouble, which seems to have been anticipated. When the proces- sion arrived at the castle, some shots fell from the military stationed there and a charge was made upon the people, who fled shouting, "We are betrayed!" Numerous barricades were now built and defended by the citizens and stormed by the soldiers. In these contests about two hundred of the people were killed. After several urgent repre- sentations by leading citizens, King Frederick William IV. yielded to the popular demand and ordered the military force out of the city. Whether he did this in correct deference to circumstances or from kindness of heart is an open question. The King with his court and staff, decorated with the Union colors of Black, Red and Gold, rode among cheers through the streets of Berlin, but was soon afterwards The People of St. Louis 101 greatly Iminilialed by being obliged to stand bareheaded on the balcony of tlie castle, while the cotiins of the 1 later with a better organized plan. The German National Assembly convened at Frankfort May 18; much enthusiasm was manifested and great hopes were expressed. It was a brilliant assembly of learned men ; but achieved nothing be- yond advancing the idea of a German Union and clearing up the notions of popular rights ; for after the plan for a permanent organi- zation of the German Confederation was agreed upon and sanctioned by some of the rulers and sworn to by the troops of the smaller Ger- man States, Prussia avoided every direct self obligation by an excuse, while Austria took no heed of the proposition whatever. Now several Republican uprisings took place in different parts, but were sup- pressed, generally with the aid of Prussian arms. On October S. 1848, the German National Assembly commenced the debates on the proposed Constitution for all Germany, and ended 102 The TJnion Cause in St. Louis in 1801. it on March 28, 1849, by the election of Friederich William IV., King of Prussia, as German Emperor.' Unfortunately, he declined to accept this honor, tendered at the hands of a representative — ^but, in his opinion, a revolutionary body. Various Governments now recalled their representatives from the Federal Diet, and, after a brief exertion of the radical minority, mostly the representatives from smaller States, the National Assembly dissolved, without any imme- diate practical result. The dissatisfaction, however, with the failure of this Union movement, and the despair of gaining more rational and , equitable political relations through the Governments, gave new life to the Republican and radical movement all over Germany, with the exception of Prussia and Austria proper, where all the liberal concessions had been revoked, and its defenders beaten down by the military force. In the Palatinate, Rheinish Prussia and Bavaria, in Hesse, Wurtemberg and Baden, the people not only insisted upon the ratification of the Confederate Constitution, but in many places armed in open hostility to their Governments, being joined by con- siderable portions of the regular armies, which sympathized with the revolution. A quickly mustered Prussian force, in a short campaign from June 13 to June 18, 1849, reconquered the Palatinate from the revolutionary host. The latter retreated to Baden and on June 21 fought a battle at Waghaeusel, under the. lead of the Pole, Mieros- lavsky, Francis Sigel being second in command. Numerous other engagements took place, but the advantage of the excellently organ-, ized armed and officered Prussian troops was more than a match for the devotion of the revolutionary forces. By July 10, 1849, the last of their troops and leaders crossed the Swiss boundary, while the fort- ress Rastadt capitulated on July 23. From this fortress, Carl Schurz, with Captain A . Neustadter, made their escape through the sewers ; Blenker, Sigel, Mieroslavsky, Gregg, had fled to Switzerland; Fred- erick Hecker had returned from America to devote his services to German Union and Liberty, but arrived too late for action. The German uprising of 1848 and 1849 was for human rights and national Union. The patent weakness of small States, the facil- ity of intellectual and material communication, and sectional ambi- tion, told the knell of doom to the small German principalities. The Union sentiment in Germany was at first favored by the Govern- ments as an element of strength against possible French aggression, but it was disowned by them, when found to be inseparably linked with the demand for popular rights. The People of St. Louis. 103 In Italy, the Union and national spirit found its greatest incentive in the hatred towards Austria, the foreign oppressor. The King of Piedmont was the leader, whom Garibaldi supported Avith his Free Corps and Mazzini with his Republican adherents. Both in Italy and Hungary, the revolution led to regular campaigns, with many well contested battles and sieges. In Hungary the great diversity of nationalities added fuel to the contest. Under Louis Kossuth's lead, an energetic war for independence was fought over one year until the nation was overpowered by the joint armies of Russia and Austria mustering 275,000 men with 600 cannon. An ill-timed up- rising in Paris brought the Conservatives to the control of the Na- tional Assembly, where they most unfortunately greatly curtailed the elective franchise. This gave the President, Louis Bonaparte, a chance to supersede the Constitution on December 2, 1851 : proclaim himself First Consul for ten years and later, as Emperor, reinstate Universal Suffrage and thereby secure an overwhelming majority as an endorsement by the people. Louis Napoleon at the same time proclaimed a new Constitution, which, apparently liberal in the exten- sion of the suffrage, greatly rescinded the rights of the people and placed the powder in his own hands. The ''Reaction" was now com- plete all over Europe and took bloody revenge on those who ques- tioned the rights of Governments not based on the consent of the governed. The Revolution of 1848-1849 in Europe, a great moral and mental upheaval, was keenly felt on the shores of the Atlantic Ocean, as well as on the banks of the Mississippi River. In the American Union, this feeling was enlivened by the sympathies of a free people, which received with open arms many fugitive emigrants, the bearers of deep convictions on human rights and universal liberty; many of these men had a military education and a valuable experience in the organization of armies and in actual warfare, for which they should soon have a practical application. For while every man rep- resents only one number, his capacity fixes his position before the decimal point. Great many of the 1848 and 1849 political refugees came to St. Louis and vicinity. They were attracted to this point by the writings and example of the emigration of 1830. Among these men of 1848 were Theodore Olshausen, member of the provisional Government of Sehleswig-Holstein. Friederich Hecker, leader of the first Repub- lican uprising in Germany ; Carl Daenzer, member of the Frankfurt 104 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1S(U. Parliament; General Francis Sigel, Commander in Baden; Emil Pretorius, Henry Boernstein. Jonrnalists; Theodore Rombauer, direc- tor of the arms factory in Hnngary; P. J. Osterhaus, Eno Sanders, Dr. Hugo Starkloff, A. Albert, J. T. Fiala, and many others, who had taken part in the revolutionary wars of Europe. At the time when most of these immigrants arrived, there was little agitation on the Slavery question, and as the Democratic party was more lib- eral on immigration laws, had less religious prejudice, claimed to s^'Uipathize with Jefferson's radicalism and aversion to aristocracy, it is quite natural that this immigration gravitated towards that party. The action of Captain Ingraham, who cleared the deck to liberate Martin Koszta from an Austrian war vessel in the port of Smyrna; Secretary Marcy's manly stand in this affair; the twenty- one years proposed for the period of naturalization by Whigs and Know-Nothings, strengthened the adherence to the Democratic party. It happened in 1853 that some zealots of the Know-Nothing party under the lead of one nicknamed "Ned Buntlein," raided the first ward of St. Louis ; burned down one house near Park avenue and Seventh street, but were beaten back by the German residents. Such incidents served to unify the foreign element, but when later the Slavery question came to the foreground, the immigrants dropped everv other consideration and rose in arms for the Union. HENRY T. FLAD. Private ::'.d V. S. Reserve Corps. Missouri Volunteers. CHAPTER III. UNION POLITICS. THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1860. The canvass and election of 1856 created in the Proslavery men of Missouri also the gravest apprehensions and a bitterness of feeling which led to disturbances at political meetings. The mantle of Ben- ton's leadership fell upon the shoulders of Frank P. Blair, who, although slaveholder, became an able, bold and eloquent leader of the Republican cause. He was born in Washington, D. C, in 1821, graduated at Princeton College in 1841 and commenced the practice of law in St. Louis. Blair went through the Mexican war as a Private, and returning in 1848 to St. Louis, supported the Free Soil move- ment, was elected to the Legislature of Missouri in 1852 and re-elected in 1854. He was sent to Congress in 1856, defeated for the same place in 1858 by Richard Barrett, but seated for the same term by a successful contest. In 1860 he was defeated for the short term and elected for the long term. Blair's strong convictions, fearless utterance and oratorical power brought him to the front among a number of able men in his party, and his family connections in AVashington and the East gave him a far reaching influence in shap- ing the Union movement in St. Louis, although the very great ma- jority of Republicans in St. Louis were naturalized citizens, chiefly Germans, who lifted him on their shoulders in the commencement of his political career. A convention was called to meet May 10, 1860, in the small hall of the Mercantile Library for the purpose of selecting delegates to the Republican National Convention, which was to meet at Chicago. The call was signed l)y 1). (Jratz Brown. Henry Boernstein, O. D. Filley. Carl Daenzer, James O. Broadhead, Wm. D'Oench, Henry T. Blow, Sam T. Glover. John H. Fisse, Ben Farrar, and other representative men. B. (h-atz Brown was elected president of that Convention in recognition of his services, as an eminent political writer, whose genius greatly aided the successful Union movement in 1861. The convention instructed it^ delegates to vote at Chicago for Edward Bates, born in Mrginia in 170:-5, a lawyer of high-standing, who had held many prominent i>oincoln the seceders gained a very valuable time for organization, witliout risking any interference from President Buchanan's pusillanimous administration. Anothei' rea- son prompted inunediate fiction on their part: the members of a defeated party always feel bitter after the election ; passions are worked up to a high, pitch, and the people are inclined to redress by violence their shortcomings in judgment or management. This dis- position would have cooled off shortly afterwards, and the judicious, conciliating, yet firm and energetic action which could be expected from President Lincoln would have restricted Secession to a very few States. As it were, all the Slave States that did not secede disa;" 116 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. proved this measure, either through their Governors or through votes by the people. It would be erroneous, however, to estimate the re- sources in men and material by taking only the seceded States into account. There was a large population in the Border States which furnished a considerable contingent to the Southern armies, and there were in the ranks of the Democratic party at the North a num- ber of Southern sympathizers, who often hindered energetic action, and even threatened riot and violence. Several Northern publicists of great influence, like Horace Gree- ley, Wendell Phillips and others, would permit Secession, notwith- standing the necessity that, if the Secessionists were not immediately conquered as insurgents, they would have to be conquered soon after- wards as aliens. Southern statesmen, with few exceptions, did not deem either contingency probable, for they counted upon the greater martial spirit of the Southerners and upon the ability and greater number of the West Pointers hailing from their section. No doubt the great extent of Southern territory, its large wooded portion cut up by great rivers, bays and bayous, its poor roads and means of trans- portation, were favorable to a defensive war. They placed also some reliance upon European, chiefly British, intervention, as one-eighth of the population of England depended for a living upon the cotton factories, drawing their raw material almost entirely from the Cotton States. This hope proved futile, for England did not receive the Southern Commissioners in December, 1860, nor did they fare bet- ter in France, whose disposition was reflected by the "Opinion-Na- tionale," which denounced the application for aid made by the Con- federate Commissioners, stating: "In the Nineteenth Century, men are found so destitute of all moral sense, as to rebel, to revolutionize the country, expose it to ruin and civil war, in the name of that social leprosy called Slavery. O shame! These men, without heart, dare address an appeal to France to aid them, and rend herself an accomplice in their criminal projects. No! The France of 79-30-48 can never take under her protection traders in human flesh." At home matters of public opinion were more favorable. The con- servative element of all parties was for compromise and peace, even at a sacrifice. Possessive and business interests favored a procrastina- tion of the issue, either not knowing that time only increased the magnitude of the evil, or from the usual policy of habitual selfish- ness. ''After us the deluge.'' It is true that the Regular army of the Federal Government was small, and the available Militia at first of Union Politics. 117 little value in the licld. But there were nineteen million people North to eight million M^hites and four million slaves in the South, and in a last cincrftoncy these four million slaves could be turned into four million allies, which was partly done when, towards the end of the war, Negro Regiments were organized. Besides this, the North vastly outstripped the South in industrial capacity, skilled arti- zans, machinery, military outfit and provisions. One advantage of the South Avas real, even if not quite obvious at first sight : the meas- ures of the North were limited by the Constitution of the United States, whose validity it tried to enforce, while the Confederacy framed its Constitution to suit the exigencies of the hour. VAIN COMPROMISE PLANS. Upon the heels of the election of the Republican candidate came the news of the immediate Secession movement in the South. '^Che excitement of the canvass had not quite subsided when the attention of patriots was directed to the threatened danger. There was hardly time for opinions to crystallize into measures, yet the emergency •was pressing and many and various propositions were advanced to meet the difficulties. The New York Tribune, a leading Republican paper, advised, November 9, 1860: "If the Cotton States shall decide that they can do better out of the Union than in it, we insist on letting them go in peace." Other influential papers, in trying to avoid civil war, suggested a convention of the people, counselling moderation and agreement on mutual interests. December 10, I860, a Union meeting was held at Philadelphia in which the Mayor of the town favored another compromise and yielding to Southern aggression in order to prevent the loss of the Southern trade. To prove how cir- cumstances alter cases, one speaker called Slavery the moth in the eyes of the South, and Free-Soil notions the beam in the eyes of the North. The resolutions of that meeting called for the repeal of of- fensive State laws; for a cheerful submission to the Fugitive Slave law, and for muzzling tlie public North and South upon the Slavery question. It was an expression of conservative cowardice, stimulated by selfish greed. There were some good grounds for despondency in the face of the three months' continuance of the administration of Buchanan, who announced his helplessness in his last message to Congress, in which he said ''that intemperate interference of the Northoru people with the question of Slavery in the Southern States 118 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. has at length produced its natural effect"; but in this President Buchanan was not correct, for the avowed object of the Republican party was to prevent the extension of Slavery into the Territories, while it disavowed either the intention or the right to interfere with Slavery in the States where it existed. Theodore Roosevelt, in his book on Benton, saj^s: ''The national government, even under Re- publican rule, would never have meddled with Slavery in the vari- ous States unless as a war measure." This was correct at the time, but would liave changed after new acts of violence had broken down all considerations of amity and fellowship. President Buchanan justly blamed some States for trying to do- feat the Fugitive Slave law, but in referring to apprehensions of slave insurrections he omitted to state that none of any consequence took place, and that a policy of gradual emancipation upon good be- havior, financially guaranteed by the United States, would prevent any possible slave insurrection. He also said it was his duty and de- termination to protect the public property and to enforce the laws in all the States, but he had no officers in the South (they had re- signed). He could not execute the laws, and, under the circum- stances, there was no power of coercion granted to Congress, the Judi- ciary or the President. With regard to this message of the President, the reflection readily suggests itself that excuses are always near at hand where the good will is wanting, and President Buchanan found them without diffi- culty, as he was not inclined to act as the President of the United States, but only as the President of a political party — a misconcep- tion of duty which necessarily must lower the dignity and authority of that high office. The conservative, even reactionary, manifesta- tions of the public naturally found a reflection in the old Congress assembling December 3, 1860, and whose time only expired March 3, 1861, and whose many members still cherished the hope of a peace- ful solution. With the pressing emergency grew the exertion for devising measures to allay the coming storm. Desirous of finding a just mean between the opposing factions, statesmen of ability and patriotic intentions strained every nerve to find the correct remedies. Among the suggestions were: the immediate apportionment of all the territory into future States; the re-establishment of the division line of 36° 30' ; the subdivision of the Union into four political bodies called sections, the North, the West, the Pacific and the South, a ma- jority in. each section to be requisite for the passage of an act. This Union Politics. 119 would have given any section an absolute veto power; the abolition of the Presidency; the establishment of an equilibrium between Free and Slave States, and a Convention of all States was also suggested. All these various propositions were referred to a grand select commit- tee in the House, and a similar committee took up all propositions offered in the Senate, among which those offered by J. J. Crittenden of Kentucky were most prominent, bearing the authority and weight of a highly esteemed Senator, coming from a Slave State offering great strategical advantages in case of war. The leading features of the Crittenden compromise were: Tn Territories north of 36° 30' north latitude Slavery is prohibited; in Territories south of that line it is to be admitted and protected by Congress. The Territories North, and South of that line may elect to come into the Union as Free or as Slave States at the time of making their application for admission ; Congress shall not abolish Slavery on places where the United States have exclusive jurisdiction within the limits of Slave States, nor in the District of Columbia, as long as Slavery exists in Virginia and Maryland ; the transportation of slaves shall not be hindered and Congress shall pay for rescued slaves ; the Fugitive Slave law shall be made more efficient, and State laws con- flicting with it shall be repealed. The above conditions mostly favored the views and objects of the Slavery power, while some minor conditions proposed with regard to fees of officers, nugatory features of the Fugitive Slave act, and upon the African slave trade, made the proposed compromise more accep- table to Northern views. Article G. however, of the Crittenden Com- promise contained the most extraordinary provision, forbidding any future amendment to the United States Constitution with regard to some of the amendments just proposed, and also with regard to some which were already in the Constitution. Mr. Crittenden forgot that there is only one power which makes immutable laws. Moreover, the above condition tended to change the United States Constitution to a compact, the very contrivance upon which the doctrine of Seces- sion was based atid which sooner or later would have led to civil war. A SQUARE ISSUE. The above terms were probably the best that had a chance to be accepted by the Southern States with the exception of South Carolina ; Northern Democrats sustained them and President Buchanan urged 120 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. their adoption ; but as they sacrificed the Free Soil principle and their sanction by constitutional amendments was slow and uncertain, they were opposed by most Republicans, of whom Th. L. Snead, a South- ern writer, in his valuable work, ''A Fight for Missouri," says: "They would not abandon, in the hour of victory, the principles io: which they had manfully contended through forty years of defeat and disaster, nor would they let those whom they had just vanquished, destroy the Union, in the very hour that it was about to be dedicated, as they believed, to a wider freedom and higher humanity." Senator B. F. Wade of Ohio represented the Republican sentiment when he frankly declared that every civilized nation on the globe has the same opinion of Slavery as the Republican party, and if it had the power, not another inch of Free Soil of this government should be invaded by Slavery ; at the same time it repudiates the idea of inter- fering with the institution in the States ; the day of compromise was gone ; they were not kept. The honest verdict of the people by a fair election cannot be set aside by a compromise; a majority fairly given must rule. This .spirit evidenced by B. F. Wade carried a substitute for the Crittenden resolutions, offered by Clark of New Hampshire : "Resolved, That the provisions of the Constitution are ample for the preservation of the Union, and the protection of all the material interests of the country: that it needs to be obeyed rather than amended; and that an extrication from our present dangers is to be looked for in strenuous efforts to preserve the peace, protect the public property, and enforce the laws, rather than in new guara:ntees for peculiar interests, compromises for particular difficulties, or concessions to unreasonable demands. "Resolved, That all attempts to dissolve the present Union, or over- throw or abandon the present Constitution, with the hope or expectation of constructing a new one, are dangerous, illusory and destructive; that, in the opinion of the Senate of the United States, no such reconstruction is practicable; and, therefore, to the maintenance of the existing Union and Constitution should be directed all the energies of all the depart- ments of the Government, and the efforts of all good citizens." This was carried by 25 Republican votes, and opposed by 21 Demo- crats and 2 Conservatives, 23 votes in all. Subsequently a direct vote was had on the Crittenden resolutions. They were defeated by the majority of one, all Republicans voting against them and all Democrats and Conservatives for them. The House of Representa- tives also defeated the Crittenden Compromise by a decided vote, and, upon recommendation of the Committee of Thirty-three, adopted Union Politics. 121 Thomas Corwiirs resolutions, \vhicli made concessions to the South relative to hostile legislation by Northern States, the Fugitive Slave law and migration with slaves, but made no concession to Slavery in the Territories. It is claimed that these resolutions would have been also adopted by the Senate if any disposition whatever would have been shown that they are acceptable to the South. The Senate's ''Clark" resolution was brought into the House as a substitute to Cor- win's, but not acted upon, as the latter covered the same ground, in addition to some compromise measures, and their wording was milder, yet fully as decided on the question of maintaining the Union. While these unavailing attempts at a Compromise were made, events steadily drifted towards a hostile conflict. Howell Cobb, Secretary of the Treasury, anticipating the final breakdown, resigned on December 8th and left for Georgia. December 15th General Scott suggested -the reinforcement of Major Anderson at Charleston with 300 men, and, though Secretary Cass also strongly urged this meas- ure. President Buchanan refused his consent, whereupon Cass re- signed and Judge Black became Secretary of State. Major Anderson, deserted by the administration, finding it impossible to defend Fort Moultrie and Fort Sumter with two weak companies of Artillery, abandoned Moultrie and removed all his forces to Fort Sumter. Floyd, hearing the news, wrote to the President: ''One remedy is left, and that is to withdraw the garrison from the harbor of Charles- ton. I hope the President will allow me to make the order at once. This order, in my judgment, can alone prevent bloodshed and civil war." The President declined to act upon his advice and Floyd re- signed ; he evidently knew what was coming, for on the 2Gth the Se- cessisonists seized Fort Moultrie, Castle Pinkney and the Custom- house and all United States officers in South Carolina resigned. On the 30th the United States Arsenal of that State, with munitions of war to the value of $500,000 was seized. In the face of such facts Buchanan's declaration made on the last of the year that he will defend Fort Sumter was of very little consequence. The very same day the Senate committee reported that they cannot agree upon any plan of settlement between the Nortli and the South. A Democratic State Convention was held at Albany, N. Y., Janu- ary 1. 1861, in which the most prominent men of the party and other conservatives took part. The tenor of the speeches and resolu- tions were chiefly criticisms of the Republican party; warnings 122 The Union Cause in St. Lovis In 1861. against coercion ; prayers for compromise ; abuse of Congress ; threats of the guillotine for those who propose to maintain the Union by force ; indorsement of the Crittenden resolutions and a Convention by States; also the appointment of alternates to the Peace Conference which, pursuant to a call of the Virginia Legislature, was to assem- ble at Washington February 4, 1861. At this Peace Conference nearly all the Free States were represented ; of the Slave States only seven, namely, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, Ken- tucky, Tennessee and Missouri. This conference, through its chair- man, John Tyler, ex-President of the United States, proposed as an amendment to the Constitution : to exclude Slavery in all Territories north of 36° 30' north latitude, but to admit States North or South of that line with or without Slavery ; only conditional acquisition of new territory by consent of a majority of the Northern and a majority of the Southern Representatives; restrictions regarding Slavery in the District of Columbia; enforcement of the Fugitive Slave law; reim- bursement for fugitives; regulation of slave trade; consent of all States to certain constitutional amendments. These and other com- promise measures were offered before the close of the session, but without any result. As a further concession to the South may be considered the passage by Congress of separate acts organizing the Territories of Colorado, Nevada and Dakotah without any condition relative to Slavery. This left the status of those Territories only subject to past laws and their interpretation by the Supreme Court; practically, however. Slavery was out of the question in any of those Territories, and the result proved that the South paid little heed to such advances. A Texas Senator, referring to the free debates which similar propo- sitions might elicit at home, remarked: ''A great many of the free debaters were hanging from the trees of that country," and a Georgia Senator, while discussing Texas politics, apostrophized Sam Houston for his Union fealty by expressing the wish: ''Some Texas Brutus may arise to rid his country of this old hoary-headed traitor.'' When such sentiments prevail among the Senators of a great party, all con- cessions and peace offerings" would appear to be idle waste. If any one doubted this proposition, the general rejoicing, booming of can- non and festive celebration which took place in all the larger cities of the South upon the news of the Secession of South Carolina, De- cember 20, 1860. ought to have convinced him of the error of his wavs. Union Politics. 123 TREASON IN THE CABINET. A demand made on President Buchanan to rid his Cabinet from unreliable and even hostile elements was fully justified by circum- stances. During 1860 Secretary Floyd had transferred from the Springfield Armory and Watervliet Arsenal, by order of December 29, 1859, 115,000 stands of arms and had sent them to the several arsenals at the South. A few days before Floyd resigned, towards the end of December, an order arrived from him at the Alleghany Arsenal, near Pitts) )urgh, to send 4G pieces of heavy ordnance to Ship Island. Louisiana, and 78 similar cannon to Galveston, Texas. An indignation meeting of citizens at Pittsburg secured a counter- manding order from Washington Avhich stopped this treasonable out- rage. Secretary of War Floyd sold between the first of January, 1860, and the first of January, 1861, 31,610 percussion muskets at $2.50 apiece, on which the officers appointed for scrutiny disagreed as to their warranted condenmation. He wanted to send to Southern forts not ready for armament over 100 columbiads and a large num- ber of 32-pounders, but the order was countermanded by Secretary Holt before it was fully executed. On November 21, 1860, a Mr. Belknap made application to buy from 100,000 to 250,000 United States muskets at $2.15. The Secretary claimed that this application was granted under the misapprehensio]i that the price was to be $2.50, and Secretary Holt refused to recognize this contract. General Scott stated that Virginia, South Carolina, Georgia, Florida. Ala- bama. Mississippi and Kansas were supplied with their full quotas of arms for 1861 in advance. Thus it seems that all the seceding States anticipated the war in 1860. In Texas the Union Governor. Sam Houston, prevented this, while a strong drift of Union sentiment did the same in Tennessee and Arkansas. After Floyd left he was indicted by the United States Grand Jury for a defalcation of a quarter million of dollars. He had systemati- cally stocked the Southern forts and arsenals with arms, ammunition and war material. Howell Cobb, Secretary of the Treasury, and Jacob Thompson. Secretary of the Interior, slaveholders and Secessionists, acted in a similar way, sending good arms to the South and the war vessels to distant ports, leaving for home service, from a total of 90 vessels with 2,418 guns, one vessel, the steamer "Brooklyn," with 25 guns, and the storcship "Relief," with 2 guns. A report upon the condition of the navy, made to Congress in February, 1861, shows 124 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. that the same had been as treacherously handled as the army. Octo- ber 13, 1860, the ''Richmond" was sent to the Mediterranean squad- ron ; December 21 the ''Vandalia" to East India, the "Saratoga" to join the African squadron, and other vessels to Vera Cruz. February 21, 1861, Dawes reports there are 28 dismantled ships with 874 guns, none of which could be repaired under several weeks, while many would require six months. No orders had been issued to put any of them in readiness. The whole Atlantic Coast was left without de- fense and the ''Brooklyn" was too large to enter the harbor of Charles- ton. But for this treacherous disposition of vessels there would have been an ample force to protect the United States forts, arsenals, cus- tom-houses and navy yards, and to prevent any possible powerful organization of the Secession forces. Resignations of navy officers were accepted after the date on which they had betrayed their trust, some by telegraph and some even made retrospective. It was report- ed later that when the "Star of the West" was sent with supplies to the starving garrison of Fort Sumter, Secretary Thompson betrayed her mission to the South Carolina authorities and subsequently even bragged of this treason in a speech at Oxford, Mississippi. "I sent a dispatch to Judge Longstreth that the 'Star of the West' was coming with reinforcements. The troops were then put on their guard, and when the 'Star of the West' arrived she received a warm Avelcome from booming cannon, and beat a hasty retreat." The report of a select committee of the House of Representatives, appointed Febru- ary 21, 1861, is quoted as the authority for the above statements. With the Secession hand in hand went the seizure of arsenals and forts, until in the course of a few weeks the arsenals of Charleston, S. C, Augusta, Ga., Fayetteville, N. C, Mobile, Ala., Baton Rouge, La., and the forts in South Carolina, Pulaski and Jackson in Georgia, Fort Mason and others in North Carolina, Forts Jackson, St. Philip and Pike in Louisiana, Fort Barancas and the navy yard in Pensa- cola, Fla., were seized. To complete this spoliation, about the end of February, 1861, Brigadier General Twiggs surrendered nearly one- half of the United States army, with all forts and war material, to the State authorities of Texas. A number of revenue cutters were lost in this way. Of the Southern fortified defenses all that was left to the United States were Fortress Monroe, Fort Sumter, Fort Pick- ens, the fortresses on Key West, the Tortugas, and the Arsenal at St. Louis, Mo. It was estimated that 5000 cannon, over 200,000 stand of arms and an immense war material amounting in all to over forty Union Politics. 125 millions of dollars were taken from the United States even before President Buchanan's term expired. Towards the end the Cabinet of that most ill-advised of all Presidents went to pieces; some mem- bers resigned because he admitted interference in the South; others because he did not interfere enough, and some left to avoid the con- sequences of their criminal acts. CHAPTER IV. MISSOURI EVENTS. THE SOUTHWEST CAMPAIGN. North of Texas and west of the Mississippi River to the Rocky Mountains extended the Department of the West, to whose command General Harney was assigned, who arrived at St. Louis November 18, 1860. Harney, born in Louisiana, was a slaveholder, though credited to be a Union man. Although he had a national reputation as a great Indian fighter, his assignment to St. Louis was made for political reasons. Having married a Mullanphy heiress, he was in- timately connected with the largest landed estate and its many repre- sentatives in St. Louis, and could be expected to harmonize with the leading political party of the State. The Kansas-Nebraska difficulty was not yet finally adjusted, and a strong disciplinarian might have awed the Jay hawker (Free State man) and the Border Ruffian (Pro- slavery Democrat). Harney was barely three days in command when news came that Montgomery and his band had invaded Fort Scott. (.General Frost's Brigade of Missouri Militia, 550 men, was called out to march to Fort Scott, and military companies were or- ganized all over the State to assist Frost. General Harney left St. Louis November 24 and hastened to the somewhat indefinite seat of war. The Governor of Kansas also issued a proclamation against mob law, and an armed band under the leadership of "one James Montgomery." The trouble seems to have originated by Free State men settling upon what was claimed to be Cherokee neutral land. These settlers were forcibly ejected by an agent of the Indian Bu- reau and some fifteen of their shanties burned, upon which their own- ers banded together and retaliated upon Proslavery men. Some kid- napers of Negroes in the Territory were killed, in keepmg with Mont- gomery's ''higher law" notions, AA'hich enjoined that "any man con- victed of kidnaping a human being in the Territory shall die." Ac- cording to the "Missouri Democrat," Montgomery took up arms to avenge the quarrel of parties who had been expelled from lands re- (126) 3Iissouri Events. 127 served for tlie use of Indian tribes. Even Leavenworth Republicans passed resolutions condemning Montgomery's raid, although the charge that the invasion was made to liberate slaves in Missouri was false. Sixteen of Montgomery's men approached Fort Scott, but no one was molested, least of all the United States Court. The lynching of three men hung and two shot was done in the Territory, and, although frankly owned up by Montgomery's men, was as much to be condemned as all lynch outrages. But for the exaggerated reports from Fort Scott. Frost's Brigade would never have been ordered out, and as the whole difficulty occurred in the Territory, the resort to Missouri Militia was as impolitic as it was improper.^ Frost's Brigade returned to St. Louis already on December 18. Its being called out for this service, however, has this peculiar bearing on the St. Louis events of 1861. that this Brigade formed the bulk of the State Militia force which the next May was concentrated at Camp Jackson. It was mooted that this excursion was made with the design of a later resistance to Federal authority. State-right badges were worn by troupers in this campaign, and a detachment of all three arms was left on the border under the command of a determined Secessionist. Robert Stewart, the outgoing Governor, Avas not wittingly a party to such a scheme, which might be readily credited to the incoming of- ficers of Secession proclivities. THE ST. LOUIS TURNVEREIN. The last days of 1860 found the State of Missouri with a heteroge- neous population of 1,200,000 peojile, with 100,000 slaves, while St. Louis had then 200,000 inhabitants and 120 slaves. The State was Democratic, the city Republican. In detail the city voters were: Republicans, Conservatives and Secessionists; the State voters. Con- servatives, Secessionists, Republicans, approximating in strength the order in which they are here named. The citizens of foreign ex- traction, mostly Germans, were, Avith few exceptions, decided Union men, and even the Irishmen, though leaning politically strongly towards the Democratic South, wheeled into the Lhiion ranks after ' Of this South West expedition, Uriel Wright, a very able attorney, State- Rights man. and later on offiter in the Confederate Army, made the state- ment in the Missouri State Convention: "The only reason why an army was sent to the frontier to put down a Montgomery raid, was that there was no Montgomery raid to put down." 128 ^ The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. the first few months of 1861 and f(n-nied some excellent Regiments. The convivial habits of the Germans, their cominon interests, tastes, progressive views upon human rights, spread through numerous sing- ing and other societies a strong spirit of fellowship, which found its most advanced expression in the St. Louis Turnverein. The immi- grants of 1830, Avith more academic views, had become somewhat conservative and habituated to existing institutions and relations, Avhile those of 1848 were more radical and uncompromising; still, when it came to questions of leading humanitarian principles, both immigrations stood shoulder to shoulder for all progressive measures. The St. Louis Turn Society w^as a branch of the national organiza- tion ; it became a center of social amusement and rational develop- ment, seeking to verify the time-honored adage, "A healthy mind in a healthy body." The society was organized May 12, 1850, by Charles Speck, Fred Roever, C. B. Dickriede, W. Moll, George Meyer, Theodore Hildenbrandt, John Bolland, William Grahl, L. A. Bennet, Louis Barthels and William Meyer. It was incorporated on February 24, 1855, with the aid of Attorney D. M. Frost, who on the day of the capture of Camp Jackson may have felt remorse for this act of cour- tesy. The ''St. Louis Turnverein" soon united several hundred able- bodied and clear-headed young men, who without interfering wdth others claimed the privilege of living up to their ow^l convictions. Soon after the organization of the society a rifle section w^as formed with about fifty members, who were pledged to military obedience when in service ; they elected their officers and instructors and bought their own rifles ; took up regular w^eekly drills, arranged target prac- tices and trial marches to neighboring cities. Already in February, 1860, General Francis Sigel lectured before this section. At that time the Prussian tactics, published by the Cincinnati Turner Society, were in practice. Among the instructors were Louis Duestrow, Theo- dore Fischbach, Hugo Gollmer, Francis Sigel, Constantin Blandovski. April 4, 1860, a keg of powder was bought, and in May a new target practice place selected and drill twice a week ordered ; in July target practice was held every week ; in September, upon the advice of Gen- eral Sigel, Scott's tactics were adopted. On November 8 the rifles and armament were transferred to the mother society, Avhich, pursuant to its new constitution, ordered all members to regular military drill as part of the gymnastic exercises. This was certainly a quick and significant answer to all threats of Secession, uttered on account of Lincoln's election. The rifles were to be 'kept at Turner Hall, on ST. LOUIS TURNER HALL. Kith and Walnut Streets. Where the first companies of the First Regiment, Missouri Volunteer were organized in 1861. j\I l.^soii ri Ki'riiis. 129 'I'cnlli ;iii of the society were many prominent business men. merchants, manufactiu'ers, lawyiM's. doctoi's: in fact, the 8t. Louis Tiu'uverein was a good representation of the solid Teutonic element in the com- nuniity. ^rhreals K\- the ultra Southern [)ress were so frequent and violent that towards the end of 1860, even a local conflict Avas anticipated by maiiw and they deemed it advisable to prepare for it. A consider- able portion of the people of St. JA)uis came from Southern States, shared in the tiery spirit of tjiat section, was leaning to Know Noth- ingism and had national and religious prejudices. All these .sources of antagonism were unfortunately fostered by the circumstance that the different elements of population occupied also different and pretty well defined sections of the city. The Americans lived nearly all in the central and western part of town, the foreign-born citizens, main- ly (Germans and their ^descendants, lived mostly south of Market street, with a strong colony on Franklin avcMiue and also an even stronger contingent north of Cass avenue, lietween these last two localities, on Wash, Carr. Biddle, Mullanphy and Cass avenue, were the habitations of most Irishmen. AVhile all men of connnon sense or culture vindicate the liberty of conscience to everybody, those who are unfortunately limited when born and those whose education is neglected often cherish sentinients of jealousy and even of hatred towards ])eoi)le who differ from them. In this sense there was consid- eralde animosity felt in St. Louis between different elements of the population. It does not improve matters that the latter disposition was often nursed for selfish purposes. THE ST. LOUIS PRESS. The (iermaii newsi)a])ers of St. Louis were al)ly edited in the past by Theodore Olshau.sen, Emil Preetorius. Henry Boernstein, George Ilillgaertner, Charles L. Bernays, I). Ilertel, with most valuable con- tributions from Fred Muench, Gustave Koemer, Fred Hecker, Carl Schurz, Carl Luedeking and others, who animated their readers to aid with their votes and actions the country of their adoption. The 130 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1S61. publications in the German language were able exponents of the views of the readers and of their progressive disposition. While not extreme on the Slavery question, they were firm and uncompromising with regard to the inalienable rights, of men and most determined for the maintenance of the Union of all States. The Missouri Democrat, the leading Republican paper of the West, exercised a great influence during the past decades and fearlessly sj)read the gospel of human lib- erty. It was the medium of information between Congress and the West, and its editors, proprietors and coworkers formed the center of Western American liberalism. Robinson, in his "Kansas Conflict,"- writes of the "Missouri Democrat": "It is doubtful if Kansas could have been saved from the grasp of the invaders but for the hot shot poured into Atchison, Stringfellow & Co. by this paper. James Rid- path was its regular correspondent. The. leading Democratic paper, the "St. Louis Republic," did not permit its conservative proclivities to drag it into the disunion camp. In fact, it seemed at times as if the spirit of its founder, Joseph Charless, the Irish patriot, the man who opposed the brutal lynching of the negro JSIcIntosh and who be- friended E. P. Lovejoy, was still permeating the columns of that paper. Editorially and by correspondents the paper contended for the legality of Lincoln's election and was opposed to the folly of Se- cession. On November 10 Henry Clay Dean, an Iowa Democrat, published through the columns of the "St. Louis Republic" these words; "Mr. LincoUi is elected. He is the constitutional President. Every North- ern State has voted for him. We have no discretion but to yield obe- dience. Resistance is revolution, and civil war must follow revolu- tion." A couple days later C. R. Wickliffe writes in the same paper: "Let us all unite upon this one question, that the disunionists may know they have no allies or sympathizers among the citizens of Ken- tucky." The same paper quotes on November 12 the proceedings of a former Mississippi State Convention which condemned Secession. Its columns, however, were open to the following advertisement : "Runaway Slave. Was committed to the jail of Cape Girardeau County, in the State of Missouri, on the 15th of September, 1860, as a runaway slave, a negro man who calls himself Henry Williams, and says he is free, and lived on the island of Hayti; he is of copper color, 5 feet 4U inches high, weighs about 150 pounds, supposed to be 22 years old, has three upper jaw teeth out, whiskers on his chin, heavy head of hair, no scars about his person, except his ears have been pierced; says he got off a steamboat at; Mound City about the 10th inst; had on when taken a pair of new pants of Missouri Events. 131 dark grey cashmere, red flannel drawers, black color frock coat, striped cashmere vest, a brown hat, three white shirts with linen bosoms, and an old pair of gaiter shoes. "The owner of said negro is hereby notified to come forward and prove said Slave and pay charges, otherwise said Slave will be sold at pu'blic auction to the highest bidder, for cash on hand, at the Court House door, in the town of Jackson, in Cape Girardeau County, Mo., on Tuesday, the 1st day of January, A. D. 1861." Wliat i-itvht did tlie Sheriff have to sell that man, when he did not even know that lie was a slave and had an owner? Other slave sale advertisements were made for January 1, 1861, to take place at the east door of the St. Louis Courthouse, and B. M. Lynch advertised his large, airy, new quarters, No. 57 South Fifth (now Broadway), corner of Myrtle, and will pay highest price for Negroes suited to the Southern market. "'Negroes on hand and for sale at all times." From this it would appear that the Negro breeding for the Southern market was not restricted to the Eastern Border States. On the 14th of November the ''St. Louis Republic" deemed a stronger dose of Unionism necessary to the failing patriots, and it published in full President Jackson's proclamation against the Se- cessionists of South Carolina, issued December 11, 1832. The inten- tion was good and locally had a wholesome effect, as later on the vote for the members of the Missouri State Convention proved. As to the Cotton States, they were then already past redemption ; to their senti- mental disposition the words of Schiller fully applied : "Man fears the lion's kingly tread, Man fears the tiger's fangs of terror. But Man himself is most to dread When mad with social error!" Carlyle's translation of : "Gefaehrlich ists den Leu zu wecken, Verderblich ist des Tigers Zahn. Doch ach der schreklichste der Schreken Das ist der Mensch in seinem Wahn." On the other hand, there were powerful influences which made St. Louis a veritable commonwealth for both sections. The North- ern and Southern trade of the Mississippi A^alley centered here, it was 132 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. the distributing point for the Eastern wholesale trade. Large mills, foundries, machine shops and factories combined the intserests of the capitalist, the engineer, the laborer, and with a hostile South and a hostile innuediate West all this was doomed to destruction. Although the directive capital Avas chiefly in the hands of Southerners, their very great possessions pleaded most eloquently for the maintenance of peace. These considerations guided the conservative element of the city and State and remained a powerful factor until the furies of war stamped out every peaceful disposition in the Union. Events strongly pointed in that direction when on December 13, I860, Southern members of Congress recommended to their constituencies speedy Secession. THE LAST DAYS OF 1860. The Commissioners of the seceded State of South Carolina called on President Buchanan December 28, 1860, and proposed to treat with him as with the representative of a foreign power, which he de- clined, referring them to Congress. This was useless, for December 31 the committee of thirteen Republican and thirteen Senators from all other parties, forming two classes with equal rights, reported that, after considering many propositions, they could not agree upon any general plan of adjustment. So far only Soutli Carolina had seceded, but Conventions for that purpose had been called by Georgia, Missis- sippi, Florida, Louisiana and Alabama ; the Governors of Missouri, Tennessee, Arkansas and Virginia favored Secession, and the calling of a Convention, while Governor Hicks of Maryland and Sam Hous- ton of Texas were opposed to any such measure. Houston even said he would hang every Secessionist as a traitor if he had the power. End of November, 1860, a company of Constitutional Guards was formed under Colonel Thornton Grimsley, a declaration of principles was issued for them by which they claimed fealty to the Union and to the State of Missouri; also claimed that the Republican party and the Personal Liberty laws should l)e put down as well as all traitors to the supreme Federal (Jovernment, as long as the latter acts within the sphere of its constitutional duties. They enjoined that every State should "contend for its right and equality within the Union so long as its protective powers remain unexhausted, and any one De- partment of that government is able to uphold its true spirit and in- tegrity," and ''that all should rally behind the remaining bulwarks of the Constitution.'' Missouri Events. 133 ^^el•bose and cout'iised in its original text as tliis declaration was, it shows that there nuist have existed a stronj;- laiion feeling among those who were expeeted to join the organization. Still, the many conditions ornamenting this Unionism were so many loopholes to slip from it to outright Seeessionisni. Far less moderate was the antag- onism against the incoming Federal administration further South. In New Orleans men were beaten and almost lynched for selling medals of Lincohi and shouting "Ilun-ah for Lincoln I" In South Caro- lina the Prt'sident elect was Ijurned in elligy. and the Southern army and navy ollicci-s were called upon '"to renounce at once the sword and rations of the vulgar oppressor and to hasten at once to the homes that gave tliciii Mitli." (lood many could not do this, for, having emigrated to \\'estern States, they had to shift their State Rights pa- triotism to the new basis of .settlement. (Jeneral Pillow called Lin- coln's election "the death knell of the Union.'' Ah)re characteristic is an extract from a letter of Paul J. Sennnes, a graduate of West Point, made Brigadier General in Get)rgia and subsequently made famous by his cruises and blockade running, which shows the bitter resentment of Southern people and the great chasm which separated them from the friends (»f the Union: "Southerners have a high and sacred duty to perform; they know well how to perform that duty. He who dallies is a dastard, he who doubt« is damned, and he who cries peace, peace. Union. Union, when there is no peace, no Union, and never can be, with a fanatic and infidel people, who, repudiating God and the Bible, have proclaimed themselves in favor of an Anti-Slavery Bible and an Anti-Slavery God, deserves everlasting execration." Characterizing the financial policy of the Union as a robbery. Semmes goes on: "Their votes, their hands (in our pockets) we dread. Their bayonets themselves we despise. Let a United South rally and strike down this God-forsaken Union with robbers, fanatics, incen- diaries, infidels." It is strange that a liravc man like Sennnes should have indulged in such blustering talk, for true heroism is genei'ally ]taired with modesty. At that time there were considern+e men who had not yet given up all hoi)e foi' an adjustment, (iovernor John.^on of Georgia answered men mIio consulted him that the election of Lincoln was no cause for dissolving the Union : that the majority of Congress Avas still Democratic, and that Lincoln cannot even organize his Cabinet without the consent of the Senate. Tlie ])ossil)le failure to execute the Fugitive Slave act (iovern(»r .Johnson considered a more serious grievance. 134 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. In the meantime a wavering policy was continued at Washington, where on December 4 President Buchanan took the position that coer- cion is unconstitutional, and recommended : 1 . An amendment to the Constitution which shall plainly acknowl- edge the legality of fSlavery in the States. 2. Protect Slavery in all Territories until they become States. 3. Enforce the Fugitive Slave law. Attorney General Black gave his opinion to the President that the Government had a right to defend its property and also to retake it when invaded, and further claimed that the President has a right to call out the Militia when the execution of the law is obstructed by combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings. But the military must be used in support of the civil officers, and if no civil officers are found the use of the mili- tary is illegal because, as Judge Black said, it would be levying war upon such State. According to this reasoning, South Carolina was in the Union far enough to claim the protection of the Constitution, but otherwise sufliciently out of the Union to void all her obligations and connections with it. Judge Black said, further, the President must remain strictly on the defensive; if the means to collect the revenue are insufficient, Congress may make them more effective. Even under Black's opinion, the President had the right and duty to defend the forts of the United States. He should have reinforced them in time, and Robert Anderson should have broken up the bat- teries raised to subdue him. President Buchanan never asked Con- gress for additional power to aid Fort Sumter, and a fort cannot be defended without breaking up the batteries which were erected to reduce it. It seems that none of the conservative politicians under- stood the question of the hour, which was : Shall the Union perish, or shall the South be subdued by w^ar? Stephen A. Douglas spoke towards the end of 1860 at different places of the South, denying the right of Secession and strengthen- ing the Union sentiment; but no little and no big giant could stay any more the tide of coming events, of which one able writer prophet- ically said: "When we see such men at the South as Stephens and Johnson of Georgia, Forsyth and Winston of Alabama, Foote of Ten- nessee, Soule and Wickliff of Louisiana, Houston of Texas and hosts of other distinguished statesmen of the South borne down by the re- sistless tide, we cannot, if we w^ould, shut our eyes to the danger which menaces the safety and perpetuity of the Union." 3Iissouri Events. 135 Grave cares oppressed all thoughtful men. for most ominous were tlie forebodings of the last days of 1860. 1861. THE MISSOURI STATE LEGISLATURE met on the last day of 1860, and organized January 2, by electing avowed Secessionists as officers. Governor Stewart in his farewell message denied the right of Secession, as Missouri belonged to (lie Union by right of purchase, and said: "So long as there 'is hope of success, she (Missouri) will seek for justice within the Union. She cannot be frightened from her propriety by the past unfriendly legislation from the North, nor be dragooned, into Seces- sion 'by the extreme South. Missouri will rather take the high position of armed neutrality." Governor Stewart also makes use of these words: "Missouri, with scarcely a disunionist per se to be found in her borders," and closes with the w'ords: "I would here, in my last public official act as Governor of IMissouri, record my solemn protest against unwise and hasty action, and my unalterable devotion to the Union, as long as it can be made the protector of equal rights." This is strong evidence that the majority of Missourians were Union men. Governor Stewart's remarks of an "armed neutrality'"' gave probably the keynote to some subsequent threats of the same nature. The idea of an armed neutrality was mooted in the Border States and In-lian Territory early in the course of hostile development. Strategically it was a genial conception in favor of Secession, and if carried out would have secured to the seceded States, with the ex- ception of their seacoast, imnmnity against hostil-i aggression from the North. Such a neutral belt, resulting from the dissolution of the Union, would have served also as a buffer zone between, thi^ NorthoT]i and Southern confederation. Under "equal righi'<," r.jou wliieli Governor Stewart based his "unaltered devotion to the I'nion." he must have meant equal State Rights respecting Slavery in the Terri- tories, for in the South at that time equal rights were ()n a level with the planters' conception: "This is a free country; this man is niine." Governor Clayborn F. Jackson, born in Kentucky in 1807. was f\ decided pro-Slavery man, who in the Missouri Legislature of 1848-49 reported the resolutions instructing Benton and his colleague in the v-^ennle to support that tendency. 130 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. The qualifying words in thei-e resolutions were: 'vVay oi';.';;iniz;',lion of the Territorial dioveniuient excluding the citizens of any }»ai"t of the Union from removing to such Territories with their property wouid alienate one i)ortion of the Union from anollier and lend uHi- mately to disiniion." Benton's opposition to these resohitions defeat- i?d him for re-election to the Senate and eliminated him from becom- ing a possible President, who, like Andrew Jackson, might have stamped out Secession in its very inception. Clayborne I-\ Jackson said in his inaugural: "Missouri and Kentucky should stand by the South and j^reserve her equilibrium ;" also that he will defend the honor and interests of ^Missouri against all assailants whatever. Ry Governor Jackson's statement that "if the Northern Slaics hnve resoh^ed to admit no more Slaveholding States mto tlie Union'" they have practically al)andoned the Union, and will not e.Kpect onr sub- n)ission to a (Tovernment on terms of inequality and subordination," he praclically annoinu-es his hostility to the I'nion, wliich by a ma- joi'ity of votes had decided to admit no more Slave States. Governor Jackson's demand for an amendment to the Constitution of the United States, asked for very obvious reasons, an impossibility at the time. He concluded by recommending the immediate call of a State Convention, saying: "In this way the whole subject will be brought directly before the people at large. Avho will determine for themselves what is to be the ultimate action of the State.'" It seem-, however, that the Governor himself had little faith in liis peaceful remedy, as at the end of his message he recommends "a ihorough or- ganization of our Militia.'' Governor Jackson must have seen that, while the pro-Slavery disposition was clear and emphatic in. the Cot- ton States, the anti-Slavery disposition was by no means such in the Northern States; for the great enthusiasm for the war in the North and the great sacrifices brought later on by the Northern States were chiefly made for the preservation of the Union of States, and not for the destruction of Slavery. Even if Governor Jackson was convinced that the once-roused conscience of the Nation would not stop short of the complete extinction of Slavery, he had every reason to believe that emancipation would be gradual and with an equitable compensa- tion. But for him and the leaders in the Secession movement the (question, pure and simple, was: "Slavery in the Union or Slavery out of the Union." Governor Jackson recommended the holding of a State Convention, for which a bill, passed on January 18, in order to consider whether .l//.s'.s-o(//v' E rents. 137 Missouri should secede; also for the jxu'jxi.sc of vindicatiuo; the sover- eifiiily of (Jio State aud the proteetiou of her iustitutious. With tlio e\ci'j)tiou of. the St. J^ouis delegation nearly all members voted for this lueasure. The known disposition of the Governor, Lieutenant Governor and Legislators justify the su]>position that the call was made under the false iiii|>ression that the Convention would vote for Secession. This helief was caused by the more passionate and demon- strative nature of the ulti'a Southerners, which made them appear mucli sti.)nger in numbers than they actually were. It was not the Ihst time in history that appearances deceived. It can he safely assumed that in every conmmnity the great ma- jority of peoi)le are Avell-intended persons, and their differences, though intensified by ])rejudices, are rooted in deep elementary con- victions. While in ordinary times party afhliations are formed often without much reflection, in eousequence of association, derivation, local ])ride, self-interest and inheritance, yet when an actual recourse to tlie arbitrament of arms is imminent a great many people are in doubt which side to choose. The hope to influence this portion of the population dictated in the Border States that temporizing, vacillating, |)roci'astinating policy which deferred success and caused great loss of life and treasure. Neither the Free Soil Republicans nor the Slavery and State Rights defenders in St. Louis were guilty of the above fault ; they knew that war was the only alternative left, and they pntceeded to organize and arm. On the 4th of January. D. R. Ru.ssell. Connnissioner of the State of Mississip])i. was received by the joint session of the Legislature at Jefferson City. He came to ask the cooperation of Mis.souri in the conuuon defense of the Slaveholding States. A special connnittee was appointed to conduct Russell to the hall, and Lieutenant ({ov- ernor Reynolds. ])residing. ordered: "When the Connnissioner from the State of Mississippi is announced the members of the (icneral As- sembly will rise to receive him." J. D. Stevenson, from St. Louis, objected to this demand, which was qualified by Reynolds with the rather rude remark: 'T will change it to a request, and I liope no iiieniher of this (Jeneral Assembly will have the indecency to refuse to rise." Stevenson did not dream tiien that in 1rominent in the Seces- sion movement in Missouri: he claimed to be a native of South Cai'o- 138 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. Una, was well versed in politics and diplomacy, had a very good edu- cation and was energetic and fearless. Early in December, 1860, he sought the councils of the Southern leaders in Washington, and it is more than probable that there and then plans were, adopted and meas- ures resolved upon Avhich should guide the Secession policy in Mis- souri. It was hardly in keeping with his usual sense of tact and pro- priety that he anticipated both the messages of the outgoing and of the incoming Governor by publishing on the first legislative day a letter indicating his personaLvi^ws upon the course Missouri should pursue. He advised the General Assembly to resist all attempts at coercion or for collecting United States revenues or for enforcing Fed- eral laws in seceded States, and urged the speedy organization of the State Militia. He also advised Missouri to call a Convention of all the States for the settlement of their differences, and held that if no such adjustment could be secured before March 4, Missouri should not per- mit Mr. Lincoln to exercise any functions of government within her limits. It is also more than probable that the heated political de- bates during the election campaign of 1860 led Governor Reynolds from step to step, as it did so many others, until sentiments of local patriotism, pride and falsely conceived honor made it impossible for him to retrace his steps. How bitter the political controversies of pre- ceding days were may be judged by the fact that in consequence of them Reynolds fought two duels with B. Gratz Borwn, in the second of which the latter was wounded. Measures hostile to St. Louis and the Union were now rushed through at Jefferson City. Bills were introduced for the call of a State Convention, which was to consider the relations between Mis- souri, the Union and the different States of the Union and for the vindication of Missouri's State sovereignty and the protection of her institutions. There were also acts introduced to arm and equip the Militia ; to curtail the powers of the Mayor of St. Louis ; to increase the powers of the Governor ; to create a new Police Board for the city,, which the Governor was to appoint. Of the tendency of these bills Thomas S. Snead, himself a Secessionist and Secretary of Governor Jackson, in his eminent work, "A Fight for Missouri," says: "The prompt and almost unanimous favor with which the General Assembly received these measures, shows the strength of the feeling which was then forcing Missouri onward towards Secession. To the casual observer it seemed to be irresistible, and the Southern Rights People were exultant, and even defiant." Missouri Events. 139 The Military bill introduced by Monroe Parsons January 5, appro- priated to the dispof^al of the Governor $150,000 : it placed the whole population of the State at his mercy; it punished disrespectful lan- guage towards Governor or Legislature and superseded the allegiance to the Federal Government. The Militia law passed, gave the Gov- ernor all power; the money of the schools, the Blind and Insane Asy- lum were diverted to pay the expenses of the Militia. It was prohib- ited to teach slaves to read or write, and running away slaves was punished by death. To popularize this last measure the same penalty Avas decreed for horse stealing. In consideration of a larger fixed contribution to the Democratic campaign fund tlio Missouri Legislature passed a bill which made it obligatory- iluil nil legal advertisements and notices in St. Louis Coun- ty (which at that time included the city of St. Louis) should be made in the "State Journal," published by Moritz Niedner. This indirect extortion of money from the public, to be passed temporarily to M. Niedner in order to be squeezed out of him for the Democratic cam- paign fund, was an outrage, and as all St. Louis newspapers lost through the same valuable advertisements, their ardor in denouncing the measure knew no bomids. and Niedner for a time at least was the best-abused man in St. Louis and even threatened to be lynched. His defense that he was only a printer and could not secure the publica- tion of llie Legal Record without submitting to the extortion was ignored ])y the local pr<>ss. This indirect corruption, which was to furnish the sinews of war for the Secession campaign, greatly aided the Union cause in St. Louis, for the Legislature, known to be hostile to the Union, added injury to insult by curtailing the revenue of all newspapers. FEARS AND DOUBTS IN ST. LOUIS. l>riga(lior (Jeiieral Frost of the Missouri State militia, issued order No. 4 on January 8. which commanded all troops to assemble as soon as the bells of the churches sound continued peals with five-minute intermission, and to await further orders. ^Vrchbishop Kendrick, an eminent chm-ch dignitary, promptly stopped this abuse of church l)ells under his control. The measure of church bells was of doubtful utility, for it would have roused the T^nion men and organizations as well as the Secessionists. ' The measure of suddenly assembling the State Militia throng) i alarm bells was believed to be intended for the capture of the Arsenal. 140 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. of which the Confederate writer, J. C. Moore, states: "It could have been taken at any time for months with the tacit consent of its com- mandant if the State authorities had possessed the courage to take it." "Vohmteers were ready to act at an hour's notice." It was now deemed opportune in St. Louis to neutralize the animos- ity which the last presidential campaign had created between Union Democrats and Republicans. On January 11 a meeting was called at Washington Hall for the organization of Union clubs, irrespective of j)revious party affiliations. This helped to consolidate the Union ele- ment to some extent, and b}^ bringing the men in different localities more in contact with each other materially aided the formation of the first ten Regiments enlisting in the United States service. Another Union meeting Avas called for January 12 by N. Paschal, Hamilton R. Gamble, James E. Yeatman and Robert Campbell, ask- ing among other things for the protection of slave property by the Federal Government and threatenin'g that "if the Federal Govern- ment shall fail and refuse this right * * * Missouri will share the common duties and common dangers of the South." The meet- ing also took strong grounds against coercion, approved the Crit.ten- den Compromise and a State Convention for Missouri. This meeting represented conservative and conditional Union men but neither the mass of Republicans nor the active working Union men of St. Louis, Avho were warned by posters not to participate in this conservative move. The "St. Louis Republic" strongly advocated a similar conservative policy in its issue of January 14, stating that six States had already seceded, and one-half of the others would resist a policy of coercion, and Kentucky and Tennessee would again be- come the "Dark and Bloody Ground." A Bill calling a Convention of the State of Missouri passed l)oth honses of the Legislature, with only 20 dissenting votes, and the date for the election of members to the Convention was set for February 18. Besides this, another care beset the minds of the Union people in whose eyes General Harney's loyalty was an unknown quantity and l)eyond their mental computation ; another circumstance greatly ag- gravated the situation, namely, the commander of the Arsenal, which held 60,000 stand of arms, large quantities of ammunition and war material, was at that time William H. Bell, from North Carolina, a man known to have strong Southern sympathies. Matters looked very unsafe in and around St. Louis, and induced Isaac H. Sturgeon, ITnited States iVssistant Treasurer, to write to President Buchanan Missouri Emits. 141 that ""holli i)artirs had llicir eves lixod u|)()ii (hose two points," mean- ing tlie Arsenal and the Snbtrcasnry with .i>4(H),0()() cash in its vaults. Sturgeon suggested to the President to concentrate troops at the Ar- senal for the protection of the property in botli places. In response to this General Scott wired on February 13 to Harney: "Have you ill St. T>ouis Arsenal troops enough to defend it? Ought you not send up all the men from .Jefferson Barracks?" to which Harney answered: "The Secession party is in a minority in St. Louis, and there is every reason to sujipose. that in the event of a movement from any quarter ujion the Arsenal, its garrisons would l»c promptly succored by an overwhelming force from the city." (Jeiieral Scott neverthe- less ordered Hfty men to St. Louis to !)(> placed by the Department Commander at the disposal of the Assistant Treasurer. The men were stationed at the Custom House, until the treasure was removed. This transaction created an immense excitement in the city and gathered great crowds on the streets: Avhich, however, is not unusual even on very trivial occasions. Governor Jackson called the atten- tion of the General Assembly to the event, and Senator Parsons vindicated the honor of Missouri by offering the following resolution : ''That we view the act of the Administration as insulting to the dignity and patriotism of the State, and calculated to arouse sus- picion and distrust on tlic ])art of her ])eo)ile towards the Federal Government." "liesolved, That the Governor be requested to inquire of the Presi- dent, what had induced him to place the pro])erty of the United States within the State, in charge of an armed Federal force." With due recollection and ai)})reciation of the recent seizure of the Sub- Treasury at New Orleans, the inquiry was dropped. Strangely enough the argument was used later, that this ai)pareiit distrust of the Federal authorities advanced the Secession disposition in Mis- souri, while it would ai)pear that the inducement for Secession could not j)ossibly l)c increased by the removal of these funds, which lessened the opjxtitunities to secure the sinews of war. While these measun-s were carried out, the overcharged imagina- tion of some "Fire-ealers" urged (lovernor Jackson to "do and dare" and take the Ar.^enal with its 60,000 stand of arms, great store of l>owder and war material, (lovernor .Jackson wisely thought "discre- tion the l)etter part of valor" and deferred an attack upon the Arsenal until he had a force to insure success, which, however, never hap- pened. The St. Louis Arsenal could bo defcMidcMl against great odds; 142 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. its main strength, however, was its location, surrounded by a loyal population. The St. Louis ward lines run at that time from the river west to the citj^ limits, the numbers commencing at the south end with the First Ward. The wards south of Market street, peo- pled mainly by Germans and other immigrants, were so strongly imbued by Union sentiments, that besides furnishing the bulk of the first four Volunteer Regiments, they also raised three Regiments of Reserves or Home Guards, and all of this before the sun set on the 8th of May. In January and February, 1861, the Arsenal at St. Louis was also comparatively safe, because actual hostilities against the Union had not commenced and the Secessionists of Missouri trusted to the State Convention to give them a kind'of a legal standing by passing a Secession Ordinance ; besides this they relied upon the State Rights ])roclivities of Major Bell, the Commander of the Arsenal, as the following highly interesting letter of General D. M. Frost shows: A TELL TALE LETTER. "St. Louis, January 24, 1861. "To C. T. Jackson, Governor of Missouri: "Dear Sir — I have just returned from the Arsenal, where I have had an interview with Major Bell, the commanding officer of that place. I found the Major everything that you or I could desire. He assured me that he considered that Missouri had, whenever the time came, a right to claim it as being on her soil. He asserted his determination to defend it against any and all irresponsible mobs, come from whence they might, but at the same time gave me to understand that he would not attempt any defense against the proper State authorities. "He pi'omised me, upon the honor of an officer and a gentleman, that he would not suffer any arms to be removed from the place without first giving me timely information, and I, in return, promised him that I would use all the force at my command to prevent him being annoyed by irrespon- sible persons. "I at the same time gave him notice that if affairs assumed so threaten- ing a character as to render it unsafe, to leave the place in its compara- tively unprotected condition, that I might come down and quarter a proper, force there, to protect it from the assaults of any persons whatsoever, to which he assented. In a word, the Major is with us, where he ought to be. for all his worldly wealth lies here in St. Louis (and it is very large) ; and then, again, his sympathies are with us. "I shall therefore rest perfectly easy and use all my influence to stop the sensationists from attracting the particular attention of the Govern- ment to this particular spot. The telegrams you received were the sheerest "canards" of persons who, without discretion, are extremely anxious to Missouri Events. 143 show their zeal. I shall be thoroughly prepared with the proper force, to act as emergency may require. The use of force will only be resorted to when nothing else will avail, to prevent the shipment or removal of arms. The Major informed me that he had arms for 40,000 men, with all the ap- pliances to manufacture munitions of almost every kind. "This Arsenal, if properly looked after, will be everything to our State, and I intend to look after 'it, very quietly, however. I have every con- fidence in the word of honor pledged to me by the Major, and would as soon think of doubting the oath of the best man in the community. "His idea is that it would be disgraceful to him as a military man to surrender to a mob, whilst he could do so, without compromising his dig- nity to the State authorities. Of course, I did not show him your order, but I informed him that you authorized me to act as I might think proper, to protect the public property. He desired that I would not divulge his peculiar views, which I promised not to do, except to yourself. I beg, therefore, that you will say nothing that might compromise him eventually with the General Government, for thereby I would be placed in an awkward position, while he probably would be removed, which would he unpleasant to our interests. . . . McLaren and George made the mistake of tele- graphing a falsehood to you. "I should be pleased to hear whether you approve of the course I have adopted, and if not, I am ready to take any other that you, as my com- mander, may suggest. I am, etc., D. M. Frost." General D. M. Frost, born in New York in 1823, graduated ai We.st Point in 1844; took part in the Mexican war and Avas breveted First Lieutenant by General Harney after the Battle of Cerro Gordo. His connections in St. Louis were with Southern families, and he resioned his commission in the army already in 1853 ; he was a member of the Missouri Legislature and became General of the Brigade sent to the Southwest frontier, ostensibly to protect Mis- sourians fVom an invasion of Kansas people under Captain ^lont- g(»mery. Frost's Brigade comprised Infantry, Cavalry and Artillery, and numbered near 600 men, which was less than one-third of its full complement, but which in case of an emergency, could have been recruited up on short notice. It is ditficult to understand the whole course of General Frost. Born and educated in a Northern State, of independent fortune, his Missouri Southern connections led him to espou.se the .cause of Secession; no doubt that wounded pride, on account of the surrender of Camp Jackson, affected his course; after being exchanged, he immediately joined the Confederate serv- ice, but left this already in 1803 and went to Canada. His, also, was one of those cases where sentiment obliterated sound judgment. T. S. Snead states that General Frost made the necessity of .■seizing the 144 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1801. ArsenaK iiuuiifest to the (Jovernor, "and was by him authorized to seize the Arsenal. " whenever the occasion nii^ht require such de- cisive action ; and thereby proves, that those who anticipated such a probable event, showed eminent good sense. It also proves that the State authorities, made jilans for the seizure of the Arsenal as early as January, 18()1. Colonel Broadhead in a short treatise upon the war in 8t. Louis quotes an interview of (xovernor Jackson with Isaac H. Sturgeon, President of the North Missouri Railroad, at the latter's office, in Avhich Jackson said: "That if his advice had been taken, the Ar- senal would have been seized, when he could have walked in with ten armed men and taken it, as it had no protection ; but to do so now would cost the lives of great many men, and the probable destruction of the city." These sentiments do not tally with the expressions of General Frost in his letter to the Governor, of January 26th, and the most charitable construction that can be placed upon this in- cident, is, that the Governor's mind was unsettled, for his subse- quent behavior did not bear out his above quoted exjjressions. All subsequent professions of paciKc intentions uttered by Governor Jackson or General Frost must appear in the light of being at first a veil and later on a palliation of "constructive treason" to the United States. On the same day on which General Frost wrote to Governor Jackson a telegram was sent from Washington to the New York Evening Post, stating that General Scott had information of a plot for the seizure of the St. Louis Arsenal ; was this caused by General Frost's visit to the Arsenal? So nuich is certain, that this informa- tion and the earnest and repeated demands of Frank P. Rlair and other decided Xniion men, at last prevailed u})()n the administra- tion at Washington. Major Bell was superseded in command of the Arsenal by Major Hagner. This frustrated all chances of a peaceful occupation of the U. S. Arsenal by Secessionists in the guise of State Militia. On January 26 Captain Sweeney was ordered from Jefferson Bar- racks, to take command of the troo])s at the Arsenal; but Major Hag- ner remained Connnander of the Arsenal, and was his su|)erior offi- cer, and while Sweeney had the de facto power to assume authority, he could do so only at the risk of a court martial, for evidently the final authority vested in ]\Iajor TIagner. An anecdote reveals the peculiar service relations of that period. An old fellow officer of Sweeney, named Croghan, called on him at the Arsenal, revealed his Missouri Events. 145 uiiil'onii iiiul rank as a ("on t'cdiTatc Held ollicci' aiul advised Sweeney to get out of the Arsenal, because he said: "We intend to take it." Sweeney ])oreinptc>Tily declared ho wonld Mow up the Arsenal be- fore surrcndci-inti; it. and warned Croiiban of his danger of being in a Confederate uniform at the Arsenal. TJunior, which a Latin ]Kiet 1.000 years ago, designated, as a hor- rible, immense, l)lind monster, was now as ever busily at work. Union leaders and men were alarmed and cautioned to defend the Arsenal against secretly planned [ittacks by the Seces.sionist. for which even s])ecilic dates were designated, but no clearly fornnilated ])lan is tluis far on record, no such attack was ever made and all such schemes appear to have remained in the embryo condition of mere evil intentions. THE MISSOrHT STATE CONVENTION. Ttnvards the end of January, a number of Union men met at the Mercantile Library and appointed a committee to propose candi- dates for the State Convention. An adjourned meeting at A'erandah Hall adopted the following ticket: Eerd. Meyer, T. T. Gantt, Dr. M. L. Linton. H. R. (Tamble, Hudson E. l^ridge, John F. Long, Sol. Smith. J. IL Shakelford, Uriel Wright, Sanniel Breckenridge, Rob- ert Holmes. Jas. O. Broadhead, Isidore Bush, John How, Henry Hitchcock, which were classified as seven Douglas Democrats, four Lincoln Republicans, three Union men from the Bell and Everett following, and one was not classified. Strong Union resolutions in- dorsed these candidates. The names on the ticket were not selected in proportion to the rni(»n vott> in St. Louis, which was chiefly (iernian. and in its great majority for Lincoln, but the object was to secure the undecided vote and the favorable result, fully justified the selection. With regard to the political complexion as far as the voters of the wbole State are concerned, the classification of T. L. Snead. Secre- tary t(» (Jovernor .Jackson, may be safely assumed as relial)le: hv states that the Governor. Lieutenant Governor, a majority of the General Assembly, both United States Senators, Jas. L. Green and Trusten Polk: also (Jeneral David Atchison, were Secessionists in so far that they would have Mi.han, 10 146 The Union Cause in St. Louis m 1861. Jas. R. Collins, "W. A. Hall, J. S. Phelps,, Robert Stewart, Sterling Price, N. Paschall, editor of the St. Louis Republic, and states that their influence was chiefly with men who sympathized with the South," but saw that the business and geographical relations made it the interest of the State to remain with the Northern States in the Union ; many men of this faction had still a latent liope for a com- promise. They recruited from the Douglas and Bell men and jointly cast about 71 per cent in the last election. The unconditional Union men were immigrants from Europe, chiefly Germany, with comparatively few Americans from the JNIiddle and Eastern States and mountaineers from the border States; they were mostly inhabi- tants of cities and cast only 10 per cent of the votes at the last presidential election. However, that was not their real strength; for in the interior of the State, great many did not vote for pruden- tial reasons, others voted for Douglas believing in squatter sover- eignty, and again others for Bell on general principle of conserva- tism, indecision and doubt. It will be remembered that Virginia had asked all States to send Commissioners to Washington for a Convention on February 4 to consider and if practicable to agree upon some suitable adjustment between the North and the South. Although Congress treated the proposition with indift'erence, most Northern and all border States, Tennessee and North Carolina, sent delegates. There was a hope that this Peace Convention would result in a compromise, for al^so- lute yielding either at the North or at the South was entirely out of the question. This hope was used to great advantage by the conditional Union men during the campaign for the election of Convention members. The brilliant eloquence of James S. Rollins, himself a large slaveholder, a Union man, though opposed to coercion ; the convincing logic of W. A. Hall, who pointed out the hopeless strategical position of Missouri as a Secession State, wedged in between the three energetic and blooming Free States of Illinois, Iowa and Kansas ; the uselessness in case of isolation of her splendid communicational means of the greatest navigable river net of the world ; the certainty of the loss of all slaves in case of Secession and the danger to the families and possessions of the seceders in the State ; all these were so weighty that they largely overcame the more sentimental influence of derivation, habit and past association. The memljers of the Missouri State Convention were elected on February 18, upon the presumption that they had the right to Missouri Events. 147 submit a Secession Ordinance to the voters of the State. It is a memorable fact, that out of the 104 members elected for the Con- vention 81 were born in Slave States, 19 in Free States, 3 in Ger- many and 1 in Ireland. Contrary to the anticipations of the Gov- ernor, the election passed off quietly and resulted in a great Union victory. In St. I^ouis city and C(ninty, the Union men received over 5,000, and in the State over 80,000 majority, and not a single avowed Secessionist was elected. This was a terrible defeat for the Governor and the Secessionists in the Legislature and a damper on their military schemes. As far as ascertained from 09 members of the Convention, only 27 were under and 72 above forty years of age; with regard to the same luunber, 52 were lawyers (9 of whom had been judges), 26 farmers, 11 merchants and 10 other professions; certainly a very conservative body, regarding both age and occupation, and as far as experience in life is concerned it was entitled to the highest consideration. W. L. Webb, a Confederate writer, classified the members of the Missouri State Convention as 52 unconditional Union men and 47 who believed in Secession under circumstances of suflicient provocation ; but with regard to the latter number, due allowance must be made, between avowed intention and practical execution, which both are influenced by developing circumstances. Be this as it may, so much is certain, that this Convention was a very strong representative body, and while it could not quite save Missouri from the ravages of civil war, it imparted a knowledge of the true interests of the State, which kept many Missourians from unnecessary sacrifices. The thanks of the State are due to all its members, even to those whose better judgment was afterwards over- come by sentiment, local pride and chivalrous notions which had no solid foundation in facts. LIST OF MEMBERS OF THE STATE CONVENTION OF MISSOURI, IMARCH 31, 1861. Name. Born. Representing. Sterling Price, President Virginia Brunswick, Chariton Co. Sam A. Lowe, Secretary Maryland Georgetown, Pettis Co. R. A. Campbell, Asst. Secretary. Missouri Bowling Green, Pike Co. C. P. Anderson, Doorkeeper Tennessee California. B. W. Grover, Sergeant-at-Arms Ohio Warrensburg. And. Monroe, Chaplain Virginia Fayette. Allen, J. S Tennessee Bethany, Harrison Co. Bartlet, Orson Virginia Bloomfield. Stoddard Co. 148 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. Name. Born. Representing. Bass, L. E Tennessee Ashland, Boone Co. Bast, Geo. Y Kentucky Rhineland, Montgomery Co. Birch, Jas. H Virginia Plattsburg, Clinton Co. Bogy, Joseph Missouri .St. Mary, St. Genevieve Co. Breckinridge, Sam Kentucky St. Louis. Broadhead, Jas. O Virginia ..St. Louis. Bridge, Hudson E New Hampshire St. Louis. Brown, R. A Tennessee Cass County. Bush, Isidor Bohemia St. Louis. Calhoun, Robert Ireland Callaway County. Cayce, Milton P Virginia Farraington, St. Francis Co. Chenault, Jno. R Kentucky Carthage, Jasper Co. Collier, Sam Missouri Fredericktown, Madison Co. Comingo, A Kentucky Independence. Crawford, Robt. W Virginia Mt. Vernon, Lawrence Co. Doniphan, A. W Kentucky Liberty, Clay Co. Donnell, R. W North Carolina St. Joseph. Douglass, Wm Virginia Boonville. Drake, Chas Kentucky California. Dunn, Geo. W Kentucky Richmond. Eitzen, Chas. D Germany Hermann. Frayser, Robt. B Virginia St. Charles Co. Flood, Jos Kentucky. Callaway County. Foster, John D Kentucky Kirksville. Gamble, Hamilton R Virginia St. Louis. Gantt, Thos. T Dist. Columbia St. Louis. Givens, N. F Kentucky Clark County. Gorin, Hy. M Kentucky Scotland County. Gravely, J. J Virginia Cedar County. Hall, Willard P Virginia St. Joseph. Hall, William A Maine Randolph County. Harbin. A. S North Carolina Barry County. Hatcher, Robt. A Virginia New Madrid. Henderson, John ^ :..Virginia Pike County. Hendrick, Littleberry Virginia Springfield. Hill, V. B Kentucky Pulaski County. Hitchcock, Hy Alabama St. Louis. Holmes, Robt Pennsylvania St. Louis. Holt, John Kentucky Dent County. Hough, Harrison Kentucky Mississippi County. How, John Pennsylvania St. Louis. Howell, "Wm. J Kentucky Monroe County. Hudgins, Prince L Kentucky Andrew County. Irwin, Jos. M Virginia Shelby County. Isbell, Z Virginia Osage County. Jackson, Wm Tennessee Putnam County. Jameson, Robt. W Kentucky Webster County. Johnson, Jas. W Virginia Bolivar. Missouri Events. 149 Name. Born. Representing. Kidd, Christ. G Kentucky Henry County. Knott. .1. Proctor Kentucky Jefferson City. Leper, Wm. T .' Tennessee Wayne County. Linton, 1\L L Kentucky St. Louis. Long, John F Missouri St. Louis. Marmaduke, Vincent Missouri Saline County. Marvin, Asa C New Hampshire Henry County. Matson, Jas. T Missouri Ralls County. MaupiU) A. W Missouri Franklin County. McClurg, J. W Missouri Linn Creek. IMcCormack, Jas. R Missouri Perry County. McDowell, Nelson Illinois Dade County. .McFerran, Jas. Maine Daviess County. Meyer, Ferdinand Prussia St. Louis. Morrow, W. L Tennessee Dallas County. Moss, Jas. H Missouri Clay County. Noell, Jas. C Virginia Bollinger County. Norton, E. H Kentucky Platte City. Orr, Sample Tennessee Springfield. Phillips. John F Missouri Pettis County. Pipkin. Phil Tennessee Iron County. Pomeroy, Wm. G New York Crawford County. Rankin, Chas. G Missouri JelTerson County. Ray, Robt. D Kentucky Carrolton. Redd, John T Kentucky Palmyra. Ritchey, M. H Tennessee Newton County. Ross, Jas. P Maryland Morgan County. Rowland, Fred North Carolina Macon City. Sawyer, Sam L New Hampshire Lexington. Sayre, E. K New Jersey Lewis County. Scott, Thomas Kentucky Tuscumbia. Shackelford, Thomas Missouri Glasgow. Shackelford, J. H Kentucky St. Louis County. Sheehey, Jas. K Kentucky Independence. Smith, Jacob Kentucky Linn County. Smith, Sol New York St. Louis. Stewart, Robt. M..„ New York St. Joseph. Tindall, Jacob T Kentucky Grundy County. Turner, W. W Illinois Lebanon. Waller, Jos. G Virginia Warren County. Watkins, N. W Kentucky Cape Girardeau County. Welch, Aikman Missouri Warrensburg. Wilson, Robt Virginia St. Joseph. Woodson, Warren Virginia Columbia. Wool folk, Alex. M Kentucky Chillicothe. Wright. ITriel Virginia St. Louis. Vanbuskirk, Elery Ohio Holt County. Zimmerman, Geo Virginia New Hope. 150 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. The members of the Convention met at Jefferson City on February 28th and organized, b}^ all members taking the oath of office to support the Constitution of the United States and "of the State of Missouri." They adopted the rules of a previous convention ; elected, on motion of Jas. 0. Broadhead, Gen. Sterling Price permanent chairman ; resolved to continue their sessions at St. Louis, and made their resolutions, taken thus far final, by laying a motion for recon- sideration on the table ; this latter was carried by a vote of 65 to 30, showing the ruling tendency of the convention. After this, the con- vention adjourned to St. Louis, into an atmosphere more favorable to the Union cause. Shortly before, on Friday, February loth, the Legislature tried to tune the convention by passing Mr. Vest's anti- coercion bill, which emphatically stated that, upon the invasion of any State, "the people of Missouri will instantly rally on the side of their Southern brethren, to resist the invaders at all hazards and to the last extremity." This resolution may to some extent have in- fluenced public opinion, but had no binding force upon any one member of the convention, nor its decisions, which upon the ques- tions at issue were the supreme law of the State. However, events must be related now which exercised an influence upon the transac- tions of the convention. NATHANIEL LYON. During the Kansas troubles, a military officer stationed in that Territory called at the Missouri Democrat office, to settle his sub- scription. Daniel M. Houser, one of the proprietors, met him and expressed his gratification to find among the very conservative ele- ment of the army an officer who would support the radical tendency of the Missouri Democrat, to which remark the officer replied with great earnestness: "Every possible means should be exhausted be- fore another Slave State is admitted into the Union." This man was Captain Nathaniel Lyon. When it became evident that a change in the command at the St. Louis Arsenal was absolutely necessary, D. M. Houser suggested to a conference of Union men Captain Lyon, whose appointment was secured, and who arrived at the St. Louis Arsenal Avith eighty men. Infantry, not as a stranger, but as a well-known, resolute, uncompromising Union man and a Free Soiler, notwithstanding that he had been a Democrat, favoring free trade. Missouri Events. 151 Lyon was l)()rii July 14, 1818, at Ashford, Conn.; graduated at West Point in 1841; distinguished himself in the Mexican War and Avas breveted Captain August, 1847, and afterwards served with distinction against the Indians in California. The picture he makes of himself at the time is highly interesting: "Growing old, but not ashamed of it ; proud, perhaps, but not haughty ; prudent, it may be, in worldly affairs, yet not crafty for wealth; desirous enough for fame, but not infuriated with blind ambition ; and in general, taking the world as it comes, enjoying richly its many blessings, sympa- thizing with the unfortunate, and laughing with the indifference of cool philosophy at the sore disappointments with which selfishness and cupidity are ever torturing their victims." In 1852 Lyon was a Democrat and a supporter of Franklin Pierce, and, while on leave, spoke in favor of his election. While at Wash- ington he took great interest in the debates of Congress upon the Kansas-Nebraska issue, and these debates crystalized his opinion and strongly enlisted his sympathies in favor of the oppressed race. Sent to Fort Riley in 1854, during the animated discussion sprung upon Congress by the Kansas and Nebraska Act, he espoused the cause of the Free Soil party with all the fervor of an earnest soul. A few' extracts from his letters will show his disposition. He writes on March 2d, 1855: ''It is fully apprehended that the aggressions of the pro-Slavery men will not be checked till a lesson has been taught them in letters of fire and blood." In December of the same year Lyon writes: "I have seen so much of the overbearing domina- tion of the pro-Slavery people in Kansas toward the Free State men, that I am persuaded that the latter have cither to fight in self-de- fense or submit ignobly to the demands of their aggressors." ''I despair of living peaceably with our Southern brethren, without making disgraceful concessions, but rest assured that this will not always 1)c. and in this view I foresee ultimate sectional strife, which I do not care to delay." In another letter he names Jefferson Davis, at the time Secretary of AVar, a heartless villain. The partiality of Buchanan's administration for the pro-Slavery party in Kansas disgusted Lyon to an extent that he seriously considered his resignation froin the army rather than to enforce the laws of the United States in Kansas, arguing that he "could not submit to the self-debasement and humiliation of being employed as a tool in the hands of evil rulers for the accomplishment of evil ends. 152 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1S61. Lyon writes from Fort Scott, to which place he was sent by Gen. Harney to head otf Montgomery with the aid of Frost's INIissouri ]Militia : ''Jannary 27th, 1861. — I do not consider troops at all nec- essary here, and shonld mnch prefer to be employed in the legitimate and appropriate service of contriljuting to stay the idiotic fratricidal hands now at work to destroy our Government. ... It is no longer useful to appeal to reason, but to the sword, and trifle no longer in senseless wrangling. I shall not hesitate to rejoice at the triumph of my principles, though this triumph may involve an issue in which I certainly expect to expose and very likely shall lose my life. I would a thousand times rather incur this than recall the result of our presidential election. We shall rejoice, though, in mar- tyrdom if need be." It was an "X\q libertas, moriturus te salutam" (Hail liberty! fated to die, I greet thee!"). A few days later Lyon's company was ordered to fSt. Louis. Snead describes Lyon as 43 years old, less than medium height, slender and angular, with abundant sandy hair, reddish-brown beard, deep-set blue eyes, rough and homely features, and weather- beaten aspect; while Peckham describes Lyon's disposition serious, his bearing modest, stature slender and proportionally well built, with large forehead spreading above, clear deep-blue eyes, face nar- row, hair and beard sandy. Both descriptions are correct. There may be added to them that Lyon's features had a thoughtful and keen cast and made the impression of a nervous disposition. He was a diligent student of classical literature and history, and an ad- mirer of the deeds of great men. Personal experience and past events shaped Lyon's convictions, which were to serve the highest aims of humanity. For him the Hag of the United States w^as the symbol of that tendency, and his determination was that it should wave in triumph over the North American Continent. How clear Lyon's mind was upon the great issues of the day, his own w^ords show: "I do not see how war is to be avoided. Under quack management it may be long and bloody; yet I have no apprehension about the final triumph of Almighty Truth, though at the cost of many un- necessary sacrifices. I would rather see the country lighted up with flames, from its center to its remotest borders, than that the great rights and hopes of the human race should expire before the arro- gance of the Secessionists. Of this, however, there is no danger. Missouri Events. 153 'J'lu'v (the Secessionists) are at war with nature and the human heart, and cannot succeed.'' Arrived at St. Louis Arsenal February 0th, 18G1, Lyon asserted his right to command, being an older Captain than Hagner. The latter was sustained, however, by Harney and the President, because Ilagner had been breveted Major. It was said that Lyon made the claim because he distrusted Hagner, who associated with Southern sympathizers, and whose wife was a slave-holder's daughter. Lyon certainly was convinced of the justice of his own claim, or he never would have made it. He established the closest relations with Blair and other influential Union men, wdio said that he had been sent to them, as it were, by Providence." His clear intellect and great energy mastered all jDhases of the local situation. A life- long officer of the regular army, with its strict discipline and punctilious system of order, it Avas no easy task to be called to the head of many organizations of a heterogeneous nature, wdiich on all sides were rapidly springing into life; nor could he have done it without the efficient aid of many able, experienced and cultured men of St. Louis, nor without the devotion of the Union population, which stands without a parallel in the annals of our History. On February 16th the garrison at the Arsenal Avas reinforced by 203 men, to which, a few days later, 102 were added, bringing the force stationed there to 484 men. Harney had reported East that there never was a danger of an attack upon the Arsenal, and if an attack should be made, the garrison would be promptly rescued Ijy an overwhelming force from the city. This latter conclusion of Harney was correct, l)ut not the premises, for the Secessionists certainly had the intention and would have improved any chance to capture the Arsenal, but great vigilance prevented such a chance, and the vote on members of the Missouri State Convention on Feb- ruary 18th, defeating every Secession candidate, destroyed all hope of support from the irresolute, noncommittal portion of the com- munity, which at best was an unknown quantity. The vote on the Convention memljcrs had a depressing influence upon the Seces- sionists, Init neither they nor the Union men did for a moment relent in their efforts to prepare by all possible means for the coming conflict. To remedy the unsatisfactory condition of affairs at the Arsenal, F. P. Blair went to Washington, stopping off on his way at Spring- 154 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. field, Illinois, to see the incoming President. Lyon wrote to Blair on February 25th a long letter, specifying all grievances, which, among other things, is also memorable for the latitude of expression which an American officer used about his superior officer. Part of the words referred to are: ''The announcement of General Scott that the command belongs to Major Hagner, is his own decision and done in his usual sordid spirit of partisanship and favoritism to pets and personal associates and toadies." Lyon states in this letter that the fine stone wall surrounding the Arsenal should be used for defense by preparing scaffoldings from which to fire, hav- ing sand bags ready to protect artillery pieces, which would sweep the outside faces of the walls; also to put up traverses inside, and place a. battery to clear out intruders inside the walls ; further, to mine the buildings for blowing them up if they could not be de- fended ; to form a battery towards the Mississippi, or Arsenal Island, and the opposite shore. Major Hagner objected to all these prepara- tions, wanted to admit the enemy unopposed inside the wall, and only to defend the main buildings. Captain Lyon in his letter designates Hagner's plan in his terse diction : "This is either im- becility or villainy.'' He ends the letter with the words: "If I should have command, I would have no trouble to arm any assisting party, and perhaps, by becoming responsible for the arms, etc., I might fit out the Regiment we saw in the garden the other day; but. most I concern myself with a view to sustain the Government here, and trust to such measures as may be found available. Yours truly, N. Lyon." Two days before this letter, an article appeared in the Missouri Democrat, representing the defenses of the Arsenal much stronger than they actually were, with the evident intention of deterring Secessionists from attacking the same. A few days later, on March 1st, the Commissioner of Georgia, Luther J. Glenn, arrived at Jefferson City to invite Missouri into the Southern Confederacy. Notwithstanding the overwhelming Union vote of the State, Governor Jackson introduced him to a meeting, and. reiterated that the honor of Missouri required her to stand with the Confederate States and to join them, should Lincoln make Avar on the South. Both Houses invited Mr. Glenn to address the members of the Legislature, but his speech did not elicit any specific action of that body. Glenn had the satisfaction of a serenade Missouri Events. 155 and of witnessing that some members of the Legislature habitually saluted a Secession flag, which was hoisted opposite the Post Office. The St. Louis State Convention met at the St. Louis Mercantile Library hall on March 4 and organized by electing Sterling Price President, with 75 out of 99 votes. On May 8 the Minute Men raised the flag of Missouri on the Courthouse dome, Avhich, being unauthor- ized, was taken down by the Custodian. The same parties raised a Secession flag on Berthold's building, Fifth and Pine, the Minute Men's Headquarters. A Union flag was raised on the opposite build- ing by Tony Niederwicser, his brother and other Union men. Crowds gathering in the street, commenced to cheer their respective flags, and a chance shot might have precipitated a fearful street fight ; but passions had not reached that fever heat, which disregards all danger and all consequences. The Union men in the street were prevailed upon to defer action to a more propitious time. Rumor brought this excitement in connection with a very improbable scheme to capture the Arsenal. On the 4th of March the spirit of the Secessionists was at its lowest ebb; their number Avas too small for such an enterprise, and the chances could not be improved by starting a street fight two and one-half miles away. CHAPTER V. THE APPROACHING STORM. DRIFTING TOWARDS WAR. In the meantime, seizures of United States property went on lustily in the South. On the 3d of January Fort Pulaski, near Savannah; on the 4th, the Arsenal, near Mount Vernon, Alabama; on the 5th, Fort Morgan and Gaines, guarding the approaches to Mobile; on the 6th, the Arsenal at Apalachicola ; on the 7th, Fort Marion, near St. Augustin, was seized; it was also officially stated that Virginia was already then prepared to arm 25,000 troops. A day of national humiliation, fasting and prayer was proclaimed at Washington, but a less peaceful spirit prevailed next day at many places in the North, where salutes were fired in approval of Major Anderson's removal to Fort Sumter, which, in fact, was an act of the plainest military duty. Delegates from South Carolina now called upon President Buchanan, who said he could receive them only as private citizens, and also informed them that he would defend Fort Sumter. Upon this information, the delegation of private citizens left unceremoniously for home. On January 5 the "Star of the West" left New York harbor with men and munitions of war for Fort Sum- ter; the same day the Senators from Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Texas and Arkansas met at Washington and advised their States to secede, and to organize a Slave-holding Con- federacy. This action was incorrectly attributed to the President's answer to the citizens of South Carolina, likewise to the sailing of the "Star of the West." The Senators, as part of the Government, were in daily and direct communication with the President, and did not need any outside information. It may be taken as a self-evident axiom in History that great events have great causes. The probability is that the South Carolina delegation was sent to Washington to hasten the call for the Slave-holding Confederation, a measure which had been preconsidered long before. (156) The Approaching Storm. 157 Oil the last of December, an aiiticoercion resolution was tabled in the House of Congress by a vote of 98 to 55, and later a resolution was passed, approving Major Anderson's removal to Fort Sumter and promising support to the President for all his constitutional meas- ures for the preservation of the Union. A bill introduced by Bing- ham of Ohio in the House, empoAvering the President to transfer the Collector's office, if need be, on board of a war vessel, was supported by lOo votes against ()2, which, not being the two-third vote requisite under the rules, had to lay over and was never reached. There was no use in President Buchanan's asking Congress to enact laws, which would give him power to perform his duty, when the votes of his parly friends and Southern sympathizers could block such legisla- tion. The compromise measures still pending were probably the greatest hindrance to energetic action. In times of general excitement men may be led to odd notions. Fernando Wood, Mayor of New" York, stung by some legislation which curtailed the corporate rights of New York City, recom- mended to the Common Council, early in January, to consider the advisability of seceding from the State and the Union. As he stated liimself, this step may not be necessar^^ if the Legislature and Congress will bring the desired relief by the repeal of objectionable laws and the restoration of corporate rights. It is not recorded whether the steel-nerved and clear-headed business men of New York only smiled at this odd suggestion or laughed outright. This exceeded even the dreams of those political visionaries that hinted at the possibility of a separate Northwestern, Pacific or Western Union, in addition to the Southern Confederacy. When the 'SStar of the West" arrived before Charleston harbor it was tired upon from the Batteries of the Secessionists, which had been erected to reduce Fort Sumter and to defend Charleston. The suniii.-e that the mission of the "Star of the West" had precipitated the war, had no foundation in fact, for the Cotton Stales were bent on Secession, unless the principle of Slavery extension was granted, and. l)esides, it was the solemn duty of the President to maintain the Arsenals and Forts of the United States in a defensible condition. Nor was it very material who commenced hostilities; for. with the dispo.sition of the people of l)oth sections of the Union, war was inevitable. The shot fired at the "Star of the West" was only the last drop, which made the bucket overflow. The response from the 158 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. North came quick, in accents which could not be misunderstood. Ah-eady, on the 11th of January, the Legislature of New York passed a preamble recounting all treasonable acts in the Cotton States, specifying the "firing into a Government vessel, ordered by the Government to convey troops and provisions to Fort Sumter," and stating that by this act "the Cotton States virtually declared war." The Legislature resolved to support and preserve the Union unimpaired, and closed with the emphatic words: ''Renewing the pledge given and redeemed by our fathers, we are ready to devote our fortunes, our lives and our sacred honor to upholding the Union and Constitution." The Legislatures of Pennsylvania, Ohio, Illinois, Wisconsin, and Minnesota passed similar resolutions, and Governor Andrews of Massachusetts ordered the enrollment of all militiamen to be ready for field service, on the call of the President. In the meantime the disintegrating process went on in the South. January 9 Mississippi and on the 10th Florida seceded and occupied the barracks at Pensacola, while Lieutenant Slemmer transferred the United States forces from the mainland to Fort Pickens. On the 10th the Arsenal at Baton Rouge, and on the 11th Fort St. Philip and Fort Jackson, in Louisiana, were seized, and the same day Ala- bama seceded and invited all Slave-holding States to send delegates, to meet in convention February 4 at Montgomery, in order to con- sider measures for their common peace and security. On January 19 the Legislature of Virginia voted one million dollars for arming and equipping the Militia, and resolved: "That if all eftorts to recon- cile the differences between the two sections of the country should prove abortive, then every consideration of honor and interest demanded that Virginia should unite her destinies with those of her sister Slave-holding States." About the same time both the Legis- latures of Tennessee and Kentucky passed anti-coercion resolutions and threatened to resist every invasion of their territory made by the Federal Army for the purpose of keeping the seceded States in the Union. ALEXANDER STEPHENS' GREAT EFFORT. In Georgia the example of the seceding States was sorely felt. Its leading Statesman, Alexander Stephens, was opposed to all hasty action, and stated that Secession should be conditioned on President Lincoln's actions, or on the repeal of the Fugitive Slave law, which could not take place before the new Congress assembled. Stephens The Approaching Storm. 159 held civil war the greatest curse that can befall a free people, and p(»iiitL'd at improper motives, saying: "Some of our public men liave failed in their aspirations, that is true, and from that comes a great part of our trouble, but, for all that, he would say, Georgia first and the Union next." About the middle of January he made the effort of his life before the (ieorgia State Convention, and the strongest and ablest armiment tliat ever was made against Secession. This speech, more than any other circumstance, proves how^ strong- State rights patriotism, and love for accustomed home associations, must have been in the South, that, notwithstanding his views of the madness of Secession, Stephens could cling to his native State, even in its folly, and dignify what he knew^ to be a lost cause by accepting the Vice-Presidency of the Confederate States. Shortly before Stephens had said : ''Our institutions constitute the basis, the matrix from which spring all our characteristics," and he knew that the institution of Slavery had so shaped Southern pride, passion and domineering ambition ; knew that the excitement of the recent political campaign had so inflamed Southern sentiment that the people there would not even listen to, far less consider, the wisest counsel. And, still, Alexander H. Stephens, known as the clearest head of the South, thought it his duty to make a final appeal to prevent the Secession of Georgia, and thus addressed the Convention : "This step (Secession) ouoe taken, can never be recalled; and all .the baleful and withering consequences that must follow, will rest on the Con- vention for all coming time. When we and our posterity shall see our lovely South, desolated by the demon of war, which this act of yours will inevitably invite and call forth; when our green fields of waving harvest shall be trodden down by the murderous soldiery and fiery car of war sweeping over our land; our temples of justice laid in ashes; all the horrors and desolations of war upon us; who but this Convention will be held responsible for it? and who but him who shall have given his vote for this unwise and ill-timed measure, as I honestly think and believe, shall be held to strict account for this suicidal act by the present generation, and probably cursed and execrated by posterity for all coming time, for the wide and desolating ruin that will inevitably follow this act you now propose to perpetrate? Pause, I entreat you, and consider for a moment what reason you can give that will even satisfy yourself in calmer moments, what reasons you can give to your fellow sufferers, in the calamity that it will bring upon us. What reasons can you give to the nations of the earth to justify it? They will be the calm and deliberate judges in the case; and what cause or one overt act can you name or print on which to rest the plea of justification? What right has the North assailed? What interest of the South has been invaded? What justice has been denied? and what claim 160 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. founded in justice and right has been withheld? Can either of you today name one governmental act of wrong, deliberately and purposely done by the Government of Washington of which the South has a right to complain? I challenge the answer. While on the other hand, let me show the facts (and believe me, gentlemen, I am not here the advocate of the North, but I am here the friend, the firm friend and lover of the South and her institu- tions, and for this reason I speak thus plainly and faithfully for yours, mine and every other man's interest, the words of truth and soberness) of which I wish you to judge, and I will only state facts which are clear and unde- niable and which now stand as records, authentic, in the History of our country. When we of the South demanded the Slave trade, or the importa- tion of Africans for the cultivation of our lands, did they not yield the right for twenty years? When we asked a three-fifths representation in Congress for our slaves, was it not granted? When we asked and demanded the return of any fugitive from justice, or the recovery of those persons owing labor or allegiance, was it not incorporated in the Constitution, and again ratified and strengthened by the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850? But do you reply that in many instances they have violated this compact, and have not been faithful to their engagements? As individual and local communi- ties they have done so, but not by the sanction of Government; for that has always been true to Southern interests. Again, gentlemen, look at another act: when we have asked that more territory should be added that we might spread the institution of Slavery, have they not yielded to our demands in giving us Louisiana, Florida and Texas, out of which four States have been carved, and ample territory for four more to be added in due time, if you by this unwise and impolitic act do not destroy this hope, and, perhaps, by it lose all, and have your last slave wrenched from you by stern military rule, as South America and Mexico, or by the vindictive decree of a uni- versal emancipation, which may reasonably be expected to follow? "But again, gentlemen, what have we to gain by this proposed change of our relation to the General Government? We have always had the control of it, and can yet, if we remain in it, and are as united as we have been. We have had a majority of the Presidents chosen from the South, as well as the control and management of most of those chosen from the North. We have had sixty years of Southern Presidents to their twenty-four, thus controlling the executive department. So of the judges of the Supreme Covirt, we have had eighteen from the South, and but eleven from the North; although nearly three-fifths of the judicial business has arisen in the Free States, yet a majority of the Court had always been from the South. This we have required so as to guard against any interpretation of the Con- stitution unfavorable to us. In like manner, we have been equally watchful to guard our interests in the Legislative branch of Government. In choos- ing the presiding Presidents (pro tem) of the Senate, we have had twenty- four to their eleven. Speakers of the House, we have had twenty-three and they twelve. While the majority of the Representatives, from their greater population, have always been from the North, yet we have so generally secured the Speaker, because he, to a great extent, shapes and controls the legislation of the country. Nor have we had less control in every other The Approach I iifi Storm. 161 department of the General Government. Attorney-Generals we have had fourteen, while the North had but five. Foreign Ministers w^e had eighty- six, and they but fifty-four. While three-fourths of the business which de- mands diplomatic agents abroad is clearly from the Free States, from their greater commercial interests, yet we have had the principal embassies, so as to secure the world markets for our cotton, tobacco and sugar, on the best possible terms. We have had a vast majority of the higher offices of both army and navy, while a larger proportion of the soldiers and sailors were drawn from the North. Equally so of clerks, auditors and comptrollers, filling the executive department, the records show for the last fifty .years that of the 3,000 thus employed we have had more than two-thirds of the same, while we have but one-third of the white population of the Republic. "Again, look at another item, and one, be assured, in which we have a great and vital interest; it is that of revenue, or means of supporting Government. From official documents, we learn that a fraction over three- fourths of the revenue collected for the support of Government has uni- formly been raised from the North. "Pause now while you can, gentlemen, and contemplate carefully and candidly these important items. Look at another necessary branch of the Government and learn from stern statistical facts how matters stand in that department. I mean the mail and post-oflice privileges that we now enjoy under the General Government, as it has been for years past. The expense for the transportation of the mail in the Free States was, by the report of the Postmaster General for the year 1860, a little over $13,000,000, while the income was $19,000,000. But in the Slave States, the transporta- tion of the mail was $14,716,000, while the revenue from the same was $8,001,026, leaving a deficit of $6,704,974 to be supplied by the North, for our accommodation, and without it we must have been entirely cut off from this most essential branch of Government. "Leaving out of view for the present the countless millions of dollars you must expend in a war with the North, with tens of thousands of your sons and brothers slain in battle and offered up as sacrifices upon the altar of your ambition — and for what? we ask again. Is it for the overthrow of the American Government, established by our common ancestry, cemented and built up by their sweat and blood, and founded on the broad principles of Right, .Justice and Humanity? And as such I must declare here, as I have often done before, and which has been repeated by the greatest and wises of statesmen and patriots in this and other lands, that it is the best and freest Government — the most equal in its rights, the most just in its decisions, the most lenient in its measures, and the most aspiring in its principles, to elevate the rac£ of men that the sun of heaven ever shone upon. Now, for you to attempt to overthrow such a Government as this, under which we have lived for more than three-quarters of a century — in which we have gained our wealth, our standing as a nation, our domestic safety while the elements of peril are around us, with peace and tranquility accompanied with unbounded prosperity and rights unassailed — is the height of madness, folly, and wickedness, to which I can neither lend my sanction nor my vote." 11 162 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. It was all in vain. Georgia seceded January 19, 1861. Of the means used to bring this about Colonel T. T. Gantt, a State Rights man and Democrat, stated in the Missouri State Convention : "Most infamous falsehoods were sent over the telegraph in order to precijDitate the passage of the act of Secession by the Convention. It was reported, through the telegraj^h, that the Federal Government had sent an army to Charleston; that operations were commenced by the bombardment of that city; that old men, helpless children and women were being slaughtered by the hundreds; that the city Avas in flames — all by an act of a tyrannous Federal executive." Had Georgia voted down Secession, probably no more States would have followed in the wake of South Carolina, and the leaves of His- tory would have recorded less heroism and more compromises. Frail man must bow to the wisdom which governs the Universe, though he often may not comprehend it. As early as January 11, Governor Pickens demanded from ^lajor Anderson the surrender of Fort Sumter. The Major reported this to Washington, Avhere Southern Senators requested the President not to reinforce Fort Sumter. To these Senators the President inti- mated, through the Secretary of War, J. Holt, that no hostile action is intended by him towards the State of South Carolina, and that the transfer of Major Anderson's Command to Fort Sumter was for ju-otection of United States property, and purely a defensive measure, and that, when needed. Fort Sumter will be reinforced. On the last day of January Colonel Hayne, pursuant instructions from Charleston, demanded the surrender of Fort Sumter. Presi- dent Buchanan refused to comply with this demand, stating that he had no constitutional warrant for such action, and closed his reply with the words: ''If the authorities of that State (South Carolma) shall assault Fort Sumter . . . and thus plunge our common country into the horrors of civil war, then, upon them and those they represent, must rest the responsibility." It seems President Buchanan could have made short work of the civil war had he acted with the same decision as President Jackson did under similar cir- cumstances. THE PEACE CONFERENCE AND SCHEMES. The same day on which the Peace Conference called by the State of Virginia met at Washington, namely, Februarj^ 4, the delegates The Approaching Storm. 163 of the seceded Stales also met at ^Montgomery, Alabama, adopted a few days later a provisional Constitution, and elected Jeflferson Davis President and Alexander Stephens Vice-President of the Confederate States of America. The coincidence of these dates sounds almost like a mockery of fate at the exertions of men. Commissioners appeared to the Peace Conference from the Governors or Legislatures of thir- teen Northern and five Border States, and from Tennessee and North Carolina, but none from the States further South. John Tyler, ex- President of the United States, was made Chairman. The Confer- ence lasted thirteen days; its recommendations, similar to the Crit- tenden resolutions, were of little practical value, for both the House of Representatives and (he Senate rejected them. The Commissioners which the Confederate States had sent to Washington in February. t(» treat with the Federal Government upon the establishment of friendly relations, met a similar fate. Shortly afterwards, Jeti'erson Davis was inavigurated, and called out 100,000 \'oIunteers for military service; anticipating the first Union call })y two months and exceeding it by 25,000 men. The same time. General 1'wiggs. at San Antonio, Texas, Avas surrounded by General McCuUoch and compelled to surrender, also in Arkansas, which had not yet seceded, the Arsenal and Totten's Battery were seized, not- withstanding the protest of the citizens of Little Kock. All over the South, military organization was energetically pushed, and on March 1 General Beauregard took command of the troops at Charleston. While all this was going on at the South some of their representa- tives in the LTnited States Congress and Cabinet held to their offices with the avowed purpose of crippling the United States Government. Senator D. L. Yulee of Florida wrote in a letter dated .Tauuaiy 7. 1801: ''By remaining in our places until the 4th of March, it is thought we can keep Mr. lUichanau's hands tied and disable the Republicans from effecting any Icgislnlioii which will strengthen the hands of the incoming Administration." .Vmong such measures was one by Jefferson Davis, who stayed in the United States Senate till January 21. obliging the President to withdraw all United Stat€S forces, upon the request of a State Legislature or Convention; also one to authorize a State to keep troops and a navy. Hunter of Vir- ginia offered a resolution directing the President, upon the request of a State, to retrocede jurisdiction. The same offered a resolution to suspend the laws for the collection of Revenue in South Carolina 164 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. or any other seceding State ; he also offered principles of adjustment, without being able to state that they would be acceptable to his own jjeople. The most characteristic was a resolution offered February 11 by B. Craigs of North Carolina, proposing that as ''South Caro- lina, Florida, Alabama, Georgia, Mississippi and Louisiana have seceded and established a Government under the name of the Con- federacy of the United States South," that "the President of the United States is required to acknowledge the independence of said Government and to receive Ambassadors or Commissioners appointed by it, for the purpose of amicably adjusting the matters." This was not reported back from the Committee. Less dangerous than these machinations were some meetings of conservative people at New York and Boston ; at the meeting held at Faneuil Hall even Edward Everett advocated a peaceful separation. These meetings had hardly any effect locally, and none whatever in the LTnion. In the last days_of the session a substitute to a resolution of the Committee of Thirty-Three was offered by T. Corwin : Article XII. "No amendment shall be made to the Con^jtitution which will authorize Congress to interfere with Slavery." This passed the House, and on March 2 passed the Senate, but did not change mat- ters in the least. All these compromise measures were supported by the conservative Democrats North and South ; they were at best a makeshift for a short period. Republicans were opposed to con- cessions by which the Secessionists were to be bribed to remain loyal to the Union. Lincoln himself condemned such a policy, as his own language, quoted in the New York Tribune, January 30, 1861, proves: "I will suffer death before I will consent or advise my friends to consent to any concession or compromise which looks like buying the privilege of taking possession of the Government to which we have a constitutional right." TJNCOLN\S JOURNEY TO WASHINGTON. Such w^ere the grave circumstances under which Lincoln left Springfield, 111., on February 11, after taking a pathetic leave from his fellow-citizens. On his journey eastward he met the greatest enthusiasm everywhere; at Indianapolis the Legislature adjourned to greet him at the depot. He made short addresses which struck sym- pathetic chords of the people at Cincinnati, Columbus, Cleveland, The Approaching Storm. 165 Buffalo. A litany, New York and Ilarrisburg. At Philadelphia, Lin- coln hoisted, with his own hands, the United States flag over Inde- pendence Hall and said, as if his spirit was dinnned with regard to the immediate, yet prophetically clear in the distant future : "I have often inquired of myself, what great principle or idea it was that kept this Confederacy so long together. It was not the mere matter of the separation of the colonies from the mother land: but that sentiment in the Declaration of Independence, which gave liberty, not only to the people of this country, but I hope to the world, for all future time. It was that which gave promise, that in due time the weight would be lifted from the shoulders of all men. This was. a sentiment embodied in the Declaration of Independence. Now, my friends, can this country be saved on this basis? If it can. I shall consider myself one of the happiest men in the world if I can help save it. If it can not be saved on that principle, it will be truly awful. But if this country can not be saved without giving up that principle, I was about to say, I would rather be assassinated on this spot than surrender it. Now, in my view of the present aspect of affairs, there need be no bloodshed or war. There is no necessity for it. I am not in favor of such a course, and I may say, in advance, that there will be no bloodshed unless it be forced upon the Government, and then it will be compelled to act in self-defense." Could Lincoln hope that there would be no w^ar? Seven States had already separated and more were on the threshold of Secession. The peal of hostile cannon which drove the United States boat ''Star of the West" from Charleston harbor reverberated all over the Union, and men were marshaling in military array at the North and at the South. The offers for peace and compromise, emanating mainly from the Border States, were not heeded at all in the Cot- ton States, and rejected with a sullen dotorniination by the great majority of the people at the North. At Philadelphia the President-elect was warned that there was a scheme laid to start a riot while he was passing through Baltimore, and that he was to be assassinated dm-ing the confusion. The pro- gramme of the journey was therefore changed, and he passed through Baltimore one day earlier and arrived in Washington on the morning of February 23. A Committee of the House of Repre- sentatives had reported in January that Militia companies were organized from former political clubs in Maryland, to hinder the passage of military companies through that State. A few days before Lincoln's arrival at Washington, Secretary of War J. Holt reported, in answer to Congressional inquiry, that, while troops at Washington were few, they can preserve the peace at the Capital. 166 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. Early in January the seizure of the Capital was planned; the state- ment made in the Senate that the Union was already dissolved aided such schemes. Rumors that were coming from different sources and statements made in Congress that Lincoln should not, or could not, be inaugurated at Washington, also indicated maturing plans for its capture, which Southern journals openly advocated. Residents became disquieted and members of Congress insisted upon pre- cautionary measures. Consequently sufficient military force was concentrated to meet any emergency that might arise, particularly as it was the duty of the outgoing President to secure his successor a peaceful inauguration. The presence of troops for securing this object could only be offensive to those who desired to destroy the Government. LINCOLN'S INAUGURATION. In keeping Avith the above views. Secretary Holt and General Win- field Scott, the Connnander of the United States Armies, assembled a larger force at Washington. By the 4th of March the city was crowded with strangers from all parts of the country. An imposing escort led and folloAved the carriage in which President Buchanan and Lincoln were conveyed to the East Front of the Capitol. Sur- rounded by the Senators, Judges of the Supreme Court, Members of the House of Representatives, foreign Ambassadors and an immense concourse of people, the President-elect took his position upon the platform, greeted by the enthusiastic cheers of the masses. At his side stood Senator Stephen A. Douglas, holding his hat, giving by his presence and attitude an ominous Avarning to the South that the Northern Democracy will stand by the Union. In his address Lincoln again uttered words of kindness and con- ciliation, but also defined his firm purpose, that the laws of the coun- try must be obeyed. With reference to Secession he said : "We cannot separate, we cannot remove our respective sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall between them. The different parts of our country cannot but remain face to face, and intercourse either amicable or hostile must continue between them. Is it possible then to make that intercourse more advantageous, or more satisfactory after separation than before? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can among friends? Suppose you go to war, you can not fight always, and when after much loss on both sides and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical questions as to terms of intercourse are again upon you." Tlic Approaching Storm. 167 "I shall take care that the laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the States. The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy and possess the property and places belonging to the Government and collect the duties and imports; but beyond what may be necessary for this, there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere." With a pathetic appeal to the memory of common battlefields and l)ati'i(>t graves, the President-elect closed. The oath of office Avas administered by the Chief Justice, and, with the same imposing escort. Abraham Lincoln drove to the White ITonse, while the people cheeivd and tlie cannon boomed. Did any one dream then that, for four ]ong years, storming Battalions and rushing Sc^uadrons would re-echo those cheers on more than a hundred battlefields, that the boom of the destructive cannon would for years resound over the fertile fields of this Union, intended by Providence to be an Eden of Liberty, and that half a million of graves would soon mark the strife and over a million of orphans and widows would soon w^eep in consequence of the omissions and commissions of their ancestors? THE .SECESSION CONSTITUTION. adoi)ted ^larch 11, 1861, by the Convention of the Confederate States of America, Avas substantially the United States Constitution with some changes, such as the '"One-term"' principle and six years" term of President and Vice-President; African Slavery in old and new States ; no protective Tariff ; no bounties ; the privilege of Heads of Departments to discuss questions in Congress; separate items A^eto in appropriation bills, and some special provisions securing property in slaves. Jefferson Davis was elected President and Alexander Stephens Aace-President. Tlie latter in addressing a large meeting at Savannah, came out squarely and acknowledged the cause of Seces- sion. He said, with reference to Slavery: "This was the immediate cause of the late rupture and the present revolu- tion. Jefferson, in his forecast, had anticipated this as the rock upon which the old Union would split." He was right. What was conjecture with him is now a realized fact. But whether he comprehended the great truth upon which tire rock stood and stands may be doubted. The prevailing ideas entertained by him and most of the leading statesmen at the time of the formation of the old Constitution were, that the enslavement of the African was in violation of the laws of nature, that it was wrong in principle, socially, morally and politically. It was an evil they knew not well how to deal with; but the general opinion of the men of that day w^as, that somehow or other, in the order of Providence, the institution would be 168 The Union Cause in St. Louis i)i 1861. evanescent and pass away. . . . Those ideas, however, were funda- mentally wrong. They rested upon the assumption of the equality of the races. . . . Our new Government is founded upon exactly the opposite ideas; its foundations are laid, its cornerstone rests upon the great truth that the Negro is not equal to the white man; that Slavery, subordination to the superior race, is his natural and normal condition. This, our new Govern- ment, is the first in the history of the world, based upon this great, physical, philosophical and moral truth." These candid expressions of Alexander H. Stephens, Vice- President of the Confederacy, frankly show the drift of mind peculiar to Southern Statesmen. Denying equal rights, the only possible basis of a democratic republic, they hide their aristocratic tendency behind the screen of race prejudice. It was, however, of late, no doubt, not only the first, but also the last attempt, to found a State on Slavery. In the light of latter days, there was a bitter irony in the words of Stephens, possibly unbeknown to himself. LOYALTY OF THE ^MISSOURI STATE CONVENTION. President Lincoln's peaceful inauguration at Washington reacted upon the Missouri Legislature, which, after a spirited debate, refused to pass the bill for arming the State. In going to the Missouri State Convention, Avhich assembled in th^ Mercantile Library the day of Lincoln's inauguration, the eyes of many of its members Avliile passing were directed to a Secession flag on the Minute ]\Ien's Headquarters, which the eloquent Uriel Wright described as having only one star and one crescent in a blue field, and which was not his flag, and in his enthusiasm for the Star Spangled Banner made the following beautiful quotation : "When freedom from her ^mountain height Unfurled her standard to the air, She tore the azure robe of night, And set the stars of glory there, She mingled with its gorgeous dies, The milky girdle of the skies. And striped its pure celestial white With streaking of the morning light. Then from his mansion in the skies, She called her eagle-bearer down. And gave into his mighty hand The symbol of her chosen land." ISIDOR BUSH. Private 2d V. S. Reserve Corps, .Missouri Volunteers. The Approaching Storm. 169 Nevertheletfti, very noon afterwards, Major Wright did some tall fighting ill the Confederate Army. Shortly after reassembling, Luther J. Glenn, Commissioner of the seceded State of Georgia, addressed the Convention, urging the Secession of Missouri. His proposition was referred to a Committee with John B. Henderson as Chairman. At this session H. R. Gamble called for a Committee on Federal Relations now existing between the Government "of the United States, the Government and people of the different States, and the Government and people of this State Great many resolutions introduced by members were referred to tb' Committee; they covered a wide range: for the Union; against coercion; for State Rights; for the Crittenden resolutions; for a Western policy; for withdrawing Federal garrisons from forts in seceded States; denying the right of Secession; for a Border States policy, and others. With regard to the mental complexion of this Convention, it must be acknowledged that, while it was a brilliant assembly in experience, capacity and activity, very few of its members were in sympathy with the Free Soil principles, indorsed by the majority of the nation at the recent election; most of the members w^ere still under the influence of their Southern education, shaped by the school, the pulpit, the bench and the rostrum, and only few men among them had emancipated themselves from the thraldom of habit and custom, and were resolved to face the issues upon their absolute merits. These few were considerate, tempered their expressions with patience and forbearance, acknowledged by vote the patriotism of Douglas and Crittenden, though not believing in the latter's proposition ; they followed their chief aim with perseverance and moderation, and eventually secured from the Convention an unqualified expression for the T^nion and against Secession. Broadhcad. Hitchcock, Breckinridge from the city. Henderson. Hall and l>ii'cli from the country, u.sed uncontrovertible arguments and gave correct interpre- tations of the United States Constitution, and thus formed a solid basis to build upon, while considerations of safety, possession, progress and development, powerfully aided to bring about a correct solution. Judge Gamble's legal authority, great circumspection and personal popularity most happily guided the policy of the Conven- tion, and even his anti-Free Soil position, advanced his influence with the members. General Storlinc Price, the Chnirnian of the Con- 170 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. vention, was not in accord with the majority of the members. His selection was no doubt made to influence the Secession element in the State, but, although he said in taking the chair, "It may require a lifetime to retrace one false step," the example he set later was rather encouraging in the wrong direction. His rulings as Chairman were prompt and fair, but his usual voting with the "very conditional Union" minority in the Convention, left the impression that he abided his time to become a very unconditional Secessionist. His great popularity in the State, his military capacity and resolute char- acter would have saved Missouri and the Union a great many sacri- fices had he espoused the Union cause. This disposition of the Chairman had the effect that, towards the end of the Convention, the important committees were elected by the members. Statistical information also greatly aided the Union argument. The Census of 1850 gave Missouri 90,000 Slaves and 500,000 free white inhabitants; ten years later, in 1860, the number of Slaves was only 112,000, while that of free white inhabitants more than doubled, reaching 1,100,000, comparatively speaking, very few of whom were Slave owners. The taxable property in Missouri in 1850 was 136 millions and in 1860 360 millions. Such a development would have ended Slavery in Missouri in a few decades. The his- torian, John C. Moore, bitterly characterizes a large fraction of the Convention and of Missouri's political men : "The conditional Union men were an iniknown quantity. They sometimes acted with the Secessionists, and sometimes with the unconditional Union men, but were not true to either for any considerable length of time. They represented the wealth and the commercial and manufacturing inter- ests of St. Louis and the larger towns of the State, and changed their tactics constantly to suit their interests. On account of the wealth and high character of their leaders, their Southern birth and associa- tion, and the weak and hesitating policy of the Southern leaders, they had great influence." The partial truth of this opinion does not detract from the great merits of the Convention. On March 9 Judge Gamble, on behalf of the Committee on Federal Relations, made the following statement upon the cause of Secession : "The origin of the difficulty is rather in the alienated feelings existing between Northern and Southern sections of the country, than in the actual injury suffered by either; rather in the anticipation of future evils than in the pressure of any now actually endured. . . . It is true that a sec- The Approaching Storm. 171 tional political party has l)een organized at the North, based upon the idea that the institution of Southern Slavery is not to be allowed to extend itself into the Territories of the United States. . . . The fact that a sectional party, avowing opposition to the admission of Slavery into the Territories of the United States has been organized and has for the present obtained possession of the Government, is to be deeply regretted." Notwith.standin^' these ultra conservative views, which partly were not on a level with the progressive political development in the Union, Judge Gamble and his Committee, loyal to the instructions of the great majority of (he people of Missouri, after sketching the con- dition of the country, continued as follows: "To involve ^Missouri in revolution under the present circumstances is cer- tainly not demanded by the magnitude of the grievances of which we com- plain nor by the certainty that they cannot be otherwise and more peace- fully remedied, or even diminished by such revolution. "The position of Missouri in relation to the adjacent States, which would continue in the Union, would necessarily expose her, if she became a mem- ber of a new Confederacy, to utter destruction, whenever any rupture might take place between the different republics. In a military aspect Secession and connection with a Southern Confederacy is annihilation of Missouri. "The true position for Missouri to assume is that of a State whose interests are bound up in the maintenance of the Union, and whose kind feelings and strong sympathies are with the people of the Southern States, with whom we are connected by the ties of friendship and blood. ... To go with those States — to leave the Government our fathers builded — to blot out the star of Missouri from the constellation of the Union, is to ruin our- sehes, without doing them any good. We cannot follow them, we cannot give up the Union, but will do all in our power to induce them to again take their places with us in the family from which they have attempted to separate themselves. "For this purpose we will not only recommend a compromise with which they ought to be satisfied, but we will endeavor to procure an assemblage of the whole family of States, in order that, in a General Convention, such amendments to the Constitution may be agreed upon as shall permanently restore harmony in the whole nation. The resolutions recommended by the Committee on Federal Rela- tions and adopted by the Convention held: 1. There is at present no adequate cause to secede. 2. The Union shall be peri^etuated and harmony restored. 8. The Crittenden amendments are recommended. 4. A convention of all States .'ihall propose amendments to the United States Constitution. 172 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. 5. Coercion Avill cause civil war; therefore the military power of the United States and of the Seceded States should be withheld and stayed. 6. The Convention should adjourn to December 3, 1861, or be subject to a call of an appointed Committee. A minority report from the Committee on Federal Relations presented a more partisan Southern view, but justly held that amend- ing the Constitution of the United States would require at least 18 months, while remedies sought must be immediate. It opposed coercion, favored the Crittenden resolutions and advocated a Border State Convention. Judge Gamble's majority report prevailed, with the anti-coercion clause couched in the terms of a cherished desire for its prevention." Of St. Louisans Bridge, Broadhead, Busch, Eitzen, Hitchcock and How voted against even this mild objection to coercion . The Convention was fully informed how matters stood in St. Louis, for on the 20th of March Isidore Bush stated, on behalf of "the thousands of German citizens whom I have the honor to repre- sent," that ''should a conflict be inevitable, your German fellow- citizens will stand by the Government and by the Union." Unusual pressure must have been brought on the majority of the Committee for Federal Relations, for on March 18 Judge Gamble reported a resolution to send seven delegates to the Border State Convention called by Virginia. This concession to the conditional Union men was a most dangerous measure, which might have created a Border States combination, hostile to the Free Soil policy, the expressed will of the nation. The danger was imminent that a Border States combination might lead to a neutrality declaration fatal to the Union. There was, however, in this last resolution a very material divergence from the recommendations of the minority report ; the latter proposed a Border Slave State Convention, to frame a collective proposition, which was to be presented to the Northern States for their acceptance or rejection, which, in its very nature, implied a threat; while Judge Gamble's proposition also sent dele- gates to a Border Slave State Convention, but with the limitation to consult only about measures to be taken to pacify the country, and to report the conclusions back to the Missouri Convention for approval. The Approaching Storm. 173 A powerful lever aided the Union cause in the Convention, through the report of J. B. .Henderson's Committee on Luther J. Glenn's Secession proposition from Georgia. This report, clear, con- cise, logical, took up the phases of Secession in their ethical, political, commercial and strategical relations, and proved beyond all doubt that the interests of Missouri are and must be with the Union. This report exercised a great influence upon the wavering and undecided in and out of the Convention. Defeated amendments proposed to Judge Gamble's report bore evidence that at least two-thirds of the members of the Convention were now unconditional Union men, who, although desirous of using all pos^'ible means to pacify the seceded States, did not favor the Secession of Missouri under any conditions. After an animated del)ati\ the report and resolutions presented by Judge Gamble's Committee were adopted by a xevv decided majority, and the Con- vention adjourned, subject to the call of a majority of the Committee selected for that purpose. If an armed neutrality could have been established by the Border States it would have aided the seceded States far more than the actual Secession of all or of either of those States. The threat of their Secession in case coercion was attempted, was only a threat, for the cooler and more considered men in those States knew very well that the moment any of the Border States declared for Secession it would be treated as an enemy, overrun from all but one side by Union Armies, and could even be made to bear the expense of the war necessary for its reconquest. The real defeat of the Secession cause in the Missouri Convention lay in the circumstance of that body's refusal of an armed neutralit}' or conditional resistance. l^ndaunted by this check, the Secessionists of Missouri proceeded with their organizations, under various names and pretexts, but aU with the one purpose, of joining the Secession Armies of the South- ern Confederation. The unconditional Union element of St. Louis was likewise convinced that war was inevitable, and diligently pro- ceeded with perfecting military organizations. An unfavorable decision by the Convention would have only inflamed their ardor and precipitated local events. As the Secession measures in the Legislature and the State at large were chiefly urged by Price, Jackson, Reynolds, Rains, Vest, Frost. Churchill, Freeman, Clayborne and Harris, all of whom were soon 174 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. pronnneiit leaders in the Secession Armies, notwithstanding that the State, by a very large vote, had declared against Secession, the St. Louis Union men were certainly warranted to anticipate their hostile organizations and to disarm as many of them as they could. The spirit which dictated the oath of the Missouri State Militia prescribed by the new military bill can be best judged by Governor Jackson's declining to issue a commission to Captain George L. Andrews of an Engineer Company of the National Guards, because Andrews had added to that oath a declaration of his paramount allegiance to the Government of the United States in case of any conflict with the State of Missouri. It is evident that the oath of the Missouri State Militia was already a stepping stone to Secession. LEGISLATURE TRIES TO CURB ST. LOUIS. The General Assembly of Missouri defeated at this time James S. Green for United States Senator, because he was considered an avowed Secessionist, and elected Waldo P. Johnson as a Union man. Green took no part in the war, while Johnson resigned his seat in the Senate and joined the Secession Army. Upon St. Louis affairs, Snead, the Governor's Secretary, writes: "The powerful semi- military organization of Home Guards" (nearly all Germans) ''sus- tained the Republican Mayor, it had therefore become a matter of supreme importance to the Secessionists to take this great power from the Mayor, and accordingly a law was now enacted for creating a Board of Police Commissioners." This bill passed the Senate March 2, the House March 23. By it four Commissioners were appointed by the Governor, Avith the consent of the Senate, who, with the Mayor, formed a Commission, having absolute control of the police, the Volunteer Militia of St. Louis, of the sheriff and all other conservators of the peace. Snead says: "It had other and more important purposes, which were carefully concealed." When the resolution of the State Convention for calling a Convention of all the States to frame amendments to the United States Constitution came up before the JNIissouri Legislature, Vest, as Chairman of a Committee, reported upon it adversely, abusing the Convention in strong terms and very illogically remembered the blood of his two grandfathers, who, during the war for independence, fought for our "liberties and the establishment of the Federal Union, and not its llie Approaching Storm. 175 (Icstnu-tioii. \'cst at the time exclaimed, "I will never, never, never siii)iiiit to Northern rule and dictation." Vest's subsequent long and usfcfvil career as United States Senator from ^Missouri proved beyond doubt that he was mistaken in his youthful ardor of 1861, notwith- standing that the General Assembly indorsed his sentiment and adopted his report, declining to call a Convention of all the States. On ^hu'cli 28 the ^Missouri Legislature adjourned, the members sought their homes and constituencies, many with a purpose of organizing troops and the intention of transferring their activity from the rostrum to the tented field. In St. Louis Daniel G. Taylor, Democrat, was elected Ahnyor by 2,658 majority over John How, tlie unconditional Union candidate. This was claimed a reaction in the sentiments of the citizens, Avho, on February 28, elected an uncondi- tional Union ticket by over 5,000 majority, but Taylor was deservedly p()[)ular, as his considerate administration under trying- circumstances proved ; besides this, the issue in April was purely local; the know-nothing element voted against the Republican for- eigners, and the clearest heads lost interest in local politics when it became quite sure that the bullet would supplant the ballot. The police were then under the control of the Secessionists, Basil Duke, James H. Carlisle and Charles McLaren, and the Anti-Coercionist, John A. Brownlee. One of the first acts of the Police Commis- sioners was an attempt to induce Captain Lyon to withdraw his sen- tinels from outside the Arsenal walls. This proved to be an idle bluft'; for Captain Lyon informed them politely that he would not withdraw his sentinels, but, on the contrary, he would reinforce them. The feeling of the people towards this '"exparte" police Avas shown at a meeting of L^nion men at Flora Garden, where an officer on duty was peremptorily ordered to leave the hall. Captain Lyon was not in the least intimidated by the hostile police, and said that in case of need he would issue arms to Union men, law or no law, and if ITagner interfered he would pitch him into the river. Thus fore- warned, the Police Connnissioner became active in the direction of least resistance, and issued a number of orders, chiefly regulating the colored population. ^leetings of colored people were prohibited, their evening church service stopped, their saloons closed; Free Negroes and Mulattoes had to leave the city by ^Vpril 24 ; Slaves were not permitted to assemble or hire out their own time, and policemen had to be nresent during; their church service. This looks odd. con- 176 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. sidering that the Slaves in St. Louis could barely muster 200 able- bodied men. All mobs were as a matter of course to be suppressed; the arming and drilling of citizens should be discontinued and chil- dren andgrown people were to keep off the street after dark; but the two Citizen Companies, per Ward, which should enforce these rules, were never organized. THE DAWN OF RELIEF. The repeated representations to Washington from F. P. Blair and other Union men had at last the effect that Captain Lyon was assigned to the command of the troops and the defenses of the Arsenal. Of this he was notified March 19 by Order 58 : "In compliance with Special Order No. 74, War Department, Adjutant General's Office, dated March 13, 1861, assigning to Cap- tain N. Lyon, Second Infantry, the command of the troops and defenses of this post, the undersigned turns over to Captain Lyon all command and responsibility not appertaining to the commanding officer of the Arsenal and his duties as an officer of Ordnance. By order of Major Hagner. "M. N. Wright, ''Lieutenant and Post Adjutant." The Special Order 74, issued at Washington, did not meet the exigencies of the case; for it left Captain Lyon dependent upon Major Hagner's opinion, and Lyon's wants, that might arise on the spur of any moment, were subject to requisitions that had to be approved by General Harney, who, right or wrong, doubted the necessity of any preparations for defense. The incongruity of the arrangements was -evident to friends of the cause, and strong repre- sentations went to Washington to mend matters. Serious doubts were expressed about Mayor Hagner's capacity, even about his good will, which was freely discussed in the councils of Union men. Captain Lyon therefore again applied to his friend in need, Frank P. Blair, who was at that time in Washington, and wrote to him under date of April 6 : "I have no control of the ordnance department and therefore cannot take a single round of ammunition nor a piece of Artillery, or any other firearm, without the direction of General Harney, and in case of an attack various means, not foreseen, might suggest themselves, but which I could not obtain, without taking them forcibly. ... I cannot get a hammer, spade, ax FRANCIS PRESTON BLAIR. Jr. Colonel 1st Infantry, Missouri Vohinteers. From Painting at St. Louis Public Library The Approach nig Storm. 177 or any needful tool, but upon Major Hagners' concession. . . . The new organization of the Metropolitan Police system seems to embolden the Seces- sionists so much as to fill me with deep concern to be prepared for them; and I am on this account prompted to write you. Of course in all military matters there should be one commander, and no such absurd thing as a division that shall render it liable to an entire perversion of its purpose. . . . Would it not be well for the Secretary of War to order that this Special Order No. 74, giving me command of the troops and defenses at this post, should have no exception in men and means necessary for this purpose?" Before Lyon received an answer to the alxtve, the United States Grand Jur}^ called at the Arsenal Gate and claimed admission. The Guard reported to Headquarters, but before the answer came the impatient Grand Jurors left and publicly complained that they had not been admitted. Captain Lyon explained in the "Missouri Demo- crat" of April 12 the propriety of the Guard's action. There were also Secessionists on that (Jrand Jury, and rumors were ripe in town of espionage in connection with attacks on the Arsenal. The case illustrates the difficult responsibilities which officers have to meet durino; a civil war. CHAPTER VL THE WAR COMMENCES. FORT SUMTER. Notwithstanding President Lincoln's very conservative attitude, matters drew rapidly to a head in the East. John Minor Botts, a Virginian Statesman and Slave-holder, but an uncompromising Union man, states in his work "The Great Rebellion," that Presi- dent Lincoln informed him during a private conversation, that he had made through Colonel J. B. Baldwin, a proposition to the Union man in the Virginia Convention, that if that l)ody will adjourn ''sine die," without passing a Secession ordinance, he (the President) will withdraw the garrison from Fort Sumter. I. T. Lewis, another A^irginian of high standing, corroborated this state- ment, as having heard it from Colonel Baldwin's own lips. Baldwin, however, later qualified this statement by saying that no specific proposition was made to him by President Lincoln. There is no doubt, however, that the subject was discussed in a spirit of extreme liberality. The news of such intention of President Lincoln spread even to St. Louis, for W. A. Hall of Buchanan stated to the Missouri Convention about the same time, "We know the President is about to abandon Fort Sumter." In the same conversation the President told that he had sent a vessel with provisions to Fort Sumter, and that on April 8 he had informed Governor Pickens of South Carolina of this mission. Upon this information the Secessionists closed the harbor of Charleston by sinking in its channel vessels loaded with stones, and their President, Jefferson Davis, gave orders to General Beaure- gard to demand from Major Anderson the evacuation of the Fort, to which the Major replied that the garrison would be starved out by the 15th, and unless the United States Government sends sup- plies before that date, would then leave the Fort. This answer, whose propriety may be seriously doubted, was not deemed satis- factory, and on April 12, 1861, Beauregard notified Anderson that (178) Tlic War Co>nmences. I79 his Batteries would open fire in an hour, which was actually done from 19 Confederate Batteries. Major Anderson did not answer with his guns until next morning. The bombardment lasted lor thirty hours, and over three thousand shots and shells were fired, but, owing to the caseniated condition of the Fort's defenses, no one was hurt. The military honors granted to the garrison were a poor consolation for the surrender. LINCOLN'S CALL FOR 75,000 MEN. The news of the fall of Fort Sumter was telegraphed from Wash- ington to all loyal States, together with the call for 75,000 men, by the following PROCLAMATION. "Whereas, the laws of the United States have been for some time past and now are opposed and the execution thereof obstructed in the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, by combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings or by the powers vested in the marshals by law; "Now, therefore, L Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, in virtue of the power in me vested by the Constitution and the laws, have thought fit to call forth, and hereby do call forth, the Militia of the several States of the Union, to the aggregate number of 75,000, in order to suppress said combinations and to cause the laws to be duly executed. "The details of this object will be immediately communicated to the State authorities through the War Department. "I appeal to all loyal citizens to favor, facilitate, and aid this effort to maintain the honor, the integrity, and the existence of our national Union and the perpetuity of popular government, and to redress wrongs, already long enough endured. "I deem it proper to say that the first service assigned to the forces hereby called forth, will probably be to repossess the forts, places and property which have been seized from the Union, and in every event the utmost care will be observed consistently with the objects aforesaid, to avoid any devastation, any destruction of or interference with property, or any disturbance of peace- ful citizens in any part of the country. "And I hereby command the persons composing the combinations aforesaid to disperse and retire peaceably to their respective abodes within 20 days from date. "Deeming that the present condition of public affairs presents an extraordi- nary occasion, I do hereby, in virtue of the power in me vested by the Con- stitution, convene both Houses of Congress. "Senators and Representatives are, therefore, summoned to assemble at their respective Chambers at 12 o'clock noon on Thursday, the 4th day of July next, then and there to consider and determine such measures as in their wisdom the public safety and interest may seem to demand." 180 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. "In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. "Done at the City of Washington, this 15th day of April in the year of our Lord 1861, and of the Independence of the United States the eighty-fifth. "Abraha.m Li.xcoln. "By the President. "William H. Skwaro, "Secretary of State." Under the same date the Secretary of War sent to the Governors of twenty- four States — inclusive of Missouri, the following communication: "War Depaktmkxt. WAsmNOTOx. April 1."), 1861. "Sir: Under Act of Congress 'for calling forth the Militia, to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections, repel invasions,' etc., approved Feb. 28, 1795, I have the honor to request your Excellency to cause to be. immediately detached from the Militia of your State the quota designated in the table below, to serve as Infantry or Riflemen for the period of three months unless sooner discharged. "Your Excellency will please communicate to me the time at or about which your quota will be expected at its rendezvous, as it will be met as soon as practicable by an officer or officers to muster it into the service and pay of the United States. At the same time the oath of fidelity to the United States will be administered to every officer and man. The mustering officer will be instructed to receive no man under the rank of commissioned officer who is in years apparently over 45 or under 18 or who is not in physical strength and vigor. "SiMox Cameron. "Secretary of War." The quota of the State of jNlissouri, designated in the table which accompanied this letter was four regiments of infantry, being an aggregate of 3,123 officers and enlisted men, including one Brigadier General. GOVERNOR JACKSON'S TREASON. To this the Gcn^ernor of Missouri replied by telegraph: "Executive Departmext, Jeffersox City. Mo.. April 17, 1861. "Hox. SiMox Cameron. Secretary of War. "Sir: Your dispatch of the 15th instant, making a call on Missouri for four Regiments of men for immediate service has been received. There can be, I apprehend, no doubt but the men are intended to form a part of the Presi- dent's army to make war upon the people of the seceded States. "Your requisition, in my judgment, is illegal, unconstitutional and revolu- tionary in its object, inhuman and diabolical and cannot be complied with. Not one man will the State of Missouri furnish to carry on any such unholy crusade. "C. P. Jacksox, Governor of Missouri." The M'ar Commences. X§1 III uiviiii; this answer, ( Jovernor Jackson disregarded the following provision of the Constitution of the United States: "Article 1, Section 10. No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance or Confederation. "Article 6, Section 2. This Constitution and the laws of the United States, which shall he made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land, and the judges in every State shall be bound thereby, any- thing in the Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstand- ing." "Article 1, Section 8. The Congress shall have power to . . . provide for the common defense and general welfare of the United States." "Article 1, Section 15. To provide for calling forth the Militia to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections and repel invasions. "Section 16. To provide for organizing, arming and disciplining the Militia, and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the United States." "Article 4, Section .'). The Governor shall be Commander-in-Chief of the army and navy of this State, except when they shall be called into the service of the United States." . It is evideni from the above quotations that the Governor of Mis- souri, by refusing to furnish troops legally called out, violated his oath of office to su})i>ort the Constitution of the United States and of the State of Missouri, and also the laws made pursuant thereof. While the (Governors of other Border States, with more directness than dignity, also refused to comply with the President's call, it w^as only ))olicy and not law which prevented their impeachment and trial for treason. As a matter of fact, all Border States furnished subsequently large numbers of troops, both to the Northern and the Southern armies, Missouri standing at the head of them and St. l>(»uis leading the State. It should be remembered in this connection that when Jefferson Davis asked Jackson to furnish one Regiment for the. Confederate service in the Ea.st, the Missouri Governor's answer, given on May 6, was couched in very polite language, and a conditional compliance promised by Governor Jackson, who stated that as yet he has to move with great caution. Governor Jackson, however, was far from exer- cising that great caution, for two days after his refusal to furnish troops for the Union service, namely, on April 19, he wrote to David Walker, {^resident of the Arkansas State Convention, "Missouri will be readv for Secession in less than thirty days" (that would have 182 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. been within ten days after the capture of Camp Jackson) ''and will secede if Arkansas will only get out of the way and give her a free passage." GENERAL FROST'S ADVICE. In this emergency, Governor Jackson went to St. Louis to consult General Frost and others. Of this, Thomas L. Snead, Confederate historian, writes: "At the conference which they held, some of the most active Secessionists of the city were present. Among them were John A. Brownlee, President of the Police Board; Judge Wm. A. Cooke, Captain Greene and Duke. They all agreed that the most important and first thing to be done was to seize the Arsenal, so as to obtain means for at once arming and equipping the State Militia." General Frost was to draw a memorial, how this was to be done. The strongest evidence that Camp Jackson, which was formed later, was only the marshaling of Secession forces under the di guise of the name of State troops is contained in a letter of General Frost to Governor Jackson, dated April 15, 1861, in which he recom- mends to the Governor, among other things: 1. To call the Legislature together at once, for the purpose of placing the State in condition to enable you to suppress insurrection or repel invasion. 2. To send an agent to the Governor of Louisiana (which had already seceded, January 26), or further if necessary, to ascertain if mortar or siege guns could be obtained from Baton Rouge, or other points. 3. To send an agent to Liberty, Missouri, to see what is there and to put the people of that vicinity on their guard; to prevent its being garrisoned, as several United States troops will be at Fort Leavenworth from Kearney, in ten or fifteen days from this time. 4. Publish a proclamation to the people of the State, warning them that the President has acted illegally in calling out troops, thus arrogating to himself the war-making power; that he has illegally ordered the issue of the public arms to the number of 5,000 to societies of the State who have declared their intention to resist the constituted authorities, whenever these authori- ties may adopt a course distasteful to them, and that they' are, therefore, by no means bound to give him aid and comfort in his attempts to subjugate by force of arms a people who are still free; but, on the contrary, that they should prepare themselves to maintain all their rights as citizens of Missouri. .5. Authorize or order the commanding officer of the present military dis- trict to form a military camp of instruction (Camp Jackson) at or near the City of St. Louis, to muster military companies into the service of the State, to erect batteries and to do all things necessary and proper to be done, to maintain the peace, dignity and sovereignty of the State. ' The people of Missouri. Tlie War Connvences. 183 Regarding this subject, T. L. Snead, the Governor's Secretary, writes: "On the same day that the Governor refused to comply with the requisition for troops, he sent Captains Greene and Dulte to Montgomery, with an autograph letter to the President of the Confederate States, requesting him to furnish those officers with the siege guns and mortars which General Frost wanted for the proposed attack upon the Arsenal; and Judge William M. Cooke was sent to Virginia upon a similar errand." Every one of these measures shows the plain intention of defeat- ing the Union cause and of aiding the seceded States. It does not alter the case that on May 10, when General Frost saw that he wa^ in the jaws of the lion, averred that no hostility to the United States was intended. To "repel invasion" of United States troops coming to Missouri; to ask for mortars and siege guns from a seceded State at war with the Union ; to forestall the protection of the Arsenal at Liberty, Mo., by United States troops, by putting "the people of that vicinity on their guard" and instigate them to plunder it before- hand; to charge the President of the United States that he has acted illegally in calling out troops "for the protection of United States property and United States citizens," could have only the meaning of hostility to the United States and an affiliation with Secession. The St. Louis press reflected the impression which the capture of Fort Sumter made. The "St. Louis Republic," after denouncing coercion, said: "The seceding States can never be conquered." . . . " No one doubts, we apprehend, the ability of the Confed- erate States to defend themselves against any force which Mr. Lin- coln may send to attack them." On the 16th of April the same paper wrote: "We make, no doubt, that there are fanatics, and fools and vagabonds enough in the North who, collected together, might make a good-sized army in point of numbers." What a prophetic foresight, considering the 500,000 men of the Union Army and the circumstance, that one of the vehement proprietors of the St. Louis Republic wore the Federal uniform as a Colonel of a Regiment before the war ended. Even as conservative a man as Colonel William F. Switzler of the "Columbia Statesniau" was carried away by the impulse of the moment, and urged the Border States: "Let them stand as a wall of fire between the belligerent extremes. . . Let them stand pledged as they now 184 The [Jnion Cause in St. Louis in 1861. are, to resist any attempt at coercion, . . . and if the war shall actually occur, we shall stand by Virginia and Kentucky, and our Southern sisters." Sound policy may dictate to a public man or to the press, care, moderation or at times even silence, but it does not warrant the use of threats, which are not intended to be carried out. The proclamation of the President calling out 75,000 men was received at the North with the greatest enthusiasm; hundreds of meetings were held from East to West, and patriotic telegrams approving the course of the Administration poured in from all sides. The leader of the Northern Democracy, Stephen A. Douglas, called on President Lincoln and offered his services in the gigantic task of restoring the Union. Mr. Blaine said the assault on Fort Sumter consolidated public sentiment at the North and brought the whole people to the determination to re-establish the authority of the Union. It is said Avithin fifteen days of the call for 75,000 men fully 350,000 offered their services. So much is certain that withiii 25 days St. Loviis alone had 10,000 Union men under arms. Fort Sumter was heralded as the strongest fortress in the seceded States, and its sin-render filled the Secessionists with undue con- fidence in their o^\\\ military capabilities, and ihey never refieeted that this success was secured wath war material seized from the Union, and that the South had very scant means to reproduce that material. HARNEY SEES DANGER. By the 16th of April General Harney revised his view^s regarding the Arsenal, for he writes to General Scott: "The Arsenal buildings and grounds are completely commanded by the hills immediately in their rear, and within easy range, and I learn from sources which I consider reliable, that it is the intention of the executive of the State to cause Batteries to be erected on these hills, and also upon the island opposite the Arsenal. I am further informed that should such Bat- teries be erected, it is contemplated by the State authorities, in the event of Secession of. the State from the Union, to demand the surrender of the Arsenal." "The command of the Arsenal at present consist of nine officers and about four hundred and thirty enlisted men. While this force would probably be able to resist successfully an assaulting party greatly superior to itself in numbers, it could not withstand the fire of Batteries situated as above indi- cated. Under these circumstances I respectfully ask instructions for my guidance." The War Commences. 185 Lyoii iiiiist have doubted the rehabiUty of aid from that quarter, for he writes under the same date to Governor Yates of Illinois to secure the service of the six Regiments, the Illinois Quota, and asks Yates to make from hini (Lyon) a requisition for arms. In conse- quenee of tliis Lyon was ordered to deliver to Governor Yates 10,000 stand of arms with aeeoutrements and ammunition. About this same time the Union men in Frost's Brigade held a consultation and withdrew from that organization. In fact, some left it already a second time, like Cai)tains Tony Niederwieser and Fred Schaefer, who were prevailed upon ])y (kmeral D. M. Frost to rejoin the com- mand with their Companies of Jagers on foot and mounted. This circumstance adds to the difficulty of comprehending the actions of General D. ^L Frost, for he must have known that the two officers mentioned above were decided Union men who would not likely be subservient to his aims, as professed in his letters to Governor Jack- son. But the keenest apprehensions were felt on account of an order by General Scott that Captain Lyon should appear before a court of inquiry at Leavenworth on the 15th of April. In time of civic com- motion every untoward measure is readily laid' at the door of jealousy, evil intention, scheme, intrigue or even treason; and so was this move attributed h\ some to ultra conservatives by others to outright Secession machinations. The legal axiom, "cui prodest?" (whom will it benefit?) found here also a broad application. For- tunately, (leneral Scott was prevailed upon to revoke the order. Gen- eral Harney now directed Major Hagner to provide Captain Lyon with everything he may need for a thorough defense of the Arsenal. Consequently loopholes were cut in walls, banquettes raised, bat- teries prepared, buildings undermined, and the communication be- tween Union men in the city and the Arsenal perfected. There was free and fiequent intercourse between the members of the Union organizations in the city and Captain Lyon, who assured them that in case of necessity he would furnish arms to the I'nion men ui>on his own responsibility. CHAPTER VII. ORGANIZATION. ON TO WASHINGTON. The President's call for men roused the entire North and was a step in the right direction, which ended all pusillanimous com- promises. True, the 75,000 men were considered inadequate to the emergency. This was voiced by Governor Koerner of Illinois, who pointed to the example of small Switzerland calling out 150,- 000 men and squelching with the same its Secessionist Cantons within a few weeks. While the Secessionists shouted "On to Washington," the Vir- ginia State Convention passed on April 17 a Secession Ordinance. This was done in secret session in order to seize Fortress Monroe, the Navy Yard at Norfolk and Harper's Ferry before proper means for their defense could be secured by the Federal Government. With 3,000 men of previously organized troops, the Virginians ap- proached Harper's Ferry. Lieutenant Jones of the United States Army burned its stores and with his 43 men retreated to Carlisle. Nearly ten million dollars' w^orth of war material was at the Nor- folk Navy Yards. The United States steamer Pawnee with 700 men landed at Gosport, removed large quantities, spiked the heavy guns, of which there was a very large number, and destroyed by fire all that could be reached. Soon after the Confederate General Taliafero occupied Norfolk and closed the harbor by sinking vessels laden with stones. Fortress Monroe, being well fortified and guarded, was beyond the reach of the Secessionists; but at Washington a feeling of unsafety prevailed and Cassius M. Clay organized a militia force to control rowdies and incendiaries. The sentiments at the South at this period are best characterized by the words of Secretary Walker of the Confederates, who was cheered by an im- mense crowd at Montgomery, Alabama, w^hen he said, pointing to the Secession bunting: "The flag which now flounts the breeze (186) Organization. . 187 here will float over the dome of the Capitol at Washington hcforc the first of May, and it may eventually float on Faneuil Hall itself." Events, however, that happened at the same time in the North and near Faneuil Hall were apt to disappoint such sanguine expectations. When on April 15 a telegram reached Boston from W^asliington calling for help, Governor Andrews of Massachusetts dispatched orders to the neighboring towns, and already on the 16tli three companies from Marble Head arrived and marched to Faneuil Hall. Troops now poured in from all sides and as early as the 18th of April, the Sixth Massachusetts Volunteers left Boston for Wash- ington and the Third and Fourth Regiments left by steamer for Fortress Monroe, while the same evening 400 Pennsylvania Vol- unteers and three Companies of Regulars occupied the Washington Capitol. Next day, the 19th of April, the last hundred men of the Eighth Massachusetts, passing Baltimore in cars, were attacked by a mob. The Bay State men got out, formed on the sidewalk, fixed bayonets and forced their way to the Washington Depot. After several of their number had been killed and wounded, they fired and dispersed the mob. It was on the anniversary of the battles of Lexington and Concord in 1776 that the first blood was also shed in the Civil War of 1861. The same day General Butler left Boston for Washington with the Eighth Massachusetts, and the next day the Fifth and a Company of Light Artillery starts for the same place. On the 21st the Sixth Massachusetts arrives at Wash- ington, and on the 22d the Seventh New York and the Eighth Massachusetts at Annapolis. The latter Regiment, numbering a great many mechanics, repaired the railroad to Washington and enabled the Seventh New York to reach that city on the 2oth. The next day, the Twelfth and Seventy-first New York passes to Washington, and the Fifth, Eighth and Sixty-ninth gets to An- napolis. May 2 the Rhode Island Flying Artillery is received by Rhode Island Infant ly on Pennsylvania avenue, and the day after Elsworth's Fire Zouaves enter the city. These rapid moves show the energetic spirit of the Northeasterns. but more than all, they show the immense value of a well appointed Militia. Similar en- thusiasm and energy prevailed in all Northern States, though not Avith the same chance? of offering immediate aid to Washington; but the above facts prove the sagacity of the Missouri Governor, who energetically organized the State Militia, to be used in the cau.=;e of Secession. 188 The Union Cause, in St. Louis in 1861. UNION MILITARY ORGANIZATION IN ST. LOUIS. The political campaign of 1856, and still more that of 1860, consolidated the anti-Slavery elements in St. Louis with th-e Re- publican party. These elements in their main constituent })arts were a limited number of Americans from Eastern and Northern States, who came here already with strong ethical convictions of the wrong of Slavery ; also Americans who came to Missouri from the Mountain Districts of Border and Southern States and who never had an interest in the peculiar institution, likewise the more cultured or political innnigrants of Ireland and the overwhelming mass of the other European inunigration, by far the largest num- ber of which came from Germany. Th^ese last, by their great numbers and very able leaders, really formed the chief ingredient of the Republican party in St. Louis. At that time most of this European immigration sought the hospitable shores of America from a love of free institutions, and looked at the Federal L^nion as th€ embodiment of the most perfect Government on earth. Flee- ing themselves from the oppression of privileged classes and heredi- tary possessive prerogatives, they were natural foes to any kind of similar relations on this continent. Liberty was for them a re- ligion, and the very name of Slavery was sufficient cause in their eyes to condenm everything and everybody connected with it. St. Louis had grown from the small hunter and trapper colony of the year 1785 from 500 inhabitants to double that number in 1800; in 1810 to 1,400; 1820 to 4,000; 1830 to 5,000; 1840 to 16.000; 1850 to 78.000; 1860 to 185,000. It will be noted that the decades after 1880 and 1840, Avhich included the two great political immigrations, show the relative greatest increase in this heterogeneous population. Political Ward Clubs, campaign com- panies, nominating conventions ])rought these elements into closer contact, and the desire to guard the freedom of speech at public meetings led to strong marching organizations, such as the '"Wide- 4wakes," under Colonel Jas. Peckham on the Republican, and the ''Broom Rangers" and other companies, on the Democratic side. These companies, neatly uniformed, marched in good order to their respective meetings, added dignity by their appearance and increased the audiences and the safety of the speakers. Al- though these companies were not armed, their lampsticks and Organization. 189 broomsticks might liiive been readily exchanged for muskets. Tn this sense they fostered a military spirit and prepared the in- habitants for the latter organizations. To stop party jeal- ou.iberty party of 1848. and a newspaper 190 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. called the "Union/" said to be the ancestor of the "Dispatch'" ; he aided materially the construction of the Eads bridge and the Kan- sas Pacific Railroad, and made good his endorsement for nearly one and a half million dollars with which he had accommodated a business friend. Samuel and Edward Filley came to St. Louis in 1844 and 1845, and Chauncey Ives Filley in 1850. All these men aided the Union cause with their advice, means and active service. The last named was a member of the Third Reserve Regiment, later on Mayor of St. Louis and for forty years a leader in political affairs. THE SAFETY COMMITTEE. Money had to be collected for the most pressing expenses, as in the inception of the Union movement the United States officers and officeholders of Buchanan's administration permitted them- selves to be tied hand and foot by Army regulations and a worse than Gordian Knot of red tape, which tauntingly braved the sword of a second Alexander. At one of the meetings of a LTnion Club, Frank P. Blair suggested that as he would be absent at Washington City as member of Congress, 0. D. Filley as Presi- dent, John How, Samuel Glover, James O. Broadhead and J. J. Witzig, with Frank Blair, should act as a Safety Committee to direct matters. The suggestion was agreed to and the men named thereafter exercised a more or less directive influence, which was based on their standing in the community and their well known Union fealty. There is an inherent contradiction in the name of a Safety Committee, for it is always raised in the hour of great public danger and has been known under different names in all revolutions. A Safety Committee is an informal trust, established by the confidence of many citizens, in whose opinion the regular constituted authorities do no more represent the true interests of the commonwealth. The authority of such a Committee is mainly advisory, its tenure indefinite and transitory. During popular up- risings such a Safety Committee forms a central medium of advice, information and direction; but the St. Louis Safety Committee, through President Lincoln's order at the end of April also became the trusted representative of the Federal Government. The men of the Safety Committee risked fortune, station and life, and will be kept in grateful memory of this and future generations. Organization. 191 The members of this Committee in 1861 were prominent citi- zens, some of very large means, and all had a well established repu- tation among their fellow citizens. The President, 0. D. Filley, was Mayor of the city at the time, a descendant of a Puritan family ; he became a friend of Senator Benton, was in the tinware, crockery and stove business. John How was born and raised in Phila- delphia; established in St. IjOuIs an extensive leather business and tannery, acquired a fortune from which he made a princely gift to the Washington University; he was twice Mayor of St. Louis, in 1853 and 1856. Samuel T. Glover was born in Kentucky in 1813, admitted to the Bar in Palmyra, Missouri, came to St. Louis in 1849, had been member of the Legislature, ranked among the best lawyers of the State, and although born in a Slave State, was in favor of emancipation. James Overton Broadhead, born in Vir- ginia in 1819. admitted to the Bar in Pike County, Missouri, in 1842. read law in Edward Bates" office, made a memorable argu- ment in the Missouri State Convention of 1861 in support of the right of the Federal Government to call out the State Militia to suppress insurrection, and used the diction, "The Union at any cost" : he also was a leading lawyer in the State and was in politics a Democrat. J. J. Witzig, of German descent, a mechanical en- gineer, a strong Union man, plain, outspoken and uncompromising. Frank P. Blair was the most prominent, active and resolute man of the Committee; born in Lexington, Kentucky, in 1821, a son to Francis P. Blair, Sr., who had been called to Washington i D. C, by President Jackson to combat John C. Calhoun's nullificii tion %ving of the Democracy. Frank P. Blair, Jr., came to St Louis a graduate of Princeton College in 1843 ; practiced law. served as a private in the Mexican War, was elected to the Leu' lature in 1852 and re-elected in 1854, and favored free labor and emancipation and the colonization of the colored race, a mea.l''y(H': "Go on, John,"- I will take eare of your family," or where a res. into mother told her wavering husband: "It is your duty; go. I will take care of the children. "=* Nor will any one doubt that a siniilai- spirit also existed in the opposite camp. How promptly Lyon responded to the orders received is shown by his telegram of April 22, still sent from East St. Louis in order to insure safety of transmission. It read: "Colonel L. Thomas, Adjutant-General : •'Dispatch to muster troops received at twelve (12) o'clock last night. I have today received seven hundred (700) men and armed six hundred (600)" N. Lyon, "Captain, Second Infantry." No words can describe the events in these days more concisely than those taken from Lyon's report to Thomas on April 27 : "Sir: Since receiving the authority to receive and muster-in Missouri troops at this place, it has been a physical impossibility to write for the pur- pose of informing the Department of what is transpiring here. The first telegraphic dispatch of the 21st instant, from Major Porter, was received about 12 o'clock of that night, and the Volunteer companies commenced arriving early next morning. About 700 arrived that day and 600 were armed. On the next day (Tuesday 23d) nearly the same number arrived and 400 were armed. Through Wednesday and Thursday the arrivals con- tinued about the same, and on Thursday 2,100 had been received, armed and sworn into the United States service. Through yesterday and to-day about 200 men per day have been received, and all except one Company armed. One Regiment is full, two others are nearly full and about half a Regiment more is formed. Offers to the extent of several thousands more will doubtless be made, and if it is the wish of the Government to accept them I shall need to be so informed, as my orders now limit me to four Regiments. As there is Artillery enough of light and heavy pieces for about three companies, and as there are many excellent Artillerists who are exceed- ingly anxious to organize as Artillery companies, I have started a Battalion of three companies (Backoff), for the purpose of working our pieces, and to be ready for active service with them in the field in case of moving. I also have an application to accept a company of Sappers and Miners, -. !io have had experience ih Europe, and I propose to do so." (Voerster. ) On April 30, Lyon reports to Thomas: "No doubt ten thousand men can be raised here, and indications are that they will be needed sooner or later to meet the determined purpose of the State authorities to overturn the author- ity of the General Government." ' Jacob S. Merrell. -' John McFall. •'• Mrs. Wm. Hahn. 212 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1801. SECESSION SCHEMES. A brief survey of the events that developed in the Secession camp of Missouri proves plainly that Lyon's apprehensions were only too well founded. It was rumored about the middle of April that the Secessionists sent Marmaduke with a delegation to bribe the Com- mander of Fort Leavenworth to betray his trust, and that large sums of money were drawn for this purpose from banks in the State. Union people in St. Louis learned of the scheme and Mr. Giles F. Filley gave a timely warning through the aid of business friends. Nothing more was heard of the delegation and it is left open to conjecture whether this was a ruse, "an abandoned plan or a defeated attempt." Either might be possible in a time when the nation was mustering in two hostile camps and actucil Avar would soon lead to far more disastrous acts. In the meantime the excitement in the center of St. Louis in- creased. Yelling, obscene language and occasional stone-throwing was practiced by a vulgar mob, and this induced Blair, who lived on Washington avenue, to send his family out of town. Union men were attacked in the center of the city, on the streets and in the cars. The State of Kentucky had 600 arms repaired at the St. Louis Arsenal, which Major Hagner desired to forward per steamer "Po- cahontas" to Louisville. The Captain of the boat, being intimidated by Minute Men, refused to accept them, and they were left on the Levee. At 11 o'clock p. m. of April 26, the guns were seized by Minute Men and loaded on a dray, but were recovered on Pine and Main streets by the police and shipped per steamer "Julius H. Smith" to Governor Harris of Tennessee. Captains Duke and Green, the- agents sent to Jefferson Davis for arms, were successful in their mission. Davis was acquainted with the locality of the St. Louis Arsenal, he approved the plan of its capture and gave Captains Duke and Green an order for the needed guns on the Baton Rouge Ar- senal, and in a letter of April 23 wrote to Governor Jackson: "After learning as well as I could, from the gentlemen accredited to me, what was needful for the attack on the Arsenal, I have directed that Captains Greene and Duke should be furnished with two twelve pounder howitzers and two thirty-two pounder guns, with the proper ammunition for each. These, from the commanding hills, will be effective against the garrison and break the enclosing walls of the place. I concur with you as to the great importance Organization. 213 of capturing the Arsenal and securing its supplies, rendered doubly Important, by the means taken to obstruct your commerce, and render you unarmed vic- tims of a hostile invasion. We look anxiously and hopefully for the day when the star of Missouri shall be added to the constellation of the Confederate States of America. "With the best wishes, I am, "Very respectfully yours, "Jefferson Davis." There were a number of Union men in the old Militia Com- panies marching with General Frost to the Southwest. They saw the growing disloyalty of the State troops, threw up their com- missions and abandoned that service. Major Schaeffer resigned on April 17, stating: "I can not reconcile it with my ideas of military fealty that a part of your command has hoisted another flag than the only true flag of the United States.'' General Frost ordered the Major before a court martial, which Schaeffer disregarded. A few days later he was elected Lieutenant-Colonel of the Second Regi- ment Missouri Volunteers. Colonel J. N. Pritchard. Surgeon F. M. Cornyn, Adjutant John S. Ca vender also left the State service and many men from the ranks followed their lead. The muster of numerous troops at the Arsenal prompted the Governor to call the Legislature for the 2d of May and to assemble the Missouri Militia in their respective districts on the 3d of May. The Governor also asked the banks immediately to advance the $50,000 which they had promised for the July interest. State Quartermaster-General James Harding's report revealed that out- side of the arms already in the hands of the militiamen, the State owned only 1.000 muskets, two cannon and a few swords. James Harding purchased at St. Louis 70 tons of gunpowder, a couple hundred rifles and some camp equipage and sent it under guard of Captain Kelly's Company to Jefferson City. Towards the end of April. General Price gave the St. Louis ''Re- public" some information relative the Governor's intentions, which the latter disavowed in the following letter, thereby plainly proving his Secession proclivities: "Executive Chamber, Jefferson City, April 28, 1861. "J. W. TucKKR. Esq. "My Dear Sir: I write this in confidence and under a state of mind very peculiar. . . . Governor Price called on me a few days since. . . . asked me what I thought as to the time of calling the Convention. I told him not to be in a hurry, but wait until the Legislature met, and to be here 214 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. at that time, so that we could consult with the members from all parts of the State, and fix upon a proper time; that in my judgment we should not go out of the Union until the Legislature had time to arm the State to some extent and place it in a proper position of defense. If it be the purpose of Paschall and Price to make me endorse the position of the Republic and the miserably base and cowardly conduct of Governor Price's submission conven- tion, then they are woefully mistaken. Lashed and driven, as they have been, by an indignant and outraged constituency, from their position of unconditional Union, they are now seeking shelter under the miserable absurdity of armed neutrality. "About the only truth in Paschall's article is that in which he states my policy to be a peace policy. This is true. I am for peace, and so is every- body except Lincoln and Frank Blair ... I do not think Missouri should secede today or tomorrow, but I do not think good policy that I should so disclose. I want a little time to arm the State, and I am assuming every responsibility to do it, with all possible despatch. Missouri should act in concert with Tennessee and Kentucky. They are all bound to go out and should go together if possible. "My judgment is that North Carolina, Tennessee and Arkansas will be out in a few days, and when they go Missouri should follow. Let us then prepare to make our exit. We should keep our own counsel. Every man in the State is in favor of arming the State. Then let it be done. All are opposed to furnishing Mr. Lincoln with soldiers. Time will settle the balance. "Nothing should be said about the time or the manner in which Missouri should go out. That she ought to go, and will go at the proper time, I have no doubt. She ought to have gone out last winter, when she could have seized the public arms and public property and defended herself. . . . "Call on every country paper to defend me, and assure them, I am fighting under the true flag. Who does not know that every sympathy of my heart is with the South? "The Legislature, in my view, should sit in secret session, and touch nothing but the measures of defense. Let the measures of Messrs. Sturgeon, Paschall, Taylor & Co., in regard to their railroads, all go by the board; I have not the patience or the time, to talk of such matters now. Let us first preserve our liberties and attend to business affairs afterward. Let all our energies and all our means be applied to our defense and safety. "Yours truly, "C. F. Jackson, "Governor of Missouri." Though the State had decided against Secession, M. Jeff Thomp- son, Inspector Fourth Military District Missouri, offered Jeff Davis several Companies for the Confederate service, while the latter wrote to Governor Jackson April 26: "Can you arm and equip one Regi- ment Infantry for service in Virginia?" in answer to which the Organization. 215 Governor states: ''Our liCgislature has just met and I doubt not will give me all necessary authority over the matter. Missouri can and will put 100,000 men in the field. We are using every means to arm our people and until we are prepared must move cautiously." The partisans of Governor Jackson were less imbued with the neces- sity of caution, as the following report shows: "Kansas City, May 4, 1861. "The storehouse at this place was forcibly entered last night at half past one o'clock by about fifty armed men, who carried off one hundred and two carabines, thirty-seven muskets, nine pistols, eighty-six sabres and thirty-four thousand cartridges. L. C. Easton, Asst. Q.-M. (U. S.) .Vnd on ^lay 6 the above mentioned Jeff Thompson, Inspector of ]Missouri Militia, writes to President Jeff Davis from the neigh- borhood of St. Joseph: "I have eight Companies here in camp of instruction by order of our Governor/' etc. This admits the in- ference that the camp of instruction at Camp Jackson was also reported to Jefferson Davis, President of the Confederate States. The Missouri Legislature met at Jefferson Cit}' on ^lay 2 and re- elected McAffee, of Secession proclivities, Speaker. The Governor asked the Assembly to "place the State at the earliest practicable moment, in a complete state of defense," because she must unite her destinies with those of the other Slave-holding States. He also recommended for this purpose secret sessions, to which the Legisla- ture acceded by initiating the same after the 3d of May. Tlie pres- ence of a few staunch and fearless Union men. like John D. Steven- son, James Peckham * * * put a restraint upon the Seces- sionists and delegated their most important consultations to special committees and private rooms. The military bill was the all-import- ant measure before the Legislature, but its progress was considerably checked by parliamentary tactics. At the same time there were •three Confederate flags flying at Jefferson City, and oaeli llng-raisii.ii was made the occasion for firing the Southern heart. It was stated about the same time that (leneral James S. Rains, of subsequent Confederate fame, had received a letter fi-oui Sarccxic sl.itiiiii thai the Indian Chief Ross was willing to furnish lo.OOO armed men in support of the State of ^lissouri, also that Rains sent the letter to Governor Jackson with the endorsement. "I would advise your open- ing correspondence at once with Ross." Whether true or not. this appears to be only another flagging stone for ;ni undesirable locality, for although these Indians were Slave-hol(ler> iheii- avowed policy 216 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. was to maintain neutrality, which makes the above offer very im- probable. CAMP JACKSON ESTABLISHED. Pursuant to the Governor's instruction and the order of Briga- dier-General D. M. Frost, the old and new State Militia organi- zations assembled at Lindell Grove, situated east of Grand avenue, between Olive and Laclede, and the grounds were named in honor of the Governor, Camp Jackson. The oath which the new troops and the recruits for the depleted Militia Companies took, enjoined only fealty to the State of Missouri and its head. Governor Jack- son. Agreeably to the professed sentiments of the latter and to the predilections of its officers and troops, camp streets were named after the President of the Seceded States, "Jefferson Davis," and after the man who directed the attack on. Fort Sumter, "Beauregard." While this was not done officially, but only by a portion of the troopers, it indicated their tendency, and General Frost was justly held responsible for it. According to Colonel Peckham's work, "Lyon and 1861." the following State troops went into camp at Lindell Grove : D. M. Frost, Brigadier-General, commanding; Hy. W. Williams, Quartermaster; R. S. Voorhies, Lieutenant-Colonel, Adjutant-Gen- eral; Jos. Scott, Surgeon; N. Wall. Major Commissary; Wm. D. Wood, Aide-de-Camp. FIRST REGIMENT. John Knapp, Lieutenant-Colonel, commanding; Wm. C. Bu- chanan, Adjutant; N. Hatch, A. Q. M. and A. C. S. ; A. J. P. Gareshe, Judge Advocate; John B. Drew, Paymaster; Louis T. Pimm, Surgeon. Company A, St. Louis Grays, Martin Burke, Captain, 51. Company B, Sarsfield Guards, Chas. W. Rogers, Captain, 46. Company C, Washington Guards, Robert Tucker, Captain, 48. Company D, Emmet Guards, Phil W. Coyne, Captain. Company E, Washington Blues, Jos. Kelly, Captain, 45. Company F, Laclede Guards, Eraser, Captain. Company G, Missouri Guards, Geo. W. West, Captain. Company H, Jackson Guards, Geo. W. Fletcher, Captain, 46. Company I, Grimsley Guards, R. N. Hart, Captain, 48. Company K, Davis Guards, Jas. Longuemare, Captain, 65. Squadron of Dragoons, Emmet McDonald, Captain. JOHN T. FIALA. Ivieutenant-Colonel lid I'. S. Reserve Corps. Missouri Volunteers. From Pliotosra!)h by dustav Cramer. Organization.' 217 SECOND REGIMENT. John S. Bowen, Colonel. A. E. Steen, Lieutenant-Colonel. J. R. Shaler, Major. Engineer Corps, Wm. H. Finney, First Lieutenant, 40. Company A, Independent Guards, Charles Fredericks, Captain. 45. Company B, Missouri Videttcs, O. H. Barrett, Captain, 45. Company C, Minute Men, Basil W. Duke, Captain. Company D, Minute Men, McLaren Guards, Sanford, Captain. 61. Company E, Minute Men, Colton Green, Captain. Company F, Minute Men, Jackson Grays, Garland, Captain, 65. Company G, Minute Men, Dixie Guards, Campbell, Captain, 48. Company H, Minute Men, Southern Guards, J. H. Shackelford, Captain, 45. Company I, Minute Men, Carondelet Rangers, Jas. M. Lough- borough, Captain, 50. About 750 men with six Companies not reported. Besides the above, Lieutenant-Colonel Bowen was ordered to report to General Frost at St. Louis with one Company Mounted Rifles and a Battery of Light Artillery. The camp, as all military camps, soon became very popular with all those Avho admire incipient heroes, and as the wealthiest fam- ilies in St. Louis came mostly from the South, the camp was soon the resort of what is usually termed "the best society," a term which deservedly should be applied only to those who are most useful to ^,he community. It would be wrong to estimate the Secession strength according to the roster of the Companies entering the camp on May 6, for there was a continual accession of young men from all parts of the State who were willing to aid Frost in any movement he might make; besides a very large portion of the American population of the city were Southern sympathizers, and in the first days of May, 1861, even a great many Irishmen would have followed their old Democratic and Southern leaders in a fight against Union Repub- licans. With a bold, aggressive policy, inaugurated at an earlier date, General Frost could have commanded thousands of men, who soon afterwards became passive and resigned "lookers on," or even quite active Union men. 218 The Union Cause in St. Loins in 1861. The time allotted by the State law for the duration of a militia camp was six days, but under the terms of the new militia law then before the Legislature, a legal continuance was expected. With the new men arriving from the State, a third Regiment was to be formed. A change of the camp to the heights southwest of the Arsenal was contemplated: as this would have greatly endangered the Arsenal, Captain Lyon emphatically stated that he could not permit this, nay, even that if attempted he would destroy such camp, which ended the scheme. ■On the 8th of May the steamer "J. C. Swon" landed a cargo of war material on the Levee, consigned to Greeley & Gale, a Union firm, and marked "Tamaroa Marble."' The goods M^ere part of those seized by the Secessionists at the Baton Rouge Arsenal and sent by Jefferson Davis at the request of Governor .Jackson, and were transferred the same night in over fifty dray loads to Camp Jackson and turned over to Major Shaler. A portion of these goods was forwarded to Jeft'erson City, under the escort of a Company from the camp. Colton Green acted as the Governor's agent in this tran- saction. It is said that a seizure of these goods was discussed by the Union authorities, but that this was deferred in order that the same should serve as evidence of the treasonable nature of Camp Jackson. The probability is that General Prentiss at Cairo was advised too late, for he certainly could have stopped any vessel pass- ing that point. Conflicting reports indicate that it was the original intention to seize that war material, and tliat the plea of using it as evidence against Camp Jackson was only an excuse for the failure of its detention. The facility of transportation by river was at all events great. Already April 27, or fully ten days before this invoice of Secession arms arrived, the steamer "City of Alton" quietly dropped down to the Arsenal and received 30,000 stand of arms, which were conveyed to Alton and thence to Springfield, Illinois. Captain Harry Stone, Company ''C," First Missouri; Com- pany ''A," Second Missouri, and a section of Backhoff's Battery forming the escort. The bitterness of feeling about the removal of arms is shown in an editorial of the St. Louis ''Republic," calling it a "gross outrage," and threatening Captain Harry Stone that it would not be safe to show himself on Fourth street. The "City of Alton" also carried May 1, five tons of powder to the same destination. In the meantime, Lyon had occupied more buildings and positions for +roops in the immediate neighborhood of the Arsenal and fortified ^,he place itself to best advantage. Organization. 219 It was fortuualc lor his purpose that the expenses not strictly warranted by the Army Regulations could be met by the energetic- assistance of the Conniiittee of Safety: for excellent as the Army Regulations may have proved for ordinary times, they certainly did not fit such an emergency as that of 1861. The First Regiment ^Missouri \\)luntcers was completed on April 27, and the officers elected Francis P. Blair, Colonel ; George L. An- drews, Lieutenant-Colonel, and John M. Schofield, Major. Tlu- latter divided his time between the duties of a mustering officer and those of an instructor of officers in tactics and military administra- tion. The other Volunteer Regiments were mustered in about the same time, namely, the Second : Colonel, Henry Boernstein ; Lieu- tenant-Colonel, Fred Schaeffer; Major, B. Laibold. The Third: Colonel, Francis Sigel ; Lieutenant-Colonel, A. Albert ; Major, Henry Bischoff. The Fourth: Colonel, Nicolas Schuettner; Lieutenant- Colonel A. Hammer; Major, F. Niggemann. The Fifth, Colonel, Chas. E. Salomon; Lieutenant-Colonel, Ch. D. Wolff; Major, F. W. Cronenbold; the Field and Staff of the Fifth was only mustered in May 18. The dating of commissions of Regimental Connnanders did not all coincide with the actual completion of the Regiments; in fact, a strict regularity in the organizations could not be ()l)sorvod on account of the great need of troops for immedinl(> service. AR:MING THE HOME GUARD OR UNITED STATES RE- SERVE CORPS, MISSOURI VOLUNTEERS. Upon the repeated representations of the perilous situation of the St. Louis Arsenal and the Union element in the city of St. Louis and the State of Missouri, President Lincoln authorized the Secre- tary of War to issue the following order: Washington City, D. C, April 30, 1861. "Sir: The President of tlie United States directs that you enroll in the military service of the United States the loyal citizens of St. Louis and vicinity, not exceeding with those heretofore enlisted, ten thousand in num- ber, for the purpose of maintaining the authority of the United States, and for the protection of the peaceable inhabitants of Missouri, and you will, if deemed necessary for that purpose by yourself and by Messrs. Oliver D. Filley. .John How, James O. Broadhead, Samuel T. Glover. .1. .1. Witzig and Francis P. Blair, Jr., proclaim martial law in St. Louis. The additional force hereby authorized shall be discharged in part or in whole, if enlisted, as soon as it appears to you and the gentlemen above named, that there is no danger of an attempt on the part of the enemies of the Government to 220 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. take military possession of the City of St. Louis, or put the city in the con- trol of a combination against the Government of the United States; and whilst such additional force remains in the service, the same shall be gov- erned by the Rules and Articles of War, and such special regulations as you may prescribe, and shall like the force heretofore directed to be enrolled be under your command. "I am, etc., "L. Thomas, "Adjutant General. "Captain Nathaniel Lyon, "Second Infantry, commanding at St. Louis." This order was indorsed: "It is revolutionary times, and, therefore, I do not object to the irregularity of this. "W. S." (for Winfield Scott.) Also: "Approved, April 30, 1861. A. Lincoln." When this order reached St. Louis in the first days of May, the Home Guard or Reserve Regiments and Companies, for which it was intended, were nearly completely organized, and several mem- bers of the Safety Committee invited the representatives of these troops on the evening of May 3 to the St. Louis Turner Hall in order to be informed about them, and were most agreeably surprised and almost incredulous when reports were made that all was ready for the organization in the First Ward of the first Regiment of . . . .v 1200 men Second Ward of the second Regiment of 900 men Third and Fourth Wards of the third Regiment of . . 1000 men Franklin Ave., etc., of the fourth Regiment of 1000 men Tenth AVard of the fifth Regiment of 1000 men The last nearly complete; a total of 5100 men Next day the following order was issued : St. Louis Arsenal, May 4, 1861. "Colonel Chester Harding has authority to proceed with the organization of Regiments, to be enrolled in the United States service, for the defense of the loyal citizens of St. Louis, and protecting the property and enforcing the laws of the United States. N. Lyon," "Captain Second Infantry, Commanding." To "proceed with the organization" meant in this instance only the making out of muster rolls, the election of field officers and the appointment of the commissioned and non-commissioned staflF. This Organization. 221 work was completed on May 5 and 6 and on the 7th of May the First Regiment United States Reserve Corps, Missouri Volunteers, Colonel Henry Almstedt, marched into the Arsenal and was mus- tered into service with twelve Companies, aggregating near 1,200 men. A few hours later the Second Regiment United States Reserve Corps, Missouri Volunteers, Colonel Hermann Kallmann, with nine Companies, or 900 men, took the oath at the Arsenal. Next day, the 8th of May, the Third Regiment United States Reserve Corps, Missouri Volunteers, Colonel John McNeil, with twelve Companies, nearly 1,200 men, swore in and was followed the same day by ♦he Fourth Regiment United States Reserve Corps, Missouri Vol- unteers, Colonel B. Gratz Brown, with twelve Companies. The Fifth Regiment United States Reserv^e Corps, Missouri A^olunteers, Colonel Charles G. Stifel, was completed and mustered-in the 11th day of May. The men of the Home Guard or Reserve Regiments stayed at their own residences. Their muskets were kept on gun racks at their respective headquarters. There were daily roll calls with oc- casional dress parades, which were not very "dressy," as every one paid for his own uniform of jeans or other cheap material. Fre- quent drills started at first in a variegated manner, but soon took shape and became systematic when Hardee's Tactics were adopted and officers and sergeants ordered to attend drilling school by sun- rise. Every one was studying the little book, which was a faithful pocket companion of men ambitious to perfect themselves. This diligence soon told: for all that was learned in the morning at the officers' school was already practically applied during the exercises of the Company in the evening, imparting a precision in the manual, as well as the most necessary evolutions, which alone could render these large bodies of men serviceable. It will remain forever a memorable fact that within ten days from April 21, when the order authorizing the muster-in of troops was issued to Captain Lyon, to the first day of May, five Regiments, not of previously organized militia, but of actual A\)lunteers, one Battalion of Artillery and one Company of Pioneers, and within ten days more to May 11, five more Regiments of Reserves did enter the Ignited States service in a Slave State. Such results were only po.esible under the favorable circumstances which shaped the dis- position of the Union men of St. Louis. For this reason the causes which resulted in the spirit of our population were given, as well as the events which step by step led to the final issue. 222 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 18G1. About this time new ideas matured in St. Louis which very soon should materially aid the success of the Union armies. Years back, a boy came to St. Louis from Indiana, whose family, on account ')f sickness of the father, got into very straightened circumstances, which the enterprising lad helped to relieve by selling apples on the streets. This boy was James B. Eads, a mechanical genius and in 1861 a successful merchant, boatbuilder and leading spirit in the St. Louis Wrecking Company. Captain Eads suggested the arming d vessels for military service on the Mississippi and its tributaries. Missouri's great lawyer, Edward C. Bates, of Lincoln's Cabinet, be- came a most energetic supporter of the proposition, and with Eads and John Rodgers of the navy, laid the plans for the Mosquito fleet -and the gunboats. The steamers "Conestoga," "Taylor" and "Lex- ington" were put in "commission," at first Avith a protection for mus- ket balls only, but seven better protected vessels were to be constructed at the Marine Railway in Carondelet and at Mound City, 111. These vessels should soon carry their thunder to Fort Donelson, Shiloh and Memphis, and light up the darkening shades of A^icksburg while passing its w^ater batteries in the gloom of night. They were a most forcible argument in favor of free laljor. The bold conception of these gunboats was only surpassed by the skill and promptness of their construction. Nearly all of them were built within a hundred days and delivered near contract time. They were 175 feet long, 50 feet beam, 6 feet depth of hold in the clear, and drew 5 feet of water, and their speed was nine miles an hour. The sides were slanting outward from the bottom of the boat to the water line at an angle of 45 degrees, and from the water line the sides receded back at the same angle, forming a casemate of twelve feet above deck. The hulls were made of wood, bottom five- inch plank, sides four-inch plank and sheathed with two and one- half-inch iron. The boats were bulkheaded into compartments to prevent their sinking when pierced by cannon balls. The gundeck was about one foot above water and the vessels were pierced to carry +,hirteen heavy guns, namely, three nine-inch guns in the bow. four small ones on each side, and two smaller ones astern. The slanting casemate extended across the hull near the boAv and stern, forming a quadrilateral. The first gunboat was launched October 12 from the Eads yards and was called "St. Louis," but the name was changed to "De Kalb" by the War Department, as there was another commissioned ves- Organization. 223 sel called "St. Louis." The other vessels were called "Carondelet." "Cincinnati/' "Louisville," "Mound City," "Cairo" and "Pitts- burgh." WAR DEMOCRATS. After the first days of May, 1861, events in the East and near Washington, had a less direct influence on the Department of the West. It was of the greatest importance that almost the entire Northern Democracy wheeled into the Union Camp, animated by the words of their ablest leader, Stephen A. Douglas, who at the Wigwam in Chicago, before a meeting of ten thousand people, de- clared the injustice of the Southern demands and designati'd the action of the Secessionists as a conspiracy. He said in the (Mtursc of his remarks: "Every man must be for the United States or against it. Tiiere can be no neutrals in this war, only patriots or traitors. . . . They (the Secession- ists) expected to present a United South against a divided North. They hoped in the Northern States party questions would bring civil war between Demo- crats and Republicans. . . . Their scheme was carnage and civil war in the North. There is only one way to defeat this, by closing up the ranks. It is a sad task to discuss questions so fearful as civil war; but sad as it is, bloody and disastrous as I expect it will be, I express it my conviction before God that it is the duty of every American citizen to rally around the flag of his country." Within a few weeks later Douglas died, leaving a last message to his sons: to be true to the Union. About the same time another staunch leader of Democracy, Ben Butler, planted a Battery of Howitzers on a viaduct to keep the wavering city of Baltimore within the proper limits of its public duties, while the Democratic Slave State of Kentucky mustered without delay fourteen Companies for the Union service. It is a noteworthy fact that the Slave-holding Border States furnished to the Union armies during the war over 300,000 men, Missouri heading the column with over 106,000. Facts like these weigh heavily in shaping convictions, and many a doubtful mind was stopped short by their con.sideration from mak- ing a fatal plunge in the wrong direction. CHAPTER VIII. THE WAR IN MISSOURI. UNION SCHEMES. Colonel Peckham relates that on May 7, the day when the First and Second Regiment of Reserves were sworn in, Lyon stated in presence of L. A. Dick, Lieutenant-Colonel Chester Harding and Colonel F. P. Blair, in a confidential manner, "Mr. Dick, we must take Camp Jackson, ,and we must take it at once," explaining the menacing nature of that camp, and the rapidly increasing danger of delay, and also pointing to the non-committal portion of the com- munity, whom actual power may sway either way. The parties present acceded to his views, still it was deemed best to consult the Committee of Safety before taking a step fraught with great con- sequences. There is a widely spread and generally believed story out that on the 8th or 9th of May, in the afternoon, Lyon drove through Camp Jackson in disguise of a lady, heavily veiled, etc., armed with two Colts revolvers; some more detail was given, namely, that this happened in the disguise of Mrs. Alexander, Blair's mother-in- law's dresses, and in Colonel Dick's buggy. Another version stated the dress belonged to a Miss Graham. The adventure appears useless on the face of it: because a military man of Lyon's capacity and education could secure, and no doubt had, all possible information, without exposing himself to a street row and possible mob violence, and Avhat good would the two revolvers have done him in a camp of 1,400 men? Although the story had been repeated by reliable men, it must be considered that Lindell Grove, which held Camp Jackson, was a well known locality, stretching eastward from the present Grand avenue, between Olive and Laclede avenue; its high- est elevations were on its western and eastern boundary; Olive street crossed the central depression of the ground on a dike and the gen- eral slope of the territory was towards the south, while the compara- itvely few trees offered very little shelter. These very poor conditions (224) ' JAMES B. EADS. Captain of Steamboats. From Painting of St. Louis Knsineers" Club. Tlic War in Missouri. 225 for defense could readily be observed from the public streets by the large number of persons who visited the camp or passed by it. Plats of the locality, with measurements to the very inch, could be obtained in several public and private offices. Under such circumstances, it will require very positive and direct evidence to admit the fact of the above adventure. A surviving member of Colonel Dick's family at Washington, D. C, knows nothing about it. Captain Lyon convened the members of the Committee of Safety "11 the afternoon of May 9 at the Arsenal and strongly argued for the immediate necessity of capturing the troops and seizing the war material at Camp Jackson. Frank Blair, O. D. Filley, J. J. Witzig and Jas. 0. Broadhead. the eminent Democratic lawyer, fully acceded to Lyon's views; John How hesitated, while Sam Glover, an eminent Republican lawyer, strongly advocated legal proceedings by having the United States Marshal to serve first a "Writ of Re- plevin" on General Frost for the United States arms and war ma- terial illegally in his possession, and if this should be denied, then the United States Marshal should call upon Captain Lyon for armed support. The imminent passage of the ''Military Act" by the Legis- lature at Jefferson City, and General Harney's prospective return on the 11th day of May, strongly supported immediate action. Al- though the idea of having the United States Marshal with his Writ of Replevin was still insisted upon. Captain Lyon himself was clear in his mind that no chance should be given to the commander of Camp Jackson to avoid the breaking up of his camp and the dis- arming of his troops by an ostensibly yielding course. It was not a point of law that was in question: but the supremacy of the Union or Secession authority. The United States flag did not shield loyal I'uion troops at Fort Sumter, why should the name of the State shield disloyal Militia in St. Louis. The proofs of disloyalty were, overwhelming, the power to put an end to this menace to the Union cause was in Lyon's hand and Harney was on the road. With that singleness of purpose which characterized the whole life of Lyon and which secured him a glorious success, he determined to use no subterfuge, but to take the camp, which harbored the avowed enemies of the Union. The decision once reached, Lyon gave prompt orders to the commanders of all Regiments and Batteries to have their troops in readiness at their respective headquarters on the morning of May 10, and then and there await further orders. By the aid of Giles F. and 0. D. Filley a sufficient number of horses were bought and secured to complete the teams for the Artillery. 226 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. There was little commotion on the 9th, though Wm. T. Sher- man, at the time Superintendent of the Fifth Street Railway, who was that day casually at the Arsenal, noticed that sharp cartridges were distributed among the troops. Sherman had not long before resigned the directorship of a military school in Louisiana, had been to Washington, where he was not immediately appreciated, left there in disgust, and when approached in April by Frank P. Blair, in the presence of Henry T. Blow% to assume the command of the Department of the West, had declined the offer on account of hav- ing recently assumed a civil position. Still his interest in military affairs remained unabated. He offered his services to the Govern- ment at Washington on May 8 and was appointed Colonel of the Thirteenth Regiment of Regular Infantry on May 14, to start a career of great usefulness to his country and great renown to himself. CAPTURE OF CAMP JACKSON. Early morning on May 10, a horseman was seen galloping south- ward on the Carondelet Road to Jefferson Barracks. He took orders to the First A'olunteers, which camped there, to march without delay and with forty rounds of cartridges to the Arsenal, fully eight miles distant. They started about eight o'clock, were headed at the Ar- senal by two Companies of Regulars under Lieutenant Sweeney, and followed their Colonel, Frank P.. Blair, and the commander of all the troops. Captain Nathaniel Lyon. This column moved north on Seventh street to Chouteau avenue and westward on the latter until coming in full view of Lindell Grove, they saw the Secessionists run to their cannons and rally to arms. From here this column advanced across the commons in a diagonal line, alternating the "quick step" with "double quick," to a narrow lane west of the camp, and marched on same northward to Olive, passing Frost's sentinels within tw^enty yards. A part of the First Volunteers w^as still in the western lane when the head of its column, marching eastward on Olive, met the Union troops coming westward from the city. The Second Volunteers, Colonel Boernstein, started from Marine Hospital, marched on Broadway to Chouteau avenue and followed that avenue and the route taken by Lyon and Blair: the distance was near six miles. Six pieces of artillery and the Third Volimteers under Colonel Francis Sigel started from the Arsenal, marched up Broadway to Olive and out Olive to the camp, the Artillery taking position on the elevated ground at the east eod, also north of the Tin War in Mi^^xoitrf. 'I'l~ camp, ooiniiiandiiiu its entire leii<2;lli and tlireateiiinii il lliiis in case of a combat, witli a most destructive fire. The Fourth Volunteers, Colonel Nic Seluietlner, also started from the Arsenal with the Third, but branched ofl' on iNhn'ket stivet and followed that street and La- clede avenue to the southern line near the east end of the camp. The Reserve Regiments were disposed as follows: From the First Reserve, Colonel Almstedt. one Battalion under Lieutenant-Colonel R. J. Rombauer, marclu'd fi-om Jaeger's Garden on Tenth and Sid- ney, across the commons to .h^tferson avenue; thence to the east end of Camp Jackson, and took position on the left of the Artillery. From the Second Reserve, Colonel Kallmann, one Battalion under Lieutenant-Colonel J. T. Fiala, marched from >Soulard Market, north to Olive and west on Olive to the camp, and took position southwest of the First Reserve. The Third Reserve, Colonel John McNeil, formed at the St. Louis Turner Hall on Tenth and Walnut; marched out on Pine street, then turned to Clark avenue, following this to west of Jefferson avenue and formed there the line in front of a little church and near the southeast corner of the camp. The Fourth Reserve, Colonel B. Gratz Brown, marched out on Morgan to near the northeast corner of the camp, and guarded with the Third Re- serve the approaches to town, forming an actual reserve force for Lyon's command and cutting off the approach to the camp from the city. Some of the Regulars and the completed Companies of the Fifth Volunteers, under Colonel C. E. Salomon, held the Arsenal, while one Battalion of the First Reserve, under Major Philip Brimmer, and one Battalion of the Second Reserve, under Major Julius Rapp. occupied the streets and guarded the approaches to the Arsenal, with the order to pass no one. The Fifth Reserve, Colonel Charles G. Stifel, not yet armed, but ready for muster, was assembled at head- quarters, Stifel's Brewery. The distance which each column had to march, being known to Captain lA'on, he timed their starting to secure the simultaneous arrival in their respective positions, in order to surround the camp from all sides. As soon as the inlial)itants noticed Regiment near Regiment to press westward on parallel streets with the cadence of fate, and observed the waves of glittering bayonets roll steadily onward along the avenues and many thousand serious, determined men move like veterans toward one destination, an indescribable excitement 228 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. ri^^-^: ^'"y m // / //v ;i MI/ / 7 ■' Pf' / ' CAMP JACKSON IN 1861. The War in Missouri. 229 N u I- U4 CLRAN D. AVE. iSAirRiKnsiL / LEONARD ui| > < keia: TTT tr MPT 35X 0&ZS2E LEtJNARPy g CA^tit^j TJTrc- lUJ ^; — I I 1 [ JvTTk s: AVE./ 53 CAMP JACKSON'S PRESENT SUBDIVISION. 230'' The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861.. spread among the people. The rumor of the Union host's march towards Camp Jackson spread like wild fire through the city. The siiimltaneous movement on various streets bewildered the popula- tion, and set large numbers of men that belonged to the camp, as well as their friends, in motion, of whom Scharf says in the History of St. Louis: ''Numbers of men seized rifles, shotguns or whatever other weapons they could lay hands upon and rushed pell mell to the assistance of the State troops, but were of course obstructed in their designs/' still many of them gathered near the camp, while the majority of men, women and children were actuated by curiosity only, and rushed in wagons, buggies and on horseback, most of them, however, on foot, like a living stream, ahead, on the side and be- hind the troops and towards Camp Jackson; not at all deterred by the certainty that in case of a conflict, even a great many specta- tors must lose their lives. From the pavements, from windows, even from roofs, people gazed upon the martial array. Mothers of Union sons cast saddened looks upon their passing offsprings, while sisters and wives looked wistfully after the vanishing ranks; nor was the anguish of the families in the center of town less, creating anxiety in the older persons, and often disdain akin to hatred in the more demonstrative girls and boys, who ostentatiously withdrew from sight and slammed many a door and shutter in order to give patent ex- pression to their sentiments. There w^ere some memorable incidents on the march of the Union troops. Ulysses S. Grant, at the time not in service in Missouri, was standing near the Arsenal gate when the Union Battalions filed out and wheeled northward on Carondelet Road (now Broad- way), opposite the then quite modest Anheuser-Busch Brew^ery. Some bystander made a scurrilous remark upon the troops as they poured out from the Arsenal gate which Grant rebuked in his quiet but decided manner, as he was in full accord with the plan to cap- ture the camp. A few blocks north of the Arsenal, Colonel Sigel tried to pass to the head of his Regiment, which filled the street, and galloped along the pavement, when his horse slipped on a flagging stone, falling, unfortunately, on Sigel's leg. He was picked up and carried into the next store, where his leg was bandaged up by a physician, and being unable to mount a horse, Sigel followed his command later on in a carriage. The accident caused no delay in the march ; the next in command, Lieutenant-Colonel Francis Has- sendeubel, leading the troops to their position. Wm. T. Sherman, TJk War in Missouri. 231 wliile on the road to his oflioo at the Fifth Street Railway, heard at every corner "of the streets that the J)utch were moving on Camp Jackson." He returned to liis residence, and being beseeched by a lady in the neighborhood to look after her son, started out with his own little boy and some friends towards Camp Jackson. According to John C. Abbott's History, General D. M. Frost, being advised of Lyon's movements, dispatched Colonel Bowen Avith the following letter: Camp Jacksox, Mo.. May 10, 1861. Captain N. Lyox. "Sii": I am constantly in receipt of information that you contemplate an attack upon my camp; while I understood that you are impressed with the idea that an attack upon the Arsenal and United States troops is intended on the part of the Militia of Missouri; ... I would be glad to know from you personally whether there is any truth in the statements that are con- stantly poured into my ears. So far as regards any hostility being intended towards the United States or its property or representatives by any portion of my command, or, as far as I can learn, and I think I am fully informed, of any other part of the State forces I can say positively that the idea has never been entertained. ... I trust that, after this explicit statement, we may be able, by fully understanding each other, to keep far from our borders, the misfortunes which so unhappily afflict our conunon country. "I am, etc., "Brig. -Gen. D. M. Frost." Colonel Bowen met Captain Lyon at the head of the column, in full march, and handed him (General Frost's letter, but Lyon had made up his mind to take the camp, and having the summons for its surrender in his pocket, not only declined to read Frost's letter, but pushed forward without delay. The I'nion columus had arrived on time and completely sur- rounded the cam]); (he troops stood silently at their arms, many in full siglit and short nmsket range of the Secessionists. The cannons stood unliniben-d in eomnianding position, and guards pre- vented all ingre.'^s or egress. Immediately after the arrival. Cap- tain Lyon sent to General Frost, through B. G. Farrar, the follow- ing summons : "HKAnQLAKTKKS UNPrKii STATES Tkoops, St. Louis, May 10, 1861. "Gexkral D. M. Fro.st, Commanding Camp Jackson. Sir: Your command is regarded as evidently hostile toward the Govern- ment of the ITnited States. It is for the most part made up of those Seces- sionists who have openly avowed their hostility to the General Government, and have been plotting the seizure of its property and the overthrow of its 232 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. authority. You are openly in communication with the so-called Southern Confederacy, which is now at war with the United States, and you are receiv- ing at your camp from the said Confederacy, and under its flag, large supplies of the material of war, most of which is known to be the property of the United States. These extraordinary preparations plainly indicate none other than the well-known purpose of the Governor of this State, under whose order you are acting, and whose purpose recently communicated to the Legis- lature, has just been responded to by that body, in the most unparalleled legislation, having in direct view hostilities to the General Government and co-operation with its enemies. "In view of these considerations, and of your failure to disperse in obedi- ence to the proclamation of the President, and in view of the eminent neces- sities of State policy and welfare, and the obligations imposed upon me by instructions from Washington, it is my duty to demand, and I do hereby demand of you, an immediate surrender of your command, with no other conditions than that all persons surrendering under this demand shall be humanely and kindly treated. "Believing myself prepared to enforce this demand, one-half hour's time before doing so, will be allowed for your compliance therewith. "Very respectfully, your obedient servant, "N. Lyon, "Captain Second Infantry, Commanding Troops. Before the granted period expired, General Frost sent word ask- ing for more time and a conference to arrange matters, to which Lyon answered on the back of Frost's note, writing on the pommel of his saddle, that unless an unconditional surrender was made with- in ten minutes, he would open fire. The cause for this peremptory demand was, no doubt, the rapidly growing crowd of men around the Union troops, which used threatening and abusive language, evi- dently warming up for a riot. To the last summons General Frost answered : "Captain N. Lyon, Commanding U. S. Troops. "Sir: I never for a moment conceived the idea that so illegal and uncon- stitutional demand, as I have just received from yovi, would be made by an officer of the United States Army. "I am wholly unprepared to defend my command from this unwarranted attack, and shall, therefore, be forced to comply with your demand. "I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, "D. M. Frost, "Brig. Gen. Comdg. Camp Jackson, M. V. M." One Company of Regulars had advanced to a post and board fence within fifty yards of the hostile front, with the instruction of storming a near Battery as soon as firing commenced: but their CONSTANTIN BLANDOVSKI. Captain od Infantry. Missouri Volunteers. From Original Painting by Karl Wimar. The War in Missoun. 233 position was so much exposed that the very first volley would not have left one of them unhurt. Luckily, General Frost's correct judgment, realizing the situation, prevented all useless bloodshed. He surrendered the camp unconditionally, and deserves credit for this act, for a fight against a superior force of five to one, after be- ing surprised in the trap of his camp, would have been sheer mad- ness. There Avas no special sign of glorification among the Union troops when the news of the surrender was learned. Some com- manders told their men: "Put green twigs to your hats; they have surrendered," but there was no cheering nor exultant exclamations. During the suspense of waiting, some shouting was heard from the camp, in answer to the information of the unavoidable result; after the message of surrender was dispatched all the late Minute Men, Secessionists and Militia stacked arms at the command of their offi- cers and after few preliminaries were arranged, marched out of camp and passed between the files of the First Volunteers, which had opened ranks and faced inward. So far everything went on rational lines, and had the troops escorting the prisoners marched off and those designated to guard the property in the camp occupied their position, there would have been no lives lost. Lyon, after dis- mounting, was kicked by his horse and disabled for the time being. There seems to have been no proper staff to expedite matters, and the starting was delayed beyond measure. In the meantime the crowd around the troops, particularly in the neighborhood of the prisoners grew in numbers and their rage in intensity ; captives were called by name and cheered, while epithets and curses were hurled at their captors. Hurrahs for "Jeff Davis" and shouts of "Damn the Dutch" were frequent and soon followed by missiles of dirt and stones. Revolvers were pulled on Lyon and Blair and other officers. All these indignities were patiently borne by Uio troops, until a drunken man tried to break through the ranks, and being pushed back, fired and wounded an officer. A few shots were now fired from Union soldiers, when the column was set in motion but soon halted again. Captain Rufus Saxton, at the head of the Regulars, was shot at three times, while the crowd around the man who shot, goaded him on, when the most aggressive man was struck down with the bayonet. The yells and general abuse continued around the long stretched column on several points. Company F, Third Volunteers, was guarding the western gate when a crowd of rowdies, cursing and swearing, began hostile demonstrations by abusing 234 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1801. fallouts, stone-thru wiiig and pistol shots, which killed one man and mortally wounded Captain Blandovski. Some one from the Union officers now connnanded "Fire/' which was repeated by several Companies. At the place where the worst assault was made, fifteen [persons were killed and a number womided, among them innocent spectators. The mob was firing on the rear of the column from both sides of the line, and in dispersing continued to fire on the troops, and it is here where most fatalities occurred. Many troopers fired high more to intimidate than to hurt, otherwise the fatalities would have been ten times their number. In the fusillade, which possibly might have been prevented by more forbearance and patience, and particularly by a timely clearing of the grounds, the innocent suffered with the guilty. Captain Constantine Blandovski of the Third A'^olunteers, was mortally wounded while his Company was standing at rest: a scion of Poland, he fell as so many of his co- patriots, on battlefields crimsoned in defense of popular rights. It seems to be the fate of the Niobe of nations that her sons should find honorable graves wherever liberty raises her banner. The firing was on Olive street and could not be seen from the positions of the Fourth Volunteers or First and Second Reserves. They only heard the bullets breal: through the top of the trees. The First Reserve did not even have the muskets loaded, but practiced the manual of "Charge Bayonets" as a notice of what ]:)ossil)ly may have to follow\ On his errand of kindness, W. T. Sherman reached the camp after the surrender ; he witnessed the shot fired by the man who tried to break through the ranks, and when firing commenced he and liis party threw themselves on the ground and afterwards run to a gully to protect his son. This circumstance is related by Sherman in his Memoires, in which he also says: The great mass of the people on that occasion were simply curious spectators, though men were sprinkled through the crowed calling out, "Hurrah for Jeff Davis," and others were particularly "abusive of the damned Dutch." It was lucky for Sherman and the Union that the bullets flew high w^here he stood, otherwise some brilliant pages of Ameri- can history would never have been written. The captives stood quietly between the files of Union troops : their behavior was manly and considerate. They did not encourage the demonstrative sympathizers, neither by word nor action. They were no doubt convinced of the uselessness of mob violence where TJii: War la Missouri. 235 tlicir own ornanizod efforts were of no avail. The cause of the shoot- iiiii was a lawless iiiolj spirit, which was here, as in every other in- stance, disgraceful, contemptible and not to be tolerated in any civ- ilized coninuiuity. Abbot writes in his History of the Civil War: General Frost surrendered; the line was formed with an advance and rear guard between which the prisoners stood, with a single file of soldiers on each flank. It was near sunset when the order to move was given. "An antipathy to the Germans, who composed a large proportion of the Home Guards, increased the bitterness with which the defeated rebels regarded the loyal soldiery. The crowd pressed thick and close upon the rear of the tioops. . . A few stones were thrown; a few pistol shots were heard; then suddenly a volley of rifles, then another, then another. Then min- gled with the sharp ring of the rifle rose the shrieks of women and children, as they rushed frantically from the scene, the crowd scattering in all directions. Some were struck with chance bullets as they ran. It is said there were twenty-five in all killed and wounded." •'For a whole hour the soldiers had received patiently and without retalia- tion a storm of vituperation and abuse from the mob. Emboldened by this impunity, the miscreants commenced throwing stones and at length pistol shots were fired and two of the soldiers fell. Forl)earance then became a crime, and the fire was returned." The episode of the firing at Camp Jackson after the surrender was variously commented upon, according the different party po- sition and the deficient informations, which the limited field of vision of witnesses could give. That it was wantonly provoked can be readily seen from the account of Thos. L. Snead, a devoted Se- cessionist, and at that time Secretary and Aide-de-Camp to Gov- ernor Jackson, who in his valuable work. "The Fight for Missouri."' on page 17]. writes: "The Militia having stacked their arms, were formed into line, and con- ducted out of the camp on their way to the Arsenal. They had moved but a short distance when they were halted, and kept standing on a line parallel with and a few yards from Olive street, which was occupied by Lyons' troops. During the halt which lasted several hours, great numliers of men, v.omen and children gathered around the prisoners and their captors. They were, of course, intensely agitated and as the excitement grew, began to jeer at and abuse "the Dutch Blackguard" (so-called in derision because one of "the German companies called itself "die Schwartze Garde"). Suddenly a few shots were fired and were followed almost immediately by volley after volley e.xtending in regular succession down the line of troops, until appar- ently a full Regiment had thus fired by company. Twenty-eight people lay dead and mortally wounded. Among them were three prisoners and an infant in the arms of its mother." 236 ^Vie Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. Another Confederate writer said: "It was there the blood of in- nocent men and women was shed by Lyon's troops without real cause." This is not just. The innocent people were mixed with a crowd of rowdies, who made a wanton attack upon the troops with invectives, stone-throwing and shooting, inflicting mortal wounds and trying to break through the ranks. At last the welcome order of ''Forward, March!" was given. At the head was a section of Artillery, followed by the Battalion of the First Reserve, next between the open ranks of the First Volunteers, the captives with their officers in front, followed by the Second Vol- unteers; the Battalion of the Second Reserves closing the rear. As the column passed down Olive street, doors and shutters were again slammed, if not already shut before; here and there a shout for "Jeff Davis" was heard in the distance, or a knit brow frowned down upon the marching troops, who had been on their legs since morn- ing, mthout food or refreshment of any kind, were fatigued but in good spirits, notwithstanding the gloom of the streets, the pris- oners and the frosty appearance of the houses. About midway down town, the column wheeled to the right, marched south to Chouteau avenue and east to Broadway. Already on Chouteau ave- nue sympathetic people gathered on the pavements. Union flags appeared and handkerchiefs were waved by the fair hands and the animation of the spectators increased block by block ; but when Broad- Avay or Carondelet avenue was reached, the enthusiasm of the hun- dreds and thousands on the sidewalks, at windows and on porches, knew no bounds; cheer after cheer was given, flowers thrown, all houses were decked with flags, until the whole avenue looked like a living sea with a big stream of glistening bayonets flowing south- ward. This was the crowning day of several months of unusual exertion and care, and it was the first great Union Success in the Civil M^ar. It gave St. Louis peace and settled the fate of Secession in Missouri. But for the rowdy element of the city, the day would not have been marred by the loss of a single life. The prisoners were housed in the Arsenal and guarded by the First Volunteers, all made as comfortable as possible; the Second Volun- teers marched to Marine Hospital, and the Reserves, after leaving the usual one Company to guard their respective armories and head- quarters, dispersed to their neighboring homes. Conditional Union men and many ultra conservatives found fault with the capture of Camp Jackson, because not all the men in the The War in Missouri. 237 camp were disloyal. No doubt many Union men were also mem- bers of the State Militia: but nearly all of them withdrew from the organization before or at the time of forming the camp, as for in- stance, Christ A. iStifel from the Missouri Dragoons, of which Com- pany Chas. A. Stifel was also a member; Bernard Laibold, J. N. Pritchard, Tony Niederwieser, F. M. Cornyn, Jacob Riseck, John S. Cavender, Jacob Melter, John B. Gray, Fred Schaefer, nearly all having been officers of the Militia, and many others, left on ac- count of the disloyal character of the camp or the spirit which char- acterized the Southwest Expedition preceding it. Captain Joseph Boyce, a Confederate officer, and a contemporary historical writer, who since held many offices of public trust, says: Most of the cap- tured entered the Confederate army, though some joined the Federal forces. The State flag which waved in Camp Jackson was carried to Memphis, and was always in front of the First Missouri Confed- erate Infantry during four years of the war; and Snead tells of the Second Regiment Militia, known as Minute Men, under Colonel Bowen, that: ''Not one of them proved false to the cause to which he pledged his faith." What cause? They had pledged themselves to support and obey the Governor of the State, Claiborne F. Jackson, and the commander of the camp. General D. M. Frost, both of w^hom were avowed Secessionists and enemies of the Union. For all these reasons and the obvious sound policy of removing the battlefield from the streets of St. Louis, the capture of Camp Jackson became an imperative duty. The following was the oath Avhich the Missouri State Militia had taken : "Swear that you will honestly and faithfully serve the State of Missouri against all her enemies, and that you will do your utmost to sustain the constitution and laws of the United States." "The utmost" which a Staterights Secessionist could do under the circumstances was not a perceptible quantity. For all that, it was difficult to understand General Frost's activity at the time. The Confederate writer, J. C. Moore, says about it: "General Frost was getting ready to take the Arsenal, but never (|uite succeeded in completing his preparations." Speaking of the surrender of Camp Jackson, the same writer asks: "Why did he put himself in a position to provoke an attack if he did not intend to fight? Why did he ask for siege guns to 238 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. roduce the Arsenal if he could not keep them when he got them? If he could not defend himself, why did he not retreat — why did he not take the Ai\senal before? He had the authority to do it." DAYS OF EXCITEMENT. The Third and Ffnu'th Regiments Volunteers and two Companies of Regulars were detailed to guard Camp Jackson, or rather to guard the war material which was stored there. This comprised many balls and bombs packed in ale barrels: Artillery pieces marked "Marble,'" invoiced via Iron ^lountain Railroad, which were recog- nized by L. I). Immels as being those with which he practiced under Totten at Little Rock before they were seized by the Secessionists; ''sixteen" inch brass mortars with a number of shells; three "thirty- two-pounders," with outfit. This was the heavy ordnance intended and sent by Jefferson Davis for the capture of the Arsenal, for stop- ping navigation and reducing Cairo. There were besides six brass field pieces,. 1,200 riffes, a large outfit of camp and pioneer utensils, tents, twenty-five kegs of powder and other material, all of which proved that tliis n)aterial was intended for war on a large scale, to be carried on with the assistance of the Confederate States. If there was comparative quiet in the Union quarters, the excite- ment in the center of town knew no bounds; crowds cheering Jeff Davis and the Secession flag and cursing the Union leaders and the "Dutch" surged from street to street ; scliemes were laid to mob the "Missouri Democrat" and the "Anzeiger des Westen" news- papers, and mobs started in that direction : it was, however, their good fortune that they were stopped by Captain McDonough with a strong police force, for the Union men were in large numbers at both places and fully prepared to give the mob a very warm re- ception. An indignation meeting was held at the Courthouse, at which the Secession sympathizers and State Rights schemers uttered the most violent speeches, some using expressions and threats below the dignity of decent men. No wonder that men without educa- tion or judgment were excited to a frenzy of rage and prone to commit atrocious deeds. According to Colonel Peckham, a dead German was found next morning on Market near Fifteenth; one on Clark avenue and Tenth, in the immediate vicinity of Turner Hall ; one on Franklin avenue and Seventh ; one shot in the breast on Chestnut and Sixth, and one maltreated on Ninth and Market, and John C. Moore says in his History: "Now and then a citizen Tlic ]V(if III MiMi/iiri. 239 uiulcr [hv (hirkiu'^^s of night was donv lo death in the street, and they who did the deed of l)lood Avere never discovered." When tlie Fifth Reserve Regiment nnder Lieutenant-Colonel Robert White returned on the 11th from its muster at the Arsenal, on northwest corner of Fifth and Walnut, it was attacked from the steps of the church, of which Scharf in the History of St. Louis writes: ''Large crowds were coUectetl on this corner, who hooted and hissed as the Companies passed, and one man standing on the step of tlie clnu'ch. fired a revolver into the ranks. A soldier fell dead, when two more shots were fired from the window's of the house near by. At this juncture the head of the column turned and fired along the street." 8ix men lay dead at different points and several were w^ounded. It Avas stated that by careless firing the soldiers killed some of their own men. The aggressive mob dispersed and the persons that caused the trouble were never brought to justice. In the meantime parole papers were made out at the Arsenal and when completed, all prisoners were placed on board of a ship and sent up town, in order to save them from the unpleasant pas- sage through the Union Wards of the city. They little appreciated this considerate measure, for as soon as they were away from shore they gave three cheers for Jefferson Davis. One of the prisoners, Captain Emmett McDonald, declined to be paroled. As there was danger of a "Habeas Corpus" act to be sworn out for him, he w^as taken over the same evening to Arsenal Island, and there kept nnder guard, but later on released. General Harney returned to St. Louis on May 11th. He found the city in the height of excitement, and was approached by con- servatives and Southern sympathizers to send the Home Guard out of town. Blair informed Harney that the Home Guard or Reserve troops, were enlisted for sersdce in the city only, and could not be sent out of town without their own consent. There was in reality no rational foundation for the spite against the Home Guards or Reserve Regiments, for at Camp Jackson they did not fire a shot and at Walnut and Broadway, the Fifth Re.sei-\'e only used their arms after they were shot at. The hatred against the Home Guard, Volunteers included, was rooted in nativistic and political animosity, mixed with .social, religious and temperance prejudices. ^h)st Home Guards were voters, naturalized citizens, or their descendants and their officers nearly all had seen military service in Europe. There was an apprehension, however, that they might retaliate for the many outrages eommitted on their friends and comrades. 240 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. iVs Rev. Galusha Anderson argued in his interesting book on that period, that the threats pronounced at the Courthouse meeting to go to the Southern wards, carry murder, arson and worse into the homes of the Dutch, might have struck the guilty conscience of the advocates of violence with just apprehensions. Under these circumstances it was not difficult for evil designed persons, to start on May 12th a panic in the center of town, with the assertion that the Home Guards or Reserve Regiments are prepar- ing for a raid to clean out the Secessionists. All at once a large por- tion of the residents in the middle of the city got on the move; vehicles of every sort were pressed into service ; a rush was made for steamboats and ferries, and the most ludicrous scenes were enacted in a panic, for which there seems to have been no foundation ; for the men in the Reserve Regiments were the substantial citizens of the Union Wards and the most law-abiding people of the community. Mayor Taylor, aware of the folly of the panic, quieted the fleeing crowd with the assurance that the Home Guards were loyal to their officers and did not endanger neither the life nor the property of peaceful inhabitants. Mayor Taylor's exertions, and the absence of every vestige of movement by Volunteer or Reserve troops, quieted the excited nerves, stopped the exodus and brought even those back who were unfortunate to get far away. General IJarney nevertheless moved the Regulars with some Artil- lery near to his headquarters on' Fourth, near Market street, placed two cannon in the street, and lodged the relieves in a livery stable near by, and issued the following apologetic proclamation : "Military Department of the West, St. Louis, May 12, 1861. "To the People of the State of Missouri and City of St. Louis. "I have just returned to this post, and have assumed the military com- mand of this Department. "No one can more deeply regret the deplorable state of things existing here than myself. The past can not be recalled. I can only deal with the present and the future. "I most anxiously desire to discharge the delicate and onerous duties de- volved upon me, so as to preserve the public peace. I shall carefully abstain from the exercise of any unnecessary powers, and from all interference with the proper functions of the public officers of the State and City. I, therefore, call upon the public authorities and the people to aid me in preserving the public peace. "The military force stationed in this Department by the authority of the Government, and now under my command, will only be used in the last ADOLPHUS BUSCH. Cori)()r;il :;(i V. S. Reserve Corps. .Missouri Volunteers. The War in Missouri. 241 resort, to preserve the pea(;e. I trust I may be spared the necessity of resort- ing to martial law, but the public peace must be preserved, and the lives and property of the people protected. Upon a careful review of my instructions, I find I have no authority to change the location of the Home Guards. "To avoid all cause of irritation and excitement, if called upon to aid the local authorities in preserving the public peace, I shall in preference make use of the Regular Army. "I ask the people to pursue their regular avocations, and to observe the laws, and orders of their local authorities, and to abstain from the excite- ments of public meetings and heated discussions. My appeal, I trust, may not be in vain, and 1 pledge the faith of a soldier to the earnest discharge of my duty. "Wm. S. Habney, "Brig. Gen. U. S., Commanding Department." What did General Harney regret? The capture of Camp Jackson? The organization of a Union host which secured peace to St. T.ouis? The recovery of United States property, cannon, mortars and ammu- nition, seized from United States Arsenals, by the enemies of the Union, and sent to a treacherous Governor, to enable him to levy war upon the United States? It was sad that by chance some innocent people were shot in retaliation for an uncalled for, useless and das- tardly attack ; but, could Harney not realize that a few more energetic and timely acts like that of the capture of Camp Jackson would have saved to our people, North and South, half a million of lives and untold misery? When General Harney again assumed command in St. Uouis on May nth. he found himself confronted with a changed condition of affairs; when he left for Washington April 20, there were less than 500 Regulars at the St. Louis Arsenal and a stronger body of Seces- sionists in town; when he returned on May 11, all the Secessionists were captives and ten thousand Union men, well organized and offi- cered, were at his command. Never during the whole war had a Union General a more brilliant chance to make a short and victorious campaign against the sprouting Secessionism of the State. It was a chance similar to the one which General Dufour improved, when in the course of a short three weeks in 1847, he vanquished and disarmed the seven Secession Cantons of Switzerland. But Harney failed to improve tlie occasion, and the two weeks he still remained in com- mand were disastrous to the Union cause, as he gave an utterly dis- comfited enemy time to organize his resistance. This is all the more incomprehensible, as Harnev appreciated the treasonable character 242 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. of Camp Jackson, and eould not possibly be blind to the Secession proclivities of Governor Jackson. In a letter which Harney wrote to General Scott on May 18, he approved Captain Lyon's conduct in capturing Camp Jackson, and on May 14 he published a proclama- tion to the people of Missouri, in which he called the Military Bill "an indirect Secession Ordinance in conflict with the Constitution and laws of the United States, . . . not by any means to be obeyed by the people of Missouri" and "the whole power of the United States would, if necessary, be exerted to maintain the State in her present position in the Union." Harney referred in that proclamation to the proofs of the treasona- ble character of Camp Jackson ; to "Davis" Avenue and "Beauregard" street ; to the Minute Men wearing the uniform of the Southern Con- federacy ; to the arms and cannon unlawfully taken from Baton Rouge and sent to the Camp by Jefferson Davis, and concludes that within the scope of his command, "the supreme law of the land must and shall be maintained," and adds, "I shall deem it my duty to suppress all unlawful combinations of men, whether formed under pretext of military organization or otherwise." Harney also asked the Government for 10,000 stand of arms, to issue to reliable Union men and asks the Governors of Iowa and Minnesota, who were also in the Department of the West, to send him 9,000 men, to be em- ployed in Missouri. Instead of improving his time and moving with the ample force of about 7,000 into the State, leaving 3,000 in St. Louis, he wasted the precious moments. SECESSIONIST WAR MEASURES. While the Union troops in St. Louis were marching on Camp Jack- son, the Legislature in Jefferson City held a secret session, considering first of all the Governor's recommendations relative to the Military Bill, which was only oj^posed by the few decided Union members. In the afternoon, Governor Jackson hastily entered the House of Repre- sentatives and informed the members that L^^on had captured the State troops at Camp Jackson. The news created an excitement as if lightning had struck the hall ; but the Secessionist members proved equal to the emergency, and after a brief and bitter burst of abuse, heaped upon Lyon, Blair and the Dutch, took up the Military Bill, smothered all suggested amendments and passed it in both Houses ; ten thousand dollars were appropriated to cultivate the friendship of The ]V(ir ill J//n.s'oi(/v'. 243 the Indians in the Territory; one million was Ixirrowcd t'roin llic Banks, and bonds for another million decrei>d for the absolnte use of the Governor, whose powers were enlarged to ccjual tliosc of any despot; the semi-annual interest money was diverted to military uses. and the School Fund seized for the same purpose. The few rnioii members were pow'erless, the measures receiving an almost unanimous vote. Some acts had little practical bearing upon immediate events, such as the purchase of foundries for the casting of cannon, or of real estate for armories and factories of arms and of constructing a State road to Arkansas; but all these measures proved that the State authorities sized up their prospective difficulties. Before adjourning on the 15th, the Legislature requested the Governor to call out the Militia. One of the few stanch Union members of the Legislature, James Peckham, from St. Louis, graphically dcscril)es the scenes in that Legislature, on the eve of May 10. 1861. "Nearly every individual was armed, some with many more weapons than others. Members in their seats were surrounded by guns of every descrip- tion, some leaning against desl; j)atr()l of May 17, gathered from Police Head- (juarters and the Tol)ac*c'o warehouse, hundreds of rifles, two cannon and other war material. Partisan outrages were at this time reported from all sides in Mis- souri, and Harney, possibly with the best intentions, yielded to the suggestions of his Southern friends and invited General Price to a conference on May 21, which measure seems to have been planned by the Secessionists for the sole purpose of gaining time. By the agreement made at this conference, the Union men of the State were loft to the tender mercies of the Secession Goternor and his Militia, while Harney promised to keep the Union forces in their present positions until the Courts decide upon the constitutionality of the Military Bill. Harney evidently forgot the proverb that "Time and Tide wait for no man." The public was notified of the adopted agreement by Harney's proclamation : To THE Peoplp: of the State of Missouri. "I take great pleasure in submitting to you the following paper, signed by General Price, commanding the forces of the State, and by myself on the part of the Government of the United States. It will be seen that the united forces of both governments, are pledged to the maintenance of the peace of the State, and the defense of the rights and the property of all persons without distinction of party. This pledge, which both parties are authorized and empowered to give by the governments which they represent, will be by both most religiously and sacredly kept, and if necessary to put down evil disposed persons, the military powers of both governments will be called out to enforce the terms of the honorable and amicable agreement which has been made. I. therefore, call upon all persons in this State to observe good order, and respect the rights of their fellow-citizens, and give them the assurance of protection and security in the most ample manner." "Wm. S. Harney. "Brigadier General Commanding." The Harney-Price agreement in brief declared above the signature of both Generals, a solemn determination of the proper authorities, which jiiiist have meant United States and State, to suppress all unlawful proceedings (an expression which left the greatest latitude for construction to each ) . but Price was to maintain order within the State, while Ilanicy ))ublicly declares, that under those circum- stances, he has no wish and can have no occasion, to make military movements. There wa.>^ a hope attached "that the unquiet elements which have threatened so seriously to disturb the public peace may soon subside, and be icnKMiibcrcd otdy to be deplored." 248 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. This was a surrender of the State to the Secessionists, and a blame for the capture of Camp Jackson, which Harney himself had approved after his return to St. Louis on May 11, and the char- acter of which camp he had pronounced as treasonable. It is also, very suggestive with regard to the ethical worth of this agreement that it was made about the date fixed by Governor Jackson in a letter to David Walker, President of the Arkansas Secession Convention, upon which date Missouri would secede "if Arkansas will only get out of the way, and give her a free passage." Could this strange introduction to a still stranger document be countenanced by the authority of the Government of the United States, which already four days earlier appointed Lyon Brigadier General, and gave Frank P. Blair discretionary power to suspend Harney? The State of Missouri, party of the first part, and the United States, party of the second part, treat as sovereign States upon the same footing. This is a virtual acknowledgement of the right of Secession, while the agreement would not have protected Union people out in the State, nor Secessionists in the City. It was an entirely one-sided agreement, as the Southern sympathizers would have continued to build up their organizations, while General Harney himself would have, ''upon the honor of a soldier," faithfully kept his promise, until the other side had troops enough to defeat him in St. Louis. General Price certainly was convinced that the agreement with Harney was binding on the latter, for when he arrived in Jefferson City he sent the troops and men from other Military Districts home to their respective Commanders, to be embodied in their local organizations. Had he anticipated an early attack by the Federal Army, he would have probably concentrated every available man at Jefferson City, and defended the very strong line of the Missouri and Osage rivers. Characteristic of the unsettled condition of the times which influenced even men of unusual power, is a private letter of President A. Lincoln, to F. P. Blair, relative Harney's Command: "Washington. D. C, May 18, 1861. Hon. F. p. Bi,air. - "My Dear Sir: W^e have a good deal anxiety here about St. Louis. I under- stand an order has-gone from the War Department to you to be delivered or withheld in your discretion, relieving General Harney from his command. I was not quite satisfied with the order, when it was made, though on the The War in Missouri. 249 whole, I thought it best to make it ; but since then I have become more doubt- ful of its propriety. I do not write now to countermand it, but to say, I wish you would withhold it. unless in your judgment, the necessity to the contrary is very urgent. There are several reasons for this. We better have him a friend than an enemy. It will dissatisfy a good many, who otherwise would be quiet. More than all, we first relieve him, then restore him, and now if we relieve him again, the public will ask, 'Why all this vacillation?' "Still, if in your judgment, it is indispensable, let it be so. "Yours very truly, "Private." "A. Ltncolx." After a conversation with General Lyon, Blair made up his mind not to suspend Harney, unless absolutely necessary, but the ominous agreement of Harney with Price convinced the members of the Safety Committee that the Union cause was seriously threatened by the very acts of its own Commander. General Harney might have had the best intentions, but the consequences of his actions would have been disastrous, and in a letter of- May 22, the Committee of Safety made a most earnest and exhaustive report, together with cer- tain recommendations to President Lincoln on the conditions of affairs in St. Louis. Voicing the sentiments of the Union men, the Committee charged the State authorities and a majority of the Legislature with abetting the seceded States in their attempt to overthrow the Government of the United States. They referred to Governor Jackson's insulting denial to furnish troops to put down the rebellion ; to his message to the extra session of the Legislature, in which he pointed out Mis- souri's duty in case of a separation of the States, to side ^^'ith the seceders and of his strenuous attempt to arm the people of Missouri, in order to get the State into a fit condition for resistance against the Union ; the Committee directed attention to the recent iniquitous legislation, which by honest and dishonest means, diverted the funds of the State and the School Fund, to the single object of arming the State, when .«he had no enemy to contend witli unless she chose to make an enemy of the Federal Governm^tances at last induced Col. Blair on May iiOth to sus- ])in(l Harney by handing him the order from Washington. The Utter of the Committ^ of Safety from the 22nd May had at least the effect in Washington, to elicit an order from L. Thomas. Ad- jutant General to Gen. Harney, in which he was seriously re- minded of his duties in dealing with the disaffected elements in his 'This report, spread by the Secessionists, proved false, for reliable infor- mation was received later that John Ross, Chief of the Cherokees, had issued on May 17th a proclamation of neutrality, in order to save his nation from the ravages of war. 252 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. command, and in which he was told that the authority of the United States is paramount. This letter, dated Washington, May 27th, '61, evidently reached Gen. Harney the day of his suspension. In his letter to the President of May 30th, Fr. Blair gives account of the circumstances and motives of his action, for serving the order of suspeasion on General Harney; vindicating the capture of Camp Jackson; also Lyons correct and logical intention of following up that success, by clearing the State of all hostile elements, but in which Lyon was prevented by Harney's reinstatement in command, stopping every advance, and also by Harney's agreement with Gen- eral Price. Blair wrote that he waited to see whether any good would come from that agreement, but matters grew worse, only Secessionists being protected by it; so he delivered to Harney the order of his suspension (dated May 16) on the thirtieth of May. He, Blair, had information from many reliable men, that under the Harney- Price agreement, the Secession forces were energetically organizing and importing arms from Arkansas, and if that is permitted much longer, the State will be virtually handed over to the rebellion. He had in vain reported these affairs to General Harney, who only answered, "I will tell Price about it," to which Price usually gave Harney evasive answers. Thus Blair was convinced that Harney's removal was absolutely necessar}^ and that the Union forces in Missouri should be largely increased. The letter suspending Gen. Harney from the command in Missouri, was accompanied by a letter from Montgomery Blair to Harney, stating the reasons for such suspension ; these were chiefly the political status of Harney's relatives in St. Louis. M. Blair held that it was impossible for "men whose lives are at stake, they say, to be satisfied with the command of one, whose intimates are openly against them ; the order should not be deemed by you or by others, to reflect upon your loyalty." However the great majority of the Union people of St. Louis, had no faith in General Harney's loyalty, and even the most liberal minded, did not think that his capacity was adequate to the very difficult situation. But in justice to General Harney, it must be acknowledged that there is ample proof which places his Union fealty above all reason- able suspicion. An admirer of Gen. Jackson, he faithfully served his country against the Indians. During the critical days in the spring of 1861, he told President Buchanan, "some one has your The War in Missouri. 253 ear, who is neither a friend of the Union nor of yours," and Scharf re- lated that in a letter to Col. John O'Fallon, he eloquently proclaimed his devotion to the flag under which he had fought for forty years and warmly implores his fellow citizens ''not to be seduced by de- signing men, to become the instruments of their mad ambition, by plunging the State into the vortex of Secession;" he also wrote: "The soldiers and citizens primary duty is due to the United States government and not to the government of his State." CHAPTER IX. LYON IN COMMAND. LIMITED MEANS. The removal of Harney gave great satisfaction to the Union men. At this time the newl}^ organized force under Lyon's command con- sisted of : First Regiment A^ohmteers, Colonel Blair 1,220 men Second Regiment Volunteers, Colonel Boernstein 1,128 men Third Regiment Volunteers, Colonel Sigel 1,103 men Fourth Regiment A^^olunteers, Colonel Schuettner 1,027 men Fifth Regiment Volunteei's, Colonel Solomon 926 men Artillery Battalion, Major Backoff 253 men Pioneer Company,' Captain Voerster 120 men First Regiment U. S. Reserve Corps, Col. Almstedt 1,195 men Second Regiment U. S. Reserve Corps, Col. Kallmann. . . 736 men Third Regiment U. S. Reserve Corps, Col. McNeil 839 men Fourth Regiment U. S. Reserve Corps, Col. B. Gratz Brown 1,169 men Fifth Regiment U. S. Reserve Corps. Col. Stifel 1,014 men 10,730 The first Reserve had one company of Cavalry under Captain J. Melter, which did useful service as orderlies to Lyon and Sigel. In his report dated June 6th, Lyon states his Brigade consists of the five Regiments of Missouri Volunteers: one Battalion of Artil- lery; one Company. of Sappers and Miners and one Company of Rifles. Lyon reports the five Regiments of United States Reserve Corps, to be under the command of Capt. T. "\V. Sweeney, appointed by Gen. Harney on May 20th as Brigadier General of that body. Field officers of that body cannot recollect that SAveeney was ever elected, nor that he was ever confirmed from Washington. As Sweeney marched with his company of Regulars to the Southwest, and according Lyon's own statement of the Reserves: "They were (254) Ljion in Command. "i")") sworn into i^ervice upon the condition that they were not to l)e called to perform duty outside of the county of St. Louis," Sweeney's Bri«;adier api)ointnient seems to have been only for the purpose to give an authority to a Regular OfKcer, for which there was no war- rant in law. or necessity in practice. Memorable in this report, is the special notice Lyon gives to the members of his staff, of whom he names seven. Although more than four-fifths of Lyon's com- mand were foreign born citizens or their sons, many of whom were men of merit and military experience, and not one of tlicni was on his staff. Following the example of St. Louis, more than 200 eoiiii»anies of Home Guards organized all over the State. These organizations took a firm root in the northern tier of counties, also in St. Joseph, Kan- sas Gity, Hannibal, Springfield; in the counties near St. Louis and the middle of the State; in the small centers of trade and manufac- ture along the railroads and wherever a large German popula- tion predominated. There was quite a strong aggregation of Union men in the counties around Springfield in the Southwest. These companies generally started spontaneously for self and home pro- tection, in which they were most effective and occasionally did quite valuable field service. It is only natural that persons of the same political faith when surrounded by hostile elements, should heed the golden adage: "In Union there is strength," and as circum- stances admit, form more or less compact organizations for mutual protection. The pressure for arms, aid and affiliation with the United States military in St. Louis, came from these outside Union people and was forwarded to Washington with the strongest possible recommendation, for using this opportunity to increase the Union forces in Missouri, and for this purpose President Lincoln authorized General Lyon to arm these companies, though they were not regularly mustered into the service of the United States. About this time. 0. D. Filley, chairman of the Safety Committee, issued a circular calling upon all Union men in the State to form a great Union party, from all elements favoring the maintenance of the Union. The object was mutual protection by association and also to facilitate local information from all parts of the State. This circular reconniiended for sparsely settled districts, the enrollment of all I'liion men on lists. While all the.se .suggestions do not .seem to have had an immediate effect except in a limited way. thev mav have 256 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. originated the idea of the enrolled Missouri Militia of Governor Gamble in later years and certainly assisted in the formation of local Home Guards. There was little organic connection be- tween these scattered companies, and their services were most valuable in their immediate vicinities. They aided the growth and consolidation of the Union elements in the State, restricted mar- auding bands of Secessionists to isolated districts, prevented to some extent the intimidation and terrorization of citizens, though often many had to flee on short notice from house to house and hide in the bush to escape captivity or annihilation. The heroism, perseverance and fealty to conviction of our Missouri country population deserves unstinted praise, and will long remain a theme for romance ; nor can it be denied that many similar incidents and sufferings can truthfully be told of the votaries of antagonistic political convictions. The following list of companies, taken from public records, though not complete, speaks for itself: Home Guard Organi- zation in State. Adair Co r Benton Co Boonville . . . Brookfield Caldwell Co Cape Girardeau Carondelet Cass County Clinton Cole Co Dallas Co De Soto Douglass Co Fifteenth Reg't, / U. S. R. C \ Franklin Co Fremont Rangers Fourteenth Reg't } Lexington .... \ Gasconade Co Gasconade Co Gentry Co Greene Co CO o c c5 Oh 1 1 6 3 1 1 4 1 1 1 11 4 1 1 l§ 57 99 May May 606 June 351 August 87 June 56 June 326 June 127 June 76 July 91 June 870 June 364 June 85 June 77 July 325 June 500 June 552 July 130 July 473 June 316 June 530 June 89 June Headquarters. i Adair Co. •] Kirksville on N. M. ( R. R. Cole Camp. Cooper Co. , Mo. Pac. R. R. Linn Co. , H. & St. Joe R. R. Kingston, H. & St. JoeR. R. C. G. Co. St. Louis Co. Pleasant Hill, Mo. Pac. R. R. Henry Co. Jefferson City, Mo.Pac.R.R. Buffalo. Jefferson Co., I. M. R. R. Vera Cruz. jPolk Co. Washington, Mo. Pac. R. R. Cape Girardeau. Lafayette Co. Hermann, Mo. Pac. R. R. Hermann, Mo. Pac. R. R. Albany. Springfield. Lij<))i III Command. 257 Home Guard Organi- zation in State. Greene and Christian Co. Harrison Co Johnson Co Knox Co Lawrence Co Lewis Co Lexington Livingston Marion Co Moniteau Co Nodaway Co Osage Co Osage Reg't and Hickory Co. . Ozark Co Pacific Battalion, St. Louis Co. Pettis Co 7 •I 6 I 1 i 1 1 2 1 7 6 17 2 6 1 Phelps Co 2 Pike Co Pilot Knob Potosi Putnam Co Putnam Co St. Louis Co., I Sappers & Miners, [- 2 J. D. Voerster. . . . ' St. Louis Co., / 1 Anton Gerster. ... \ . St. Louis Co., / j ■, Edward Krausnick i St. Charles Co 12 Scott Co 4 Shawnee Town, / , Putnam Co. ... \ Shelby Co 1 Shibley's Point 1 Stone Co 6 Stone Prairie, Barry Co. 1 Sullivan Co 2 Webster Co 7 Springfield and Ozark. Bethany. \ Eleven companies not re- / ported, Warrensburg. Edina. Mt. Vernon. Lewis Co. Lafayette Co. Chillicothe,H. &St.JoeR.R. Marion Co. Tipton, Mo. Pac. R. R. Maryville. Linn, Mo. Pac. R. R. Hermitage. Ozark Co. \ Franklin or Pacific / Mo. Pac. R. R. June Sedalia, Mo. Pac. R. R. \ June & Rolla. S. W. Br. R. R. / July Frisco. 580 May & June Hannibal, H. &St. JoeR. R. 99 June Iron Co., L M. R. R. 75 July Washington Co., L M. R. R. 58 May Unionville. 59 August Unionville. 627 483 41 74 67 207 62 466 540 210 316 92 123 53 1295 335 84 70 68 537 43 135 750 June July May June August June June June July June 1656 July June June 233 May St. Louis. 55 August St. Louis. August jSt. Louis. July St. Charles, N. Mo. R. R. May Benton, C & F. R. R. July Unionville. July Shelbina, H. &St. JoeR.R. June Adair, N. Mo. R. R. May Galena. June Cassville. June Milan. July Marshfield. Aggregate 203 17,058| In a subsequent letter of Montgomery Blair to Frank Blair June 4, 1861, he expresses the conviction that there will be an invasion of Missouri from Arkansas. He also indorses the extension of McClel- 258 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. laii's Coiiiinniid over Missouri, which many thouiiht to have been a grave error and which it no doubt was. judging it from a military standpoint. Mr. Blair gives a statesman's reason for the joining of Missouri to McClellan's Department, namely, that this measure will remove from the mind of such Union men in Missouri who do not like Frank P. Blair, the idea that the movement of I^nion troops here were dictated by mere partisanship, and adds : "This is a feeling that I see colors the course of things in Missouri. It is not so much disunion as hostility to the Republicans, which gives Jackson's clique power. Now, whilst I am anxious that the Union feeling in the State should come to the Republicans (and it will eventually do so), you must be careful at present, as far as possible, not to arrest the Union feeling by making it too visibly your property. I see that you have acted with this be- fore you in giving Lyon the position of General, and not taking it yourself. It is a full justification and vindication of you that Harney, after denouncing the Military bill as unconstitutional, proceeded to treat with Price, acting under its authority, who did not, of course, keep faith, but proceeded at once to play out the game intended by the bill itself. "Montgomery Blair." To divest the Union movement in Si. Louis and Missouri from its partisan Republican coloring was extremely sound policy : for. while every Republican was a Union man, not every Union man was a Republican. But as the armed contest grew out of the political one, the heated political campaigns of the immediate past naturally induced every Democrat to side at lirst with his recent partisan bed- fellows, and, while every Secessionist was a Democrat, not every Democrat was a Secessionist, not even in the Southern States, far less in the Border States, and only exceptionally in the Free States. So that while the sympathies of most Democrats were at first with the South, the ''rule or ruin" policy of that section and the hostile armed attacks of Secession leaders and troops, sobered many Democrats up, and they soon filled the ranks of Union Regiments. A striking ex- ample of this was given by the population of Irish descent. Their stronghold in St. Louis was the Ninth Ward, also the most Demo- cratic Ward; in the spring of 1861 it was an acknowledged menace to every Union man. A very small number of Irishmen joined the first ten Union Regiments; in fact, there Avere Regiments in which there was not a single one. But as soon as the first events revealed the true spirit of parties, they forsook the cause of the slave-owners and joined tlie Union armies. This is not astonishing, for Lijon in Command. 259 the Catholic religion disc(>iiiit(Miarts of the State several thou-^^and Home Guards, well armed and equipped: the Iowa regi- ments of Bates and Curtis on the northern frontier of the State, and troops concentrating al (^uincy. Alton and Cairo. To th(>se. they 260 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. held, the State could only oppose one thousand poorly armed men and six pieces of Artillery, and no money. Coming events do not bear out this estimate. Governor Jackson could count upon a large contingent of excellent marksmen, who, as pioneers of the West, were better inured to camp life, and were more used to the rifle than the Union troops of Missouri, who mostly hailed from the cities. Besides this, the above estimate of the Confederates is misleading, for the Home Guards in the State were mostly available only in their immediate neighborhood, their arms were mostly poor and they had no equipment for field service, and the troops in north Missouri were absorbed by the needs of that locality. MOVES FOR TIME AND POSITION. When General Price learned of the removal of Harney and succes- sion of Lyon, he sent publicly an order to the commanders of the districts, stating that w^hile he and the Governor were desirous to carry out the Price-Harney agreement, and await the decision of the Missouri State Convention, he had apprehensions General Lyon w^ould force the issue, by the terror of a military invasion, which ought to be resisted to the last extremity ; that he himself intended to prevent such an outrage, and that a million of Missourians could not be subjugated. In order to go sure in the matter. General Price issued at the same time secret orders to the Brigadiers, urging them to hasten the organization of troops in their districts and to fit them out for immediate active service. The commanders were ordered to have State flags prepared of blue merino, with the gilt arms of the State upon them. Similar reflections induced Governor Jackson, on June 1st, to have the army and workshops of the State removed to Boon- ville, considering that that point was more central to the Secession sympathizers, while Jefferson City had a large Union and German population. Price was in hopes to be able to hold Boonville and the upper Missouri River, until the Confederate States could send an army to his support. In the meantime conservative men persuaded Governor Jackson and General Price to have an interview with Gen- eral Lyon, for the purpose of avoiding a conflict with the United States troops and authority. General Lyon consented, and issued on June 8th, to Governor Jackson and General Price, a letter grant- ing safe conduct to St. Louis and return to Jefferson City, up to the Lyon in Command. 261 12tli of June, for the purpose of discussing the troubles in Mis- souri. The parties met at the Planters House, on June 11th, name- ly: Governor Jackson, General Price, Thomas L. Snead, the Gov- ernor's private secretary; Colonel Frank P. Blair, General Lyon and his adjutant. Major Connant. Governor Jackson professed a desire for peace, without troops on either side, and said: "The United States Troops nuist leave the State and not enter it. and he would disband his own troops, and then we should certainly have peace." General Price held that his course was in perfect harmony with his and General Harney's conceptions, and that he had made no agree- ment whatever with General Harney about the enforcement or carry- ing out of the Military Bill. At tihs point a memorandum was read by Lyon, in which Harney asks Price to review the features of the bill and discover some means by which its action may be suspended until a competent tribunal shall decide upon its validity. Harney in this memorandum refers to the oath of allegiance to the State of Missouri, without recognizing the existence of the Government of the United States, and secondly to the express requirements, by which troops within the State not organized under the provisions of the Military Bill, are to be disarmed by the State Guards. On the bottom of this memorandum was an N.B. — ''Read to General Price in the presence of Major H. L. Turner, on the evening of the 21st of May." General Price said he did not remember hearing the paper read; he said Hitchcock and H. L. Turner were to see him, but he did not see or hear of such a paper. Price insisted further that no armed bodies of L^nited States troops should pass through or be stationed in the State, as such Avould occasion civil Avar; that Missouri must be neutral , and neither side should arm. Governor Jackson to give protection to Union men and to disband his State Troops. To this General Lyon remarked, that if the government withdrew its forces, measures would be resorted to for providing arms and perfecting organizations, which upon any pretext could put forth a formidable opposition ; combinations would be formed to drive out loyal citizens, which the government could not protect if its forces could not be brought into the State, and a force could be brought into the State to carry out the Secession program. The Government could not shrink from its duties nor abdicate its rights. If the Governor would earnestly set about to maintain the peace of the State and resist out- 262, The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. rages< upon loyal citizens, repress insurrection, and in case of violent combinations call upon the United States troops for assistance, the government purpose would be subserved and the rights and dignity of the State not infringed. When the verbal conference failed, which was a foregone conclu- sion. Governor Jackson still sought to gain more time and proposed to continue the consultation through correspondence, which was declined. General Lyon stating that their views were too widely apart and it would lead to nothing ; but he proposed that each one should briefly put down his views and they should be published. Governor Jackson was not disposed to agree to this. Gereral Lyon reminded the Governor that heretofore Missouri had the fostering care of the Fed- eral Government, but l)y the failure of the chief executive to comply with constitutional requirements, she will be made to feel its power. Blair's more diplomatic arguments were from the beginning super- seded by Lyon's more direct statements, and after a conference of nearly five hours, it became evident that conceptions of right and wrong were too divergent to admit a common basis for agreement. After this became manifest, according to Thomas L. Snead, the Gov- ernor's secretary, who was present during the entire conference, Lyon, still in his seat, spoke slowly and with peculiar emphasis: "Rather than concede to the State of Missouri the right to demand that my government shall not enlist troops within her limits, or bring troops into the State whenever it pleases, or move its troops at its own will into, out of or through the State ; rather than concede to the State of Missouri, for one single instant, the right to dictate to my government in any matter, however unimportant, I would (rising as he said this, and pointing in turn to every one in the room) see you, and you, and you, and you, and you, and every man woman and child in this State, dead and buried." Turning to the Governor, he said: "This means war. In an hour one of my officers will call for you and conduct you out of my lines." With these words Lyon left the room without further ceremony. There never was a plausible basis for this conference. The Governor considered, or at least publicly professed. Camp Jackson to be a legitimate State military camp, and Lyon captured it as a nucleus of a Secession army; the Governor considered the Federal Government a military despotism, while every fiber in General Lyon was loyal to the Union and in sympathy with the aims of the administration : the Governor Lyon in Comuumd. 263 holievc'd in llic riuht, and for Missouri as a slave state, even in the lionoraMe ol»li,uation of Secession, while General Lyon held and was in duty l>ound to hold diametrically opposite convictions. Under such eireunistanees there was no chance for an agreement. There seems to he only one explanation for this conference. Gov- ernor .Taekson must have become aware that the Federal coumiander coiiiciiiiihitcd to uKikc a forward movement into the State very soon. WhiK' neither side was quite ready, Governor Jackson certainly needed the time most, and it is therefore fair to credit him with this scheme, to deter the armed conflict. After the conference broke up. Governor Jackson and General Price s|)eed(Ml back to .Jefferson City, and resolved while .still on train to destroy the large bridges over the Gasconade and Csage Riv- ers; not as great military leaders had formerly done on the line of their own ivtreat. but on the line of the advance of the Union host. HOSTILITIES COMMENCE. (Governor .Jackson and (general Price arrived at Jeffer.'^on City at '1 a. 111. on the Pith. Fir.st of all General Price ordered the telegraph wiles cut: next he sent Captain Kelly with a company and proper tools, post haste, to destroy the bridges. Kelly's attempt to blow up the draw of the (nisconade bridge failed: the torch being applied the draw fell into the river. On returning, the same party burned the west span of the Osage bridge. The state officers at Jefferson City were in great haste to pack their important documents for the pros])ective flight from the capital, while Suead, the Governor's Secre- tary, was hai'd at work all night on the governor's ]iroclamation, which went to press soon after daylight. \\"\\\\ this i)roelaiiiatiou (iovernor -hiekson tried to intluence the mulecided portion of the c<»nnnunil\'. hy shifting the blame of unjust aggre.'^sion upon the Fedi-ral authority, which design was favored by the circumstance thai Missouri slave owners had a i)ecuniary interest in conunon with the .-eeeded states, and. besides this, most of her native citizens were of ;^ou(hern extraction, had friends and relatives in the South, many of tlu'iii weri' reared in the South and looked upon the ''peculiar in- stitution" as being approved even by religion. Resides this, ultra consei'vative men from the Xorth and the South wanted peace at any price, and did not see that pnlilic opinion at the \orlh had divergiMl 264 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. from that at the South to an extent that either Slavery or the Union had to cease. Although Governor Jackson had repeatedly declared that Missouri must join her fate with the South and support the se- ceded States, he still was in hopes, first to organize and arm the State under the mask of neutrality. When this intention was foiled, he tried to make the best of the situation by open war measures, such as the burning of the bridges, and the following proclamation : "To THE People of Missouri: "A series of unprovoked and unparalleled outrages have been inflicted upon the peace and dignity of this Commonwealth, and upon the rights and liberties of its people, by wicked and unprincipled men, professing to act under the authority of the United States Government. The solemn enactments of your Legislature have been nullified; your volunteer soldiers have been taken prisoners; your commerce with your sister States has been suspended; your trade with your own fellow-citizens has been, and is, subjected to the haras- sing control of an armed soldiery; peaceful citizens have been imprisoned without warrant of law; unoffending and defenseless men, women and children have been ruthlessly shot down and murdered; and other unbearable indig- nities have been heaped upon your State and yourselves. After this eloquent introduction, which misconstrued the dire ne- cessities of the Federal authority. Governor Jackson extolls his own patience; his desire to maintain peace through the Price-Harney agreement ; relates the disavowal of that arrangement by the Federal Government and the recall of General Harney, which he calls a dismissal; refers to the interview with Lyon and Blair (which has been previously related in this work) , and terminates his proclama- tion with the following high-sounding appeal: "Now, therefore, I, C. F. Jackson, Governor of the State of Missouri, do, in view of the foregoing facts, and by virtue of the powers vested in me by the Constitution and laws of this Commonwealth, issue my proclamation, calling the militia of the State, to the number of fifty thousand, into the active service of the State, for the purpose of repelling said invasion, and for the protection of the lives, liberty and prosperity of the citizens of this State. "And I earnestly exhort all good citizens of Missouri to rally under the flag of their State for the protection of their endangered homes and firesides, and for the defense of their most sacred rights and dearest liberties. "In issuing this proclamation, I hold it to be my solemn duty to remind you that Missouri is still one of the United States; that the Executive De- partment of the State Government does not arrogate to itself the power to disturb that relation; that that power has been wisely vested in a conven- tion, which will at the proper time express your sovereign will; and that meanwhile it is your duty to obey all constitutional requirements of the Lyon in Oommand. 265 Federal Government. But it is equally my duty to advise you that your first allegiance is due to your own State, and that you are under no obligation whatever to obey the unconstitutional edicts of the military despotism which has enthroned itself at Washington, nor to submit to the infamous and de- grading sway of its wicked minions in this State. No brave and true-hearted Missourian will obey one or submit to the other. Rise, then, and drive out ignominiously the invaders who have dared to desecrate the soil which your labors have made fruitful, and which is consecrated by your homes. "Given under my hand as Governor and under the great seal of the State of Missouri, at Jefferson City, this twelfth day of .June, 1861. "By the Governor, "Claiborne F. Jackson. "B. F. Massey, "Secretary of State." Hide it as lie may, the Governor could not cover up his sinister intentions, even by the words of his own proclamation ; for, divested of its verbiage calculated to potentiate the State right notions and partisan prejudices of the people, he would permit the United States troops to occupy St. Louis only, the balance of the State would be left to his discretion, and he would call United States troops when he thought necessary, which emergency, considering the Governor's disposition, would never arise. The Governor had calculated that, even if he should fail to carry Missouri into the Southern Confeder- acy, the State should at least remain a neutral wedge between the States of Illinois, Iowa, Kansas and Arkansas, permitting the Seceded States west of the ]\Ii.ssissippi to use their forces towards the Ohio and the I^ast. Nothing, however, shows the flagrant inconsistency of Gov- ernor Jackson more than his sudden change in the appreciation of measures and men. On the 11th of June he treats with the rep- resentatives of the Federal Government about terms, as he avers, to pacify Missouri, and next day, namely on the 12th of June, he proclaims the Federal authority " a military despotisjn which hus enthroned itself at Washington," and he calls Lyon and Blair, with whom he had treated for terms on the preceding day, "wicked min- ions of that despotism." The Governor's proclamation of the 12th gravely reflects on his sincerity on the 11th. Considering the un- deniable treason of Governor Jackson in sending his agents wilh letters to Jefferson Davis to secure cannon and mortars for the in- tended reduction of the United States Ar.'^enal at St. Louis; con- sidering his promi.^e made on April 19th to David Walker, President of the Ai'kansas Convention, that Missouri will he readv for Secession 266 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. in less than thirty days; considering the Governor's appointment of violent Secessionists as Major and Brigadier generals of the Militia, and also his letter to Tucker — all his sophisms lose every vestige of moral force. l^esides the proclamation, telegrams, letters and messengers were now sent from Jefferson City, to urge a still more speedy organiza- tion. General Parsons was ordered to retreat with the small force collected at Jefferson City, westward along the Missouri Pacific Railroad to Tipton, a point south of Boonville. All the rail rolling stock was taken to Tipton, and the railroad bridges were burned be- hind the last train. Governor Jackson, several State officers and Captain Kelly's company boarded the steamer ''White Cloud," and arrived at Boonville on the morning of June 13th. Brigadier Gen- eral Clark had been ordered to concentrate his men at Boonville, and the Governor found several hundred of them there, while many more were on the road and arrived the next two days. On the loth of June, a report reached Boonville that a skirmish had taken place at Inde- pendence, and that State troops assembling at lyexington Avere threat- ened by a large force from Kansas. Upon this General Price left ^""lark in command at Boonville, with instructions to retreat fight- ing, toward General Parsons, while he proceeded to attend to the affairs at Lexington. The question arises here. Why did Governor Jackson and his advisers flee from Jefferson City? Had he been true to his oath of office and his duties as Governor, he could have remained at the head of the State to the end of his term. But, as he had conspired for Secession and the Confederacy, notwith.standing the great popular vote for the Union, the evidence was so strong against him that he did not dare to face the threatening impeach- ment by the Convention. LYON'S AI)AV\NCE INTO THE STATE. AVhen the j^roclamation of Governor Jackson proved to General Lyon that the former had thrown oft' his mask, and the burning of the Missouri Pacific Raih'oad bridges emphasized Ijy their revolu- tionary nature the hostile words of the Governor's proclamation, the forward movements into the State could no longer be post- poned and were formally resolved upon. Two lines of operation were ado])ted — the one southwest, via Rolla to Springfield; tlie other al- Lj/nn III Com iiKiit'l. ■Hu most due west via Missouri Uivci- to .Tcti'erson City and tlie center (»f the State. The direction of all other alfairs at the Arsenal and in the Department was left to Colonel Chester Harding. Assistant adjutant general, who was authorized to sign Lyon's name to all orders. 268 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. Chester Harding was considered one of the ablest lawyers of St. Louis, of an even, considerate disposition and great mental cap- acity. The southwest column was started first. One Battalion with sev- eral field pieces and camp equipage, under Lieut. Colonel Hassen- deubel, started June 11th. The second Battalion, under command of Colonel Sigel, started on the 13th, with six guns and one howitzer, under Major Bischoff, and tw^o rifle companies under A. Albert and Joseph Conrad via Pacific to Rolla. Colonel Solomon, with the Fifth Missouri Volunteers, followed on the 15th to the same point, and Colonel B. Gratz Brown, with the Fourth Regiment Reserves, and six pieces of artillery, took up the same route. General Lyon ordered Sigel, with the whole command, to Springfield, with in- structions to march thence westward to Mt. Vernon and Neosho, in order to intercept Jackson and Price's commands on their South- ward march, while yielding to Lyons pressure from the North. Sigel was enthusiastically cheered on his march to Rolla, where he hauled down a Secession flag and hoisted the Stars and Stripes. Two companies of State Guards, which had been stationed there, fled before the Union troops. These Secessionists probably formed the nucleus of a marauding band which later infested the roads to the West and the South, though beyond destroying here and there some wagons, they could do little damage, for the roads were solid and the rivers had no bridges. The column under the direct command of General Lyon started on the 13th of June. At 11 o'clock a. m. the steamer latan took on board part of the First Regiment, Missouri Volunteers, under Lieut. Colonel Andrews, two companies of Regulars under Captain Lathrop and a section of Totten's Light Battery. At 2 p. m. General Lyon and his staff, with the balance of the First Volunteers and the Regulars, 1500 men in all, with the necessary camp equipage, horses, wagons and provisions, started on the steamer J. .C. Swon, following the latan up the river. The boats were enthusiastically cheered on leaving the Arsenal; their destination was correctly surmised to be Jefferson City. Passing St. Charles, about 8 p. m., the steamers laid by for the night. Starting early in the morning of the 14th, they steamed past Augusta, the home of the veteran champion of free institutions, Friederich Muench. Above the headquarters of a Home Guard Company, formed at Augusta a week sooner, floated the Union Lyon in Command. 269 flaiLi, and here, in Washington and Hermann, cheer after cheer greet- ed the Stars and Stripes. All these were German settlements, and thns far the vessels steamed up stream in comparative safety. IJero the large l)ottoms extend chiefly on the North side of the river, wliile tlie South shore is skirted with high, rocky hluffs, wooded where the soil permits; above high-water mark along the foot of the bluff?* runs the Missouri Pacific Railroad, surveyed here in 1853, when a party of young engineers traced the line through these primeval forests, and after the day's fatigues listened in their camp to the doleful tunes of the whip-poor-will. How changed were the relations in that short period, and the fate of members from that small party of engineers is a vivid example of the distraction of the people of Missouri. The chief of the party and the builder of the Osage bridge both fell at the head of a Union regiment at Vicksburg; an as- sistant from Massachusetts married into a Southern family and be- came Governor Jackson's Quartermaster General, liotwithstanding that liis broilier was Lyon's Adjutant; the rodman went back to Maryland to aid the Southern cause; the axmen, two Hungarians, got to the command of a Union regiment and company, while the son of the Emerald Isle probably turned up in a Union Irish brigade. After the ships of Lyon passed the mouth of the Gasconade, their safety was highly questionable. Callaway County, which fringes here the North sliore of the ^lissouri River, was inhabited by Southern sympathizers, who were not likely to betray any move- ment hostile to the Union forces. Considering that a single cannon ball would pass through one of those light river boats from stem to stern, and that a well-protected Battery could be thrown up on shore on short notice, it was very fortunate for Lyon's connnand that the enemy's enterprise was not on a level with his intentions. AVest of the mouth of the Osage, the situation became even worse, because both shores were under absolute control of the Secessionists. Never- theless liyon occupied Jefferson City without opposition on June loth, and was cordially welcomed by" a large delegation of citizens, headed by Governor Thomas L. Price. After disembarking, the troops occupied without delay all high and commanding positions, sucli as the penitentiary, the capitol, and raised upon the latter, \mder the animating accords of the '"Star Spangled Banner," the flag of the Union, with the good intention that it should not be lowered from llicrc through all the vicissitudes of the war. A false 270 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 186,1. report was current at Jefferson City that Governor Jackson had been at Boonville on the evening of the 14th, but had left since for Arkansas. Some travelers that escaped. from Boonville in a skiff brought the news that the place was being fortified, and that about one thousand men Avere there concentrated and more were ex- pected. Colonel Boernstein, with the Second Volunteers, arrived per train at Hermann, waited there for the steamer Louisiana and followed the latan and Swon, Avhich had passed before him up the river. BATTLE OF BOONVILLE. Leaving Boernstein with three companies in charge of Jefferson City, Lyon's command, consisting of the First Volunteers, a Battalion of the Second Volunteers, Companies of Regulars, Totten's Battery, and a few Pioneers, in all about 1700 men, embarked on the steamers A. McDowell, latan and City of Louisiana, on June 16th, in the afternoon, and passed the night on board, laying by*on account of unsafe navigation ; the command passed Rockport in the morning of June 17th, and learning that the enemy, a few miles ahead, was fortifying a position, they disembarked at the foot of an island in a bottom, beyond the reach of ordinary artillery from the bluffs, and aljout eight miles distant from Boonville. One steamer with a howitzer and a Company for escort was dispatched up the river to make a diversion and also to silence a Battery which the Secession- ists had posted on the river baidc, in order to stop all navigation. Lyon, with the main force, proceeded cautiously along the bottom road towards Boonville, having been informed that the place con- tained from three to four thousand defenders, among whom were several companies from Cooper County under command of Captain Robert McCulloch. Parsons had been ordered to march from Tiptoji to Boonville, twenty miles distant. Of this John C. Moore writes: 'Tarsons did not obey the order, though he had a day and a half in which to reach the designated point. The governor insisted on fighting at Boonville." Colonel Marmaduke was directed to march with all available men against Lyon, and retard his advance until Parsons' arrival, possibly also to give some citizens of Boonville a bet- ter chance to leave the city, and also to give Quartermaster General James Harding; time to arrange for the destruction of such ordnance Jji/oii III (_'nni iiKi nil. 271 stores; which in case of a retreat could not be removed. Marniaduki'. with near five hundred men, marched to the foot of the hills, but when the advance guard of Lyon's column drove in his pickets and skirmishers, he took a better position about a mile to the rear, postinj;- his men in a lane and later on the brow of the hill, which caused Lyon to deploy his line, taking the Second A7)lunteers to his right, the First Volunteers ajid Regulars to the left. In this position sev- eral men were wounded, but Totten's Battery, taken to the front, forced Ahii'iiKidukt' again to fall back, when an order came to liini from Governor Jackson to retreat and to join Parson's connnand, which was said to be fast approaching from Tipton. The retreat com- menced at first in good order, but a more rapid Artillery fire soon turned it into a rout. Some shots fired from the steamer McDowell with the howitzer, under Captain Voerster, ha.stened the abandon- ment of Camp Vest, for fear that the retreat might be cut off. A third stand was contemplated near the fair grounds, a mile east of Boonville, which was frustrated by the fire of the Union Infantry and Artillery. The loss on the Federal side was reported as two killed and nine wounded: from the Secessionists two killed and six wound- ed, besides the ca))tui'ed or missing. Abbot gives tlio enemy's loss from twenty to fifty. 1^]\q losses on both sides Avere out of proportion to the lively musketry tiring, owing to a sound ]»olicy of keeping young troo])s busy. The correspondent of the Missouri Democrat stated about the battle of Boonville that ''the engagement was short ; the flight of the Secessionists conunenced soon after 8 o'clock a. m. and lasted until 11 a. m. A vigorous pursuit was prevented by the lack of Cavalry and l)y Lyon's resolution to spare the city. The fe\v prisoners cap- tured, mostly young men from the neighborhood, were nearly all paroled. Two cannon, fifty firearms, twenty-five tents, a larger quantity of boots and two Sece.'«sion flags, represented the limited booty. Three hundred of the Secessionists crossed the Mis.souri River and retreated northward: some went southward, but the bulk went towards the west. General Lyon's force readied the city about 2 p. ni.. having advanced eight miles since 8 a. m. As three-fourths of the l>oonville ])eo]»le were Union men, the Federal soldiers were welcomed as friends, and their hearts were gladdened by the ap- pearance of many T nion tiags on ])ul)lic and private buildings. Fedei'al oflicers estimated the Secession force at Boonville at 4000 272 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. that of the Union army at 2000 ; but Lyon had the great advantage of being able to choose the time and point of attack, and of having a well-served Artillery under Totten and partly under Captain John A. Neustaedter, the same who with Lieutenant Carl Schurz of the Baden Artillery had in 1849 escaped through the sewers of Ras- tadt, from the bloody vengeance of reactionary tyrants. Lyon also had an infantrj', which could be handled in large bodies without risk of disorder or confusion, while the Secessionists had assembled at the spur of the moment, were not properly organized in Regiments or Brigades and could hardly be expected to make a tenacious re- sistance in a retreating fight. The circumstance that Price left the place before the actual attack, indicates his intention to draw Lyon further from his base and direct line of operation, which was towards the southwest from Jefferson City, considering that the real danger for the Union cause in Missouri came from the southwest- ern border of the State and Arkansas, and from Louisiana and Texas. This Lyon recognized, stating in a letter of June 18 to Colonel Hard- ing that he anticipated a hostile movement from Texas. The same opinion was expressed by M. Blair in one of his former letters. Gen- eral Lyon spoke modestly of the Boonville affair, well knowing that nowhere in the absolute realization of facts more necessary than in miiitary matters, where the stake is life and the price human hap- piness. To General McClellan, his own superior commander, Lyon reports on the 20th of June : ''Boonville is an important point, and should have at least a whole Regiment, with an advanced post at Warsaw, which is a nest of rebels who at Camp Cole (Cole Camp) massacred Union men." These words indicate more the intention of protecting Union men by occupying separate posts of the country than a purpose to prepare a strong base and line of operation against a hostile army, which was expected to invade the State. For Boon- ville is over fifty miles by river from Jefferson City, and Warsaw is only ten miles nearer to Boonville than to Jefferson City and only twenty miles nearer to Boonville than to Rolla, which latter had an undisputed and safe railroad communication with St. Louis, while the river communication was slow and precarious. The distance from Rolla to Springfield is shorter than from any point on the Mis- souri Pacific Railroad and far more so than from any point of the ^lissouri River, and the divide between the Osage and Gasconade offers within a day's march from Rolla the topography for a good HENRY BOERNSTEIN. Colonel lid Infantry, .Missouri Volunteers. L}ion ill CovDiiaud. 273 niilitaiy road. The ea.sily interrupted navigation of the Mis'^ouri was too unsafe for a base of supplies. However, General Lyon had some very good reason.'* ft)r following Governor Jackson to Boonville in- stead of General Parsons' larger force, directly west along the Mis- souri Pacific Railroad. Lyon had no army wagons for land trans- portation and the '^red tape" of the army regulations prevented him from pressing civil conveyances into immediate service. The same applies to the non-reconstruction of railroad bridges. Besides, the Missouri River was a tempting, though unreliable means of com- munication. Along the course of the river were several flourishing towns, with strong portions of Union population, and along its shores where the largest slave Counties of the State, and the possession of the river hindered a free communication of the hostile elements north and south of the same, and if it did not prevent at all events it retarded their organization. It may be noted here, incidentally, that the easy success at Boonville, to some extent at least, led to an under- valuation of the fighting capacity of the enemy, and that this was apt to lead to a neglect of that caution which other circumstances dictated. On leaving St. Louis General Lyon had published an address to the |)eople of Missouri, setting forth the objects of the Union move into tile State, in consequence of the declaration of war by Governor Jackson. No copies of this address had reached Boonville, and he therefore issued another proclamation on June 18tli, reiterating the causes which prompted his action towards Governor Jackson, after the latter's declaration of defiance and acts of warfare. He refers to Jackson's violations of the Harney agreement and his misleading the people relative to the intentions of the United States Government in protecting loyal citizens and maintaining its supremacy. Lyon warns the people that the clemency of the past should not be mis- construed nor expected to shield additional provocations, and closes with (hose words: "Having learned that those plotting against the Government have falsely represented that the Government troops intended a forcible and violent in- vasion of Missouri, for the purpose of military despotism and tyranny, I hereby give notice to the people of this State that I shall scrupulously avoid all interference with the business, rights and property of every description, recognized by the laws of this State, and belonging to law-abiding citizens; but that it is equally my duty to maintain the paramount authority of the United States, with such force as I have at my command, which shall be re- 18 274 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. tained only so long as opposition shall make it necessary; and that it is my wish, and shall be my purpose, to devolve any unavoidable rigor, arising in this issue, upon those only who provoke it. "All persons who, under the misapprehension above mentioned, have taken up arms, or who are now preparing to do so, are invited to return to their homes, and relinquish their hostile attitude to the General Government, and are assured that they may do so without being molested for past occurrences. "N. Lyon. "Brig. Gen. U. S. Vol. Com." Colonel Frank P. Blair had been with Lyon during the campaign up to and at the battle of Boonville, and was an intimate and valua- ble adviser of the commander. Blair's regiment, the First Missouri Volunteers, had already by the 12th of June, been reorganized for three years. The government at Washington discovered early in the war that a three months' service would not answer the purpose, but that it would even lead to very serious complications, so the policy was changed, and volunteer troops were thereafter enlisted for three years or the war. Colonel Blair got leave to reorganize his Regiment for three years, about the middle of its three months' term, and went at it with his usual energy. He left Lyon's command at Boonville and went to attend to his political duties as Congressman in Washington. This double position was very unfortunate, for Blair was sorely missed at the head of his Regiment and still more so at the side of Lyon, whose constant and intimate adviser he had thus far been. Blair's ac- quaintance with all parties in the State opened to him invaluable sources of information w^hich were not available to Lyon or his Regular ofhcers, who were, comparatively speaking, strangers. Even Blair's presence in Washington was no offset for the above, for al- though the wants of the Union commanders were known to him, his activity at the seat of government in favor of Missouri's affairs was less efficient after the State was attached to the depart- ment of McClellan, and still less so after Fremont assumed com- mand. The occupation of Boonville and the Missouri River line was to some extent supported by troops under General Hurlbut, press- ing from the northeast southward. Colonel Curtis,with 3000 men, arrived on June 15 at St. Joseph, with two engines of the North Missouri Railroad, from Macon. His men had some skirmishing with bridge burning Secessionists, of whom several were killed. The Lyon in Command. 275 Second Reserve Regiment and companies of the Third Reserve were started toward Wentzville, to assist in the above service; they cap- tured a few Secessionists and discharged them on their taking the oath of allegiance; seized firearms, contraband articles and some Se- cession flags. Bridges had been burned at Centralia and Sturgeon, notwithstanding that the resident population discountenanced such proceedings and outrages of marauding bands. Although the hostile opposition north of the Missouri River was not well organized, still General Harris and other band leaders were active at many points, detaining a large number of troops, much needed to strengthen Gen- eral Lj'on's army south of the river, thus securing peace to the State at a much earlier period. Another instance of the decentralizing exi- gencies of the war in Missouri was the detachment of the Fourth Mis- souri Volunteers (Black Jaegers), under Colonel Schuettner, to Cairo and Birdspoint, while its rifle Battalion was sent to guard the Pacific Railroad bridges. The Fourth Missouri Volunteers rendered good service at Birdspoint. Separated by the broad Mississippi River from Cairo, the "Sclnvarze .Tacger" raised intrenclimeuts at I)ird,-- point, which latter was only a high bottom ])r().jec'ting into the river, holding the farm houses of Bird, surrounded by a few hundred acres of oi)en fields and skirted on all sides by dense and swampy acres. The Regiment took possession of the Cairo & Fulton Railroad, wdiich ran at that time a few miles beyond Charleston, IMo. The scouts of the Fourth Regiment extended mto several counties ; a Secession company of sixty men was taken prisoner, and information gath- ered of approaching or organizing hostile forces. Thus the Regiment formed the western outpost of Cairo, the all-important point for the Ohio and ^Iissis.sippi navigation. Later the Regiment garrisoned Cairo until recalled. St. Louis City and Arsenal were so far chiefly guarded by the First, Second, Third and Fifth Reserves and the Fifth Volunteer troops, which all made occasional scouts into the surrounding coun- try and often to points in the city, where depots of arms or war ma- terial were suspected. ^Nlost of these scouts were without result and often an annoyance to citizens, but with a population partly hostile to the Union, could hardly be avoided. An account given by Lieu- tenant Wiliam M. Wherry of the Third Reserve, who later became a General, best describes the nature and circumstances of such scouts. He wTote: 276 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. "I was on duty with the Regiment during the exciting days of riot and apprehension succeeding the capture of Camp Jackson, and on one day marched my company to the Levee, to inspect the steamer J. C. Swon for powder and munitions of war. ... I marched my troop in platoon front, talving the whole street from house to house, and so avoided being surrounded. At the Levee the company stood in line, while the detail went on boat. The crowd gathered about and began hooting. Seeing that we were about to be hemmed in by a mob, I 'about faced' the rear rank and advanced both ranks in opposite directions, with bayonets at a charge, thus clearing a space; then threw out sentinels and moved the company back to the center of the space, leaving the ranks facing outward, thus preventing any attack and, as I be- lieve, bloodshed. After the search we marched back to Turner's Hall in safety." General Lyon had at iirjst the intention to hold the line of the Missouri River even beyond Boonville and up to Kansas City; for this his force was inadequate. The last volunteer regiment, namely the Fifth, left St. Louis on the 16th of June, in order to reinforce the Southwest column towards Springfield. The volunteer com- mands from other States, stationed in north Missouri, were slow to gain the line of the Missouri River, held back by their service to protect railroads and to awe the guerilla bands of the neighborhood. General Pope divided the railroads into sections and held the citizens of the neighborhood responsible for all damages, but this plan also absorbed many troops, much needed in the Southeast and Southwest. For this reason volunteers from the First Reserves Avere called to garrison Jefferson City. Seven companies responded and arrived on the 20th of June at Jefferson City, occupied the capitol grounds and were quartered in the basement of the capitol. Colonel Boern- stein stated that he expected an attack of his position at any time. The field officers of the First Reserve had seen active military service before, namely Colonel Almstedt in the Mexican war, Lieut. Colonel Rombauer in the war for Hungary's independence and Major Phil Brimmer had been an officer in the Prussian army; they sug- ge.sted that under the circumstances a more complete outpost service was requisite. No satisfaction was given them in this regard, but an intimation that several companies of the First Reserve should be sent from forty to sixty miles westward along the Pacific Railroad. This was three days after the battle of Boonville and the day after the massacre of two hundred home gviards at Cole Camp, though not yet known at Jefferson City at the time. The Secessionists under General Parsons and those retiring from Boonville were on the line of the Pacific Railroad; several thousand marched from Lexington Lyon in Command. 277 southward and a westward move with only a few Infalitry Conii)ani('s looked rather adventurous. Still field officers of the First Reserve offered to lead the detachment, but requested that it should be formed from comj)anies of the Second Volunteers, who were better prepared and equi^Dped for field service. It seems Colonel Boernstein did not wish to part with his own Companies, and no west-ward movement from Jefferson City was made at the time. The Companies of the First Reserve were ordered back to St. Louis on June 25, and the Fifth Reserve, Colonel Charles A. Stifel, and four Companies of the Seventh Volunteers, Colonel John D. Stevenson, proceeded to relieve Lyon at Boonville. and arrived there on the 27th. By this time Major John M. Schofield had completed his mustering service in St. Louis and repaired to his Regiment, the First Volunteers, at Boonville. Lyon immediately appointed him his Assistant Adjutant General, in which position his valuable activity continued till after the battle of Wilson's Creek. It had been the intention of Lyon to move South- ward from Boonville before this date, but the time necessary for secur- ing transportation, accumulating pro\dsions, posting troops for hold- ing the Missouri River line, delayed his start even beyond the date when the Southwest Column had passed Springfield and points farther west. Colonel Stevenson was placed in command of the Missouri River line from Kansas City to the Mississippi, with head- quarters at Boonville. He was to establish Posts also at Lexington and Jefferson City, each Post to have six Companies of Infantry and one field piece. These were to furnish detachments for operation in their vicinity, and the patroling boats on the river were to be armed also with a 24-pound Howitzer. Only boats in service of the Govern- ment were allowed on the river betAveen Herman and Kansas City, and all skiffs, boats and ferries were taken possession of and securely moored. Colonel Boernstein was relieved at Jefferson City for the purpose of reorganizing the Second Volunteers at St. Louis for the "Three Years" Service. The arrangement of attaching Missouri to the Department of the Ohio, credited to the advice of General Scott, Edward Bates and Gov- ernor Gamble, was not satisfactory to St. Louis people, and Francis P. Blair si.uglil to effect a change at Washington, stating that McClellan himself was opposed and had said that all he could do was to let Lyon follow up his own plans. All these various tendencies finally resulted in the organization of the Western Department, under Major General John C. Fremont. CHAPTER X. THE SOUTHWEST. DISPOSITION OF SECESSION FORCES. The period is now near when the Missouri Secessionists received very efficient assistance from the Confederate States. These appointed May 13 Ben McCulloch Brigadier General and assigned to his Com- mand one Louisiana Infantry and one Cavalry Regiment from Texas and one from Arkansas, and gave him authority to raise two Regi- ments in the Indian Territory. General N. B. Pearce was near Fort Smith with 1,500 men of Arkansas Militia. On leaving Jefferson City June 13 Governor Jackson dispatched Colton Green to ask assistance from McCulloch, then camping in Northwest Arkansas. The latter recommended to the Confederate authorities the granting of this request, and asked leave to occupy Fort Scott in order to secure the sympathies of the Cherokee Indians. McCulloch averred later that these Indians w^ere not to be used in the States : if so, their organization was certainly superfluous in the Terri- tory. McCulloch also asked that Arkansas should be added to his Department; but his application met with no favor, and the Con- federate Secretary of AVar wrote him : "The position of Missouri as a Southern State still in the Union, requires much prudence and cir- cumspection, and it should only be, when necessity and propriety unite, that active and direct assistance should be afforded by crossing the boundary and entering the State." As soon, however, as McCul- loch heard that Governor Jackson and General Price were retreating towards Northwest Arkansas, he set out for Maysville, and ordered the troops within reach to follow. Immediately after the battle of Boonville several thousand Seces- sionists assembled at Lexington under Generals Rains and Slack. These troops Price commenced to organize, when the news of Gov- ernor Jackson's and General Parson's retreat towards "Warsaw reached him. Leaving Rains in command, with instructions to (278) . The Southwest. 279 retrcal towards J.ainar, I'rice, with his stati' and a small escort, went southward to meet McCulIoch, who had already started to the relief of the retreating Missouri Secession forces, even before he had received the above qualifying instructions from the Confederate Secretary of War. Price was joined on his Southern march at various points by assembling Secessionists, and when he arrived at Cowskin Prairie in the southwest corner of the State, he had about 1,200 men, of whom 600 received muskets from General Pearce. McCulloch met Price at Cowskin Prairie. The meeting of the Missouri Secessionists with their Confederate allies must have been a picturesque sight. On the one side McCulloch with his well-dressed staff, the clean lines of Con- federate Regiments in the prim uniforms, all well armed and equipped ; on the other, the dusty, motley crowds of Missourians, with- out uniforms, with a variety of arms, haggard by exposure and fatigue, but, for all that, an excellent fighting material. Their State pride for Missouri; their self-sacrificing disposition for the Southern cause; their endurance in the campaign and prowess in battle, was not unjustly extolled by Confederate writers; but when they said that not a man had come forth to fight for Slavery, they were grievously mistaken. For Slavery was the cause of the Mexican war; Slavery Avas the cause of the raids into Kansas; and the legally defeated chance of Slavery extension, was the cause of the war of Secession. While Price was organizing his Command at Cowskin Prairie, McCul- loch, paying deference to the advice from Headquarters, returned to Maysville, Arkansas. In the meantime Governor Jackson moved Southward at a slower gait; on the road to Warsaw he learned of the massacre of the Cole Camj) Home Guards, of w^hich I. C. Moore writes that Lieutenant Colonel W^alter S. O'Kane, assisted by Major Thomas M. Murray, raised about 350 State Guard troops, struck the Home Guards, who had no pickets out, "killed 206, wounding a still larger number, and taking over 100 prisoners." Union reports had it that these Home Guards, nearly all Germans, were surprised in a barn while sleeping and shot down with unnecessary cruelty. The circumstance that only 360 muskets were delivered while the number of dead Home Guards was 206. that of wounded over 200 and that of prisoners 100, casts a very dark shadow over this affair. South of the Osage River, Henry Guibor and William P. Barlow, two St. Louis Secessionists, joined the Governor, who i)hicc(l them in charge of his Artillery. His forces 280 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. went into camp on the right bank of Spring River, three miles north of Lamar, and were here joined by the Commands of Rains and Slack, who had been detained by high water and a long train of wagons. The Confederate author Snead states that the Governor's forces assembled at Lamar Camp were: Infantry. Cavalry. Guns. Total. Rains 1,200 600 3 1,800 Parsons 400 250 4 650 Clark 360 360 Slack...., 700 500 .. 1,200 Artillery 190 2,660 1,350 7 4,200 Besides the above, there were about 800 unarmed recruits in Cailip. This rapid growth of the Secession forces, under very adverse cir- cumstances, is additional proof of Harney's great mistake in making a one-sided agreement, with an able and determined foe, who was only sparring for time to complete his armament. THE SOUTHM^EST UNION COLUMN. Uniting his Regiment at Rolla, Sigel proceeded on June 13 towards Springfield, which he reached on June 23. The Fifth Volunteers' under Solomon arrived at the same place on the 27th, after leaving one Company behind to hold Lebanon, half way betw^een Rolla and Springfield. Major F. W. Cronenbold of the Fifth was left at Springfield wdth two Companies of the Fifth Volunteers, while the balance of that Regiment pushed on to Sar- coxie, and Sigel reached Neosho by the first of July and found that Price had evacuated the place. Neosho was the point designated by Lyon, wdiere Sigel should intercept the southward moving Seces- sionists, though Lyon now was still at Boonville, 150 miles awaj' . In the meantime Captain Sweeney, upon whom General Harney had conferred the title of Brigadier General of the Reserves, marched to the support of the Southwest Column with four Com- panies of the Third Reserve; at Lebanon one of these Companies, to which many prominent St. Louis citizens belonged, mutineered, FRANCIS SIGEL. (Vildiicl :;d liifiintry, Missouri Volunteers, in ISlil. The Southivest. 281 was disarmed and sent back to St. Louis. The cause of the trouble was that the Company insisted that some of its members, who had trespassed on the property of fugitive Secessionists, should not be left at Lebanon, as they deemed, at the mercy of Secessionists, arguing that while those men deserve punishment, they do not deserve abandonment. Lebanon, however, was held until the retreat of the Union forces from Springlield. The Fourth Reserve, Colonel B. Gratz Brown, after some delay, secured transportation at Rolla, and marched to Springfield. At Neosho, Sigel had no hope to force Price, under favorable cir- cumstances, to an engagement ; he therefore marched his Command northward, in order to approach his base of supplies and supports, and also to come nearer to the Union forces, expected to advance :'rom the North. In order to guard against an enemy approaching from the South, Sigel left two Companies under Captain Conrad at Neosho. This Rear-Guard duty could only be reasonably expected by ordering such Command to follow the main body within sup- porting distance. Captain Conrad had no Cavalry for distant scout- ing service, and his evil fate might have been anticipated. THE BATTLE OF CARTHAGE. On July 1 Sweeney arrived at Springfield and ordered Solomon to report in person at Headquarters ; but four Companies of the Fifth Volunteers under Lieutenant Colonel Christian Wolf had joined Sigel on the preceding day at Neosho, and Solomon followed with the balance, using his discretion in the matter, as military orders are only peremptory when the Commander, by his personal presence, can be cognizant of all circumstances. The wisdom of this policy was best demonstrated by the success of the German armies in their European campaigns. Sigel was also ordered to return to Springfield, but being informed that a Secession force was heading towards Carthage, he marched to that place for the purpose of intercepting their southward march, and encamped on the 4th on the south fork of Spring River, east of Carthage. The Secessionist General, Parsons, being informed of Sigel's position, ordered his Command at 10 o'clock that night to advance towards Carthage, but was recalled by Governor Jackson, who ordered the whole Secession Army to advance southward at daybreak of July 5, with Rain's Brigade in the lead. 282 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. About five miles south of Lamar the report came in that Sigel was advancing to give battle, and that his troops were seen descending the slope towards Coon Creek. Sigel's Command left camp in the vicinity of Carthage at 3 o'clock in the morning of the 5th, and shortly after 9 a. m. saw the army of the Secessionists on a low hill in the prairie. They had 600 of Rain's Cavalry standing on the extreme right, and from this towards the left Weightman's Infantry (1,200) ; Bledsoe's Battery of three guns; Slack's Infantry (700) ; Guibor's Battery (4 guns) ; Parson's and Clark's Infantry, together 700, and on the extreme right 750 men Cavalry under Brown and Rives ; their heaviest caliber, one twelve-pounder, was posted in front, the six-pounders towards the right and left flank; 2,000 unarmed Cavalry were sent to the wagon train. Leaving one Company and one cannon to protect the ford of Dry Fork, a small tributary of Spring River, heavily fringed with timber, Sigel deployed his forces in line of battle on a ridge of the prairie, which gently slopes towards Coon Creek; the Fifth Volunteers, under C. E. Solomon, and one six pounder formed the right wing; the Third Volunteers, under Francis Hassendeubel, and one six- pounder formed the left wing, and four pieces of Artillery were placed in the center. According to Snead, the Confederate authority, Sigel's Command emerged from the brush on the north side of the creek and advanced with the precision of veterans, deployed into line at a distance of 1,200 yards, having 9 Companies of Sigel's Regi- ment and 7 Companies of Solomon's, with 125 of Major Backoff's Artillerists under Captains Theo Wilkins and Jacob Essig, or near 1,000 men in all. After a few inspiring words from Colonel Sigel, his Artillery advanced within 900 yards of the enemy's line and commenced firing. Federal authorities state that the twelve-pounder in the center of the Secessionists' line was first silenced and soon afterwards their pieces on the wings also ceased firing, while their Infantry in the center was badly shaken. Snead does not mention this, but says that the Secession Batteries answered the fire, which was kept up ineffectually for an hour, when the Governor sent his 2,000 unarmed horsemen for shelter into a heavy timber on the right of his line, which indicated that the Union Artillery made an impression. A front attack was now attempted by a large force of the Secessionists, but several volleys of the Infantry and a few grape shots from the Artillery forced them to retreat. The Union men The Soufhircst. 283 cheered, but had al^^o lost l)y this time several men and horses, and had one eannon disabled, and Cai»tain Wilkins reported tiiat the annmmition for his Uatlcrv was ii;ettin,t; short. The enemy's Cavalry now closed in on both wings, threatening Sigel's flanks, bag- gage and line of retreat. He therefore sent some Infantry and Artillery to the ford of a creek in the rear, and followed with the main body of tro()])s in the best order, checking tbc advance of the enemy by occasional halts and firing. During such a bait at another branch some more men were lost. It was not known in the Federal Camp that the 2,000 men sent by Governor Jackson to the woods were unarmed, and their movement was interpreted as a scheme to cut off the retreat. Essig's Battery, with five Companies, was ordered to higher ground south of the creek, connnanding its defile and checked the Secessionists, who advanced within 400 yards of Coon Creek ford. The Battery and the troop.? supporting it -were withdrawn and follow^ed the retreating column. At about 5 o'clock p. m. the enemy's Cavalry tried to intercept the retreat, at a place where the road passed between high blufts. A feint was made by the Union troops, as if they intended to avoid the narrow passage and march around the hill. This brought the Seces- sion Cavalry in large numbers into the road, when Sigel's Infantry unmasked the Artillery behind them, w^hich opened a destructive fire, scattering riderless horses around the prairie. Here 85 horses were captured, 65 double-barreled shotguns picked up, and two offi- cers and 250 men taken as prisoners. The retreat thence continued in good order, followed at a distance by skirmishing parties. Sigel crossed the south fork of Spring River without opposition, holding in the neighborhood of Carthage till 7 p. m. to relieve the march of the train. About 8 o'clock p. m. the last fighting took place on the Sarcoxie road, where Lt. Joseph Spiegelhalter commanded the rear guard of two Companies and tw^o cannon. The Secessionists' Cavalry advanced within 30 yards, when some volleys dispersed them. Hence the retreat to Sarcoxie, and later to >h)unt Vernon, was unmolested. Sigel's advance to the battle of Carthage and his retreat to Sar- coxie, wdiere he arrived on July 6 at 4 a. m., exacted from his troops a march of 34 miles in 25 hours, without halting to eat or sleep, and with continued skirmishing. It was necessary, after meeting in an open country an enemy who outnumbered him four to one. Sigel 284 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. had no doubt the better organized troops, both in Infantry and Artillery. His lack of Cavalry and the disproportion of forces should have dictated to him a defensive position, with strong natural advantages. As Sigel had an excellent military education, his march into the open prairie can be only explained on the supposition that he was not informed about the existing circumstances. Having no news from Lyon or Sturgis, he could not possibly expect from them any assistance. However, Sigel's orderly retreat was, under existing circumstances, creditable to the discipline of his troops and the capacity of the leader; the same cannot be said of the inefficient and lame pursuit by his adversaries. The Federal loss in the battle of Carthage was 13 killed and 31 wounded ; the Secessionists lost 10 killed and 64 wounded. Current estimates of the Federal loss were 400; of the Secessionists 600. Nothing is more common in times of war than exaggeration. In his official report upon the battle of Carthage, Sigel speaks in the highest terms of the bravery and discipline of his Command. He personally mentions for valuable services Major Backoff, Ad- jutants A. Albert and Heinrichs, also Lieutenant Colonel Hassen- deubel, Wolff and Captains Essig, Stephany, Golmer, Densler, Stark and Messner. McCulloch, who had learned already on July 2 that Governor Jackson and General Rains were closely pressed by Lyon, advanced into Missouri on the 4th, with two Infantry and one Cavalry Regi- ment and Woodruff's Battery, and was joined by Price's Command. Informed of Sigel's movements, the two leaders left their Infantry behind and pushed more rapidly forward with their Cavalry and sur- prised Captain Conrad with two Companies of the Third Volunteers and some train, at Neosho, and 137 men, with nine wagons of sup- plies, were made prisoners, any resistance proving futile, as they were surrounded by 1,500 men, which rumor swelled to 3,000. General Sigel was blamed for exposing these Companies to capture in the manner he did. It was a severe check to the Union cause; not so much on account of the actual loss, but much more" so on account of its moral effect. The large number of Confederate and Secession troops at Neosho augured no good for the small Federal army con- centrating at Springfield, for, although the Governor's Command was under the impression of having avoided a great danger, believing Lvon and Sturgis at their heels, this fear was entirely unfounded. The Southwest. 285 for the very day Ih^y loudly welcomed jMcCuUocIi, Lyon was joined by Sturgis on Grand River, fully 100 miles away. When the news came to Springfield of Sigel's retreat to Mount Vernon, Sweeney started to his support on the evening of July 7 with three Companies of the Third Reserve and one Company of Springfield Home Guards, and was followed the next day by the Fourth Reserve, Colonel B. Gratz Brown. On the 10th of July the entire Connnand returned to Springfield, while the Confederates and Secessionists, instead of fol- lowing up their advantage, steadily retreated Southward. There had been some apprehension on the part of the Federal leaders that dur- ing the absence of most of their troops from Springfield, the very numerous Cavalry of the enemy might make a raid on Springfield, destroy the depot of provisions and the workshops in which the patriotic men of the town manufactured ammunition and war material. But nothing, of the kind was done by McCuUoch, who led his troops back to Maysville, Arkansas, while Price reorganized the Missouri Secessionists in the camp at Cowskin Prairie, where the powder brought by Governor Jackson and the lead taken from the Granby mines was also turned into ammunition. Thus in three weeks 5,000 men were ready for the field, and 2,000 additional, well drilled, expected to take the arms of the dead, wounded or sick. Governor Jackson left this camp on July 12 to seek aid from General Polk at ^Memphis. He never returned to his State. Colonel Chester Harding reported on July 7 to Washington that 3,000 Union men held Springfield and vicinity as an objective point, and that they were under the command of Captain T. W. Sweeney, Second United States Infantry, Avho was acting under an election and by order of General Harney as Brigadier (icneral of the United States Reserve Corps. Such election and appointment nuist have been very informal, nor was any such office, to the knowledge of those most interested, ever authorized or confirmed from Washing- ton. Besides the troops already mentioned above, a Rifle Battalion of the First \^oluntcers, a Regiment of Home Guards and Colonel Wayman's Thirteenth Illinois at Rolla, were protecting the com- munications between St. Louis and Springfield. In the same report Harding also mentions that General Pope's Brigade was placed at the disposal of General Lyon. If so, they never figured in Lyon's actual little army in the Southwest. Harding's further remark, ''No more troops will be called for at present," did not appreciate the threaten- ing condition of affairs in the Southwest. 286 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861- LYON'S MARCH SOUTH. By the first days of July General Lyon had secured at Boonville a scanty supply of provisions and transportation; having reported his deficiencies of same, on June 22 and 30, to General McClellan without effect; he also reported that he had ordered Major Sturgis from Leavenworth to follow the Secessionists retreating from Lex- ington. Sturgis had two Regiments of Kansas Infantry, four cannon and nearly one Regiment of Cavalry. Leaving Colonel J. D. Steven- son with 1,400 men of the Second and Seventh Volunteers and the Fifth Reserve at Booneville, to guard the Missouri River line, Lyon started, on July 3, Southward with the First Missouri and First Iowa Volunteers, 250 men United States Infantry, two Companies Second Missouri Volunteers under Major Osterhaus, 60 men Pioneers and Artillery and four Staff Officers, aggregating about 2,300 men. Sturgis' Command of 2,200 men was to join Lyon's at Osceola, about 90 miles from Boonville, and the united command would thence proceed to Springfield, to which place Colonel Harding was ordered to forward the necessary provisions by way of RoUa. Osceola, the place designated for meeting Sturgis' Command, is 40 miles west of the direct route from Boonville to Springfield. Sturgis started his Command several days before Lyon. It consisted of one Comj)any of the Second Dragoons, four Companies of the First United States Cavalry, Dubois Battery of four guns, three Companies of the First and two Companies of the Second United States Infantry, with some recruits ; the First and Second Kansas Volunteers, and one Company of Kansas Cavalry. Major Sturgis' orders were to follow Rains' troop of Secessionists, but he was delayed by high water and the destruction of bridges, and after waiting three days, was joined by^ Lyon west of Warsaw on the 6th of July, or one day after the battle of Carthage. The long delay at Boonville and the high water frus- trated all concerted plans with the Southwest Column, which under any and all circumstances, were planned over too great distances and too long periods for execution. The united army of Lyon, now 4,500 men strong and its train, were ferried across the Osage on the 10th and the afternoon of the 11th, marched 27 miles south of Osceola, rested a few hours and continued their march until 3 o'clock next morning, covering an additional 23 miles. On that morning, July Tlie Southivest. 287 12, Lyuu received the news that the Confederates and Secessionists had gone towards Arkansas, and that Sigel's Command was safe at Springfield. Lyon's army marched that same day 18 miles farther ^id camped 12 miles from Springfield. It is related that during these forced marches under a July sun, often without food and water, several officers called on ]\lajor Osterhaus, asking him to speak to Lyon about these unusual exertions, to which the man who later on became a renowned Major General of the Federal Army is quoted to have politely answered: "You must excuse me, gentlemen, but that it not my business." The Command had made the march from Boonville to Springfield in 11 days, four days of which it was detained by the high water of the Osage and Grand rivers. On the morning of the 13th Lyon entered Springfield, as Snead reports, with an escort of a bodyguard "of ten stalwart troopers, enlisted from among the German butchers of St. Louis for that especial duty." Lyon rode his iron gray horse, and the martial appearance of the cavalcade made a great impression on the people of Springfield, who grootod him as the hero of Camp Jackson and Boonville, and the Coiiiiii.-mdcr wjio cliiiscd (he Secession Governor from his Capital. At that time Lyon estimated the LTnited Secession forces threatening S])ringlield at 30,000, while Snead's estimate was 11,000. The mean between the tAvo amounts seems to be nearer the actual condition than either estimate. Upon an order issued by Lyon July 2, Colonel Harding suppressed the State Journal on July 12 and had its editor, J. W. Tucker, arrested under a charge of treason. Colonel James O. Broadhead found in Tucker's office the letter from Governor Jackson dated April 28 quoted before, in Avhich the latter fully avowed his treacher- ous design of forcing Missouri into Secession. Tucker felt guilty and jumped his bond of $10,000. Several publications were started after- wards under new names, but in reality only continuations of the State Journal, and they were also suppressed. The seizure of the Journal brought a great crowd of people to- gether on the street. As the interference with the liberty of the press by governmental authority was very exceptional, it naturally created an unusual excitoniont. 288 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. SOUTHEAST MISSOURI. Ill the previous mentioned report to Washington, Colonel Harding laid great stress upon the needs of the Union defenses in Southeast Missouri, where he claimed that a large force with Artillery and Cavalry may hereafter be necessary. He referred chiefly to the low^- land Counties of Southeast Missouri, which, however, were largely protected by nature, having the Mississippi River on the East and communicational lines, broken by bayous, swamps and lakes, which made the advance of larger bodies of troops extremely difficult. These lowlands stretch far into Arkansas, but in Missouri alone they . extend over 75 miles to the South, by about 35 miles in width and cover over 2,500 square miles. Their topography had been changed by the great New Madrid earthquake, still their elevation is so uni- form that the overflow water of the Mississippi near Commerce runs inland nearly 60 miles, and returns to the Mississippi with the White River, after a course of 200 miles. For these reasons the policy of occupying Cairo, Cape Girardeau, Iron Mountain and points where the bluffs of the Ozarks sink into the lowlands answered all defensive purposes, at least as long as an advance down the Mis- sissippi River, for political as well as military reasons, was still out of question. But the reports did not cease, that troops are concen- trating in Arkansas for an attack upon Southeast Missouri. S. S. Williams, McClellan's Adjutant General, informed General Lyon on July 15 from Cincinnati that Bragg's Battery, four 32-pounders, three 64-pounders and one Regiment were embarked on a steamer in Memphis, with the destination of Pocahontas on the Black River ; that they expected to find 6,000 Missouri and Arkansas troops at the latter jjlace, which was only 100 miles from Sikeston, the terminus of the Cairo & Fulton Railroad. The route of these troops was to be down the Mississippi to the mouth of White River and upstream on the latter and Black River to Pocahontas. Corroborating the above report as it would appear, was a letter dated July 16 from M. Jeff Thompson ("The Sw^amp Fox"), which letter was found on a captive and in which Thompson wrote : "I am advancing and General Yell will follow me in a few days with 5,000 men. He will take position between Rolla and fronton. General Watkins will move up, sus- tained bv General Pillow, and if proper energy is exercised, we can NICOLAUS SCHUETTNER. Colonel 4th Infantry, Missouri Volunteers. The Southivest. 289 drive the enemy North of the Missouri, and into St. Louis in 30 days." Botii these news, from Memphis and the "Swamp Fox," look very much Hke a put-up job to divert the attention of the Federal authorities, and to mask the movement of troops and war material up the White and Arkansas rivers, for an attack of the Union posi- tion at Springfield near the head of White River. This supposition was strengthened by the condition of the roads between Black River, the Cache and the Castor, where a small force could stop a little army. The position of Colonel Harding, as chief director of military affairs during Lyon's absence from St. Louis was one fraught with great difficulties; he had often to act upon the spur of the moment with- out the General's advice ; demands for troops, provisions, arms, money, came in from all quarters, and he lacked the proper assist- ance, of a directive general staff. The situation was soon to be aggravated by events at the seat of war in the East. President Lincoln had asked Congress, which assem- bled on July 4, to call out 400,000 iiien, and to vote a credit of $400,- 000,000. Congress, without hesitation, authorized the calling out of 500,000 men, and voted a credit of $500,000,000. Besides this patriotic resolve, the Union arms were successful in some smaller engagements. On the 16th of July, however, General McDowell left Washington, D. C, with 32,500 men, camped at Fairfax Court- house and concentrated his forces on the 20th at Centreville. Some precious time was lost in too much reconnoitering, for had the attack upon the Confederate lines taken place on the 20th of July, the defeat of Beauregard at Bull Run would have been certain, as the Confederate troops under Johnston could not possibly arrive on the battlefield before noon of the 21st. As it was. the Union forces, though at first successful in front, were taken unawares in their flank and suffered a crushing defeat. To guard against its reacting consequences, the news of the lost battle was suppressed in the St. Louis evening papers, and all possible precautions were taken to meet disorders in the city; every suspicious move w^as immediately reported and traced to its origin. Popular commotions are like an incipient fire, easily stopped at the beginning, but if permitted to spread, soon get beyond control. This time the peace of the city was not disturbed; a sure sign that the armies in the field had already absorbed tlie most fiery elements. 290 "i'he Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. MISSOURI STATE CONVENTION OUSTS GOVERNOR. The Missouri State Convention adjourned in St. Louis on March 22, subject to the call of the majority of a Committee: R. W. Wilson, J. T. Tindall, J. W. McClurg, James R. McCormack and Thomas T. Gantt, being such majority, called the Convention to re-assemble at Jefferson City on the 22d day of July. The Convention, on reassembling at Jefferson City, witnessed the absence of its first Chairman, General Sterling Price, and of 16 mem- bers who were already in the Camp of the Secessionists ; all of them were former conditional Union men, with conditions that could not be filled. A new President of the Convention was elected, and on behalf of a Committee of Seven, James 0. Broadhead reported on the condition of the State : "We find our Capitol deserted by its Governor and other high officers of state. We find that, in opposition to the linown wishes of the people and in violation of their obligations to the Constitution of the United States, which they had sworn to support, they had formed a conspiracy to dissolve the con- nection of Missouri with the Federal Government, and that, in conjunction with a large portion of members of the Legislature, they have attempted, through the forms of legislation, to establish a military despotism over the people. We find that our Governor has, by his proclamation, incited the people of this Commonwealth to armed opposition to the Laws and Govern- ment of the United States, and that he is now in open rebellion against that Government and urging the people of other States, and the Indian tribes, to invade the soil of his own State, whose credU lie has prostrated and whose property he has wantonly destroyed." The natural consequence of this truthful representation of affairs was that the vacation of the offices of Governor Jackson, Lieutenant Governor Reynolds and Secretary of State Massey, who had fled to the Secessionist camp and out of the State, was finally declared on July 30 by a vote of 56 to 25. Next day Hamilton R. Gamble Avas elected Governor, Willard P. Hall Lieutenant Governor, Mordecai Oliver Secretary of State, George A. Bingham Treasurer. In his address Governor Gamble emphasized his unconditional adherence to the Union. From all those who were to continue or to come into office the Convention demanded an oath of loyalty to the Union : the same was made a condition of the voting franchise. The State Gov- ernment was to have- its official seat in St. Louis, for Secession raids were anticipated, which made Jefferson City unsafe. Having fin- The Southwest. 291 ished its business, the Convention issued a memorial, embodying its transactions and giving the reasons for the decree of the adopted measures. The election of (Jamble for Governor was a concession to the Ultra Conservative Union element, and no doubt pleased even all condition- al Union men. Gamble had supported Harney and was hostile to Lyon and his policy of arming Home Guards. At first sight the elec- tion looked as one of those dangerous half measures, which generally only cause mischief, and it is an open question whether his later use- fulness was an equivalent for his inmiediate powerless condition in the gubernatorial chair in 1861, because the active Union men of that period who could be useful to his organizing talent had no sympathy for him. Archibald Gamble and the great majority of the Conven- tion represented the conservative Union men of Missouri of 1860, most of whom were strong State Rights men. The active Union men of St. Louis and Missouri, who saved the city and the State to the Union, Avere Radicals, whose political convictions were settled and could not be influenced by the action of the Convention. A Seces- sion ordinance by that Convention would have only hastened the conquest of the State ])y the Union forces. These later had to hold Gamble in his Governor's position, for his "peace for any price" friends were completely obliterated by the rush of events. Neverthe- less Gamble's conservatism kept conservative Southern sympathizers in Missouri from active participation in hostilities. At this June meeting of the Missouri State Convention the worst and most revolutionary laws of the last Legislature were repealed, namely, those establishing a military force, its financial support, and the ofiice of jNlajor General ; likewise the grab law of the School Fund, and the law catering to the friendship of the Indians, while the Militia law of December 31, 1859, was reinstated. In these matters the Convention ])roved equal to the exigencies of the hour. The status of Slavery in Missouri was not touched; for. although the Con- vention was sovereign in Missouri State maters, an outside impetus was expected by the members before venturing to handle the most difficult question of the whole situation. During the session of the Convention Colont'l .lohn D. Stevpuson wrote to Adjutant Harding: ''All the members of the Convention from the Southwest urge the necessity of sending plenty of reinforce- ments to General Lyon, and request me to so telegraph you. I do 292 1'he Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. so ;,of course, you know what is best ; whether they are better informed than you are, you can judge." Of course, that went without saying, that the authority at Headquarters was in the position to judge best where to apply reinforcemnts. The urgent and repeated demands from the Southeast had to be weighed with those of Northern Mis- souri, where Harris was to make a combined attack on Jefferson City with forces from Osage, Pettis, Linn and Camden Counties, although he would have to cross the Missouri River, and had neither bridge nor boats. Harris, who was speeding to a combined movement with Secessionists from Osage County, who were also separated from Jef- ferson by the deep and broad Osage River ; the same Harris who, by previous reports, was to be assisted by his friends from Pettis County, who had to march 50 miles with a Federal force at Boonville in their flank. Now such news may sound ominous, but there is so little probabil- ity in them that they should have weighed lightly in the scale of considerations; while Lyon's representations, coming from an ex- perienced leader, deserved the greatest possible attention. THE BATTLE OF FULTON. Callaway County borders on the Missouri River from Jefferson City eastward for over 40 miles, to near the mouth of the Gasconade. It was infested by a Secessionist organization under Tom Harris, who threatened the safety of the Capital, but still more the communica- tion on the River, the Pacific Railroad and the small Union settle- ments of the neighborhood. There were no troops disposable at Jef- ferson City with which this hostile band could be checked; and Volunteers were called from the Third Reserve Regiment to under- take this task. Near 460 men responded, proceeded on the 16th of July by train to Jefferson City, and after being hospitably entertained by Colonel Boernstein with coffee and crackers, crossed the Missouri River the same evening and went into "Camp Fritz," several miles northeast of the city. A chance shot of a Sentinel alarmed the camp in the small hours of the night, upon which Colonel McNeill ordered a hasty breakfast taken, broke camp and started at daylight North- ward. Single horsemen had been seen already the preceding day, watching from a distance the movements of the Third Reserve. Great care was had on the march through the wooded and hilly terri- The Southwest. 293 tory, with occasional fields of deserted farms. White an old camp of the enemy was passed, several shots were fired from the bush, severely wounding one man. The column now advanced in the fol- lowing order: Van Guard Company F, Captain Ph. Weigel; Main Column Company E, Captain William A. Hequembourg; Company I, Captain R. Hundhausen ; Company B, Captain Charles A. Warner ; Company H, Captain Hy. Lischer; Rear Guard, Captain Tony Niederwieser. The freshness of the morning air was soon super- seded by a sweltering heat, and the rays of a July sun bathed in perspiration the limbs of the marching soldiers. About 10 o'clock the column halted on a more elevated part of the road, thinly skirted with trees, when those at the head of the main column per- ceived the enemy at some distance in front. There was a more heavily wooded ravine to the side, which the Van Giiard must have passed unobserved, or without clearing it up, for all of a sudden several shots .and then volleys from hundreds of muskets greeted the resting men. The first Companies threw themselves on the ground to avoid the fire and then rapidly formed into line parallel to th^ enemy and sent several volleys into the well-covered line of the ambush. The Companies from the rear had also moved into line, ^nd took up the fire, when Colonel McNeill, apprehending that the main body was firing at the Van Guard, galloped to the front, waiv- ing a revolver and commanding, "Cease firing." The Van Guard, however, had been permitted to pass the ambush unnoticed and was out of harm's way. The Secessionists could not stand the fire of the Union Companies, and, at their charge with the bayonet, broke through the woods, run to their horses tied to a fence, rode off towards Fulton, in whose streets they disappeared. In this engage- ment the Third Reserve had 20 wounded, 1 mortally; while the loss of the Secessionists, owing to the heavier caliber of the Union mus- kets, must have been much larger. While in Fulton members of the Third Reserve published an issue of the deserted "Callaway Union." Quartermaster George E. Leigh- ton was the able editor, foreman was Captain Hy. Lischer, and the compositors were taken from the rank and file. This issue contained a patriotic appeal to the disaffected citizens of Missouri and Joseph Holt's renowned Louisville speech of July 14, also the "In Memoriam" for Christian Pahlman, the young German who only recently immigrated, and died in defense of his adopted countrv. 294 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. The plan had been that a concerted movement was to defeat Harris. Lieutenant Colonel Hammer, with several Companies of the Fourth Volunteers, crossed the Missouri at Hermann, marched to Florence on the North Missouri Railroad, but arrived at Fulton after the Third Reserve and the retreat of Harris. Forty-two men Cavalry of the First Reserve were attacked by a body of Secessionists on the march from Montgomery to Mexico. In the skirmish Lieutenant Anton Jaeger of the First Reserve was killed, one man wounded and several horses lost. Colonel M. L. Smith, with two Companies of the Eighth Missouri Volunteers and four Companies of the Second Mis- souri Volunteers under Lieutenant Colonel Fred Schaeffer, were sent by rail to Mexico, to meet Hurlbut's belated troops^^ho should have cut off the retreat of the Secessionists. This plan failed, as all similar long-distance combinations usually fail. Still these expedi- tions were useful, as they pacified the country and secured the much- needed lines of communication. THE SITUATION AT ST. LOUIS. Turner Hall, on Tenth and Walnut, had its windows and doors barricaded and prepared for shooting. Its central location made it important in case of a riot or a hostile rising, especially as it was near the disaffected residence portion of the city. When the larger portion of the Third Reserve volunteered out of town four Companies of the First Reserve under Lieutenant Colonel R. J. Rombauer were ordered to occupy Turner Hall. These Companies were : B, Captain R. E. Rombauer; C, Captain Theodore Hildenbrandt ; D, Captain Leonhard Weindel; E, Lieutenant Lorenz Liebermann. The Com- mander ordered Lieutenant Charles G. Johnson of the Third Reserve to assemble those members of his Regiment who remained in town to form with them three Companies, take command of the First Com-, pany, give the Second to Louis Duestrow and the Third to Lieu- tenant James H. Wodwarka of the First Reserve, and let these Cap- tains appoint pro tem their other officers, assign the sections to Sergeants, who made out rolls of the residence and business places of their men. This arrangement of July 15 gave to Lieutenant Colonel Rombauer a command of seven full Companies, which were sufficient to deal with any casual disturbance in the center of town. Gustave Hammerstein acted as Aid and Commissary for the First The South irest. 295 and Charles P. Johnson for the Third Reserve. One full Company was on guard duty and one held in reserve each night. Rallying places were assigned and all had orders to march to Turner's Hall on the first alarm. Companies B, C and D of the First Reserve to take position in (he yard; Company E of same and the First and Third Company of the Third Reserve on the first floor, and the Second Company of the Third Reserve in the large hall of the second floor; all Companies to face south, with their right wing at the west wall. When the news of the defeat of Bull Run (July 21) reached St. Louis the excitement in town was great, and all Companies of the Command were consigned to stay day and night at Turner Hall. Every one who was not on the Callaway County expedition responded cheerfully to this duty, although many members of the Reserve, par- ticularly of the Third Regiment, already then represented large business interests, as, for instance, Eberhardt Anheuser, Adam Roth, Theodore Platte, Adolphus Busch, I. A. Holmes, C. H. Dunker, Chauncey I. Filley, Daniel M. Houser, Lucien Eaton, William J. Lemp and others too numerous to name. On the 25th the detach- ment was relieved by the Companies of the Third returning from the Callaway County scout. Adjutant General Harding, writing to Lyon on the day of the battle of Bull Run, characterizes the situation at St. Louis: "From Jefferson City, I had nothing but trouble. It being impossible to supply the places of Boernstein's six Companies, I left him there and — but I won't stop to mention his performances." "At home our friends are alarmed, and the city is uneasy. . . . Only 2,200 Reserve Corps left; there is mismanagement of trans- portation at Rolla. A large number of army wagons with mules have been sent down — 250,000 rations were ordered on the 6th; 4,000 pair shoes and clothing to match were ordered on the 13th ; part have been shipped." He also refers to reorganizations for the three- year service, and mentions Lieutenant Colonel Hassendeubel, who starts a Regiment (the Seventeenth Missouri), and writes: "I shall reorganize the Second and Fourth under their Captains and put the first ten Companies formed into one Regiment, without regard to the preferences of individuals." A questionable policy. Harding con- tinues: "The Eighth Missouri Volunteers can go down this week; the Ninth and Tenth are tilling up fast." . . . "Mulligan's Regiment tVoiii Illinois arrived here yesterday for arms; several of 296 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. its Companies were sent to Jefferson City, others will go up Tuesday." This Regiment went later to Lexington, Missouri, where troops from Boonville of the Seventh Missouri and Fifth Reserve, Charles G. Stifel, had diligently prepared the position for defense. Two days after Lyon started south from Boonville a detachment of the Fifth Reserve left that place to visit the river towns up the Missouri. They hoisted a Union flag at Brunswick, organized Home Guards and captured some violent Secessionists. On July 9 they fished out five old cannon from their hiding place in the river at Lexington, secured some powder, and, under the direction of Captain John A. Neustaedter from the Artillery, laid out and built the fortifications, which later on were defended by Mulligan's men and 1,220 men under Colonel B. W. Grover, who formed a Home Guard Regiment from the neighboring counties and was mortally wounded in defense of the place. While at Blue Mills destroying boats the Fifth Reserve lost 1 man killed and had 12 wounded Companies of the Regiment went up to Leavenworth and secured there some aid in men and arms, and left two cannons and two mortars in the Lexington forts. Re- turning to Boonville, , they were attacked from the river bluff and lost several men. On July 19th Colonel Stifel's Fifth ReseiTe , re- turned to the St. I;Ouis Arsenal and delivered their prisoners and contraband of war. CHARLES G. STIFEL. Colonel .'ith r. S. Reserve Corps. .Missouri Volunteers. CHAPTER XL JOHN C. FREMONT. The measure of attaching Missouri to McClellan's Department, with Headquarters 500 miles away, was objected to by McClellan himself, and the Blairs and other prominent Union men urged and secured the organization of the Western Department, embracing all States and Territories west of the Mississippi to the Rocky Mountains, including also the State of Illinois. John C. Fremont w^as appointed to this Command. It was a popular appointment. The pathfinder over the Rocky Mountains who had crossed the great desert and secured California, the land whose rivers run with sand of gold ; the scientist honored by Alexander Humboldt, the Republican candidate for Presidency in 1856, nominated on the first ballot and receiving 114 electoral votes, was certainly the most welcome Commander to all progressive elements in the new Department. John C. Fremont was born and educated in the South; the exact study of mathematics, leading to a realization of conditions, and a world-wide culture, as well as his happy union with Jessie Benton, daughter of Missouri's great Senator, elevated him above local prejudices of the oligarchic and plutocratic pow^er. The freedom of nature in the Rocky Mountains and the Sierra Nevada nerved every fiber of his being. His very fealty to the cause of human liberty secured him the Free Soil or Republican nomination of 1856. He had read History and knew that Aristocracy and Slavery go hand in hand ; that the privileges of the few are the doom of the masses ; that the immense wealth accumulated by the Slave barons was used for the destruction of the Union, and by word and deed he was deter- mined to strike at the root of the evil ; and he did it most effectually by his proclamation for the emancipation of the Slaves of armed Secessionists, which he issued August 31, 1861. On his return from Europe, where he had been sent by the U. S. Government to purchase a large supply 'of arms, he was appointed Major (Jencial. and a.'^sumed command at St. Louis on the 25th of 297 298 The IJnion Cause in ISt. Louis in 1861. July, and immediately applied to the National Headquarters for a force and outfit adequate to his task. Washington was in the height of excitememt on account of the disaster at Bull Run, and M. Blair answered him that it was impossible at the time to give attention to Missouri affairs; Fremont should act upon his own judgment and responsibility to defend the Union cause and people in the West. The Secessionists had at that time 20,000 men under Pillow, Hardee and Jeff Thompson in the southeast of Missouri; 80,000 under Mc- CuUoch and Price in the Southwest. To the latter Lyon could oppose 7,000 at Springfield, whose time of service was rapidly expiring; about 6,500. Union troops were under Prentiss at Cairo ; near 1,000 at Ironton, and a force of several thousand under Pope's command in North jNIissouri. An urgent representation came from General Prentiss at Cairo, as the term of service of six out of his eight Regi- ments had nearly expired. Besides this, the garrisons of Cape Girardeau and Ironton were hardly adequate to the defense of those places. In fact, the term of all three-months men was fast expiring. Scouts reported General Pillow gathering a force of some 20,000 at New Madrid; General Hardee, with 5,000, to be marching on Ironton; Col. Jeft' Thompson (surnamed the ''Swamp Fox") mus- tering a force at Bloomfield. Even if this news was exaggerated, the hostile preparations looked threatening enough to call for im- mediate action ; and, prompted by these circumstances. Gen. Fre- mont organized the expedition to Cairo and Bird's Point, which by the 31st of July was ready to move South. According to Colonel Chester Harding's evidence, given before the Committee on the Conduct of War, the disposition of the troops in Missouri on the 25th day of July, the 'day of Fremont's arrival at St. Louis, was the following : AT ST. LOUIS. The Eighth Regiment, Missouri Infantry, at Abbey Park; the Second and Fourth Missouri Infantry were being mustered out and reorganizing at the Arsenal. Of the Ninth and Tenth Volunteers, 225 men were distributed in skeleton Companies at the Arsenal, but neither clothed nor equipped. The Engineer Regiment of the West had just been started. Buell's Battery of 150 men, recently assigned to the Department, had orders for Artillery equipments and guns. The First, Second, Third, Fourth and part of the Fifth Reserve John C. Fremont. 299 Regiments were at St. Louis, but could not be moved from tliere witliout their consent. AT ROLL A. There were 554 men of Bayless' Rifie Battalion, and 1,00(1 men of the Thirteenth Illinois Infantry, Col. Waynian. AT SPRING FIELD. Five companies of Regular Infantry and five companies of Regu- lar Cavalry. The First Regiment Missouri Volunteers, and parts of the Third and Fifth Missouri Volunteers, Avith the exception of three-months men, sent home to be mustered out; two Rifle Com- panies of the Second ]\Iissouri Volunteers, and the First and Second Kansas Volunteers ; one Company of Pioneers ; Totten's and Dubois' Regular Batteries, and two Batteries from Backoff's Artillery Bat- talion. AT JEFFERSON CITY, Two Companies of the Seventh Missouri Infantry; seven Com- panies of the Twenty-third Illinois Infantry. The other three Com- panies of same were under orders to come up from St. Louis. One. section of Backoff's Artillery Battalion. AT BOONVILLE. Eight companies of the Seventh Missouri Infantry, Col. Steven- son, and one section of Backoff's Artillery. AT LEXINGTON. Part of the Fifth U. S. Reserve Corps. AT PILOT KNOB AND IRONTON. The Sixth Missouri Infantry, Col. Bland, and a section of Pio- neers. AT CAPE GIRARDEAU. The Twentieth Regiment, Illinois Infantry, under Col. Marsh. 300 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. AT ST. CHARLES. One section of Pioneers. According to Col. Harding, these troops aggregated 15,943 men. Besides these, twenty-three Companies of Home Guards guarded the railroad bridges in different parts of the State. Two Illinois and one Iowa Infantry Regiment were guarding the Hannibal & St. Joseph R. R., while General Pope, with part of his Division, was guarding Northeast Missouri. The threats of invading hostile forces from all sides, and the scarcity of troops, induced General Fremont to push the field fortifica- tions of St. Louis to their rapid completion. Granting the difficulty of defending a large city like St. Louis by isolated forts; granting that it would take a large army to defend the very extended position of these forts, they no doubt had a great moral effect, both in the councils of the hostile camp, as well as upon the partially disaffected population of the City itself. St. Louis had lost a large portion of its trade; party animosity led even to a split among the members of the Merchants' Exchange ; the Southern sympathizers kept up the Chamber of Commerce, while those opposed to. Secession in any form organized the Union Mer- chants' Exchange. Factories lay idle; by the end of July over 20,000 of their best workingmen were either in the Union or Con- federate military service, neither of whom were paid at the time, and a large portion of the population faced starvation. Patriotic ladies organized soup-hoUses, rolled up their sleeves arid went chok- ing for the poor, and the chan<'e to earn wages by work oh the forti- fications was a godsend to the inhabitants. A peremptory order upon the SubtreasuTy of St. Louis for $100,000, without the direct sanction from Washington, relieved the greatest distress. CAIRO AND BIRD'S POINT. Already, on the 19th of July, or six days before Fremont arrived at St. Louis, Colonel Harding sent a report to him, on the threatening conditions of affairs in Southeast Missouri, stating in his report: "If we once lose possession of the swamps of that region, a large army will be required to clear them, while if we get possession first and hold the causeway, a smaller force will do. General McClellan tele- Jolin C. Fremont. 301 graphed that he had authentic intelligence of a large army gather- ing at Pocahontas, according with what I have advised for weeks. Will you take into consideration the importance to Cairo, that the Southeast should be held by us?" Upon Fremont's arrival, fre- quent telegrams from General Prentiss, Cairo, and Colonel Marsh,, Cape Girardeau, represented the situation as extremely dangerous. In fact, it was expected that as soon as the enemy gathered sufficient strength, he w^ould attack Bird's Point and press towards St. Louis. Governor Jackson left the Secessionist Camp of the Southwest on July 12th, called on General Polk at Memphis, and urged him to aid an invasion of Missouri, with the object of influencing the de- cisions of the Missouri Convention, which was to meet at Jefferson City on the 22d of July. For this purpose. he was evidently too late. Nevertheless, a division of forces of the United States was very desirable for the Confederates, and for this reason General Polk directed General Pillow to move with 6,000 men from Western Tennessee to New INIadrid, Mo., unite there with Jefferson Thomp- son, effect a junction with Hardee from Pocahontas, and attack Lyon in rear, or march direct upon St. Louis. Such visionary schemes, considering distances and difficulties of communication, could only be explained upon the theory that the news of the Con- federate victory at Bull Eun. ran away with the judgment of other- wise sensible men. General Polk enlarged even on this scheme, as T. L. Snead quotes him: ''Having driven the enemy from the State, I will then enter Illinois." wrote the brave old soldier, "and take Cairo in rear on my return.'' General Pillow occupied New Madrid on the 28th of July. His army was called by his party friends the ''Army of Liberation," al- though its purpose was the extension of Slavery. This threatening move only prompted greater haste for Fremont's Cairo expedition, particularly as an order to General U. S. Grant to advance with a force to Bloomfield had been countermanded. Pressing demands also came from General Lyon from the Southwest, but the free navigation of the Mississippi and the Ohio, secured by the possession of Cairo and Bird's Point, were considered of higher strategic im- portance. Lyon was advised by Fremont that he could send him no immediate reinforcements; and as it had been intimated by his friends that Lyon might fight a battle at Springfield, Fremont de- 302 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. clared that if Lyon fights at Spriiigfieldj he does so upon his own responsibility. This information shows that Lyon was expected to retreat from Springfield. Such w-ere the circumstances under which Fremont turned towards Cairo, as the most important threat- ened point. He gathered together a force of near 4,000 men of Iowa and Illinois troops, with one detachment of 1,000 men of the St. Louis First and Second Reserve Regiment, under Lieutenant- Colonel R. J. Rombauer; Lieutenant-Colonel Phillip Brimmer and Major Julius Rapp, Adjutant Herman Bleek, Quartermas- ter H. Ratjen .and Commissary Geo. Bensberg. The Detachment had twelve Companies: First Company, Capt. R. E. Rombauer; Second Company, Capt. Theo. Hildenbrandt ; Third Company. Capt. Aug. Eichele; Fourth Company, Lt. Geo. Reinhardt; Fifth Com- pany, Capt. Chas. Hartig; Sixth Company, Capt. Jos. Schubert; Seventh Company, Capt. B. Essroger; Eighth Company, Capt. Wm. Hahn; Ninth Company, Capt. Ed. Wuerpel; Tenth Company, Capt. Felix Laies; Eleventh Company, Capt. Theo. Boethelt; Twelfth Company, Capt. H. Zakrzew^ski. The other men of the First and Second Reserve were on the Pacific, Southwest Branch and Iron Mountain Railroad, under Colonel Henry Almstedt of the First and Herman Kallmann of the Second Reserve, on bridge guarding and scouting service. The De- tachment of the First and Second Reserve, camped at Scholten's Gar- den, now Lemp's Park. It being excessively hot. Lieutenant Lorenz Liebermann was sunstruck and died. By the first of August all troops boarded vessels — Major General Fremont and Sfafl", the "City of Alton" ; the Missouri Resen^es, the "H. W. Graham" ; the other troops, the "City of Louisiana," the "Warsaw," "War Eagle," "D. A. January" and "Empress." By 3 o'clock p. m. the fleet formed in line. It was a beautiful day. The sun, reflected from the Mis- sissippi River, penetrated the dark volumes of smoke, which rose towards a cloudless sky, relieved here and there by the foaming white steam. Every available place from the boiler to the hurricane deck Avas crowded by soldiers, who were greeted from the shores by thousands of waving handkerchiefs and hats, when the whistles sounded, the cannon boomed, the band struck up "The Star-Spangled Banner," and the steamers, Avith one magnificent swoop, turned southward towards the land of cotton, soon to be lost in the gray distance to many eyes dimmed by the tears of emotion. The fleet John (J. Fremont. 303 laid by four hours during the night, and at 7 a. m. was greeted by the American Zouaves of the Twentieth lUinois Volunteers at Cape Girardeau, and reached Bird's Point at 4 p. m. Rounding to the shore, the "H. W. Graham" tied up under a high bank, cutting off all breeze. Here the intense heat of the sun and the boilers over- came many men and gave Dr. Emil Seeman and his assistants more work than they could attend to. This sudden dropping of many men almost created a panic, and the great stress upon the nerves was only relieved when the working parties succeeded in making a practicable road to the top of the high bank. Besides the Reserves, the Seventeenth and Nineteenth Illinois and the Second Iowa Volun- teer Infantry landed at Bird's Point. The Mississippi River was the natural line of operation for a Union Army in the West, on account of the facility of transporta- tion and the great technical advantages of the North in the equip- ment of gunboats, tinclads, and vessels of all kinds, which were available to the South only in a very limited Avay. All this became more important as the Southern railroads had a different guage from the Northern, which made their road-beds of little immediate value after their rolling stock had been removed. The real objective points in every contest are the armies of the enemy, which would naturally concentrate in defense of the great artery of national life; and for this reason a possession of the Mississippi meant the possession of the West. In the hands of the Union Army, it cut off almogt one- third of the Confederacy by permanently stopping the communica- tion between the seceded States east and west of the river. On the other hand, there were considerations for the safety of the Union men in the Border States, which led to a scattering of troops over a large area, often isolated and without proper means of connnunica- tion. Still, there is no doubt that the destruction of the hostile armies was of greater importance than the protection of scattered Union posts. Therefore Fremont's move to Cairo and Bird's Point appears to be correct, and fault may be found chiefly with that authority which did not energetically ])nsh the movement South- ward. The Mississi])i>i at Cairo is very wide; still, a hostile Battery at Bird's Point would have effectually stopped navigation of transports from the Upper Mississippi to the Ohio. While Bird's Point itself is only a high bottom, it had sufficient open field all around it to make 394 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. the tield fortifications raised at the place quite defensible, while the swampy woods, at about 1,500 yards distance, could be also utilized for a preliminary defense. Within a day's march South were Con-' federate troops under Pillow, and Jeff Thompson's bands were in- festing the neighborhood. A specimen of the latter's mode of war-, fare may be had from his own report of August 12th, to General Pillow: "I sent my dragoons over the river to gather transportation. The tempta- tion to have a brush before leaving was too great, and they charged into the town of Hamburg, scattering the Dutch in all directions. My men fired at them as they ran through the fields, although unarmed, and killed one, mor- tally wounded five, seriously wounded several others and brought away thir- teen prisoners and twenty-five horses. These men were the federal Home Guards, 'but the attack was so unexpected that they did not find their guns to fight, but as they kept them secreted, our men only got five." Everybody can analyze this report for himself, and trace to their very origin those causes which made it possible. LYON AT SPRINGFIELD. On Lyon's taking command at Springfield, July 14th, the Union affairs in that neighborhood were in a critical condition. The time of service of the three-months men, which formed about half his command, was rapidly expiring. Notwithstanding the Order of Quartermaster General Meigs, issued July 6th, to Quartermaster Mc- Kinstrey at St. Louis, to send as many teams as may be required to transport supplies, forage and clothing to Lyon's army, hardly any- thing had reached that destination by July 27th — nay, McKinstrey had even discharged the teams previously hired by Sigel, Gratz Brown and Sweeney. It was evident that the machinery did not Avork right, which was chiefly the fault of a system which tied the hands of the local commanders. Under date of Springfield, July 13th, Lyon writes to Harding: "My effective force will soon be reduced by about four thousand men, including the Illinois Regiment now on the march from Rolla (which never got to Lyon). Governor Jackson will soon have in this vicinity not less than thirty thousand men. I must have at once an additional force of ten thousand men, or abandon my posir tion. All must have supplies and clothing. ^ N. Lyon.". JOSEPH SPIEGELHALTER. Lieutenant r)th Infantry. .Missouri Volunteers, in 1861. .loJti} C. Frctnont. 305 July lolii his Assistant Adjutant General, Schofield, writes a letter of similar tenor, and adds: 'H)ur troops are badly clothed, poorly fed, and iiiii)erfc('tly supplied with tents; none of them have yet l)een [)aid. and the three-months Volunteers have become disheart- ened to such an extent that very few of them are willing to renew (heir enlistment." He also suggests, very sensibly, that the garri- soning of St. Louis should be left entirely to the Home Guards. At this time Lyon received an order from General Scott to send five Companies of Regulars, with Captain Sweeney, east, which proves that Sweeney was not considered a Brigadier General at Washington. To this last demand from Army Headquarters, Lyon answered: "My aggregate is between seven thousand and eight thousand men, more than half of whom are three months' Volunteers, some of whose term of enlist- ment has just expired; others will claim a discharge within a week or two and the dissolution of my forces from this necessity, already commenced, will leave me less than four thousand men. In my immediate vicinity, it is cur- rently reported, there are thirty thousand troops and upward whose number is constantly augmenting. The evils consequent upon the withdrawal of any portion of my force will be apparent; — possible defeat of my troops in battle will peril the continued ascendancy of the Federal power itself, not only in the State, but in the whole W^est; — large bodies of troops should be sent forward to this State, instead of withdrawn. . . . The moral support of the presence of the few Regulars in my command is doubtless the main con- sideration which holds the enemy in check. ... In this state of affairs, presumed to have been unknown, when the order was issued, I have felt justi- fied in delaying its execution for further instruction." Two days later, Lyon asks Colonel Harding to send tu him the Fourth and Fifth Regiment, Iowa Volunteers, from Burlington, Iowa, if they are not otherwise needed. They never got to him. Authority from Washington was now received at St. Louis to accept all three-year Regiments that offer their services. In con.sequence of this authority. Colonel Harding thought he could soon reinforce Lvon, which might have been done from other quarters, for on July loth Brigadier General John Pope, who, with his command, guarded lailroads in North Missouri, sent this short notice to Assistant Adju- tant General Harding: "Have dispatched conditions of affairs to Gen- eral Fremont and asked authority to take the field with live more Regiments. Fxpect answer to-night. Will go down and confer with you soon as I hear." Fremont, however, assumed command at St. Louis only on the "i.jth, and ten precious days were lost by General Pope's waiting for orders. 20 30G The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. Most unfortunately for Lyon's Command, the terms of the three- months Volunteers nearly all expired between the 22nd and 28th of July, while only the First Missouri had reorganized for three years' service. Those not willing to re-enlist were transferred to other Regi- ments. There was an undue pressure brought to bear upon the men whose terms had expired, to make them stay at Springfield, and their readiness to serve their country in April, 1861, was ill rewarded even by threats of coercion. The ill-feeling started when, upon the re- organization of the First Missouri Volunteers for the three-years' ser- vice on June 10th, a large number of its members declined to take up that new term of service, and there were some not very creditable attempts made to induce them to yield to the wishes of the higher officers, but better counsels prevailed, and later the just demands were granted, and men of the First, Third and Fifth Missouri Volunteers and of the Artillery Battalion, whose time had expired and who had not re-enlisted for the three-years' service, left Springfield July 24th, under command of Lieutenant Colonel C. D. Wolff, at a time when there was no hostile force of any consequence within sixty miles of Springfield. C. D. Wolff's Detachment arrived in St. Louis August 2nd, and the men were honorably discharged August 12th. Most of them re-enlisted soon afterwards in various Regiments, and for three years, or the duration of the war. The lack of a well-organized Staff' was sorelv felt at Washington, and in the Western Department. Colonel Harding was almost op- pressed by this want, and Lyon complained of it repeatedly. Recur- ring verbal messages through traveling officers could give no satis- factory basis for action, as thej^ are subject to misconceptions, lapses of memory, the individual shadings of subaltern officers, which may have a sinister influence upon the decision of important questions. On July 27th Lyon handed to Colonel John S. Phelps, an eminent Union man from Springfield, a memorandum, and asked him to see General Fremont about troops, stores, pay, clothing, shoes and staff officers, stating also the strength of his command, which was much reduced in numbers by the expiration of the three-months' term of troops, and ended the letter with the words: "The public press is full of reports that troops from other States are moving toward the northern border of Arkansas, for the purpose of invading Missouri." It took Colonel Phelps three days to get to St. Louis, and he arrived at Fremont's Headquarters shortly before the latter John (J. Fremont. 307 eiiil)arked with a large expedition for Cairo and Bird's Point, owing to the danger which threatened Cairo, the most important center of communication in the AVest. About the same time, Captain John S. Cavender, of the First Regiment, Missouri Volunteers, called at Fremont's Headquarters, and, after a delay of two days, succeeded in seeing Fremont, to whom he made explicit representations of the difficulties in the Southwest. Before returning to Springfield he w^as informed by Assistant Adju- tant General Kelton that a Paymaster had been ordered to leave in the cars next morning, "and General Fremont has arranged to send reinforcements at once. At least five thousand will go forward as soon as the orders can reach them. It's all right. Captain. You can tell General Lyon he will be attended to." Quite to the contrary effect is the statement of Dr. Frank G. Porter, w'ho also, upon Lyon's request, called on Quartermaster General ]\IcKinstrey, and stated to him that, if Lyon could get the Thirteenth Illinois from Rolla and the Seventh Missouri from Boonville, he w^ould be confident of success in any encounter wdth the Secessionists. McKin- strey answered it was impossible to secure transportation for those Regiments. Dr. Porter then called upon General Fremont and re- peated the information given by Phelps and Cavender, and added that it w^as Lyon's intention to fight the enemy at Springfield; to which General Fremont, as Dr. Porter says, replied that if General Lyon made the fight at Springfield he must do it upon his own re- sponsibility; General Lyon has his orders to fall back. The items of the above narration are taken from Jas. Peckham's well-known work on General Lyon. He speaks in the highest terms of Dr. Por- ter's character, and as Peckham was very well informed upon the affairs of the day, and not at all partial to General Fremont, his state- ment is of very great importance, for it proves that already in the last days of July Lyon was expected to fall back from Springfield, and that he fought the battle of Wilson's Creek on his own responsibility. This fact is corroborated by General Schofield's statement in his work, "Forty-Six Years in the Army." As to the difficulty of having need of staff officers, it must be noted that General Lyon certainly had in Major Schofield the ablest Chief of Staff that could bo secured from the Regular Army in the "We.st, and Lyon himself had the best possible opinion of Regular Army officers and men; still, for his minor staff officers, he had the choice 308 The Viiion Cause in St. Louis in 1861. among many experienced Volunteer officers, non-commissioned offi- cers and privates, as the Volunteer Regiments were in the main com- posed of a by far abler element than the rank and ffie of the Regu- lar Army. Before 1861 it was very seldom the case that a Private in the Regular Army should advance to an officer's rank. There was some reason for this in the small peace army, but none whatever during a war. The proverb, "Familiarity breeds contempt," was never known in the French Army since France became a free nation, yet they raised genial officers. News came to General Lyon that a recruiting camp of Secessionists was formed at Forsyth, on the White River. He detached, on July 20th, 1,200 men and a Section of Artillery, under the command of Captain Sweeney, who captured at that place a number of prisoners and secured some Quartermaster stores and provisions, without meet- ing a larger force of the enemy; nor did Sweeney's scouts learn of any larger force in that vicinity. After a thorough investigation, the expe.dition returned to Springfield. McCuUoch and Price had already before the middle of July sent a Special Messenger to Hardee at Pocahontas, asking his co-operation against Lyon, but received an unfavorable answer, as Hardee waited for reinforcements and a more complete outfit. This did not hinder the Secession army to start from Cowskin Prairie on July 25, arriving at Cassville on the 28th, Avliere it was joined by 650 men. McCul- loch's Command followed the next day, while Pearce came within ten miles of the place. This united force of 11.000 armed and about 2,000 unarmed men commenced its northward march from Cassville on July 31. Being advised of the advance of the enemy, Lyon seriously con- sidered what plan and policy to pursue. Three chances were before him : a retreat to Fort Scott or Rolla,' a defense of Springfield as a fortified camp, and to take the offensive and make an attack upon the enemy. The patriotic citizens of Springfield were decidedly against a retreat, which, for many of them, involved the leaving of house and home. Lyon's own disposition and the spirit of the army were adverse to a retreat, which would entail the loss of prestige and war material, while some of his officers even doubted the feasibility of a retreat, although his best educated officers firmly held that a retreat was prac- ticable, almost at any time. Weighty reasons spoke against making Springfield a fortified camp; the large area which the place covers John C. FreTYiont. 309 and its topo.u,rai)hy were nut favorable for defense; its population and buildings could not be shielded against hostile projectiles ; provisions were scant even for a short period, and the large mounted force of the enemy could have isolated the defenders from the first day of the siege. It would have taken quite a large army to raise the siege, and there was no prospect that such could be gathered on the outside before the Avant of provisions forced a surrender. Under these circum- stances Lyon resolved to improve the situation by attacking the enemy. It had been reported to him that the Secessionists were mov- ing upon Springfield iu three columns: one from the South by way of Ilarrisonville. one from the West by way of Greenfield and the third from the Southwest, on the direct road from Cassville. By simply watching the Ilarrisonville route and sending the First Missouri Volunteers to Greenfield for observation, Lyon w^as enabled to pro- ceed on August 1 with the bulk of his forces on the direct road towards Cassville, in the hope of defeating the strongest column ex- pected from that direction. Being informed that the detachment at Greenfield was not needed, he ordered the First Missouri Volunteers to join the main column, which it did by a forced march, making 60 miles in 33 hours. In the meantime Lyon's Advance Guard of two Companies under Steele, one Company under Lothrop, Totten's Battery of six gims, a Section of Captain SchaelTer's Cavalry and a Squadron under D. S. Stanley met, on August 2. the enemy's Advance Guard at Duck Springs, and after a short skirmish, some Artillery firing and a Cavalry charge under Lieutenant Michael J. Kelly, which was made after a recall had been sounded, forced Gen- eral Rains' Command to retreat in considerable confusion. This made a very bad impression in the Southern Camp, as the loss on either side was trifling, and there seemed to be no pressing occasion for a sudden retreat. The First Missouri Volunteers, which had joined the main body by this time, occupied the hostile camp. Next day, on August 3, the enemy was again met half a day's march farther South, at Curran's Postoffice. Here again they showed little resistance and gave way, retreating to Crane Creek, six miles further South, where ^h-Culloch was concentrating his forces. In these skirmishes the Secessionists' loss was estimated at 70, the Union loss was very small. A brief report from Mcintosh to McCul- loch upon this aft'air shows that considerable ill-feeling and jealousy prevailed in the Secession Camp. He writes on August 3 : 310 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. "Three miles from your camp, the command of General Rains, as I expected, came down upon us in full flight and in the greatest confusion. I drew up my men across the road and rallied the greater portion of them and sent them on in regular order. General Rains had engaged the enemy unadvisedly, and had sent for my small command to reinforce him, which I respectfully declined, having no disposition to sacrifice it in such company. Jas. McIntosh." At the Union Camp the opinion was prevalent that the object of the Secession leader was to draw Lyon further away from his supplies, and, in fact, the provisions in Lyon's Camp at that time had been reduced to one day's rations. Schofield writes upon this situation : ''The enemy showed no great force, and offered but slight resistance to our advance. It was evident that a general engagement could not be brought on within the limits of time and distance to which we were confined by the state of our supplies." Us Lyon had the bulk of his army (over 5,000 men of all arms) with him, he exposed Springfield to the chance of being taken by the enemy's stealing a march upon him along another route. After consulting the Com- manding Officers, Lyon ordered the retreat to Springfield, where his army was concentrated on August 5. At Crane Creek a Texas Regiment joined McCulloch's forces. Still Price urged him in vain to follow Lyon. In order to induce him to advance, General Price, though Senior in rank, offered to follow McCulloch's lead. After one day's consideration, and after receiving the news that General Pillow was advancing from New Madrid, Mc- Culloch's conscientious scruples vanished, and he assumed the com- mand. This is another instance of that jealous ambition among high military officers which so often has made and unmade History. In this instance, however, General Price's patriotic devotion saved the Secession cause a serious reverse. McCulloch now set his whole Com- mand in motion, but was too late to overtake Lyon. He pushed, on the 5th, to Moody's Spring, near Tyrrel's Creek, and on the 6th went into camp at Wilson's Creek. Here fine fields of ripening corn furnished him a subsistence, badly needed by his army. Arrived at Springfield, Lyon felt depressed on account of lack of provisions, want of reinforcements and the doubt that the means at his command wall suffice to protect the Union people of the Southwest. His ener- getic spirit and devoted patriotism could ill brook even a temporary check, and his unfounded suspicion of an intrigue against him by Ji/lin ('. Fr<' nidiif. 311 persons \n\i\\ in (tllicc, ineivased his irritation to a ])oint where oven defeat appeared preferable to a voUintary retreat. Jt has been stated that on consuhation of Commanders and higher officers, all except Captain Sweeney and Major Cornyn advised a retreat. After com- ing back from Curran Postoffice, Captain Plnmmer of the Regular .\rniy stated to Lyon his opinion that the evacuation of Springfield might be safely ett'ected in a couple of days, and one of the best ('(hicated and qualified officers of the United States Army, Major John M. Schofield, held the same opinion, and, as he was at the time Chief of Staff of Lyon's Army, Avas certainly best informed upon the details of the situation. In his work, "Forty-six Years in the Army," he states the case clearly and justly on page 39 of his work : "Lyons' personal feeling was so strongly enlisted in the Union cause, its friends were so emphatically his personal friends and its enemies his personal enemies . . . that he could not take the cool, soldierly view of the situa- tion, which should control the actions of the commander of a national army. If Lyon could have foreseen how many times the poor people of that section were destined to be overrun by the contending forces, before the contest could be finally decided, his extreme solicitude at that moment would have disap- peared. Or, if he could have risen to an appreciation of the fact, that his duty as the Commander in the field of one of the most important of the national armies, was not to protect a few loyal people from the inevitable hardships of war (loss of their cattle, grain and fences), but to make as sure as possible the defeat of the hostile army, no matter whether to-day, to-morrow, or next month; the battle of Wilson's Creek would not have been fought." Upon the same point Captain Plnmmer, a Regular officer of great merit, says : "I think it was the morning of the .jth (August) that we reached Spring- field. The question then arose that morning whether we should remain at Springfield and defend ourselves until we received reinforcements, or whether we should continue our retreat right on toward Rolla or Fort Scott. My own opinion was that we ought to remain a few days, we should wait at least two or three days for reinforcements. He (Lyon) stated he was not expecting any. About that time we received a few wagon loads of supplies from Rolla, which gave us some five or six days' rations. On the afternoon of the 9th we received marching orders. In the conversations of General Lyon with his officers, the only questions that arose were whether we should intrench ourselves at Springfield and wait for leinforcements, or retreat upon Rolla; or, rather, if we retreated, whether we should retreat upon Rolla, or upon Fort Scott. The determination to fight the battle of Springfield ( Wilson's Creek ) was his own — at least he did not consult me." rUnniiicr rstiiiiatcd that by t'oreod niarcjies 'troops could reach Springfield from Kolla in four days. Only excellent troops coidd 312 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. do this, and as for want of transportation, neither Stephenson's Sev- enth Missouri nor Wayman's Twelfth Illinois started in time, their assistance at Wilson's Creek on August 10 was out of the question. Lieutenant Hammer called, on August 3, at Fremont's Head- quarters, explaining the situation at Springfield, stating "that Jack- son's Army is in Jasper and adjacent counties with not less than 20,000 men ; that Lyon's force is not much more than one-fourth." This was promptly reported to General Fremont at Cairo, and he ordered Colonel Montgomery with the Third Kansas and Stephenson with the Seventh IMissouri Volunteers to report to Lyon. Fremont also wrote care of I. B. Wayman, Rolla, a letter, which Lyon received on August 9, and of which Schofield says: "The purport of that part of it, which was then of vital importance, is still fresh in my memory. That purport was instructions to the effect that if Lyon was not strong enough to maintain his position as far in advance as Springfield, he should fall back toward Rolla, until reinforcements should meet him." On the morning of August 9 Schofield suggested to Lyon the fol- lowing answ^er to Fremont's letter: "Springfield. August 9, 1861. "General: I have just received your note of the 6th inst., by special mes- senger. "I retired to this place, as I have before informed you, reaching here on the 5th. The enemy followed to within ten miles of here. He has taken a strong position, and is recruiting his supplies of horses, mules and provisions, by forays into the surrounding country; his large force of mounted men enabling him to do this without annoyance from me. "I find my position extremely embarrassing and am at present unable to determine whether I shall be able to hold my ground or be forced to retire. I can resist any attack from the front, but if the enemy moves to surround me, I must retire. I shall hold my ground as long as possible, and not endanger the safety of my entire force with its valuable material.'' This form of a letter Lyon changed, leaving out the portion in italics after the word "possible" in the penultimate line and adding after that word the following: "Though I may, without knowing how far, endanger the safety of my entire force, with its valuable material, being induced by the important considera- tions involved, to take this step. The enemy yesterday made a show of force, about five miles distant, and has doubtless a full purpose of making an attack upon me. Yours, N. Lyon." John C. Fremont. .313 The changes made in the letter by Lyon clearly indicate his inten- tion of risking the chances of a battle, notwithstanding the great odds he anticipated to meet. Schofield states that the plan of battle was detcrniined on the morning of the 9th by Lyon and Sigel, no other officer being present. Lyon said "it is Sigel's plan," yet he seemed to have no hesitation in adopting it. Tlie period of service for two Companies of the Third Volunteers and that of the Fourth Reserve having expired on August 8, they left Springfield on the 9th in order to be mustered out at St. Louis. The opinion that Lyon could have safely retreated on the 9th or 10th is supported by the favorable topography of the route towards Rolla, which first passes on the divide between the tributaries of the White and Osage rivers and farther east on the divide between the Osage and Gasconade, offering excellent positions for the Artillery, which could keep the enemy at a respectful distance ; especially as it had the support of a well-mounted and armed Cavalry, ready to charge the mounted shotgun Infantry of the enemy. The Union Infantry was better armed and drilled, and their fire would have told heavily upon a pursuing troop. There were no bridges or difficult passes on this line of retreat up to the Gasconade 12 miles west of Rolla, having there excellent positions for defense and the best chances for reinforcement. As the country round Springfield was inhabited by a mixed popu- lation of Union men and Secessionists, it was not very difficult to receive information relative both Camps. Still McCulloch's recon- noitering with an armed force failed to draw out Lyon's troops or to make them reveal their strength and position, and to the suggestion for an advance, he positively declined to "bring on an engagement with an unknown enemy." At a council of war on the 8th General Price insisted on an attack of Lyon's position, and as this was urged by other Connnanders, McCulloch gave out marching orders for August 9 at 9 p. m., but as rain set in before that hour, the orders were countermanded, otherwise the hostile armies would have met at night, each bent upon surprising the other. CHAPTER XII. THE BATTLE OF WILSON'S CREEK. Beyond the observations of the Pickets, some reconnoitering was done from Lyon's Camp. Early on the 9th Captain Harry Stone of the First Missouri Regiment was sent with his Company five miles out of town to the Picket Line, and ordered to proceed from there with only one Company of Cavalry, towards the enemy's Camp, with a vieAv of gathering information. He reported the arrival at Wilson's Creek Camp of new Texas and Arkansas troops. The Camp was only ten miles distant from Springfield; it had been repeatedly traversed on previous marches of Union troops and by citizens of Springfield, so that the general features of its topography were well known. After some consultation between Lyon and Sigel, the plan was adopted to attack the Camp at daybreak of the 10th by a sur- prise from two sides: one Column, under Lyon, to approach from the Northwest, the Second Column, under Sigel, from the Southeast. Lieutenant Colonel F. W. Cronenbold of the Fifth Missouri w^as to hold Springfield with a Command of a few Companies. The Camp of the Confederates was in the valley and the slopes on both sides of Wilson's Creek. This creek rises near the town of Springfield, flows four to five miles westward, then takes an almost southern direction for nearly ten miles before it empties into James River a tributary of White River. One mile above the mouth of Wilson's Creek it is joined from the West by Tyrell Creek and near one and one-half mile farther north by Skegg's Branch, coming also from the West. The road from Cassville, called the Fayetteville road, crosses both l)ranches mentioned, then runs a mile northward above Skegg's Branch, along the western bank yf Wilson's Creek, crosses this at a ford and runs northeast to Springfield. The neighboring hills rose to about 150 feet above the valley, which, with its slopes, was covered wdth trees and partly quite heavy -underbrush. Between Skegg's Branch and the Ford the road is hemmed in by the bluff and the creek; west of it the hill rises to over 130 feet, wdth slopes cut 314 Tlie Bat fie of Wilson's Crecic Sli BATTLEFIELD OF WILSON'S CREEK MM 316 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. by ravines, covered with scrub oaks and brush, and witli rocks crop- ping out near the top. This hill has since the battle received the name of ''Bloody Hill." The hills on the eastern bank of Wilson's Creek often rise abruptly about 75 feet before they assume gentler slopes. Beyond the north- ern end of Bloody Hill a larger ravine runs into the creek, and opposite this and somewhat east of the creek was a large cornfield, fenced and surrounded as usual by thicker underbrush. From the Northeast a small branch joined the Creek near the ford of the wagon road. Wilson's Creek is everywhere fordable for foot and horsemen ; south of Skegg's Branch and east of the Fayetteville road the valley widens. Here camped the Mounted Regiments of Greer and Churchill, and the Mounted jNIissourians under Major and Brown. North of Skegg's Branch, to the foot of Bloody Hill, camped • the Missouri Infantry Commands of McBride, Slack, Clark and Par- sons, and near them, on the road, Avere General Price's Headquarters. The extreme north of the Camp was held by Cawthon of Rain's Mounted Missourians, whose outposts stretched northward beyond Gibson's Mill. Mcintosh's Command held the ground north of the ford, and on the bluff east of him was Pierce's Brigade, Woodruff's Battery commanding the opposite hills, McRae's Battalion and the Third Louisiana Regiment, McCulloch's Headquarters being to the w^est of them. Farther south, and also on the eastern hill, stood Reid's Battery, and opposite the mouth of Skegg's Branch was Weightman's Brigade. The Camp extended along the right and left bank of the creek for about three miles, Avith a width of half that dis- tance. Broken by hills, ravines, creek banks, covered with trees, undergrowth and rocks, it was good defensive fighting ground for Infantry, with limited chances for the use of Artillery and very little chance for Cavalry. The short, clear spaces put for once the double- barreled shotgun on an equality with the rifle or minie musket. There are several versions extant with regard to the adoption of the plan for the attack upon the hostile Camp. One is that the Com- manders of Troops were assembled by Lyon and asked to give their opinion. Among them were able and experienced men like Schofield, who later advanced to the highest Command in the Army; Francis Sigel, with a thorough military education and large experience; Lieutenant Colonel A. Albert, w^ho had been Chief of Staff of an Army Corps in Hungary's war of 1848; Major Peter Osterhaus, an The Battle of Wilson's Creek. 317 educated German Ollicer, who became a renowned Major General during the war, and many officers of the Regular Army with their excellent West Point training. It is said all these officers were in favor of a retreat to Rolla. Captain Sweeney and Major Cornyn were not present, but said to have favored giving battle before Spring- field. This latter advice coincided with Lyon's disposition, who could ill brook a retreat, even before a superior force. The idea of deserting the Springliold Union population, which had received him enthusias- tically, was adverse to his sense of honor; the failure of reinforce- ments and sui)plies made him feel bitter and prompted him to a bold da.sh, which might possibly lead to victory or so cripple the enemy that he could not hinder a safe retreat. Thus it happened that, con- trary to the advice of his best officers and the directions of General Fremont, Lyon made up his mind to give battle. The value of this decision could naturally only be proved by its consequences. The l)lan of the attack was made by Lyon and Sigel alone, as stated, at the latter's suggestion, but no doubt approved by Lyon. The general features of the plan were given to the Chief of Staff, who worked out the detailed dispositions and issued the necessary orders. Accordingly, Sigel was to move with 1,600 Infantry, two Companies of Cavalry and six cannon, on the evening of the 9th, along the Fayetteville road, deviate South and come close to the enemy without alarming him, halt for a rest and time his further fidvance so as to arrive in the right flank of the enemy at daylight. General Lyon, with 3,700 Infantry, two Companies of Cavalry and ten cannon, was to start in the evening of the 9th on the Mount Ver- non road, deviate from it, proceeding to a point unobserved by the enemy, rest there, and time his advance to reach the left wing and flank of the enemy at daylight. There was a scanty supper before the start in the evening; there was no prospect for a breakfast in the morning, and. for all they knew, little expectation for a dinner. By 1 o'clock after midnight Lyon's Column came within two miles of the enemy, whose campfires were dimly reflected towards the sky as the drizzling rain dampened their ardor. Lyon laid down for a short nap, as Schofield relates: ''We went forward together, slept under the same blanket while the Column was halted from about midnight till the dawn of day, and remained close together nearly all the time until his death." Most men slept the brief hours soundly, not know- ing where and when tlieir next rest would be. Resuming the march 318 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. Southeastward from Little York Postoffice at daylight, with Sturgis' Brigade in front, Captain Plummer's Battalion of four Companies of Regulars, two Companies of the Second Volunteers under Osterhaus, two Companies of Cavalry and Totten's Battery of six guns. This was followed by the Second Brigade under Lt. Col. Andrews, consist- ing of the First Missouri and Second Iowa Volunteers, four Com- panies of Regular under Captain Steele, Dubois Light Battery of four guns; next came the Third Brigade under Colonel Deitzler, being the reserve, and consisting of the First and Second Kansas, the First Iowa Volunteers and 200 mounted Home Guards. Steadily the Column moves forward; the space between the Van Guard and main body of troops is shortened; no tap of the drum marks the step, no bugle sound conveys a command; smoking and talking is prohibited; the troops move forward in sullen, solemn silence over the waves of the undulating ground, brushing the dew drops from the prairie which to the South is fringed by the trees and undergrowth in ravines and valleys, and where the smoke of rekin- dled campfires rises in the gray of the morning atmosphere. The Field Officers, Adjutants and Orderlies rise in the stirrups and strain their eyes to spy the pickets. So far all is quiet ; now a drowsy hostile Sentinel notices a dark line moving down the hill ; a challenge rings out, ''Hold, who comes there?" No answer, but a steady advancing tramp. No doubt it is the foe, and the report of the Sentinel's rifle sends the alarm along the picket line, while shot after shot from the skirmishers of the First and Second Missouri Union Volunteers veri- fies the cause of the enemy's alarm. The attacking Column has hastened the step ; the command now sounds in clear accents : "Forward, right and left, into line. Guide right!" Drums beat, bugles sound, commands follow in quick suc- cession. "Battalion, Hold! Ready! Aim! Fire!" A Battery gal- lops forward, unlimbers and follows up the racket and hail of small arms with the thundering base of the cannon. The surprised picket line of the Secessionists retreats rapidly down the hill. Men, horses, wagons and riders, rush like a wild stream to the rear, carrying con- fusion into the forming Battalions. Brave officers of the outposts and First Camp of Cawthon rally their men and give slowly way to the advancing Regulars under Plummer, towards the ravine and the creek, while the First and Second Missouri Volunteers pressed for- ward towards Bloody Hill. The Battle of Wilson's Creek. 319 The lleeing and retreating Secessionists were here taken up by General Price's advancing Battalions, who paralleled the Union line from the creek and ravine westward across the hill. Here a most obstinate rifle fire contested every inch of ground; rocks and trees, gulches and elevations and depressions of the ground, offering cover for obstinate resistance. The white steam of the guns which slowly rose through bush and tree, occasionally revealed and again hid, loosely formed lines of human beings, who, with set features and strained muscles, advanced from the North and South to the fra- tricidal strife. Crouching now like the hunter, again erect in order better to see, with extended nostrils, sparkling eyes, the perspiration streaking the powder-darkened faces, swayed the lines forward and backward, as some addition to the force, withdrawal of thinned-out Companies or a rising momentum of animation, carried one or the other host forward. Batteries exchanged shots from hilltop to hill- top, though their main attention was devoted to check the advancing Infantry. There was no tear for the dead; hardly any time to aid the wounded. A chance message from the dying, a short greeting to a mother, or loved one, and the mortally wounded turned over on the sod, that was soon to cover him. The disabled wounded dragged slowly to the rear, where the busy surgeons had spread out their instruments and lint, to put on temporary bandages upon those Avho waited with fateful patience upon their turn. Between the wild swayings of fire-vomiting lines were periods of almost absolute calm, when the steam and smoke settled down so heavily near the ground that it was impossible to .see 10 feet ahead. Men, several times wounded and even captvu-ed. got away in the mist and returned to the firing line: others again, after a temporary bandage had been laid on. came back to the contest, perhaps onlv to receive their final quietus for all terrestrial pleasures and troubles. The battle of Wilson's Creek was, as far as the Union forces are concerned, a double battle. Lyon from the North. Sigel from the South, made di.>^connected and independent attacks upon a foe de- fending his camp between them. The official reports of the two Union Commanders are the most valuable and reliable .■sources of information, respective their own separate actions, and are given here almost complete. Major Sturgis was in command of the North Column after Lyon fell, and he reports after the Advance Guard had driven in the Outposts and Pickets of the Secci^sionists: 320 '^^f- Unto'ii Cause in St. Louis in 1861. "Captain Plummer's Battalion with the Home Guards on his left were to cross Wilson's Creek and move toward the front, keeping pace with the advance on the opposite bank, for the purpose of protecting our left flank against any attempt of the enemy to turn it. After crossing a ravine and ascending a high ridge, we came in full view of a considerable force of the enemy's skirmishers. Major Osterhaus" Battalion v/as at once deployed to the right, and Cavenders and Yates' Companies of the First Missouri Volun- teers were deployed to the left as skirmishers. The firing now at 5:30 a. m. became very severe." . . . The First Missouri and First Kansas moved at once to the front. The First Missouri now took its position in front, upon the crest of a small elevated plateau. The First Kansas was posted on the left of the First Missouri and separated from it sixty yards, because of a ravine. The First Iowa took its position on the left of the First Kansas, while Totten's Battery was placed opposite the interval between the First Kansas and the First Missouri. Major Osterhaus' Battalion occupied the extreme right, resting on a ravine, which turned abruptly to our right and rear. Dubois' Battery, supported by Steele's Battalion, was placed some eighty yards to the left and rear of Totten's guns, so as to bear upon a powerful Battery of the enemy, posted opposite our left and front, on the opposite side of Wilson's Creek, to sweep the entire plateau upon which our troops were formed." After stating that considerable numbers of the enemy gathered in front of this force, the report says that Captain Pkimmer's Battahon of four Companies of Regulars separated from the other Union troops by a deep ravine, descended a slope, but was checked in a cornfield in the valley by a considerable force of the enemy. Artillery fire was now, at 6 o'clock a. m., heard from a distance of about two miles and from the direction where Sigel's attack was to commence. After a dozen shots, this Artillery fire ceased and was only heard again for a few minutes at about half past 8 o'clock. This time it sounded west of the previous reports, and from two to three miles distant. After a brisk Infantry and Artillery fire from the Union troops of Lyon's immediate Command the enemy gave way in utmost con- fusion. However, Plummer, himself wounded, had to retreat before superior numbers. Captain Steele's Battalion and Dubois' Battery came to his assistance and cleared the cornfield in front. There was a momentary cessation of firing with the exception of the extreme right, Avhere the enemy pressed the First Missouri, which stubbornly held its position, but was in danger of being overpoAvered, when Lyon ordered the Second Kansas to its support. Again a general advance took place by the enemy, attacking in front as well as on both wings, and the engagement again became general and inconceivably fierce PETER J. OSTERHAUS. Captain l^d Infantry. .Missouri Volunteers, in l^>t)l. Photograph by Eniil Boehl. The Baffle of Wilson's Creek. 321 along the euliro lino. As the First Iowa had been called earlier to the support of the First Missouri and First Kansas, every available Bat- talion was already brought into action. The battle swayed forward and backward over a short space for nearly an hour. While Lyon was endeavoring to rally our troops his horse, which he was leading, was killed and himself wounded in the leg and head. Walking slowly to the rear, Lyon said, "I fear the day is lost," but he mounted another horse, and, swinging his hat in the air, called on the troops nearest him to follow. ''The Second Kansas gallantly rallied around him, headed by the brave Colonel Mitchell. In a few moments the Colonel fell, severely wounded. About the same time a fatal ball was lodged in the General's breast, and he was carried from the field a corpse. Thus gloriously fell as brave a soldier as ever drew a sword — a man whose honesty of purpose was proverbial ; a noble patriot, and one who held his life as nothing when his country demanded it ot him.'' Major Sturgis was now in command. While a consultation of offi- cers was going on, the enemy made another fierce and desperate attack upon the Union line, but was repulsed on all points and re- treated. Sturgis, considering the exhaustion of the Union troops, the great odds of the enemy, and, most of all, the very scanty supply of ammunition — one Regiment had to be withdrawn for want of it — ordered the retreat to Springfield. The Union Army left the field undisturbed at half past 11, after an engagement of six hours, and arrived at Springfield in good order at 5 p. m. Major Sturgis reports: "Our total loss in killed, wounded and missing amounts to 1,235. That of the enemy will probably reach 3,000." On August 18 General Sigel sent in his ofiicial report upon the share of his Command in the battle of Wilson's Creek, and states that he was informed on August 9 of Lyon's intention to give battle next day; that the attack should be made early in the morning from two sides, and that he (Sigel) should have command of the left attack with 900 men from the Third and Fifth Regiments, Missouri Volun- teers, commanded by Lieutenant Colonel A. Albert and Colonel C. E. Salomon, six pieces of Artillery under Lieutenants-^Schaefer and Schuetzenbach and two Companies of Regular Cavalry, under Cap- tain Carr and Lieutenant Farrand. General Sigel proceeds in his report : 322 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. "I left Camp Fremont on the South Side of Springfield, at half past six o'clock on the evening of the 9th and arrived at daybreak within a mile of the enemy's camp, and after taking forward the two Cavalry Companies from the right and left, I cut off about forty men of the enemy's troops, who were coming from the camp in little squads to get water and provision. This was done in such a manner that no news of our advance could be brought into camp. In sight of the enemy's tents, which spread out on our front and right, I planted four pieces of Artillery on a little hill, while the Infantry advanced toward the point where the Fayetteville road crosses Wilson's Creek and the two Cavalry Companies extended to the right and left, to guard our flanks. It was half past five o'clock when some musket firing was heard from the Northwest. I, therefore, ordered the Artillery to begin their fire against the camp of the enemy, which was so destructive that the enemy were seen leaving their tents and retiring in haste toward the North-East of the valley. Meanwhile the Third and Fifth Regiments had quickly advanced, passed the Creek and traversing the camp, formed almost in the center of it. As the enemy made his rally in large numbers before us, about three thousand strong, consisting of Infantry and Cavalry, I ordered the Artillery to be brought forward from the hill, and formed there in battery across the valley, with the Third and Fifth to the left and the Cavalry to the right. After an effective fire of half an hour, the enemy retired in some confusion into the woods and up the adjoining hills. The firing towards the North West was now more distinct, and increased, until it was evident, that the main corps of General Lyon had engaged the enemy along the whole line. To give the greatest possible assistance to him. I left position in the camp and advanced toward the North-West, to attack the enemy's line of battle in the rear." '?il arching forward, we struck the Fayetteville road, making our way through a large number of cattle and horses, until we arrived at an eminence used as a slaughtering place, and known as Sharp's farm. On our route we had taken about one hundred prisoners, who were scattered over the camp. At Sharp's place we met numbers of the enemy's soidiers, who were evident- ly retiring in this direction and as I suspected that the enemy on his retreat would follow in the same direction, I formed the troops across the road, by planting the Artillery on the plateau and the two Infantry Regiments on the right and left across the road, while the Cavalry Companies extended on our flanks. At this time and after some skirmishing along the front of our line, the firing in the direction o^ the northwest, which was during an hour's time roaring in succession, had almost entirely ceased. I, thereupon, presumed that the attack of General Lyon had been successful, and that his troops were in pursuit of the enemy, who moved in large numbers towards the South along the ridge of a hill about seven hundred yards opposite our right. "This was the state of affairs at half past eight o'clock in the morning, when it was reported to me by Dr. Melcher and some of our skirmishers that Lyons men were coming up the road. Lieutenant Colonel A. Albert of the Third Missouri and Colonel C. E. Solomon of the Fifth hotified their Regiments not to fire on troops coming in this direction, while I cautioned the Artillery in the same manner. Our troops at this moment expected with anxiety the approach of their friends, and were waving the flag as a signal to their com- -77; e Battle of Wilson's Creek. 323 rades, when at once two Batteries opened their fire against us. one in front placed on the Fayette road, and the other upon the hill, upon which we had supposed Lyon's forces were in pursuit of the enemy, while a strong column of infantry, supposed to be the Iowa Regiment, advanced from the Fayetteville road and attacked our right. It is impossible for me to describe the confusion and frightful consteraation which was occasioned by this important event. The cry: 'They (Lyon's troops) are firing against us' spread like wildfire through our ranks; the Artillerymen, ordered to fire and directed by myself, could hardly be brought forward to serve their pieces; the Infantry would not level their arms until it was too late. The enemy arrived within ten paces of the muzzles of our cannon, killed the horses, turned the ranks of the Infantry and forced them to flee. The troops were throwing themselves into the bushes and by-roads, retreating as well as they could, follow^ed and attacked incessantly by large bodies of Arkansas and Texas Cavalry. In this retreat we lost five cannon, of which three were spiked, and the colors of the Third Missouri Volunteers, the color bearer having been wounded and his substitute killed. The total loss of the two Regiments, the Artillery and the Pioneers, in killed and wounded and m.issing, amounts to two hundred and ninety-two men. as will be seen from the respective lists. In order to understand clearly our action and our fate, you will permit me to state the following facts: "First. According to orders, it was the duty of this Brigade to attack the enemy in the rear, and to cut off his retreat, which order I tried to execute, whatever the consequences might be. "Second. The time of service of the Fifth Regiment, Missouri Volunteers, had expired before the battle. I had induced them, company by company, not to leave us in the most critical moment, and had engaged them for the term of eight days, and this term ending on Friday, the 9th, the day before the battle. "Third. The Third Regiment, of which four hundred three-months men had been dismissed, was composed of the greater part of recruits, who had not seen the enemy before, and who were imperfectly drilled. "Fourth. The men serving the pieces, and the drivers, consisted of Infantry taken from the Third Regiment, and were mostly recruits, who had onlv a few days of instruction. "Fifth. About two-thirds of our officers had left us; some companies had no officers at all — a great pity, but the consequence of the system of the three-months service. "After the arrival of the army at Springfield, the command was intrusted to me by Major Sturgis and the majority of the commanders of Regiments." (Balance of report refers to the retreat to Rolla.) "F. SiGEL. "Commanding Second Brigade, Missouri Vol. " While tlie two Columns of Lyon and Sigel fought two di.-^cou- nected battles under separate Commanders, the Confederate forces, though attacked in front and rear of their Camp, in reality only 324 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. fought one battle, for, being in the middle between the two attacks, they could, and partly did use, the same troops towards either attack. The developments of that memorable field will be better understood if the movements of the Secessionists are given connectedly, based upon notes from the Confederate, T. L. Snead's work, "A Fight for Missouri." It seems that when firing commenced by the Union forces under Lyon at the north side of the Camp, Cawthon's Brigade of Rains' Command was driven down the southern slope of the hills. General Rains sent an officer to thq front, wdio reported a large Federal force was approaching from the Northwest, and he dispatched the new^s to McCulloch and Price's Headquarters, where the officer sent made a greatly exaggerated statement of Lyon's forces, estimating them at 20,000 with 100 cannon. Upon the heels of this report came down the hill a fieeing mass of men afoot and on horseback, mixed with teams and lead horses, while Totten's Battery, about 1,000 yards dis- tant, was firing into the crowd from the top of the hill. About the same time the boom of Sigel's Artillery was heard from the right wing of the Camp, as he opened fire on the troops of Churchill, Greer, Major and Brown, and drove them in confusion, Northward, towards the thick w^oods along Skegg's Branch and the slopes on either side. Sigel had left Springfield before sunset, moved out the Fayetteville road about four miles, then turned South, mak- ing a circuit, arrived about break of day near Wilson's Creek, where Tyrell's Creek flows into it, thus succeeding to turn the Confederates' right wing without alarming them. This w^as done by capturing all straggling outside men. He posted four guns in battery on a poinj: which overlooked Churchill's Camp, and, leaving a small Infantry support with them, crossed with the balance of his troops Wilson's Creek below the mouth of Tyrell's Creek and facing Northward, waited for the reports from Lyon's cannon. The troops opposed to him had no Pickets ©ut. On hearing Totten's guns, Sigel's cannon 'also opened fire. McCulloch now took connnand of the forces east of Wilson's Creek. Price hurried to the retreating Brigade of Cawthon on the southern slope of Bloody Hill and brought them into line, sheltered from Tot- ten's fire and protected by underbrush, where other Missouri troops, Slack's Brigade and Burbridge's Regiment, deployed into line on Cawthon 's left. McBride's two Regiments took position on the ex- The Battle oj WiUon's Creek. 325 treiiic left of Price's line. Parsons, with Kelly's Regiment and Gui- bor's Battery of four cannon and very soon afterwards Weightinan with 700 men, strengthened and completed the line, which now aggre- gated about ;),U)0 men and four cannon, and was greatly assisted by Woodruff's Battery (four guns), which, from the hill east of the ford, checked Lyon's advance. On Bloody Hill Lyon had only 1,900 men to oppose Price's 3,100; but he had Tottcn's and Dubois' Regular Batteries, aggregat- ing ten guns. His Infantry in this line was the First Missouri (800) , the First Kansas (800) and Osterhaus' Battalion (300) of the Second Missouri Volunteers. Plummer's Battalion of Regulars (300) was sent to Lyon's left across "Wilson's Creek to a cornfield, while the balance of Lyon's Command, the First Iowa and Second Kansas, Steele's Regulars, Company D, United States Cavalry; the Kansas Mounted Rangers and Wright's Squadron of Home Guards were kept in reserve. An open ground on which the better muskets and rifles of the Union forces could be used with a telling effect would have been of very great advantage ; but Bloody Hill was covered with underbrush, and to see each other troops had to come to close quarters. Lyon, try- ing to force the issue, ordered his line forward. When it came within easy range, shot for shot was exchanged. Lines had to advance very • close, Avoukl fire and draw back for loading. Thus continued the con- test here for hours, deservedly naming the locality the "Bloody Hill."' This periodical approach and parting ''of the hostile lines caused intervals of undisturbed quiet, seldom witnessed in a larger engage- ment." McCulloch's care was directed towards Sigel's attack. To prevent him from charging General Price's forces near Skegg's Branch in rear, he placed Reid's Battery (four guns) on the eastern hill opposite the Skegg Branch, ordered AValker's Regiment to protect the Battery and placed Dockcry's (650) and Gratiot's (750) Regiments further north on the bluff near the east bank of Wilson's Creek and north of them McRae's Battalion (220) and the Third Louisiana Regiment (700). Sigel, after driving Churchill (600), Greer (800), Major (273) and Brown (320) out of their Camp, took position near Sharp's house on a hill south of Skegg's Branch, as stated, with the purpose of cutting off the retreat of the defeated enemy. Had he advanced 32(i The Unum Cause in St. Louis in 1861- westward and northward and attacked the rear and left flank of Price's Army, the day might have still been saved. Sigel's Battery was posted on high ground ; his Infantry to the right and left of the cannon and his Cavalry on both wings. He had Pearce's Brigade, Walker's Regiment and Reid's Battery (four guns) very near his own right flank, almost enfilading him, and in his front the dense woods of Skegg's Branch, which were being occupied by Confederate troops, O'Kane's Battalion and Bledsoe's Battery of three guns, com- manding Sigel's position, which was now approached by a gray uniformed Regiment, mistaken by one of Sigel's officers for the First Iowa and so reported to Sigel, who thereupon warned his men not to fire. All at once Reid's Battery from the east on the bluff beyond Wilson's Creek, and Bledsoe's from the northwest, above Skegg's Branch, opened fire upon Sigel's line. According to his own report ''consternation and frightful confusion" spread among his men, who were shouting "Our men are firing against us." The Third Lou- isiana, Roser and O'Kane's Battalion rushed out from the thick brush and charged the Battery, took five of the six guns, and Sigel's men fled in a panic. Part of his Command retreated by way of Little York, making a total circuit of the enemy's Camp, while Sigel, Solo- mon and Lieutenant Carr returned on the road they came. About 200 of his Infantry were overtaken by Major with mounted Texans and Missourians, and were killed, wounded or captured. Sigel's casualties were 27 per cent; those of the Regular Cavalry with him were 4 per cent missing. A proper use of the Cavalry would have largely changed that proportion of losses. Woodruff's Battery (four guns) on the bluff east of Wilson's Creek and south of the Fayetteville road, being threatened by a Federal force under Plummer (300) which had crossed from the west to the east bank of Wilson's Creek, McCulloch ordered Gratiot to protect the Battery, and Mcintosh's (400) dismounted men, the Third Lou- isiana (700) and McRae (220) to meet the force of Plummer 's 300. Mcintosh crossed the Fayetteville road, keeping on the east side of Wilson's Creek, found cover for his men from Dubois' Bat- tery, which was posted on the east brow of Bloody Hill. Plummer 's Regulars had reached the north side of a cornfield about 250 yards wide and 300 yards long from north to south. On the southern end of this Mcintosh took position, but his men were considerably thinned out by the better armed men of Plummer. Between the The Battle of Wilson's Creek. 327 alternative of retreating and getting again under fire of Dubois' Bat- tery or of charging the. Regulars, Mcintosh correctly choose the lat- ter, which he well could do, as he outnumbered Plummer three to one. The latter retreated as rapidly as practicable and drew Mcin- tosh's men into the close fire of Steele's Battalion, which drove them back in some disorder. The loss of Mcintosh in killed and wounded was over 100, or near 10 per cent ; that of Plummer's Command near 80, or 25 per cent. Churchill, after being driven from Camp by Sigel, had formed his men first on Price's extreme left, afterwards on Slack's left, with about 500 on foot, the other men holding the horses. This addition to Price's force caused a yielding of the Union line, which Lyon re- trieved by bringing a section of Totten's Battery, well protected by Infantry, far enough ahead of his right wing to enfilade the Secession lines. To neutralize this move, McCulloch sent Carroll's Cavalry and five Companies of Greer's Mounted Texans (about 600) to turn Lyon's right wing, to charge and take the section of Totten's guns. This move failed to make any serious impression, though it may have induced Lyon to call the First Iowa and Steele's two Companies of Regulars from the reserve to the front; in order to strengthen his right wing. At 10 a. m. the Confederates still had several Regiments which had not fired a shot, while Lyon had his last reserves engaged. He now tried to force the issue, for every moment must increase the odds against him. The continued silence from the south of the Camp convinced him of Sigel's failure. He saw from the top of Bloody Hill Gratiot's men approaching, Pearce's Brigade forming and men mustering who had left the field in dismay. He knew that the force which defeated Sigel would soon also be turned against him, and he animated his troops to a last exertion. The opposing lines had shortened, drawing nearer toward the Batteries; men were in three and four ranks, lying down, kneeling, standing; approaching within 30 yards and again being driven back by the incessant heavy firing. Lyon, encouraging his men, was wounded in the leg and head, and said to those near him he thought the battle was lost; but he rallied quickly and dashed to the front with the Second Kansas, whose gallant Colonel Mitchell fell near him. Next moment Lyon was pierced by a ball in his breast and fell from his hor.se. Sturgis, his successor in command, fully aware by this time of the relative .strength, seeing additional reinforcements of the enemy com- ing up, gave, at 10 :30, the command to retreat, which was carried out 328 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. in- good order, Steele's Regulars forming the Rear Guard. The thick underbrush masked the retreat, which became known to Price's troops only when they saw the Federals ascend the hill, from which they had commenced the attack on Rains' troops at daybreak. After the battle General Price insisted on an energetic pursuit, as there were still available 5,000 or 6,000 fresh troops and several Bat- teries which had fired only a few shots ; but McCulloch did not accede to his wishes. Lyon's body, still in his Captain's uniform, was deliv- ered to a Union officer who called, under a flag of truce, while Fed- erals and Confederates were buried by McCulloch's order on the battlefield. The following tables of the numerical strength and losses at Wilson's Creek are computed from notes of T. L. Snead : Union Forces Aug. 10, 1861. o o First Mo. Vol. Infantry. . . 'Osterhaus Battalion First Iowa Infantry I First Kansas Infantry Second Kansas Infantry . . . Steele's Battalion Totten's Battery, six guns. Dubois Battery Total on Bloody Hill . bo • 0) h- 1 u bo bo < 775 150 800 800 600 275 84 66 3550 W 76 15 12 77 5 15 4 208 40 138 187 59 44 7 2 11 4 20 6 2 204 685 44 o o 295 55 154 284 70 61 11 3 933 ^H Plummer's Battalion 27% 2% 24% 300 350 19 52 4 9 3 80 CO > Comp. D. First U. S. Cavalry . . . Kansas Rangers / 7 0) Home Guards \ Total Lyons Column ,3 4200 223 741 56 1020 SIGELS COLUMN. Infantry and Artillery 27% 3% 25% 1 1075 35 < 65 .. '{ 60 132 126 ( 4 293 Comp. I. First U. S. Cavalry . . / Comp. C. Sec'd U. S. Dragoons \ . 4 1200 35 132 130 297 Lvon's Aerfirregrate 4200 223 741 132 56 130 1020 Sierers Aerefreerate 1200 35 297 Grand Total 24.4% 5400 258 873 186 1317 The Battle of Wilson's Creek. 329 Confederate Forces Aug. 10, 1861. g CO o o u bo bo < 5 Wou CO o AQ 1^7 700 220 600 400 800 2720 500 550 650 350 40 71 73 2234 1327 1210 150 320 61 279 273 6 650 284 4) 605 f 40 12 5221 2720 2234 5221 Grand Total 12% |l0175 6 155 44 23 68 I 276 25 3 5 36 40 21 11 3 3 17 6 1 36 4 32 175 68 36 175 279 84 11 22 1 118 121 66 38 2 11 83 5 1 106 8 9 197 54 27 344 109 14 27 3 1 154 161 87 49 5 14 100 11 2 142 12 114 1 '2 146 3 : 557 732 276 1 118 1 557 ... 344 154 .. 732 951 1230 330 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. According to the above tables, the loss in men was nearly equal on both sides, but as the Union force was less than one-half of the en- emy, their percentage of loss was more than double. The heaviest loss on the Union side Avas sustained by the First Missouri Volun- teers, who had the misfortune that their Colonel Francis P. Blair was absent, attending to Congressional duties; tjieir Lieutenant Colonel Andrews Avas taken wounded from the field, and their Major Scho- field was Adjutant to Lyon ; thus the Companies acted almost inde- pendently to the end of the battle, holding the best contested ground on "Bloody Hill" with great bravery, of which Schofield said: that there w^as a momentary cessation of firing along the whole line, ex- cept the First Missouri, whose right flank the enemy aimed to turn. Lyon sent the Second Kansas to the support of the First Missouri. "It came up in line to prevent the Missourians from being destroyed by the overwhelming force against which they were unflinchingly holding their position." Osterhaus' Battalion of the Second Missouri and the First Kansas Volunteers shared the same exposure and came near the same per- centage in loss; then came Plummer's Regular Battalion with 11 per cent less loss and Steele's Regulars with 16 per cent less loss. This de- tail conveys the very important fact, that Volunteers will fight as well as Regulars, and that the United States have no need of a large standing army. Even the fate of Sigel's Column does not disprove this, for the error in the disposition, the similarity of uniforms, the wooded territory, the absence of outposts or skirmishers before the main line of the right wing, where the surprise took place, were no fault of the soldiers. Sturgis, McRae and other Federal and Con- federate officers, testified that it was impossible at any considerable distance to distinguish the friends from the enemy. Had the first panic caused by Sigel's attack on the Secessionist Camp been followed up by Carr's and Farrand's Regular Cavalry, or had the panic of Sigel's right wing been neutralized by a charge of the same Cavalry, the losses of the Federal conmiand would have been less, but their retreat could hardly have been avoided, for the odds were too great. The confusion which existed on this part of the field is shown by the circumstance that the left wing of Sigel's command, made up of the Fifth Missouri and Farrand's Cavalry, remained for hours in position, after the right wing had disbanded, and that Far- rand's Cavalry and most of the Fifth Missouri retreated to the West TJie Batlh of Wll.snit'x Creek. ;331 and North, while Carr's Cavah-y and what was left of the right wing retreated to the Sonth and p]ast of the Secessionists' Camp in order to reach Springfield. The loss of oidy per cent in Lyons Artillery, and of no loss whatever in the total of neai'ly fivo hnndrcd men of first-class cavalry, proves that the topograi)hy of the field was very disadvantageons to their use, and proves also that on the Sonthem attack "some one iiad hhnidered" ; in this instance, however, in "not ordering and )i(}t making a Cavalry charge npon the Secessionists, to save the i\xi? cannon of Sigel and to give his troo))s a chance to recover fi'oiii the ])aMic. Tiic reports are said lo have liecn ]»ai'tial to the Regnlars. General Schofield states in his work, "Forty-Six Years in the Army."' that Lyon exposed himself recklessly; Schofield had rallied the last Regiment of the Reserve and led it to a "Charge Bayonets," which, however, the terrible fire of the enemy brought to a halt and turned into firing at will; returning, he found Lyon's lifeless body and had it carried to the rear, with face covered, to prevent a panic. A iter six hours' fighting, tired by the night march and without Ijrcd-:- fast, the troops were nearly exhausted. Scliofield considers the haitle of Wilson's Creek a defeat of the Union arnis, following the prevalent doctrine of military writers, that whoever holds the battle field is the victor. The subsequent retreat fi'om Springfield confirms this view: for the price of the battle was the possession of Sont Invest Missouri. Had the battle been fought in the open prairie, wdth all the forces in one hand, the superior Artillery, Infantrj'- and Cavalry armament might have secured a victory even against the odds of two to one. The apportionment of troops was unfavorable to Sigel's attack; with 900 Infantry he could not conquer the enemy, the moment the same got under cover of the trees and underwood north of Skegg's Branch. Sigel's Cavalry might have done some havoc among the fleeing enemy upon the open ground, and it certainly should have boldly charged, (o extricate Sigel's Artillei'v and Infantry after their blunder of mistaking the Confederates for Lyon's troops. Sigel had the same troops he commanded at Carthage, but their value was great- ly diminished by the expiration of terms of service, the substitution of new recruits and the imperfect organization of Companies. That the Confederate troops could and would fight well became evident at AVilson's Creek, and the better organization, armament and lead on 332 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861- the Union side could not and did not make up the great disparity in numbers and the advantage of a covered position. Only 5 per cent of the loss in Lyon's command were prisoners ; of Sigel's loss the 43 per cent captured were entirely due to the panic, caused by mistaking an aggressive foe for a friendly command. Among the dead and wounded officers and privates at Wilson's Creek was the flower of the Western Army, and the troops that fought in the battle after the ex- piration of their terms of service, like the Fifth Missouri Volunteers under the lead of Captains Gustav Seebold, Louis Gottschalk, Samuel A. Flag and others deserve especial credit. This includes the trans- ferred men from the First and Third Missouri Volunteers who did not re-enlist for the three-year service and completed their time in the Fifth Volunteers, With regard to the policy of giving battle at W^ilson's Creek, Gen- eral Schofield says : "Our retreat to Rolla was open and perfectly safe, even if begun as late as the night of the 9th. A few days or a few weeks would have made us amply strong to defeat the enemy and drive him out of Missouri, without serious loss to ourselves," and further on says of Lyon : ''In addition to the depressing effect of his w^ounds, he must probably have become convinced of the mistake he had made, in hazarding an unnecessary battle on so unequal terms and in opposition to both the advice of his subordinates and the in- structions of his superior." General McCulloch declined to order a pursuit on account of the exhaustion of the troops and the lack of ammunition, which had to be replenished from the distance of one hundred miles. It seems McCulloch had conceived a prejudice against the Missouri Secession troops, charging them with unreliabil- ity and neglect of outpost duties. A General in command, however, can not shirk the consequences of his own arrangements and dispo- sitions, and considering that the jMissouri Secessionists w^ere poorly or- ganized, armed and equipped, without pay, tents and even often lack- ing proper food, they did very well in opposing the best Federal troops in Missouri. Local State pride and vanity no doubt strength- ened McCulloch's prejudice. The Union host arrived in Springfield late in the day, after a great moral and physical exertion, and went into camp for a short rest; wounded men came in straggling and sought relief and nursing. The Courthouse, Lyon's Hotel and the near-by churches were all turned into hospitals, of which the nearest were soon filled, and the The Battle of Wilson's Creek. 333 surgeons with bloody sleeves had even to refuse admission to personal friends and send them to more distant hospitals. Doctors Edward C. Franklin, Florence Cornyn, Sam H. Melcher, Ferdinand Haeuss- ler, C. V. T. Ludwig, and local physicians and nurses, labored earnest- ly and devotedly to give relief, when the rolling noise of passing w'ag- ons and cannon was heard and the anxious question was asked "What does this mean?" It meant that a council of war had met at 8 p. m. and resolved to retreat from Springfield on the 11th at 3 a. m. ; and thus the march towards Rolla was taken up, and all who could move went into the streets with their bandages, joined the marching troops and tried to find a place on a wagon, all pain and danger being pref- erable to captivity. Sigel was called upon by the officers to assume conmiand. Reveille was ordered at 2 a. m., and the last Union troops left Springfield at 9 a. m., and three hours later the Confederate ad- vance entered the town. A train of 400 wagons, under a heavy escort, had left the preceding night. Wlien the troops followed at day- break, an innnense throng of refugees with their families in wagons, their horses, cattle and household goods, mixed with the retreating troops. After a couple of days' march, dissatisfaction was expressed with Sigel's arrangements, and he w^as superseded in command by Major Sturgis, under the assumption that Sigel's commission had ex- pired. The main body of troops reached Rolla on the evening of Au- gust 17th. The Confederates did not harass the Union retreat for obvious reasons ; for it is a very difficult task to pursue an enemy wliose troops are well in liand and keep up the order of their organization. It was not in the power of McCuUoch effectively to stop that retreat; with him better counsels ]irevailed, for instead of attempting a hopeless attack upon Holla, the Confederate forces turned North, occupying the Western portion of the State up to the Mii^souri River, recruited their forces in a territory where their cause was most popular, took Lexington, threatened Jefferson City, Kansas City, North Missouri, and forced Fremont to another Southwestern campaign, for under the circinnstances he could not abandon the State of Mi.ssouri to a hostile army in its center, nor had he troops enough to redeem the State and at the same time to follow up his true line of operation dow^n the Mis- sissippi. Soon after the arrival at Rolla, the First Missouri Volun- teers, at the time already a three-year Regiment, w-as ordered to St. Louis to be reorganized as Artillery. Frank P. Blair and Major 334 The Union Cause in l:^t. Louis in 1S61- Schofield called upon General Fremont, who communicated with them his plan of marching to the center of the State, thence to follow the enemy through Southwest Missouri and Northwest Arkansas and along the Arkansas River to the Mississippi below Memphis. Schofield and Blair mocked themselves at that plan, holding a slight opinion of Fremont's generalship (Schofield, Forty-six Years in the Army, page 49) . Notwithstanding their opinion, the same plan was adopted by the authorities in Washington. Even after the recall of Fremont from Springfield in the fall of 1861, for in the spring of 1862 General Curtis was ordered to march from Rolla in the same direction for the same purpose by way of Springfield, Pea Ridge, taking from there the White River route over Batesville to Helena on the Mississippi, from which point a movement under General Hovey east of the Mississippi River forced General Pemberton to abandon the well-fortified line of the Tallahatchie. Taking these facts into account, the question is quite pertinent, how much more effective this move would have been if executed by General Fremont six months earlier. This di- gression beyond the frame of this work is made to show the dispo- sition of parties who shaped events in Missouri in the fall of 1861, and who were largely responsible for the recall of General Fremont. This Southwest movement, initiated during the three months' service, extended over one thousand miles, and is one of the most memorable moves during the Civil War. RESOLUTE MEASURES. The news of the battle of Wilson's Creek elated the Secession ele- ment all over the State. The report reached St. Louis on August 13th and carried grief and anxiety into many families w^ho had members in Lyon's army. Personal news came in slowly; anxious mothers, fathers, sisters and brothers watched the arrival of trains, agitated deeply by hope and fear; wishing for and still dreading the coming news. The awful meaning of war was now realized by all those who had never been through that terrible ordeal before; even the safety of the City of St. Louis was questioned, and General Fremont issued the following order: "In Lafayette Park a camp is to be established for a Regiment; the heavy guns to be put in position and a Regiment encamped under the Reservoir. On the height south of the Arsenal, called Jaeger's Garden, two guns, with a howitzer, to be planted. The Baffh'.of Wlhon's Ctrrk. 335 "The Third and Fourth Home Guards to be paid off and organized im- mediately. The First and Second, and also the Fifth Home Guards, also to be paid upon the arrival of Lt.-Col. Rombauer from Bird's Point. Martial law to be proclaimed at once. Capt. Kowald's Artillery Company, one hundred strong, to be fitted out immediately, and the company from Belleville to be ordered in; Capt. Voerster's and Gerster's Pioneers to be completed and set at work in the fortifications. Laborers also to be employed. John C. Fbejioxt." The I'orlilicalioiis of St. Louis, ordered by General Fremont, had long before been recommended to General Lyon by Lt. Col. John T. Fiala and Henry Boernstcin, and were to defend the line of Jefferson avenue in the Southern part of the city, starting with Fort No. 1 at the Marme Hospital; next No. 2, between Cherokee and the present Broadway; a Redoubt following on Arsenal and Salina; Fort No. 3 was South of Sidney towards Jefferson avenue ; No. 4 North of Grav- ois avenue near East line of Jefferson avenue ; No. 5 Northeast corner Lafayette and Jefferson avenue ; then came a Redan a little South of Chouteau, West of Jefferson avenue; from here the line of defense ran Northwest to Fort No. 6, on Manchester road, and to No. 7, at Northwest corner of Franklin and Grand avenues, its most Western and most exijosed point; No. 8 was North of Cass and East of Grand; a small work was on St. Louis avenue. East of Jefferson ; No. 9 North of Palm, near Twenty-third street; No. 10 on Fourteenth street and Bremen avenue, and there was a Redan on East Grand avenue, near the present water tower. The positions of the forts were dictated by the elevation of the territory and the chances of open commons before them, insuring an effective Artillery and Infantry fire. The northern half of this extended line was more difficult to defend on account of the inter- vening distances and the more frequent houses. The line of isolated forts required a large force for defense, and had the fault that those mostly exposed could be taken without assistance from the others, and as a number of the forts were on an almost straight line, they would necessitate several independent reserves. The St. Louis fortifications bore a similarity to those constructed later by the Confederates at Vicksburg, which also were only com- mon field fortifications, extending around the place from the river on the South to the river on the North. The value in both cases for defense, were commanding heights, whose approach was swept by the fire of the defenders. The Vicksburg fortifications formed more 336 ^^'6 Uyiion Cause in St. Louis in 1861- of a semicircle and were continuous, giving the reserve a better chance to come to the rescue. Besides the above, the greatest efforts were made to complete the seven gunboats, previously described, and thirty mortar boats, which, by the 30th of August, were placed under the- command of Andrew H. Foote of the United States Navy. Barton Able was appointed Master of Transportation and a number of St. Louis Pilots volunteered in a spirit of animated patriotism for this important and most dangerous service. In addition to the above-mentioned measures, tracks were laid on Poplar street to concentrate the rolling stock of the Missouri Pacific, Iron Mountain and North Missouri (present AVabash) Railroads for the transportation of troops in any given direction. The following notice was wired to the Governors of Illinois, Indiana, Ohio, Iowa and Wisconsin: "Severe engagement near Springfield reported. General Lyon killed, Sigel retreating in good order on Rolla. Send forthwith all disposable force you have, arming them as you best can for the moment. Use utmost dispatch. "John C. Fremont, "Major General, Commanding." Already on the loth. President Lincoln wired to Fremont: "The War Department has notified all Governors you designate to forward all available force." And on the 16th Montgomery Blair wires : "Every available man and all the money in the public chest have been sent. We will send more money immediately, our finan- cial arrangements at New York having been perfected. Let our fellows cheer up; all will be well." However, this very energy displayed by Fremont to meet the new condition of affairs brought about by the battle of Wilson's Creek and the retreat of the Union Army to Rolla, was used by Fremont's enemies and rivals as a reproach for what they claimed to have been a neglect of Lyon's wants. When, later on, the services of the Western Sanitary Commission are justly appreciated, its appoint- ment by Fremont on September 5 certainly deserves mention. This was done at the suggestion of Mrs. Jessie Benton Fremont and Miss D. L. Dix, Superintendent of United States Military Hospitals. The excellent selection made of James E. Yeatman, Carlos S. Greeley, L. B. Johnson, George Partridge and William G. Eliot, JOHN C. FREMONT. •Major-General V. S. Volunteers. Photograph by Emil Boehl. Emancipation. 337 showed a keen appreciation of local capacity. The selection of the riglit man for the right place is one of the highest attributes of a leader. (Governor Hamilton II. Gamble also sized up the situation and called out on August 24 32,000 men Infantry and 10,000 Cavalry for six months' service, in order to drive the Secessionists from the ytate. The military districts were made co-extensive with those for members of Congress. This measure proved very beneficent, as it placed those who were enrolled above the suspicion of aiding and abetting Secession, and, under existing martial law, made them directly responsible for their actions. Though Governor Gamble held that he could not legally issue Commissions to Fremont ap- pointees, his consequential loyalty to the Union cause is beyond reasonable doubt; but his whole tendency was strongly conservative, basing his actions upon legal conditions of the past, while General Fremont was a Radical, who in this great emergency acted upon the exigencies of the hour, which prompted him to issue his famous proclamation, whose terms, after a year, became the fixed and irrevocable policy of the United States. THE FIRST EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION. By this proclamation General Fremont assumed the administra- tive powers of the State, basing this action upon the helplessness of the civil authority and the existence of marauding and murdering bands, spreading ruin and terror throughout the State. He de- clared Martial Law, and designated the line of occupation by the Army for the time being to extend ''from Leavenworth, by way of the posts of Jefferson City, Rolla, Ironton, to Cape Girardeau on the Mississippi River." The proclamation continued: "All persons who shall be taken with arms in their hands within these lines shall be tried by court-martial, and, if found guiltj\ will be shot. The property, real and personal, of all persons in the State of Missouri, who shall take up arms against the United States, and who shall be directly proven to have taken active part with their enemies in the field, is declared to be con- fiscated to the public use, and their slaves, if any they have, are hereby declared free men. •'All persons who shall be proven to have destroyed, after the publication of this order, railroad tracks, bridges or telegraphs, shall suffer the ex- treme penalty of this law. 22 338 '^^^he Union Cause in Sf. Louis in 1861. "All persons engaged in treasonable correspondence, In giving or procuring aid to the enemies of the United States, in fomenting tumult, in disturbing the public tranquility, by creating and circulating false reports or incendiary documents, are in their own interest warned that they are exposing them- selves to sudden and severe punishment. "All persons who have been led away from their allegiance are required to return to their homes forthwith; any such absence without sufficient cause will be held to be presumptive evidence against them. "The object of this declaration is to place in the hands of the military authorities the power to give instantaneous effect to existing laws, and to supply such deficiencies as the conditions of war demand. But it is not intend- ed to suspend the ordinary tribunals of the country, where the law will be administered by the civil officers in the usual manner and with their custom- ary authority, while the same can be peaceably exercised. "The commanding General will labor vigilantly for the public welfare, and, in his efforts for their safety, hopes to obtain not only the acquiescence, but the active support of the loyal people of the country. "John C. Fremont. "Major General Commanding." This proclamation, which emancipated the slaves of all active Secessionists, verified the words of Alexander Stephens before the Georgia Convention, when he warned his fellow-citizens and slave- holders that such would be the unavoidable logical conclusion of the Secession movement. Though this measure was in full accord with the views of the unconditional Union men, it created a sensation in the ranks of those conservatives who, notwithstanding the hostile array of large contesting armies, were still in hope to patch up a compromise, which would shove the final settlement upon coming generations. President Lincoln was prevailed upon to request General Fremont to withdraw his emancipation proclamation, upon which the latter asked the President for a direct order for this purpose in these memorable words: ''If your better judgment decides that I was wrong in the article respecting the liberation of slaves, I have to ask that you will openly direct me to make the correction. The implied censure will be received as a soldier always should receive the reprimand of his chief. "If I were to retract of my own accord, it would imply that I myself thought it wrong, and that I had acted without the reflection which the gravity of the point demanded. "But I did not. I acted with full deliberation and with the cer- K iiKniclpdtion. 339 tain conviction that it was a measure right and necessary, and I think so still." President Lincoln then himself issued an order based upon the authority of an act of Congress and limiting General Fremont's Emancipation proclamation to such slaves who were actually em- ployed in the military w^orks of the Secessionists. As St. Louis fur- nished in Dred Scott, the slave, upon whose case the Supreme Court of the United States predicated the legality of Slavery all over the Union; so St. Louis furnished in "Frank Lewis" the first slave lib- erated by authority of the Union under Fremont's proclamation and the limitation placed upon it by President Lincoln. Fremont's proclamation emancipating the slaves of the Seces- sionists foreshadowed the ultimate abolition of Slavery in the United States. In Missouri, as Avell as in other States, the hostile array of the civil war w^as started first by the Free Soil issue. During the first period of the Missouri Convention, of whose members eight- tenths were born on Southern soil, a unanimous declaration for the Union and against Secession was adopted, and no direct mention was made of Slavery. When the Convention reassembled in June at Jefferson City, again no direct action was had on the Slavery ques- tion; but the decided pro-Slavery Governor, State officers and legis- lators were ousted, because most of them had fled and joined the Secession camp. Sixteen pro-Slavery men of the Convention kept away for similar reasons, and thus greatly reduced the number of strong Southern sympathizers. The following dates go beyond the frame of this sketch, but are necessary to appreciate the initiated work of the Convention and to show the final settlement of the Slavery question in INIissouri. On October 11, 1861, the Convention reassembled at St. Louis, postponed all elections, and exercised legislative functions by adopt- ing a new Militia bill, limiting the service from the eighteenth to the forty-fifth year, and authorizing the issue of one million dollars for Union defense bonds. The troops thus organized might, at their option, enlist in the United States service and an oath was prescribed for all, which first named fealty to the United States and afterwards that towards the State, thus saving doubtful minds from the dilemma of conditioning their duties to the Union by the form> of a State oath. In the meantime a fraction of the ousted members of the Lesis- 340 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. lature, on their migration to Arkansas, held on November 2 a Caucus at Neosho, went through the formality of appointing proxies for the absent majority, and passed a Secession ordinance. It is almost needless to say that this whole proceeding was illegal and without any warrant of constitutional or legislative authority. Xi the session of the Convention held June 14, 1862, a message was received from President Lincoln, stating that upon his recom- mendation. Congress had adopted the following joint resolution: "Resolved, That the United States ought to co-operate with any State which may adopt a gradual abolishment of Slavery, giving such State aid to be used in its discretion, to compensate for the inconvenience, public and private, produced by such change of sys- tem." The Missouri Convention answered respectfully, that it did not feel authorized to act in this "grave and delicate question of private right and public policy," notw^ithstanding that it had a proposition before it, in which Robert M. Stewart, former Governor in 1860, said, "that the only question which Providence has left for our people to decide in regard to Slavery is the manner of and terms upon which its extinction in Missouri shall be accomplished, and would commend to the serious consideration of the people "the subject of gradual emancipation in order that a plan may be adopted that will accomplish the change already inevitable." But nothing of the kind was done, while the furies of the war went on, and the immense sacrifices in life, human happiness and treasure had on both sides embittered the combatants and put all modera- tion out of the question. Stewart's counsel, however, prevailed ii^ the reconvened Convention on July 1, 1863, which adopted an ordi- nance for the emancipation of slaves in Missouri. This abrogated some clauses of the Constitution and ordered that Slavery in Mis- souri should cease July 4, 1870, but all freed persons to remain as servants under the control of their late owners, namely, those over forty years during their lifetime; those under twelve, till they are twenty-three years old ; all others to the 4th day of July, 1876 ; the authority of the owners to remain the same as under the old slave laws. In the meantime the General Assembly shall not pass laws for the emancipation of slaves without the consent of their owners, nor should slaves be the object of taxation after the passage of this act. The measure of the Convention, which was law for the time being. Emancipation. 341 did not give satisfaction. Political convictions matured faster than the measures of the Convention, which fixed the date for its final adjournment on the day for the reassembling of the Legislature in January, 1864. Before this date an animated Mass Convention was held by the Republicans on September 2, 1863, and a Committee of 72 men was sent to wait on the President with radical demands. The President's answer was, as usual, very considerate and moderate, but not quite to the satisfaction of the Committee. Still, after they had left, Lincoln said to his Secretary: "I believe, after all, those Missouri Radicals will carry their State, and I do not object to it. They are nearer to me than the other side in thought and in senti- ment, though bitterly hostile personally. They are the unhandiest fellows in the world to deal wath; but, after all, their faces are set Zion wards." This prediction proved true. The Legislature, which met in January, 1864, called a new Convention for January, 1865. Another year had pa.ssed; another hundred thousand lives were lost North and South; more than another hundred thousand widows and orphans Avere made and another milliard dollars of treasure was sunk. The 1864 election resulted in Missouri in a great Republican vic- tory. Lincoln, Fletcher and a Radical Convention was elected; the latter had been instructed by the Legislature to amend the Constitu- tion relative to the emancipation of slaves, also to purify the ballot and bring such other amendments as they may deem essential for the promotion of the public good. Of the first Convention eight-tenths of its members were born in the South, near two-tenths in the North and four members were born in Europe, but the New Convention showed a different com- plexion, for only 35 of its members were born in the South, 23 in the North and 11 in Europe. As to vocation, 15 were lawyers, 15 farmers. 14 physicians. 12 merchants and 13 from sundry other callings, and two-tliirds of all the members Avere under 50 years of age, showing a much loss conservative complexion than the fir.st Con- vention. Their action very soon proved this estimate. First of all, they abrogated the measure of conditional emancipation passed on the 1st day of July, 1863, and on the 11th of January, 1865, they adopted the following ordinance: "Bt it ordained by the People of the State of Missouri in Conven- tion assembled: 'That hereafter in this State there shall be neither Slaverv nor 342 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. involuntary servitude, except in punishment of crime, whereof the party shall haye been duly convicted ; and all persons held to service or labor as slaves are hereby declared free." The Governor was asked to issue his proclamation that by the irrevocable action of the Convention Slavery is abolished in the State of Missouri now and forever. The Convention adjourned April 10, 1865, after receiving a tele- gram that Lee had surrendered at Appomattox. CONCLUSION. In giving the causes of the Civil War, the original elements which shaped the minds of the parties to it, and the emancipation proclamation initiated at St. Louis in 1861, an epitome of the greatest tragedy in modern History has been presented. While the events in the entire Union were on a larger scale, affected more people and greater values, they bore the same character, followed the same lines of development, proved the same principles and led to the same results. It was not the purpose of this sketch to cast blame or vindicate glory for either side, but to find the causes and trace the develop- ment, which, with the certainty of fate, led to an inevitable result. Influences of climate, derivation, ethical views, agricultural, indus- trial and labor relations, were all potent factors in developing, step by step, those conditions, which brought the final issue. History, as the supreme judge of right and wrong, has condemned Slavery as the cause of the Civil War, not only because it was a grievous injus- tice to the slave, but much more so because it unfitted the slave owner and his retainers to be members of a representative free Gov- ernment. Such will be the result of every aristocracy, whether the same is based on labor or money, on birth or privileges ; for each of these will engender a sickly selfishness, which preys upon the ener- gies of the oppressed and degenerates the oppressor, who deteriorates in human worth, as there can be no happiness in store for any one who is all concentrated in self. Obligations to fellow-men grow with the capacity and ability to be useful, and such activities elevate our sentiments and enjoyments beyond the reach of the egotist; they imbue us with that patriotism extolled by the sages of all nations and all ages, which leads true men to shun no sacrifice in defense of the Conclusion. 343 coiiinionwcal. Nor can a glowing self-sacrificing patriotism be denied to the champions of the Southern cause; but it was locally restricted to their State, their section, their institutions, and was not based on the glorious principle that every man is born free and has equal rights before the law. In trying to be just to the men of the Secession movement, we iiiust consider the palliative circumstances under which the move- nieut took place. Slavery was established in the Southern States by the authority of State laws; it was sanctioned by the preachers of that section; it was profitable to the men who owned slaves; it w-as inherited and had at least the tacit approval of the ancestors. Prejudice of color, aristocratic notions, absence of an independent middle class, a venal press and pulpit, aided other influences, and the impoverishment of the soil of the old States naturally caused the demand for new territory. The men brought up in, the atmosphere of Slavery could not be different from what they were: proud, domineering, passionate, of necessity hostile to free speech, free press, free education at home, they could ill brook freedom in the national councils. Work, the great educator and health spender, was unknown to most of the Southern gentry, and all their other good qualities could not make up for the above deficiencies. Even the example of the fathers of the nation was often cited in support of the Southern institutions, and the question asked: Were not Washington and Jefferson and a number of most eminent men also slave-holders? It is true, such they were, and as such they were born. But those men clearlj^ perceived the nature of the great evil and raised their warning voices in accents that could not be mis- taken, and which should have formed a cardinal chapter in the political catechism of ever}' Southerner. Was this done? Should not the views of our greatest men live in the memory of coming generations, even after the downfall of Slavery, for they apply equally to those evils which arise from any kind of aristocratic institutions, from class and race legislation, from privileged pre- rogatives and monopolizing advantages, whose sinister consequences have of late been sorely felt by the entire nation. How George Washington looked at Slavery, his words, in a letter addressed to Robert Morris on April 12. 1781. plainly show: "I can only say that there is not a man living who wishes more sincerely than I do to see a plan adopted for the abolition of it." Again, in a letter of 344 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. September 9th, 1786, he states: 'It being among my first wishes to see some plan adopted by which Slavery in this country may be abolished by law.' Thomas Jejjerson was even more emphatic in his notes on Vir- ginia, when he wrote: "With what execration should the statesman be loaded, who. permitting one-half the citizens thus to trample on the rights of the other, transform those into despots and these into enemies, destroys the morals of the one part and the amor patriae of the other; for if a Slave can have a country in this world, it must be any other in preference to that in which he is born to live and labor for another." In a letter of August 7, 1785, Jefferson wrote to Dr. Price, relat- ing to emancipation in Virginia: "This is the next State to which we may turn our eyes for the interesting spectacle of justice in conflict with avarice and oppression." At another place he writes: "We must wait with patience the workings of an overruling Provi- dence, and hope that that is preparing the deliverance of these our brethren. When the measure of their tears shall be full, when their groans shall have involved heaven itself in darkness, doubtless a God of justice will awaken to their distress. Nothing is more certainly written in the Book of Fate, than that this people shall be free." James Madison, the father of the Constitution, thought it wrong to admit in the Constitution the "idea that there could be property in men." He states in the Federalist that it is "the fundamental principle of the Revolution to rest all our political experiments on the capacity of mankind for self- government," and states at another place, "Where Slavery exists, the Repub- lican theory becomes still more fallacious." Henry Clay declared in the United States Senate, in 1850: "So long as God allows the vital current to flow through my veins, I would never, never, never, ,by word or thought, by mind or will, aid in admitting one rood of free territory to the everlasting curse of human bondage." John Randolph, of Roanoke, states in his will: "I give to my Slaves their freedom, to which my conscience tells me they are justly entitled. It has a long time been a matter of the deepest regret to me, that the circumstances under which I inherited them, and the obstacles thrown in the way by the law of the land, have prevented my emancipating them in my lifetime, which is my full intention to do in case I can accomplish it." The words of these sages of our nation passed unheeded, and these patriots went to their graves before their warning prophecies be- came verified by the greatest civil w^ar ever suffered by any nation. Time has effaced the sacrifices and animosities of the war, and made our whole people again a nation of brothers; and the spirit of the Conclusion. 345 age and the dire lessons of the past admit the just expectation that our free institutions will not again be jeopardized by the introduc- tion of new organic faults, nor by the toleration of unjust relations, made recently possible by a most wonderful material development that has far outstripped the necessary safeguards of organic and legal institutions. A political system, based upon the rule of majorities, conditions the enlightenment of the masses or the suffer- ing of the Community. Nothing will assist more to attain the object in view than a thorougli study of History, teaching the rational and ethical obligations of man to man, and the truth that virtue alone is not the foundation of republics, but virtue combined with intelli- gence. Thus we will find that our private and public duties grow with our capacity. AVhile the trials of the future will not come in the same garb, they will come nevertheless. The authorities, doctrines and experiences of the past must evolve the correct actions of the future. The more complicated our private and public life becomes, the more difficult will be the task to meet its obligations, but also the greater Avill be the enjoyment and reward of a healtliy and successful activity. As for the past, it must be borne in mind that most of the people of St. Louis came from the Southern States. Still there were among the native American population of St. Louis a number of able un- conditional Union men; but the great majority were either Seces- sionists or conditional Union men and outspoken Southern sym- pathizers, good many taking that direction in consequence of their previous political party affiliation and antagonism to the Repub- licans. Eight-tenths at least of the unconditional Union men in St. Louis were foreign-born citizens and their offspring most' of them Germans. Politically, nearly all of these may be classed as Radicals, who favored energetic' measures, indorsed Fremont's proclamation of emancipating the slaves of Secessionists and .sorely criticized its partial repeal by President Lincoln, as well as the slow progress of military affairs. It cannot be denied that in the beginning there was great deal of animosity between the parties to the contest, and that this was most evident in the men who did not verify their conviction by taking up arms on either side. National pride kept people clanishly segre- gated from getting acquainted with each others good qualities. Looking backward now, over a period of more than forty-eight 346 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1S61. years, the eminent character of St. Louis men who went into both armies must be patent to the most casual observer, since, from the men actually engaged in the contest of 1861 in St. Louis, there emanated several Vice-Presidential candidates, United States Sena- tors, Members of Congress, Governors, Legislators, Civil Engineers, Teachers, Public Officers, influential Bankers, great Merchants and Lawyers, Captains of industry who stand at the head of establish- ments controlling thousands of men and millions in property. Enlarged views are mostly the sequel of generous sentiments, for spite and hatred have no room in a noble heart. A telling illustra- tion of this was the action of Union men during the contest upon the "Drake Constitution," a document disfranchising all Southern sympathizers and subjecting voters and candidates to a humiliating test oath. This measure was energetically opposed by St. Louis Re- publicans, who had been in active service and who issued a call to the citizens to defeat the Drake Constitution by their vote. A Commit- tee was selected of men active in the organization for the Union Military service in 1861; circulars were issued to all the Union people in the State, speakers sent out and delegates dispatched to Federal Missouri Regiments in the field, to bring home their vote, adverse to the proscriptive Constitution; for at that time the law enabled Missouri Volunteers to cast their votes even while on mili- tary duty in other States. St. Louis City and County cast good majorities against the proscriptive Constitution. The result showed a close vote, and it was generally believed that the Drake Constitu- tion was counted in, and not voted in. Although St. Louisians were the first to rise for the Union cause, they were also the first to offer a brotherly hand of conciliation to their opponents in arms. The generation of the men of 1861 is fast disappearing; the les- sons of tradition from father to son will soon be mute. May this sketch, gathered from the writings of cotemporaries, from the actual experience of comrades, from public documents and from the author's recollection, continue to convey the events of a patriotic exertion and animate the men of the present generation to do their duty, by solving the difficult social and political questions before them, so that this great American Union may truly fulfill its destiny, and remain the refuge of the oppressed, the home of the free, and the brightest constellation among all civilized nations. PART II. THE FIRST UNION REGIMENTS. In presenting the names of men who in the spring of 1861 took up arms for the Union in St. Louis, and formed five Volunteer and five Reserve Regiments, a permanent keepsake is intended for their offsprings. The action of the Union people of that period are worthy to be perpetuated beyond the mention of a few prominent men who rose upon the wave of a great popular upheaval. It is in the nature of important events that they are effected by great masses. The rising of 10,000 St. Louis loyalists is one of the most striking demonstra- tions of popular power, based on correct principles and wielded with the momentum of a systematic organization. No doubt it will be a matter of great interest to the many thousand descendants to find the names of their ancestors enrolled in the different Regiments and Companies of that period. Official records, on account of their very size and location, are beyond the reach of most men, and, even under very restricted use, are fast going to pieces. A concise summary of names, based on the best official evidence that could be obtained, will, to a large ex- tent, obviate this difficulty ; but, with all due diligence, no claim can be laid to entire correctness. Missouri had no proper State officers when the important events of 1861 took place. Hostile armies traversed the State in every direction, and little heed was paid to recording while the fire burned on the nails. A fruitful source of error lay in the misspelling of names, in the very great number of transfers from one Company or Regiment to another, and in the repeated occurrence of two sets of Company letters, as "Company A" and "Company A Rifles," or "B and B Rifles," which, in case of reference to these lists, should both be consulted Sojne of tliese double-lettered Companies had to be thrown together in []wi>c lists, as it was not practicable to separate them. The enlistments of the three months' service, exceeding 10,000 men, may be classified as to nationality: German and of German parentage 80 percent. American 12 percent. French. Irish, Bohemian and others 8 percent. 349 350 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. This exhibit verifies the statements made by the writer in the preceding sketch, whose aim was to give conditions, relations and events as they actually existed. While the officers in every organization appear more prominent, justice prompts the statement that equal patriotic devotion animated all members of these Regiments, and many of the most energetic organizers declined to accept any office; in fact, the men of these Regiments were mostly of one cast, and many stood in the ranks who were qualified to take command. The Companies elected their officers, the latter the Field officers, and the Commander of the Regiment designated his staff. The original muster-in rolls were not within reach of this compila- tion. FIRST REGIMENT INFANTRY MISSOURI VOLUNTEERS Companies A. \> and C, called the Turner Battalion, were the first to enter the United States Arsenal, April 21, 1861. The Regi- ment was completed by the 27th of April and elected Francis P. Blair Colonel. It took part in the capture of Camp Jackson, and the ten Infantry Companies in the engagement of Boonville, some minor skirmishes and the battle of Wilson's Creek. It was reor- ganized June 10 of same year for the three years' Infantry service and again reorganized September 1 as an Artillery Regiment. The lists available for this compilation gave the names of mem- bers of this Regiment for the end of August, including those who had joined the ten Infantry Companies after June 10, but neither the dead, transferred or those three months' men who did not re- enlist in this same Regiment. ^Phe names of the last, as far as they could be ascertained, are therefore reported on the subsequent separate list, connnencing page 364. The two Rifle Companies went on detached service to Southeast Missouri, and those not transferred to other Companies were honor- ably discharged at the St. Louis Arsenal on July 31 and August 2^ 1861. Most of these also re-enlisted in other Regiments. In fact, during this whole period discharges, transfers and re-enlistments were often irregular, causing later on much difficulty in establish- ing correct records. To these irregularities omissions of some names in the lists are due. Counting all members of the First Volunteers as originally con- stituted, it held 48 per cent Germans or German descendants. 44 per cent Americans and 8 per cent Irishmen. The list contains 1,217 names. For names of men, who did not re-onlist in the First Regiment Three Years' service, see Complement List, page 364. FIRST REGIMENT INFANTRY, MISSOURI VOLUNTEERS PARTLY THREE MONTHS' AND THREE YEARS' SERVICE. FIELD AND STAFF. Frank P. Blair, Colonel Edward Feahan, Asst. Surgeon George L. Andrews, Lt. Colonel Wm. A. Pile, Chaplain John M. Schofield, Major Phil. F. Jenks, Com. Sergeant. Henry Hescock. Adjutant Thos. Mitchel, Quartermaster Herbert M. Draper, Quartermaster Peter R. Tendick, Sergeant-Major Florence Cornyn, Surgeon B. F. Gempp, Sergeant-:\Iajor. Wm. Simon, Asst. Surgeon 351 352 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. Blum, Hy. Bogle, Andrew Boleska, Wm. Band and JJnassigned. Byd, Wm. Hocker, Franz Hubert, Otto Wittig, Charles Katte, Rudolph Klueher, Franz Lustkandle, John COMPANY A. Rufus Saxton, Captain Wm. A. Gordon, 1st Lieutenant Ernst W. Decker, 2d Lieutenant John B. Winter, 1st Sergeant Roland T. Rombauer, Sergeant Fred Schmitgen, Sergeant Fred Wehe, Sergeant Emil Knoll. Sergeant Charles F. Schneider, Sergeant Henry Hammel, Corporal John Kassing, Corporal Jacob Kohlhauf, Corporal Louis Werz, Corporal Adolph Schuster, Corporal Ch. Reinhard Richter, Corporal Christ Wigsch (Nigsch) Wagoner Bamberger, John Barchler, Jacob Barth, August Barth, John Leonard Betz, Charles Blair, Jonn Bleichner, John Blum, Robert Bodner, John Bornemann, Conrad Bruner, Joseph Ebscher, Charles Ehrlich, Edward Emanuel, Alex. Fischer, Fred Fuchs, Charles Geiser, Anton Gellichsheimer, Geo. Gering, Henry Greiner, August Adolph Guth, John Hageman, Hy. Heddinghaus, Stephen Heitmueller, Wm. Hunker, Louis Jost, Louis Privates. Kleinschmidt, Otto A. Kloepner, Hy. Knoll, Louis Koenig, Reinhold Kohrt, Karl Korrell, Fred Kuhlmey, Edward Kuhrt, John Mangold, Fred Milentz, Gustav Mueller, Michael Muhm, Peter Neuman, Charles Numan, .Jacob Numan, John Paul, Jacob Paul, Louis Pesch, Joseph Louis Poll, John Rahaus, Christian Rauschenplat, Emil Renz, Jacob Renz, Adam Renz, John Renter, Sylvester Riedy, John D. Rosenbusch, Paul Rothfuss, Fritz Rothfuss, John Ruff, Bernard Schindelman, Geo. Schmidt, Fred Schmidt, Gottfried Schnauffer, Fred Schuster, Hugo Schoening, Fred Schurei, Fred Stock, Charles Stockli, Joseph Strandler, John Thomas, Adam Toussaint, Fred Unverzagt, Hy. Wagenbrett, Traugott Wagerley, Wm. Weiss, Engelbert Welker, Henry Wetzer, Fred Woermer, Jos. Zepp, Louis First Regiment Infantry, 3Iissouri Volunteers. 353 COMPANY B. M. L. Lothrop, Captain Thomas D. Maurice, Captain Benjamin Tannrath, 1st Lieutenant John L. Mathaei, 2d Lieutenant Charles Epenreiter, 1st Sergeant Henry Meyer, Sergeant Fred Rink, Sergeant Charles Manser, Sergeant George Mennel, Corporal Jacob Deschemeler, Corporal George Paul, Corporal Leonard Stuckert, Corporal Jacob Gruen, Corporal John Esweint, Corporal Charles Krueger, Corporal Louis Nast, Corporal Fred Schoen, Musician John Stock, Musician Hy. Voigt, Wagoner Ambs, Jacob Barnhard, John Basse, Phillip Bessmer, Hy. Bockenberg, Charles Brown, Wm. F. Bruening, Hy. Colbert, John Collmeyer, Hy. Dehaas, Casper Dehaas, Fred Dietrich, Joseph Eschle, John Evers, Julius Fey, Henry Frenger, Jacob Frotscher, Louis Gaertner, Andrew Gieselman, John Gessman, Ch. Gevers, August Hartman, Anton Heim, George Heinz, John Heinzelmann, Rudolph Herman, Louis Hild, Adam Privates. Hild, George Hoelzle, Louis Hoffman, Chas. Hoffman, Wm. HoUman, Wm. Husman, Henry Juenger, Wm. Kaufman, Conrad Kiefer, Louis Kirchner, Jacob Kollachny, Joseph Leimkiehler, Fred Leng, Wm. Linden, Robert Loeffler, Philip Loesch, Philip Martin, Wm. Meinhold, Wm. Meissmann, Chas. Meltzow, August Merritt, Anton IMersch, Hy. Mersch, John Meyer, Gerhard Moritz, Gustav Naumann, John Neumeyer, Louis Oberl, Joseph Obrecht, Michel , Papendick, Richard Pfau, Jacob Pfeiferling, John Pregitzer, John Rauch, John Roth, Theodore Sanders, Adam Sautter, Fred Schleif, Ch. Schneider, Geo. Schulte, Hy. Stuthalter, Jos. Thomas, Hy. Tyller, Jos. Vanluer, Theo. Vohl, Geo. Vohl, Louis Warneke, Louis Weber, Frank Welker, Chas. Wiese, Jos. Wilde, Chas. Wolf, Anton Zieres, Geo. Zwiesler, John Th. 354 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861- COMPANY C. G. Harry Stone, Captain Gustavus A. Finkelnburg, 1st Lieut. John H. Tiemeyer, 2d Lieutenant Gustave Schuler, 1st Sergeant Peter Bischoff, Sergeant Phillip Fries, Sergeant Frank White, Sergeant Wm. Lindenschmidt, Sergeant John E. Stolze, or Holze, Corporal Alfred Clausen, Corporal Wm. H. Hess, Corporal ( Abraham Frankenstein, Corporal ( Andrew Franklin, Corporal Frank X. Weiss, Corporal Gustave Vollmer, Corporal Henry Mueller, Corporal John Sickinger, Corporal Jacob Voght, Corporal .John Kraehe, Musician August Schmidt, Wagoner Anthes, Christian Bader, Jacob Bauer, John Baumann, Leonhard Bickel, John Biegel, Louis Dehnert, Adolph Bothe, Fred Dellit, Charles Dvoraczyk, Frank Euler, Ludwig Flammger, Fred Fritz, Frank Geyler, Andrew Gossman, Hy. Gutting, John Hage, Bernhard Hauer, Lorenz Heidenrich, Robert Heil, John Heinz, Nicolas Heinemann, Wm. Herchenbach, Geo. Herkert, Fred Herb, John Herold, Adam Privates. Hlawacek, Wendelin Hittwen, Charles Hoehn, Peter Jentsch, John Kalinowsky, Joseph Kaltmeyer, Christ Kaenther, Chas. Klauss, George Klemme, Fred Knueppel, Wm. Koenig, Christian Koenig, Fred Kraemer, Chas. Kreyling, Conrad Lauter, Wm. Loeffler, Joseph Lohner, Chas. McBurney, Wm. Mack, Fred Mahler, John Mahr, Frank Medart, Fred Milbach, Geo. P. Mohr, Ludwig Mehl, Thuisko Mueller, Ulrich Payrleitner, Geo. Reiling, John Rhein, Henry Roehl, Theo. Roemer, Edward Ronnigke, Edward Rosenthal, Moses Sallman, Sigmund Scharr, Jacob Schulze, Ferdinand Schumacher, John • Schwenger, Hy. Schwinn, Charles Sparks, Wm. Staneky, Lucas Storks, John Stucke, Hy. Voigt, John Wawrzinowsky, Hy. Weber, Hy. W. Weyh, Wm. Wiedrian, G. Fred - Wiegenstein, Anton Wittig, Charles Wittig, Maximilian Wolf, Jacob First Regiment Infantry^ Missouri Volunteers. 355 COMPANY D. Charles W. Anderson, Captain Henry Richardson, Captain Stillman O. Fish, 1st Lieutenant Fulton H. Johnson, 2d Lieutenant M. Wm. DuTour, 1st Sergeant John S. Anderson, Sergeant Frank Schaefer, Sergeant Daniel Boelling, Sergeant Wm. G. Fletcher, Sergeant Thos. H. Oliver, Sergeant John Wm. Stuart, Corporal Chas. T. Wendler, Corporal Norman W. Carr, Corporal Edward Walker, Corporal Jas. Crawley, Corporal Chas. Stuelzmann, Corporal. T. Percival Jones, Corporal Sam J. Clark, Coi-poral John H. Grace, Wagoner Wm. Creutzman, Musician Smith, Corporal Boxer, Marcus Brown, Louis Bruce, Lawrence Cameron, Chas. Corby, Henry Creamer, Hy. Crome, Chas. W. Cronenberg, August Dixon, John O. Donahue, Michael Doyle, James Doyle, Thomas H. Eckert, John Finnerty, James Flynn, Patrick Godfrey, Jas. D. Good, John Goody, Geo. Goodall, Jas. S. Haas, Anthony Hackenrath, Albert Hacker, Geo. Hartford, Patrick Haunschild, Gottlieb Privates. Hausburg, Jos. Hoehn, Ernst A. Hashagen, Klaas Kenner, Valentin Kent, Hamilton Kirkland, G. W'tn. D. Kromer, John Layfeld, Wm. Leffingwell, Louis Letz, Sam. Lynch, Patrick McGuire, Michael Meisman, Ernst Meister, Jos. P. Morgan, Paul L. Murphy, John Murray, Robert Nelson, Fred Nolan, John O'Donnell, Frank O'Donnell, Hugh Powers, Patrick Powers, Thomas Pretz, Nicholaus Price, Michael Rachor, Jacob Reidner, Christopher Reidner, Ferdinand Reipschneider, Jos. Reisz, Franz Rider, Jas. Reischmann, Peter Schaerer, John R. Schultz, Louis H. Schoenefeldt, H. A. Schaefer, Louis Setz, Samuel Shephard, Jasper Smithy, John Spooner, Wm. H. Stander, John Thompson, Geo. W. Walker, Jacob Watson, John Wilson, Hy. Wilson, Jos. Wilson, Robert Young, John 356 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY E. Nelson Cole, Captain Joseph Foust, 1st Lieutenant Jas. G. W. McMurray, 2d Lieutenant John L. Walker, 1st Sergeant Edward J. Rice, Sergeant Chas. H. Wallace, Sergeant Hy. B. Warren, Sergeant Edward S. Rowland, Sergeant Ben. W. Morrison, Corporal Robert R. Clarkson, Corporal John A. Duwall, Corporal John Fitzgerald, Corporal Phillip Lynch, Corporal Abram S. Hoagland, Corporal John Fanning, Corporal Joseph Simmons, Corporal Geo. W. Marshall, Corporal Thomas Gay, Wagoner Arthur Roth, Musician John F. Dean, Musician Archers, Perry Atkins, John Austin, Wm. Bascomb, John Bennett, Jas. Blanchard, Ferd. Carlin, Arthur Carlton, Geo. E. Cardinal, Peter Carney, Edward Carrier, Octave Carroll, John Childers, John Cline, Fred Collins, John Cronk, Wm. L. Degough, Thos. L. Derosen, Jas. Demorest, Cornel Dipley, Andrew Drake, Thomas Drennan, N. Dwyer, Jeremiah Earl, Jas. Far r en, Jas. Privates. Finnegan, Barnes Fuller, Wm. Garrett, Hugh Gaskill, John Gibson, Albert Heaton, Wm. A. Henebury, John Holden, Wm. Jones, Edw. P. Keenan, Hugh Kelter, Peter Kile, Milton Lary, Jeremiah Lefevre, Edw. Liberty, B. W. Lynch, Phil. McBride, John McCabe, Patrick McCarthy, John McChesney, Jas. McKnight, Hiram Miller, Daniel Miller, John Miller, Jos. Moriarty, Michael Olcott, Newton Patterson, Jas. Patterson, John Pierson, Wm. H. Purdy, Geo. Quinlin, John Ramsey, John Rice, Mansfield Rodgers, Sam Rowland, Richard Scherer, Andrew Seaman, Barney Seymour, Jos. Sheridan, Thos. Sheehan, John Smilia, Phillip Templer, Fred Tunget, John Wells, Wm. H. Wilkinson, John D. Windley, Jas. Worth, John Wright, Horace First Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers. 357 COMPANY F. Carry Gratz, Captain Walter C. Gantt, Captain Wm. S. Stewart, 1st Lieutenant F. A. Howard, 1st Lieutenant John D. Baldwin, 2d Lieutenant George F. Meyers, 2d Lieutenant Chas. F. Talcott, 1st Sergeant Thos. Mitchell, 1st Sergeant Jas. E. Cromwell, Sergeant Thos. R. Cross, Sergeant Albert Herkenrath, Sergeant Albert S. Reigor, Sergeant Wm. K. Smith, Sergeant Ed. H. Stoddart, Corporal John Stein, Corporal Thos. McMeans, Corporal Geo. W. Bailey, Corporal Edw. Burk, Corporal Louis Dorman, Corporal Wm. Harper, Corporal Alex. Russell, Corporal Thos. F. Rumble, Musician Hugh Roberts, Musician Alt, Conrad Baltzer, Wm. Bates, Alonzo Belden, Hy. Bollinger, Wm. Brinckmann, Barney Buckman, Delworth Burchard, John R. Burton, Frank Calahan, Michael Carlin Castle, Asker Chesholm, Jas. Clifford, Jerry Clifford, Frank Clifford, Jonn Coffman, Eugene C. Conroy, Michael Coughlin, Dan Cunningham, Patrick Deal, John Decker, John Privates. Donnelly, Wm. B. Elworthy, Wm. Flohra, Fred Garrothy, Thos. Gleason, Patrick Griffin, T. M. Gully, Sebastian Hacking, Jas. Hogan, Michael Jenkins, Geo. Johann, F. A. Johnson, Jas. Lafille, Wm. Lillman, Aug. Lilly, Geo. Lindsay, Gilbert McNulty, Wm. Muehlheim, Nic. Miller, Geo. Morris, Wm. Nagle, John Nealy, Chas. F. Nicks, M. L. O'Brien, John H. O'Kabe, Otto Reed, Robert Ritchie, Jas. Roche, Patrick Robinson, Wm. C. L. Shea, Dennis Sheppard, Geo. E. Schields, Patrick Schilling, Jacob Simpkins, Wm. H. Smith, George Spore, Jacob Stafford, Stephen Steigers, Hy. Till, John Wallace, John W^eidner, Aug. Williams, Reese 358 The Union Cause in St. Louts in 1861- COMPANY G. John S. Cavender, Captain Fred Welcker, 1st Lieutenant Chas. L. Sheldon, 2d Lieutenant Louis Beckman, 1st Sergeant Edward Huther, Sergeant Christ Conrad, Sergeant Philibert Melenant, Sergeant Bernhard Simner, Sergeant John Sailfard, Corporal Cornelius Maher, Corporal Thomas Powell, Corporal Wm. H. Rogers, Corporal Ed. S. Chapman, Corporal August Funk, Corporal Silas Howard, Corporal Etienne Hug, Corporal Emil Rathplatz, Musician Aizaire, John Ansermoy, Francois Beller, John Beneker, Hy. Bernays, Hy. Bernard, Andrew Bertsch, Francois Boenig, Hy. Bonamie, Jno. Bowman, John Bronn, Anton Bronn, Daniel Beumer, Robert Benner, Max Cairn, John Delvenne, Gottfried Dennis, Peter Ehrig, Geo. Fink, Wm. Follet, Jos. L. Froment, Nicolas Galmiche, Francois Geiser, Louis Privates. Goerig, Severin Grubert, Peter Horn, Chas. Horn, Herman Hubert, Randolph Jacob, Jacques Jalageas, Philibert Keegan, James Kropf, Christian Lande, Hy. Laurentz, Andrew Mayol, Fred Meier, John Mesnier, Gaston Meumer, Joseph Monta, Charles Mueller, John Jos. Nazari, Jacques Neumann, John Peterson, Peter Robert, John A. Romanof, Emile Rosis, Emile Roth, Conrad Schaeffer, Fred Schaeffer, Henry Selzen, Christian Siess, Ignace Shenan, Chas. Stuefhacker, Fridolin Streit, VVm. Striely, Ulrich Tebbens, Geo. Tesson, Germain Trautman, Hy. VanNugen, John Wack, Anthony Walch, Daniel Walker, John E. Warner, Chas. Weber, August Weltz, Sebastian Whitman, Cnas. Whitman, Fred Whiske, Edward Zay, Franzose First Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers. 359 COMPANY H. Theodore Yates, Captain Francis H. Manter, 1st Lieutenant Thomas Haynes, 2d Lieutenant Harvey Hogan, 1st Sergeant Wm. Drudy, Sergeant Chas. M. Duffy, Sergeant Prank Gorman, Sergeant Wm. R. Donaldson, Corporal James D. Stein, Corporal Richard Mollencott, Corporal T. Jeff'n Edwards, Corporal John H. Connant, Corporal Wm. A. Murrell, Corporal Frank Stolz, Corporal Augustus W. Colton, Corporal Jesse D. Townsend, Wagoner Wm. Schebe, Musician Allen, Thomas Augusta, Wm. . Baldwin, Elijah D. Blyholden, John B. Brennan, Thomas Brinton, Wm. L. Brost, Geo. W. Brown, Geo. W. Brueggemann, Louis Burns, Thomas Caldwell, Andrew J. Centner, Geo. Conlin, Patrick Coolldge, Marcus M. ^ Darelan, John ( Davalar, John Davis, Hy. Dobyns, David H. Earl, Geo. Earl, Wm. Early, James Echo, Bernard Edwards, Francis '( Enders, Mathias H. ' Engel, Mathias H. Faer, Christian Privates. Fish, John Foubert, Edward Gable, Louis Giebler, Louis \ Gronert, Jno. M. ' Grouart, Jno. M. Gudell, Ffermaii xl. Harris, Geo. O. Hartman, Richard Hill, Robert Hughes, Richard Kemper, Bernard Kepphard, Wm. Lack, Wm. F. Lock, W^m. iMcFarland, Jno. D. McGlennon, Hugh McGlone, Francis Miller, Jno. Neun, August Oaks, George O'Kelly, Chas. D. Pamy, Hy. Pelche, Jno. Peters, Unas. Peters, John Pownzer, Fritz Rader, Chas. Rheder, Hy. Rickmann, Wm. W. Rowe, Richard W. Rupp, Conrad Saler, Robert Schlegle, Alexander Schwanacher, Chas. Schwartz, Christian Seal, Joseph Shell, Phillip Stolle, August Sullivan, Timothy Tanner, Chas. K. W^alker, James Welpley, Jas. Weimer, Fred. Wheatly, John Wheatly, Wm. D. Wick, Robt. Wielhaupt, Hy. A. Wolf, Frank Woods, Andrew Woodward, Chas. H. Yost, Christian 360 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. Madison Miller, Captain David Murphy, 1st Lieutenant Jas. Mar, 2d Lieutenant Edward Reily, 1st Sergeant Daniel Leary, Sergeant Frank Killian, Sergeant Charles Borberg, Sergeant Hinton Breman, Sergeant Wm. H. Cooper, ([Corporal Dougal COMPANY I. Morris Fitzgerald, Corporal Chas. Pretaboire, Corporal Edward L. Donnelly, Corporal Chas. Wandel, Corporal Robert C. Foster, Corporal Joseph Scott, Corporal Charles Fendel, Corporal Martin Toeppe, "Wagoner Jas. Robins, Musician Ferguson, Musician Arms, Hy. S. Atkins, Ben Ball, Hy Baumgartner, Jacob Bloom, Hy. Bryant, Wm. Canning, Daniel Casey, Wm. F. Conley, Wm. Crone, Robert Dapron, Adolph Davis, Jas. F. Dieman, Fritz Dilge, Nicolaus Dobin, Baptlste Dohrman, Christian Donahue, John Donahue, Michael Fox, John Fidler, Jas. M. Gahn, John G. Gallagher, John Ganert, Conrad Grand, Francis Grow, Rudolph Hankes, Frank Harper, George Privates. Henesey, John Herman, Lorenz Hughes, John M. Hurd, Thomas Ifinger, Hy. Kearny, Martin Koeln, Adam Kroeger, Christian Lindsay, Robt. L. Lyon, Nelson J. McCormack, Peter McGarvey, John McGarvey, Michael McGuire, John McKinnon, Archie McSloy, Mathew McSpirit, Terence Maher, Patrick Mahler, Aug. Marshall, Jas. Massner, Fred Mathias, Nicolas Meier, Christian Mertz, Xavier Miller, John Miller, Wm. H. Owens, Edward O'Laughlm, John Parish, Chas. G. Resold, Nicolaus Pretaboire, Eli Priester, John Regner, John M. Renkle, Jacob Ryan, John Schall, John D. Schmidt, Jos. Schubert, Wenzel Smith, James Smith, John Spiedel, Aug. Springer, Hy. Stiegelmeyer, Fred Stoner, Peter Tochtermann, Chas. Vorlage, Herman Watson, John W. Weber, John Wolf, John Wuerpel, Morris Yaeger, Chas. Zeppenfeld, Robt. Zimmerman, Reinhard First Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers. 361 COMPANY K. Patrick E. Burke, Captain Alonzo W. Webber, 1st Lieutenant Robert C. Slow, 1st Lieutenant Edward Madison, 2d Lieutenant Andrew M. Brown, 2d Lieutenant Andrew Hochstadler, 1st Sergeant Chas. M. Callahan, Sergeant Ezra S. Dodd, Sergeant Geo. Dickinson, Sergeant Wm. J. Erlanger, Sergeant Geo. E. Martin, Corporal Bernard Rodgers, Corporal Richard Kane, Corporal Arthur Suddath, Corporal Thomas Morgan, Corporal Chas. Seller, Corporal Thos. J. Fitzgerald, Corporal Benjamin Joel, Corporal Adams, Louis Bower, Adam Boyd, George Boyd, William Brash, Nicolas Brown, John Carey, Peter Clark, Leopold Coleman, Fred Coleman, Hy. Conroy, John Cota, Peter Crisp, Arthur Dailey, Dennis Dicks, Wm. F. Dodson, Jas. Duff, Noel P. Ferris, Peter Filch, Conrad Flynn, Patrick Foley, John Fowler, Wm. Givens, John Guerin, Fitz Wm. Guerin, Francois Halscher, F. Aug. Hamilton, John Privates. Hawkins, Thos. Heaton, Wm. A. Heinzelman, John Hermans, Edmund Jones, Louis C. Kammerer, Oscar Kelly, Patrick King, John ' Lamkins, John Lynde, Herman McNichol, Duncan McQuillan, Chas. Maguire, Patrick Marlow, Enoch Matthieu, Jos. Matt, Leopold Michel, Louis Moritz, Fred W. Mullins, John Nolan, Thos. O'Brien, Dennis O'Connell, Jos. O'Gorman, Jos. O'Neil, Arthur Orleans, Aug. Overman, Chas. Park, Daniel Ransome, Francois Reilley, Edw. Reilley, Peter Ryan, John Sanders, Timothy Schaeffer, Charles Shadon, Robert Shanon, Wm. Sheehy, Wm. J. Sheen, Patrick Slough, Jacob Smith, George Stevens, Jno. Straat, John Sullivan, Mathias Sullivan, Michael Taylor, Marion Tillman, Aug. Towler, Jas. Vaeth, Ferdinand Van Horn, Chas. A. Vintroviez, Alex. Virth, Josepn Vuerster, Louis Wenthe, Charles Wilniore, Ed. Zimmerman, Geo. 362 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. RIFLE COMPANY A. L. E. Koniuszeski, Captain L. F. Mason, 1st Lieutenant J. P. Hibler, 1st Lieutenant Wm. D. Bowen, 2d Lieutenant Geo. F. Meyers, 2d Lieutenant W. Fallenstein, Sergeant Fred Schoening, Corporal Geo. F. Glaser, Corporal Jas. B. How, Corporal Jas. A. Humphrey, Corporal Chas. B. Pulte, Corporal Chas. R. Richter, Corporal Bngelbert Weiss, Corporal Anton Franzel, Musician Conrad Gieselmann, Musician Ahrensmann, Hy. Armstrong, Wm. E. Arnold, Florenz Babka, Chas. Backhaus, Conrad Barada, Austin Barth, Wendel Beck, John F. Beckmann, Bernard Beinke, Herman Bohrberg, Chas (Sergt.) Braschler, .Jacob Brieglieb, Phil Buschgert, Peter Campbell, Frank Canning, Daniel Chess, Thos. R. (Sergt.) Clairmont, Louis Cleland, Wm. W^ (Sergt.) Cowperthwaith, J. W. Crozet, Chas. Dam, John Damschroeder, Christ. Dapron, Amable Dewane, Fred Dienstbier, John Dierkauf, John Dinninger, Michael Donnelly, Edm. S. Downer, Jas. W. Duemler, Aug. Duemler, John G. Duemler, John H. Privates. Eickhoff, Frank Filers, Phil. Ewig, Robt. Fischer, Francis Fischer, Louis G. Fletcher, Perry V. Frances, Felix Jos. Frances, James Gaertner, Ferd. Gates, Marvin Gerkin, Hy. Gibler, Thomas Griffin, Boone Grimmler, John Haas, Andrew Hartmann, Wm. Hermann, Chas. Hermann, Frank Heihn, Jos. Hostetter, Christoph Hoyle, Mathew Hug, George Jacobet, Casper Kaiser, Ambrose Kasnitz, Herman Keil, Friedrich Ivohlhauf, Jacob Korring, Hy. John Krause, Fred Kummer, Christ Kuhn, Jacob Lange, Hy. Larsen, Peters Latournier, Louis Loeffler, Hermann Leisse, Fred Lindner, Wm. Lori, Chas. Maupin, John W. Merz, Louis Meyer, Chas. G. Meyersick, Wm. Miller, Frank Miller, John Miller, Philip Mittendorf, Hy. Mueller, Ferd. Nagel, Wm. Nieb, Louis J. Nigsch, Christ. Obenhaus, Wm. Obenhauf, Herman Oesterle, Jos. Ottman, Jacob Ottman, John Pack, Jas. Pack, Anderson Piening, Fred Phinel, Alois Quinn, Anderson Roben, Ad. Roe, John Sautier, Alex. Sautier, Eugene Scheebaum, Hy. Scheebaum, John Schlacke, Edw. Schmidt, Chas. First Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers. 363 RIFLE COMPANY k.—Con't. Schmidt, Jos. Schneider, Paul Schopp, Jos. Schorn, Herman Schreiner, Geo. Schultheis, Martin Simmermann, Reinh'rdt Smith, Orlando C. Spidel, Aug. Solf, Aug. Sonderman, Aug. Steffan, Hy. Stohlenberg, Nic. Sumkiller, John Swedensky, Martin Tendick, Peter Tochtermann, Christ Uhrig, Stephan Vitt, Alfred Volasti, Herman Voyard, Cnas. Weber, John Weimann, Geo. Wendell, Chas. Witger, Fred Wilke, Aug. Wondrauschek, Jos. Zimmermann, R. Zoleski, Jas. RIFLE COMPANY B. John McFall, Captain Frank Howard, Captain George F. Meyers, 1st Lieutenant James W. McMurray, 2d Lieutenant Andrew Dyon, 1st Sergeant John Hackmann, Sergeant Paul Merenskey, Sergeant Frederick Schnitzer, Sergeant Robert Evans, Sergeant Edward Boyce, Corporal Chas. Bieger, Corporal David Landrigan, Corporal Jas. M. McClenahan, Corporal Adam Trautman, Corporal Jos. T. Parker, Musician Richard Rapier, Musician Althoff, Fred Beckmann, Hy. Biermann, Herman Blume, Louis Bradly, F. H. Brell, Andrew Brown, Jas. T. Brown, Sylvester Chibnall, John Crimins, Thomas Dohn, Jacob Dundas, John Ebeling, Wm. Ellis, Isaac Enders, Mathias Fahse, Daniel Feustel, Louis Fiedler, Joseph Foster, John Gaehner, Fred Privates. Gilner, Aug. Glenn, Jas. Glenn, Patrick Graff, Geo. Harris, John Heifel, Jacob Heilmann, Geo. Herman, Wm. Hertzog, Julius Holdenr H. W. Horst, Hy. Hoyt, A. F. Huether, Geo. Justin, Nicolas Kelly, Patrick Kerksick, Hy. Kerksick, Herman Kerwin, Thomas Knable, Michael Kraft, Geo. Krausch, Christian Kruese, Hy. Lambert, Amos Leng, Wm. Lewis, Edmond Lewis, Geo. T. Long, Justin Long, Wm. McCullough, Wm. McHenry, John McHenry, Wm. Maulhardt, Aug. Maurer, Zacharias Mehl, Geo. Metz, Norbert Miller, Wm. H. Morekamp, Hy. Neville, Jos. Nicholson, Theophil Ott, Frederick 364 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. RIFLE COMPANY B.—CouH. Overmann, Ben Peters, Chas. Peters, Wm. Reagher, Chas. Regh, Fred Regh, George Rickers, Wm. H. Ring, Richard Risley, Sam H. Sachlebend, Hy. Sailor, Wm. .J. Schaeffer, Arnold Schaeffer, Edward Scheller, Cnas. Schwidle, Wm. Seiglemann, Hy. Sickmann, Fred Streckebein, John Targee, John Utt, L. H. Vienup, Chas. Voght, Wm. Vollmar, Frank Wallis, Wm. Weber, Charles Wegh, Lewis Weigner, Jonn W. Weissmeyer, John W. Welker, Chas. (No. 2) Wieda, Hy. Wittmeyer, Aug. COMPLETED LIST OF FIRST REGIMENT INFANTRY THREE MONTHS' VOLUNTEERS, who enlisted under President Lincoln's call for 75,000 men in April, 1861, but did not wish to continue in their original Regiment for the Three Years' Service, on account of the manner of reorganiza- tion. The ]\Iuster-In Rolls of the Three Months' Regiments could not be secured, and these, members were not accounted for on the later Muster Rolls accessible to this compilation; but, having faithfully filled the obligations of service for which they volunteered and hav- ing been among the first to take up arms for their country, their names are deservedly reported on this list. Being transferred to different Companies, their original Company letter could not be noted and their names are given collectively. Most of them re- turned to the Arsenal with the Detachment of Lieutenant Colonel C. D. Wolff, who left Sprmgfield July 24, arrived in St. Louis August 2, where the men were honorably discharged and most of them joined the service for three years in different Regiments. After the expiration of their term of office, some left without securing the discharge due to them. First Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers. 365 ENLISTED AT THE ST. LOUIS ARSENAL ON APRIL 22 AND 23, 1861, IN THE FIRST VOLUNTEER COMPANIES OF MISSOURI FOR THE THREE MONTHS' SERVICE. Ahern, Thomas Alter, Henry Anderson, Andrew Andrae, Wni., Sergeant Baier, Franz Balzing, John Barchtler, Fred Bates, Robert Bauro, John Beck, Robt. B., Captain Becker, John Becker, \Vm. Behland, John Belmar, John Benning, Jonn Belke, Hermann Betzar, Wm. Biermann, H. Bintz, Jacob Blakely, Thos. B. Boechtler, Aug. Boehm, Hy. Bonn, M. W. Brendel, Hy. Brockmann, bred Brokatrick, Hy. Bronn, Louis . Byrne. Patrick Byrne, Wm. H. (First Sergt.) Byron, Hy. Cady, Aug. Calabraisi, Antoine Cannon, Patrick Capard, Alphonse Carr, John Carr, Philip Casey, Michael Castello, Peter Cbevalair, .Tos. Churchill, John Clancey, Michael Clarens, Jacob Clerew, John Clifton. Chas. Colt, Philip Cordes, John Cutler, Geo. Dahm, Wm. Daily, Michael Dawson, Sam B. Deimler, Sam Dickson, Chas. Diemer, Fred Eckert, Geo. Elwanger, Wm. Ernig, John Chas. Fargo. Aloni \ Fertel, Chas. L. / Fertel, John L. Ferguson, John Fischer, Frank Fischer, John Fitzgibbons, John Flammger, Ludwig Fox, David Fries, Wm. PYitsch, Bruno Frohman, Hy. Fuergotli, Jos. Gan, Christian Gartland, Wm. Geier, Edward Gemler, Hy. Gerichten, r'hilip \ Gesmeier, Frank ' Greimer, Frank Geyer, Henry Gibson, Chas Gillet, Eugene Glockner, John Golden, John Gonmeier, Julius Gonsha, Jeremia Gottung, Christian Grimm, Valentine (Sergt.) Grimminger, Wm. Grosse, Arnold Grosse, Hy. Grunden, Sam. i Guset, Chas. ' Guyot, Chas. Hachbaith, Julius Hackbein, H. Haley, Richard Hartmann, Hy. Hartmann, Jacob Hartmann, Philip Haughton, Geo. Helmes, Wm. Henley, John Hesse, Fred Hilbig, Aug. Hoblitzel, Geo. Hoffmann, Hy. Hogan, John Hook, Christian Hubbard. Walter B. Hubert, John Hulgrave, A. Hun, Michael Hurley, John Jacobs, Geo. ' ^ Jargon, Chas. Kaiser, Hy. Kaiser, Wm. Keller, Chas. Keller, Wm. Kelly, Corn. A. (Fifer) Kelly, John Kelly, Patrick Kelly, Thomas Klein, Louis Knecht, Edw. (Drum- mer) Koch, Hermann Koehler, Francis Kornet, Fred Kramel, Fred Kramer, Wm. Krauss, Frank 366 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. Kuehn, August Kuntz, Joseph Lane, Wm. Larkin, Thomas Leahy, Dennis Leary, Cornelius Letcher, Nelson H. Lewecke, Chas. \ Lohrmann, Wm. ( Lohmann, Wm. McCarthy, J. McClellan, Chas. McCrelekin, Dave McDougal, Robt. McGiren, Jas. W. McMillan, Jas. McMillan, Patrick Mack, John Mark, Josepn Martini, Hermann Medart, Philip Mehl, August Mehl, George Merkel, Conrad Metzger, Emil Meyer, Peter Miles, John J. Miller, Julius "Miller, Wm. Mittendorf, David Montgomery, Robert Moser, Joseph Mueller, Christ Mueller, John Mueller, Leo Murphy, Morris Myers, Edw. Neuman, Carl L. Neuman, Carl T. Neumann, Wm. Neun, Chas. Neun, John Neun, Hy. (Sergt.) Neustaedter, Hy. O'Brien, Francis O'Brien, John CONTINUED LIST. O'Brien, Richard O'Neil, Jno. (Drummer) Oesterling, Philip Parson, T. T. Paul, Fride Pforitzer, Geo. Phillips, Christian Pinter, John Presley, Peter Priester, Baptiste Prince, Henry Quincy, Henry Rane, Geo. Raymond, John Regner, Albert Reichtenbach, Hugo Reising, Anton Reynolds, Jas. Riley, Philip Rittberg, Hugo Ritterbach, Bernard Robin, Emil Rombauer, R. Guido, Sgt Rone, Geo. Ruprecht, Hugo Ryan, Michael Samson, Lem. Saunders, Henry Sausse, Charles Schaffner, Benedict Schafling, Albert Schmidt, Adam Schmidt, Henry Schmidt, Joseph Schnake, Fred (Sergt.) Schramm, Louis Schultz, Christian Schultz, Joseph Schwaeneck, Nic. \ Seumig, Wm. , ' Sewing, Wm. Shaughuessy, Patrick Siever, Frank Smith, Charles Smith, Solomon Somnia, John Southwick, Louis C. Steinecke, Hermann Stepp, Carl* Stolle, Fred Stucke, Carl Sturgeon, Louis < Sutler, Fred ' Sluter, Fred Tappe, Hy. Taylor, vVm. Theby, Jacob Thomas, Fred Toohey, Timothy (Fifer) Turner, Hy. Ude, Geo. Van Broeck, Fred Van Broeck, Hy. Vogel, Victor Volk, Fred Volkmeier, Clemens Volmar, Louis Walter, Hy. Ward, Patrick Warner, Allen L. Watson, Fred Weber, Alonzo W. Weiden, Aug. Weil, Philip Wenzel, John Wernairt, Carllow Wheeling, Jos. Wheeler, L. J. Wherman, Hy. Whitly, Thomas Wiegand, Henry Wilde, F. Williams, Chas. Wilson, Hy. Woodruff, Arch. (Cor- poral) \ Zanadill, W. C. "/ Zwadell, W. C. Zeller, Chas. Zurflueh, Jacob y^V SECOND REGIMENT INFANTRY, MISSOURI VOLUNTEERS, organized end of April by electing Henry Boernstein Colonel. It had ten Infantry and two Rifle Companies ; took part in the capture of Camp Jackson and went with General Lyon to Jefferson City, where its Colonel acted as provisional Governor of Missouri. Its Companies made frequent scouts into the surrounding disaffected districts and escorted steamboats on the Missouri River. Its Rifle Companies marched with Lyon to the engagement of Boonville, took part in several skirmishes and held an important position at the battle of Wilson's Creek, under their leader, Captain Peter J. Oster- haus, where, with the First Missouri Volunteers, they bore the brunt of the battle. The Regiment reorganized for three years' service September 10, 1861, under Colonel Friedrich Schaefer. With the exception of 3 Mi per cent, the Regiment was constituted entirely of Germans. In the following lists the men of Company "A" and "A" Rifle, and those of "B" and ''B" Rifle, are, according to best accessible evi- dence, listed together; all told, 1,286 men formed the Regiment. FIELD AND STAFF. Henry Boernstein, Colonel Frederich Schaefer, Lt.-Colonel Bernard Laibold, Major Ernst Schmidt, Surgeon Charles Cook, Asst Surgeon G. G. Lyon, Asst. Surgeon Julius Windsbecker, Adjutant Phil Schmitt, Quartermaster Chas. Boernstein, Sergt. Major Adolph Pfau, Quartermaster Sergt. Boehm, Christoph Eckhardt, Frank Eckhardt, Wm Geeks, Frank Gushing, George Band. Hachler, Fred Kathrinus, August Kiesewetter, Chas. Kohlauf, Christian Kohlauf, Fred Myer, Chas -Myer, Wm. Schaefer, August Spindler, John Stuck, Jacob 367 368 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. RIFLE COMPANY "A" AND INFANTRY COMPANY "A. Otto Schadt, Captain Aug. F. Boernstein, Captain Julius Winds becker, 1st Lieutenant Aug. Guentzel, 1st Lieutenant Francis Ehrler, 2d Lieutenant Hy. Steidle, 2d Lieutenant Hy. F. Dietz, 1st Sergeant Herman Cober, 1st Sergeant John Kayser, Sergeant Mathias Kramer, Sergeant i^ouis Meuschke, Sergeant Christian Mueller, Sergeant Alex. Pfeiffer, Sergeant Louis Yost, Sergeant Aug. Zerman, Sergeant Geo. Behnsen, Corporal John Benzel, Corporal Geo. Constanz, Corporal Chas. Frank, Corporal Chas. Fuelle, Corporal Christoph Geisler, Corporal August Hendrich, Corporal Wm. F. Reinecke, Corporal Gottlieb Rose, Corporal Anthony Zopf, Musician Chas. Lenz, Musician Louis Bernays, Musician Aberle, Jos. Adam, John Adam, Philipp Ahlfeld, Chas. Auler, Hugo Bader, Geo. Baier, Alb. Balz, Fred Bange, Hermann Banzhof, John Barring, Francis Bartels, Hy. Basse, Wm. Bassiner, Hy. Baumgartner, Fred. Behrends, John Beiersdorfer, John Benz, William Berg, Jacob Benthe, Gustav Bigler, Joseph Bild, Herman Bleuel, Albert Bohning, David Bonz, Aug. Borghard, Chas. Borghard, Louis Brandeis, Aug. Privates. Braun, Henry Brehmer, Christ Buechel, Herm. Bunning, Geo. Burkamp, Aug. Burkhardt, Jacob Burmeister, Wm. Cherouny, Hy. Dietz, Francois Eb, Frank Ebert, Adolph Eppler, Martin Fassmann, John Felix, John Feuerbacher, Michel Finger, Louis Fink, Jacob Fischer, Wm. Fohrenbach, John Frank, Aug. Fuchs, Fred Fuchs, Hy. Fuller, Wm. Gallagher, Francois Gotselig, Francois Graenzenberg, Herm. Gross, Michel Gruetzmann, Edw. Gruenewalder, John Hain, Aug. Hansenburg, Francois Hark, Wm. Hartmann, Chas. Harris, Hy. Hartmann, Fred Hartmann, Chas. Hasser, Geo. Hauser, Chas. Hecht, Martin Heilmann, Moritz Heim, Wm. Hellwig, Hy. Henry, Louis Hesse, Louis Hirth, Valentin Hoffmann, John Hugo, Fred Jackmann, Anton Jogerst, Basilius Jung, Peter Kaltwasser, Louis Keller, Peter Kist, Adolphus Klein, Theodor Kling, Fred Knoche, Aug. Second Regiment I ii fan fry, 3Iissouri I'oluiitccra. 369 RIFLE COMPANY "A" AND INFANTRY COMPANY "A".—Con't. Kohler, Richard Koster, Claus Krause, Theo. Krehmeier, Chas. Kuehner, Wm. Kurz, Ferdinand Kreuter, Edward Ivreuter, Ferdinand Kreuter, Henry Lachner, Mathias Lavale, Wm. Lebbing, Herman Lipps, Anton Lipps, Tobias Lochbuehler, Michael Lochmeier, Aug. Lory, Nicolaus T^uipoldt, Martin I^upking, Peter Malter, J. B. Marks, Geo. B. Martini, Wm. Mayer, Claus Mayer, Felix Mayer, Fred Mehlmann, Hy. Meiffarth, Christoph Menerich, Francois Mennerich, Wm. Meuschke, Louis Mettbuch, Albert Michel, Fred Neuberth, Chas. Nudson, .John Obrecht, Val. Ott, Christian Palmer, Otto Pausch, Geo. Pausch, John Pettenpohl, Chas. Pfau, Gustav Ad. Pfeiffer, Peter Pfluger, Adolph Pharo, John Pins, Hy Pohlmann, Wm. Rau, Nicolaus Reed, Ww. Reidel, John Keinhard, Hy. Reinken, John Roesch, Otto Rohrdanz, John Rolfling, Louis Romer, Hermann Rolt, Anton Reif, Jacques Rumelin, Ferdinand Ruppert, John Ruprecht, Martin Sante, Ferdinand Schakel, Chas. Schaumberg, Albert Schuermann, Wolberth Schlichter, John Schmidt, Anton Schmidt, Chas. Schmieder, Stephan Schnoerz'e, Joslah Schoenewolf, Wm. Schorback, Emil Schroeder, Ernst Schwartz, Hy. Segbarth, .lohn Siebert, Chas. i Siebert, Chas. Stock, Hy. Stoeker, Wm. Sommers, Valentin Spahn, August Steinberg, James Stirner, Frederick Struble, Christoph Sturm, Edward Swind, John Teusel, Hy. Thompson, Christian Trampenau, Theo. Uhlig, George Volker, Valentine Waal, Chas. Waaser, Jacob Wagner, Adolph Wagner, ueo. Walter, Fred Walter, John Wedekind, Fred Wehr, Fred Wehle, Aug. Wehrfritz, Hugo Weidling, Theo. Wenzel, John Wenzel, Walker Widner, Hy. W'iesner, Louis Wilson, Friderich Winkler, Geo. Wolff, Gustav • Wunsch, Hy. Zacher, Christian Zils, Lorenz Zimmerman, John 24 370 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. RIFLE COMPANY "B" AND INFANTRY COMPANY "B. ' Peter J. Osterhaus, Captain Franz Kohr, Captain George Wecklierlin, Captain Const. Von Haeseler, 1st Lieutenant Fred Munger, 1st Lieutenant Theo. Weller, 2d Lieutenant John N. Auer, 2d Lieutenant John Robert Kunz, 1st Sergeant Jacob Kiburz, 1st Sergeant Gustav Lightfoot, Sergeant Louis Massow, Sergeant Chas. Sarstedt, Sergeant Christ. Schifferling, Sergeant Anton Tanner, Sergeant Wm. Volk, Sergeant Rud. Feichert, Corporal Jacob Kunz, Corporal Adam Lonnert, Corporal Chas. G. Maier, Corporal John Meyer, Corporal Rudolph Teichert, Corporal Geo. Theby, Corporal Herman Loehr, Musician Fred Kierber, Musician Johann Karb, Musician Ahlfeld, Louis Auer, Theo. Bader, Phil. Baer, Ulrich Becker, Andreas Beger, August Behre, Geo. Bern, John Bender, Ignatz Bender, Valentin Bergman, Peter Bernhard, Fred Bickmaier, Christ Binninge", Geo. Bircher, Rudolph Biernstiel, Conrad Borne, Henry Braun, Jos. Braunsteiner, Nic. Brehmer, Fred Breimfleck, Jos. Breitenstein, Fred Brosmer, John Buchner, Geo. Buck, Willibald Buechly, John Burgatzi, Sigmund Burschell, Hy. Conradi, John Privates. Daiss, Wm. Dalmer, Ben Banner, Leopold Detwyler, Jacob Dewald, Nicolas Doering, Carl Durkes, Peter Durnbach, Louis Eggers, Christ Eggert, Hy. Eiss, Fred Erxleben, Chas. Fiege, Christian Finke, Jacob Fischer, Hy. Fischer, John Forst, John Freyer, Hugo Fritsche, Fred Funk, Geo. Ganahl, Christian Ganahl, Conrad Ganahl, Joseph Geiger, Joseph Gerardi, Peter Godt, Chas. Goetze, Adolph Grote, Hy. Haacke, Ernst Hange, Hy. Hardinger, Lorenz Hanstein, John Hardwig, Aug. Hartle, Ignatz Hasewander, Elias Heinzmann, Jos. Henkhaus, Hy. Herzog, Dewald Heynauer, John Hilke, Wm. Hoffman, Jacob Horman, Theodore Hunnicke, Johann Hunnicke, Julius Hunziker, John Iberger, Theo. Jacoby, Peter Kaiser, Jacob Kaldekiewitz, Franz Kast, Adolph Klein, John Kline, Hy. •Klute, Fred Kollmeyer, Louis Kollmeyer, fheo. Kollmeyer, Wm. Kors, Nicolaus Kramm, Edward Second Regiment Infantry, Missouri Volunteers. 371 RIFLE COMPANY "B" AND INFANTRY COMPANY "B".— Con7. Krapp, George Kriel, Martin Kuhneman, Fritz Kunz, Fred Kunz, Jacob Kunz, Wm. Kunzler, Franz Kurr, Hy. Kusel, Friede Lampe, Carl Landsberger, Wolf Lauer, Chas. Lehman, Christ Leichsering, Chas. Lempke, Edw. Lenher, Anton Lenher, Edw. Leu, Peter Lisch, Jacob Lohrum, Peter Maier, Joseph Mainhardt, Robt. Marbeth, Jos. Melzdorf, Anton Miller, Albert Miller, John ]\Iink, John Mohr, Anton Morris, Adolph Morsheimer, Franz Mueller, Bernhard Mueller, Chas. Mueller, Franz Privates. Mueller, John Fred Mussmann, Hy. Nagel, Conrad Ney, Peter Nordhaus, Bernhard Otto, Adolpn Peters, Chas. Petzhold, Chas. Popp, Geo. Rammelsdoerfer, Fr. Rehm, Geo. Reinhard, Valentin Reiser, Jos. Ricksner, Chas. Rink, Wm. Rodenwald, Edw. Roh, Jos. Rudolph, Ad. Rueckem, Wm. Ruppert, Gottlieb Rust, Fritz Salardin, Aug. Schalter, Adam Schellenberger, Christ Schirmer, Jos. Schlager, Jacob Schleer, Moritz Schmidt, Chas. Schmitter, Jacob Scholdt, John Schumacher, John Schulz, Louis Semmelbrogge, Chas. Sheby, Geo. Siebenmann, Ferd. Siebenmann, Chas. Spencer, Bernhard Steger, Franz Steils, Mathias Stockinger, Adam Strumph, Wm. Szwescke, Franz Teske, Aug. Tonnies, Aug. Trabant, John Voelkel, Nicolas VoUmer, John Wagner, Hy. Wagner, Hy. Wm. Wahl, Paul Weber, John Weckherlin, Fritz Wenzel, Walter Werley, John Wessner, Lorenz Wetke, Chas. Wiesian, Aug. Wilte, Wm. A. Wolf, Israel A\'olfram, Carl Woodley, Fred Wuismer, Geo. Wuertele, Phil. Yennicke, Hy. Zimmerman, John 372 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY C. Herman Bendel, Captain Julius Sauer, 1st Lieutenant John F. Wielandy, 2d Lieutenant Aug. Gramme, 1st Sergeant Clias. Doerge, Sergeant John Heitz, Sergeant Louis Leysaht, Sergeant Wm. Stucke, Sergeant Adolpli Busse, Corporal John Hauck, Corporal Edw. Hunt, Corporal Louis Mohr, Corporal Louis Knorr, Musician Adler, Fred Albrecht, Michael Ambeyer, Jacob Amsler, Jos. Anslyn, Jac. H. Arendt, Fred Bauer, Wendel Bechstein, Fred Beimbauer, Chas. Bergdorf, Ant. Bestmann, H. Bier, Gustav Biermann, Fred Biermann, \Vm. Blentz, Adam Braun, Fritz Braun, Jacob Brendel, Michel Bringer, Hy. Brueggemann, Hy. Bucheit, Michel Carstedt, Chas. Clement, Michel Dirnberger, Wm. Dude, Geo. Durolf, Hy. Eckhardt, Edw. Eickelmann, Martin England, John Finck, Wm. Flack, Peter Frey, Jos. Fricke, Christian Privates. Fruet, John Fuchs, Chas. Giese, Hy. Graff, Jacob Guenther, Jos. Hacke, Fred Haeper, Ferd. Hanhart, David Hehr, Geo. Heiness, John Heinze, Herman Hellner, Edw. Hemmel, Wm. Herzog, Emil Heuer, Louis Hiller, Wm. Holliday, Edw. Holtz, Herman Huffmann, Albert Huskamp, Aug. Jaenger, Wm. Juncker, Fritz Kemp, John Klein, John Koch, Christian Kuhs, Chas. Kreutz, Peter Laner, Anton Lannert, John Leibschuetz, Ad. ]Mann, John May, Martin Meyer, Chas. Meyer, Wm. Minder, Hy. Nollmann, Fred Orth, Gustav Peters, Hy. Branil, Anton Rein, Anton Reinagel, Christian Rodeman, Chas. Dave Roeple, Michael Rohlfing, Hy. Roth, Felix Schaefer, Hy. Schander, John Schanstein, Fred Scheuhenk, Dave Schlacht, Hy. Schmidt, Jonn Schneider, John A. Schumann, Wm. Schwartz, Fritz Sevener, Martin Stabener, Michael Standenraus, Jos. Stucke, Wm. Tehmer, Aloys Trautmann, Chas. Trost, Leopold Vogt, George Wagner, Max Werner, Paul Weslhausen. Wm. Wilbese, Jos. Second Regiment Lnjnntnj, Missouri Volunteers. 373 COMPANY D. Theo. Trauernicht, Captain Gustav Boernstein, 1st Lieutenant Herman Hartmann, 2d Lieutenant Wm. Bergen, 1st Sergeant Walther Hoppe, Sergeant Julius Most, Sergeant Albert Tomps, Sergeant Ferdinand Kuss, Corporal Louis Leisert, Corporal Wm. Staabs, Corporal Louis Wortmann, Coi-poral Wm. Stroemer, Musician Theo. Hemper, Musician Altgeier, Wm. Bauch, John Beck, Louis Beehler, Fred Beiser, Jos. Biedermann, J. B. Biedermann, j. R. Blum, Jos. Bornlitz. Fred Brecht, Otto Bullier, Michel Christmann, Andr. Conrades, Christian Diesing, Jacob Endres, Fred Fischer, Anton Frank, Chas. Freese, Hy. Frey, Jacob Fritz, Jacob Goesling, Wm. Gruhn, John Gusching, A. E. Hahn, Fred Hampe, Hy. Hannecke, Wm. Hansen, John Heidtmann, Albert Hellmert. Anton Helhvig, Louis Herkner, Christ Hesse, Herman Hoffmann, treo. Hoffman, John Illig, Gustav Privates. Illig, Wm. Jaeger, Hy. Kansenbach, Wm. Kirchhoff, Christian Klarner, Julms Knappe, Chas. Koehle, Hy. Koehler, Hy. Koehnemann, Fred Kolb, Philip Kornbrink, Ebert Kramme, Wm. Krueger, Aug. Kuner, Jos. Kuelger, John Kuester, Emanuel Lob, Julius Lohmann, ,Tohn Ludwig, Chas. Mennerich, Hy. Meusching, Fred Mogle, Allen Mueller, John Niemeier, Ernst Ninas, Emil Noese, John Obermeier, Frank Obuch, Wm. Ossmann, Fred Ossmann, Wm. Pfister, Peter Pick, John Pick, Moritz Preis, Fred Rademacher, John Rader, Christ Ramakers, Hubert Rade, Hy. Reitz, Jacob Roger, Jos. Rollers, Mathias Rollers, Chas. Rommelitz, Fred Rueter, Hy. Rupp, Chas. Schiebler, John C. Schlegel, Emil Schmidt, Fred Schmidt. John Schneider, Anton Schmitzius, Julius Schmitzius, Peter Schwab, John Schweninger, Stephen Spaeth, Aug. Strube, Hy. Tinke, Hy. Trauernicht, Hy. Trocke, Herman Tubke, Geo. H. Uedinger, Philip Vehrmann, Hy. Wall, .Jacob Wehrle, John Wiemann. Albert Winter, Herman W'oltje. Wm. Zehren, Peter 374 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY E John Jaeklin, Captain Ulrich Schwendener, 1st Lieutenant John B. Huber, 2d Lieutenant Math. Marschall, 1st Sergeant Archie B. Freeburn, Sergeant Geo. P. Kaiser, Sergeant John Hirz, Sergeant Barnhart Meier, Sergeant Geo. Constans, Corporal Adam Ranft, Corporal Chas. Thery, Corporal Julius Wagner, Corporal Louis Walter, Musician Chas. Lanz, Musician Ludwlg Iselhardt, Musician Alfeld, Chas. Arendt, Fred Baltz, Fred Bange, Herman Bassart, Daniel Becker, Philipp Behringer, Ernst Berg, Frederick Berkemeier, Herman Bernhard, Peter Bertheimer, H. Beyer, Louis Blesing, Godfred Bohn, Chas. Bolliger, Rud. Bremer, Christ Brueggeman, Hy. Carstens, Alex Doernberger, Wm. Ebert, Adolph Erne, Adam Eikelman, Michel Eiseler, Vincenz Feldman, Hy. Fleck, Peter Flink, Joseph Geiser, Samuel Gerber, Christian Graff, Jacob Greiner, Conrad Gubser, John Halweis, Herman Hambach, Jacob Hanhard, David Hark, Wm. Haupt, Guenther Hellner, Fred Privates. Heser, Fred Hesse, Christian Hitzing, Wm. Hoffman, Geo. Hoffman, Herman Indemark, Hy. Jenner, John Kahn, Bernhard Kamdri, Fritz Keller, John Klein, John Martin Kohler, Richard Kreider, Andreas Kremer, Hy. Krety, Ferdinand Krieg, Joseph Lebbing, Herman Leupp, Jacob Leuthold, Valentin Mannebach, Geo. Meier, Aug. Meinhold, Hy. Mettbach, Albert Meyer, W^m. Mogge, Conrad Mueller, Julius Nemenich, J. D. Noll, Wendelin Pfalzgraff, Geo. Pohlmann, Wm. Posshardt, Daniel Praseel, Anthony Proske, John Julius Proske, Louis Ramther, Fritz Reiner, Christoph Reiner, David Remer, Gottlieb Reusch, Fred Ried, John Roeder, John Rotty, Anthony Sallenbach, John Schauenberg, Ferd. Scheven, Adolph Schlichter, John Schmidt, Edward Schmitt, Wm. Schmitt, Frank Schneider, John Schroeder, Wm. Seewald, Franz Sellgman, Valentine Semper, August Siebke, Wm. Sohn, Conrad Spriesterbach, Wm. Stabenow, Fred Stender, Fred Sterner, Chas. Stockhammer, Ferd. Stopp, Peter Strassburger, Jacob Tonnelly, Franz Uhlig, Geo. Walsh, Daniel Weiffenbach, Wm. Wieslnger, John Willeboorse, Jac. Winkeler, Bernhard Wittmer, John Wunsch, Joseph Second Regiment Infantry, Missouri J'olunteers. 375 COMPANY F. Emil Rebhan, Captain Jacob Straub, 1st Lieutenant Gustav Lueckelmann, 2d Lieutenant Chas Eiciiler, Sergeant Conrad Soehlmann, Sergeant Gottlieb Stoernier, Sergeant Fred Thomas, Sergeant Hy. Brown, Corporal Geo. Ingold, Corporal Wm. Rapp, Corporal Martin Schroeder, Corporal Chas. Lanz, Musician Adam, John Acker, Fred Bauer, Christian Beck, Friedrich Becker, John Wm. Bernhardt, Christian Bloenaker, Hy. Bock, Carl Brendel, Michael Brockmeyer, Hy. Brucker, Albert Buchenau, John Cort, Gotthold Dohmer, Alois Ebert, Fred Ehrler, Fred Ellmerich, Peter Etter, John Fausel, Chas. Feuerstein, Jacob Ficker, Gustav Adolph Fischer, Hy. Foltag, John Frasch, Fred Freiberg, Hy. Frohs, Michael Gaertner, Phil Gautenbein, Christ Grassmuck, Conrad Grether, Wm. HafTner, John Hannan, John Privates. Hartman, Geo. Hartnecker, Hy. Hesse, Hy. Ittel, John Jecko, Peter Kahn, Isidor Kaesehagen, Aug. Kempf, Hy. Klein, Louis Klose, Chas. Kniffel, Robt. Krumholtz, Mathias Kuhn, Francis Jos. Kumpf, Louis Langenbecker, Fred Leach, Aug. Leeker, Aug. Leussler, Robt. Linde, John Loehle, Chas. Lorenz, Hy. Luhr, Fred Metzger, Hy. Miller, Daniel Morris, Wm. Otto, Heinrich Pausch, Geo. Peterson, Wm. Pfauentz, Chas. Rattemeyer, Hy. Ratz, John Rhein, Daniel Robins, Rufus Rose, Wm. Ruf, John Ruf, Stephan Ryan, Edmund Scherman, Wm. Schlittenhardt, Louis Schmidt, Aloys Schneider, Anton Schnelle, Diedrich Schopp, Philip Steiner, Joseph Stenzel, Otto . Strubbe, Fred Struckmann, Otto Stuhahn, Aug. Suiter. Sigismund Sybertz, Joseph Thoermer, G. B. Triner, Jos. Volz, Philip Voss, John Walldorf, Jacob Wetzel, Frank Wich, John Wilbert, Suberturn Wilson, Chas. Wimesdorfer, Jos. Wissing, George Worms, Christian Zobel, Chas. 376 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861- COMPANY G. Ernst Pfaff, Captain Fred Wm. Weber. 1st Lieutenant Clemens Landgraeber, 2d Lieutenant Fritz Dinkelmann, 1st Sergeant John Klein, Sergeant Hy. Kraemer. Sergeant John Shipper, Sergeant Hy. Drees, Corporal S. Hirlinger, Corporal Chas. Lieder, Corporal Theo. Wunderlich, Corporal Christoph Oblinger, Musician Alberstadt, Fritz Althof, Fritz Alwer, Phil Beckmann, Gottlieb Bender, Peter Berberich, Chas. Berg, Jacob Bockhof, Theo. Boone, Frank Bosh, Aug. Bredemaier, Fritz Bree, Simon Bremser, Phil Dahmke, Chas. Deglow, Robt Dettwiller, Herman Fell, Michael Feuerbacher, Michael Flaick, Mathew Foerster, John M. Fuehrer, Fritz Gabler, Alexander Gaebler, Chas. Gehrke, Bernhard Grothaus, Chas. Gueltemaier, Chas. Privates. Hager, Fritz Hahn, Hy. Haimann, Hermann Harrer, Geo. Hase, Peter Heil, Louis Henkelbein, John Hildebrandt, Peter Kelling, Fred Kempt, Andrew Kenz, Andrew Kenz, Chas. Kling, Fritz Koehler, John Koenig, Gallus Kraft, Phil Kreuter, Edw. Kreuter, Hy. Kuhn, Michael Lips, Anton Lohmer, Peter Lorenz, Pius Lutz, Jacob Aliller, Herman Miller, Peter Moeller, John Odrich, Chas. Ott, Ferdinand Priesmaier, Fritz Schaaf, John Schainemann, Aug. Schmidt, Norman J. Schubert, Christian Schuette, Fritz Schueler, Balthasar Schwarz, Emil Selig, Sam. S. Swertmann, Herman Spilker, Hermann Struebing, Chas. Schwab, Michael Tempelmann, Sam. Toebbe, Hy. Vollert, Peter Wagenbrett, Chas. Walter, Jacob Werner, Chas. Werner, Edw. Wiere, Fred Wolf, Chas. Worheide, John Ziegler, Jacob Second ReyliiKul J nfdnfri/, AMissourl Volunteers. 377 COMPANY H. Hy. I^audfried, Captain Philip Wild, 1st Lieutenant Chas. Mueller, 2d Lieutenant Fred Jaensch, 1st Sergeant ('as. Deyhle, Sergeant Chas. Mueller, Sergeant Wm. Sachse, Sergeant Michael Deger, Corporal Hy. Hutzfeld, Corporal Fred Lenderking, Corporal Jacob Schiess, Corporal Valentin Deigler, Musician Bamberger, Jos. Bartels, Anthony Bartmann, Anthony Berger, Fred Berges, George Bertrand, Peter Beyer, Albert Born, Wm. Burkhart, Jac. Dechler, Herman Demorest, Cornelius Dinges, Geo. Dremeyer, Geo. Eggemann, Herman Enderle, David . Ettling, Werner Pauth, Jacob Piglang, Jacob Fritz, Jos. Puchs, Lewis Gahle, Hy. Gaus, John Gaus, Nicolas Gebert, Theo. Graentzenberg, Herman Gritzmann, Edw. Hammel, Fred Hanf, Edw. Hart, Sam. Hauser, Julius Privates. Haverkamp, Fred Haverkamp, Hy. Hecht, Martin Heeman, Aug. Heilman, Moritz Henley, Steven Hennel, John Herbes, Theo. Hinkelbein, Phil. Hoffman, Conrad Hull, Bernard Ihms, Hy. Kaebel, Jacob Kaminsky, Jos. Kehlenbring, Herman Kessler, Gustav Kleemann, Aug. Koch, Herman Kossmann, Isidor Kunth, Leopold Langlot. Daniel Lubking, Peter Luibold, Martin Maurer, Jacob Meyer, Hy. Meyer, John Moes, Jos. Obrecht, Valentin Offenhaeuser, John Pauli, Wm. Pestrup, ily. Ploen, Marcus Rader, Bernard Raum, Louis Riebel, Andrew Rollberg, John Rudolf, Ferdinand Sachse, Chas. Sand, George Scheuerman, Vollrath Schleider, Alfred Schleifarth, Paul Schmidt. Gottfried Schnatz, Adam Schuchardt, Wm. Schwab, Hy. Seager, Wm. Seymour, Jos. Speiser, Jacob Spohn, Aug. Surubert, John Ulrich, Hy. Valter, John Wehrfritz, Hugo Weibert, John Chas. Weigel, Andreas Weiger, Joseph Weiss, Gottfried Werborn. Fred Zoll, John 378 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY I. Benedict Schultz, Captain Hy. Klurek, 1st Lieutenant Christian Burkhard, 2d Lieutenant Adolph Meyer, 1st Sergeant Leopold Arndt, Sergeant Wm. Meier, Sergeant Aug. Schuler, Sergeant John Bencel, Corporal Martin Eberle, Corporal Jacob Wagner, Corporal Fred Wetzel, Corporal Bassinsky, Hy. Benneke, Theo. Benz, Wm. Bichler, Alex Blum, Geo. Bolding, John Brandler, Chas. Brunkhaus, Hy. De Werf, Hy. Doran, Patrick Eb, Frank Fehrenbach, John Felix, John Fischer, John Fischer, Wm. Fricker, Christ. Frombach, John Gositer, Herman Graf, Stephan Grotz, Stephan Gurius, Fritz Haffner, Christ. Heim, Aug. Hertzog, Paul Privates. Hirsch, Anton Hirdt, Valentin Huhn, John Humpke, Leopold Jung, Peter Junger, Wm. Kadel, Nicolas Klaeges, Hy. Kracker, Andrew Kracker, Anton Lohrum, John Luhban, Christian Malter, John B. Mischler, Peter Moritz, Peter Mueller, Christian Ochs, Anton Oberle, John Rau, Nicolas Reed, Wm. Reinagel, Martin Reinhard, Hy. Riedel, Phil. Roos, Jacob Roteck, Ferdinand Schaefer, Aug. Schaerer, Andrew Schlaf, Peter Schmalz, Geo. Schmidt, Chas. L Schmidt, Chas. IL Schmidt, Chas. IIL Schoen, Chas. Schonewoll, Wm. Schrodt, Adam Schweitzer, Martin Sommers, Valentin Sommers, Wm. Sorber, Fred Stein, Bernhard Strobel, Chas. Ulmer, Gottlieb Walter, Fred Walter, John Wetzel, Theo. Wittenberg, Hy. Wittmer, Hy. Second Regiment Injantrn, Missoufi \'(tlnntlniitc('i'>>. 411 COMPANY E. Carl Stephany, Captain Jos. Ballhaus, 1st Lieutenant Julius Nehrig. 2cl Lieutenant John Martin. 1st Sergeant John Meurer, Sergeant Dietrich Meyer, Sergeant Christian Clement. Sergeant Guttman Conrad, Seigeant Phil Breiheuser, Corporal ("harles Dietz, Corporal Fi'anz Schifferle, Corporal Louis Bergthold. Corporal Chiist Leinionstahl, Musician Adam, Hy. Bassmann, John Bechtler, Christ Bergmann, Hy. Bomes, Phillip Bock, John Bock, Ludwig Bornnosky, Christ Breitenbach, Gustav Burkhard, Phillip Burns, John Dankert, John DoUe, Wm. Edler, Charles Eisenlohr, Rudolph Farren, James Fleischhut, Fred. Frenk, Hy. Privates. Geier, Louis Geiser, James Grase, Christ Grunkemeyer, Chas. Guntensperger, Robt. Haffner, Ludwig Herr, Ferdinand Hoffner, John Holzapfel, Gottfried Jicha, .John Koester, Fred. Krapf, Valentin Kuhl, Andreas Langenthal, Edw. Luhrs, Chas. Magers, Hy. Mansur, Carl Mersch, Chas. Meyer, George Munnig, Urban Oberbeck, Hy. Papenhagen, Fred. Peck, Charles Poekler, Wm. Saeger, Hy. Schaefer. Mathias Schanz, Christian Schirmer, Edw. Schulte, Chas. Schwade, Adolph Sewing, Fred. Stark, Balthasar Temsch. Alois Volz, Alexander Wenzel, Adam 412 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY F. Alfred Arnaud, Captain Rudolph Schneider, 1st Lieutenant Emil Thomas, 2d Lieutenant John Etling, 1st Sergeant Alex Lamouroux, Sergeant Jacob Peters, Sergeant Caspar Zimmermann, Sergeant Andrew Hoffmann, Sergeant Henry Erbe, Corporal Anton Constant, Corporal Peter Kerth, Corporal John Vinchard, Corporal Edw. Curtois, Corporal Michael Meyer, Musician Beckman, John G. Behrley, Fred. Bloomer, John Boncher, Ambrose Boncher, Joseph Bonnet, Pierre Briard, David O. Brothers, Nicolas Coats, John Collerant, Aug. Dehler, Anthony Dihner, Adolph Dorn, Emil Drost; G. H. Eckerly, Lorenz Enge, Joseph Erdman, John Forman, Jacob Gehner, Philip Geis, Francis Geisthing, Fred. German, John P. Grasse, Michael Gye, Joseph Harding, Gottlieb Privates. Hayet, Jno. Herzog, Wm. Hoesly, Hy. Hook, Louis Hossman, A. Joseph, Andre Kastens, Harvey Klingler, Chas. Koch, Gottfried Lamotte, John P. Laternicht, John Lavandesky Lanvert, Hy. Lauday, John Lenhard, Ferd. Leonhard, Melchoir Mattern, George Matthieu, Jos. Meyer, Chas. Miller, John Opel, Edward Park, Dan A. Pastor, Michael Prack, Jno. Prevot, Louis Raisch, Jos. Renaud, John Robade, Jos. Rothenberger, Robert Rothenthaler, Fred. Rudolph, B. Schaad, Jno. / Schoenstein, Bert Schoen, Henry Sihonette, Wm. Schulz, John Schwalby, Fred. Seliere, Victor Sip, Gideon Sweeney, Martin Sweeney, Wm. . Thieling, Pierre Thily, Phillip Ushers, Robert Verlay, Christ. Vinchard, Chas. Weigly, Jacob Wohloch, John Jac. Zimmerman, Frank Fifth Regiment Infantrij, Missouri Volunteers. 413 COMPANY G. Chas. E. Stark, Captain Nicolaus Fuester, 1st Lieutenant Charles Weiss, 2d Lieutenant Geo. Niebauer, 1st Sergeant Conrad Beck, Sergeant Peter Hellmuth, Sergeant Frank Paschen, Sergeant Henry Xeuer, Sergeant Chas. Critzmann, Corporal Leopold Kingelbach, Corporal Wm. Bniun, Corporal Edward Kroll, Corporal Hy. Egbers, Musician Adolph, Henry Barthel, Mathias Bauer, Michael Baumann, Jno. Brerkle, Phil Breuninger, Leonhard Brey, Julius Buermann, Wm. Chase, Henry Drenz, A. Fischer, August Flemm, Chas. Fasmer, Wm. Ganter, Wendelin Gerber, Henry Grimm, Jacob Grundreich, Christ Heimberger, Chas. Heinz, Jno. Hemp, Hy. Huber, Aloys Humbrecht, Aloys Privates. Junger, Adam Kaemerer, Anton Kallhof, Theodor Kleeberg, Rudolph Knopp, Martin B. Koch, John Koch, Victor Koeb, Frank Lamp, Henry Lang, Nicolas Leingang, Peter Loesch, August Lohman, Jac. Mavinger, Peter Michelen, Mathias Moor, Henry Neubert, Caspar Neumann, Louis Olbert, Jacob Pott, Michel Purte, John Reuter, Nicolas Raesch, Frank Saarsmann, Wm. Schlatler, Jac. Schmidt, Chas. 1 Schmidt, Chas. 2 Schmidt, George Schmidt, John Schmitz, Hermann Schneider, Fred. Schulenburg, Fred. Steinle, Rudolph Stock, Benedict Sudbeck, Franz H. Wehrle, Xavier Weidner, Chas. Weisbeck, Michael Wildhaber, :\Ieinrad Wirth, John Witte, Gerhard Wolff, Anton Zobelei, Stephan Zoeller, Andrew 414 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY H. Wm. J. Chester, Captain John Coleman, 1st Lieutenant Samuel Morris, 2d Lieutenant John L. Eager, 1st Sergeant Wm. Boker, Sergeant Wyman Vonbeck, Sergeant Jos. B. Ashton, Sergeant Mathew Grover, Corporal Jas. Healey, Corporal Sam I. Brown, Corporal Timothy Kinney, Corporal Armbrust, Bernard Anderson, Brestby Barber, Chas. E. Bauer, Stephan Becker, Fred. Brenard, Henry Bridgeford, Frank Brogan, Patrick Burner, Patrick Burow, John Bushby, Josiah Carter, John Clarkson, Jas. Clas, Andreas Cody, William Connors, Daniel Cosmelia, Robert Curtis, John Davis, W. W. Dempsey, Andrev/ Develin, Chas. Dickson, Ison Dorman, John Douglas, Jos. W. Feaney, John Flatron, Louis J. Privates. Gallagher, Mike George, Mathew Gimbel, Chas. Goday, Chas. Gracey, John E. Gremtz, Louis Griffin, John Grimes, Richard Harbinson, Edward Handlen, Larry Harrison, Edward Hayeck, John Heinzelman, Valentin Irwine, Chas. Kelley, Daniel Kelley, Wm. Kerner, Leonard Kimbel, Chas. Kirea, Patrick Knowlan, John Laren, Hy. H. Lynch, Thomas McCartney, John ]McGrath, Wm. McKinney, Martin L. Matheson, Jas. Moog, Hy. Mueller, Fred. Murphy, Thomas Oliver, Chas. R. Owen, O. H. Pierce, John Preston, Wm. H. Raule, Frank W. Reid, Andrew J. Renard, Eugene Riley, Jos. J. Runyon, Fred Ruper, John Ryan, Andrew Ryan, Benjamin Ryan, John Shipley, Chaa Sniff, Jos. Vosse, Peter Walker, Edw. Weedon, John Wegler, Chas. Whiteside, Jas. Woods, Jas. Yoring, Jas. Fijtli Regiment Infdiifri/, Missouri Volunteers. 4i; COMPANY H. MARKED FOR TRANSFER TO SEVENTH MISSOFRI VOLUNTEERS. Wni. J. Hawkins, Captain Monroe Harrison, 2d Lieutenant Phil D. Foomer, 1st Sergeant Barton Dear, Sergeant Bowman, J. A. Campbell, Thos. J. Conners, Patrick Cowley, Cornelius Cussick, Mike Fairbanks, Hy. Fairbanks, Wm. Filbert, Sebastian Flinn, Ben F. Flynn, Daniel Frail, Francis .lames Butler, Sergeant .las. McGoffin. Corporal Geo. Fairbanks, Corporal .John R. Taylor, Musician Privates. Can, Alex. Gilet, Martin L. Harper, Wm. H. Harris, .James Hogan, James Kinney, Henry Knopp, Alvina E. Lesser, Byron McDonald, John Mclntyre, Thos. McNamara, Jas. Reams, Barthel Roberts, W. Rollins, .Jos. Scott, John Smith, John Sullivan, Mike Terry, George White, Patrick Wills. Geo. N. Winchell, Daniel Wymer, Fred. COMPANY I Chas. P. Meissner, Captain G. Adam Bauer, 1st Jjieutenant Joseph Spiegelhalter, 2d Lieutenant Anton Michaelis. 1st Sergeant Franz Reichard, Sergeant Privates. John Rossart, Sergeant August Gottschalk, Sergeant Bernard Breitenbach, Corporal Herman Schafer. Corporal Andreas Xeimer. Corporal Bachmann, Louis Backlein, Hy. Bangert, Louis Becker, Franz Becker, Joseph Behland, Adam Bender, Rudolph Bertram, Mathias Besler, August Biermann, Frank Butz, Peter Dan, John Derbofen, Fred Dessienso, Louis Dieke, Lorenz Dulle, Henry Eckert, Otto Eilman, Herman Finke, Fred. Fish, .Math. Flassack, Jos. Fortkamp, Hy. Foss, Charles Frank, Jac. Geister, Valentin Geneke, Ernst Hauberick, Jacob Heinrich, Gottlieb Hoeberle, Adam Hoffman, Fred. Huber, Jos. Jaeger, AVm. Johnson, George Kaus, David Koenemann, Hy. Kurzeborn, Wm. Lueders, Henry Meier, Chas. F. Mikers, Theo. Mueller, Francis Mueller, Fred. Neuman, Fred. Oberkarap, John Ratz, Gustav Renner, Albert Roth, Fred Sachse, Chas. Schafer, Chas. Schaub. Joseph Schawinsky, Anton Schmitz. Chas. Schwarzwalder, Hy. Stengel, Andreas Stoll. Mathias Topper, Wm. Wahl. Hy. Wessels, Bern. Wingmann, Geo. Woerner, John Zittzmann, Emil 416 The Union Cause m St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY K. Samuel A. Flagg, Captain Wm. S. Boyd, 1st Lieutenant Wm. H. Thompson, 2d Lieutenant Christ A. Whitmer, 1st Sergeant Geo. Cleghorn, Sergeant John W. Fisk, Sergeant Comfort E. Rutherford, Sergeant John F. White, Corporal John C. Tuch, Corporal Daniel Brady, Corporal Hy. C. Thompson, Corporal Wm. Sulivan, Musician Babler, John Beach, Louis Bell, Wm. Belling, Wm. Berman, Jno. Bickford, Chas. Boker, Chas. Calef, Dan R. ^ Campbell, Jno. A. Cane, James Cane, John Coniar, Jas. Crade, Chas. Crude, Wm. Curtis, Jos. Driscoll, John Dulan, John Eno, John Fenlaron, Wm. H. Fitzgerald, John Privates. Gallagher, Thomas Green, Phillip Haack, John Hench. Samuel Hunter, Benj. R. Karbs, Fred. Lanfra, Wm., Jr. Linn, Chas. Long, Anthony Lynch, Dan Lynch, John McAlister, Wm. McFilly, Jas. McKenzie, Hy. McKnight, Wm. Maher, John Marrow, John H. Miller, Fred. Nelson, Andrew Outerbridge, M. C. Peterson, Martin Petraw, Chas. Roach, John Ronte, Wm. Rupple, Fi'itz Rupple, Jos. Ruzers, Andreas Ryan, John Schwarze, Aug. Shannon, Frank Shofe, Thomas Siecke, Louis Simpson, David F. Sneider, Frank Speckelburg, Sam. Striegle, August Syme, Thomas Transfiel, John Tattle, Eugene FIRST REGIMENT, UNITED STATES RESERVE CORPS, MISSOURI VOLUNTEERS, was organized in the First Ward of St. Louis, south of Soulard street, under President Lincoln's Order of April 30, 1861, and mustered in for home service at the St. Louis Arsenal under Colonel Henry Almstedt on May 7. It had 1,200 men in 12 Companies. Its Armory was Jaeger's Garden on Sidney and Tenth streets. On May 10 six Companies marched to Camp Jackson and six were posted on Sidney street, guarding the avenues to the Arsenal. On May 18 a Cavalry Company from the same Ward joined, which did valuable scouting service. When the Volunteers moved from St. Louis part of the Regiment held the Arsenal, protected the railroad to Holla, and garrisoned, for a short time, Jefferson City. Four Companies occupied Turner Hall during the absence of the Third Reserve, and six Companies followed Fremont to Birds Point until ordered to St. Louis to be mustered out on August 20. With the exception of 6 per cent Bohemians, the Regiment was almost en- tirely German. The Three Months' Regiment consisted of 12 Infantry and 1 Cavalry Company, numbering 1,269 men. It reorganized for a Three- Year Reserve Regiment by September 12 under Colonel Rob- ert J. Rombauer. FIRST REGIMENT U. S. RESERVE CORPS. MISSOURI VOLUNTEERS, MUSTERED FOR THREE MONTHS' SERVICE, ST. LOUIS ARSENAL, MAY 7, 1861. Henry Almstedt, Colonel Emil Seeman, Surgeon Robert J. ROmbauer, Lt. Colonel .John Heimbach, Ass't Surgeon Philip J. Brimmer, Major Wm. Waldschmidt, Adjutant August Leussler, Quartermaster 417 418 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY A. Jacob Horn, Captain Emil Mark, 1st Lieutenant Wm. Waldschmidt, 2d Lieutenant Michael Best, 1st Sergeant Peter M. Dangler, Sergeant Anton Herzog, Sergeant Andreas Goetz, Sergeant Valentine Schaaf, Corporal Franz Doll, Corporal Jacob Berberich, Corporal Anton Unger, Corporal Martin Neuhaus, Musician Joseph Marx, Musician Bahr, Joseph Berns, Fred. " Bitsch, George Botts, John Bressel, John Brohammer, John Bush, Fred. Ehiet. Fred. Decock, John Ditzler, George Doerr, Conrad Dumet, Francis Dusalt, Michael Eck, P. Eisner, Fred. Eckerich, Martin Findel, Henry Firmbach, Philip Flachmeyer, Casp. Foester, Michael Foetz, George Freck, John Freihaut, Hy. Funk, Andreas Gab, Jacob Gack, George. Geiger, Francis Gruber, Michael Gruber, Silvester Haffner, Anton Hahl, Michael Privates. Hanser, Anselm Hanser, George Heins, Andreas Heller, Daniel Hinkel, John Hofman, Christoph Holstein, Christian Holzford, Edmund Huckshold, Gottlieb Jacob, John Kern, Daniel 1st Kern, Daniel, 2d Kescher, Lorenz Killi, Isidor Klein, Marx Kling, Daniel Koch, Jacob Kochler, George Koeling, George Kornelius, Jacob Krueger, Julius Lang, John Langendorf, Mathias Lehmert, John Lenther, P. Jos. Lind, John Machmeyer, John Mangel, Hy. Mayer, Conrad Muencke, Geo. Muencke, Isaac Noll, John Offermann, Geo. Rehman, Emil Rothermel, Wm. Roessler, Gabriel Schaaf, Andreas Schaper, Daniel Schaper, Fred Scharbonier, John Schilling, Anton Schlichting, Aug. Schlund, John Schmidt, Xavier Schmidt, Fred. Schreiber, Fred. Schultz, Christoph Siess, Jacob Sievers, William Streif, Fred. Supiner, Anton Tanka, Hy. Thomas, John J Ulius, Hy. ^'anberi, Hy. Vollmer, Hy. Wieland, George Wilhelm, Jacob Winkler, Lorenz Winkler, Wm. Winkler, Edmund First Regiment, U. S. Reserve Corps, Mo. Vol. 419 COMPANY B. Roderick E. Rombauer, Captain Theobald Eckerle, 1st Lieutenant Isaac Baer, 2nd Lieutenant Leo Rassieur, 1st Sergeant Lorenz Engelhorn, Sergeant I. N. Heintz, Sergeant Albert Beller, Sergeant Wendelin Meyer, Sergeant Frank Gitsen, Corporal John Stadler, Corporal Fred Schragg, Corporal Ignatz Heuer, Corporal N. John Eddelman, Musician Alois Lieman, Musician Aschner, Nathan Ast, John Baer, Xavier Bastian, Jacob Biddermann, George Bockius, Nicholaus Bockewitz, Geo. C. Bonifer, Martin Bolte, Henry Buettner, George Decker, Chas. Decker, Geo. Dermeyer, Hy. Ditmar, Henry Doerr, Caspar Dueven, Francis Durban, Andrew Elsasser, Geo. Fenner, Wm. Fischer, Geo. Fleischman, Pancratius Foerstel, Nic Frabks, Wm. Giesen, Jacob Goebel, John GraefE, Baltasar Grunder, Aug. Haas, Baltazar Haentges, John Herder, Adam Hillsdorf, Hy. Privates. Hof, Martin Jaeschke, Robert Kalert, Wm. Keller, Theo^ _ Kleibolt, Theo. Klopper, Jos. Kolb, Albert Kolb, Charles Kremer, John Krauss, John Lambert, Geo. Landfried, Geo. Landfried, Jacob Landwehrmann, Peter Langemann, Ernst Langloth, Dan Laschope, Michael Laux, John Leimgreber, John Lepert, Hy. Machmer, Jacob Meyer; Charles Meyer, Louis Nolte, Anton Ottenad, John P. Paulus, John Pfenninger, Jacob Reis, Michael Reith, George Reith, Joseph Roeder, Wm. Sauerwein, Frank Scheed, John Schmitz, Ignatz Schneider, John Schobe, Geo. Schoener, Norbert Schwening, Xavier Sexauer, Geo. Segelke, Dietrich Sicking, Wm. B. Sipieser, John Spengman, Hy. Spuhle, Phillip Stadel, Francis Stahl, John Stark, Geo. Steinmeyer, Fred. Streib, Geo. Strittmatter, Chas. Uhri, Andrew Voelker, Christ. Voester, Nicholas Vogel, Hy. VoUmer, Christoph Weidburg, Edward Wesseling, Bernhard Weiss, Francis Wettig, Fred. Woehrle, John 420 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY C. Theodore Hildenbrandt, Captain James F. Wodwarka, 1st Lieutenant George Ost, 2d Lieutenant Franz Howarka, 1st Sergeant Fred Nischwltz, Sergeant John Brosch, Sergeant Wm. Reuss, Sergeant Joseph Wuch, Corporal Henry Kail, Corporal Mathias Lohr, Corporal Conrad Greff, Corporal Wenzel Pfeiffer, Musician Chas. Gebhardt, Musician Banhardt, Hy. Becke, George Bertram, John Bileck, Joseph Blaha, Frank 1st Blaha, Frank 2d Borecky, John Deis, Jacob Deitz, Hy. Dirkes, Clemens Drescher, Frank Droschak, Frank Ebert, Geo. Erhardt, Friedrich Fink, Louis Fischer, Mehand Forst, Anton Frabks, Wm. Frauenholzer, Christ Gicha, Frank Grahr, John Halblaut, Hy. Haneschek, Wenzel Hauser, John Hegela, Joseph Hoff, Jacob Hofmann, Henry Holzer, Meinradt Horst, John Huffner, Peter Huttler, Christian Privates. Icha, Wenzel Jobst, Alois Jonas, John Jung, Abraham Jungel, Martin Kadletz, Thomas Kalinovsky, Jonas Kiesela, John Kiesela, John Kiesle, Rudolph Kirkawa, Martin Koell, Frank Koels, John Koza, Mathias Kurwitch, Anton Kntina; Joseph Lang, Andreas Maag, John Marecek, Jos. Mathias, John Miller, Egidius Moser, Frederick Opperman, Jacob Paner, Solomon Panuschka, Wenzel Patz, Justus Pelikan, Joseph Peschek, Francis Pohn, August Pollack, Francis Rank, Gottfried Ritter, Nicholaus Roth, Chai'les Saba, Joseph Samiel, Joseph Schiepek, Joseph Schlichter, Anton Scholl, John Schurr, John Schwarz, Frank Schwarz, John Schwarz, Joseph Schwarz, Wenzel Stack, Otto Stankowsky, Joseph Trefung, John Underhaten, Frank Vollmer, Joseph Waecht, Adam Walovsky, Jacob Wander, George Weinheimer, Mathias Westhausen, Aug. Wickman, Frederick Wirthel, John Zerny, Wenzel Ziegler, Andreas Ziegler, Rochus Zimraczek, Francis Zournan, Richard First Regiment, U. S. Reserve Corps, Mo. Vol. 421 COMPANY D. Leonhard Weindel, Captain Fred. W. Henkels, 1st Lieutenant Peter Schardin, 2d Lieutenant Max Saettele, 1st Sergeant Robert Mandel, Sergeant August Hammerstein, Sergeant John Lebblng, Corporal Gustav Hammerstein, Corporal Jacob Weindel, Corporal Balthazar Lorch, Corporal Frederick Volz, Musician Robert Zumbo, Musician Albert, John Bornscheid, Bernhardt Buhler, Leopold Byer, Francis Dahl, Nicholaus Davis, Henry Depenhauer, Christian Eberhardt, John Geo. Ehnert, Frederick Fath, Jacob Fehl, Henry Fedke, John Gent, Frederick Graff, Vincent Gruenewald, John Guethe, Henry Harstick, Christian Hauberich, Peter Hertlinger, INIichael Hesch, Phillip Hugegeb, Jacob Jacob, Nicholas Jacob, Philip Junger, Geo. Kauffman, Wm. Privates. Klein, Hy. Kraemer, Hy. Krenzer, Louis Krus, Andreas Lecker, Wm. Lieb, Andreas Lorenz, Fred Ludwig, Gustav Maiberg, Hy. Martin, Francis Menches, John Meyer, Bernhardt Moeller, Henry Moser, Jacob Moskopf, Lorenz Mutz, Ephraim Nagel, Jacob Nager, Charles Nester, Christian Netzer, Peter Neustaedter, Fred. Pappert, Eusebius Pein, Wm. Remmers, Christian Roche, Wm. Roehl, Lorenz Roemer, Peter Schittenhelm, Louis Schlitter, Jacob Schmeikel, John Schroeder, Conrad Schwartz, J. Senti, Christopher Siegmund, Andreas Taussig, Moritz Taylor, Fred. Trauer, Samuel Tschudi, Jacob Wagner, Peter Walzer, Jacob Weidner, Wm. Weiss, George Welte, Wm. Wirsz, Francis Wirsz, George Wolff, Christian Zimmermann, Andreas Zimmermann, Theodor 422 The, Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY E. George Rothweiler, Captain Lorenz Liebermann, 1st Lieutenant Gustav Garrell, 2d Lieutenant Frederich Tieman, 1st Sergeant Valentin Fath, Sergeant William Griselman, Sergeant Hy. Scharringhausen, Sergeant Henry Roth, Corporal Henry Kohlman, Corporal Wm. H. Taylor, Corporal Hy. Bischoff, Corporal Anton Heyer, Musician John Schaefer, Musician Bauer, Charles Bauer, John Baumgarten, Benedict Belz, John Besch, Christian Besch, Peter Bierman, Wm. Boll, Mathias Burkadt, Leonhart Buckler, Henry Casper, Christopher Dicker, Adam Diehl, August Disch, Xavier Ens, August Eisner, Frederick Fessel, Adam Foell, Christopher Frank, Francis Frank, Christopher Freitag, Hy. Fuchs, Joseph Gerdes, Theobald Gieselmann, Gottlieb Grave, Wm. Guth, Wm. Hahn, John Hahne, Hy. Haller, Hy. Hampe, Charles Hampe, Wm. Harding, Conrad Hettler, Chas. Privates. Heyer, John Hindeman, John Hoge, Frederick Kahlenbeck, Hy. Kasten, Wm. Keltner, Emanuel Kirchhaus, Geo. Klaas, Henry Koehler, Basilius Kramer, Adam Krausnick, Edward Krautsch, Aug. Leue, Henry Levy, Fred. Luth, Louis Meyer, Hermann Miller, Fred. 1 Miller, Fred. 2 Moeller, George Moller, Wm. Nieman, Rudolph Reems, Gerhard Risse, Nicholaus Roef, Conrad Roth, John Rothe, Henry Rudolph, Henry Rudolph, Wm. Ruggs, John Russler, Hy. Schaefer, J. Scharringhausen, Dietrich Sciiarringhausen, Fred Schaumberg, Phil. Scherer, Xavier Schlichter, Peter Schmidt, Hy. Schmidt, John Schnier, Henry Schramm, Friederich Schuerman, Herman Schulz, Hy. Spieswiger, Frank Staehle, Jacob Staehlin, Christ. Standt, J. Stickler, David Stuckenberg, Hermann Stuckenberg, John Stucker, August Stutz, Anton H. Toma, Gallas Unverdorben, Louis Vorenbach, Charles Wacker, John Weilmunster, Conrad Wehmuller, Fred. Wendt, Fred. Wetteroth, Louis Werder, Jacob Wirthlin, Louis Woldt, Fred. Wuchlhausen, John Zeus, Charles Zimmermann, Joseph First Regiment, U. S. Reserve Corps, Mo. Vol. 423 COMPANY F Wiliam Balz, Captain Geo. Reinhardt, 1st Lieutenant Jacob Reinhardt, 2d Lieutenant Stephan Freckmann, 1st Sergeant Conrad Breitenbach, Sergeant Chas. Schumann, Sergeant Moritz Bauer, Corporal Bernhardt Bolzenthal, Corporal Frederick Basch, Corporal Peter Kriegsbaum, Corporal Wm. Hassenpflug, Musician Henry Hedrich, Musician Anschuetz, Aug. Appuhn, Wm. Arras, Peter Bloecher, Christ. Boemler, Hy. Boerger, Balthasar Boschoff, Martin Brenchel, Henry Brobst, Fidel Brockmeyer, Christian Bungdorf, Christian Dauber, Phillip Dauber, Wm. Ditgen, Jacob Dutte, Wm. Dunkel, Louis Eberle, Charles Eckerle, Charles Eckert, Hy. Eichhorn, Christian Elsperman, John Enghauser, Anton Enzinger, P. H. M. Eubler, Francis Evers, Fred. Fey, Anton Fey, Michael Florg, Edward Francis, David Freyse, Fred Fritzshe, August Privates. Gatting, John Geitmar, Martin Giesecke, Christ Goetz, Martin Grunow, Fred. Hanewinkel, John Held, Henry Helmbacher, Michael Hummel, John Kehrer, William Kick, Charles Korber, Phillip Krach, Henry Krusius, Jacob Lander, Geo. Limburg, Christian Loehr, Phillip Manterfeld, Henry Mauver, Michael Meisbach, Conrad Meyer, Ludwig Mollenpage, Conrad Mueller, Francis Niehaus, Henry Nussbaum, Levy Ochs, Henry Getting, Ferdinand Pannert, John Pausback, Phillip Pohnert, Ludwig Quenyen, Christian Ragenaw, Phillip Reid, John Rohlfing, Hy. 1st Rohlfing, Hy. 2d Roll, Hy. Sartorius, Martin Sauerwine, Charles Saum, Nicolaus Schaaf, Phillip Schall, Michael Schallmeyer, Ludwig Schepp, Peter Schettler, Adolph Schleifstein, John Schindler, Valentin Seele, Christ. Soldmann, John Stengel, John Steigewald, Adam Steuber, Francis Strele, George Strele, Wm Voelker, Hy. Wagner, Phillip Wald. Fred. Warneke, John Winfeld, Wm. Wolf, Ludwig Wolff, Joseph 424 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY G. Charles Hartig, Captain Arnold P. Roetter, 1st Lieutenant George Clemens, 2d Lieutenant Henry Wand, 1st Sergeant Louis Bonlin, Sergeant Chas. Bechtlieft, Sergeant Henry Buehler, Sergeant Louis Suesdorf, Sergeant Fred Lohman, Corporal Fred Bertram, Corporal Jacob Stemler, Corporal Tobias Grewe, Corporal John Staelski, Musician Emil Balinger, Musician Almerodt, Adam Aulback,_ Peter Berblinger, Hy. Bielefeld, Louis Bleicher, Chas. Blatz, Jacob Bobe, Felix Bobe, Peter Boechur, Frank Brandt, Charles Brichoux, Peter Broadhack, Wm. Buehler, Conrad Deffen, Louis Diehl, Phillip Fisher, Joseph Fleish, Joseph Frank, Nicolaus Franz, Andreas Franz, Ephraim Fritsch, Fred. Gebhard, Fred Geis, John Gerau, Andreas Grampp, George Greitler, August Happel, Hartmann Heidenthal, Egidius Heinbach, Peter Herurch, Henry Hildebrandt, Stephen Hoeveke, Gerard Privates. Hohenschild, Fred. Hupp, John Huppmann, John Huppner, John Koehler, John Kuehne, Albert Kuehne, Edward Kuepper, John Kunz, Joseph Laux, Michael Leingruber, Hermann Loider, Albert Loos, Henry Loux, Martin Menges, Peter Ph. Meyer, Hy. Michaelis, Andreas Mueth, August Muth, Lorenz Neckermann, Louis Nuss, Christ Orth, Peter Ottenmeyer, Fred. Padberg, August Padberg, Lorenz Picker, Charles Reifeis, Fred. Reis, John Rohre, George Rothaermel, Jacob Schaab, Henry Schill, Martin Schill, Michael Schilling, Robert Schlingmann, Chas. Schob, Ernst Schopper, Fred. Schweiss, Anton Seibold, Hermann Sinn, Leonhardt Smidtiel, Sigmund Still, Wendel Straub, Xavier Stubb, John Thaler, John Versen, Joseph Vetter, John Vollman, George Wack, Wm. Wagner, Fred. Wagner, Phillip Waldschmidt, Fred. Waterla, Leopold Weber, Gottfried Wehling, John Weiss, Fravens Wille, John Wintler, Henry Winniger, John Zeimere, Martin Zimmer, John Zimmermann, Jacob First Regiment, U. S. Reserve Corps, Mo. Vol. 425 COMPANY H. Joseph Schubert, Captain Casper Koehler, 1st Lieutenant George Damner, 2cl Lieutenant August Etling, 1st Sergeant Francis Stutz, Sergeant Paul Holzscheiter, Sergeant Ernst Kiesewetter, Sergeant John Rinkle, Sergeant Henry Perty, Corporal John Blank, Corporal Charles Hauck, Corporal Anton Schminke, Corporal Valentine Stocke, Corporal Okel Conrad, Musician Altfeld, Hy. Bauer, Adam Beckemeier, Wm. Becker, George Beismann, Hy. Boesch, Jacob Boesch, Phillip Bollinger, Valentine Bollmann, Joseph Bollwerk, Harvy Breidenbach, Henry Bruns, Charles Bruns, Henry Bugg, Jacob Burgdorf, Chas. Bush, Michael Christopher, Fred. Christopher, Wm. Cornelius, Anton Crone, Charles Ducker, Fred. Ehrler, John Geo. Engelbrecht, Christoph. Enger, George Engau, Chas. Etling, Chas. Fansen, William Flink, Hy. Frank, Christoph. Frey, Jacob Frey, Nicolaus Gartner, Caspar Glassner, Geo. Goesser, Aug. Privates. Gubser, Frank Hartmann, Lorenz Hebel, Louis Heck, Ignatz Heinsrith, Chas. . Henke, Frederick Hoffmann, Louis Holls, Charles Homer, Theobald Horsche, Friederieh Huber, Ignatz Ittel, Alexander Jacobs, Phillip Kartmann, Hermann Kirchhof, Ludwig Koch, Albert Kohlebruck, Louis I,eitner, Joseph Lennert, Conrad Linnenfelser, Fred. Lipphardt, Hy. Loewenstein, Chas. Mayer, Franz Meier, John H. Missemeier, John Muegge, Wm. Mueller, Henry Peter, Jacob Pfirman, Valentine Rather, Christian Rausch, Emil Reifs, Adolpn Reifeis, Wm. Reisse, Charles Reisse, Wm. Renneberg, Geo. Rinnert, Charles Rolfing, Conrad Rolfing, Hy. Roselin, Chas. Rosner, Henry Sandmann, Hermann Schadler, John Schafer, Chas. Schauer, Adam Schildhelm, John Schoenning, Mathias Schrink, Gustavus Schrot, John Schweigler. Geo. Settmeier, Fred. Sommer, Jacob Stephan, :Michael Stoll, Charles Vich, John Vogel, Anton. Vollmer, Gottlieb Wagner, Fried. Wagner, Phillip Walter, Carl H. Weber, Chas. Fried. Wehking. Chas. Wiegand, Adam Wiese, Christian Wischt, Michael Wisemann, John 426 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY I. Hermann T. Hesse, Captain Clemens Gutgesell, 1st Lieutenant Frederick Krenning, 2d Lieutenant Ferd Schuchart, 1st Sergeant Fred Pommer, Sergeant Chas. Baer, Sergeant August Feeder, Sergeant Thomas Beyer, Corporal Peter Bausback, Corporal Albert Sanders, Corporal Phillip Lauter, Corporal Conrad Oppermann, Musician Christian Mevisor, Musician Ameling, Wm. Asshauer, Christ. Auping, Hy. Barthels, Aug. Beyer, Charles Beyer, Charles Bindbeutel, Fred. Breggmann, Herm. Briesinger, John Brindbeutel Brinkschulte, Phil. Brockmeyer, Hy. Brustken, Mathias Bucher, John Buol, John Dane, Ferdinand Dienstbier, Hy. Diren, John Dobler, John Dose, Henry Douglass, Alex. Essler, Geo. Fedder, Wm. Fritzinger, Chas. W. Fritzinger, Hy. Gis, John Guensche, Chas. Halblaut, Phillip Hanks, John Hanses, Peter Privates. Harre, Fried. Hartmann, John Heim, John Heim, Michael Heitlauf, Jacob Hellmann, John Henne, Christian Horst, Joseph Jokel, Casper Kasbari, Frank Kayser, Fred. Koenig, John Koronan, Lorenz Kraemer, Adam Kraemer, John Kuehnrich, Fred. Kunz, Florian Kustenreuter, John Lempke, Chas. Link, Jacob Luettolf, Chas. Lutz, Anton Meyer, John Meyer, John A. Muehrle, Geo. Nauman, Hy. Nolte, Fred. Nunn, Joseph Paul, Fred. Pflantz, Adam Reisner, Geo. Richard, Conrad Roedel, Fred. Roeth, Fred. Roesch, iNIichael Rohmann, Hermann Rotterman, Frank Schaper, Ernst Schaper, Jacob Schaper, George Schiffmann, John Schneider, John Schwaizkopi, Andreas Seim, Charles Sommer, Jacob Spahn, Hy. Stockamp, Wm. Stonmeier, Wm. Stuber, John Them, Fred. Temme, Ernst Traber, Edward Traubel, Nicolaus Trautmann, Andreas Ude, August Williamson, Francis Wind, John Winter, Bernard Wollenweber, Christian Zwick, Gottlieb First Regiment, U. S. Reserve Corps, Mo. ]'oL 427 COMPANY K. William Halm. Captain Henrj- Debus, 1st Lieutenant Joseph Witzel, 2d Lieutenant George Lung. 1st Sergeant Hy. Batterniann. Sergeant John Pelletier, Sergeant Chas. Fichtemeier, Corporal Hy. Fath. Corporal Ignatz Reich, Corporal Henry Wicking, Corporal John Gubrie. Musician .John Kiburz. IMusician Arnold, Michael Barmatius, John Baumgartner, J. Baumann, Joseph Becknieyer. Fred. Behrle, Protas Beschner, John Blege, Jacob Boothe, Michael Christen, Michael Corcoran, William Dreyer, Wm. Ehred, Fred. Elmer, Joseph Faude, Jacob Firmbach, Stanislaus Frey, George Frey, Patrick Gall, Jacob Gautner, Casper Goss, Jacob Harting, Henry Haupt, Frank Heb, FrauK Heinicke, Henry Heitz, George Heitz, Michael Hermans, John Hertz, Joseph Privates. Hinkes, Theodore Hof, Phillip Hurlemann, Christ. Jost, Wendelin Kellerman, Wm. Klein, Rudolph Kleinhus, Franz Koehler, Chas. Kraft, John Kreig, Michael Kuper, Michael Lachtrop,- Christ. Lamb, Michael Leuraenstahl, And. W. Lorey, Tobias Lungstrass, Rudolph Mais, John Maurer, Xavier Meser, Christian Meyer, Christian Michael, Christian Michael, Fred. Mueller, Peter Mueller, Bernhard Muninger, Andr. Ockel, Conrad Pagel, Fred. Pressler, Valentine Remers, Henry Redmeyer, Henry Reinhard, Phillip Rohlfing, Hy. Rolfmeyer, Hy. Sack, Peter Schabacker, Bernard Schaftner, Geo. Schaper, Ernst Schaper, Wm. Schepp, Henry Nic. Schmidgen, John Schmidt, Adam Seegar, John Siedentopf, Wm. Sellhofer, Hy. Sohnlein, Wm. Spitzfaden, M. W. Steitz, Reinhardt Stephan, Geo. Stindker, Fred. Sturm, Andreas Tapp, Fred. Teurer, Nicolaus Vollmer, Fred. Walter, Rudolph Warbinsky, Theo. Warings, Bernard Wiegand, Adam Zepp, Adam 428 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY L. William Rottermann, Captain Jacob Bischoff, 1st Lieutenant August Leussler, 2d Lieutenant Dietrich Cordes, 1st Sergeant Fred Kunst, Sergeant John Toepper, Sergeant Michael Obenauer, Sergeant John Leimehuegel, Corporal John Petow, Corporal Geo. Kessler, Corporal And. Eberhardt, Corporal Phil M. Enzinger, Musician William Zimhiermann, Musician Abeln, T. Joseph Barthold, Geo. Batz, Eckhardt Berghofer, Henry Bohnmann, Fred Brockschmidt, Herm. Bruer, Fred Conrad, George Dennert, Anton Dippel, Herman Ellersick, Hy. Ellrich, Christ. FischeT, Charles Fries, George Frost, Sebastian Geuthe, John Gick, Henry Gieselmann, Hy. Gildehaus, John Gilve, Paulus Groesch, Sebastian Haas, George Habicht, Oswald Hammersen, John Heine, Jacob Henning, Adam Privates. Hensel, George Kaldeway, Fred Kasselbaum, Emerich Keil, Leonhardt Klink, Gottlieb Koenneke, Fred Krapp, Geo. Kuberich, Ferdinand Kubrick, Charles Kunst, Wm. Lennert, Sebastian Lohrum, Peter' Mankel, Daniel Metzger, Bernard Moehle, Fred Mueller, Joseph Mueller, Martin Nanert, Joseph Nieman, Henry Rieber, Sebastian Ries, George Roemer, Louis Roseof, Wm. Ruewe, Hermann Salterbach, Pnilllp Sauerwein, Fred Schatz, William Schatzel, Geo. Schlicker, Ohnst Schmieder, Conrad Schmidt, Gottlieb Schoo, John Jacob Schrieber, Christoph Schroeder, Gottfried Schubert, John Schwimiii,. John Sintel, Fred Staus, Nicolaus Steck, Bernard Strebel, Andreas Sutor, Andreas Thurmel, John Thomas, Frank Vogth, Ignatz Volger, Ignatz Voth, Hermann Walter, Jac. Fred Weithner, Moritz Zumkeller, John Zumsteg, Joseph First Regiment, U. S. Reserve Corps, Mo. Vol. 429 COMPANY M. Augustus Eicliele, Captain Chas. B. Gutjahr, 1st Lieutenant Hermann Lautenschlaeger, 2d Lieutenant Edward Herzog, 1st Sergeant Peter Sclimidt, Sergeant Theo. Oppermann, Sergeant Fred Frank, Sergeant Clarist Cornelius, Corporal Peter Malig, Corporal Ferd Spiekermann, Corporal Ferd Heger, Corporal Ludwig C. B. Schnell, Musician Fred Kamueller, Musician Arandt, Pnillip Alsheimer, Peter Bather, Nicolaus Berners, Frank Boele, Henry Boeser, Henry Bohle, Henry Dietz, Andreas Dietz, Henry Dillman, Joseph Dingier, Phillip Doersch, Jacob Dritsch, Chas. Ecker, Wm. Erhard, Jos. Fahner, Tobias Fischer, Henry Foerstel, Michael Foerster, Frank Frickert, John Garnier, Max. Goeger, Joseph Hambelson, Mathias Hambelson, Peter Hartmann, Geo. Privates. Heher, Gottlieb Herbst, Christian Herbster, Jacob Hertling, Henry Hess, John Heuer, Henry Hinimer, Chas. Hoffman, Fred Holseback, Peter Holz, John Jacob, Phillip Jung, Mathias Katie, Jacob Keil, Nicolaus Koch, Peter Kroth, Casper Lackraann, George Langguth, Adam Leonhard, Adam Liebel, Geo. P. Litzenroth, Hy. Meinhard, John Momberger, Casper Nauroth, Christian Nieman, Christian Peffle, Jacob Pelod, Frank Pfister, Frank Preiser, Geo. Redel, John Reiser, Christoph Roth, Geo. Scherer, Jacob Schifferle, John E. Schmidt, Adam Schott, Christian Schott, George Schwarz, Fritz Schwarzkoph, Christ Seither, Theodor Severan, John Simon, Ferdinand Suess, Geo. Suess, Jacob Thomas, Jacob Vogel, Ernst Walter. Jacob Zimmer. Philip 430 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY "A," CAVALRY, THREE MONTHS SERVICE. Jacob Melter, Captain John Traber, 1st Lieutenant Anthony Jaeger, 2d Lieutenant Louis Ost, 1st Sergeant Charles Volling, Sergeant Henry Stolle, Sergeant Bernard Weber, Sergeant Thomas Garney, Corporal Henry Lohmann, Corporal Charles Forstel, Corporal John Weisertz, Corporal Sebastian Weik, Musician George Glock, Musician Amelung, Wm. Balz, Xaver Berger, Balthasar Brokate, Philip Emeling, Theobald Eisick, Leopold Fath, Jacob Floriz, Edward Gerhardt, Peter Gieser, August Groffmann, Chas. Gutting, John Hoffmeister, A. Huttling, Wm. Keller, John Privates. Koch, Henry Koehler, Conrad Koehler, Ferdinand Koenig, Henry Krebs, George Kuhl, Adolph Langenecker, John Leisenring, Edward Linnes, Fritz Lupfer, August May, Gottlieb Mink, Wm. Reifeis, Wm. Rindskopf, Isaac Rose, Edward Schaefer, George Schneider, Chas. Schneider, Michael Schrader, Gustav Schroeder, Henry Schulde, Jno. Seibert, John Siegmund, Caspar Wodicka, John Wodicka, Joseph Zadek, Frank Zeigler, Frederick Zepp, John Zink, Valentine SECOND REGIMENT, UNITED STATES RESERVE CORPS, MISSOURI VOLUNTEERS, was organized for home service May 7, with nine Companies mider President Lincoln's order of April 30, by citizens of the Second Ward living between Soulard and Chouteau avenue, by electing Herman Kallman Colonel and establishing Soulard Market their Headquarters and Armory. On May 10 one Battalion marched to Camp Jackson and the balance guarded the avenues leading to the Arsenal. In June the Regiment guarded the North Missouri Rail- road, and on its homeward march was fired upon from a fire engine- house in the center of St. Louis. Later on portions guarded the Iron Mountain Railroad, while six Coinpanies went with Fremont's Ex- pedition to Bird's Point. On returning the Regiment was mustered out in August and reorganized early in September for three years' service in the State of Missouri, electing Hermann Kallmann Colonel. With the exception of 8 per cent Bohemians, the Regiment was almost entirely German. The number of men on the Three Months' Lists were 785. FIELD AND STAFF. Herman Kallmann, Colonel F. C. Castlehun, Surgeon John T. Fiala, Lt. Colonel Charles Spinzig. Asst. Surgeon Julius Rapp, Major Henry L. Rathjen, Sergt. Major Anthony Zeitinger, Adjutant George Geholz, Q. M. Sergeant Charles Gottschalk, Quartermaster Jacob Kost, Drum Major Ferd Herwig, Musician 431 432 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY A. Bernard Essroger, Captain Herman Bleeck, 1st Lieutenant Leontiard Zwanziger, 2d Lieutenant Fred Zaehrich, 1st Sergeant Hy. Wm. Volkers, Sergeant Nicholas Doering, Sergeant Otto Stickel, Corporal Michael Puhl, Corporal Fred Hunricks, Corporal fimil Ulrici, Corporal H. E. Suschizki, Musician Jac. Bauer, Musician Aschner, Adolph Bastian, Joseph Becherer, Lambrecht Becherle, John Berman, Carl Berneker, Fred Bidur, Francis Biebinger, Fred Blanc, Larment Blum, Peter Blumenberg, Hy. Brunner, Franz Buerger, Bernhard Bunzenthal, Carl Butterniek, Fred Cassen, Schoon Doering, Benjamin Dormitzer, Joseph Eckhardt, Otto Eicke, Wm. Fehl, Hy. Flick, Louis Fluegel, H. Gabare, Louis Geiger, Henry Geiss, Jacob Giestemeyer, John Goetz, Fred Graff, John Privates. Groschell, Michael Gutjahr, Peter Haas, Peter Haentges, John Heckwolff, Fred Helmer, Wm. Hertel, Wolfgang Hildebrand, Aug. Hocherl, James Hoge, Henry Holderle, Casper Hunold, Carl Juppier, James Kern, Xaver Kirchner, David Koelling, Chas. Koelling, Fred Koerchel, Anton Kosser, John Kress, Joseph Krug, Michael Lauffert, John Lindecker, Mathias Lindwig, Anton Masse, George Matter, John Maurath, Dennis Menden, Wm. Meyer, A. F. Meyer, Chas. Mueller, John Nitz, Phil. Osterkamp, Hy. Ranquet, Chas. Louis Roth^nhagen, Louis Scherer, Christ Schinitsschnieder, Geo. Schmidt, Joseph Schneider, Christ. Schnerr, Const. Schortten, _Chas. Schroer, Henry Schroer, Wm. Schultheis, Peter Schwartz, John Setzer, August Spindler, Leonhard Tice, Henry "Ulrici, Rudolph Wacherle, Fred Walkenhorst, Fred Weithopp, Henry Wincent, Henry Yarpun, Benjamin Zahn, Fi-anz Zorrus, Free" Second Regiment, U. S. Reserve Corps, Mo. I 'ol. 433 COMPANY B. Kdimind Wuorpel, Captain Joseph Gerwiner, 1st Lieutenant Franz Schindler, 2d Lieutenant Fred Brueggerhoff, 1st Sergeant Phillip Diekenhoff, Sergeant Mathias Gerner, Sergeant Henry Rauschenplatt, Sergeant Henry Stumpf, Corporal Fred Cassel, Corporal John Reihn, Corporal Henry Breystedt, Musician Severn Sauter, Musician Albrecht, Julius Anheuser, Peter Baumann, John Bechmann, Hy. Bender, Christian Bilmeyer, Joseph Brandenburger, A. Breidenbach, Christ. Buckner, Henry Dammert, Chas. Doll, Gerhard Dormitzer, Joseph Fiesellmann, Henry Fischer, Julius Flammger, John Flammger, Paul Freiner, John Frey, August Fritz, Louis Goebel, Franz Gruennagel, Adam Gruennagel, Geo. Gundlach, Hy. Privates. Hausmann, John Helbling, Henry Helgoth, John Herget, Phillip Hiemenz, Jacob Hinspeter, Fred. Hoffman, Henry Hoppius, Wm. Huehl, John Kahlbaum, John Kaltwasser, J. Phillip Klungmann, Gottfried Koerner, Julius Korte, Herman Kriechelt, Geo. Lanz, John Lavin, Franz Lehrn, August Lerchenmissler, .John Lindell, .John Mellenbeck, Hermann Meyer, Anton Meyer, Charles Morhardt, George Mueller, .John Nolte, Hermann Reedlin, Jeremias Rueckert, Dietrich Schmalz, Michael Schraiech, John Schuler, Hy. Siferth, Joseph Stauim, Fried. Stamm, Wm. Stock, Peter Stoll, Ferdinand Stumpf, John Taussig, Edward Tschigner, Ernst Voesterling, Fried. Volz, Fried. Weber, John Woehrle, .John Wohlschlager, B. Zauener, Christian Zrueki, H. 434 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY C. Herman Schroeders, Captain Fred Mueller, 1st Lieutenant Fred Cratz, 2d Lieutenant Christ Niemann, 1st Sergeant Christ Klubscheid, Sergeant Herman Mardorf, Sergeant Christ Rohlfing, Sergeant Gregor Lingg, Corporal Geo. Doerr, Corporal Lorenz Zeller, Corporal Chas. Jeremias, Corporal John Erhardt, Musician August Kanne, Musician Albrecht, Wm. Armbrust, John Bang, Adolph Bang, Charles Bange, Henry Bauman, Julius Behrens, Hy. Beisch, Geo. Borrell, Geo. Bruder, John Buxot, Fred. Dernbacher, John Epstein, Heyman Erhard, John Geo. P'euchtenbemer, Mich. Fohr, Jacob Grieshaber, Adolf Haering, John Harbniann, Conrad Hartmann, Conrad Henrichsen, John Hoffmann, Alex. Hoffmann, Geo. Holzscheiter, Herbert Hoppe, Henry Huffnagel, Henry Privates. Israel, S. Jehlen, Geo. H. Johann, Michael Kaltwasser, John Kiefer, Geo. Kissell, Valentine Klemm, Michael Klotz, John Kowancyk, Franz Kraemer, Christ Kraemer, G. J. Krause, Geo. Kreidenmacher, John Leitner, Michael Leva, Christ Lustig, Joseph Mack, Friederich Manhorst, Adam Maul, J. H. Mohrardt, Geo. Mueller, August Mueller, John Mueller, Martin Mueller, Phillip Pfund, L. F. Rasp, Matthew Reisch, Geo. Reisch, Joseph Rohlfing, Fred. Ruppert, Franz Scheek, John Schmitz, Alex. Schnurmacher, Elias Schulz, Jacob Schuster, Florian Schuster, Hermann Schuster, Hugo Schwarztrouble, Nic. Seiter, Fred. Shupmann, Aug. Sicher, Wm. Spuhler, Henry Uebel, Henry Uhrig, Joseph Vohrwinker, Jacob Weber, John Weinlein, Joseph Welge, Theodor Winkler, Joseph Zeisler, Stephan Zipf, Sebastian Zumsteg, John Second Regiment, U. S. Reserve Corps, Mo. ]'ol. 435 COMPANY D. F. M. Wotke, Captain Bernard Klein, 1st Lieutenant Fred Gottsclialk, 2d Lieutenant H. H. Bodemanu, 1st Sergeant John P. Lipiiard, Sergeant John C. Koerner, Sergeant Christ Mehl, Sergeant W. T. Cronde, Corporal Ferdinand Heiser, Corporal Aug. Kriekenbaum, Corporal Hermann Gelsheuser, Corporal John Fries, Musician C. Surborn, Musician Altenberend, Christ Altschul, Charles Amsler, Casimir Auswahl, Frank Bapp, John Bassali, Wm. Becker, Louis Benkler, Joseph Bissner, Geo. Bleidorn, Frank Boldswey, Hy. Borngesser, Fred. Borngesser, Peter Conrad, Wm. Deitz, Chas. V. Disener, Wm. Emanuel, David Figgo, Fred. Frieseke, Wm. Gahl, Wm. Gaussmann, John Privates. Gebhardt, Gottfried Gelsheuser, Hy. Gleidrauff, Caesar Grab, Henry Grad, Andreas Granvelur, Geo. Groeser, Martin Guesbach, Wm. Haeneseh, Daniel Hein, Conrad Heinze, Henry Hiltpold, John Hoffman, Martin Hold, Robert Jehle, Wm. Joss, Jacob Kaltwasser, Chas. Kaltwasser, Fred. Kellner, Conrad Kempe, Anson Keppe, Henry Kley, Wm. Kolb, Andreas Korhammer, Hy. Koerner, Wm. Kraus, c^onrad Kruser, Valentine Leber, Joseph Leva, Christian LindeUcr, John Mees, Jacob Meekbach, Hy. Pucker, John Rail, Ignatz Razoze, Geo. Rosemann, Frank Schluter, E. H. Schnell, Caspar Schroeder, Henry Zunz, Joseph 436 The Union Cause in St. Louis in .180' I. COMPANY E. Felix Laies, Captain Christian Ploeser, 1st Lieutenant Phillip Michael, 2d Lieutenant Henry Quellmalz, 1st Sergeant Conrad Wetzel, Sergeant George Drescher, Sergeant Mathias Metz, Corporal John Schork, Corporal John Kree, Corporal Fred Offenbecker, Corporal Fred Stagier, Musician Arnold Porbeck, Musician Amelung, Hy. Andreas, Louis Apel, Zacharias Artmann, Michael Berkerle, John Binder, August Blaick, Wm. Bos, Geo. Both, Henry Boy, Clemens Brugmeier, Bern. Brugner, Thomas Degenhardt, Jos. Diehl, Henry Feitsk, Ulrich Feldman, John Fetter, Jacob Fey, George Frank, Henry Gessner, Christian Gopel, Adam Goth, Andreas Hack, Franz Helm, John Herrel, David Privates. Hertchen, John Hoffmann, Joseph Huhn, Peter Kaenter, Wm. Kehr, Karl Kennicker, Wm. Kessler, Edw. Klatt. Wm. Kling, Peter Knopf, Nicolaus Kohl, John Kopf, Joseph Kruger, Nicolaus K^ubler, Louis Lambing, Fred. Link, Hy. Lorenz, Wilhelm Meinberg, Aug. Menn, Wilhelm Mueller, Charles Mueller, Henry Mueller, Jacob Noll, Henry Osfing, Henry Peis, John Petz, Herman Quellmalz, Arthur Quitler, George Rau, Joseph Renhard, Valentine Renkel, Jacob Ritter, Joseph Rockenbrod, Andreas Schaaf, Paul Scharding, Franz Schmidt, John Schurmer, Friederich Sehr, George Siebenmeyer, Ferd. Stork, John Stumpf, Bernhard Tieber, Carl Volbers, Wm. Volker, Franz Volkmar, Christ. Wahl, Christoff Waldemeier, Christ. Waticke, Ignatz Worner, John Worner, Joseph Second Regiment, U. S. Reserve Corps, Mo. Vo\. 437 COMPANY F. Theo. Boethelt, Captain , Alex Windmiller, 1st Lieutenant Anthony Ochosky, 2d Lieutenant Fred W. Plass, 1st Sergeant Chas. W. Schickenberg, Sergeant John Ranft, Sergeant Chas. Dehaut, Sergeant John Brink, Corporal Aug. H. Meyer, Corporal Fred Osborg, Corporal Gottfried Voelkers, Corporal Frank Bodwein, Musician Benedict Weitzenecker, Musician Adler, Gustav Arshlimon, Edw. Bauer, Peter Becker, Peter Blumenberg, Julius Bruderlin, Emil Fantt, Martin Grumme, Wm. Hagan, Chas. Haller, Ca^jpar Heidel, John Heinz, August Herflicker, Jacob Hichler, .Geo. Holt, Gustav Huhn, Peter Koenig, Joseph Kuehler, Gottfi'ied Lange, Ferdinand Mauch, August Meinhard, Hy. Meissenbach, Gustave Merkel, Egidius Meyer, Ferdinand Meyer, Fred. Privates. Meyer, Henry Muehs, Wm. Muhs, August Munslinger, Peter Neff, John Neuhaus, Jno. N. Novack, Wm. Ockronglowerus, Louis Oestereicher, Hy. Ott, Henry Otto, Edward Petermann, Valentin Pohlmann, Theo. Rattinger, Ranler Roseller, Chas. H. Rosenhaner, Edw. Rupert, Wm. Ruprecht, John Schlesberger, S. Schrirey, Geo. Schornholz, Amsler Schuelthoefer, Ph. Schuman, George Seibecker, Chas. Slent, Charles Spies, Ferdinand Spilker, August Staats, Fred Strohmeyer, John Stueck, John R. Stumpf, Chas. Stumpf, Fred. Stumpf, Hy. Taubener, John Thomas, George Tromant, Nic. Volk, F. Vondach, Fried. Wagner, Phil. Wambsgans, John Weber, Andrew Winderworth, Edw. Winkler, John A. Witzemann, Geo. Wolbert, Sebastian Zeller, Wm. Zimmerer, Joseph Zimmerniann, Fred. 438 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY G. Hermann Zakrzewski, Captain Gerhard Bensberg, 1st Lieutenant Herman Moll, 2d Lieutenant Geo. Schwerdt, 1st Sergeant Balthazer Strahli, Sergeant Carl Borkman, Sergeant Adam Jost, Sergeant James Vandeventer, Corporal Franz Hecker, Corporal Franz Hoefling, Corporal H. L. Vanbel, Corporal Henry Voght, Musician G. K. Emmes, Musician Bebie, John Bennet, Hy. Benz, Wm. Berthold, Jacob Bischoff, John Bracht, Franz Burkhardt, Rudolph Day, Adam Degen, Adam Dode, Wm. Egemann, Wm. Endlich, Peter Frank, Michael Franke, Hy. Frentrop, Louis Fritz, Max Geislet, Oswald Gerhard, George Gernhardt, Aug. Grampner, Hy. Heneklau, Edw. Hermann, Chas. Hoffmann, Chas. Privates. Hohmann, Nicolaus Horn, Michael Hufnagel, Wm. Kenne, Fred Kentzer, Hy. Kleintropp, Adam Korbeli, Henry Kozel, Jacob Ki'ass, John Kreichelt, August Kreubohn, Clemens Lendowski, Michael Loeffel, Wm. Lucks, Wm. Michel, Joseph Mueller, Louis Mueller, Wm. Opermann, John Peckmann, Wm. Pfeil, Geo. Ploeser, Louis Ring, Jacob Roehrig, Nicolaus Rung, Otto Sante, Wm. Schaaf, Paul Schneider, Hy. Schroer, E. H. R. Schulwig, Wm. Simon, Joseph Specht, August Storch, Jacob Strahli, Nicolaus Suess, Wm. Suschaner, Jos. Taussig, James Vetter, Alexander Volberg, Wm. Wessel, John Weyers, John Winkler, Hermann Wunderlich, Wm. Wurst, Phillip Zeisler, Adam Second Regiment, U. S. Reserve Corps, Mo. Vol. 439 COMPANY H. Chr. Goerisch, Captain Chas. Hoppe, 1st Lieutenant John Hensaclc, 2d Lieutenant Chas. H. Teichmann, 1st Sergeant Ed. Kienle, Sergeant Franz Steiger, Sergeant John L. Nitzge, Sergeant George Mogge, Corporal Ad. Schild, Corporal Franz Schmidt, Corporal A.dara Held, Corporal Frank Smith, Musician \Vm. Roleschka, Musician Barbach, Leo Bauer, John Becker, Casper Belz, John Berry, Chas. Bolin, Wm. Bollmann, Michael Borrel, George Brandmeyer, Geo. Brants, Fr. Bravitz, Jos. Bueri, John Burrisch, Math. Dewald, Peter Doehne, Chas. Foellner, Ernst Frank, Geo. Funk, Ad. Gessert, Chr. Gleich, Nic. Goreke, Geo. Goerisch, Jac. Haller, Albert Hartman, Wm. Privates. Herschfeld, A. Hoffmann, John Hohlwey, A. Hopes, Phil. Hubert, John Huhn, J. Jorrus, Wm. Jung, Christian Kaufmann, Ch. Kentzer, Welsh Koepping, Ed. Klier, Henry Kuger, Ad. Laux, Balthazar Lueder, Ch. Meyer, Anton Michel, B. Mueller, J. C. Mueller, Wm. J. Nickel, Anton Nossel, M. Pitzer, John Prim, Joun Reibsani, .Tohn Reinhard, Hy. Reis, Jacob Rott, Geo. Sabath, Hy. W. Sabath, Chas. Scheuerer, Fritz Schilling, Hermann Schirms, Joseph Schmidt, Conrad Schreiber, David Schultz, Anton Seele, Fritz Seele, Henry Seibert, Jac. Steinberg, Henry Stocker, Andr. Steubler, Valentine Voigt, Joseph Wachtel, A. Weil, Robt. Wunsch, Andrew Zinimer, Conrad Zuelsh, J. H. 440 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY I. Jacob Riseck, Captain John Ruedi, 1st Lieutenant August Frohnhaefer, 2d Lieutenant Joseph Moser, 1st Sergeant Christ H. Wacker, Sergeant Chas. Wacker, Sergeant Fr. Winkelmann, Corporal John Bucheit, Corporal John Bleitz, Corporal Martin Meyer, Corporal Hy. Bloscher, Musician Chas. Vogel, Musician Amsler, Lorenz Argast, Edward Beck, Stephan Binz, Jacob Birkle, Balthazar Boecke, Herman Brankey, Christ. Buercher, Andr. Burkhardt, Geo. Bushey, Frank Carell, Phillip Dangeisen, Jacob Deinger, John Eggart, Charles Foerster, Herman Frueh, Mathias Fuchs, Charles Gellert, Fried. Grohammer, Fred. Haenschen, Jobst Hapstroetter, John Heit, Bug Heit, John Holzer, Sigmund Hueter, Jac. Humer, Joseph Privates. Kelfe, Fred. Kewe, Chas. Aug. Kleine, Heni'y Koch, Peter Krausp, Ad. Kumpf, Peter Lauter, Phillip Link, Ernst Luther, Gustave Machick, Wenzel Maeler, Fred Many, John Martin, Henry Meurer, Joseph Meyer, Louis Millinett, Bernard Mueller, John W. Mungenast, Bendt Myer, John Neckert, John Ochs, Chas. M. Pflidringer, F. R. Rapps, James Rendenspacher, Fr. Riemenschneider, Aug. Riemenschneider, Hy. Rolte, Joseph Ruderhauser, Fred. Sambach, Michael Santer, Tho. Schoeppner, Christ. Sehuchardt, Ed. Schumacher, Aug. Schwarz, Gottlieb Seekler, Jacob Steiger, Jacob Steiner, Julius Stille, Werner Stroebel, Jacob Sutter, Simon Thibold, Phillip Thorn, Nic. Trapp, John Uhrig, Fred. Wehrle, Jos. Weinrich, Geo. Weizel, Conrad Wenzel, Hy. Wihl, Carl Wunsch, Adolph THIRD REGIMENT, UNITED STATES RESERVE CORPS, MISSOURI VOLUNTEERS, mustered for home service May 8, under President Lincoln's order of April 30, with ten Companies, by electing John McNeil Colonel and establishing Headquarters and Armory at the St. Louis Turner Hall on Tenth and Walnut streets, where many of its members had been drilling before. Company ''A" was formed of St. Louis Turn- ers, who also largely entered into the formation of other Companies, as their numbers exceeded the original quota, which was rapidly filled up by the first four Volunteer Regiments. The Regiment marched out to Camp Jackson. It chiefly garrisoned the city until July 1, when three of its Companies joined the Southwest expe- dition, while on the 16th of July six Companies marched, via Jeffer- son, into Callaway County and defeated a Secession troop under Harris, after a short engagement, and took possession of Fulton, from where the Companies returned to St. Louis, to be mustered out at the expiration of service. The Regiment had among its members many prominent business men, whose offices in the center of town made Turner Hall a convenient place of assembly. The Regiment held 20 per cent Americans, 5 per cent other nationalities and 75 per cent Germans. It reorganized for the Three- Year Reserve Corps Service, under Colonel C. A. Fritz, in September and consolidated with other troops in January, 1862, forming the Fourth Missouri Volunteers. The Regiment listed for the Three Months' Service 1,028 men. FIELD AND STAFF. John McNeil, Colonel Geo. E. Leighton, Quartermaster Charles A. Fritz, Lt. Colonel Wm. Arthur, Commissary Charles W. Marsh, Major Elery P. Smith, Surgeon Samuel P. Simpson, Adjutant Edmund Boemer, Ass't Surgeon Ba nd. Martin Fryberthyser, Christopher Beau .John Richter Leader Sam Crawford Fred Schmidt Conrad Fryberthyser James R. Gibson Wm. D. Story Hy. Freiberthyser Adolph Hoffman Hy. Walquit John Freiberthyser Frederick Robold Hy. Spindler 441 442 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY A. Charles W. Smith, Captain Hy. Robert Serot, 1st Lieutenant Frederick Lesser, 1st Lieutenant Frederick Hoist, 1st Lieutenant Geo. Howard, Sr., 1st Lieutenant Hy. Wiegand, 2d Lieutenant Julius Friton, 1st Sergeant W. B. Oken, Sergeant Hy. Spaekler, Sergeant Peter Loersch, Sergeant Wm. Lenks, Sergeant Hy. Schaffert, Corporal Adolph Elbert, Corporal Hy. Heidsick, Corporal Louis Gerichten, Corporal Michael Solomon, Musician Achenbach, Herman Ahrens, John H. Angermueller, Herm. Anheuser, Conrad Assman, Charles Baesler, Geo. Bakofen, Gottfried Barth, Fred. Beckei', Francis P. Becker, Geo. Benerman, John Brack, John Braner, Geo. Bruder, Adolph Bruder, Edward Bueshing, Fred. Burkholtz. Wm. Chors, Gustav Dickroger, Heiny Diehl, Louis Doebler, Louis Evers, Adolph Falkenheimer, Hy. Feldbusch, Dietrich Fluth, Geo. Friedeking, Hy. Glaser, John Y. Goerke, Peter Gossel, August Greittner, Emil Hahn, Emil Privates. Haller, Fred Helgoth, Lorenz Helkenkamp, Wm. Henricks, Julius Heymeier, John Hoffman, Ernst Holtkamp, Wm. Hortmann, Chas. Kaiser, Louis Klein, Jacob Kleinschmidt, Franz Kleinschmidt, Henry Kleinschmidt, Theo. Kloepner, Hy. Koenig, Hy. Kress. Francis Lehman, Charles Leiber, Charles Leiber, Geo. Lenck, John Meiseman, Herman Merkel, Wm. Mestemacher, Chas. Meyer, Hermann Moergel, Rudolph Mohrstedt, Chas. Moll, Henry Moller, Gustav Muff, Ernst Mueller, Emil Naegler, Wm. Nellmar, John Norton, Henry Quellmalz, Chas. Rapsfiner, Nicolas Rehbein, Adolph Reiman, Gustav Remler, Adolph Renz, Fred. Rose, Leo Rottenbrock, Adolph Ruof, Chas. Rupert, Wm. Schenk, Adolph Schenker, Herman Scherer, John Schiffman, Herman Schiller, Louis Schoenthaler, John Schultz, Jacob Sporleder, Julius Sumner, Chas. Tittman, Edward Upmeyer, Hy. Vallet, Charles Vogler, Julius Welgoth, Francis Wolf, Paul Wolferkieler, Julius Wyeges, Anthony Third Regiment, U. S. Reserve Corps, 3Io. ]^ol. 443 COMPANY B. Charles Albert Warner, Captain Louis Fuchs, 1st Sergeant Geo. Adler, Sergeant Geo. Miller, Sergeant Paul Heith, Sergeant Phillip Ittel, Sergeant Fritz Otto, Corporal Chas. Meddler, Corporal ^J'lhu Krumholz, Corpora! Hugo Witter, Corporal Anion Weiss, Corporal William Spickman, Corpoia. Xatlmn Bass, Musician Phillip Gruber, Musician Arnheiui, Adam Bartman, Simon Bauer, .John Bauman, Jacob Beck, Louis Benkler, Carl Bentler, August Benzinger, Cnas. Bert, Bernhardt Beyer, Albert Blattner, Andreas Bock, Ferdinand Boettger, Fritz Bracke, Theo. Braun, Wm. Brickler, John Chartmann, Wm. Dames, John Dann, Joseph Detzel, John Dommemuth, Charles Durek, Geo. Eispenhard, John Enizer, Frank Fluhrer, Henry Franz, Bernhart Fuchs, Charles Gallenbach, Caspar dicker, Franz Griesmeier, Herman Guerther, Wm. Guttmann, Herman Haas, Fried. Hahn, John Privates. Hansmann, Jos. Heder, Balthazar Held, Joseph Hennings, Fred. Hermann, Geo. Hundstock, Geo. Hunkenmiller, Geo. Jaeger, Phillip Kaufmann, Adam Keil, Lenhardt Keppler, Hermann Kupper, Frank Lang, John Leich, Geo. Lerzo, Adolph Llnharth, Chas. Linharth, Jacob Lohmann, Charles Lowell, Wm. Metzger, Engelbrecht Metzelfeld, August Meyer, Joseph Michenfelder, Franz Morrell, Hermann Mueller, Jacob Mueller, Pius IMussler, Charles Neumeister, Fred Ockenfuss, John Ofmann, Peter Oppermann, Louis Oppman, Louis Orth, Henry Other, John Ott, Christian Ox, Martin Pulis, Frank Rahm, George Renz, Fred. Renter, John Ringweld, Xavier Roth, Adam Ruck, Albert Ruprecht, Louis Schaper, Henry Schmidt, :Mark Schneider, Henry Schroeder, Hermann Seitz, A. Sorns, Valentine Steibler, Nicolaus Stoehn, Alartin Stumph, Joseph Stuyk, Wm. Suchof, Gerhardt Thies, Theo. Uebricht, John Weber, Henry Weber, Joseph Weiss, Geo. Weisshaar, Joseph Westerick, Henry Winter, Charles Zeller, Charles Zimmerer, John G. • Zndderrovest, Hy. 444 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY C. Tony Nlederwieser, Captain Henry P. Fabricius, 1st Lieutenant Wm. Hirt, 2d Lieutenant Wm. J. Lemp, 1st Sergeant Hy. Kampe, Sergeant Philip Dauernheim, Sergeant Hy. Hock, Sergeant Carl Monelius, Corporal Nicolaus Mueller, Corporal Oswald Roessel, Corporal Guido Kalb, Corporal Louis Heimbach, Musician E. R. Evans, Musician Alles, Hy. J. Ambs, Jacob Anheuser, Eberhard Baehler, Carl Becker, Carl A. Behne, Ernst J. Bender, Francis Bischoff, Jacob Blattner, Jacob Bliesner, William Blind, Frederick Boerker, Charles Borgstede, Herman Bornefeld, Chas. Braut, Louis Buettner, John H. Caspar, Geo. Chenery, August Daffner, John M. Debus, John Deschamps, Guillaume Detzel, Henry Diehl, Conrad Dienst, August Dinius, Michael Ehrmann, Gottfried Feuerbacher, Max Foerg, Henry Gaertner, Xaver Griesman, Valentin Grossenheider, Julius Haeusgen, Fred. Privates. Handge, Gustav Hartman, Julius Hechler, Hy. Heitmeyer, Hy. Hemmer, August Hennicke, Henry Herrman, John Hertle, Daniel Hiob, Henry Hoefele, Charles Hofer, Charles Jauch, Lorenz Klee, William Kollmeyer, J. T. Krantz, Michael Krebs, Hugo Krug, Louis Lagemann, Henry Lendy, Francis Lueg, Henry Martini, August Martini, Charles Menne, Alois Merkel, Ferdinand Meyer, Fred. Moehl, Charles Moeller, Charles Mueller, August Mueller, Christian Mueller, Herman Nasse, August Neff, Alexander Oebicke, William Raaf, George Ravenberg, Michael Rechtglaub, Herman Rinne, Eime Ritschy, Frederick Rose, Charles Schiffer, George Schmedel, Hieronimus Schmidt, Franz Schroth, Peter A. Schuhman, August Schumacher, Casimir Schwaneck, John Schweickhardt, Bern. Schweecke, Frederick Sinner, George Sommer, Herman Spannagel, Gustav " Specht, Henry Steck, Charles Steinhaus, August Sutter, John Teuteberg, Charles Theobald, George Vallat, Ernst Verman, Alex. J. Werkman, Geo. C. Wezler, Charles Wilken, William Wolf, Theodore Third Regiment, U. S. Reserve Corps, Mo. Vol. 443 COMPANY D. Merritt W. Griswold, Captain Wm. M. Wherry, 1st Lieutenant Charles P. Johnson, 2d Lieutenant Henry T. Kroh, Sergeant John M. Wherry, Sergeant Joel Abbott, Sergeant Louis Miller, Sergeant Calvin Reed, Sergeant Summ Haywood, Corporal Henry Holmes, Corporal Chas. Steubenaugh, Corporal George Hessie, Corporal John Liebig, Musician Abbott, James Ashton, James Bacon, Oliver N. Beckerman, Henry Bornefeld, Ch. B. Brindle, James L. Bright, Hy., Jr. Bronson, Edw. J. Buchanan, R. W. Burnsides, James Bywater, John C. Castillo, Charles Congers, Geo. P. Cuddy, Wm. Ebers, Louis B. Ellis, Jas. R. W. Flaescher, Bernard Flint, Aggrippa Ford, Alvin Grimm, Henry Hanke, John F. Privates. Hannay, Annal M. Heil, Jacob Hill, Wm. Hilton, Hy. A. Hollibaugh, Geo. W. Hunter, Samuel Huss, Herman Jeffs, Wm. S. Kiebler, Dan'l. C. Kirker, John Kroeger, August Liebig, Henry Long, Phillip McPherson, Benj. Meyer, Joseph Miller, Joseph McK. Moehl, Charles Moffit, Hy. C. O'Kelly, D. J. Otis, Edw. R. Parsons, .^ . R. Pearce, Daniel B. Peck, Berwell Pool, Wm. Ralston, John C. Reiley, Jos. D. Robbins, Henry Robertson, James M. Ruckel, Wm. Scannel, Wm. Schwartz, Conrad Scott, John T. Seidell, Louis E. Smith, John C. Staeger, Ernst Sterburt, David Van Bramm, David Van Bramm, Francis Velde, Fred. Wilson, W. H. Wirt, David B. 446 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY E. Wm. A. Hequembourg, Captain Felix Coste, 1st Lieutenant Carl Rudolph Fritsch, 2d Lieutenant Wm. Roever, 1st Sergeant Wm. Heinrichshofen, Sergeant Gustav Bolms, Sergeant Alvin Schenker, Corporal John G. Burkhard, Corporal Adolphus Busch, Corporal Geo. W. Blood, Corporal John Ganter, Musician Robert Lange, Musician Achilles, Victor Berg, Wm. Biggers, Chas. A. Bittinger, Nicolas Bland, Richard D. Brann, Valentin Brenner, Ferd. Brocey, Conrad Brocy, Henry Burg, Louis Burg, Phillip Chaman, Hy. Chawshaw, Edw. Coolidge, John A. Dobyns, D. P. Doerner, August Eidemann, John Elbrecht, Hy. Engelhardt, Wm. Erhardt, Valentine Ewald, Moritz Follbert, Jos. L. Forseil, Neil Frank, Chas. H. Goetting, Christian Harding, Sam. W. Privates. Hart, Charles Herwitz, August Huber, Michael Jennings, David H. Judd, Wm. H. Koehl, Christian Krause, Henry Krupple, Herman Leisse, G. Augustus Louis, John Lowry, Henry M. Massar, Walter Mussler, Joseph Newman, Chas. Ortt, John Paul, John Pfau, Theo. Reichai-t, Chas.* Remmler, Chab. Richter, Henr> Richter, Theo. Rodgers, W. H. Roessler, August Sailer, Christian Scheeper, Julius Schlange, Clemens Schmidt, Charles Schwartz, Francis Scott, John C. Schackelford, Jno. E. Sigle, Andrew Snyder, Joseph Spincerly, John H. Sporleder, Louis Stamm, Hermann They, John Thumann, Francis Tiefenbrunn, Jas. Treaselmann, Wm. Unteimer, Henry Vandemale, Victor Vernitor, Fred. Vormehr, John Wellmann, Henry Wellmann, Herman Wells, Wm. J. Whetmore, D. R. Wilson, Thomas Zander, Fred. Zuercher, Jacob Third Regiment, U. S. Reserve Corps, Mo. Vol. 447 COMPANY F. Philip F. Weigel, Captain John C. Blech, 1st Lieutenant Max Koerner, 2(1 Lieutenant Theodore Plate, 1st Sergeant Rudolph Wagner, Sergeant Louis Heide, Sergeant Henry Lagemann, Sergeant Wni. Spangenberg, Sergeant Wm. Dickriede, Corporal John G. Meyer, Corporal Wendelein Straubinger, Corporal Charles Killing, Corporal Wm. Nelson, Musician Adam, Martin Daily, Edw. Berner, Christian Borchert, Fred. Boltinger, Martin Casper, Johannes Claus, Nicolas Donnerberg, Hy. Dortsch, John Dunker, Caspar H. Faust, Michael Felber, Jacob Fischer, Adam Flad, Henry Forthman, John H. Frey, Anton Gebhardt, Franz Grimminger, Martin Groninger, Fred. Haag, Paul Hahn, Louis Hansen, Fred. Heilwerk, Jacob Hemminger, Fred Hertel, Geo. Hetlmann, Wm. Hinz, August Hohn, Geo. Hutte, Lone Isler. Christian Isler, John Jacoby, Adolph Privates. Jacoby, ]Meyer Kesselring, Henry Kinderman, Hy. Konemann, Henry Koser, Fred. W. Kramer, John Hy. Krecht, Robert Kubler, Jacob Kuder, Henry Kufner, Geo. Limpert, Albert Linstroth, Hy. Loeffler, August Loubach, Hy. Lutz, Daniel Lutz, Geo. Mallinkrodt, Jas. T. Martin, Albert Maerzweiler, Adolph Meyer, Fred. C. Meyer, Gebhardt !\Iueller, Jacob Mueller, Wm. Murdeubel, Ernst Olfe, Henry Osterholt, Anton Petig, Nicholas Pilz, .John Predicow, Herman Rammelkamp, R. Rocker, Henry Roehn. Christin Rosche, Nicolas Sandwald, Fred. Schapperkotter, Hy. Schneeberger, John Schwecke, Theo. Sebold, Sebastian Sepler, ]\Iichael Statz, John Speith, Franz Squeschka, Chas. Stein, Peter Stender, Wm. Strieker, Anton Strim, August Terre, Gottlieb Thoroman, Joseph Tinime, Herman Ulbert, Phillip Uirich, Leopold Warneke, Fred. Warneke, Henry Warneke, Jno. C. Weidehaus, Peter Weideman, Henry Werner, Wendelin Wetekamp, Aug. Wild, Jacob Woestendick, D. Wohlfarth, Nicolaus Zimmerer, Mathias 448 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY G. Geo. Dominick, Captain Chas. Moeller, 1st Lieutenant Samuel P. Simpson, 2d Lieutenant Augustus Tille, 1st Sergeant Charles Hessell, Sergeant Fr. A. Hansteiner, Sergeant Fred Folenius, Sergeant Chas. Sampe, Sergeant Geo. Richardt, Corporal Geo. Saerber, Corporal John Eichberger, Corporal Conrad Leonhardt, Corporal Gottlieb Seller, Musician Martin Scherer, Musician Ackerrnan, Fred. Aschmeyer, Hy. Behrends, John Beiter, John Belzer, Fred. Boekemann, Jno. W. Boeker, Fred. Berne, George Bertsch, Geo. Bohlinger, Paul Borgstedt, Hy. Brey, Ernst Clay, John Coerber, Henry Dado, Joseph Darks, Fred. Darr, Christian Dennins, Andreas Denz, Clemens Dietrich, Jacob Disterhorst, Fred. Duenewald, Andreas Dueringhoff, Dan'l. Ehlert, Adolph Ernst, John Franz, Henry Ganter, Lorenz Gay, Louis Gramm, Simon Grote, Adam Guilmer, Claude Haendel, Chas. Ham, Fred. Heimberger, Henry Privates. Helmich, Hy. Helrig, Fred. Hoster, John Huber, Joseph Huentelman, Theo. Jacobi, Henry H. Jung, Mathias Keller, Geo. Keyerlebebe, Chas. Kowendewer, Hy. Kowendewer, John Krafft, Fred. Kretschmar, Jos. Kull, Adolphus Lenzen, Henry Long, Adam Lorenz, Henry Luhn, Gustavus Mack, Wm. Marcoli, Francis Mattock, Fred. Meckfessel, Fred Mersenheim, Christ. Milliet, Francis Mittenhauser, Henry Muchlaupt, John Munzlinger, Jno. M. Murlock, Geo. Muschleisen, Nicolas Petri, Wm. Poetner, Caspar Poetner, Henry Popp, Christian Pringel, Michael Rememam, Christ. Rhein, Peter Rohlfing, Wm. Romelin, Joseph Ruediman, Michael Salzgeber, John C. Schaeffer, Christ. Scherr, Geo. Schermeier, Francis Schewitz, Charles Schlachter, Chas. Schlatteiler, Michael Schlesinger, Michael Schmidt, Adam Schmidt, Jacob Schmidt, John Schorr, Adam Schowing, Francis Seibert, Augustus Seibert, John A. Seifert, Ernst F. Steiger, Louis Tanby, Geo. Thiel, Wm. Wack, Herman Wahl, Francis Wehner, Chas. Werner, Geo. Winkler, August Wolff, Augustus Wolz, Charles Ziegler, Wm. Third Regiment, U. S. Reserve Corps, Mo. Vol. 449 COMPANY H. Henry Lischer, Captain Theodore Kalb, 1st Lieutenant Adolph Knipper, 2d Lieutenant Wm. Herz, 1st Sergeant John Mueller, Sergeant Christ Santer, Sergeant Louis Haeuisch, Sergeant Andreas Raub, Corporal Edmund Giebel, Corporal Bob Gebhard, Corporal Phillip Goetz, Corporal John B. Pfeffer, Corporal Wm. Schister, Corporal Phil Koeppling, Musician Wm. Herz, Musician Aerchlumann, Fred. AUes, Gottfried Argast, Sebastian Backer, Henry F. Baer, Jacob Barth, Jacob Beele, August Banner, Caspar Bennert, Henry Berker, Hy. Boutzer, Hermann Brening, Andreas Brinkman, Henry Carl, Jacob Croisant, Fi'ed Derenbecker, Charles Diehl, Daniel Dilart, Frank Dutz, Fred Ehrlich, Hermann Eisebraun, Jacob Felber, Jacob Fette, August Foerster, Fred. Gansmeier, Paul Gauss, Thomas Gerber, Francis Gerfinger, Michael Gordon, Louis Goss, Jacob Privates. Greder, Louis Grohmanu, Fred. Gruffer, Charles Guerdan, Francis Hartmann, Wm. Herter, Felix Hoffmann, Adolph Hoher, Joseph Hunicke, Herman Kautz, Joseph Kessler, August Knoblauch, Chas. Krauthoff, Louis Kummer, Phillip Leonhardt, Christ Lerdeh, Wm. Lery, Abraham Maer, August Maritetzel, W^m. Martin, Gottlieb Mauer, Lorenz Mehl, Peter Meier, Henry Meier, Wm. Meine, August Miller, John M. Mueller, Gustav F. Pander, Charles Pliess, Jacob Roederer, Phillip Rosenthal, Fred. W. Rossenbach, John Rotty, Simon Ruder, Chas. Rueger, John Sanbery, Theodor Schaaf, Henry Scheip, Fred Schenk, John Schmisser, Geo. Schnell, John Schwarz, Fred. Seckingen, ]Mathias Seibel, Charles Seibel, Conrad Stein, John Steitz, William Suiter, Gottfried Ulrici, Bernhardt Vogel, August Vogel, Peter Waldschmidt, Hy. Walter, Jacob Welzer, John Werner, Cuno Wettslies, Caspar Wolter, Louis Zumbehl. Henry 450 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY I. Robert Hundhausen, Captain Louis Duestrow, 1st Lieutenant J. Conrad Meyer, 2d Lieutenant Paul Bush, 1st Sergeant Charles Bosse, Sergeant Hy. Gildehaus, Sergeant Wm. Borgelt, Sergeant Herman Kahman, Corporal Herman Schepman, Corporal Louis Koop, Corporal John Brauer, Corporal Charles Koop, Corporal Daniel Schwenk, Musician Chas. Brachers, Musician Acker, Pnillip Ahrens, Chas. L Ahrens, Chas. II. Bischop, Phil. Hy. Boehme, Hy. Bruenn, John Crabs, Hermann Denner, Paul Feustel, Julius Fink, Jurger Flohr, William Floyd, John Frank, John A. Freimuth, Fred. Fuchs, Fred. Griffhorn, Peter Groesche,. Fred Groene, Louis Hagedorn, John Hallbaum, Chas. Heitz, Charles Helmholz, Henry Hesselmeyer, Herman Immer, Charles Klingler, John Kreinheeler, Henry Privates. Krug, Max Kuchenbuch, M. Kunz, Henry Kunz, Joseph Landenberger Peter Lindhorst, Henry Margrander, Adam Massman, Charles Meisbach, Henry Meisinger, Phillip Mueller, Louis Pahlman, Christ Pfeffer, Charles Quartman, Joseph Ribben, Mathias Rickborn, Theo. Ringhoff, Wm. Rolfes, Henry Ruesing, Fred. Ruesing, John Ruf, Chas. Saner, Wm. Schemper, Jacob Schleier, Adam Schmieding, Fred. Schmidt, Charles Schmidt, Henry Schnur, Otto Spahn, John Spaulding, E. Paul Steinmesch, John Still, Werner Strich, Peter Sutor, Henry Tamm, Theodor Temme, George Tiemann, Fred. Tiemann, Hy. Tiester, Martin Veslage, G. Henry Von Ahnen, Nicolas Waechter, Fred. Walz, Jacob Weichner, Henry Welder, Henry Wesselman, Bernard Wiche, Max Wilhelm, Fred. Witte, John F. Wulf, Ernst Wulfing, Fred Third Regiment, U. S. Reserve Corps, Mo. Vol. 451 COMPANY K. George A. Rowley, Captain Edward J. Clark, 1st Lieutenant George E. Leighton, 2d Lieutenant Josepli P. Taylor, 1st Sergeant James E. Clark, Sergeant Lucien Eaton, Sergeant Jacobs S. Wiliams, Sergeant Wm. Zukoski, Sergeant Wm. H. Hayden, Corporal Truman W. Post, Corporal Jesmore H. Bacon, Corporal John McGinn, Corporal Max Volkmann, Musician Armuth, Jos. G. Arthur, Wm. Ashton, James Beaman, Geo. W. Behr, Peter Besber, Hy. E. Biden, Ed. S. Bigelow, Geo. H. Brielle, John P. Buchanan, Alex. J. Burgh, Thomas Cleveland, Hy. Cohen, Chas. M. Cohen, R. A. Cook, Alfred H. ,Cottan, John Cottan, Richard Cowdary, John W. Crane, Arba N. Crook, John B. Deimling, F. C. Delut, William Evans, John B. Finan, Thomas Fisher, Calvin G. Fisk, William Fitscher, Jos. B. Freeman, Elisha P. Graham, John Privates. Greene, Edw. R. Margate, Joseph Hase, Josepn Hart, Henry Harting, Wm. Hartwell, Alfred S. Hayden, Charles Hearsum, Fred. H. Heath, Wm. H. Hickey, James M. Holmes, Henry Holmes, Jno. H. Hosier, Jacob Howe, James F. Howland, Chas. H. Hull, Wm. Jacobson, Augustus Jeffs, Reuben Jeffs, Wm. S. Kehr, Edward C. Kendall, Robert T. Knight, Wm. K. Kushke, Robert Luthmann, Christ. McBride, Theo. McDonough, Alfred J. McGunn, James E. Mathews, Thomas Menche, Ernst Miller, Joseph Mills, James Mosly, Benjamin Nagel, August Parr, John A. Patrick, Wm. K. Reed, David Rice, Edward Richards, John L. Rickford, William Robbins, Henry Rogers, John Sanders, John Scotter, John Smith, John C. Spencer, Robert C. Spies, Fred. Stone, Chas. H. Stone, Theo. L. Tomlinson, Alois Tucker, Geo. W. Turner, Timothy D. Uder. Henry Weichman, Fred. Whitmore, Hy. R. Whitney, Chas. Woods, John L. Young, John W. FOURTH REGIMENT, UNITED STATES RESERVE CORPS, MISSOURI VOLUNTEERS, mustered May 8, under President Lincoln's Order of April 30, with eleven Companies, chiefly from the immediate neighborhood of Franklin avenue, by electing B. Gratz Brown Colonel and establish- ing an Armory and Headquarters at Uhrig's Cave, southwest corner of Washington and Jefferson avenues. On May 10 it held the north- eastern approaches of town to Camp Jackson. In June and July it secured the route, via Rolla, to the Southwest, where transports had to provision the Army over 120 miles of wagon road. The Regiment met Sigel on his retreat from Carthage to Springfield at Mount Ver- non. Of the 11 Companies of the Regiment, one was composed almost entirely of Americans, and one of Frenchmen ; of the entire body 75 per cent were Germans. Mustered out at the expiration of service in August, six Companies reorganized for the Reserve Service in September, under Lieutenant Colonel John H. Herder, but were already, in January, 1862, consol- idated with the Eighteenth Missouri Volunteers. The Regiment mustered for the Three Months' Service 1,014 men. FIELD AND STAFF. B. Gratz Brown, Colonel Wm. H. Koch, Assistant Surgeon Rudolph Wesseling, Lt. Colonel B. M. Joel, Quartermaster Sergeant Samuel B. Shaw, Major Edward Schultz, Commissary Sergeant George Kaufbold, Adjutant Fred-- A. M. Maschmeyer, Sergeant John C. Vogel, Quartermaster Major Jacques Ravold, Surgeon John Schnell, Musician/ Wm. F. Diedrich, Musician 452 Fourth Regiment, U. S. Reserve Corps, Mo. I'oL 453 COMPANY A. Charles E. Adams, Captain Geo. Kaufbold, 1st Lieutenant Geo. Calvert, 2d Lieutenant Frederick Doering, 1st Sergeant Paul Rohr, Sergeant E. B. Beyer, Sergeant James Getty, Sergeant Thomas Wilk, Corporal John J. Sutter, Corporal Samuel H. Titus, Corporal Conrad Andreas, Corporal Albertis, Charles Andre, Geo. H. Bachman, Wm. L. Becker, Phillip Bohe, Adam Hohlman, August Bohlman, Charles Born, George Bope, Richard Borkelsberger, Herman Breltomen, Stephen Brissick, Henry Christman, Bernard Dailey, John Deutelmoser, Adolph Dugan, Charles Kbett, Joseph Kckstein, George Ewig, Conrad Fennerbach, Jos. Fischer, Frederick Fischer, Henry Floreich, Philip Fury, Michael Galvin, Alexander Gartland, Thomas Gelhard, George Gerdelman, Rudolph Gerhardt, Wm. Privates. Gerkin, Clement Guth, Louis Halson, Oliver Hartwig, Gustav Hasse, Wm. Hermann, John Herming, Lorenz Herzog, Edward Hoffmann, Frederick Ichtertz, John Jurgen, Philip Kane, Alexander Kinmean, Robert Kritzinger, Herman Krulich, David Kyler, George Lang, Peter liiepkin, Louis I udwig, Conrad j\IcArten, Daniel Manheim, Joel Mannewall, Charles Mare, .Tohn Merk, Pius Morton, John Morton John J. Nink, Andre Norteman, Louis Norton, Kennedy Offenstein, Adam M. Palmer, Charles Peter, Phillip C. Plitte, Gustav Ramer, William Reichsteiger, Henry Reihn, Zepherino Renns, Samuel J. Rick, Louis Riley, William Rumler, Adam Rumler, Peter Runs, Joseph B. Sauer, John Schaeffer, Joseph Scharp, Joseph Schenk, Henry Schuetz, Charles Schuetz, Christian Serigel, Wm. Smithaus, John Steininger, John G. Thompson. Jam^v Tower, Joel Is. Voges, Henry Zell, George Ziel, Wm. 454 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY B. Alex. G. Hequembourg, Captain Louis Sctinell, 1st Lieutenant Charles Schnell, 2d Lieutenant Cliarles A. Meyer, 1st Sergeant Robert Oliver, Sergeant Wm. H. Souerby, Sergeant H. Scharringhausen, Sergeant Wm. Drezer, Sergeant August Overbeck, Corpoi-al Henry Beckmeier, Corporal Nicolas Meyer, Corporal Chas. Osburg, Corporal Ackermann, Jobn Appelbaum, John Balmer, Charles Bauer, Godfried Barding, Robert Begelsacher, August Bergmann, Herman Blanke, August Boiling, Rudolph Brecker, Frederick Bredemeyer, Chas. Brockrick, Frederick Buecher, Frederick Bunnemann, Charles Christen, Frank Christensen, Christian Crawshaw, Joseph Drescher, Wm. Dressier, Henry Dressier, Wm. Egbert, Charles Engler, Charles Fischer, Andreas Geistlich, Caspar Gorden, Henry Gusselman, Wm. Hayesdorf, Charles Hazmack, Jacob Heifers, Henry Hermann, Edward Hermann, George Privates. Herr, Mat. Jones, Reiser H. Kimbermann, Edw. Kleingrus, Theodor Koch, John Kossick, Wm. Kramer, John Kruegar, Christian Kruegar, Edward Langhorst, Henry Lasar, Hy. S. Lum, Joseph Maguire, Peter Maritz, Frederick Mathieu, Joseph Meise, John F. Mezer, Albert Mullenfield, Wm. Nenedeck, Charles Oberle, Conrad Osburne, Moses Ottring, John Pfeil, Jacob Reahing, Charles Reck, George Rein, John Reit, Mathias Renner, Joseph Reopen, Bernhardt Rezan, Michael Riecht, George Rumph, Henry Sagerhorn, Diedrich Schaeffer, Charles Schall, Joseph Schatt, John Schmarz, Ferdinand Schmirot, Godfried Schwarz, Charles Schwer, Wm. Sickman, Henry Sieling, Hermann Siglinger, John Siler, Phillip Spechs, Henry Spengler, John Steinkamp, Wm. Steppelwirth, John Stolte, Henry Storch, John Strauberg, Henry Stuckman, Charles Thiekmeyer, Christ. Tunnelle, John Turk, Bernhardt Vanbrock, Hermann Voelker, Frederick Wagman. Henry Welte, Jacob Wilhelm, Andreas Wilson, Edwin Fourth Regiment, U. S. Reserve Corps, Mo. Vol. 455 COMPANY C. John F. W. Gehner, Captain Julius W. Koch, 1st Lieutenant Louis Reicholz, 2d Lieutenant Adolph Graser, 1st Sergeant Louis Friedburg, Sergeant August Zimmer, Sergeant Rudolph Schmieding, Sergeant Theodore Wippern, Corporal Henry Sutemeyer, Corporal Geo. Trorlicht, Corporal Fred Schmidt, Jr., Corporal Wm. G. Diederich, Musician Henry Foelsing, Musician Ande, D. C. Arnold, Chas. Earth, G. Wm. Bauman, Christof Beechtuft, Alexander Bechtufft, Fred. W. Bieg, Valentine Bird, Louis Bornecker, Joseph L. Bosh, Emil Brand, Wm. Bresch, Charles Brode, August Bruening, August Budke, Conrad Bull, John Christman, Julius Diedrichs, Henry Druiding, Henry Dunker, Henry Emminghausen, Theo. Fischer, Herman Fleck, John Presel, Herman H. Gehner, John F. W., Jr. Geiss, Christ. Gersel, Siegfried Griesedick, Frank Hahn, Alexander Privates. Hapstedt, John ' Hemm, Peter Hempinger, Chas. Henzing, Hy. Hellmer, Henry Holthaus Kellmann, Otto Klaus, Rudolph Klein, Frederick Kniederscheck, Thomas Kortkamp, Edward Maestens, Herman G. Mathias, Adolph Mauch, Henry Medlar, Martin Merkel, Ernst Meyer, Fred. W. Meyer, Henry Millenghausen, Aug. Mueller, Tonger W. Niehaus, Frank H. Osburg, Louis Persbacher, Fritz Pfeifer, Theodore Peiper, Leop. Roerig, Fritz Rosemann, Fritz Sanders, Wm. Sandewein, Martin Schlag, Bernhard Schlicht, August Schmidt, Fred. Schmidt, Julius Seckler, John Sefert, Henry Sorgenfrey, Henry Stecker, Joseph Steidemann, Martin Steinbrugge, Conrad Steinwender, Gustav Steinwender, Hermann Stoehr, Louis Suhre, Fred W. Tebbe, John H. Timken, Henry Trauernicht, Fred. C. Trorlicht, Bernard Uffman, Aug. E. Valendy, Aug. Valkened, John Wagner, Henry Wenzel, Adam Wielandy, John Wilcke, Henry Witte, Fritz A. Woermer, Louis W. 456 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY D. Louis Schneider, Captain Christopher Winlile, 1st Lieutenant John A. Bremsler, 2d Lieutenant John Hilmer, 1st Sergeant Gerhart H. Stockhoff, Sergeant Robert Fenstel, Sergeant Phillip Heick, Sergeant Charles F. Schultze, Corporal Fridolin Neef, Corporal Henry Kellmer, Corporal Peter Theis, Corporal John Treck, Musician Aug. Essner, Musician Ahlert, Henry Ahrens, Chas. Armbruster, Jas. Beckerle, Mathew Beneke, Herman Bertsch, Augustus Binder, Henry Brueggemann, Aug. Budde, Herman Bushman, Henry Cordes, Gottiried Dickhoener, Wm. H. Doerr, Fred. Dorn, Andrew Erbe, Phillip Frogge, Fred. Frohard, H. C. Fiene, William Fishel, Fred Fisher, Ernst Fuene, Henry Germer, Fred Gipperich, James Goldstein, Robert Graefe, Michael Gutman, Martin Privates. Hanrath, Henry G. Hartman, David Hauck, Julius Hild, James Hirsch, Fred. Hock, Joseph Hussman, Francis, Sr. Hussman, Francis, Jr. Joachim, Jacob Kemp, Michael A. Klages, Gustav C. W. Kober, George Koenig, John Lahman, Fred. Leyh, George H. Meier, Herman H. Montague, Victor Miieller, Jacob Muessler, Rudolph Neimann, Christopher Oberwenter, Phillip Paskilowitz, Stanislaus Past, Frederick Perter, Chas. Peters, Henry Poelting, Wm. Rail, Christopher Raller, Fred Ranch, George Reidel, Valentine Rothgang, Gottfried Rueppel, Charles Saegel, Louis Schale, John G. Scharnhorst, Fred Schlosser, James Schuchard, Godfried Schumacher, Hy. Seifried, Jacob Siever, Wm. Struebe, Louis Thoene, HemT Troll, Henry Uhlhomm, Hy. F. Waldman, Valentine Wedig, Henry Wehrman, Fred Wendschil, George Wiesehahn, Wm. G. Wolff, Henry Fred. Ziefle, John Tlie Uiuv)i Cause in Si. Louis in 1801. 457 COMPANY E. Charles Zimmer, Captain John Schenkel, 1st Lieutenant H. Obermueller, 2d Lieutenant Gustav Gest, 1st Sergeant Gerhard Sj;hneider, Sergeant Jacob Greenewald, Sergeant William Kelhoff, Sergeant Jacob Greenewald, Jr., Corporal Frederick Hirsch, Corporal John Beeknemann, Corporal Fred Busing, Corporal Louis Mockel, Musician Chas. J. Rithes, Musician Archenbacker, Wm. Ackermann, Emanuel Baxsold, Max Beekemann, Fred Beekemann, Brand, Johann Brinkman, Fred Brooke, Henry Buhler, Arnold Conzelmann, John Claus, George Dang, Adam Danz, Joseph Droge, Hermann Eiken, Fred Emsichler, August Fideldey, George Fischer, Casper Fischer, Charles Green, Henry Gildehaus, Henry Haag, William Haase, Fred Hacke, Louis Hassebaum, Fred Hasselmann, Charles Henmann, Herman Hensick, Adam Hermann, Gerhardt Privates. Hillmann, Wm. Hillsick, August Hirsch, George Hummert, Hy. Jaeger, Michael Joos, William Kessler, John Kicker, Fred Klndermann, Hermann King, Anton Kinke, John Klaus, Henry Kloren, Fred Kramer, William Kreckel, i^ouis Krein, Francis Kriegman, Rudolph Lang, Joseph T^ang. Josepn Ijeimkuehler, Francis Leimkuehler, Hy. Leyler. George Lohman, Chas. Lorsch, John Luffler, Gebhard Mahs, Peter Manken, .John B. IMeier, John Meyer, Henry Meyer, Louis .Meyer, Simon Moenminges, Mueller, Christian Obermueller, Fred Opimus, Henry Papse, John Ratt, Bernhard Rase, Bernhard Rookenbach, Michael Schabe, Henry Schilling, Fritz Schlottman, Hy. Schmidt, John Schmuck, Ferdinand Schneider, George Schott, George Sieber, Fred Spilken, William Stamni, Balthazar Timmermann, Christ. Valliand, John Wasmuth, Fred. Weldemeyer, Henry Wicke, John Wiecke, William Woener, George Woener, William 458 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY F. Peter Helle, Captain Jacob Jung, Sergeant Valentine Merzweiler, 1st Lieutenant Nicolas King, Corporal Charles F. Knoll, 2d Lieutenant Louis Voss, 1st Sergeant George J. Weigel, Sergeant Gustav Benrig, Sergeant Henry Hahnmueller, Corporal John Jung, Corporal Carl Dellerman, Corporal John Schnell, Musician Charles Schellinger, Musician Albrant, Steppant Beehrdt, Frank Bertenstein, Louis Berwlg, Geo. P. Broechel, August Christman, Andreas Claus, Nicolas Demkes, Lamert Dettmann, Gustave Diel, Christian Diel, John Doerr, George Esmus, Nicolas Feuerbach, John Fegbiel, Henry Gillmer, John Glass, John Guede, Henry Hacker, John Hartmann, Frank Hellenbach, John Hess, Nicolas Home, Joseph Kannell, Peter Privates. Keth, Jacob Klein, Louis Klemm, Fred W. Koch, Charles Kraft, Adolph Kuhn, John Meyer, Peter Mueller, Martin Nicolas, Joseph Ohme, William Peters, Christian Portmann, August Raacke, Ferdinand Rachel, Frederick Reelig, John Reinert, John Reinstaedler, John Reitz, Lorenz Ries, Fritz Rolfing, Fred. W. Ruebel, Michael Ruedemeyer, Christ. Ruloff, Mathias Samner, Ferdinand Satt, John Schaeffer, Louis Scheman, Herman Schmoll, George Scholer, John Schubert, George Schumber, Peter Schwagul, Jacob Sopp, Andrew Steinhoff, August Sumpf, Frederick Triebel, Henry Tuenberg, Fred Voelker, John Weitzel, Waltz, Conrad Weltler, Wm. Wessling, George Wiegand, William Wilcke, Jacob Wilde, Julius Witte, Henry Wolfmeyer, Gerhard Fourth Regiment, U. S. Reserve Corps, Mo. Vol. 459 COMPANY G. John H. Diecher, Captain Casper Kopp, 1st Lieutenant Montague S. Ilasse, 2d Lieutenant F. W. Gieselmann, 1st Sergeant Caspar Hatlo, Sergeant Albert Buescher, Sergeant Charles Soecker, Corporal Henry Wolfmeyer. Corporal Henry Eppmeier, Corporal Christoph Peters, Corporal Casper Woerheide, Musician Beckman, Ed. Berbmann, Aug. Bloebaum, Aug. Boese, Reinhard Bohmenkamp, Gottlieb Bohmcr, Charles Bokamper. Fred Brockman, Fred Brund, Henry Brunsman, Ernst Budde, Henry Docke, Charles Doepke, Ernst Doepke, Henry Drane, Henry Eggert, Henry Engelmann, Herman Evers, William Evert, William Feuerborn, Wm. Fleischman, Chas. Gehring, Wm. Gruen, Charles Hafmeister, Chas. Hagemeyer, William Hannebaum, Fi'anz Harland, George Hassemeyer, Adam Hatte, Frederick Priimtes. Held, Jacob Heidbreder, Fred Heidemann, Henry Helmkamp, Henry Hesse, George Hinnenthal, Henry Hinricks, Frank Kaup, Fred Keisker, Ernst Kenning, Francis Klusman, Ernst Knichmeyer. August Knichmeyer, Charles Koenigkraemer, Henry Konnemann, Henry Koke, Wiliam Kraemer, Charles Krumwiele, Frea Kunsemueller, Fritz Lanmann, Fred Linnemeyer, Rudolph Lochmeller, Fritz Luecking, Fred Meyer, Fred Meyer, :\Iueller, Wm. H. Municke, Henry Nagel, John Xolte, Christian Nordbrock, John Placke, August Plattner, John Puis, Chas. Half, Gottlieb Kane, Christian Roinecke, John Rippe, Charles Ritter, August Rodermund, Henry Ruemler, Christ Rummler, Alexander Schneeck, Hermann Schorfheide, Hermann Schubert, Chas. Siekmann, Wm. Stabl, Joseph Upmann, Chas. ' Vogel, Christian Waldecker, Christian Werz, Henry Westhold, Henry Wetterau, John Wilke, Frank Wilke, T William Wilken, Aug. Woerheide, Henry Wolfmeyer, Wiliam 460 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY H. William Heyl, Captain Bernhard Loeblein, 1st Lieutenant John M. Render,- 2d Lieutenant George H. Frank, 1st Sergeant Samuel Smith, Sergeant Alexander Schnurr, Sergeant Henry Meinhardt, Corporal Christian Wildesen, Corporal Frank Bohrm, Corporal George Koecheig, Corporal Apprederis, Emil Bechter, Casimir Beims, Frederick Berger, Charles Beymohr, John Buehler, William Dansch, Frank Dhiemann, Casper Duckstine, Henry Duel, Henry Erdschlag, Henry Frank, Henry Gaubatz, Fritz Grafe, Herman Held, Henry Henge, Henry Herold, Charles Heyd, Henry Huseman, Herman Ihrach, Frederick Privates. Kaiser, Henry _ Kerzinger, Francis Klein, Sebastian Kleinhaus, Leonhard Koehler, Louis Koehnemann, Fred Kollman, Henry Lambert, Henry Lentewith, Wm. Meier, John B. Menninger, Chas. Mowton, Louis Newkamp, Edward Obernear, Wm. Ockel, August Pabst, Wm. Pale, Frank Reibel, George Reinecke, Hermann Ryder, James Sander, Jacob Schaeffer, Wm. Schilling, John Schrader, August Schrader, George Storbeck, Chas. Strich, Henry Striecher, Leo Trost, Christoph Varnhold, Fritz Vierheller, Adam Volz, Christian Vossick, Henry Walter, Geo. Warters, Peter W^oisel, Frank Wischmeier, Charles Wolfers, Bernhard Fourth Regiment, U. S. Reserve Corps, Mo. Vol. 401 COMPANY I. Wm. C. Jones, Captain John H. Stephens, 1st Lieutenant John H. Hohlman, 2cl Lieutenant N. Everett Horton, 1st Sergeant Isaac Balnier, Sergeant W. H. Stephens, Sergeant James C. Jones, Sergeant Geo. W. Ellonhead, Corporal Harvey S. Page, Corporal John Mehagan, Corporal James W. Pickup, Corporal Wm. Mathews, Musician James Mather, Musician Anderson, George Atkinson, James Bassett, Alfred Bird, Geo. M. Bowman, Chas. H. Bruce, Elias V. B. Burroughs, John Butts, Wm. A. Cahor, John Cannon, Chas. P. Cheney, Cyrus F. Compton, Geo. Constable, Nathaniel Crouch, Geo. W. Crowell, Benj. F. Delaplain, Wm. P. Delviny, John Erhardt, Frederick Estel. Martin Fahn, Hermann Ferrest, Peter Feuerborn, John H. Flynn, Thomas Froecke, Joseph C. Gissiker, Fred Gleason, Geo. F. Goode, W. I. Goss, John Hamilton, Thomas Hartman, John Privates. Harvey, Benjamin Hendry, Edward Hendry, Elihu E. Hendry, Wm. J. Herman, Charles Himstedt, Conrad Hosicke, Manuel M. Houston, Charles Hubbel, Monroe Jasper, John Johnson, Robert B. Kaeshofer, John Kayser, Cornelius Kayser, Peter D. Kennedy, Thomas Ketraus, Thomas Kilpatrick, Wm. Klegis, Henry Kleine, Leonard Kurz, Ferdinand Kurz, Henry Laurence, Edward Loner gan, Wm. Loyd, Samuel W. McClusky, Hy. McDonald, Austin McKinley, Thomas McLain, George McManus, John McMillan, Wm. Macke, Phillip Malone, Edward Malone, Luke Marling, Jacob Meinke, John O'Brien, Patrick Pheley, Isaac Pierce, Wm. W. Roach, Dan D. Rourke, Wm. Schneider, Adam Schneider, Peter Seymour, Geo. W. Smith, Thomas Sommers, Lymon C. Stoddard, David W. Sweeney, Martin R. Sweeney, Wm. H. Talbot, Jorel Z. Trafton, Lysander B. Ubrich, Christian Van Deizer, Albert S. Webster, Joseph H. Wilson, Samuel O. Wingert, Joseph E. Whitton, James Wood, Horatio D. Young, John 462 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY K. Charles Osburg, Captain Julius Glade, 1st Lieutenant Henry Kleeman, Lieutenant Edward Schulz, Lieutenant John D. Torlina, 1st Sergeant Henry Schaepperkotter, Sergeant Henry Brandes, Sergeant John Wolf, Sergeant Wm. Noark, Corporal Fred Kayser, Corporal Fred Farhold, Corporal Charles Mueller, Corporal Albermeyer, Fred Ande, Charles Bargstedt, John H. Behrman, iMartin Bendorf, Hy. Blancke, Hy. Bleeckbaum, Chas. Bovemmermann, Hy. Brinckman, Christ Brockman, John Buchartring, Louis Burgdorf, Christian Deckert, Adam Deickles, Fred Demme, Adam Dolde, John Ehlmann, Dietrich Eskmeyer, Henry Funck, Ernst Giesecke, Chas. Hausschild, Chas. Heber, Francis Heber, Henry Heisner, Fred B. Henning, Francis Privates. Hunger, Hermann Imgrund, Herman Kethe, Henry Klett, Gottlieb Kluls, August Koch, Henry Koring, Wm. Kortes, Nicolas Kramer, Henry Krohne, Fred Kumpt, Peter Lammering, Rud. Mail, Frederick Melczer, Julius Merten, Henry Mette, Aug. Meyer, Henry Meyer, Henry H. Meyer, John J. Mueller, Herman H. Nast, Frederick Neff, John Neuberth, Charles Niehoff, Casper Nolte, Jos. B. Ochtebeck, Daniel Reis, George Reublinger, Dowie Richards, Charles Schmutter, Henry Schnute, Ernst L. Schorteke, Henry Schultz, August Schwartz, George Sohrkamp, Christian Specht, Michael Steetner, Peter Steinraef, John Steinrauch, Balsar Steinrauch, Louis Strassheim, Jacob Voss, Fred Weideler, Henry Weitkamp, Fred Weiman, Henry AVeitz, Stephen Wichaude, John Wietz, Caspar Wittenkamp, Jacob Wortmann, Henry Fourth Regiment, U. S. Reserve Corps, Mo. Vol. 4(53 COMPANY L. Louis Loos, Captain Christian Heilweck, 1st Lieutenant Charles Guerine, 2d Lieutenant Roland Hirsenbach, 1st Sergeant Hermann Moos, Sergeant John Wetzstein, Sergeant Louis Gellett, Sergeant Emil Bohn, Corporal Charles Messner, Corporal George Sauerbei, Corporal Wm. Belzer, Corporal Banez, Geo. Barbet, Pierce Belschens,. Adam Bird, Wm. Blaise, Gaspard Bremer, Andreas Burla, Pierce Caspar, Nicolas Castellon, Louis Cigrand, Peter Clades, Jules Coffe, Vincent Degois, Nicolas Duerch, Pierce Duhammel, Jean Fagins, Alexander Favervian, Pierre Fetle, Joshua Finoh, Jean Foehr, Johann Gelzer, Johann Privates. Guillard, Antoine Hook, Andrew Isele, Thomas Kales, Josepn Kreemuth, Louis Kroff, George Kuehre, Ernst Lautstruth, Wm. Lavah, Jean Lecontour, Hypolite Lehoag, Michael Leopold, Nicolas Loble, August Loiseau, Joseph Loiseau, Marcel Luft, Henry Mathias, Ferdinand Meier, Wendelin Mercudier, Benjamin Merringney, Francis Mesnier, Charles Meswand, Francis Meyer, Louis Muschling, Joachim Paste, Antoine Perria, Jean Picard, Victor Poireh, Alexis Ramband, Louis Revoire, Francis Reynard, Charles Reynard, Paul Rertry, August Rock, George Rossbach, charles Sainton, Felix Salariner, Noel Sauree, Arsine Souping, Mathieu Spach, Polasius Vogt, Theo. Wich, Paul FIFTH REGIMENT, UNITED STATES RESERVE CORPS, MISSOURI VOLUNTEERS, organized under President Lincoln's Order of April 30, for home service, the men living chiefly in the old Tenth Ward of St. Louis, which included the northwestern part of the city ; they elected Chas. G. Stifel Colonel and established their Armory and Headquarters at his brewery on Eighteenth and Howard streets. The Regiment mustered into service May 11 and on returning from the Arsenal was attacked by a mob on corner of Walnut and Broadway; shots were exchanged and a number of men lost their lives. In June three Companies went to Jefferson City to guard the Penitentiary and to escort provisions to Lyon's Army at Boonville, from where the whole Regiment took up a steamboat scouting service up the Missouri River; it helped to fortify Lexington, organized Home Guard Com- panies for its defense, secured arms from Fort Leavenworth and routed Secession bands along the river. Returning to St. Louis, the Regiment was mustered out at the end of August; seven Companies of it reorganized for home service in September, under Lieutenant Colonel John Jacob Fischer, were consolidated with other troops, retaining the privileges of the Reserve Service ; of the original Regi- ment 83 per cent were Germans, 14 per cent Americans. The Three- Months' Regiment mustered 1,130 men. FIELD AND STAFF. Charles G. Stifel, Colonel Rudolph Doehn, Chaplain Robert White, Lt. Colonel Caspar Bachner, Leader of Band John J. Fisher, Major Basilius Ruthard, Leader of Band John K. Cummings, Adjutant John Kupferle, Sergeant Major John B. Mears, Quartermaster James K. Hall, Quartermaster Ser- Adalbert Gemmer, Surgeon geant Wm. Drechsler, Assistant Surgeon William Leffmann, Commissary Sergeant 464 Fifth Regiment, U. S. Reserve Corps, Mo. Vol. 465 COMPANY A. Ernst W. Steinmann, Captain Wm. Obermeyer, Sergeant Henry Wilke (Wilks), 1st LieutenantCharles Salamon, Sergeant Otto Grassmer, 2d Lieutenant Friederich Kemper, Corporal Frederick Siefker, 1st Sergeant Valentine Koenig, Corporal John Holland, Sergeant Ernst Eschraann, Corporal George Koch, Sergeant William Kirby, IMusician George Rubelmann, Sergeant William Weinbieth, Musician John Ackermann, Artificer Alexander, Jacob AUer, Christian Baumann, Wm. Beckmann, August Bergmann, Wm. Binenger, Henry Boeschen, Herman Bohn, August Brocke, Charles Brocke, Edward Broer, Conrad Broemmelsich, Fred Conrades, Jacob Cramer, Adam Denper, John A. Deppe, Henry Dewein, George Dickmann, Frederick Dillong, Cornelius Donnerberg, Frederick Frahlmann. Henry Frohrmann, Hy. Gauger, Jacob Gespuhl, Andreas Gestring, Charles Greiner, Moritz Grieser, Xavier Hahn, William Heidemann, Hermann Hemen, Henry Hensted, Conrad Hensel, August Hoevel, Henry Hoffmann, David Privates. Hospes, Richard Kasten, Charles Kertzel, Wm. Kinkmeyer, Hy. Kleeman, Charles Klokenbrink, Ernst Krauss, Charles Kupferle, John Kurfinke, Wm. Ladenberger, Charles Leidner, Phillip Lindhorst, Henry Lueking, Henry Marx, Frederick Mathias, Wm. Mertz, David Meyer, Bernard Meyer, Charles Meyer, Charles N. Meyer, William Michael, August Michael, Frederick Milgest, Ernst Millage, Christoph Miller, Charles Moeller, John F. I\Iudler, Schwethart ^Mueller, John Neiber, Frederick Pars, Frederick Peter, Christian Plenger, Adolph H. Plenger, Wm. Poos, Wm. Protzmann, Wm. Rehkamp, Henry Remmelkamp, Rudolph Ringeling, Charles Roehl, Fred. W. Ruhland, Wm. Schade, Gottfried Schaeffer, Henry Scheele, Gottlieb Schenkfeir, Louis Schlingmann, Fred Schlingmann, Henry L Schlingmann, Henry IL Schlueter, Charles Schmidt, August Schwoepper, William Seeklouberg, Moritz Seidler, Fred R. Sessinghaus, Gustav Sessinghaus, Theodore Sessinghaus, William Seupberg, Justus Sommerfruechte, D. Steinbruege, Fred Stiffen, Dietrich Stockhaus, Wm. Sulz, John Uhlmeyer, Wm. Vornberg, George Wagner, John Wagner, Louis Wehmeyer, Henry Weiser, Henry Wise, Christian 30 466 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY B. Julius Krusch, Captain George Dietrich, 1st Lieutenant Fred Fortliman, 2d Lieutenant Hartman Moeller, 1st Sergeant Henry Mulfemeier, Sergeant Fred Baumhoefer, Sergeant Francis Boeding, Sergeant William Witthoeft, Corpoi-al John Lieberau, Corporal Wm. Thorever, Corporal Christian Schoenhardt, Corporal Peter Verhorst, Musician Bernhardt, Walter, Musician Althorn, William Altmeier, Herman Bartels, Fred Bellerson, Henry Beste, Gottlieb Bockstiegel, John Borgenkamp, Hy. Brandt, William Buckruman, William Buetner, Henry Cordes, Louis Crallman, Casper Culman, Henry Eneke, Bernhard Fleer, Caspar Fueser, Phillip Gerding, Fred Gerspacker, Mazoe M. Gethardt, Robert Hackman, Fred Hackman, Henry Harding, Wm. Hassebrock, George Hayemann, Wm. Helmkamp, Wm. Henger, Wm. Herdeman, Henry Herdeman, Herman Heuerman, Henry Heuerman, Wm. Heyde, Herman Hoberg, Fred Hoffman, Andrew Privates. Kamp, Fred Kassing, Herman Klein, Christian Klingmeier, Hy. Klute, Rudolph Kombrink, Wm. Kralemann, Wm. Kronsbein, Jacob Lange, Henry Latthalm, Fred Liepold, Wm. Lindhorsty Wm. Luderwink, Rudolph Mehrnert, Hy. Meier, Albert Meier, Ernst Meier, Fred I. Meier, Fred 11. Mertz, Fred Mester, Fred Muckermann, Hy. Niemueller, Fred i'apenbrock, Fred Paser, Wm. Passe, Christian Pilgrimm, Hy. Pohlmann, Caspar Rabeneck, Christ. Rake, Fred Rauschenbach, Christ. Roedicker, Wm. Rose, Henry Sandrock, Gustav Schleef, Hy. Schloemermann, Her. Schlueter, Hy. Schlute, Francis Schlueter, Louis Schneider, Andrew Schnellbacher, Phillip Schuepzles, Herman Schwendt, Joseph Soeker, Bernhardt Stochner, Fred Stodeck, Charles Strothman, Hy. Sudhoelter, Henry Thein, Henry Tieman, Fred Tiepel, Francis Tilker, Zacharias Tilling, Charles Van Steenwygh, Wm. Vogel, Fred Vogelsang, Henry Vogt, Casper Volmer, Henry Vostler, Michael Wellmeier, John Wenz, John Westerheide, August Wetzel, Conrad Whiltcock, Wm. Witthus, Fred Wuekoff, Adolph Zurninhem, Henry Fifth Regiment, U. S. Reserve Corps, Mo. Vol. 467 COMPANY C. Augustus Thorwald, Captain Louis Brinker, Sergeant Hermann Schuh, 1st Lieutenant Henry Wiese, Corporal Frank Lohmann, 1st Lieutenant Frederick Bergman, Corporal Bernhard Weingaertner, 2d Lieutenant.Clemenoe Schwarzkopf, Corporal Gustavus Pons, 1st Sergeant Peter Eisenstrauth, Corporal Frederick Wedel, Sergeant Phillip Koch, Musician John Helms, Sergeant Gustav Fiedler, Musician Edward Gotsch, Musician Acmis, Frederich Barkhoefer, Fred Baumann, Jacob Bellmann, Henry- Block, Frederick Bollogh, Hy. Boy, Ludwig Bruggemann, Adolph Bucher, Francis Deiken, Herman Dreher, Charles Dunken, Frederick Fangmann, Dietrich Fisher, Hoppert Flasskemper, Louis Frentel, Henry Fromhold, August Gartner, William Gesloff, William Gimicke, Christian Grauber, Ernest Hamepeter, Fred Harsh, Frank Hartmann, IMichel Hause, John Henning, Heinrich Hermann, Fred Hermann, Mathias Kallenhaus, Wm. Kirsch, Frederick Kobold, Frederick Koenig, Jacob Privates. Kolman, Peter Kraushaar, Adam Krieger, Frederick Krooflenberg, Dietrich Kuhne, Henry Lambrecht, Anton Laueberg, August Laubrecht, Francis Leopold, IMathias Lippelmanns, John Maisch, Joseph May, Frederick Mayer, Henry Mebus, Charles Meinhold, Frederick Middendorf, Henry Miller, Henry Moepps, Johann Morgraff, FYancis Mueller, Bernhard Nagel, Henry Neff, Frangall Neupert, Adam Noise, Henry Pleaker, Louis Ruff, Andreas Ruttratter, Wm. Salmon, Gustav Salmon, Hermann Sandherr, Henry Sass, Augustus Schaeffer, Henry Scherrick, Hy. Scherry, Christian Schlewing, Gottlieb Schmid, Johann Schmidt, August Schrieck, Julius Sigmund, Louis Spilker, Peter Stein, Johann Stobur. Baptist Stolle, Henry Striseckel, William Strubel, Anton Thins, August Vass, Henry Vette, Wm. Vogt, Joseph Weidmann, Henry Weingartner, Bernhard Weischaum, Wm. Welp, Henry Werth, Anton Wessel. Henry Wesselkamp, Joseph Windhorst. Henry Windhorst, Wm. Windmeyer, Frederick Winkelmeyer, Wirikelmeyer, Henry Winter, Gottlieb Winter, Wm. Wittbrodt, Peter 468 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY D. Robert C. White, Captain Wm S. Herd, Captain Joseph Tallman, 1st Lieutenant Wm. S. Robinson, 2d Lieutenant Richard Branch, 2d Lieutenant James E. Love, 1st Sergeant Edward M. Taylor, Sergeant Augustus W. Grote, Sergeant Charles William H. Ruthoelp, Sergeant John K. Cummings, Sergeant Sam K. Hall, Sergeant John Cook, Corporal Michael Doyle, Corporal John N. Rollins, Corporal Augustus Keyte, Corporal Howard S. Harbough, Musician Pittman, Musician Astor, William Baillie, James Baillie, John C. Banta, Albert Bocke, Augustus Boerning, Gerhard Boerning, Michael Brazzelton, Isaac Brown, Richard Burnett, Elisha Bussa, Ignatz Carlan, Hugh Carroll, John Cohen, Robert P. Conroy, John H. Cousland, Geo. Cross, Andrew Dixon, Hy. Dreese, Henry Druse, Theodor Dunnavant, James R. Dutro, Ezekiel L. Eastwood, Thomas Emmich, Jacob Fagg, Patrick Fenlenson, Perry W. Flint, Charles Flynn, Daniel Friedmayer, August Friedmayer, Christian Galliner, James Gibson, Thomas Gilbert, Abraham Glantz, Valentine Gloor, Godfrey Privates. Gon, Manon Gordon, Jackson Gould, Samuel Graham, Nic. H. Green, John Groessling, Charles Groessling, William Gulmore, Nicolas Hagamon, Merrit H. Hagamon, Wm. Hamill, Charles Harte, Charles Helm, Peter Hight, William Howard, James M. Huetson, Frederick Jennings, William H. Jones, Joseph Kepferle, Christian Kobolt, Charles Lewis, John Loudough, Louis Lyon, Edward F. Marschmeyer, Geo. Martin, Geo. Meane, John B. Meyers, Benedict Milton, John Morgan, Charles Morton, William North, William Obernier, Frederick Oestermann, Joseph Outes, Henry Passegote, John Patterson, James M. Price, George Reed, Louis Van '^Reederer George Reinhardt, Godfrey Revoir, Mitchel Reynolds, James W. Ruhr, Frank Schellhammer, Charles Schewe, Ernst Schmidt, Martin Schreiner, Randolph Sipple, Conrad Smith, Jonathan Smith, Samuel W. Southmayd, Andrew J. Spillman, Thomas H. Sterritt, Robt. J. Stohl, John Sudholter, Henry Sweeney, James Taylor, John Tukett, Charles Voss, John Wallace, W. G. Wellmeyer, Francis White, Charles White, John White, Wiliam Wiegan, Casper Williams, Frank Wintling, Jacob Wirt, Geo. L. C. Zorofeter, Hermann Fifth Regiment, U. IS. Reserve Corps, Mo. I'oL 469 COMPANY E. Frederick Wedekind, Captain John Gutberlet, 1st Lieutenant Frederick Barth, 2d Lieutenant John Calomus, 1st Sergeant Daniel Eilers, Sergeant Herman Woerheide, Sergeant Caspar Rolf, Sergeant Joseph Bucher, Corporal Louis Gumner, Corporal Henrj^ Stohlberg, Corporal August Dodt, Corporal Ernst Lueker, Musician Gustave Wedekind, Musician Abelmann, Henry Ahlert, Herman Ahrens, Andreas Asteroth, Herman Bakerfen, Hy. Barthelheimer, Aug. Behmer, Christian Behmer, Henry Beinker, Wm. Bieber, Henry Blase, Frederick Bode, Henry Brommelsick, Fred Buchka, John Budde, Fred Conrad, Xavier Dettmar, Adolph Diehle, Charles Eggert, Frank Elgelkerk, Christian Ellerbrock, William Engel, Martin Fischer, Louis Fishback, Fred Frank, Conrad Fredecker, Hy. Gartner, Gottfried Gartner, Herman Gent, Christian Goerlick, Alfred Goldstein, Henry Gormann, Frederick Hagemeyer, Hy. Hagemeyer, Wm. Privates. Hagenach, Claus R. Hansche, Ernst Hassmann, Ernst Heinzemann, Sebastian Hesse, Zacharias Hilge, William Hoppe, Hy. Horsthalte, Hermann Horstmann, Hy. Hubersmann, Benedict Karsten, Ernst Klein, Frederick Kochbeck, Christopher Kochler, John Koehler, John Kohring, Charles Kohring, John KoUensletter, Theodor Kopp, Adolph Krammer, Wm. Krickeberg, George Kropp, Conrad Loss, Adam F. Lucke, Henry Lunte, William Maneke, Henry Meyer, Florenz W. Meyer, Henry INIiimel, Wm. Muenkemann, Wm. iMueller, Henry Naw, Frederick Oeters, Francis Ostgen, Frederick Paust, Caspar Paust, Henry Peters, Gustavus Peters, Rudolph Prussner, Frederick L Prussner, Frederick IL Piilaw, George Pulaw, Henry Reh, John Rief, John Rolf, Frederick Rolf, Wiliam Ross, John Sachleben, Gerhard F. Saegers, Henry Schneider, Henry Schulenberg, Hermann Schuster, Bernard Sparwasser, Wm. Spoeneman, William Steffen, Christian Steinmann, Henry Strunk, Henry Stuhrmann, Henry Stuhrmann, Rudolph Stutle, Christian Uhm, Peter Uthmann, Wm. Ver forth, Lambert Wassermann, Charles Wehmeyer, August Wittier, Gottlieb Wurst, Peter 470 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY F. John N. Herder, Capialn Frederick Kreuter, 1st Lieutenant Frederick Lubering, 2d Lieutenant Michael Meyer, Sergeant Anton Fahrenholz, Sergeant William Korlan, Sergeant William Ellersick, Sergeant Charles Lauber, Corporal Crist Suckle, Corporal Phillip Johler, Corporal Edward Bitterburg, Corporal Hy. Marske, Musician Arnold Clemens, ]\Iusician Allers, Anton Althoff, John Eachman, Jacob Baitscher, Wm. Barkei, Henry Barlword, Herman Becker, Theobald Beinert, Frederich Bensick, Frederich Bock, William Bockstiegel, Wm. Erehm, John Brinkmeyer, Hy. Brunning, Christ. Busack, Henry Dethoff, John Diddrich, Adolph Drewes, Henry Ebbmeier, Herman Edler, Anton Edler, John Ekerman, John Ellenbrock, Louis Fahrenkoph, Val. Fisher, Frederick Fricke, Henry Gauder, Frederick Giesse, Franz Giesselman, Herman Grieve, John Grundel, Franz Hacke, Herman Privates. Hackel, Charles Hagensicker, Fred Hagensicker, Hy. Hahn, Henry Hahn, Jacob Heim, George Heimbrockel, John Hellering, Hy. Hellman, John Herkenhoff, Wm. Hillerich, Adam Hoeppener, Henry Holyhauer, Phil. Homemeier, Henry Hullinghorst, Henry Plullinghorst, Wm. Jansen, John Jasper, Franz Kellerman, Wm. Kerles, William Kleinman, Herman Kneler, August Koppelman, Henry Kork, Henry Kracht, Emil Krallman, Hy. Krallman, John Kramme, Frederick Krassing, Henry Krassing, John Kufner, John Kunner, Dietrich Lambrecht, Frederick Lammers, Henry Levin, Frederick Lieberum, Henry Lieberum, Wm. Lithegen, Franz Lohoefener, Herman Luking, Henry McCormick, Owen Maier, Herman Marske, Edward Maura, Phillip Mentz, William Meyer, Charles Montag, Jacob Morr, Joseph Neupert, George Nieberg, Henry Niefind, Peter Niehaus, Charles Niekamp, William Niemeier, Henry Ott, Frederick Paust, Frederick Paust, Herman Pogenmueller, Chas. Reuttinger, Felix Richter, Henry Rohlfing, John Schreiner, Herman Spilker, Valentine Welsh, Frederick Fifth Regiment, U. S. Reserve Corps, Mo. Vol. 471 COMPANY G. Wm. Lorbe, Captain Henry Bohle, 1st Lieutenant Henry Mester, 1st Lieutenant Frederich PoUman, 2d Lieutenant Frank Knoll, Sergeant William Bachmer, Sergeant, Frank Langenberg, Sergeant Frederick Stifter, Sergeant Frederick Kuffendick, Corporal Herman Sahrliage, Corporal Conrad Weckeiser, Corporal Hy. Schollmeyer, Corporal Hy . Hoy er,^ 3ll.s'i:iAft« ^- Pf^ti,« ' Koch, Musician Althoff, Wm. Assenbrink, Wm. Bergsicker, Fred Berrissheim, Leopold Berthold, Aug. Bier, Adolph Biermann, Wm. Boessling, Charles Bohle, Henry Borgmeyer, Frederick Bosse, Charles Burke, Henry Dietz, Gottlieb Ellerbeck, August Erdterugger, Henry Faste, W'illiam Freese, Henry Genge, Henry Gerdelman, Fred Giesecke, Hy. Giesecke, Louis Groebe, Henry Guttering, .Joseph Halig, Henry Haning, August Haupt, Peter - Heckerman, Fred Heeman, Albert Heintzman. Christoph Herdeur, .John Herman, Frank Hoekel, Frederick Privates. Hoener, Frank Hoyer, William Johantosettle, Henry Kamp, Henry Kappelman, Wm. Keimann, Henry Klasterhoff, Wm. Kleemeier, Henry Kleemeier, Wm. Koehe, Frederick Koester, Herman Kropp, Charles Kufner, John Thomas Lanstrath, Hy. Leeker, Henry Lepping, Ferdinand Loescheer, Adolph Maas, Frederick Maser, Henry Meiberth, Frederick Moeller, Charles JNIoeller, Wm. Niedringhaus, Christian Priesmeier, Gottlieb Puhse, Christian Reber, Charles Redecker, Frederick Reder, George Rellmann, Henry Rieckmann, Christian Riemann, Frederick Schapperkoetter, Fred Schapperkoetter, Wm. Schlingman, Wm. Schluter, Henry Schmidt, Henry Schrader, Wm. Schroeder, Frederick Schultz, Louis Schultz, Wm. Schurman, PYed Schurman, Henry Schurmeier, Fred Schweppe, Caspar Stein, .John Steinberg, John Steirman, John Stockmeier, Wm. Stoner, Frank • Strube, Henry Strube, John Sturman, Frederick Temme, Ernst Temme, William Tramps, Charles Tubesing, John Vass, Frank Walkenford, Jacob Weber, Joseph Wenle, William Werthman, Anton Wilker, John Witte, Henry 472 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY H. Charles F. Koch, Captain Gustavus Knoch, 1st Lieutenant John B. Strauch, 2d Lieutenant John B. Hears, 2d Lieutenant Wm. Grassmuck, 1st Sergeant Wolfgang Mirr, Sergeant Nicolas Liernson, Sergeant Bernhard Kramer, Sergeant Anton Joachim, Sergeant Louis Will, Corporal Rudolph Schoenle, Corporal Hermann Eiks, Corporal August Joch, Corporal Andreas Wachter, Musician Fred Lmsell, M'usiCJan Aetchoff, Henry Beckman, Henry Eeinker, L. John Beinker, H. W. Bobell, August Borghoff, Edward Broeckler, Bernhard Bude, Henry Caspohl, Fred Demper, Fred Dreeman, Ire H. Ebler, George Evans, John P. Fink, Jos. Anton Fischer, Fred Fredeking, Wm. Gauding, Henry Gaussman, Bernard Gloor, Henry Hafer, William Hagelweide, Chas. Hannaman, Fred Hoch, Henry Hoerman, David Holthes, Fred Holste, Herman Hucker, Ernst Hucker, Henry Jache, John Joachim, Anton Keil, Adam Knoke, Fred Knoll, Conrad Privates. Koenemann, Fred Koether, Herman Kopetz, Adam Kroener, Fred Kuhs, Louis Lamperseck, Chas. Leabel, George Lohede, Henry Luedeman, Ferdinand Mahr, John Mayer, Mathias P. ]\Iaysack, Martin Menzeroeff, Fred Meyer, Ferdinand Meyer, Fred W. Meyer, George Meyer, John C. Mueller, John Mysing, Fred Obermeyer, Wm. Oseak, Fred Otto, Fred Platz, John Plenge, Dietrich Prasse, John H. Pueskon, Anton Quernheim, Hy. Wm. Ras, John Richman, Fred Richter, August Schaale, John H. Schafering, H. W. Schaper, Henry Schelp, Fred Wm. Scherman, August Schilling, Ernst Schlef, Henry Schlink, Henry Schutte, Hy. W. Schwaneker, August Schwartz, Peter Sickman, Wm. Smith, William Soeltau, Fred Stadick, Henry Staudner, Caspar Steinkamp, Wm. Steitz, Phillip Stieneman, Gerhard Stoppelman, Henry Stratman, Fred Stuedlo, Thomas Tellenhorst, Christian Tellenhorst, John Tiemoro, Herman Tirre, Fred W. Toelke, Peter Tubbesing, Herman Twellman, John H. Uchman, Chas. Waldecker, Christ Wamekeer, Clemens Winkleman, Gottlieb Winkler, Hy. William Winkler, Herman Fifth Regiment, U. S. Reserve Corps, Mo. Vol. 473 COMPANY I. Charles Schoenbeck, Captain Charles Beck, 1st Lieutenant Conrad Miller, 2d Lieutenant Herman Strausmeyer, 1st Sergeant John Heideman, Sergeant Adolph Wilke, Sergeant John Kramer, Sergeant J. H. Heidman, Corporal Henry Mohrman, Corporal Peter Hermminghaus, Corporal Herman Heideman, Corporal August Bieland, Musician Herman Dreiling, Musician Abers, Jorgh Allerdissen, Gottlieb Alsmeyer, Ferdinand Bekes, Francis Bekes, Philip Benedict, Henry Berdenkalter, Louis Bergsicker, Henry Bierman, Gotlieb Brand, Fred Brintits, Henry Damman, William Derling, William Ditmeyer, Lawrence Docktor, Ernst Elgeser, Edward Ernst, William Etzel, Charles Fefferley, Stephen Fischback, Christ Fisher, Jobst Forfel, William Freker, William Gertner, Henry Glitt, William Harnischmacher, Fred. Heideman, Ferd. Heideman, Wm. Heitbreder, John Helmer, Charles Hetlager, Herman Hohnstretter, Francis Privates. Hostman, August Hullinghaus, Henry Joesding, Henry Joesger, Allen Kamp, Reinhard Kampherner, John Kinderman, Charles Kinderman, Wm. Kleine, Fred. Kottlander, Fred Kronsbein, Herman Krude, Fred Kruger, Gottlieb Krukberg, Charles Kullerville, Fred Lange, Herman Ludinghaus, Henry Luke, Henry F. Mauman, John Meinholt, Henry Miller, Louis Misberling, Chas. Portner, Henry Prangs, Francis Regeley, Wendely Keller, Henry Richter, Henry Richter, Julius Rieke, Wm. Rippe, Charles Roemer, Julius Rohn, Christopher Roeppelsey, Joseph Schaeper, Wm. Schaub, Henry Schlef, Fred. Schlef, Herman Schreiber, Wm. Schrepel, Fred. Schroeder, Henry Schulte, Wm. Schultz, Herman Seiber, August Sprick, Conrad Stalle, Fred. Johan Starch, Jorgh Strattelgahan, Herman Surver, August Telles, Henry Tugal, Herman Ullein, Lorenz Ulrich, Clemens Ulrich, Henry Vogel, Joseph Vohlen, Fred. J. Vohner, Henry Wehmeyer, Wm. Weisheir, Jobst Werley, John Winter, Wm. Woeler, Wm. Woerman, Herman Wollbring, Henry 474 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861. COMPANY K. James B. Tannehill, Captain Nic. F. Wolf, 1st Lieutenant Phillip H. Reeger, 2d Lieutenant August Hiambyky, 1st Sergeant Edward F. Wolff, Sergeant Robert Herman, Sergeant Ernst Grasshoff, Sergeant Isaac Russig, Corporal Edward Curt, Corporal Gustav Mollenschlader, Corporal William Neuman, Corporal Wm. Koenig, Musician Henry Messegrades, Musician Ackerman, Geo. Ahrens, Henry E. Aller, Christian Althoff, William Bacherer, Adam Backer, John Barth, John F. Becker, Frank Bergman, Herman Birkenkamp, Henry Bleich, John Bodefeld, Frank Bodenstedt, Fred. Bonnett, John Bottiger, Charles Brosamle, John Bruer, John Dahlof, Samuel Deitz, Jacob Delkskamp, Fred. Delley, Christian Detring, Dietrich Deuback, Henry Dustman, Peter Ellerbeck, Fred Fehr, Henry Felck, Henry Ficken, John Funke, Stephen Gang, Sylvester Geisicke, Christian Gerike, Henry Goris, Nic. Grote, Charles Grumme, Wm. Hasper, Charles L. Privates. Heidechrist, Ernst Heidenrick, John Henig, Adam. Henig, John Hemmeling, Fred Herman, John Hilker, August Hoffman, George Huft'et, Louis Hugelheim, Henry Jauch, Andrew- Just, Andrew Kaseberg, John Keller, Jacob Kline, Christian Kobush, Hy. J. Koch, Ferdinand Koenig, Louis F. Krickmeyer, Henry Kruse, Conrad Kuhn, Louis Kurchhoff, Herman Kusten, Henry Lammermeier, Herm. Lappe, Conrad Lunt, Frank Maas, Phillip Maas, Wm. Maasman, Fred. Neiderhoff, G. Neistrath, Henry Neuman, Aug. Ponte, Isadore Reider, John Rautenstrauch, Hy. Rund, Michael Ryan, IMichael Sandhaus, Charles Schmidt, Charles Schmidt, Fridolin Schmoenkamp, Wm. Schneider, Frank Schorr, John SchuUer, George ^ Seller, Otto Selb, Theodore Sievers, Henry Smidt, Frank Sommers, Andrew Soreng, Herman Spiring, John Steinman, Ernst Stemler, Christ Stiniger, Wm. A. Stobbelworth, Wm. Stort, William Stradtman, Wm. Strieker, Aug. Sunber, Wm. Turin, Louis A. Vogler, George Vogler, John Vogt, Fritz Walter, Frank Werneke, Henry Will, Christopher Withaupt, Frank L. Wolff, John Zumsteg, Jacob Zumsteg, John Zumsteg, Leonard COMPANY B, PACIFIC BATTALION, UNITED STATES RESERVE CORPS. Among the patriotic organizations of St. Louis County, during the Three-Months' Union Service of 1861, was COMPANY B, PACIFIC BATTALION, UNITED STATES RESERVE CORPS, formed at Allenton, being part of the Command of Major Wm. C. Inks of Franklin County. The chief service of the Company was to guard the raih'oad bridges from June 8th to 28th at Fox Creek, and after that date at Glcncoe. The Company made two larger scouts into Jefferson County, infested at the time by the notorious bushwhacker Sam Hilderbrandt. The first of these scouts, under Lieutenant Colonel Holmes, the second, under Captain Robert C. Allen, were undertaken to secure safety to Union people, arrest marauding bands and seize contraband of war. The organization was mustered out of service by Colonel Chester Harding, on September 18th, 1861, re- ceiving a nominal pay of $10, not having been regularly mustered into the LTnited States Service. Officers of the Company Avere : Robert C. Allen, Captain C. L. Brown, Sergeant D. M. Keler, 1st Lieutenant Thomas Thomas, Sergeant F. Wengler, 2d Lieutenant Theo. Logger, Corporal J. T. Ferguson, 1st Sergeant Numon Wood, Corporal Hiram Wood, Sergeant J. C. Cloak, Corporal P. Murphy, Sergeant Wm. C. Wengler, Corporal Privates. Brown, Benjamin Dickets, John Sickman, Kasper Brown, .John Fraze, Emanuel Wasson, John Butterbread, John Fleming, John Wasson, Robert cloak, Wm. K. Hensley, Joshua Wasson, Thompson Clifton, Thomas Hepp, George Westmann, Michael Cochran, John Hinze, Herman Will, David Cochran, Nat. Hoffman, John Williams, Ben DeMire, John Lintz, Arntz Williams, John Dickens, Geo. Mifler, Augustus Willis, Fred Dickens, James Schoemate, Wm. Younger, John Dickens, Wood Note. — The lists of the Artillery Battalion and the Pioneer Company of the Three Months' Service could not be secured with the available facilities and without indefinite delay. 47.3 H 122 80 M '\^ y \ W- ^^--^ . . * ^^^ .4? 0' /» - ^ s" 1-^ o V .^■^ /^ Hq. <'y c o " o ■» ^S"^ ' o • » • ,'\ J^l ^0 V> » • • > e-o'' .,,0' A.-