F 685 
 .P51 
 Copy 1 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 HON. SAMUEL 0. PEYTON, 
 
 OF KENTUCKY, 
 
 ON 
 
 THE KANSAS QUESTION; 
 
 DELIVERED 
 
 IN THE HOr.SE OP REPRESENTATIVES, MARCH 25, J 853. 
 
 *^ 
 
 ■■/>, 
 
 >^_ 
 
 WASHINGTON: 
 MINTED AT THE OFFICE OF THE CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE. 
 
 !858. 
 
k 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 Thfc Houpe heing in the Cf>mmilli'fi of the Whole on tlis 
 ■ialc of the Union — 
 
 Mr. PEYTON said: 
 
 Mr. CHAmMAN: In coming before the corr»mit- 
 lee to-day to present my views upon a quf^stion 
 whicii has boen discussed for many daj's, I labor 
 under considerable embarrassment; but, in what 
 I have to say in regard#to this question, I shall 
 give you my views frankly and candidly, and the 
 reasons why I am in favor of the admission of 
 Kansas under the Lecompton constitution. 
 
 In order to make up a fair and just opinion on 
 this question, it is absoiiiteiy necessary to trace 
 u|) its history and origin; and to take not only the 
 recorded evid(.nce, but the under curient, got from 
 newspaper reports and eonver-sations had with va- 
 rious persons, and bring all in as auxiliary testi- 
 mony. I admit that this question is conyjlicated; 
 that it admits of doubt; and I think that tjieonly 
 way to arrive at a just conclusion in this matter, 
 is to lay aside all party prejudices, and examine 
 It with scrutiny, carefully and honestly. I have 
 no doubt tliat thus we can come, to a just conclu- 
 sion in regard to it. 
 
 Now, sir, ten years apo I was a member of this 
 House. After the passage of the. Missouri com- 
 promise in 1820, peace and tratiquillity were re- 
 stored to the country. But, growing out of the 
 .Mexican war, we had acquired a largo extent of 
 territory. A question then sprang up as lo what 
 <lisposition should be made of that acquisition. 
 The northern men said that no slavery existed in 
 that territory, and that they never would give a 
 rote to extend slavery into territory then free.- 
 The southern men said: "We contributed our 
 share of men and moncy'in the acquisition of tliis 
 territory. , Tiie bones of our sons, v.-ho died to 
 acquire it, now bleach upon the plains of Mex- 
 ico; and we ask to have a ftir participation in its 
 benefits." The North refused; and the gentleman 
 now in the chair, and others around me, well rec- 
 ollect the struggle that followed at the close of 
 Polk's administration. 
 
 That was the .spirit that pervaded the North. 
 
 The southern mei: fv.und out that, although north- 
 ern men were willing to stand shoulder to shoul- 
 der with them and fight the battles of the country, 
 yet, if territory were acquired by their joint blood 
 and treasure, the South would be exeludcd froiw 
 that territory. Then it was that alarm s]->rea<! 
 through the country. The sa<';<- of Ashland and 
 the statesmen of that day came forth from their 
 homes and settled that great question. And how 
 [Was it settled' The Democrats of the North, 
 '', while many of them entertained the opinion that 
 i! Congress had power to pxcludo slavery from thft 
 ■'; Territories, agreed that it was unjust to the South 
 ji to do so; unci they were willing that both souili- 
 !:ern and northern men should go into the Terri- 
 Jl lories, find settle there us friends and neighbors; 
 I 'and, when tlicy camo to form a State goverii- 
 jiment, they .should take the vote, and slavery 
 ; I should be recognized or excluded, according to 
 ^ the will of the majority. Tliat was fair and just. 
 1 1 But no sooner had that biTi ivassed, than there was 
 :' a storm created in the North in opposition to it. 
 il Again, Mr. ChturmL'.rt, in 1854, Congress met; 
 ! and, inasmuch as a portion of that territory v.'hich 
 was governed bv the Missouri compromise liad 
 been taken to make up the territory governed by 
 t, the compromise of I80O, C!ongress repealed the 
 'I Missouri restriction, and applied, in 1854, the 
 jj same principle that liad been applied in 185(1. 
 , What tjien O'^curred, Mr. Chairman.' Did par- 
 p tics all submit to the will of \.h(\ majority, and 
 j agree faithfully and honestly to abide by the law 
 I of Congress.' NotsOjSir. An organization sprang 
 '; up into existence at the moment. That organiza- 
 || tion contributed men and money; the avowed ob- 
 I ject being to send men into Kan.sas, to maintain 
 them there, and to get them lo vote slavery out 
 jj of the Territory, 
 
 Ij Now, t.ir, in all sorts of di/llcuiiies it is a mal- 
 jj ter of the first importance to find out who was the 
 IJ aggressor — who was wrong in the beginning. I 
 do not care liow pure and patriotic were the mo- 
 tives of the association; for they sent into the 
 Territory men wiio, if they were not bad men 
 when they started, became bad after they got 
 
4 
 
 there. They were clothed, and fed, and main- 
 tained by the society, under the pledge that they 
 would vote to make the Territory free. 
 
 Now, what was the natural consequence? What 
 would any other State, situated as Missouri is, 
 have done? The report spread all throusch the 
 State of Missouri that Massachusetts was send- 
 ing men into the Territory by hundreds, to make 
 thatTerritoryfree. Thepeopleof Missouri ihere- 
 vipon determined logo there, and stand around the 
 jiolls, and see that their friends had an oppoi'tu- 
 uity to vote. Tlie idea had gone out in Missouri 
 that the free-Slate men in the Territory would 
 lake possession of the polls, and prevent pro-sla- 
 Tery men from voting:. Well, tlie Missourians 
 went into the Territory, and stood around the 
 polls, and some of tlieni, I have no doubt, voted. 
 The gredt Inilk of them, however, merely stood 
 around the polls, v/ith their rilles in their hands; 
 kept off the marauders, and allowed their friends 
 to vote. 
 
 Now, I say there was a majority of pro-slavery 
 men in the Territory of Kan.sas, at the first elec- 
 tion; and, as evidence of tliat fact, I refer to the 
 census. A registry was taken, and there was 
 a clear and decidL'd majority of three, or four, 
 or five hundred votes of pro-slavery men in that 
 Territory. Another proof of that fact is, that the 
 Governor of the Territory — the only official au- 
 thority that we have to speak iVom in relation to 
 that matter — said that, allhou<jh there was fraud- 
 ulent votina:, yet that a majority of the deli'2:ates 
 to the Legislature were elected without fraud; 
 and, therefore, he unhcsitatin^'K'- gave the ceriif- 
 icates to a majority. 
 
 Whr.t next followed? That Legislature was 
 recognized; a Delegate was elected and took his 
 seat here; and, from that day to this, Congress, 
 the President of the United States, and the peo- 
 ple of the TtM-ritory of Kansas, except those who 
 refused to submit to the laws, recognized that 
 Territorial Legislature as legal and binding. 
 
 What next. occurred ? That Territorial Legis- 
 lature passed a law, authorizing tiie-pcopIe to vote 
 for, or against, a convention lo frame a State con- 
 stitution; and all the people concurred in the opin- 
 ion that they ought to have such convention. A 
 free-State paper there, the Kansas Herald, said 
 that th(^ peo|)le all voted on that occasion , and that 
 there was no opposition to the callir.g of the con- 
 vention. Delegates were nominated and elected, 
 and the convention was lo meet on the 21st of 
 September to form a State consiitution. 
 
 The free-Stnle party, if tin y had th.e majority 
 their friends claim, should have gone lo the polls 
 and elected deli'gates to form just such a consti- 
 tution as they desired. If tin y did not vote it 
 was their own fault. The pro-slavery party, as 
 ihey had a perfect right to deselected all their 
 candidates; and, in obedience to the wishes of 
 their friends, they framed a consiitution and sub- 
 mitted it to the people. They were elected in June. 
 Governor Walker, who had then been sent into 
 the Territory, called on tlie free-State men to cogie 
 forward and vote. He wentthrough theTerriiory 
 aiidmade speeches; he begged and implored them 
 to take part in the election; he told tln'm that the 
 fieace and prosperity of the Territory, in a great 
 measure, dcpi.iided upon them; he told them that 
 if they would come forward and vole, and if they 
 had the majority, and would go on and form a 
 
 State government, he had no doubt Congress 
 would be liberal to them, and would give theni 
 liberal grants of the public lands; and that they 
 would do a deed that would entitle them to the 
 gratitude of the American people. But, mark you, 
 he told them that if they stood off, and refused to 
 vote, the persons who did come forward and vote 
 would elect their candidates; and those who did 
 not vote v/ould delegate the power to those who 
 did to vote for them, and they would be bound 
 by the action of the delegates elected. 
 
 Now, it is alli'ged that there was a fault in the 
 registry; that some nineteen counties were dis- 
 franchised; and that the persons living in those 
 counties were not permitted to take part in the 
 election. Mr. Chairman, wliat is the fact in re- 
 gard to this charge? The officers executed their 
 duty faithfully. They registered every man they 
 could get to register. But in three or four of the 
 counties the people would not give their names. 
 They threatened violence to the officers, and drove 
 them from the counties. Others gave fictitious 
 names. Then, sir, it was their own fault that they 
 were not registered. 
 
 Hut, sir, everywhere in the counties where the 
 re£:istry was completed there was a large majority 
 in favor of the constitution. There were nine 
 thousand two hundred atid odd voters registered in 
 the Territory, and some two or three thousand 
 vot.^d at that election. Taking the doctrine that 
 is ailtnitted here on all sides, that those v/ho did 
 not vole authorized lliose who did to vote for them, 
 and the fact that a majority of those who did vote 
 voted for the constitution, it makes no difference 
 what was the number, iJie election was binding 
 on all. It is lo be taken for graiited that those who 
 did not vote were cither indifferent or were per- 
 fectly satisfied to let those wlio did take the trouble 
 to vote, vote for all. 
 
 But, Mr. Chairman, there can be no dispute as 
 to the fairness of the election in the counties where 
 the registry was completed. Now take the vote 
 that was polled on the 4lh of January last, in 
 which our friends on the other side of tl:e House 
 say ten ^loiisand tv/o hundr(;d votes were cast — 
 my own judgment is that they did not cast any 
 such vote; but taking it for granted that they did 
 cast that number of votes, and still nine thousand 
 and odd of that number were cast in the counties 
 that were registered. But unless you can show 
 that a mnjority of the ])eople were left out of the 
 registry, unless you can prove that in those coun- 
 ties where there was no registry taken there vyere 
 voters enough to have changed the result, then the 
 election was valid and binding. 
 
 No inleliigenl man will believe that the sixty- 
 seven hundred voters who voted for the constitu- 
 tion on the 21st of December, voted against it on 
 the 4th of January after. More than half the votes 
 polled against the constitution on the 4lh of Jan- 
 uary were fraudulent, clearly and palpably fraud- 
 ulent. On the same day they elected all their State 
 officers, but could poll bnly about four or five 
 thousand votes; for the reason that the Lccomp- 
 ton ]iarty had also candidates in the field, and 
 guarded the ballot-box so far as the election of 
 State officers was concerned. They looked upon 
 tlie vote against the constitution, taken on the 4th 
 of January by diiferent officers, as entirely illtgal- 
 and void; and therefore did not care v/hethcr they 
 polled ten thousand or twenty thousaud. 
 
o 
 
 But our northern friends tell us, '• Do you want 
 to cram a constitution down the throats of the 
 people against tiieir will?" I answer that I have 
 no such wish. But, sir, when a community settle 
 in aTerritory they must have some law by which 
 they are to be governed; they must have some 
 rules and regulations to go by. If a portion of 
 them desire peace and harmony and good govern- 
 ment, and another portion desire disturbance, and 
 will submit to no law, I s;iy that all law-abiding 
 men in this House and in the country should 
 strengthen and encourage the men there who de- 
 sire and are seeking to establish law and order. 
 Now, sir, what would be the condition of a com- 
 munity where a large portion of the people were 
 standing out, marauding and depredating contin- 
 ually upon the community, and who were against 
 all law ? Is it not the duty of every mj-n who de- 
 sires the peace and harmony of the country to en- 
 courage and sustain the men there who are striv- 
 ing to maintain peace and good order? And will 
 we not, by njecting this constitution, give encour- 
 agement to those men who have stood outin open 
 rebellion against the Government for the last three 
 years ? 
 
 Well, sir, the delegates to this convention were 
 elected. They went on and made a constitution, 
 and submitted the great paramount issue, slavery, 
 to the people for their ratification or rejection. Is 
 it to be thrown back upon these marauding and 
 law-defying jjeople? iVIr. Chairman, if these men 
 had been correct, straightforward, honest men, 
 when Governor Walker told them to come forward 
 and vote — that they should be protected in their 
 rights at the ballot-box;»tliat he had troops there 
 to protect the polls; that if they had the majority 
 they could make just such a constitution as they 
 chose; that if they did not vote, the pro-slavery 
 party would elect their delegates, and they would 
 be bound by the result — I say, if they had been 
 honest, correct men, why did they not come for- 
 ward and vote ? Why, sir, they never wanted a 
 constitution. The object of that parly, from the 
 very moment they landed in Kansas, was to keep 
 up a political excitement, instead of making a con- 
 stitution, or abiding by wholesome laws. They 
 came there to rob, and some of them to murder. 
 I do not charge the jiarty which sent them there 
 with any improper motive. I make the charge 
 against the men who were sent there. The party 
 were not' particular who were sent, to be sure. 
 The emigrant aid societies raised the funds, and 
 all who were willing to go were sent. Hence, 
 the worst men, perhaps, men out of employment 
 and of desperate characters, were forwarded to 
 Kansas — the very men, sir, disposed to keep up 
 a continual disturbance of the public p(!ace. Yet 
 grave legislatiu'S tell us these men are good, law- 
 al^ling citizens ! They were refused the right of 
 .suffrage; and therefore the constitution should be 
 again referred back to them, that they may vote 
 upon it. 
 
 Now, sir, what authority have we for thinking 
 that if the constitution be referred back, tiiey will 
 make a better one ? They have been at it for three 
 years already. We have Governor Recder's 
 statement that they promised him to cease ma- 
 raudini; and disturbing the' peace, and abide by 
 the ballot-box; and we have, too, the proof that 
 they were faithless to that promise. Notwith- 
 standing all this, that the Legislature which au- 
 
 thorized the convention was legally elected, the 
 delegates to the convention legally elected by a 
 large majority of those who saw proper to vote 
 on that occasion, we are now implored by these 
 men to reject the Kansas constitution, because, 
 they say, there is a majority of the people op- 
 posed to it. I deny that any geuitleman can show 
 that there ever was a majority of votes cast against 
 the Lecompton constitution, counting out all 
 fraudulent voles claimed, fn>m the first election of 
 delegates to franii; it, until it was finally ratified 
 by the people. Altliough the free-State party 
 elected a majority of members to the Legislature 
 in October, according to Calhoun's proclamation, 
 and gave ten thousand two hundred votes against 
 the constitution on the 4th of January, the ma- 
 jority report of the Committee on Territories, 
 when compared with the report of tin; minority, 
 show clearly that there was fraudulent voting. 
 
 Take these repoi'ts and examine them. You, 
 will find, of the whole vote polled against the Le- 
 compton constitution in. January, ninety-six hun- 
 dred were polled in the registered counties, where 
 the census showed that there were but ninety-two 
 hundred and fifty voters, and where sixty-seven 
 ■hundred had been given in favor of the constitu- 
 tion on the Slst of December previous; and in 
 these same counties the free-State party only gave 
 for State officers, at the same election, some four 
 or five thousand. There is strong evidence going 
 to show that they carried over from the county of 
 Lawrence, where they had a large surplus, to 
 Leavenworth, and voted them in that county, and 
 thus carried the State elections. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, let us examine this constitution. 
 "Oh I "say our friends around us," it should have 
 been submitted." They say that when tlie people 
 were called upon to vote, they were called to vote 
 for the constitution with slavery, or for the con- 
 stitution without slavery; and that the only ques- 
 tion submitted was, whether the people should 
 raise slaves without im|)ortation of new ones_, or 
 Vhelher they should raise them and import them 
 too. That i»an unfair statement of the question. 
 I think the convention acted more prudently than 
 they would have done if they had t'olh>wed the ad- 
 vice of Governor Walker. What did he tell them ? 
 He said: " Gentlemen, go on anci form yourconsti- 
 tution; make it fi-ce; jirotect what slavesare in the 
 Territory, and I have no doubt in the world but 
 that it will be adopted by a large majority of the 
 people of Kansas." What did they do? They 
 followed Governor Walker's advice, except in one 
 particular. They could not take upon themselves 
 the responsibility of making it a free State; but 
 they would do precisely as Governor Walker rec- 
 ommended. They would make stringent provis- 
 ions to protect what slaves were in the Territory, 
 riiey would allow the men who owned slaves to 
 be protected in their rights. What then ? Then, 
 said they, instead of making it free, they would 
 submit the slavery clause to the people. If the 
 people struck out that slavery clause, then what? 
 Then, that it should be a free State; with the ex- 
 ception that the slaves in the Territory should 
 belong to their masters until compensation was 
 paid for them by the Legislature. I ask if there 
 IS any solitary free-State man, who has any idea 
 of doing justice to the South, who would be in 
 favor of taking the two or three hundred negroes 
 there without compensation ? What would be the 
 
6 
 
 ponscquonce? It would raise a storm much more 
 dangerous and perilous than the admission or re- 
 jection of tin; Leconipton constitution would raise; 
 Cor the southern men who went there with their 
 slaves, under the Constitution of the United States, 
 never expected to surrender them without com- 
 pensation. It would be unjust to take them un- 
 less compensation were made. It would be as 
 much an act of injustice as if the slaves of Ken- 
 tucky were set free by this Government without 
 compcn.?ation. 
 
 What did this Lecompton constitution say? 
 Look at it as you please, and slavery is the 
 only question of controversy which is involved. 
 Strike .slavery out of the Lecompton consti- 
 tution, and there would be no objection on the 
 part of those who now oppose it. If there had 
 been no slavery question, there would have 
 been no trouble about Kansas. If those men of 
 the North had wanted to do what was strictly 
 right, and to make Kansas a free State, they 
 would, in my judgment, have come forward and 
 voted the slavery clause out. The Legislature 
 had authority, by jiaying their owners a fair price 
 for them, to emancipate the slaves that would be 
 then left in the Territory. As just men, as men 
 who desired peace, as men v/ho desired to live in 
 harmony with their neighbors and brethren, ought 
 they not to have come forward at first, and voted 
 against the slave clause? Then pass a gradual 
 emancipation law, as has been done in other 
 States, or a law to pay the ov/ners a fair price for 
 iheir slaves, which they had a right to do under 
 the constitution, and thus make it a free State. 
 
 But what are you now called upon to do ? You 
 are called upon to turn round and say that those 
 men who have refused from the start to submit 
 to law, wiiohave organized their forces, and have 
 their captains, their lieutenants, and otlierofficers, 
 that those men who have threatened and forced 
 the free-State Democrats to join them by abusing 
 them and tlieir wives, and threatening to drive 
 them out of the' Territory unless they joined them 
 — I say you arc called upon to say tltht that party 
 i.s right, and that the constituticm .should have 
 been submitted to them, and that they should have 
 iiad the opportunity to say vvhetlier they were in 
 favor of that constitution or not. That is not, 
 Mr. Chairman, the way, in my judgment,, in 
 which a good government can be carried on. The 
 object of law always is to protect the weak from 
 the encroachments of the strong and the vicious. 
 Here is a party — and there is no denying it — with 
 a military leader. He has his men, and they have 
 decidedly the advantage of the Federal troops. 
 The Federal troojis have only the right to fight 
 when necessary; but they have no right to vote. 
 But General Lane and his men have both the right 
 to fight and to vote. But they prefer to do neither. 
 They kept up a great parade, kept themselves 
 marshaled, and sallied out at one time to disturb 
 one neighborhood; but as soon as they knew that 
 the Federal troops were ordered out to punish 
 ihem, they would l>c suddenly found in another 
 place. Their whole object and aim from the be- 
 ginnin^was to keep up a continual disturbance 
 in the Tt.'rritory — not to vote, nor to oi'ganize a 
 jieaceable government there, but to keep that 
 country in continual turmoil. 
 
 Now, the newspapers in "Kansas and in the 
 northern Slates were filled with statements that 
 
 the people of Kansas were down-trodden; that 
 they were suffering wonderful afflictions from the 
 border-rufllans; that they had been driven from 
 the polls; and that they were denied the right of 
 suffrage. What was the effect? The effect was 
 to arouse a feeling of revenge in the bosoms of 
 northern men. At the North they heard but one 
 side, and that was that the people wlio had gone 
 to Kansas from the North were down-trodden and 
 abused; and hence it was that they were for see- 
 ing tlumi placed right. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, there is a radical difference be- 
 tween the Democrats who stand upon the Kansas- 
 Nebraska bill and the Republicans. The Repub- 
 licans come out very boldly and honestly — and 1 
 .look upon the great mass of them as being as hon- 
 est as anybody — and tell us that if Kansas were 
 to come iierc by a very large majority of the 6ona 
 fide voters of that Territory, wuh a constitution 
 tolerating .slavery, they would notadniit her; that 
 they look upon slavery as a moral and political 
 evil, and^ that they do not intend to vote for the 
 admission of anotiier slave State. Well, I do not 
 know what that course will lead to, but ii is frank 
 and open, and I admire it. But what do our Dem- 
 ocrats say? In 1856 we m"t at Cinciiniati, and 
 united upon a set of principles — a platform — one 
 main feature of which was, that Kansiis should 
 have the right to regulate her own social and do- 
 mestic institutions, slavery included, in her own 
 way. The presidential canvass was opened; and 
 ihe Democrats of the North came forward, and 
 upon every stump they repudiated the idea that 
 the Legisl-ature of Kansas was not a legal Legis- 
 lature. They spurned with contempt the reports 
 then circulated, that Kansas was down-trodden 
 and oppressed by the slave power. They said 
 that thia matter was all a political trick; tliat it 
 was all intended to open anew the wounds of 
 bleeding Kansas in order to elect Fremont; that 
 it was to e.'ccite the passions of the free-State peo- 
 ple and to induce them to believe that the people 
 of the South had been doing injustice, and ail this 
 was done to enalde the North to elect their Re- 
 publican candidate. 
 
 But what tin some of the northern Democrats 
 say now? They turn round and say that they 
 were mistaken; that those men in Kansas were 
 meek, and gentle, and pure men — ^just as pure aa 
 they make men in Massachusetts; that they had 
 been raised and educated in that city of morals 
 and religion, Boston; that when they left, Massa- 
 chusetts they were as pure as they could be. But 
 I it seems to me there was an innate diabolical dis- 
 ! position in their hearts, and as soon as they were 
 brought into contact with the border ruffians they 
 became more devilish than the border ruifians 
 themselves. From the moment they entered the 
 Territory they have kept up one continual dis- 
 turbance, refu.sing to goto the polls to vote when 
 called upon to do so. They were unwilling to 
 take any constitution except the one whieii they 
 niadeat Topeka; and that, too, in (h fiance of law. 
 Now their friends come forward and say, "do 
 not let us admit Kansas under this coiLstiiniion; 
 it does not embody the will of ihe mnjoiity." 
 How arc we to ascertain that will? If iliere are 
 ten thousand voters iif Kansas, and .six thousand 
 of them refuse to vott; on any occasion, how can 
 you find out that the four thousainl who liave 
 voted do not express the will of the majority ? It 
 
18 a very common thing in some counties, where 
 there is no contest, that men are elected by less 
 than a one-third vote; and in a close contest in 
 States and counties, the men elected, nine times 
 out of ten, do not get a majority of the votes of 
 the State or county. There are always a number 
 of voters who do not go to the polls; ancf if their 
 Votes were cast against the successful candidate, 
 he would be defeated. 
 
 Now, Mr. Chairman, what injurious effect 
 would follow the admission of Kansas under the 
 Lecomplon constitution? Some men say that the 
 people there can alter their constitution biifore 
 1864, and others say they cannot. I am no law- 
 yer, and do not propose to investigate that legal 
 question. All I have to say is this: if they have 
 the constitutional and legal rigiu to alter it, let 
 them alter it. If they cannot, let them submit. 
 This thing was not thrown upon them suddenly. 
 They were fully advised of the consequences by 
 Walker and Stanton; and they were told that if 
 they refused to vote they must take the conse- 
 quences. They did refuse to vote. The conven- 
 tion met and the constitution was framed. That 
 constitution is now presented. Congress ought, 
 in my opinion, as anact of justice, leaving out the 
 technicalities of law, to admit Kansas under that 
 constitution.' I must confess to you tiiat I have 
 but little sympathy for a parly that stands out 
 stubbornly, and refuses to abide by the law; and 
 lam perfectly astonished at my Democratic friends 
 who come forward and preach up the purity and 
 honesty of those whom, in 1856, they denounced 
 as traitors and rebels. 
 
 The question is not so much as to whether Kan- 
 sas should be a free State or a slave State. But 
 will our northern friends admit another slave State 
 into this Union.' That is the question. If we are 
 to be insulted, degraded, and equality in this Con- 
 federacy denied us, we want to know it. The South 
 should have confidence in the North; the North 
 should have confidence in the South; they should 
 have confidence that each would do justice to the 
 other. In 1856, when we were in conflict with 
 the American party, we told them that their whole 
 party in the North was abolitionized, and that, 
 if the South expected toget justice she must look 
 to the Democratic party North. We held up the 
 State conventions of the Democratic party, and 
 the speeches of their leaders, in v/hich they stated 
 that they intended to stand by the principle of 
 non-intervention, by the principles of the Kan- 
 sas-Nebraska bill, and that they regarded that act 
 as just in all its parts. . 
 
 Now, what did our friends ofthc American party 
 say on that occasion? They said to us, your 
 northern Democrats arc promising very fairly, 
 but you will see how they will carry out those 
 promises if the people of Kansas' recognize sla- 
 very in their constitution. They .said that when 
 our Democratic friends came to be called upon to 
 vote on that constitution, the South would not 
 have the support of a corporal's guard. We con- 
 fidently believed otherwise; and I confidently be- 
 lieve still, that we have enough patriotism and 
 love of country left in the ranks of the Democracy 
 to carry this question. We have lost some friends 
 whose loss I regret exceedingly. The influence 
 of that loss will be serious in tiie southern States. 
 So far as party is concerned, it would be ten thou- 
 sand time-s better that Kansas should be rejected 
 
 without Democratic votes. Some of our friends 
 are disposed to look upon these brother Demo- 
 crats of ours, who vote against Lecompton, as 
 having joined the Republicans. My judgment is, 
 that wi! will have a hard fight in 1860 with the 
 Republicans, and that we will need every one of 
 these Democrats to help us. I am opposed to 
 turning one of them out; I fear that some of them 
 will go out themselves; but so far as I am con- 
 cerned I am in favor of keeping every one of them 
 that I can keep. My honest opinion about these 
 Democrats is, that when they come to examine 
 the whole ground in regard to this Lecompton 
 constitution, if they believe that there has been 
 fraud and wrong, and that there has been a gross 
 violation of right in getting up this Lecompton 
 constitution, it is their duty to vote against it. 
 But before they cast their votes against it, there 
 should not rest on their minds one solitary doubt 
 as to the propriety of their course. They must 
 be fully satisfied. They must make up their 
 minds not as partisans and politicians. I know 
 that when the Democratic party parts with a 
 brother Democrat, it does so with reluctance. 
 We have stood shoulder to shoulder; have fought 
 the battle and won it; and it is with feelings of 
 deep mortification and regret that v/e are com- 
 pelled to part with them. But before they do vote 
 against us, I ask them to examine the whole his- 
 tory of this matter candidly and impartially; to 
 lay aside all outside issues; and then, if they be- 
 lieve that there has been a violation of right and 
 of justice, it is their duty, I repeat, as honest men, 
 to vote against this Lecompton constitution. Their 
 act will make a serious impression upon us at tlie 
 South. But, sir, mixed up with evils there i.s 
 always some good. Wlien we go home and com- 
 mence talkingaboutthisquestion,and when north- 
 ern Democi-als are held u[) to derision, and their 
 vote cast in our teeth, we can point to southern 
 gentlemen in this House and say that we had not 
 made all right at home; and that before we say 
 a solitary word against northern Democrats, we 
 ought to see that v/e ourselves present a solid and 
 compact column. We should first make pure our 
 own household before we turn round and criticise 
 our neighbor's. 
 
 That is all I .shall say on this point, for I am 
 not at all accustomed to addressing public assem- 
 blies. I have never before addressed a legislative 
 body in my life. But, Mr. Chairman, I did not 
 make up my mind o\\ this subject until I had given 
 it a most thorough scrutiny; until I had viewed 
 it in all its aspects calmly and dispassionately. 
 That scrutiny has led me to the conclusion that 
 it is right and just; that the interests of the Ameri- 
 can people require the admission of Kansas into 
 the Union, in order to restore peace and quiet to 
 that Territory. 
 
 Now, Mr. Chairman, if you refuse to settle 
 this Kansas ditficulty at this time, what will 
 be the result? This Topeka party will, in all 
 probability, have the ascendency, and they will 
 liberate every solitary slave in the Territory. 
 What then? Do you suppose these Missourians 
 will submit to it? Not at all They will never 
 submit to it. The troubles of the Territory will 
 begin anew, and be kept up until 1660. The 
 Democratic party now desire to put down the 
 Re|)ublican parly. They desire to keep a Re- 
 publican out of the presidential chair in 1860, be- 
 
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
 cause, if he once gets there, there will be danger. 
 If you send this constilution back to Kansas wiih- 
 out ratification, there is danger that the excite- 
 ment may go on until it produces bloodshed and 
 border war; and the difficulty will not be si;ttled 
 before 16W), if then. Admit Kansas into the 
 Union, and what will he the result.' There are 
 not a great many negroes there; there will not 
 be a great many there before 18G0; and besides 
 that, her Legislature has the right, under the con- 
 stitution, to pay fur the negroes, and then make 
 ' ita free Slate. Would itnot beagreat deal better 
 to contribute thus; would it not be better to raise 
 the necessary funds, even by contributions.' I 
 myself would contribute tov/ards the purchase of 
 the slaves v/ho are there, if they want to make it 
 a free State. That is the way to make peace in 
 the country. 
 
 The constitution which we liave before us is 
 just in all its features. It is a good constitution. 
 The only ditticulty about it is the slavery ques- 
 tion. But, if there is not a majority of tlie peo- 
 ple there in favor of slavery they are not going 
 to have slavery there. This constitution cannot 
 force slavery upon a free people if they do not 
 want it; nor can they make a Territory or State 
 free if its people want slaves. The only way, 
 in my judgme)it, to restore peace in Kansas is to 
 admit her into the Union with her constitution, 
 iind then allow the people there to settle their af- 
 fairs in their own way. The moment you give 
 her a constitution, and leave the people to take 
 care of themselves, tliey will regulate their own 
 affairs, and peace and quiet will be restored. If 
 they want a free State, they will make it free. If 
 they want a slave State, there is no power in the 
 North or in Congress to make it free. The great 
 question upon which the South insists with so 
 nmch pertinacity is this: Democrats of the North, 
 will you vote to admit a State into the Union with 
 a constitution recognizing slavery' Satisfy the 
 South that you will do Justice by her, and God 
 forbid that we should ask for more. If they could 
 be assured that you do not vote against the ad- 
 mission of Kansas into the Union because the 
 constitution has slavery in it, they would be sat- 
 isfied. 
 
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 But, Mr. Chairm 
 moment this const 
 telligence goes forth nvci mc .tmu, o-.u. ....... ...v,.. 
 
 will say that northern Democrats have refused 
 the constitution of Kansas because it had sla- 
 very in it. They will go upon the sUimp and vin- 
 dicate the South against the usurjiation. They 
 can show more facts why Kansas should have 
 been admitted than any man can shov/ why she 
 should not be admitted. The South is already 
 united upon this question; she marches in a solid 
 column. , 
 
 I say, therefore, to northern Democrats, that 
 unless you believe it is your imperious duty, 
 unless you can see clearly that there has been 
 ; fraud, unless you can see that the will of an hon- 
 i est people has been violated — for if they be a dis- 
 j honest people they have no rights — I say, that 
 I unless you can see clearly that the will of the law- 
 j abiding, honest people has been overridden, do 
 not reject this constitution. If you do so believe, 
 ] then you must vote as your duty requires. 
 I In regard to my Republican friends, ail I have 
 I to say is just this: my own judgment about the 
 I whole matter is, that you men of the North are 
 not really so solicitous whether Kansas shall be a 
 ! free or a slave State as you are about the loaves 
 j and fishes — as you arc about the election of the 
 ; President of the Uniitd States. But, if you do 
 : not design the final and speedy overthrow of this 
 j Government, what, I ask, are you doing.' It is 
 ! apparent to everybody who looks over tliis House, 
 I that you are sowing the seeds of discord among 
 I our people. There is now, between the North 
 ! and South, a feeling of distrust; a want of confi- 
 i dencc; a belief that the North is not prepared to 
 ; do the South justice. If you continue to go on 
 I and nourish this feeling — if you widen the breach, 
 \ it will, before many yiars, growinto hate. Now, 
 sir, the stability of our Government is dependent 
 upon the aftections of tlie American people, and 
 I upon their intelligence. Destroy the affection of 
 I the people for the Government, excite jealousy 
 ' and distrust between the North and South, and I 
 I tell you there is not power or patriotism enough 
 j in the Union to hold the Government together, 
 1 [Here the hammer fell.] 
 
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