cc \ LIBRARY OF CONGRESS. 1 cc < ICCC ZCC C< cc c c*c :cc;c* ^cCc^c c 400,000 Bishop Stopford, of Cork }> 25,000 „ Percy, of Dromore >t 40,000 „ Cleaver, of Ferns 79 50,000 „ Bernard, of Limerick if 60,000 „ Porter, of Clogher )> 250,000 „ Hawkins, of Raphoe }f 250,000 „ Knox, of Killaloe V 100,000 Making in all the goodly sum of £1, 575,000. These prelates died at various dates between 1800 and 1833, in which latter year the Church Temporalities Act was passed, limiting episcopal revenues, reducing the Irish archbishoprics from four to two, and the bishop- rics from eighteen to ten. Such accumulations of wealth are assuredly not in harmony with the apos- tolic saying, " Silver and gold have I none." Neither are rich benefices united to immense poverty of church members in keeping with apostolic precedents. It is true, indeed, as regards the wealth left by the prelates mentioned, that those golden days belong rather to the recent past than to the actual present. The wealth so left arose in some cases from the posses- sion of private property as well as from ecclesiastical revenues ; but it is not the less true that while bishops of the Establishment were thus heaping to themselves riches, Roman Catholic prelates and clergy had no other means of subsistence save the voluntary con- tributions of their flocks. Some of the worst and TWO TEMPORAL POWERS. 1 99 most scandalous grievances connected with the Irish Establishment have been done away ; but the injustice of forcing a Protestant State Church upon Roman Catholic Ireland still exists, producing the evil fruit naturally springing from such a root of bitterness. Doubtless many of the bishops and clergy of the Irish Establishment are excellent men,- but that by no means proves the excellence of the system by which they live ; for unfortunately history furnishes only too many instances of excellent individuals supporting, and being supported by, unjust systems. No abun- dance of such precedents can, however, prove the goodness of a given system, change injustice into justice, or convert wrong into right.* As in Great Britain, so throughout her numerous colonies, peopled by English, Scotch, and Irish, by Churchmen, Dissenters, and Roman Catholics, there is nowhere to be seen in operation this evil principle of imposing by force the Church Establishment of the small minority upon a large and unwilling majority. In Ireland alone is such injustice perpetrated, and in Ireland alone is discontent chronic. In England and Scotland the Establishment is at any rate that of the most numerous Church ; and in both countries much * Mr Godkin, in is able and interesting work, entitled " Ireland and her Churches," published in 1867, says : " I have, with the kind permission of the registrar, extracted from the registry in the Court of Probate the amount of assets left by every bishop who died since 1822, with the exception of a few who were but a short time in their sees. The assets were sworn to be under a certain sum, on which duty is paid. But this sum does not include any real property the deceased may have purchased, nor any settlements he may have made on mem- bers of. his family, nor any stock he may have transferred to avoid 200 ESSAYS. of the spiritual teaching of the State Church is in harmony with that of those Protestant Dissenters who, with the members of the two Establishments, form nine-tenths of the whole population of Great Britain, in none of England's colonies does an Esta- blished Church exist. That which the Roman Catho- lics of Ireland demand at the hands of the Parliament of the United Kingdom is not even, as in Great Britain, the establishment of the church of the ma- jority, but the yet fairer system of being burdened with no establishment whatever, as in the case of all our English colonies. Were Parliament wisely to adopt that system by abolishing the payment of tithes legacy -duty, or poss ibly to avoid the fame of having died too rich for the bishop of a poor Church." — Pp. 18, 19 of "Ireland and her Churches." Name. See. Bro'.lerick . Cashel . . . ;£8o,ooo Trench Tuam . 73.846 Alexander . Meath . 73.000 J. G. Hereford . Armagh 70,000 Tottenham L< jftus Ciogher 60,000 Lawrence . Ca>hel . 55,000 B : ^set Raphoe 46,000 Magee Dublin . 45.000 Griffin Limerick 45.000 AN hateley Dublin . 40.000 Leslie Kilmore 40000 Ritson Killaloe 40,000 lieresford . Kilmore 36.000= Knox . Deny . 27,692 Plunket Tuam . 26.331 Stewart . Armagh 25,000 Singer Meath . 25,000. O'Beiine Meath . 20000 Kyle . Cork 20,000 Stupford Meath . 14000 TWO TEMPORAL POWERS. 201 to the Irish Episcopal Church as its living ministers died out, by a gradual (if not immediate) withdrawal of the Regium Donum given to Dissenters, and also of the grant to Maynooth, there would within a com- paratively small number of years be inaugurated in Ireland that just system described by the Irish " Na- tional Association n as " placing all religious denomi- nations on a footing of perfect equality, leaving each church to be maintained by the voluntary contribu- tions of its members." If such a course were adopted in the sister island, one source of discord at least w T ould be put an end to, and thus a hope might dawn of seeing commenced in Roman Catholic Ireland some such happy change as that which has occurred in Roman Catholic Lower Canada. It is said, how- ever, by some that it will never do to abandon the Irish Establishment, because if that be done the English Establishment must fall also. These persons hope that by uniting the fortunes of the two they will save both. Are they quite sure that that will be the result ? May it not happen that instead of the English Establishment saving the Irish, the Irish will be the means of dragging down the English ? A good swimmer has ere now saved a bad one ; but, on the other hand, often has the former not only failed to do so, but has himself been drowned in the attempt, and so both have perished together. It is often wise to lighten an overladen vessel before the storm is at its height ; nay, more, it is often the only hope left of saving the ship. Some may think an all-or-nothing policy wise, and even heroic ; they will, however, do 202 ESSAYS. well to remember that it may prove most disastrous to their cause. Very recent events have shown that those who are loudest in refusing comparatively small concessions one year, may find themselves forced to give large ones the next. Happily, to England's people has just been ac- corded a great extension of the suffrage. This affords much hope as regards Ireland, for the English people are bent upon doing justice to their Irish brethren. There are no doubt, besides the ecclesiastical ques- tion, others of the very utmost importance to Ireland, which urgently require speedy and fair adjustment. Englishmen desire earnestly to co-operate with their Irish fellow-countrymen in settling them satisfac- torily. They cannot, however, be entered upon here, as space does not permit of it, neither do they fall within the scope of this article. It is indeed unhappily true that in all probability no abolition of wrong systems, no wise reforms, will conciliate those extreme members of the Fenian plotters in Ireland, who seem bent upon the hopeless and criminal attempt to separate her altogether from Great Britain by revolution and armed violence. Yet that sad probability is by no means a reason for not sweeping away institutions founded on injustice, or for neglecting to carry out wise reforms. On the contrary, it is a strong argument for so doing. Be- cause by thus acting, the government of the United Kingdom would commend itself to the consciences of its own people, as well as to those of the enlightened men of all civilised nations. It would render its TWO TEMPORAL POWERS. 203 moral and legal position impregnable if, while firmly- putting down every attempt to overthrow its just rule and authority by armed violence, it at the same time carried out a vigorous policy of reform as re- gards every wrong, great and small, of which Ireland can still complain. It is not too much to expect that such a policy, inaugurated without delay and stead- fastly maintained, would ere long rally round it a large public opinion in Ireland itself, and detach from the ultra-leaders of Fenianism many of the Irish who now have more or less sympathy with it, owing to the recollection of past injustice, or to the existence of such as still continues to afflict their country. Justice demands that all those evil relics of evil times be swept away, and wisdom counsels prompt and wise legislation upon such important matters as edu- cation and the tenure of land. As regards these last two questions, our legislators will do well to consider, not so much what is done in England, and what works well there, but what is best for Ireland, what is most likely to work good there, and what is most suited to her wants and to the character of her people. Differences of law and custom are often good, because, though incompatible with a hard outward uniformity, they very frequently strengthen that which is really essential — namely, a sound and living unity. Thus there are great differences in the customs and legal procedures, as well as in the ecclesiastical state systems, of England and Scotland, yet nothing can be more perfect than their cordial union, so beneficial to both. Indeed, it may be said that any attempt to 204 ESSAYS. make the two countries absolutely uniform in the matters referred to would only impair their living unity. In legislating for Ireland this principle should be borne in mind and practically applied. It may here be permitted to say a few words touching the criminal attempts of the Fenian leaders to bring about the secession of Ireland by an appeal to arms and violence. From the constitutional point of view the case is clear. No portion of the United Kingdom, whether it be Ireland, Wales, Scotland, or England, has any power or right to make any law for itself, much less to secede from our Union, except with the consent and concert of the people of the United Kingdom, to be given through its national representatives in the two Houses of Parliament, and sanctioned by the Crown, in conformity with the pro- visions of the constitution of this realm. The Fenians may indeed use those, but only those, lawful means which our free constitution gives, to work upon the public opinion of the whole nation, so as to try and persuade its majority, and thereby the majority of its representatives, to sanction the secession of Ireland, and its erection into an independent republic. If they kept thus strictly within constitutional bounds they would be wholly blameless, and as legal in their course of action as any political association which has ever aimed at effecting political changes by con- stitutional means. The Anti-Corn-Law League is a notable example of such a mode of action crowned with splendid success. But if because the Fenian leaders cannot persuade TWO TEMPORAL POWERS. 205 the majority of the people of the United Kingdom and their lawful representatives to agree to the seces- sion of Ireland, or because they feel it to be hopeless even to attempt such lawful persuasion, they there- fore seek to compass their object by armed violence or war, then they must be firmly put down by that executive power whose duty it is to protect, by force if necessary, the rights, laws, and liberties of the United Kingdom. The principles thus laid down are essential not only to order but to freedom. For if it be once admitted that a minority has a right to appeal to force because it cannot persuade the majo- rity to adopt a given line of policy, then all free government is at an end, and liberty (whether it take the form of a united constitutional monarchy, or a united federal republic) is simply rendered impos- sible, and must give place to anarchy. Popular and democratic politicians of all countries must be re- minded that this very line of argument was used and enforced by the government of the United States when the Southern Secessionists sought to secede by force of arms from the Federal Union. Most memor- able are those words addressed, at Mr President Lincoln's bidding, by Mr Seward to certain Seces- sionist leaders, in March 1861, that no State could withdraw from the Federal Union "in any other manner than with the consent and concert of the people of the United States, to be given through a national convention, to be assembled in conformity with the provisions of the constitution of the United ■States." Let all politicians ponder well those v/ords, 206 ESSAYS. and remember how they were enforced, and justly enforced, by one of the very freest governments that has ever existed. Now the great majority of the people of the United Kingdom, (not, alas ! of its upper classes,) especially the intelligent artisans of our great cities, cordially sympathised with the go- vernment and people of the United States during the Secessionist war. They can therefore have no hesi- tion with regard to any attempts at bringing about secession at home by armed violence, unless, indeed, they would fly in the face of the very principles they supported, and which many well-known men amongst them vindicated with great force of argument through- out the late American war. As to those who in Eng- land espoused, more or less, the cause of the Southern Secessionists, it is to be hoped that they see by this time, at any rate, the error of their ways. In this matter our conscience is clear; for as, from first to last, we blamed and abhorred the armed Secessionist movement in the United States, so assuredly not less do we hate the like criminal movement in the United Kingdom. For whatever may be their national faults or the defects of their constitutions, (which while dif- ferent in form are yet both based on the principle of free self-government,) these two great nations are respectively, in the new world and the old, the depositaries and guardians of well-ordered yet free systems of the utmost value to mankind as well as to their own people. Therefore any design on the part of any section of their subjects to change those systems by other than constitutional means is TWO TEMPORAL POWERS. 207 blameable ; while any attempt to break them down by armed violence cannot be too strongly condemned, and should ever be promptly and firmly repressed. The great majority of the people of the United States supported their government in so doing, and such in similar circumstances will ever be the course adopted by the great majority of the people of the United Kingdom. But to return, though only for a moment, to the Irish State Church, which forms the subject of the first part of this article. It seems clear that in Great Britain the conviction is ever increasing that the wrong of an ecclesiastical establishment, hateful to the great majority in Ireland, yet forced upon her, and main- tained by force, can no longer be allowed to exist. Nor should it be forgotten that this injustice is one which lowers our country in the eyes of foreign nations, who justly reproach us with it, being, as it is, in flagrant contradiction with our principles of civil and religious liberty, and with that freedom of private judgment proclaimed by Protestants. It pro- duces evils which affect all parties alike, both those who perpetrate the injustice and those who are com- pelled to endure it. It is a wrong to Ireland, a dis- grace to England, and a dishonour to her Protestant faith. So long as it shall exist, so long will it continue to produce, as in the past, those evils which naturally spring from it. Only when overthrown will there be some hope of substituting for those evils the blessings of concord, peace, and contentment. May the first use which England's people make of their newly- 208 ESSAYS. acquired liberties be that of applying efficacious remedies to the ills of Ireland, And who can deny- that one of those ills which must be put an end to, is that great ecclesiastical injustice which in the sister island still tramples down the sacred rights of con- science, and makes the term " religious liberty" a cruel mockery when applied to Ireland ? When that wrong shall be undone, and not till then, can the hope arise, that these Islands, (whose ancient sceptre is swayed so gently and so well by England's Queen,) may become of a truth, and not be by legal title only, a "JJnited Kingdom." The same frankness which has been used in deal- ing with the temporal power and position of the Protestant State Church in Ireland must now be applied to the temporal power of the Roman Church as exercised by the Pope, who is also its spiritual head. That spiritual headship is willingly acknow- ledged by all Roman Catholics, however much they may differ upon the question whether the temporal power of the Roman Pontiff should be restored to the position it held previous to the formation of the Italian kingdom, or be limited to a far narrower compass, or be completely abolished. That such differences of opinion do exist amongst Roman Catholics upon this subject is a simple fact. To deny it is as futile as to deny that different views are taken by English Churchmen upon the question of inspiration, and by English statesmen upon that of the Irish Church Establishment. Yet, inasmuch TWO TEMPORAL POWERS. 209 as this temporal power touches matters more or less connected with the religious convictions of devout Romanists, care should be taken in discussing it to avoid giving any unnecessary pain to their feelings. The discussion should be earnest and serious, as well as free and searching. It is in such a spirit that the writer desires to treat (with all due respect to the convictions of others, yet with freedom and sincerity) this question of the Papal " Temporal Power," which is now exciting such deep interest throughout the world. No one can have investigated what has been going on in Italy for many years past, without see- ing how hopeless a task has been that of France in endeavouring to awaken the Papal Government to the necessity of ruling in accordance with the feelings, the progress, and the necessities of the times. Thus, in 1849, M. Drouyn de Lhuys, the French Minister for Foreign Affairs, in a despatch dated Paris, 9th May 1849, ur ges the Pontifical Court, then at Gaeta, to proclaim some clear and tangible concessions in order to prepare the way for its return to Rome, and so give some security to its future government by aw r akening well-grounded hopes in the minds of the Romans. In one place the min- ister writes : — " Besides, can it be thought a matter of indifference to reassure that numerous portion of the Roman population whose moderation, while detesting a regime of anarchy, fears almost equally the return of that which marked with so sad a character the reign of Gregory XVI. — of that O 2IO ESSAYS. regime which, on the death of that pontiff, rendered a change of system absolutely necessary?" It is worthy of special remark that this minister, who is considered one of the French statesmen the most favourably disposed to the Papal power, should thus pass a distinct condemnation on the reign of the preceding pontiff, thereby showing that the ill adapta- tion of the Papal temporal rule to present times is nothing new. He further warns those who were about to resume the direction of that rule in Rome, against following so fatal an example. Again, on the 6th June 1849, M. de Tocqueville, who had succeeded to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in France, wrote a despatch to the French Minister at the Papal Court, in which he insisted on the necessity of " not re-establishing those institutions and forms of the past which have given rise to complaints ;" declares the earnest wish of his government li to assure to the States of the Church institutions really liberal ;" and says that " France, in return for the sacrifices already made, has a right to expect that the condi- tions necessary to the existence of a government liberal and worthy of the enlightenment of the age should not be refused/' On the 18th August 1849, followed the celebrated letter of the Prince-President, now Napoleon III., to Colonel Ney, dwelling upon the same theme. " I resume thus/' says the writer of that letter ; " the re-establishment of the temporal power of the Pope, a general amnesty, secularization of the administration, Code Napoleon, and a liberal government." TWO TEMPORAL POWERS. 211 Thus every attempt was made, but unhappily in vain, to pave the way for a better state of things upon the restoration of the Papal temporal power by French arms. During the years which elapsed from the time of that restoration to the year 1859, the Imperial Government of France constantly warned and expostulated with the Pontifical Government ; still, throughout the period mentioned, little or no- thing was done in the way of necessary improvement. The administrators of the temporal power remained deaf to all advice, and persisted in a policy of the most reactionary and retrograde character ; maintain- ing, at the same time, their rule in Rome by the aid of French soldiers, and in Bologna by that of Aus- trian. In those days Austria was the perfection of absolutism and so-called divine right in church and state ; nor did she fail to use all her influence in sustaining those principles in Rome, whose govern- ment was only too happy to follow such advice. What terrible disasters the Viennese statesmen who pursued this wretched policy brought upon their unfortunate country, as well as upon the Papal tem- poral power, has been made manifest to the eyes of all men. But while touching upon that dark and melancholy period, we cannot but for a moment refer to the brighter present, in which an absolutely opposite policy gives the hope of seeing the whole Austrian empire regenerated by the operation of constitutional liberty and progress. Cordially do all the friends of freedom hail the change which has been thus inaugurated in Austria by men so 212 ESSAYS. eminent as M. von Beust, Count d'Andrassy, and last, but not least, the patriot statesman of Hungary, Francis Deak. Englishmen of all parties and classes watch the progress of this noble work with joyful hope, and give to the constitutional Austro-Hungarian State of to-day their warmest sympathy and heartiest God-speed. But to return to the subject in hand. When the great events of 1859 overtook the Papal Government, its weakness became manifest. The moment the Austrians withdrew from Bologna, and so liberated the populations of the Romagna provinces from foreign occupation, they at once declared against the Papal temporal rule, and overthrew it. Nothing occurred at the time in those provinces to bring about this change, save the withdrawal of the Aus- trian troops. Neither French nor Piedmontese ap- peared upon that scene. Garibaldi was away in the mountains of North Lombardy. Such was the effect in the Romagna of the cessation of that foreign aid which had there been for years the sole support of the temporal power of the Holy See. Besides, it must not be forgotten that this proceeding, and the annexation it led to, like that of Parma, Modena, and Tuscany, took place in spite of French diplo- macy: the Emperor Napoleon, at the peace of Villa- franca, having expressed his desire to see the old authorities restored in all those provinces — a desire which he, however, refused to realise by force, and which he forbade others to attempt by that evil means. TWO TEMPORAL POWERS. 213 When the marvellous exploits of Garibaldi in Sicily and Naples had made it clear to Italy that the estab- lishment of a united Italian State had been changed from an idea into a possibility, the provinces of Umbria and the Marches showed manifest symp- toms of desiring to share in the great national move- ment, despite the presence of a papal army, com- posed chiefly, then as now, of French, Swiss, German, Belgian, and other foreigners, commanded at that time by the late French General Lamoriciere. As soon as the provinces just named were freed from the foreign soldiery who maintained the temporal power, they declared, like their brethren of the Romagna, for annexation to the new Italian kingdom. Indeed the fact that the Pontifical Government has long been unable to exist save by foreign support in one form or another, is an overwhelming proof that its tem- poral power rests only upon mere force — the force of foreign bayonets, ever destructive in the end of the very power they support, because rendering it un- speakably odious to its own subjects. This odium only increases in proportion to the number of bayonets, and to the length of time during which their detestable agency is employed. No more striking proof of this truth exists than the case of the Bourbons, restored in 1814—1815 to the throne of France by the allied armies of Europe. It may truly be said that the unfortunate princes of the Bourbon line have never got over the fact of having been restored to power by such means. Again, in 1852, the election of the present French Em- peror to the imperial throne was probably in some de- 214 ESSAYS. gree due to the fact that such a choice by no means har- monised with the general views of the foreign powers who had made the treaties of Vienna, one of whose most special objects was the overthrow of the first Napoleon and the restoration of the Bourbons. In- deed, it appears that some of those powers determined at the time (1815) that no Bonaparte should ever again be recognised as ruler of France. The French profited by the occasion offered in the year referred to (1852), to settle the point once for all by electing the present Emperor and calling upon Europe to re- cognise him. More than this, the Emperor purposely took the title of Napoleon IIL, thereby maintaining in the face of the world the principle of the continuity of the Bonaparte dynasty ; thus vindicating at the same time what he considered to be his family claims, as well as the incontestable right of the French people to choose whatever temporal rule seemed good to them. The result was, that Europe bowed its head to the will of France and of her Emperor, to the im- mense satisfaction of both. In the name, then, of what principle does this same France impose or maintain by force, upon Italians or any other people, a temporal power of any kind which they desire to get rid of, or greatly to curtail and modify ? Is it because that people are comparatively weak ? Is it from a selfish fear, the offspring of a despicable jealousy, which dreads to see in the future a united Italy growing in strength and prosperity, and so emancipating itself from what a powerful neighbour is pleased to call his just influence ? Can TWO TEMPORAL POWERS. 2 1 5 it be that such unworthy motives, such unjust preten- sions, are really in harmony with the feelings of the French people, who, whatever may be their faults, have often deserved to be called great and generous, and often done much for the liberties and progress of mankind ? To the conscience of France these ques- tions are addressed ; from her conscience let the answer come. But there are those who say that it is for the sake of religion — the religion of Christ — that the temporal power of the Roman See must be maintained at all costs, even by absolute force, and the aid of foreign soldiers, other means failing. The employment of these violent methods, (in opposition to the national will and aspirations of the people upon whom this temporal power is thus by force imposed,) is justified on the ground that the conservation of that power is necessary to the independence and due exercise of the spiritual authority of him who claims to be on earth the Vicar and representative of Christ. When these or similar assertions are heard or read, the minds of reflecting men instinctively recur to the evangelical writings which narrate the life and death of the holy Jesus. There it is told how full of love and gentleness He was, how meekly He bore all injuries, how He re- pelled not violence by violence, how He rebuked His disciples for wishing to call down fire from heaven upon those who would not receive Him, saying : " Ye know not what manner of spirit ye are of ;" how He refused all temporal power, departing when He " per- ceived that they would come and take Him by force 2l6 ESSAYS. to make Him a king ;" how He declared " My king- dom is not of this world ; if my kingdom were of this world then would my servants fight." In propagating and maintaining His spiritual teaching and authority, He used no other means save those of awakening the conscience, convincing the judgment, and converting the heart. Yet to-day we are told that foreign aid, foreign soldiery, the newest and most improved weapons for destroying human life, war with all its bloodshed and horrors, not only may, but ought to be employed in order to impose upon an unwilling people the tem- poral power of him who proclaims himself to be the Vicar and representative of that very Christ. In all seriousness we ask those Roman Catholics who hold such opinions, is it by such signs that we Protestants are expected to recognise the true head of the Christian Church on earth, the chief pastor of that faith which proclaims " peace on earth and good-will towards men f whose golden rule bids us " to do unto others as we would they should do unto us ?" Is the spectacle of Roman Catholic France forcing Roman Catholic Italy to accept the temporal power of the Pope calculated to give Protestants a pleasing idea of that unity and brotherly love which is so often boasted of by members of the Church of Rome ? Is it not more likely to make us heretics thank the Reforma- tion for having freed England from connexion with Rome, and so having preserved us from those quarrels about the papal temporal power which set Romanist against Romanist even to the shedding of their TWO TEMPORAL POWERS. 2\J brother's blood ? Can those who enjoy and main- tain that temporal power by means of foreign aid and foreign soldiers, duly armed with a Chassepot rifle, which i( does wonders" in its bloody work of death and slaughter, say — "We serve the altar, and we are content to live only by the altar ; we ask no- thing of Caesar, and we receive nothing from Caesar ; our kingdom is not of this world ;" " the weapons of our warfare are not carnal ?" If such things continue to be done, there will be no difference between the manner of upholding the temporal power which exists in Rome and the temporal power which exists in Warsaw ; between the means employed to maintain the earthly crown of the Pope in Italy and the earthly crown of the Czar in Poland ; unless it be that the former is obliged to have recourse to foreign aid, while the latter is able to do without that degrading expedient. Do not Roman Catholics perceive the immense danger which such a policy creates of alienating the Italian nation from the spiritual authority of the Roman Catholic Church, as well as from its tem- poral power ? This latter power, indeed, is already odious to the great majority of Italy's people, nor are all the bayonets of France able to restore it; nay, they but increase that odium in proportion to the number employed against Italy, and to the dura- tion of their stay within her limits. When then Italians, finding the temporal power the one remain- ing obstacle to the realization of their country's perfect union and freedom under a constitutional 2l8 ESSAYS. sovereign of the nation's choice, are at the same time told that such temporal power is absolutely necessary to the due maintenance of the spiritual authority, there is no little danger of their confound- ing both in one common hatred. Where to-day would be the religious influence of England's clergy if they favoured the maintenance of a Prussian garri- son in London for the sake of maintaining the tem- poral power and position of their Church ? Where would be that of the French priests if they openly advocated the maintenance of an Austrian or Spanish garrison in Avignon for the sake of maintaining there the Papal temporal power which actually existed in that city for centuries, and w 7 as only finally swept away by the great Revolution in 1791 ? What would France have said, at this or any other period of her history, if her bishops and clergy had opposed her formation into one national kingdom because they affirmed it to be incompatible with the interests or necessities of the Church ? Such a course would have caused irreparable damage to her in France, and no other result can be expected in Italy. Surely, then, this maintaining of the " temporal power " of the Pope at all costs, and by every means, even the most violent, endangers his spiritual authority, and brings not only dishonour, but even peril on the Church herself. Such, or at least very similar, ap- pears to have been the opinion of one who was no Protestant, but a devout Roman Catholic in all re- ligious matters — of one who ranks amongst the mightiest geniuses of the world, whose name sheds TWO TEMPORAL POWERS. 219 imperishable lustre upon his age, his Church, and his country ; for it was the illustrious Dante, who, nearly 600 years ago, seeing how fatal an adjunct to the spiritual authority of the Roman Church was the temporal power, how hurtful to her the union of the two within herself, wrote those lines, never more true than to-day : — " Di' oggimai die la chiesa di Roma, Per confondere in se duo reggimenti, Cade nel fango e se bruta e la soma." Purgatorio, xvi. 1 27- 1 29. Say henceforth that the Church of Rome, By confounding within herself two regimes, Falls in the mire, defiles both herself and the burden (she bears). And again, — " Ahi, Costantin, di quanta mal fu matre y Non la tua conversion, ma quella dote,* Che da te prese il primo ricco patre ! " Inferno, xix. 115-117. Alas ! Constantine, of how great ill was the mother, Not thy conversion, but that dowery,* Which from thee accepted the first rich father. Who, indeed, can look to-day on Italy or Ireland without seeing what fearful wrongs and evils the Christian Church has inflicted both on herself and others by accepting temporal aid and temporal power, so calling in the secular arm to help her, as she vainly imagined, in her spiritual work ? Perhaps some such feelings and ideas were mingled * Dante here alludes to what was believed in his days, viz., that Rome and the territory around it, called the Patrimony of St Peter, were given by Constantine to Pope Sylvester. 220 ESSAYS. with those of a more worldly character which made Napoleon II L desirous of withdrawing his troops from Rome. For he well knows, that being, as his soldiers now are, the only foreigners in forcible pos- session of Italian soil, a cause of perpetual irritation is thereby kept alive in Italy against France, which is destructive of the natural ties that would otherwise unite them together. He appears to have hoped to put an end to his occupation of Rome by the Con- vention made in September 1864, with the Italian Government. That hope he has not, however, re- alized — a result by no means surprising, when the discussions (about the instrument itself) which oc- curred between the two governments, and the general circumstances of the case, are fully considered. The Convention stipulated that Italy should promise not to attack the present territory of the Pope, and li even prevent by force" any attack proceeding from the exterior; that France " should withdraw her troops" from the Papal States within two years ; that the Italian Government should make no protest against the organization of a " Papal army even composed of foreign Roman Catholic volunteers," provided such a force did not degenerate into a means of attack against the Italian government. Italy further de- clared herself ready to enter into an arrangement for assuming a proportional part of the debt of the former States of the Church. A protocol regulated the transfer of the Italian capital from Turin to Florence. Such were the leading features of the Convention. No sooner had it been signed than a TWO TEMPORAL POWERS. 221 good deal of discussion ensued between the French and Italian governments as to what would or ought to be the line of action pursued respectively by the contracting parties in case eventualities arose which were not provided for in the Convention itself. That such eventualities might arise was clear enough ; thus, there might be an internal revolution in Rome, or the Italian government might fail in its endeavours " to prevent by force " a hostile incursion into the Papal States. The Cabinet of General Lamarmora (then in power) pointed out, amongst other things, the immense difficulty of successfully and completely " preventing by force " such attack, even when em- ploying for that purpose a large army; because it was almost impossible really to cover such a frontier as that of the Papal States, which is but a mere line, and is open in all directions to the incursion of hos- tile bands. In case, then, these or similar circum- stances arose, what was to be done ? After no little discussion, it was finally determined that as it was impossible to foretell and therefore provide for all future eventualities, it would be better for both the contracting parties to reserve their liberty of action as regarded any future circumstances not positively provided for in the Convention itself. Thus there was left, unfortunately, as it has turned out for all concerned, no slight danger of future complications. The Papal government received volunteers chiefly from France, Germany, Switzerland, and Belgium. Amongst its defenders, however, was a corps named " The Antibes Legion," whose formation calls for 222 ESSAYS. special remark. A French writer of position and ability refers to it in these words : — " France furnished to the Pope, under the form of volun- teers freely enrolled from the ranks of the religious party, the corps of Pontifical Zouaves ; the Zouaves were the con- tingent of the clerical party in France. Apart from this spontaneous movement the French government took the initiative of a more important combination. It favoured the creation, for the military service of the Holy Father, of a corps which was called the Antibes Legion. The manner of recruiting this Legion was peculiar. We do not know how it could be justified as being in conformity with our military laws. In any case it cannot be disputed that it bore an irregular appearance. The soldiers of the Antibes Legion are soldiers of our army ; they are commanded by French officers, who, during the time of their service in the Legion,' preserve their rights of promotion. Our military contingents are determined by the laws voted by the national representation, and affected exclusively to the service of the country. It is difficult to understand how any fraction of those contingents can be legitimately de- tached from the service, and authorised to pass into the pay and under the flag of a foreign state." A little further on the same writer remarks :— -" The journey of General Dumont to Rome, and above all a letter of our Minister of War (Marshal Niel), gave to the Antibes Legion a meaning more marked and more disquieting to Italian susceptibilities." The French General mentioned went to Rome and in- spected the Antibes Legion in July 1867. It was affirmed that he went officially ; then it was said by the Moniteur of 1st August 1867, that his mission was of quite a private character. The French blue- TWO TEMPORAL POWERS. 223 book, however, published at the end of November, under a paragraph headed a Mission of General Dumont to Rome/' says he was sent to ascertain the causes of discouragement in the Legion, and to reanimate the spirit of the corps. In the speech he made to the soldiers of that corps he is reported to have told them in so many words that they were " French soldiers;" then it was said that the reports given of the General's speech were not accurate. It is difficult to arrive at the exact truth in the matter ; but at any rate, the General certainly saw those in high official position before being sent from Paris to Rome. That fact, connected with what he did say to the soldiers of the Antibes Legion (whatever may have been the exact words used), roused — as well such circumstances might — the susceptibilities of the Italian government, which in consequence asked for explanations from the French government touching General Dumont and his inspection of the Antibes Legion. Throughout Italy generally this matter produced much irritation, which certainly was not to be wondered at, for it looked only too like a breach, of the spirit at any rate, of the September Convention, which stipulated that the imperial go- vernment should withdraw its troops from Rome. But whatever Italian susceptibilities General Du- mont's mission naturally roused, it was, " above all," the letter of Marshal Niel, the French Minister of War, to Colonel D'Argy, the commander of the Antibes Legion, which gave Italy just cause of com- plaint. This letter ran as follows : — 224 ESSAYS. " Paris, 11st June 1867. " My dear Colonel, — My attention is too seriously fixed on the Roman Legion to allow of my ignoring the grave facts which for some time past have taken place in refer- ence to it. How can this desertion, not individual, but collective, which threatens to reduce your effective force to nothing, be explained % The soldier has no reason to envy the troops of the mother country \ he is commanded by French officers who hold suitable positions (conv enablement poses) in our army ; he serves a respectable cause which he has asked to serve ; he has before him that which has always inflamed the French soldier, an enemy to combat, a danger to face ; and yet he shamefully deserts the flag which he has freely chosen, and, yielding to culpable en- ticements, he abandons his chiefs in order to follow despic- able foreign seducers, (de miserables embaucheurs Strangers.) H It is not the desire of again seeing his country which is an excuse ; for he knows well that so soon as he has en- tered France he is sent into a disciplinary African corps, (un corps disaplinaire d' Afrique,) where he remains until the expiration of his time of military service. I deplore this state of things, my dear Colonel, because it is a stain on our army which, wherever it is represented, ought to pre- serve its prestige of honour and courageous abnegation. Notwithstanding these sad incidents, my dear Colonel, I do not lose the hope of seeing the good elements which your Legion still includes efface, by dint of devotion and perseverance, the memory of these last times. Your energy is well known to me ; the government of the Emperor and that of the Holy Father know that it will not fail. It is of importance that your officers, upon whom you firmly count with just reason, give confidence to the troops by their bearing, by their language, by that military spirit which is, amongst us, the source of such great things. Amongst men of all ranks in your Legion, I shall be happy to signal to the Emperor all those who make themselves remarked by their conduct. I know that you are to present to me TWO TEMPORAL POWERS. 225 Serjeant Doussin and two of his soldiers. I shall examine their claims with great interest. " Tell your Legion plainly, my dear Colonel, that we have our eyes upon it, and that I suffer deeply as regards everything which is an affront to its flag, so justly vener- ated. I confound it with the corps (les corps) of our army in everything which touches its military honour and the necessities of its organisation. " Receive, my dear Colonel, the assurance of my most affectionate sentiments. (Signed) " Le Marechal de France, Niel." Such is the letter of the French Minister of War to the Colonel, himself a Frenchman, of the Antibes Legion. Let the facts thus gathered from these various French sources be now summed up. They clearly show that this Antibes Legion was composed of the soldiers of the French army, who were per- mitted, if not induced, to enlist forthwith into the Legion. Their officers are French officers, "who, during the time of their service in the Legion, pre- serve their rights of promotion." No wonder the French writer, when commenting upon these most unprecedented arrangements, calls such a mode of recruiting " peculiar," doubts much its u being in conformity with our military laws/ 7 and describes the whole affair as " disquieting to Italian suscepti- bilities." But what says Marshal Niel, the Minister of War ? What light does his letter throw upon the subject? After lamenting over the desertions which had taken place among the soldiers of the Legion, he says distinctly that they are commanded by French officers who hold suitable positions in our army;" 226 ESSAYS. that is, who as such continue to preserve their rights of promotion in the French army. Soldiers who so desert, adds the Marshal, cannot be led to commit that grave offence from wishing to return to France, because when found there they will be sent off into a disciplinary African corps ; that is, punished by the French military authorities for such desertion. The Minister of War deplores this state of things in the Antibes Legion as "a stain upon our army." He expresses his willingness to point out to the Emperor any soldiers of the Legion who may duly distinguish themselves ; and as a proof that he really means what he says, he mentions by name a worthy serjeant, whose claims, with those of two of his men, he will " examine with great interest/' Once again the Marshal declares how deeply he suffers for every dishonour inflicted on this much-loved Legion, and then concludes with these astounding words : — " I confound it (the Legion) with the corps (les corps) of our army in everything which touches its military honour and the necessities of its organisation!' Let those who are versed in the military code of France decide whether such arrangements infringe it or not. But it is in the name of common sense and common honesty that the question must be asked : How is it possible to justify such proceedings and such language in the face of the distinct stipulation contained in the September Convention, that " French troops" were to be withdrawn from Rome? Let quibblers split what hairs they will, but upright and impartial men will not fail to say that all such doings TWO TEMPORAL POWERS. 227 assuredly broke the spirit, if not the very letter, of that stipulation. Now, when a strong power makes a compact with a weak one, the former is specially bound, by every honourable feeling, not to permit anything to be done on its part which appears even like tampering with that compact to the disadvantage of its weaker partner. The French government has not acted in conformity with this principle in the case of the Antibes Legion, and the various circumstances connected with it. Imperial France has thereby laid herself open to just and severe censure. None can help contrasting the complete and absolute manner in which French troops were, according to promise, withdrawn from Mexico, and the very incomplete and questionable manner in which the like promise of withdrawal was kept as regards Rome. Nor will the imperial government do well to say that the two cases are different, because its enemies will quickly reply : Assuredly, all the difference of the distance between Toulon and Civitia Vecchia, as compared with that between Brest and Vera Cruz ; all the difference be- tween Italy, alone and weak, and Mexico, not alone, but warmly befriended by the great republic of the United States, with victorious generals, tried armies, and well-equipped fleets at its command. Be all that as it may, one thing at least is certain, that with these matters of the Antibes Legion, Marshal Niel's letter, and General Dumont's mission, known to the whole world, the French government will do wisely to make no allusion to Italy not having been successful in its attempts to prevent by force, last autumn, an attack 228 ESSAYS. upon the Papal States. A very common proverb bids people who live in glass houses not to throw stones. What share all these proceedings of the Imperial Government had in rousing Garibaldi to direct an armed attack against Rome, thus re-opening violently that question, and defying the September Convention which French authorities had so flag- rantly tampered with, we have no means of knowing ; but that those proceedings did influence the course taken by Garibaldi, and those who acted with him, can scarcely be doubted, and is not to be wondered at The following facts are, at any rate, indisput- able : — That immediately after the Convention was concluded, the Antibes Legion was formed in the manner described; in the summer of 1867 came, first, Marshal Niel's letter; then General Dumont's mission ; and in the autumn of that year followed the Garibaldian attack directed against Rome. It was about the middle of September that Gari- baldi, taking counsel only of his own patriotic aspira- tions, put himself at the head of the volunteers who were assembling at his bidding to attack the Papal States. The Italian Government had forbidden all such proceedings, and placed troops to guard the frontier. Before the month closed, Garibaldi was arrested and sent to Caprera. There he was closely watched by the vessels of the royal navy, who at first succeeded in preventing his return to the main- land ; but at length he eluded their vigilance, and made at once for the Papal frontier. Despite the efforts of the Italian government, the volunteers con- TWO TEMPORAL POWERS. 229 tinued to get into the Papal territory, and were con- tinually reinforced : among them were Garibaldi's two sons. The General himself now joined them, and led them against the Papal forces, whom they beat at Monte Rotondo : this place, occupying a strong position, was taken by the Garibaldians. Rome itself was in much danger. Already one or two collisions had taken place between the garrison and some of those within the walls. It was at this criti- cal moment that the French government intervened by sending a considerable force to occupy Civita Vec- chia and Rome. Upon hearing of this, the Italians urged their government to intervene. Those at the head of affairs appear to have vacillated much upon this momentous subject, involving, as it did, hopes and aspirations, dangers and risks, the magnitude of which language can scarcely exaggerate. Vacillation is always a mistaken policy ; but in this case it is scarcely to be wondered at, though it must be cen- sured ; for rarely, if ever, has any government been surrounded by difficulties and dangers of a greater, and at the same time of a more opposite kind, than was that of Italy on this occasion. Postponing for a few moments further observations upon such and other kindred matters, this question only shall here be asked : Who, after all, are most to blame — those whose rash patriotism creates a crisis necessarily fraught with the utmost danger to their country and her cause, or those at the head of affairs, who, after wisely endeavouring, at the outset, to dissuade the leader of that rash patriotism from entering on a 230 ESSAYS. course so full of peril to his country, fall at last them- selves into the error of vacillation, or commit other mistakes, while doing their best to steer the ship of state safely through the fearful perils which Gari- baldi's rashness had created ? The Ratazzi Cabinet resigned, and after some delay, owing to General Cialdini failing to form a government, the arduous task was finally undertaken and performed by General Menabrea. Not until after the French had landed in Italy, did the Italian troops cross the frontier, taking, at the same time, every precaution to guard against a collision with the French, while pressing messages were sent to Gari- baldi to try to persuade him to abandon his now hopeless enterprise. As soon as Rome had been secured by the soldiers of Imperial France, 2000 of them, armed with the new Chassepot rifle, together with 3000 Pontifical troops, well equipped and accom- panied by artillery, marched out against the Garibal- dians. The two hostile corps, each numbering, as it seems, 5000 men, met at Mentana. Garibaldi and his men, generally badly armed and poorly clothed, fought with such determination and courage, that the conflict continued to rage fiercely from one in the afternoon until dark, and though the French and Papal troops had gained decided successes by night- fall, they were not able to complete their success before it was actually night, but had to wait until the next morning. Such a defeat reflects, indeed, the highest honour upon Garibaldi and his brave men ; for opposed to them were 2000 regular French troops, TWO TEMPORAL POWERS. 23 1 who, armed with the Chassepot rifle, which "did wonders/* 'evidently turned the fortune of the day. But despite the courage and devotion displayed by the Garibaldians, ultimate success against such forces as those opposed to them was hopeless. Gradually driven back, after much hard fighting, they retreated under cover of night, having suffered heavy losses, and leaving many prisoners in the hands of the enemy, When within the limits of the Italian kingdom, Gari- baldi was taken by its authorities, and sent to the fortress of Varignano, in the Gulf of Spezia. He might have resisted ; but, to his honour be it ever said, he would permit of no resistance, because he never will allow his own person to be the cause of armed conflict between Italians. Such a conflict, willingly and intentionally brought about, would be not an error, but a crime. For whatever differences may exist among them as to the best means of attain- ing the great object all have in view, the whole nation is one in its firm determination to attain that object, which is but that of freeing for ever their native land from the presence of foreign soldiery, and the wrong of foreign interference. Their neighbours, French, Swiss, and German, have attained that result, and Italians are steadfastly determined to do likewise. After the French had landed in Italy, the Italian troops had, as just mentioned, crossed into the Papal territory. This passage of the frontier gave great offence to the French government. For what reason it is hard to say, except that the French are inclined to be much too easily offended if any one, except 232 ESSAYS. themselves, ventures to do anything. This same kind of touchiness some of them have lately shown most unwarrantably towards Germany, with whose work of internal reorganisation no other nation what- ever has the slightest right to interfere. But happily the Germans are very numerous and very strong. It is to be hoped that that fact, coupled with their abso- lute right to do what they please in their own coun- try, will ever be sufficient to protect them from the wrong of foreign interference while engaged in recon- structing the government of their great fatherland. The circumstances connected with the crossing of the frontier by the Italian army fully warranted such a step on the part of the Italian government, for they clearly belonged to those future eventualities not expressly provided for in the September Conven- tion — eventualities concerning which each government had reserved its " freedom of action." When, then, the imperial government made use of that freedom of action (as it had a right to do) to enter the Papal territory, the Italian government was perfectly justi- fied in doing the same. Not only would Italy have had good ground for occupying Rome jointly with France, but that would have been by far the most politic and equitable arrangement. Instead of that, the imperial government became very indignant with the Italian for having ordered its army to cross the frontier at all, and appeared (though it seems almost incredible) inclined to pick a wolf-and- lamb quarrel with its weaker partner. In all this the French government acted most unfairly. Nor TWO TEMPORAL POWERS. 233 has it a right to utter a syllable about the Italian government having been unsuccessful in its attempts to prevent the Garibaldians from entering the Papal territory, because success neither had nor could be stipulated for ; on the contrary, the Italian govern- ment had pointed out from the first (in 1864) the im- mense difficulty of successfully doing so. But there was another and far more powerful reason which should have made the French government hold alto- gether a different tone to the one it affected — namely, that scarcely had the Convention been signed when the imperial government began to tamper with its spirit, if not its letter, in the matter of the formation of the Antibes Legion, as has already been plainly shown. No wonder, under these circumstances, that this high-handed conduct of Imperial France to a weaker neighbour caused her enemies to draw many a biting comparison between her bearing towards Italy on the Roman question and her bearing to- wards the United states in the Mexican ; nor did they forget to remark sarcastically on the quiet and proper manner in which the imperial government accepted the perfectly just, but most decided refusal given by Germany to listen to any proposal for the rectification of the Rhine frontier. As to the accla- mations with which French telegrams announced the reception of French troops in Italian towns, not only were they at variance with the testimony of independ- ent witnesses of the receptions given, but they were at the same time in complete harmony with the offi- cial announcements (made during some two or three 234 ESSAYS. years) of the rapturous reception given to French troops in Mexico. Yet no sooner did French bay- onets cease to uphold that Mexican State which they had temporarily called into existence, than it fell hopelessly and utterly within a few weeks. Not only have Mexicans given no signs of love to France since, but they have, by the cruel execution of the poor Archduke Maximilian, flung in her face the most terrible insult that ever one nation offered to another. The French Emperor will do well to bear in mind that these things are remembered and freely discussed, if not in France, at least in other countries. Nor can the truth be concealed that, though the citi- zens of free nations may deem Garibaldi's course un- wise or inexpedient, yet assuredly their sympathies were not with those who, on Mentana's field, handled the " wonder-working ,; Chassepot, but with those who faced it with heroic courage, animated by the " wonder-working •' love of freedom and of country. As soon as the Papal territory had been evacuated by the Garibaldians, the Italian troops withdrew from it also. This step was taken by the king's govern- ment of its own accord, though it would be folly to deny that in taking it they were uninfluenced by the hostile attitude unjustly assumed by France. At the same time, it would be unfair to the rulers of Italy not to admit that if they were greatly influenced by prudence in avoiding all risk of war with a neighbour so immensely powerful, they were also influenced by gratitude from a recollection of the generous aid afforded by France in 1859. Yet this latter power TWO TEMPORAL POWERS. 235 should remember that generosity at one time is no excuse for injustice and overbearing conduct at another. It is sad, indeed, to see the noble work commenced in that memorable year, endangered and delayed by an uncertain and changeable policy, creat- ing general distrust, because its author will persist in the vain attempt to support at the same time two hostile systems and serve two hostile masters. When the immense dangers and difficulties of every kind which surrounded the Italian government are taken fairly into account, its conduct in thus giving way to France, and so avoiding all present danger of a conflict with a neighbour so immeasur- ably stronger than Italy, is, to say the least of it, excusable. Certainly, her rulers took in this matter the prudent rather than the heroic line. In conse- quence, there have been some English writers who have, when commenting upon this subject, spoken of the Italian king and government in the harshest terms. Surely such critics will do well to be more considerate, if not for the sake of Italy, at least for that of England. For when foreigners read such very severe criticism, coming from such a quarter, they will be tempted to ask, Did not England, despite all her vast power and resources, finally take, in the Danish question, the prudent rather than the heroic line ? Can we English deny that that prudence was preceded by a great deal of what our American cousins amusingly term "tall talk ?" That having been the case, Englishmen will be wise not to judge over harshly a young country, infinitely less power- 236 ESSAYS. ful than their own, which, in circumstances of far greater danger, followed, like England, the counsels of prudence rather than those of heroism. As to Italians, however bitterly they may feel just now at having been forced to give way to Imperial France ; however much the rash amongst them may have wished that their sovereign had defied her to the uttermost, at whatever risk ; they will not allow themselves to be so blinded by such feelings as to listen to designing persons, who, in their folly or their wickedness, seek to turn the hearts of their country- men from their honest king. Italians will not forget that for eighteen eventful years Victor Emmanuel, whether as King of Piedmont or of Italy, has ever been true to his country's rights and liberties, has ever faithfully preserved them when the rulers of neighbouring nations were trampling those of their people in the dust. They will remember that, in the cause of Italy, he has more than once risked life and crown. Under his honest rule their native land, (which scarcely ten years ago was but a down- trodden slave,) has not only broken the old yoke, but has made greater strides towards becoming a free and united nation than was ever effected in the same brief time by any people in the world's history. It is not too much to say, that the unswerving devo- tion of Victor Emmanuel to Italy's righteous cause, and his honest faithfulness to his people's liberties, have been as efficacious in bringing Italy so far forward on her way, as the genius of the great Cavour, or the burning patriotism of Garibaldi ; for TWO TEMPORAL POWERS. 237 without such a king, the illustrious statesman would never have risen to power, and the great patriot would, in all probability, have passed his life, from 1849 to the present day, as a comparatively unknown exile. Italians cannot but feel sure that what their sovereign has done at this time he has only done because he honestly believed (rightly or wrongly) that it was, on the whole, the best that was possible amidst the unspeakable dangers of a crisis brought on by Garibaldi's movements. Well are they aware that none regret more than the king himself, his country's not yet being equal to the great military monarchies of Europe, which have grown to their present strength in the course of centuries. It would indeed be a miracle if Italy were so, considering she numbers scarce seven years of national existence. And none but wild fanatics can suppose that such a miracle could have been wrought by Italy's adopting any other form of government, or by selecting as her rulers any other class of men whatever. Granting* then, that the statesmen of Italy have, in the last terrible crisis, made mistakes, failed to take the best course, or preferred prudence to heroism, who shall on that account fling at them the first stone ? Shall England ? Thoughts of Denmark, if nothing else, will stay her hand. Shall France ? Is Mexico so soon forgotten ? If, then, in circumstances far less difficult, two of the greatest nations in the world must own to a policy whose results were anything but flattering to their pride and self-esteem, Italians may well pardon (while freely, within the limits of their 238 ESSAYS. constitutional liberties, pointing out) the mistakes of their government. This is the course they will pursue. At the same time, they will rally closely around their king and parliament, and so by firm union, and careful preparations of every kind, become better able in the future to enforce, if necessary, their just rights and claims ; for, acting otherwise, they would but play into the hands of their country's bitterest enemies. Nor will Italians forget that some of those amongst them who have been loudest in demanding that Italy should plunge headlong into an unequal contest with France, have been but lately the loudest to cry out for the reduction of their army to the lowest possible point, and that just when the French Emperor (without any sufficient cause) was devising fresh plans with the object of strengthening his military system. The inconsistency of such men needs only to be mentioned to be exposed. Of two things, one — either Italy may ease her finances by cutting down her army to the utmost, and then she must abandon all idea of resisting an overbearing neighbour of ten times her strength, who persists in doing the contrary ; or else her soldiers must be very numerous, thoroughly well-armed and equipped, and then Italians must consent to a taxation in propor- tion to the expenditure necessitated by maintaining so large a force. The fault of such a state of things must not, however, be laid at Italy's door, who, like her German neighbours, simply asks to be let alone, and left to regulate her own internal affairs as she pleases, just as Germany does and has a right to do. TWO TEMPORAL POWERS. 239 Happily this latter country is strong enough to keep meddling neighbours from interfering with that right. The fact is, that the huge standing armies which disgrace our age and civilization, are caused chiefly, if not wholly, by the imperial government of France. For by maintaining and strengthening the enormous military establishments which it persists in keeping up, it compels its neighbours to be well, if not equally, prepared. Yet France has no need for such an overgrown army as that which weighs down her people with an ever-increasing taxation ; while the capricious foreign policy of her government entails the burden first of one, and then of another military expedition, abundant in cost, but certainly not in glory. Such a policy keeps all the world in per- petual alarm, to the detriment alike of France and other nations, from the uncertainty and misgiving to which it naturally gives rise. This conduct of the imperial government is without excuse, for no one menaces France, none do her dishonour (unless it be Mexican Juarez,) none seek or wish to deprive her of any fraction of that which is hers, neither do any of her neighbours possess so much as a single village which has the least desire to belong to Imperial France. Were her government to prove its love of peace by a policy of strict non-intervention in the concerns of other countries, instituting at the same time large and obvious reductions in its huge military establishments, instead of merely protesting in words its peaceful aspirations, the present state of uncer- tainty would soon pass away, and there would be 240 ESSAYS. some hope that over-taxed Europe would see a diminution, at least, of the standing curse of stand- ing armies. The actual crisis through which Italy, not to say Europe, is passing, cannot be considered without making a few observations upon the course pursued by Garibaldi. Burning with a devoted patriotism that knows no bounds, ever exposing himself to all the dangers incurred in the carrying out of his rash plans, Garibaldi will ever command the sympathy of all those who believe that every people have a right to struggle against foreign interference, whether it take the form of threats or of force backed up by bayonets. But it does not by any means necessarily follow that the mode of proceeding adopted by him is therefore the wisest or the best. That must depend upon quite other considerations, themselves depend- ing upon a variety of circumstances well worth a few moments' serious attention. Garibaldi is to-day the subject, indeed one of the representatives, of the Italian kingdom, not yet com- pleted, but assuredly deserving the title of free within its actual limits. At its head is a sovereign faithfully carrying out constitutional principles ; under him are really responsible ministers, answerable to the freely- elected Parliament of a people who possess the most substantial liberties, — amongst others, those of the press and of public meetings. Now the question arises, which is best for Italy, that Garibaldi, keeping himself within the limits of action which a free state necessarily (as in the case of England or Belgium) TWO TEMPORAL POWERS. 241 prescribes to all its citizens, should unite himself with the governing powers of his country in the arduous task of solving the last great question which still impedes the completion of Italy's union and inde- pendence ? or whether he should take a course which almost of necessity brings him into collision with those at the head of affairs, nay, what is far worse, brings his country into only too possible collision with imperial France, for whose power he must know that Italy is, and can be, no match ? for no political machinery can even be conceived which could pos- sibly in six or seven years make a people who have long been downtrodden and divided equal in arms to a military nation whose strength is the growth of centuries. Surely, if Garibaldi were as wise as he is patriotic in heart and courageous in deed, he would, in the altered condition of Italy, (being as it is so widely different from what it was in the days of his earlier career,) see the expediency and wisdom of altering his own course according to the altered cir- cumstances of his country. For her sake he would do well to curb his too daring ardour, and help her honest King and free Parliament in their endeavours to solve the Roman difficulty, instead of causing em- barrassment and danger, not only to them, but even to that noble Italian cause which, since 1859, has made such gigantic strides towards its destined goal — that great consummation of Italy's complete union and independence, which is the earnest desire not only of her own children, but of all who love national freedom, and hate foreign interference in whatever Q 242 ESSAYS. garb it clothes its odious form. Again, Garibaldi seems to believe that the French Emperor is the worst of men, and in his heart a hater of Italian free- dom. Assuming, for the sake of argument, this to be true, does not the General perceive that his own con- duct gives that very Emperor a handle for employing the worst kind of interference, that of bayonets and Chassepots ? To say that France has no more right to maintain by force of arms in Italy any temporal rule whatever, than Italians have to do the like in France, is unquestionably true ; but unfortunately (not only for Italy and Europe, but for France her- self) she has the power to do so, and is only too much inclined to exercise it. This fact is incontestable, and when Garibaldi, choosing to disregard it, gives by the course he pursues an excuse to Napoleon for inter- fering in Italy, the imprudent patriot only plays the game of the very man whom he declares to be Italy's worst, because most insidious, enemy. Moreover, the citizen of a free country is not jus- tified in endeavouring to force his government by extra-legal means to pursue a given line of policy or conduct, instead of employing only the many legal means of doing so which are at his command, thanks to the constitutional liberties such a country bestows on its people. When, then, any citizen pursues such an erroneous course, he endangers the liberty he loves, because he breaks down those proper and legal bounds which in all free lands must and ought to be pre- served, as being absolutely necessary to their free- dom. Thus acting, such a citizen (whatever may be TWO TEMPORAL POWERS. 243 his past services or intrinsic merits) does wrong, im- perils his country and her cause ; therefore he must be blamed. To say that Garibaldi's character and services are such that the above rule is inapplicable, cannot be admitted. That character is noble, those services immense * they may be pleaded in extenua- tion of the course he took last autumn ; but consider- ing the actual point at which Italy has arrived in the establishment of a national and constitutional system of freedom, Garibaldi's proceedings were not, under the circumstances, really wise or justifiable, for that system offered him other, better, and safer ways of devoting himself to his country's service. It will perhaps be said, that what he has just done will, after all, help on in the end the cause of Italy. Very pos- sibly ; but that does not therefore make the particular way in which he acted necessarily commendable. Yet whatever Garibaldi's faults and errors — for neither popular nor royal heroes are exempt from them — his name is, and ever will be, loved wherever freemen dwell, as expressing in a single word life-long, un- dying devotion to the sacred cause of his country's rights and independence. Among the thousand arguments and reflections to which the mighty work of Italy's union and regener- ation gave rise, but few indeed can here be even touched upon. There is one assertion, however, which must not be forgotten. It is sometimes said that the Papal government only desires to be left quietly in Rome. This is wholly contrary to the fact. What it has ever, hitherto at least, demanded, is that all its 244 ESSAYS. former provinces be restored to it ; in other words, that the Italian kingdom be broken up. It says to Italy : Your existence as a free and united nation is incompatible with my temporal rule ; I therefore de- mand your destruction. What would be the reply of France, England, or any other nation, if, being in the position of Italy, such language were addressed to them ? Again, the chief of the Papal government hurls his anathemas at Italy for adopting a variety of laws which are not only demanded by modern progress and civilisation, but which Roman Catholic France and Belgium have already adopted, and which the free Austria of to-day is hastening to adopt. Who amongst enlightened men does not sympathise with the work which is now being carried on by the Austro-Hungarian diets and statesmen ? With what disgust would not every friend of justice and freedom see to-day Vienna or Pesth in the hands of a temporal power maintained by foreign bayonets, anathematising and impeding at every turn the great work of national regeneration, liberty, and progress now being carried on in the Austro-Hungarian state? Assuredly such a spectacle would be hateful in Vienna or Pesth, and assuredly it is not less hateful in Rome. There is a desire often expressed by many of the most inveterate enemies of the Roman Church, which Roman Catholics will do well to consider. It is this : that the temporal power of the Pope may continue to be prolonged by forcible means, because thereby the greatest possible damage will be inflicted upon his spiritual power. These bitter foes of the Holy See TWO TEMPORAL POWERS. 245 will "certainly read with joy of the Roman Pontiff blessing and decorating the foreign soldiers who have fought for the shred of territory still left him — soldiers whose Chassepot rifle " did wonders " in its murder- ous work of death and slaughter. But what answer can be given to those inveterate enemies when they ask, pointing to the hecatomb of mangled corpses which strewed Mentana's field : Are these the bloody tokens by which the Papal king would have mankind believe that he is indeed the true representative on earth of the gentle and loving Jesus who refused to be made king — who was named the Prince of Peace ; who "came not to destroy mens lives, but to save them?" Those who, in examining this double question of the "temporal power" of the Roman Church in Italy, and of the Anglican Church in Ireland, look only to the vast material strength of France and England, will perhaps come to the conclusion that the " tem- poral power" of the two churches, which those nations respectively uphold, is in no danger of being brought to an end, or even of being greatly modified. But those who observe the direction in which the current of civilisation and progress is running, who watch the onward flow of civil and religious liberty in all direc- tions, who mark the successful vindication of national and individual freedom, even in countries hitherto most opposed to all such principles, will come to a very different conclusion. The ruined and decaying remains of a vast armoury of weapons by which arbitrary statesmen and bigoted ecclesiastics sought 246 ESSAYS. to sustain and strengthen, as they imagined, the cause of religion, are to be seen lying broken and disused on all sides. Such instrumentality belongs to the past, whether its outward forms were to be seen in the stake and torture of ages long gone by, or in those civil disabilities and offensive oaths which were abolished but yesterday. The attempt to maintain by force the temporal power and position of an eccle- siastical body, in opposition to the will, the liberties, and the progress of a whole people, is but a vain endeavour to preserve the last remnants of the old system, which sought in a thousand ways to shackle the liberties and consciences of men, by compelling them to accept, or at least support, some form of reli- gious belief which their brother men believed to be the truest and the best. Those last remnants will be as surely swept away as those around which the pres- ent generation can remember the battle raging, but which now exist no longer. More time may yet have to be lost in the struggle, that struggle may blaze forth for a moment hotter and fiercer than ever, but the ultimate result is inevitable. France may be the greatest of military powers, while Italy has not yet organised the undeveloped resources of a nation whose birth-throes we have witnessed and yet are witness- ing. England possesses might and resources such as may well make the strongest shrink from rousing her to hostile action ; while Ireland may be said never even to have known an existence at once independent of others and united within herself. Yet when Italy and Ireland demand the cessation of the temporal TWO TEMPORAL POWERS. 247 power and rule of an ecclesiastical body which w r eighs down their liberties, stops their progress, and poisons their whole national life, it is with them that the final victory will rest, despite all the strength of France and England, who respectively uphold in Italy and Ireland the temporal power of the Roman and Angli- can hierarchies. For while the former nations have on their side, in this matter, only the material strength of Chassepot rifles and Armstrong guns, the latter have with them the whole current of modern civilisa- tion and progress, united to the divine power of justice, liberty, and right, now, as ever, numbered amongst the best gifts which God has bestowed on man. If, moreover, a glance be directed from the old world to the new ; whether to the vast dominion of the great American republic, or to the rising com- munities of England's colonial empire — those free nations of a no distant future — the system of ab- solute religious freedom and equality will there be seen reigning unquestioned, none having the least desire to disturb, in those countries, that universal settlement which, to the benefit of State and Church, leaves both unhampered, thus realising the idea of a free church in a free state — " Libera chiesa in libero stato," as said Cavour. Such facts, when connected with the manifestly increasing tendency of the more enlightened and powerful European nations to put in practice the principle of complete religious freedom, reveal clearly to every thoughtful observer what must be the final 248 ESSAYS. result. Is such a result to be dreaded ? Is it indeed to be lamented that the prospect opens of a time when no temporal power of any church whatever shall thwart the independence and progress of a whole nation ; when no country shall be compelled to support a church hateful to the great majority of its people ? Surely the fall of such systems, not- less unworthy of an enlightened age than of the Christian faith, should be hailed with thankfulness ; while at the same time due preparation should be made so to meet that salutary change as to turn it to the best possible account, for if well and wisely profited by, it will usher in the full reign of absolute religious freedom and equality. Then shall all those who share a common faith, and " reverence their con- science as their king," follow its dictates without let or hindrance, without paying tax or tithe to any other creed save that which reigns in their own hearts. Thus shall religion rest upon conviction, its only sure foundation, and so the sacred claims of man's spiritual life be brought into harmony with the no less sacred rights of freedom, truth, and conscience. The debates which have occurred in the French Chambers since our article on the Two Temporal Powers has been put in type, lead us to add the fol- lowing remarks : — M. Rouher has declared that Italy shall not be allowed to seize upon (semparer de) Rome. If he means that France will under no cir- cumstances allow that city to become the capital of Italy, the conference proposed by the French TWO TEMPORAL POWERS. 249 government cannot take place. For it is doubtful if any of the great powers will endorse such a doctrine ; certainly England will not. If the French minister only means that Italy will not be allowed to seize on Rome by violence, because a European conference is going to take in hand the Roman question, there is still room for negotiations, however slight the hope of their leading to a satisfactory result. M. Rouher has delivered himself of one of those phrases, so dear to the second empire, which may be explained ac- cording to circumstances. Such phrases often give at first alternating hopes to the various political sections of France, and not unfrequently end in displeasing them all. The French minister also informed the Chambers that the Holy Father raised in Rome his venerable hands in prayer for the good of Christen- dom ; be it so, but it must not be forgotten that he raises his voice there also to anathematise the just and equal laws passed by the Italian government for the good of its own people ; laws not only in consonance with the civilisation of the age, but which France has herself long since adopted. M. Moustier, the French Minister of Foreign Affairs, in his speech (4th December 1867) said that M. Nigra, the Italian minister accredited to the French court, in proposing to France a joint French and Italian occupation of Rome, asked the French to become "not only dupes but traitors ;" adding, " Our honour, our uprightness, all the sentiments that exist in the hearts of Frenchmen, as in their national, soil, revolted against it." This proposition was therefore " rejected 250 ESSAYS. with indignation." Now, only a few weeks before (17th October) M. Nigra, writing to his government at Florence, says, "M. Rouher proposes that the double intervention may be regulated by a common agreement and contemporaneously effected." This idea of M. Rouher's was, as facts show, not acted on by the French government ; it preferred going to Rome alone, and M. Rouher finally agreed to that plan. But what will the world think of M. Moustier officially declaring his own colleague's proposal of a joint occupation of Rome to be one which made them " dupes and traitors," which Frenchmen " re- volted against," and which France " rejected with indignation?" These two French ministers have thus brought the utmost discredit upon their own government, unless indeed they have some very clear and straightforward statement to make, which shall explain this extraordinary conduct and language of theirs, touching the proposal of a joint occupation of Rome. Such a specimen of the way in which the imperial government carries on negotiations upon vital questions with another government, of whom it professes to be the friend and even ally, will make most people think that the fewer negotiations foreign countries have with such directors of statecraft the better. But the recollection of how much weaker Italy is than France throws into the background the absurdity of these proceedings of the French government, only to bring out more forcibly the dis- grace which of necessity attaches to them. Besides M. Rouher and M. Moustier, another high TWO TEMPORAL POWERS. 25 I authority, M. Thiers, has spoken. If what he says means anything, it means that, arms in hand, France ought to have opposed, if not even now break up by force, German and Italian unity. He advocates un- blushingly the most selfish and narrow of policies. The neighbours of France are to be kept weak and divided that she may be strong. According to this doctrine, the French may be united, may change their dynasties and governments as often as they please, may be absolute masters of their own destinies and country ; but woe to Germans and Italians if they do likewise. That the neighbours of France have no right to interfere with Frenchmen as regards the management of French affairs in their own land, is assuredly true; but no eloquence of M. Thiers will prove that those neighbours have not the same ab- solute right in their respective countries, as against French interference. It is now clear to the world that all those fine phrases about protecting the inde- pendence and spiritual authority of the Pope are but hypocritical devices which attempt to conceal be- neath the garb of religion a policy of interference as petty, as selfish, as opposed to the Christian precept of not doing to others what we would not have them do to us, as ever disgraced the worst times of purely selfish and autocratic misgovernment. Melancholy indeed is it to see the professed advocate of free con- stitutional principles thwarting their progress in other lands instead of aiding them in their glorious work. Such men do but bring dishonour upon themselves, as well as on the party to which they are attached. 252 ESSAYS. If, as the words of the statesmen referred to seem to imply, France has determined to prevent, under all circumstances, Rome becoming the capital of Italy, France will assuredly find herself occupying a very isolated position. Such a policy, based on dislike to the unity and independence of her neighbours, will create uneasiness and suspicion throughout Germany, hatred in Italy, and decided disapprobation among the free people of England and the United States. Russia holding down Poland will smile grimly at im- perial France holding down Rome ; but as to sym- pathy, there will be none. Nor will Austria and Hungary have any to bestow, for they are fully occupied with the arduous and noble task of internal union, progress, and liberty, upon the success of which their future prosperity depends. Very many of the sons of France will wish that her work resembled more that of the Emperor-King (Francis Joseph), instead of bearing such an unpleasant likeness to that of the Czar. u Vive la liberty comme en Autriche ! " How strange that cry, uttered but the other day in Paris by those who boast of 1789 * It may be that the French people, so full of generous impulses, will at length say : Enough of a policy advocated by those who bid us selfishly inflict upon our neighbours an interference we should not for a moment tolerate from them ; enough of a conscription creating huge armaments which burden us with an ever-increasing taxation while depriving the land of tens of thou- * On the occasion of Emperor Francis Joseph's visit to Paris in the autumn of 1867. TWO TEMPORAL POWERS. 253 sands of able cultivators ; enough of foreign expe- ditions which cost France millions of money and thousands of lives ; enough of a policy which hides national selfishness beneath the garb of religion, and then dares to describe it as patriotism. No neigh- bour threatens us ; each one but asks that we inter- fere not with him, even as he interferes not with us. It is but just, for there are none upon our frontiers who desire to be under our government, each one being content to be united to his own fatherland. We number 38 millions, in possession of a rich and magnificent country, whose just rights we are more than able to defend. Let us leave others in peace to do as they will with their own, while we consecrate ourselves to the work of developing the resources, rights, and liberties of our noble France. So shall we worthily fill our place among the nations, and be a blessing both to ourselves and others. Pursuing steadily such a course, we cannot fail in time to reap all the rich blessings bestowed by those mighty prin- ciples of freedom and the rights of nations which we and our great forefathers have done so much to sow broadcast throughout the world. THE CHURCH SYSTEM OF IRELAND AND CANADA. Reprinted from the (i Westminster Review" of the 1st April 1 868. SO paramount is the importance of the Irish ques- tion that no apology is needed for keeping it constantly before the public mind ; rather is it a posi- tive duty to do so until a satisfactory solution has been obtained ; for the welfare alike of Ireland and of England is involved in the issue. The question itself embraces two subjects closely connected with each other — the land and the Church. It is the latter which will be specially dealt with in this paper. When the justice and expediency of maintaining intact the Protestant State Church in Ireland are called in question, its supporters are fond of remind- ing their opponents that the great majority of Irish landlords are members of the Established Church. This fact at once provokes the question, How is it that, while the great mass of Ireland's people are Roman Catholic, the great majority of her landed proprietors are Protestant? In no other country is CHURCH SYSTEM OF IRELAND AND CANADA. 255 to be seen a like strange phenomenon. Presbyterian Scotland, Roman Catholic France, Lutheran Prussia, Protestant England, present no such abnormal condi- tion of things. Whence, then, does it spring in Ire- land ? One word, pregnant with innumerable ills, goes far to solve the problem — Confiscation. Lord Clare, the Irish Lord Chancellor at the time of the Union in 1801, said : a So the whole island has been confiscated, with the exception of the estates of five or six families of English blood, some of whom had been attainted in the reign of Henry VI II., but re- covered their possessions before Tyrone's rebellion, and had the good fortune to escape the pillage of the English republic inflicted by Cromwell ; and no in- considerable portion of the island has been confis- cated twice, or perhaps thrice, in the course of a cen- tury." So again, a very different authority, Mr J. S. Mill, writes : — " According to a well-known computa- tion, the whole land of the island has been confiscated three times over. Part had been taken to enrich Englishmen and their Irish adherents ; part to form the endowment of a hostile hierarchy ; the rest had been given away to English and Scotch colonists, who held, and were intended to hold it, as a garrison against Ireland." This evil work was further aided by that penal code which oppressed Irish Roman Catholics up to nearly the close of the eighteenth century. It enacted, amongst other things, that no member of the Church of Rome could take or trans- fer lands by devise, descent, or purchase ; that he could not dispose of his estate by will, or lend money 256 ESSAYS. on the security of land. A child, conforming to the established religion, might force his parent to surren- der his estate, under a fair allowance. A younger brother might deprive the elder brother of the legal rights conferred by primogeniture. With such causes to account for the fact, (without parallel in Europe), that while the great majority of landed proprietors in Ireland are of one faith, the great majority of her people are of another, common prudence (if no higher principle) would have sug- gested the wisdom of not adducing that anomalous condition, in order to justify the maintenance of the Church of the small minority as the State Establish- ment of the whole country. One would have thought that the defenders of the Anglican hierarchy in the sister island would have avoided using an argument which, when examined, is proved to rest upon a fact originating in the cruel wrongs of past times — wrongs which now meet with universal condemnation. To right them completely and fully to-day is unhappily impossible ; but assuredly that is no reason for bring- ing them forward in order to prop up an unequal system which it lies within our power to abolish. The merest expediency and the highest principle alike forbid the folly which vainly seeks to justify the crying anomalies of the present by appealing to the yet more crying wrongs of the past. But without dwelling further upon this aspect of the subject, let the Irish State Church, as it actually exists, be now briefly yet carefully examined. Since the Commutation Act was passed, (1832,) the taking CHURCH SYSTEM OF IRELAND AND CANADA. 257 a tenth of the cultivator's produce, the seizing for payment his only cow or pig, by way of collecting tithe dues, has been done away. The ills produced by such a mode of proceeding became too aggravated to allow of its continuance. The tithes are now only recoverable from the head landlord. He pays them out of the rent he receives from his land, upon which they are a first charge. Inasmuch, however, as the rent is derived from the labour of the occupier who cultivates the soil, that labour evidently contributes largely and directly to the payment of the tithes. This mode of collecting them, under the Commu- tation Act, is certainly better than the old system of levying them by the seizure of the cultivator's pro- duce or stock : but, however ameliorated the form, the cultivator of the soil still bears his full share of the payment. Nothing can alter the fact that all charges upon land press upon both tenant and land- lord. Now, in Ireland the great majority of actual cultivators or tenants are Roman Catholics, who are thus obliged to contribute directly to the support of the Protestant establishment; so that the injustice remains of obliging by law the members of the Roman Communion to pay for the Anglican Church. Again, it is urged that as both he who owns the land and he who cultivates it knew of this tithe- charge when they became owners or cultivators, neither of them have a right to complain. Such an assertion is a very exaggerated statement of the case. What may fairly be said is, that being aware of the existence of such a charge on land, they have no 258 ESSAYS. right to refuse its payment as long as the law de- mands it of them ; but they have a perfect right, if they think such an arrangement tainted with injustice, to use every constitutional means for obtaining a change of the law. That persons buy or lease under such conditions does not by any means necessarily prove that they think such conditions exactly what they ought to be ; all it really proves is, that such persons are so desirous of becoming owners and cul- tivators that even those amongst them who contend that the obligation to pay tithes is unjust, prefer doing so rather than cut themselves off from the land. But such compliance with the existing law by no means invalidates their right to get rid, by consti- tutional means, of the obligation which they deem unjust. This becomes clearer still if a similar case, though under different circumstances, be imagined. Suppose the legislature, having imposed a five per cent income tax on its subjects, further enacted that all persons with blue eyes should pay an additional one per cent, thus making the tax in their case six per cent. Doubtless every blue-eyed person who, after the enactment, continued to reside in the coun- try and derive his income from it, would be legally and morally bound to pay the extra one per cent ; but that would by no means deprive him of his right of using all legitimate means for the repeal of the enactment in question. A blue-eyed person would not, by continuing to reside in the country, prove that he thought the extra tax reasonable; the fact of continued residence would prove nothing more CHURCH SYSTEM OF IRELAND AND CANADA. 259 than that he thought such extra tax a less evil than that of leaving the country, with all his possessions ; nor would he by thus continuing to live in his native land weaken in any degree his right to agitate for the repeal of the tax. Such a foolish and oppressive measure would offend against justice, not against religious convictions. But inasmuch as these latter feelings are very generally as deep-rooted in the human breast as the sense of justice, such an enact- ment as the one supposed would not be more op- pressive than that which says to a whole people: None amongst you shall possess, nor even cultivate, any portion of the soil of your own country, except upon the condition of paying tithe in support of a religion which the great majority of your people deem wrong and schismatical. Yet such has been the treatment inflicted for 300 years by England upon Ireland. In the 16th century England became Protestant, Ireland remained Roman Catholic. Upon which England, being the stronger, compelled all Irish proprietors and occupiers of land to support, from that time forward, a Protestant State Church in Ireland. There are some who fancy that they successfully apologise for this by asserting that the whole change (the cruel penal code of the last century included) was effected by the Irish parliament. Irish indeed ; for although three-fourths of the Irish were Roman Catholics, no Roman Catholic was allowed to have a seat in Ireland's legislature, nor even to possess the suffrage. Have those who make use of this 260 ESSAYS. argument about the Irish parliament ever asked themselves what they would think of an English parliament in which no Protestant could sit, and in the election of whose members no Protestant could vote ? Thus is it that men wedded by habit to a long-standing wrong, blindly endeavour to prop it up by means of another and yet greater wrong. Those who thus argue are about as wise as persons who should seek to extinguish a conflagration by turning upon it an abundant supply of oil. Such arguments (and there are many of a similar character brought to bear) really tempt the writer, despite his English birth and Protestant faith, to wish that by some miracle Ireland would suddenly become far stronger than England, and then treat her for a year or two to a Roman Church establishment on this side of St George's Channel. It would then be seen how Eng- lishmen would deal with arguments in favour of a church establishment of the small Roman Catholic minority forced upon the unwilling majority of Pro- testant England. Eighteen months of such a regime would clear away many a sophism by which Anglican Churchmen seek now to justify such a system when applied to Ireland. It would be edifying to see the new light which would break upon their minds. Our public halls would ring with many an eloquent speech proclaiming the freedom of private judgment and defending the rights of conscience. The occasion would, no doubt, be further improved by reminding Roman Catholics that, as professed Christians, they were bound to do unto others as they would be done CHURCH SYSTEM OF IRELAND AND CANADA. 26 1 by. Many and powerful discourses would be preached setting forth the apostolic maxim, that the weapons of the Christian warfare are not carnal. Others would dwell with great force of argument upon the truth that the Christian kingdom is not one of temporal but of spiritual rule, even as Christ himself declared when He said, "My kingdom is not of this world." In vain would our Irish fellow-countrymen seek to improve their position by passing an Ecclesiastical Titles Bill forbidding our Protestant bishops to as- sume, for the future, territorial designations. Nor would content be increased by the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, although it might well be that such suspension was necessary to the peace of the country, thanks to the ecclesiastical regime thus im- posed upon Protestant England by Roman Catholic Ireland. Indeed it would not be surprising if the head of the police had to call in the authorities of the Horse Guards to enable him to protect Arch- bishop Manning (by law transformed into His Grace Henry Edward, Lord Archbishop of Westminster, Primate of all England and Metropolitan), as he went to take his seat in England's House of Peers. Under such circumstances, even those who are loudest in proclaiming that changes in our govern- ment are to be effected only by constitutional means, might be sorely tempted to fall away from that orthodox faith. Some might perchance give ear to evil-disposed persons who should whisper that our forefathers resisted oppression by other than merely moral force and constitutional opposition. Very fervid 264 ESSAYS. the present Lord Primate of Ireland, in a charge de- livered to his clergy in 1 864 : — " To the clergy of the early Irish Church tithes were not paid, though it appears by some ancient canons attempts were made to establish them. In the year n 27 St Bernard complains of the Irish, ' They pay no tithes ; ' and in the year 1172 Pope Alexander III., in a letter dated the 20th September, states, among other abuses of the Irish Church, 1 The people in general pay no tithes/ English influence, however, in that year sufficed to introduce them at the council of Cashel. They formed part of the splendid bribes which Henry II. gave to the Irish clergy to induce them to conform to the usages of the English Church and acknow- ledge the Papal supremacy/' Let, then, the present Irish State Church, whose members so loudly proclaim that they only are the true successors of the early Irish Church, return to its primitive practice, and no longer claim tithes by right of law under State guarantee. Is it not manifest that they are but a popish invention, nay (according to my Lord Primate), a popish bribe, employed by a popish king for the benefit of Papal supremacy ? Why will the true heirs of Ireland's pure primitive Church defile themselves by touching this unclean thing ? But in this matter of tithes a singular change comes over the members of the Irish State Church, for they utterly discard the pure example of the primitive Christian ministers of Ireland, and cling pertinaciously instead to the precedent established by Popery. Their conduct recalls to mind the story of an old woman who was arguing vehemently in favour of a favourite theological tenet. She quoted, to her CHURCH SYSTEM OF IRELAND AND CANADA. 265 own satisfaction at least, gospel and epistle in its support ; but her opponent, skilled also in the use of such weapons, met her with a text so clearly opposed to her views that to gainsay its force was impossible. The worthy dame, however, was not to be silenced. Carried away by the heat of argument, she exclaimed, with more warmth than reverence, u Ah ! that 's where Paul and I differ!" Sothosewho maintain that the Pro- testant Establishment in Ireland is the rightful heir of that Church which existed previous to the conquest of Henry II. in 1 156. when brought face to face with the fact that that primitive Church exacted no tithes by force of law, are obliged to exclaim, if not in words, as- suredly by deeds, " That's where the early Irish Church and we differ." In vain do those search who seek for precepts in apostolic writings which tell the ministers of Christ to call in the arm of the temporal power in order to force by legal enactment the payment of ecclesiastical dues. Such proceedings came into fashion under very different auspices, when the Church had changed its condition of persecuted into that of persecutor. From the fatal hour of her union to the temporal power, and to the use she made of it, dates that violence and persecution, those penal enactments and civil disabilities, which through long centuries oppressed mankind. Only too constantly have the professed ministers of Christ been foremost in this ruthless and anti-Christian work. So has it come to pass that every outward Church which has obtained temporal power, has been one of the chief causes of that hatred and ill-will, that war and bloodshed, 264 ESSAYS. the present Lord Primate of Ireland, in a charge de- livered to his clergy in 1864 : — " To the clergy of the early Irish Church tithes were not paid, though it appears by some ancient canons attempts were made to establish them. In the year 11 27 St Bernard complains of the Irish, 'They pay no tithes;' and in the year 1172 Pope Alexander III., in a letter dated the 20th September, states, among other abuses of the Irish Church, ' The people in general pay no tithes.' English influence, however, in that year sufficed to introduce them at the council of Cashel. They formed part of the splendid bribes which Henry II. gave to the Irish clergy to induce them to conform to the usages of the English Church and acknow- ledge the Papal supremacy/' Let, then, the present Irish State Church, whose members so loudly proclaim that they only are the true successors of the early Irish Church, return to its primitive practice, and no longer claim tithes by right of law under State guarantee. Is it not manifest that they are but a popish invention, nay (according to my Lord Primate), a popish bribe, employed by a popish king for the benefit of Papal supremacy ? Why will the true heirs of Ireland's pure primitive Church defile themselves by touching this unclean thing ? But in this matter of tithes a singular change comes over the members of the Irish State Church, for they utterly discard the pure example of the primitive Christian ministers of Ireland, and cling pertinaciously instead to the precedent established by Popery. Their conduct recalls to mind the story of an old woman who was arguing vehemently in favour of a favourite theological tenet. She quoted, to her CHURCH SYSTEM OF IRELAND AND CANADA. 265 own satisfaction at least, gospel and epistle in its support ; but her opponent, skilled also in the use of such weapons, met her with a text so clearly opposed to her views that to gainsay its force was impossible. The worthy dame, however, was not to be silenced. Carried away by the heat of argument, she exclaimed, with more warmth than reverence, il Ah ! that 's where Paul and I difTer ! " So those who maintain that the Pro- testant Establishment in Ireland is the rightful heir of that Church which existed previous to the conquest of Henry II. in 1 156, when brought face to face with the fact that that primitive Church exacted no tithes by force of law, are obliged to exclaim, if not in words, as- suredly by deeds, " That's where the early Irish Church and we differ." In vain do those search who seek for precepts in apostolic writings which tell the ministers of Christ to call in the arm of the temporal power in order to force by legal enactment the payment of ecclesiastical dues. Such proceedings came into fashion under very different auspices, when the Church had changed its condition of persecuted into that of persecutor. From the fatal hour of her union to the temporal power, and to the use she made of it, dates that violence and persecution, those penal enactments and civil disabilities, which through long centuries oppressed mankind. Only too constantly have the professed ministers of Christ been foremost in this ruthless and anti-Christian work. So has it come to pass that every outward Church which has obtained temporal power, has been one of the chief causes of that hatred and ill-will, that war and bloodshed, 266 ESSAYS. which have set Christian so bitterly against Christian, that the infidel and the heathen who read that dire eclipse of Christianity, have but too much reason to exclaim, " See how these Christians hate one another." Such have been the consequences of the union of the temporal and spiritual ; of forsaking the example of the primitive Church ; of not acting in accordance with the apostolic precept, " The weapons of our war- fare are not carnal, but mighty through God ; " of paying no heed to the Master's words : " My kingdom is not of this world ; if my kingdom were of this world, then would my servants fight." Those who really love the name of Jesus should then aid in abolishing every form of compulsion which forces their brother men to support any creed to which their consciences object. For all such compulsion does but dishonour the Christian Church, and sets at nought that golden precept of .her Lord, " A //things, whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them." As to those who say that State aid is necessary to their Church, or to the mainte- nance of its tenets or system, they do but proclaim how wide is the difference between it and the Church of old. Such persons, instead of trusting to the arm of flesh, will do better to rest in faith upon the pro- mise, " Lo ! I am with you alway ; " they should bear in mind those who, eighteen centuries ago, went forth, not with State aid, but in opposition to all the State power of imperial Rome, went forth and conquered. Or if they need less exalted examples, let them look at those unaided members of Christ's Church called CHURCH SYSTEM OF IRELAND AND CANADA. 267 Nonconformists, who, though paying tithe and rate to the State Church, yet flourish vigorously. But they, it is true, are free, having neither State aid nor State fetters. It is to be hoped that Christian ears may be henceforth spared the degrading complaint uttered by others who cry that their Church can no longer exist unless the legislature dole out to it so many thousands a year. Not such was the language of the mighty Apostle, whose wealth consisted in no like beggarly elements, but who was rich with all the " unsearchable riches of Christ." Not by penal laws nor civil disabilities, not by compelling support from those who were not of it, nor yet by any other wrong to the consciences of men, did Christianity win over to itself a hostile world. By the simplicity of its faith, by the purity of its holiness, by the divineness of its love, was the victory won. Nor is it by any other means that the Christian Church can retain its conquest, renew its strength, or bestow upon mankind that " liberty wherewith Christ hath made us free." It is ever a difficult matter to remedy an injustice of long standing. Not on that account, however, must the duty of so doing be abandoned. Now, in dealing with the present ecclesiastical system of Ire- land, it will be wise to look round and see if any similar question has presented itself in recent times, and been successfully solved. Such a case does exist, the examination of which will well repay those who really desire to bring about a just and permanent settlement of the religious or ecclesiastical part of what has been well termed the Irish difficulty. The 568 ESSAYS. case referred to is that of Canada, where, as in Ireland, a variety of races and creeds are mingled together. Its inhabitants have long been partly Protestants of English blood, and partly Roman Catholics of French blood, 1 As the colony developed, the elements which composed it became more numerous and varied. Not only English Churchmen, but Scotch Presbyterians and English Dissenters, multiplied. To the French element was added continually increasing numbers of Irish Roman Catholics. Now, in the year 1791, an Act of the English parliament had directed that, in respect of all grants made by the Crown, a quantity equal to one -seventh of the land so granted should be reserved to the clergy. Here, then, was established the principle, if not of a State Church such as existed in the mother country, at any rate of an endowed and privileged clergy. This was avowedly done for the benefit of the Protestant Church ; whether of the Scotch as well as of the English, became a matter of dispute. Nor did disputes upon this subject by any means end here. These Clergy Reserves, as they were named, set at variance Churchmen and Dissenters, Protestants and Roman Catholics ; stirring up at the same time (as was natural) no little ill-will between the various races — English, French, Scotch, and Irish — who in- habited Canada. Thus were created and kept alive bitter differences, not only amongst the colonists, but also between the mother country and the colonies ; 1 Lower Canada is essentially Roman Catholic, the great majority of its inhabitants being of that religion. CHURCH SYSTEM OF IRELAND AND CANADA. 269 until at length there was brought about as apparently- hopeless a state of discord and ill-will as ever irritated any people or perplexed any government. Other difficulties there were besides this ecclesiastical one, which, however, as usual in such cases, played a pro- minent part in the general discontent and perplexity. The rulers of Canada in past days, (or many of them at any rate,) by way of showing, as they thought, their skill in statecraft, hit upon the notable device of backing up the English Protestant element as against the French Roman Catholic. The former was dubbed the loyal element, the mainstay of the connexion with England. ' The latter was treated sometimes with injustice, and almost always with coldness and sus- picion ; the natural result being, that the French por- tion of the colonists became more and more irritated and difficult to manage. So matters went on from bad to worse, until discontent grew into turbulence, and turbulence into rebellion. Such were the fruits of this good old policy of the good old days. Now, it is most instructive to remark how the dis- turbing element of the Clergy Reserves was dealt with ; how it passed through two distinct phases, and was finally disposed of. First came the Act of the English Parliament, passed in 1840, which put an end to any further reservation of land for the benefit of the Church, and then proceeded to divide the funds arising from the existing reserves amongst the different religious denominations. The Churches of England and Scotland got the lion's share; the remainder was divided between Protestant Dissenters and Roman 27O ESSAYS. Catholics. Something like an approach to religious equality was thus gained. In consequence, a far better state of feeling pervaded the colonies, but, as usual, these half measures proved insufficient. The great mass of the colonists craved after perfect religious liberty and equality ; they wanted to abolish the con- nexion between the government and the churches, so that both might be free. Then it was that in 1853 the English government, that of the late Lord Aber- deen, introduced and carried through the imperial parliament a bill handing over the Clergy Reserves, and all questions connected with them, to the Cana- dian legislature, to be settled by it in accordance with the wishes of the Canadian people. It is not a little interesting to refer back to the debates which then took place. The late Duke of Newcastle, at that time Colonial Secretary, in introducing the bill into the House of Lords, said : " In different shapes and ways this subject has been in agitation for the last thirty years As long as we leave the religious question to excite the people of Canada, we are in danger of disturbing and disorganising the whole foundations of government in one of the ten- derest points on which it can be affected/' The arguments of the opponents of the bill were such as might be expected. They opposed it in the name of Church and State, Church rights, Church property; if passed, the differences between the various denomi- nations would become more marked and bitter, the sentiment of loyalty be undermined, the connexion with England weakened, and the funds arising from CHURCH SYSTEM OF IRELAND AND CANADA. 2JI the Reserves be secularised. In a word, it was a dread- ful bill, and would produce dreadful consequences. The bill, however, became law. In the following year (1854) the Canadian legisla- ture passed " an Act to make better provision for the appropriation of moneys arising from the lands here- tofore known as the Clergy Reserves, by rendering them available for municipal purposes." The principle upon which this measure was based appears clearly from the words occurring in the third section of the Act : "Whereas it is desirable to remove all semblance of connexion between Church and State," &c. Exist- ing life interests only were cared for, and the funds handed over to the municipalities, to be disposed of as they thought fit. It appears that they applied the funds thus obtained chiefly to educational purposes. Every vestige of a privileged Church was swept away. The endowment by the State of all Churches was got rid of, as well as the endowment of one privi- leged Church. The axe was laid to the root of the tree. All " semblance" even of connexion between Church and State was blotted out. Thus the true Christian principle of perfect religious liberty and equality now reigns unquestioned throughout our North American colonies. The Churches are free Churches in a free State. And now comes the crucial question : What has been the result of this new order of things ? Simply this, that while ill-will and discontent culminating in rebellion existed under the old system, there is now to be seen, under the new, contentment, peace, and 272 ESSAYS. loyalty. The voices of angry sects are hushed, for there is now no dominant church creating jealousy and heartburnings. In Canada has been restored the practice of primitive times, when Christians gave freely to the faith they loved, and when Christian ministers had no secular arm to aid them in the unchristian work of wringing support from those who were not of them. Thus have freedom and order, peace and loyalty, taken the place of strife, discontent, and rebellion. Nor is there to be found any exception to this happy change among those of any race or any creed. Nowhere throughout England's empire is to be seen greater attachment to the mother country, or more contentment with her easy yoke, than in that Canadian dominion peopled by English Churchmen and Dissenters, by Presbyterians of the Scotch Church and of the Free Kirk, mingled with a large population of French Roman Catholics, whose congregations are con- stantly increased by numerous arrivals of their co- religionists from Ireland. Such, then, is the actual condition of our North American colonies, under a system of absolute re- ligious freedom and equality. How widely different from that of the sister island, where (alone through- out England's empire) is to be seen the dominant Church of the small minority lording it over all Churches. There it still stands, a monument of past conquest and present injustice, which naturally creates discontent ; yet when that discontent shows itself, the members of the Irish State Church say with unblush- CHURCH SYSTEM OF IRELAND AND CANADA. 273 ing effrontery, — See ! we alone are loyal subjects, we alone are true to England ! There has lately been furnished a remarkable test of Canadian loyalty to England which must not be passed over. The Fenians in the United States have endeavoured in vain to draw away the Canadians of any race or creed from their allegiance to the mother country. Thus foiled, these lawless marauders ac- tually attacked Canada by armed violence, thus wickedly exposing to the dangers of war a people who have done them no wrong, who suffer under no grievance, and who ask only to be left in peace to manage their own affairs and prepare their own future as seems good to them. This Fenian wicked- ness against Canada happily brings its own punish- ment with it, for it but makes Fenianism hateful to the Canadians, while drawing more closely the ties which unite them to England. It has but brought out in stronger relief than ever the loyalty and con- tentment of all the various peoples and creeds of the Canadian dominion, and of none more than of her Roman Catholic population, whether French or Irish. This matter of Fenianism brings to mind the as- sertion that that brotherhood of ill does not object to the Church Establishment in Ireland, nor wish it done away. It would probably be more correct to say that the Fenians desire its continuance. The reason is obvious enough. They know well that the Establishment creates discontent among the Roman Catholics of Ireland. Now, the more discontent there is, the more suitable is the state of the country S 274 ESSAYS. for Fenian plottings. To keep the Irish State Church in existence is really a help to Fenianism. Among its best allies, therefore, are those who would maintain intact the present ecclesiastical condition of Ireland. If they can succeed in upholding the dominant church, so much the better for Fenianism, and so much the worse for England. A like system of church supremacy was tried for years in Canada, with what result England knows to her cost. At length it has been changed for one of absolute re- ligious freedom and equality. The benefits which have sprung from that change have surpassed the most sanguine expectations. Is not the lesson one which he who runs may read ? With such results before their eyes, how much longer are English legislators going to stand face to face with the Irish Church difficulty, asking hopelessly what is to be done, or pitifully wrangling about the manner of procedure? Is England become so dull that she cannot even learn by experience ? Or is it deemed wise to wait until an indignant people, newly en- franchised, sweep away at a single blow the crying wrong, levelling all injustices, not with over-careful hand, but rather in the fierceness of their wrath ? Or will the retrograde party resist all innovation until the storm of popular opinion grow loud and menacing ; then hustle through a sweeping change (which in their hearts they hate, but dare not refuse) leaving some one of their number, "faithful among the faithless," to write the story of another " Con- servative surrender ?" CHURCH SYSTEM OF IRELAND AND CANADA. 275 Be all that as it may, true Liberals, at any rate, must pledge themselves to the principle of absolute religious liberty and equality, at least in Ireland. What ministry shall carry out that programme is a secondary consideration. The vital point is to do it thoroughly, and to do it quickly. Which is the best plan to adopt ; that of endowing all denominations in proportion to their number, or that of endowing none ? With all deference to more than one high authority, the writer unhesitatingly advocates the latter principle, that of no longer endowing any church, due regard being had to existing life in- terests. The example of Canada is strongly in favour of such a course. There the system of pay- ing all was tried, and found to be but a half-measure that did not satisfy. Whereas that of paying none, leaving each church to be supported by its own members, while handing over the old ecclesiastical funds for educational and other purposes, has com- pletely settled the vexed question, and ended in creating general contentment. Nor must it be for- gotten that the Roman Catholics of Ireland demand the application of this very principle ; they ask for u the disendowment of the Established Church," for the "-placing of all religious denominations on a foot- ing of perfect equality, and leaving each church to be maintained by the voluntary contributions of its members." Such is the language of the Irish Na- tional Association, of which most of the Roman Catholic prelates are members. It would be heartily endorsed by the whole body of English Noncon- 276 ESSAYS. formists. It enunciates a principle which the Scotch, and probably the evangelical party in the Church of England, would much prefer to that of either endow- ing or paying all denominations according to their numbers. While those who have freed themselves from ecclesiastical fetters, and from the special dog- mas of particular churches, would give a far more ready assent to a measure that endowed none, than to a measure that endowed all. Complete disunion of the spiritual from the temporal power can alone bestow the boon of freedom alike upon the Churches and upon the State. Let it, then, be applied, and applied at once, to Ireland, just as has been done in Canada. There the angry strife of religious denomi- nations no longer troubles the State, because there the State secures full religious freedom and equality to its subjects of every race and of every creed. Moreover, this principle of disconnecting all churches from the civil power is in harmony with the highest and truest views of Christian liberty. By it the tem- poral ruler treats religion as alone it should be treated, as a matter of conscience, not as an affair of State. He thereby declares himself unwilling and unable to legislate about those matters of religious faith for which a man is accountable, not to his fellow-man, but to his conscience and his God. Such sacred sub- jects must be dealt with by the convictions of the heart. Upon that foundation alone can man build his spiritual life. This is no question for a party debate, nor can it be decided by a majority of votes, nor be regulated by a State legislature. Far other is CHURCH SYSTEM OF IRELAND AND CANADA. 277 the tribunal which alone of right gives sentence in this deepest of man's concerns, in which the human and the divine are inseparably blended — even the tribunal where in secret the soul of man communes and pleads with the God and Father of mankind. Those who say that their creed will not endure under a system thus bereft of all State aid, can have but little real belief in its divine origin or life. Those, on the contrary, who have no like fears, who believe that divine truth possesses divine power, will welcome such perfect freedom for the truth's own sake, as well as for themselves and for their brother men. For they at least believe that never is truth more secure, never is its purity more unalloyed, than when itself is true to the cause of freedom and is faithful to the rights of conscience^ Touching what has been justly termed the Irish difficulty, Englishmen must remember, that to ask what suits England in this matter, what is in conson- ance with her feelings and ideas, is emphatically not the question. That difficulty can be satisfactorily settled by the imperial legislature of the United Kingdom only when it has determined to consider above all what is good for Ireland, what is in accord- ance with her needs, what suits the character, the habits, and the genius of her people. The great object to be aimed at, as necessary to the welfare both of Great Britain and Ireland, is not uniformity of system as regards either land or church, but an equal, just, and cordial union. England and Scotland have attained that result to their great and common 278 ESSAYS. advantage. But they have attained it by sacrificing the letter of outward uniformity to the spirit of living unity. In their church systems and in their legal proceedings and customs there are marked differences, in accordance with the different characters and wishes of their respective people. So must it be with Ireland, if she is to become a contented and prosperous mem- ber of our body politic. Let then the argument, that such a course is not followed in England, and does not agree with her precedents, be heard no more. All such prejudices must be cast off for ever. The one paramount question is, What is good for Ireland ? what is suited to her condition and needs ? To these alone must England lend a willing ear, and give a helping hand. For thus only can efficacious remedies be applied to our sisters ills ; thus only can be satis- fied the righteous cry of " Justice for Ireland." In dealing with the question of Ireland's State Church it is worthy of observation that extreme Con- servatives and extreme Radicals not unfrequently unite in declaring that if the Irish Church be dis- established, the English and Scotch Churches must necessarily be disestablished also. Doubtless there are some principles common to all Establishments, and some arguments equally adverse to all ; others, however, there are of less wide scope ; there is, besides, the all-important question of the practical application of general principles — a question which must be very carefully considered when actual legislation is con- templated. Now, as regards the principle of Establishments, CHURCH SYSTEM OF IRELAND AND CANADA. 279 none can deny that it is one of human origin. The present Archbishop of Canterbury stated this very recently at a public meeting convened to oppose the disestablishment of the Irish State Church. His Grace said ; — u Now, the establishment and the union of Church and State has been created by the breath of man, because for the first three centuries we know that there was no union between Church and State. It was in the time of Constantine that the union was first effected." Those who look closely into the present condition and tendencies of the Christian world will have good ground for believing in an approaching dissolution of this union between Church and State in all countries in which such union actually exists. Such a change, if temperately brought about, will, on the whole, be probably more fitted to meet the needs and circum- stances of modern Christendom than the system of Establishments — it will be better both for State and Church. But the question of the practical adoption of that great change must be determined not only by abstract principle and logical argument, but also by a careful consideration of all the circumstances of the particular Church and State whose union is being discussed. It may well be that this important sub- ject of Church Establishments ought not to be dealt with either in the narrow spirit of " No surrender," or after the radical fashion of instant and world-wide abolition. It is not difficult to show weighty reasons which will lead wise legislators to disestablish in one case while refusing to disestablish in another. Let 280 ESSAYS. the circumstances of our own country be briefly con- sidered. In the United Kingdom there are two Church Establishments — that of the Episcopal Church in England and Ireland, and that of the Presbyterian Church in Scotland. Now, although the principle of Establishment is common to both, there are yet very wide and essential differences in the circumstances and condition of these countries, and of their Church Establishments. Thus, England and Scotland are essentially Protestant countries, their respective Estab- lishments being the oldest and largest Protestant com- munion in each country, much of whose spiritual teaching is in harmony with that of the Noncon- formist Churches. Ireland, on the other hand, is essentially Roman Catholic — so much so, that she remains faithful to Rome despite her union to Pro- testant England, and despite all the efforts (often amounting, in past times, to actual persecution) made by the English government to protestantise the sister island. Yet the Establishment maintained by law in Ireland is that of the Church of the small minority, which the great majority of the Irish consider hereti- cal and schismatical. For England thus to force a Protestant Establishment on Ireland is as unjust as it would be for Ireland to force a Roman Catholic Establishment on England. It is the same wrong which was done in past times when England en- deavoured to force upon Presbyterian Scotland an Episcopal State Church. That injustice brought in- numerable evils upon both England and Scotland. A like injustice has brought like evils upon both England CHURCH SYSTEM OF IRELAND AND CANADA. 28 1 and Ireland. At length to Presbyterian Scotland was granted what she desired, a Presbyterian Estab- lishment : let Roman Catholic, Ireland have what she desires. Happily the Irish Roman Catholics do not demand the establishment of their Church, or the endowment of their priests. What they do ask for is, that all Churches should, in Ireland, be placed on an equal footing, and be supported by the voluntary contributions of their respective members. With such wide differences existing in the cases of England, Scotland, and Ireland, surely the wisest practical course is not to preach a crusade against all State Churches, but to enter into a well-considered compromise. That compromise should be, to allow the Establishments in England and Scotland to con- tinue, but to disestablish the State Church in Ireland. In effecting such disestablishment in the latter country, the life interests of all living ministers should be pre- served untouched ; all vested rights should be dealt with in the spirit of the most scrupulous justice ; and the grants to Maynooth and to the Irish Presbyterians be in like manner done away with. Such a compromise as the one thus indicated will not, perhaps, please the ultra-partisans of Church Establishments, who will agree to no change, nor yet the ultra-advocates of the Voluntary system, who would sweep away all Estab- lishments at once, without regard to place, time, or circumstances ; yet surely this compromise would be the wisest course, getting rid, as it would, of an ob- vious wrong in the case of Ireland, while leaving those who come after us to determine whether the principle 282 ESSAYS. of Establishment or of ^/^-Establishment shall ulti- mately prevail in England and in Scotland. Let those who to-day refuse to surrender anything be- ware. Ought they not to take warning from very recent events ? Have not those who only two or three years ago opposed all change upon another great question — that of parliamentary reform — found themselves (after defeating "a proposition for a mode- rate change) obliged to consent the very next year to an immediate and sweeping alteration of the law upon that very question ? Thus it was that stout oppon- ents of reform but played the game of the thorough- going reformers. To-day, strong Conservatives and fervid Churchmen cry "No surrender" when the question of Ireland's State Church is mooted, and de- clare that if the Irish Establishment falls, the English and Scotch Establishments must fall with it. Had they not better take warning from the past, lest in again opposing all change, and refusing every com- promise, they find in the end that they have but been helping forward the cause of the ultra-opponents of all Church Establishments whatever ? As regards the Church of England, her dangers come from within. Let her heal, if possible, her own unhappy divisions — above all, let her preserve an essentially Protestant character and teaching — for if she do not, she will assuredly lose her hold on the hearts and consciences . of England's great, free, and Protestant people. That hold once lost, the fall of England's Church, as a na- tional establishment, is certain, THE UNITED STATES CON- STITUTION AND THE SECESSIONISTS. Reprinted from the (i Westminster Review" of ist April 1866. 1. The Life and Public Services of Abraham Lincoln, Sixteenth President of the United States. By Henry J. Raymond. New York : Derby and Miller. 2. The Constitution of the United States of America. By W. HlCKLEY. Philadelphia, 1854. 3. Bacon's Guide to American Politics. London : Sampson Low, Son, & Co. 4. The Presidential Message, Dec. 3, 1865, of Andrew Johnson, Seventeenth President of the United States. A TRAVELLER landing in America for the first time has much difficulty in forming a true idea of the political condition of the country. The first impression is that of so much confusion, of such a Babel of meetings, of speeches, of pamphlets, of papers, 284 ESSAYS. of such an endless variety of party names, often amusing and always puzzling, that it is no easy task to form a sound judgment upon public affairs. It is not only the diversity of opinions which embarrasses the stranger, but also the violence with which the Americans frequently put forward their political views. It is not merely the animosity of parties which strikes him, but equally the vehemence of the attacks often directed against the President and his Cabinet, against the highest authorities, civil and military. Sometimes the elections, always warmly contested, appear as if they would end in a general overthrow ; and be it borne in mind that they are of such con- stant occurrence as to seem both endless and per- petual. Every man forms upon every subject his own judg- ment, to which he gives full and free utterance. In the railway may be seen the labourer or the artisan conning over his paper with evident relish. If spoken to, he will give his opinion upon political subjects without any hesitation. He will discuss freely the policy of the President, the last despatch of the Sec- retary of State, the proposition of one of the senators, the tactics of a general, or any other matter of public interest. He minces neither his praise nor his blame, as the case may be ; for he considers himself as one of the sovereign people judging men of the people's choice. If a stranger from the Old World should hint that he would do better to attend more to his own work and less to politics, the American's wonder at such an idea would change quickly into something THE CONSTITUTION AND THE SECESSIONISTS. 285 like pity for his foreign fellow-traveller, in whom he would see but a serf of feudal Europe, which he pictures to himself as in the last stage of de- crepitude. As to the contents of American papers, whose name is legion, the result of their perusal upon the newly- arrived stranger is that of confusion worse confounded. One journal paints the character and policy of the President and his Cabinet in colours so black that they might be supposed, without any great stretch of imagination, to be monsters of scarcely human origin sitting in the high places of Washington, itself little better than an earthly pandemonium. Another draws these same personages in characters of beatific per- fection, worthy of angelic messengers directing a federal government in possession of a terrestrial para- dise. Should the stranger reasonably conceive both of these pictures somewhat overdrawn, he will find numberless writers and speakers representing every shade of opinion which can possibly lie between these two extremes. He has only to choose; but there lies the difficulty. Yet this very country, the surface of whose public life presents so much apparent confusion and disorder, has just traversed victoriously one of the most terrible crises to which a nation has ever been exposed. It has presented to the world the marvellous spectacle of its people going through the great political contest of a presidential election in the midst of a civil war which threatened the very existence of the State — a war which covered with vast armies an extent of ter- 286 ESSAYS. ritory the size of half Europe, which cost tens of thousands of lives and millions of money. The na- tional laws and liberties have, notwithstanding, sur- vived intact. Generals in all the prestige of victory, commanding numerous and disciplined armies, have respected the constitution and bowed to the authority of the civil power. During the war people continued to discuss public affairs. Elections, campaigns, ex- peditions, defeats, victories, followed in rapid and constant succession ; but the final result was the complete victory of the United States government, crowned by a moderation of which history offers but few examples. What was the cause of this result, so little anticipated by the enemies of the American Republic ? Whence sprang that deep devotion to the Federal Union which led the majority of the nation to lavish upon its government the means for crushing the violent attack upon its authority ? One of its chief sources is the love of his country's institutions which the American drinks in from his earliest childhood. That love is inculcated equally at home, at school, and at college. It plays a very important part in the educational system of the United States of America, constitutes in a great measure their strength, and produces results of vast importance to the country. In order thoroughly to appreciate the extent of its influence in the formation of the national character, it is necessary to touch upon the leading features of this system of public instruction. Spreading itself over the length and breadth of the land, it embraces all classes, from the richest to the THE CONSTITUTION AND THE SECESSIONISTS. 287 poorest, throughout the whole of the Northern States. In the South it has not received the same full de- velopment, and has been far less generally encouraged. It is worthy of remark that the Federal Congress at Washington has absolutely nothing whatever to do with the system of education — a most singular and abnormal fact according to the ideas prevalent in European countries. It is, indeed, the exception when even the legislature of a particular State inter- feres in the matter of schools. In new States, how- ever, where the population is still scanty, the legisla- ture of the State sometimes aids by grants of land or money. To the township belongs the real manage- ment of its popular instruction. In each township a Committee of Education is elected by the inhabitants, which votes and levies the money destined to this object ; to it belongs the regulation of all details, such as the erection and maintenance of the school-build- ings, the appointment of masters and mistresses, their salaries, the selection of school-books, and the method of instruction to be followed. Another marked feature in the system is the absolute prohibition of all deno- minational religious teaching — that is, of all doctrinal or dogmatical instruction characteristic of any parti- cular church. That general morality which is com- mon to all religious denominations is alone permitted, but all dogmas are forbidden. In many, perhaps the majority of schools, the Lord's prayer or a psalm is read daily at the opening of the school, but it is not allowed to make this practice the occasion for giving religious instruction. The school committee of the 288 ESSAYS. township decide whether or not such a practice is t;o be followed in the schools under its authority. The object of this exclusion of all dogmatic teaching is, to avoid the innumerable difficulties arising from dif- ference of religious views ; the questions which spring from such difference creating almost insuperable ob- stacles to the establishment of a really effective system of national education. All such difficulties are thus got rid of. The religious instruction of the children is left exclusively to the parents and to the Sunday schools. These latter are completely in the hands of the various religious bodies, all of whom are wholly unconnected with the State, and entirely supported by the voluntary contributions of their respective members. As to the quality of the instruction given under this system of public education, it may be said, with- out exaggeration, not to be surpassed in excellence Dy that of any country. The greatest attention is paid in the teaching of those elementary matters which lie at the foundation of all instruction, and which form by far the most difficult part of education ; the tender age of the children, and the great simpli- city of the primary notions to be taught them, requir- ing all the tact, gentleness, and patience of which the teacher is capable. Nor does the care thus taken at all fall off in the instruction given to the elder pupils. So deeply have the native-born Americans become convinced of the excellence of a sound education (especially throughout the Northern and Western States, where such a feeling is universal, and where THE CONSTITUTION AND THE SECESSIONISTS. 289 the school is ever one of the first buildings erected in a new township,) that the greatest punishment which can be inflicted is that of forbidding a child to attend school during a given time. The little culprit usually gets punished at home for having allowed matters to reach such a climax. Parents or friends will come to inquire whether the punishment was really merited, and beg to have so severe a sentence remitted, or at least mitigated. One of the subjects to which especial interest is attached in the schools of the United States is the history of their own country. The principles upon which the government is founded, and their practical application, are carefully inculcated. Not only is this subject taught in all its details, but the effort is made to impress the pupil with the utmost love and admiration for the institutions of the Republic. The starting-point is naturally the story of American in- dependence. First is stated the origin of the resist- ance of the colonies to the mother country. Then it is shown that this resistance was not a mere capri- cious act arising from no particular cause of complaint, but that it originated in a legitimate opposition to certain illegal proceedings of the home government, which exceeded its powers by taxing the colonists, although they were wholly unrepresented in the British parliament. Thus the English government violated the principle of that inseparable union be- tween taxation and representation which forms the basis of all constitutional liberties ; nor did numerous and repeated demonstrations of the most lawful char- 29O ESSAYS. acter, such as public meetings, protests, and petitions, avail to turn the home government from its uncon- stitutional policy. It must not be forgotten that the Americans are supported by very high authorities in accusing the then English ministers of pursuing a course opposed to the principles of their own consti- tution ; for in England's parliament three of the most eminent statesmen of the day — William Pitt, (Lord Chatham,) Edmund Burke, and Lord Rockingham — protested against the acts of the home government. Pitt and Burke pleaded the cause of the colonists in parliament with great eloquence and unanswerable arguments. These facts are carefully recalled by the Americans, who draw from them strong evidence in support of their cause. This point established, they make every effort to demonstrate the excellence of their own institutions. They dwell especially upon the wisdom, patriotism, and political knowledge dis- played by the men who gave to America her actual constitution ; placing ever foremost the honoured name of Washington. Youth is generous : nothing is easier than to make it admire that which is constantly held up to it as great and noble. It is therefore easy to imagine how immense is the effect of the teaching just described. It is yet further increased as the youths of America grow up and realise the vast resources, the immense extent, and the ever-increasing wealth of their country. This system deposits and develops in the hearts of all classes an affection, bordering upon idolatry, for their native land ; but such a result THE CONSTITUTION AND THE SECESSIONISTS. 29 1 is not without its defects and drawbacks. From it arises an exaggerated pride of country, often dis- played by the American when away from home. He is apt to boast unbecomingly of his own country, and to speak of other nations and governments as quite inferior to his own. If, on the contrary, the European travels in the States, this same feeling has a very different effect, and is not unfrequently the source of much kindness and hospitality. The American is delighted to be questioned as well as to question. He willingly explains everything, and points out what- ever is most worthy of observation. He is the most indefatigable of cicerones and the kindest of hosts. The traveller gives him real pleasure by studying the institutions of the country, and has every opportu- nity afforded him of doing so thoroughly. Proud of his country's system, and deeply attached to it, the American delights to see others examine carefully that which he so fondly loves himself. Let it not, however, be supposed that this love of country, excel- lent as is that feeling, is the only source whence springs that friendly hospitality which is so freely offered to the stranger in all parts of the United States. These feelings had grown with the nation's growth, and were handed down from father to son. They were especially strong throughout the Northern States, where the national educational system has re- ceived its full and perfect development. Thus it was that, up to the memorable year i860, the Constitu- tion had ever been regarded as the sacred ark, so to 292 ESSAYS. speak, of the Republic. To touch or change it, except by those legal means prescribed by the Con- stitution itself, was to commit a veritable sacrilege. It was worthy of notice how both .individuals and parties sought, in their discussions, to prove that their opponents were outstepping the limits of the Consti- tution. Such a charge, if brought home, was annihi- lation to the argument of a political adversary. A cry of general indignation quickly arose against any who were even supposed to harbour ideas subversive of the institutions of the country. Did any North- erner chance to use an expression which might seem to have such a tendency, when attacking some piece of pro-slavery legislation, the South and its sup- porters were the first to cry out against him as being untrue to the constitutional principles of the State. This sentiment of deep-rooted love to the Union and the Federal Constitution was shown to be especially strong throughout the North, inasmuch as its people had ever been scrupulous observers of the law, who bowed at once to the electoral decisions. For many years the South had carried their own candidate in the Presidential elections, and commanded the majo- rity in Congress : thus it shaped and directed the policy of the United States. Whenever that policy displeased the Northern statesmen, they only opposed it by the admitted constitutional means ; those once exhausted, the national will, as expressed by the majority, was acknowledged and submitted to by all. These considerations at once explain the indignation of the North at the illegal conduct of the South, THE CONSTITUTION AND THE SECESSIONISTS. 293 which sought to break up the Union by force, and trampled down the Constitution, merely because a President was elected who was not of their political party. For not only had the new President and his Cabinet no intention of perpetrating any illegal act, but they had not had even the opportunity of so doing. What was the course pursued by the South ? It endeavoured to effect by violence a complete trans- formation in the constitutional order of things estab- lished by common consent, although the Constitu- tion itself furnished, by its fifth article, the legal means of proposing, under form of amendment, any fundamental change in the Federal Union which might be thought desirable. Such a mode of pro- ceeding, at once lawful and rational, would have given the whole nation, sole legitimate judge in such mat- ters, the opportunity of discussing the proposed change, and deciding whether or not it should be carried into effect, according to the provisions of the Constitution. The fifth article runs thus : — "The Congress, whenever two-thirds of both Houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose amendments to this Constitution ; or, on the application of the Legislatures of two-thirds of the several States, shall call a Convention for proposing amendments, which, in either case, shall be valid to all intents and purposes as part of this Constitution, when ratified by the Legislatures of three-fourths of the several States, or by Conventions in three-fourths thereof, as the one or other mode of ratification may be proposed by Congress ;" Nothing could be more illegal, then, than the course 294 ESSAYS. actually pursued by the South, nothing more legiti- mate than the resistance of the Federal Government. The first shot fired upon Fort Sumter was an act of unwarrantable violence against the constituted autho- rity of the United States Government, which had in no way overstepped the bounds of its authority, and to which every official in every State had pro- mised allegiance. From that moment the President of the United States had but one duty to perform — that of defending and maintaining by arms the legiti- mate authority of the government of which he was the responsible chief. Those who contend that he should have consented to the secession, forget that he had no power whatever to give such consent. As Mr Seward, the Secretary of State, justly laid it down, no State or States could of their own act secede ; they could only do so by the consent of the people of the United States, assembled in national conven- tion, according to the provisions of the Constitution. The oath of the President bound him to maintain and defend the Federal Constitution by force of arms against all enemies, from within or from without. This duty was, under the circumstances, terrible in- deed. Mr Lincoln did not fail in its performance ; that is one of his chief titles to the gratitude of all who duly value the maintenance of those rights which belong to a free government. He was able to main- tain them, because supported by the majority of the nation, whose love for its institutions was such that it recoiled from no sacrifice when once convinced that it was necessary to arm the President against the THE CONSTITUTION AND THE SECESSIONISTS. 295 violators of that Federal Union and its laws, which had been bequeathed to the country by the founders of American independence. But what, it will be asked, was the policy of Mr Lincoln which so displeased the South ? It was the policy known as the Free-Soil policy. The party which upheld it had for some years past been gaining strength, and, in November i860, finally triumphed by the election of its candidate, Mr Lincoln, to the Presidency. This Free- Soil policy made no attempt to interfere with slavery in those States where it al- ready existed ; but it sought to prohibit that institu- tion from passing those limits, and spreading over the territories not yet formed into States, which are under the immediate and entire control of the Federal Go- vernment and Congress at Washington. This was a really anti- slavery, though not an abolitionist po- licy. Mr Lincoln spoke of it as follows in 1858, during the elections for the nomination of a senator to represent the State of Illinois in the Senate at Washington : " We insist on a policy that shall re- strict slavery to its present limits." And again : " We deal with slavery as with any other wrong, in so far as we can prevent its growing larger, and so deal with it, that in the run of time there may be some promise of an end to it." In another speech he says that the Republican or Free-Soil party " Look upon slavery as being a moral, social, and politi- cal wrong 1 and while they contemplate it as such, they nevertheless have a due regard for its actual existence among us, and the difficulties of getting rid of it in any 296 * ESSAYS. satisfactory way, and to all the constitutional obligations thrown about it. Yet, having a due regard for these, they desire a policy in regard to it that looks to its not creating any more danger. They insist that it should, as far as may be, be treated as a wrong, and one of the methods of treat- ing it as a wrong is to make provision that it shall grow no larger. They desire a policy that looks to a peaceful end of slavery at some time as being wrong." Pages might be filled with quotations from Mr Lincoln's public speeches to the same effect. He and all his party were bent upon opposing, by every constitutional means in their power, the further ex- tension of slavery. In a speech delivered at the Cooper Institute, New York, in February i860, Mr Lincoln went into the whole question with great minuteness and ability ; indeed throughout his whole life, as well as at the tfme of his presidential election, he was a staunch supporter of this wise and moderate Free-Soil policy. There was no other essential dif- ference between his political views and those of his predecessors in the presidential chair as regarded home politics. The South, on the contrary, openly avowed its determination to carry slavery far and wide, to main- tain and extend it in every direction. To this end all its efforts had been for many years unceasingly directed. Hardly had the Southern Secessionist Government been formed, when its Vice-President, Mr A. H. Stephens, declared, in a memorable speech, delivered at Savannah, that slavery was the "corner- stone " of the new Confederation, that it was " the THE CONSTITUTION AND THE SECESSIONISTS. 297 immediate cause of the late rupture and present re- volution." Mr Lincoln, when candidate for the Presidency, when elected in November i860, and when inaugu- rated on 4th March 1861, reiterated again and again his firm resolve in no way to infringe the Constitu- tion ; nor did he or his government ever break either the letter or the spirit of that promise. Yet scarcely was the result of the presidential election known, when South Carolina and others of the Slave States declared that they seceded from the Union, and flung off their allegiance to the Federal Government. In the meanwhile, numbers of deputations from all parts of the country waited on Mr Lincoln, both before and after his inauguration as President. Their almost exclusive subject of discussion was the slavery question, in one form or another. Again and again Mr Lincoln assured them that he intended to main- tain the Constitution, and to confine himself strictly within its limits. He declared that he had no inten- tion of interfering with slavery in those States where it already existed ; but nothing would induce him to give up his free-soil policy, which sought to prohibit expressly the extension of slavery into the territories of the Union. One deputation, of which an ex-gover- nor of a Slave State, Mr Morehead, was member, did its utmost to induce Mr Lincoln to modify this part of his programme. But Mr Lincoln replied that not under any state of the case would he consent to the extension of slavery into the Territories, to which he had been opposed all his life. 298 ESSAYS. In the manifesto issued by the Republican or Free- Soil party, which nominated him as its candidate for the Presidency, it is affirmed " that the normal condi- tion of the Territories of the United States is that of freedom, and that there is no power which has the right to make slavery a vital institution in any terri- tory of the United States." In December 1861, the Federal Congress, in which for the first time the Free-Soil party had the majo- rity, passed a law expressly prohibiting slavery from being introduced into the Territories. It was further abolished on the 18th March 1862, in the district of Columbia, in which Washington stands, and which is under the sole authority of the Federal Govern- ment. These facts clearly demonstrate that slavery was the real question at issue, and that the Free-Soil party, whose chosen leader was Mr Lincoln, had al- ways been thoroughly consistent and firm in the maintenance of its policy. They also show how wide was the difference between the principles of the Free- Soilers and those of the pro -slavery Secessionists. Indeed, nothing could be more moderate or more able than the policy of the Free- Soil statesmen. For without infringing upon the constitutional principles of the United States system, that policy would have stopped the spread of slavery, thus reducing it to a mere local institution. In this manner barriers would have been erected against its further extension, and so its power diminished. By a slow and gradual process its strength would have been undermined, THE CONSTITUTION AND THE SECESSIONISTS. 299 and its vitality weakened. Thus, without necessitat- ing political or social convulsions, slavery would have had to modify itself, to soften down its worst features, and so have taken by degrees a new and less repul- sive form, more adapted to the altered circumstances of the case. From that point to its final, but not too hasty extinction, both in fact and in law, would have been a comparatively easy matter. Such a prudent course, spread over a number of years, would have left uninjured the planter interest, which could have adapted itself almost insensibly to the gradual change ; it would also have afforded ample time to prepare the negro for freedom. But the sad error of the Southerners in clinging to this evil institution and maintaining it at all costs ; in appealing to force rather than allow it to be legally circumscribed ; in turning their arms against that old Union which had accorded to them all those rights and liberties given so abundantly to the citizens of the United States, prevented the carrying out of the wise and moderate policy of the Free-Soil statesmen. Thus it was that the Secessionists brought fearful calamities on the entire country, and swift destruc- tion upon that slave system to which, alas, the South clung with culpable and fatal obstinacy. Such, then, was the distinctive policy of that party which elected Mr Lincoln as President. Not many days after his inauguration in March 1861, two Southern gentlemen asked to have an interview with Mr Seward in their capacity as Commissioners of the Secessionist States. He refused to receive 300 ESSAYS. them in their assumed official capacity, sending them this reply : — " That it could not be admitted that the States referred to had, in law or fact, withdrawn from the Federal Union, or that they could do so in any other manner than with the consent and concert of the people of the United States, to be given through a national convention, to be assembled in conformity with the provisions of the constitution of the United States. " The Secessionists made this incident the occasion of precipitating an armed rupture, by summoning Fort Sumter to surrender. This fortress, situated in Charleston harbour, belonged exclusively and abso- lutely to the Federal Government, the troops of which alone formed its garrison. The State of South Carolina had no right to exercise any autho- rity whatever in or over the fort, which was the pro- perty of the national Federal Government, and was placed under its sole authority. The commander of the fortress refused to surrender it to the Carolinian general. The Secessionists at once attacked it, and after a bombardment of thirty-three hours, it fell into their power on the 14th of April 1861. The national flag was hauled down, and that of South Carolina hoisted in its place. This act, and the agreement entered into by the seceding States, constituted a flagrant violation of the First Article of the Constitu- tion, which forbids any State to enter into agreement with any other State, or to levy war. These viola- tions of the law were perpetrated, be it remembered, THE CONSTITUTION AND THE SECESSIONISTS. 30I without the Federal Government having done, or having the intention to do, any illegal act what- ever. Thus, simply because the separatist minority had been beaten in the presidential election, it took up arms against the National government, and sought to overthrow that constitution to which the governors, senators, congressmen, and officials of each State, (as well as all members of the Federal executive and legislature,) had sworn allegiance. To admit that a minority has a right to appeal to arms because its particular policy is not adopted, and that when its government has committed no illegal act, is to ren- der every form of free government impossible, is to annihilate order and liberty alike. It is the destruc- tion of law and the triumph of anarchy. Yet stronger still must be the condemnation of such proceedings when placed in juxtaposition with those words, already quoted, of Mr Stephens, the vice-president of the Secessionist Government, that slavery was the " corner-stone" of the new Confe- deration, that it was "the immediate cause of the late rupture and present revolution." Well, then, might one of the greatest statesmen of the present century declare his sympathy for the Northern cause. Not that he was a republican ; on the contrary, he was a great admirer of English constitutional liberties ; they were his model in framing the new structure of his country's freedom. But he knew that law and order are no less necessary to a nation's welfare than 302 ESSAYS. independence and liberty. Therefore it was that Count Cavour wrote thus to the Italian minister at Washington on the 22d of May 1861 : — "This re- serve," that of non-intervention, "M. le Chevalier, will not prevent us from manifesting our sympathies for the triumph of the Northern States ; for their cause is not only the cause of constitutional liberty, but of all humanity." A thrill of indignation ran through the whole North at the news of the insult offered to the national flag, and of the attack made upon the Federal authority. There could no longer be any doubt as to the danger which threatened the Union. Up to the attack on Fort Sumter in April 1861, and its seizure by the separatists, the greater part of the North hoped that all would end, after much wordy war, in a peaceful arrangement of the differences between the South and the Federal Government. But the sad truth became clearer every day, and so decided the citizens of the Northern States to take up arms in good earnest in answer to the call of the govern- ment. The varying phases of this gigantic struggle, the immense sacrifices of men and money made by the North, its tenacity despite frequent disasters, its ever firm belief in ultimate success, prove how deep was the devotion of the Northern States to the institu- tions of their country, and how rooted was the con- viction of their excellence and stability. At the very commencement of the war, in July 1861, the Con- gress of Washington passed a resolution setting forth THE CONSTITUTION AND THE SECESSIONISTS. 303 the motives which led them to carry it on. The re- solution concluded with these words : — . . . . u That this war is not waged on their part in any spirit of oppression, or for any purpose of conquest or subjugation, or purpose of overthrowing or interfering with the rights or established institutions of these States, but to defend and maintain the supremacy of the constitution, and to preserve the Union, with all the' dignity, equality, and rights of the several States unimpaired \ and that as soon as these objects are accomplished the war ought to cease/' Two acts of President Lincoln during the course of this war excited especial discussion both in Europe and in America. The one was the suspension of the privi- lege of Habeas Corpus, and the other the Emancipa- tion Proclamation of 1st January 1 863. As regards the first, the Constitution had declared that " the privilege of the writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be suspended unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it," but it did not deter- mine who was to exercise the power of suspension. Mr Lincoln and his cabinet were of opinion that this power belonged to the President as chief of the ex- ecutive, and accordingly he proceeded to exercise such power in given cases. This was done while Congress was not in session. When again assem- bled, that body sanctioned the action of the Presi- dent, and passed a resolution to the qffect " that during the present insurrection the President of the United States is authorised to suspend the Habeas Corpus when, in his judgment, the public security requires it." These proceedings caused the warmest 304 ESSAYS. discussion. The government and its supporters maintained the perfect legality of the President's conduct ; the opposition affirmed the contrary. Each party appealed to the law, and did its utmost to show that its opponents were violating the constitu- tion. This was the good old ground of political disputes ; and it is ever, in all free countries, what- ever be their form of freedom, the only lawful battle- field upon which the members of one party have a right to challenge those of the other to meet them, there to discuss the question at issue, and then de- cide it at the polling-booth. The way, then, in which the Northern States treated this matter was the right and constitutional way. It but affords another proof of that respect for legal and constitu- tional methods of determining political questions which is so marked a feature in their character — a feature which ought to win for them the sympathy of the whole English race, one of whose finest charac- teristics is, that it combines the greatest love of free- dom with the greatest respect for law. On the 1st January 1863, Mr Lincoln proclaimed the emancipation of all slaves in those States which were in arms against the United States Government. It must be borne in mind that this act was no part of Mr Lincoln's original programme. He adopted it as commander-in-chief of the United States forces in a time of insurrection against their authority as a means tending to suppress that insurrection. Never let it be forgotten that Mr Lincoln had ever been a Free-Soiler, not an abolitionist. The President's THE CONSTITUTION AND THE SECESSIONISTS. 305 first duty, according to his oath, was to maintain and defend, by all means within his power, the con- stitution of the United States, and to enforce its due observance. Such duty was perfectly compatible with the Free-Soil policy of prohibiting, by legal enactment, slavery from extending into the Terri- tories, but to abolish slavery by his own mere motion was beyond the President's power ; he could only do so as a war measure, for the re-establishment of the Federal government's authority, as against a State or States in overt act of rebellion against that authority. As to those Slave States which remained faithful to the Union, Mr Lincoln desired that the Federal government should aid them in the gradual abolition of slavery. To this end Congress had already adopted, on the 10th of March 1862, the resolution " That the United States ought to lend their co-operation to every State which shall abolish slavery, according to it an indemnity, which the State should use according to its own discretion, to compensate for the public and private inconveniences arising from such a change of system." During the summer of this year the Congress authorised the government to recognise officially the negro States of Hayti and Liberia. It likewise strengthened and improved the treaty with England for the suppression of the slave-trade. It also prohibited, by express enactment to that effect, slavery throughout the territories of the United States. Thus the policy of Mr Lincoln, anti-slavery from the commencement of his life, by means of the Free- 306 ESSAYS. Soil principle, and not by the adoption of immediate abolition, took more and more this fetter direction according to the necessities of the day and the growth of public opinion in favour of such a course. The President, however, took the utmost care never to infringe the principles of the constitution. It does not fall within the scope of the present article to deal with the military operations of the war. It may, however, be permitted to say a few words with respect to the generals who conducted it. Assuredly it would be most unjust not to recognise the courage of the Southern soldiers and the skill of their leaders. The frequent repulses and defeats of the Federal armies, the able and prolonged defence of Richmond and Petersburg, the successful resistance offered by Charleston to formidable naval armaments, and many other similar deeds, prove the valour of the Southerners and the great capacity of their com- manders. No one, either in Europe or America, can hesitate a moment to give them credit for the posses- sion of military qualities of the highest order. So that if the Southerners are obliged to say to-day with the captive King of France, " Tout est perdu" they have assuredly the right to add with him, " fors Vhonneur" Who would not receive with all respect gallant General Lee ? Who does not willingly render homage to his great military talents ? Nor let it be forgotten that he is by no means the only one of the Southern generals whose courage and ability have excited upon all hands real and deserved admira- tion. THE CONSTITUTION AND THE SECESSIONISTS. 307 As to the Northern generals, such as Grant, Sher- man, and Sheridan, it is sufficient praise, from the military point of view, to say that they succeeded in defeating such adversaries. But this is not their greatest merit. They possess another and yet more enduring title to their country's gratitude. For, when at the head of victorious armies, numbering no less than one million of soldiers, none of them sought to make such a command the stepping-stone to his own aggrandisement. No Northern general, flushed with victory and inflated with vanity, proclaimed himself alone capable of saving the republic, and then, under pretext of so doing, sacrificed alike the lives and the rights of his fellow-countrymen to his own exaltation. None followed the evil course of those who have raised to themselves a blood-stained throne upon the wreck and ruin of their country's laws and liberties. Far other was the example that they kept in view. Ever did they remember him who set the rights and freedom of his native land above all other considera- tions — him whom the entire nation has with one voice proclaimed " first in peace, first in war, first in the hearts of his countrymen " — him whose name is dear, not to America alone, but to the freemen of every land and of every clime — the loved and hon- oured name of Washington. The like praise must be given to the statesmen of the Federal government, for they, too, displayed that elevated patriotism which sought but to perform the duties of a faithful minister instead of aiming at a dictator's baneful rule. 308 ESSAYS. Can all the leading politicians of the South, who, both before and during the presidential election of i860, sat in the Senate and Congress of Washington, some of whom held prominent positions, and even cabinet offices, in the Federal government, say that they were equally faithful to their high trust ? Were there none amongst them who abetted the overthrow of that very Federal government and constitution which they had solemnly sworn to uphold and to defend, whose bread they were eating, and whose highest offices they filled ? Were there not members of the outgoing administration who emptied the Federal forts in the North of arms and ammunition in order to fill those in the South, that they might thus be within reach of a hostile hand ? Did they not disperse the few armed forces that the United States possessed in those days, in order that their successors might find themselves without the means of defending the authority of the United 'States go- vernment in case it were attacked ? And if this be so, what other word can fitly be applied to such conduct unless it be that of treason ?■ The truth is, that the sentiment of legality and respect for the constitution had been decreasing in the South for some years previous to Mr Lincoln's election. The traveller in the Southern States met with men of position and influence who avowed that they were prepared to break up the Union by force should a Free-Soil President be elected, and that even though there were nothing unconstitutional in his elec- THE CONSTITUTION AND THE SECESSIONISTS. 309 tion or his public conduct. Thus they preferred law- less violence to constitutional opposition. Another and yet more deplorable fact was the ever- increasing attachment of the Southerners to slavery, their determination to maintain it at all costs, and to spread it everywhere. It was no longer in their eyes an evil to be tolerated, but the normal condition of the two races, a good thing in itself, despite certain drawbacks in practice. There were not wanting those who maintained it to be a divine institution, and pleaded not only for negro slavery, but for all kinds of slavery in principle, to be applied according to circumstances. Nor, if what is called the Bible argu- ment be used, is there any stopping short of this hideous conclusion. Some amongst them — men, too, of ability and standing — boldly demanded the re- opening of the African slave-trade, and declared themselves for free trade in slaves as well as in all other branches of commerce. Or, as Mr Yancey put it with great force and clearness, "The South demands as free a trade in negroes from Africa as the North in mules from Malta." Sad indeed was it to hear such monstrous senti- ments propounded and enforced by every argument which a misguided ingenuity could suggest. Sadder still to find them daily gaining strength in a commu- nity so many of whose members possessed noble and charming qualities. Who that has travelled in the South can ever forget the kindness and hospitality he there received ? What Christmas gatherings could be JIO ESSAYS. fuller of everything that can render such scenes de- lightful, than those which were to be met with beneath the roof of the Southern planter ? Such pleasant recollections, mingled with the sad tales of suffering and war, were only too well calculated to fill w r ith heaviness the heart of any one who had experienced the warm welcome of Southern hospitality. Yet not by mere feeling, however natural and right, can be decided so great a question as that which divided for a time the United States Federal govern- ment and the Southern Secessionists. A careful ap- preciation of facts, and a just application of the great principles of order and liberty, are the only right means of judging between the conflicting parties. The more carefully the criterion of those principles is applied to the subject in question, the clearer does it become that Italy's illustrious statesman, whose words have been already quoted, was right when he condemned the slave -owners' secession movement, and declared the Northern cause to be that " not only of constitutional liberty, but of all humanity." History does not record a more complete victory or a more crushing defeat than that which marked the termination of the late American war. At its close were to be seen, on the one hand, victorious armies numbering a million of soldiers, perfectly equipped, ready in case of need to undertake fresh campaigns, supported by a powerful nation possess- ing resources which seemed almost boundless; on the other side were the broken remnants of valiant but THE CONSTITUTION AND THE SECESSIONISTS. 311 defeated troops, encumbering a country once flourish- ing but now desolated, many of whose rich inhabit- ants were reduced to poverty and its poorer classes to want. Hence it was, that immediately after the fall of Richmond and Petersburg, Southern generals and soldiers gave up the struggle and submitted to the Federal government. Thus abruptly finished this gigantic conflict, which but a short time before did not seem so near its close. Scarcely had the verdict of the sword to which the Southerners had appealed been given against them, than the North gave instant proofs of a desire for peace and reconciliation. The citizens of the loyal States declared that the South should have back all its former rights, liberties, and privileges, slavery ex- cepted, on the single condition of an honest return to the Union — that Union whose perfect reconstruction was the hearty desire of men who had ever felt for it a love and respect bordering upon idolatry. No one longed for such a result more than the upright President of the United States, Abraham Lincoln. Already words of pardon and peace fell from his lips, already his heart thrilled with joy at the prospect of brotherly union once again restored to his native land. Bowed down through four long years beneath the double burden of his country's woes and the awful responsibilities of his own high office, the hope of happier days now dawned upon his sight, and gladdened his soul, weary and worn with watching through the fearful night of his coun- try's agony and peril. To him who had presided 312 ESSAYS. over the nation's destinies while the hurricane of civil war sv/ept across the land, seemed now to be given the hallowed task of healing the Republic's wounds, of reconciling her contending sons, of releasing her once for all from slavery's hideous chain. Thus would he re-establish the pillars of the State wholly and without reserve upon justice, liberty, and law, those only sure foundations of a nation's weal, right- eous and eternal even as their eternal Author. But the ways of the Infinite Father are not our ways : He had decreed that the earthly course of this noble- hearted man was run — that the good and faithful servant was now to enter into that rest which lies beyond the grave. The nation was to be yet further tried, was to pass through another crisis, but mo- mentary indeed, yet full of deepest sorrow. No words can depict the anguish and horror of the American people when they learned that their true- hearted President had been murdered. If anything can have lessened their bitter grief, it was the repro- bation of that foul crime by every civilised nation, and the heartfelt expression of sympathy offered by every friend of justice and humanity. In a moment the shout of victory was hushed throughout the land. Its busy millions ceased from their accustomed la- bours. For a time no sound was heard save the long deep wail of a nation's grief. Every heart was heavy, every home was desolate. Hundreds of thousands, without distinction of creed or party, class or colour, mingled in that funeral procession which stretched a thousand miles from Washington to Springfield, THE CONSTITUTION AND THE SECESSIONISTS. 313 Illinois, where repose the mortal remains of Abraham Lincoln. Others have possessed more brilliant genius, others have shown as unyielding tenacity ; but none have ever united clearness of intellect and firmness of purpose to a gentler heart or a purer patriotism. Henceforth there are in America two spots sacred to every friend of constitutional law and to every lover of human freedom — Mount Vernon, where lies buried "the father of his country," and Oak Ridge Cemetery, where rests from his labours her Martyr-President. There were those who, untaught by past blunders, did not hesitate to predict a revolution, or at least a lengthened period of confusion and disorder. Some seemed to fancy that Northern soldiers, if not armies, maddened with rage, would rush South and com- mence a general massacre. Others declared nothing could save the nation but one of the generals seizing at once the reigns of power. The Americans thought of nothing and followed nothing but the constitution. According to its pro- visions, Mr Johnson, the Vice-President, took the prescribed oath a few hours after Mr Lincoln's death, and so became President. Mr Hunter, one of the under-secretaries of the State Department, filled ad interim Mr Seward's post, who had been nearly assassi- nated while lying ill in bed. Thus everything followed the regular legal course without a moment's interrup- tion or danger. There was but given to the world another proof of that deep-seated love of law, which is so potent an element in the system of the United States and in the character of its people. This fact is still 3 H ESSAYS. further brought out by two incidents which occurred about this time, and which are worthy of mention. Very shortly before President Lincoln's death an armistice was agreed upon between General Sherman and one of the Southern generals; the President, how- ever, set it aside, because in his judgment Sherman had overstepped his powers in certain particulars. The ready and entire submission with which the general bowed to the President's decision affords a noteworthy proof of the power which constituted authorities possess in the United States. It appears that after Mr Lincoln's murder some foreign paper had alluded to or suggested the idea of General Grant's instantly putting himself at the head of the government. This was told to the general not very long after, upon which he said quietly, that such a thought had never crossed his brain, and even if it had, he could not have put it in execution ; for there was not in his army a single soldier who would have abetted him in such an enterprise. Such words in the mouth of the con- queror of Richmond and Vicksburg show what was the character of the man himself and of his army. Many and bitter were the attacks which had been made on Abraham Lincoln — the like were now di- rected against his successor. Neither his origin nor his character was spared ; his future policy was denounced beforehand as cruel and sanguinary. Andrew Johnson has given to these predictions the most complete of all replies — he has lived them down. He is now known to the world as one of the THE CONSTITUTION AND THE SECESSIONISTS. 315 able men of the day. Born of poor parents in North Carolina, he migrated while still a youth to Ten- nessee, where he worked as a journeyman tailor. His education had been much neglected, and it was only about the age of twenty that he learned to read and write, by the assistance of his wife. But from that day he set to work at his own instruction with such ardour and perseverance that he soon made up for lost time. He gained quickly the confidence of his fellow-citizens, and after occupying various less important posts, he was elected senator for the State of Tennessee. Favourable to slavery, he was conse- quently unfavourable to the Free-Soil policy of which Mr Lincoln was already a well-known sup- porter. But he opposed from the very commence- ment the secessionist movement. Alone amongst the Southern senators, he resisted it with the whole weight of his influence and eloquence. He denounced the course taken by the Secessionists, both in the Senate at Washington and elsewhere, as utterly ille- gal, and as a flagrant breach of the constitution. He predicted that it would bring fearful calamities upon the whole country, especially upon the South. He went down in person to his own State of Tennessee, and did his utmost to turn her from the evil path of secession. This courageous and patriotic conduct nearly cost him his life, thanks to the outrageous violence of his separatist opponents. He was obliged at last to fly from Tennessee, and returned to Wash- ington, where he remained throughout the war. De- voted to the maintenance of the Union, Mr Senator 316 ESSAYS. Johnson, as he then was, supported the Washington government in its determination to maintain with a strong hand the just authority and rights of the Federal government. His views of public policy assimilated themselves more and more, as time went on, to those of Mr President Lincoln, and finally came into agreement with them. When the latter was elected President a second time, Mr Johnson was elected with him as Vice-President. It was a wise choice, for he had shown a rare mixture of courage and ability. He had remained faithful to the Union, and being, as he was, a Southern senator, the North- erners by such a selection clearly showed that it was not against the South, as such, that they were fight- ing, but against the violators of the law and the con- stitution. Since his accession to the presidency he has discharged the duties of his high office and directed the policy of the country with a firmness, moderation, and tact, which prove him to be a man of no ordinary capacity.* The work which Mr John- son and his government have had to do has been of * The conduct of Mr Johnson, during the course of his long dispute with Congress on the subject of reconstruction, (begun and carried on since the above estimate of him was written in February 1866,) has clearly proved that that estimate was far too favourable. Still, those who simply denounce him as wholly unfit for his high office appear to the writer to judge the President over-harshly. The fact seems to be, that he is one of those men who are well fitted to meet such a terrible national crisis as that brought on by the armed and revolutionary attack made upon the Federal Union and government of the United States by Mr Jefferson Davis and his compeers. Nor can Mr John- son's conduct during that crisis be too highly praised. Again, the course he pursued from April 1865, when he unexpectedly became President, until the meeting of Congress at the close of that year, seems THE CONSTITUTION AND THE SECESSIONISTS. 317 the most difficult and delicate kind. Dangers of the most opposite character beset the object to which all their efforts have been directed — that of reconstruct- ing the Union. If too great leniency were shown, there was danger of losing in point of fact one of the commendable. His first message to Congress, in December 1865, was worthy of the head of a g'-eat and free people. But Mr Johnson showed himself wanting in almost all the qualities necessary to his exalted position when questions involving delicate and intricate consti- tutional problems arose, upon which the best, the ablest, and the most loyal men might well disagree. The qualities needed in a President, when dealing with so arduous and unprecedented a matter as recon- struction, were moderation, tact, a willingness to compromise, a readi- ness to meet the views of those who differed with him, a desire to bring all parties, himself included, to take a middle course. Instead of that, when Mr Johnson found the majority of Congress opposed to his views, he did little else than lay them down more peremptorily than ever, and insist upon their full and instant adoption. No doubt he thought his own plan of reconstruction the best and the most constitutional, but that was just the question at issue. What was wanted was great tact, judgment, and skill ; what Mr Johnson chiefly displayed was an obsti- nate determination to carry out only his own views, united to great intemperance of language, as more especially displayed in his western tour in the autumn of 1866. It must, however, be admitted that more than one prominent man among his opponents was equally guilty of the same faults. When, however, the whole circumstances of the case are considered, the writer, although not endorsing all that the Senate and House of Congress have done, prefers their policy in this great and difficult question of reconstruction to that of Mr President Johnson. But whatever hesitation the writer may feel with regard to the best solution of so arduous a problem, he has none in expressing his desire that the complete restoration of the Union may be effected upon the broad principles of justice, liberty, and right. His undivided sympathies were with the people and government of the United States throughout the fearful struggle into which their country was plunged by the Southern Secessionists ; he therefore naturally hails with delight the prospect of a completely reconstructed Union, resting upon the sure foundation of the rights and freedom of all, without distinction of class or colour. May the American republic, in this its new and better phase, enjoy 3l8 ESSAYS. best fruits of the crisis through which the nation had passed ; for to abolish slavery, and yet leave the future of the former slaves entirely in the hands of their old masters, would have been to abolish it only in name — guarantees were necessary that this should be a bona fide abolition, carried into practical effect. It was also just to ask of the South tangible proofs, in one form or another, of its sincerity and loyalty in returning to the Union. On the other hand, it was most desirable, both as a matter of policy and of principle, not to be too severe or even too exacting. Such a course would have been wrong, and would, besides, have hindered the work of reconstruction which the United States government and people earnestly wished to further ; it would, moreover, have irritated the South, and indisposed it towards that party among its own citizens which desired to return to their old allegiance in all good faith. Nor let it be forgotten that such a party not only existed in the South, but was both numerous and influential. A few facts will show that the Washington government has, at least to a very great extent, avoided both these opposite dangers — that it has followed a course which, speaking generally, may be pronounced worthy of an enlightened and free government, presiding, in increasing and permanent prosperity ; may every section of its people unite in upholding the lawful authority of the Federal government, and the acknowledged rights of the several States; so shall be realised in the political life of the republic both the letter and the spirit of its national motto — " E pluribus unum" J. W. P. June 1868. THE CONSTITUTION AND THE SECESSIONISTS. 319 times of no little difficulty, over the destinies of a great and a Christian people. Andrew Johnson succeeded to the presidency on the 15th of April 1865, (the day of Mr Lincoln's death.) but the session of Congress did not begin until December. The President and his cabinet had therefore to direct, during the interval, the general policy and affairs of the country. The government, while closely keeping within the limits of the consti- tution, and carefully abstaining from all entrench- ment upon the prerogatives or action of the Federal Congress, used every lawful means to further the work of reconstruction. The President, among other measures, decreed a general amnesty, one of whose clauses seemed hard — that clause which excluded from the benefits of this measure all persons who possessed a capital amounting to 20,000 dollars or more. Its real object was to oblige all such persons to ask a special pardon, which was at once given on their promise of renewed allegiance to the Union, and adherence to the late President's proclamation for the abolition of slavery. The demands for these pardons were so numerous that it cost an immense amount of time and labour to furnish them to the multitude of applicants who sought them. This able stroke of policy thus suc- ceeded admirably. It rehabilitated the Southerners of influence and position, whilst it obliged them per- sonally to acknowledge the wrong they had done, and ask for pardon. It further obtained from them an additional guarantee against the return of slavery, 320 ESSAYS. whilst awaiting its complete abolition, by passing to that effect an amendment to the constitution, accord- ing to the provisions of the fifth article. The government also established throughout the South a vast number of " Freedmen's Bureaux," under the direction of that good and brave man, General Howard, who, it has been said, won for him- self during the war the title of the " Hedley Vicars of the Federal army." The mission of these bureaux is to afford aid, work, and protection to the recently enfranchised negroes. Throughout the North, private societies have been formed with the same object, only yet further extended to all in need of such assistance, without distinction of race. The President hastened to name provisional gover- nors in the States recently in revolt. Their duty was to reassure the inhabitants, and to restore the ma- chinery of government. They called together State conventions, for the double purpose of annulling the Secession ordinances and sanctioning the abolition of slavery. These were the only two acts which were demanded as a sine qua non of their full re-admission into the Union, with all their former rights, privileges, and liberties. As to the suffrage, the President de- cided nothing — believing the matter to lie beyond his power. It was left, like that of the time and manner of the final re-admission of the Southern represen- tatives into the Federal Congress, to be settled by the nation through the action of the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States. This clement policy of the Washington government in the THE CONSTITUTION AND THE SECESSIONISTS. 32 1 hour of victory was further manifested by the fact that no life was forfeited, excepting that of those who were proved to be accomplices in Mr Lincoln's murder, and that of a certain Wirz, convicted of heinous cruelty towards Northern prisoners incar- cerated at Andersonville. Such lenient conduct was but right, yet rarely, if ever, has it marked the close of those civil strifes which have desolated in turn every country of the Old World. The reception of a numerous and influential Southern deputation by Mr Johnson at the White House brought out in all their force these sentiments of mercy and reconciliation. The deputation waited on him to make known their views and hopes upon the vital question of reconstruc- tion. Nothing could be more kindly, more dignified, or more truly Christian than the words and bearing of the President of the United States upon that occa- sion. In a speech couched in noble and appropriate language, he expressed the pleasure it gave him to hear the deputation acknowledge the errors of the past. He assured those present of his sincere desire to give back to the South all its rights. He would adhere strictly to the constitution, maintain it in all its integrity, and make it the means of restoring the Southern States to their former position. The gene- rous feelings expressed by the President, his reiter- ated assurances of good-will, his treatment of the Southerners as brothers — as sons of a common coun- try — who had erred indeed, but who were and ever had been brothers, touched all present, and produced a deep impression. More than once the chief magis- 322 ESSAYS. trate was interrupted by the approbation and emotion of his audience. The members of the deputation expressed their firm resolve to do all in their power towards the reconstruction of the Union. At length they retired, full of hope and confidence, renewing again their promise to join heartily in the work of restoring harmony and peace throughout the length and breadth of their common country. How great is the contrast offered by this brotherly reconciliation between the chief of a free nation and some of its sons for a time led astray, and those scenes of bloody repression which have marked the triumph of many an European despot over his own subjects, whom long years of oppression and misrule had goaded into rebellion ! The policy of Mr Johnson may be summed up in these words : " The constitution in all its integrity !" He had been faithful to it in the hour of danger ; he made it the supreme rule of his conduct in the hour of victory. But he determined to apply it, even in the case of those who had taken up arms against it, with all the leniency consistent with its due mainte- nance. Such conduct was worthy of the constitutional chief of a free government, when dealing with those who had ever been considered as erring brothers, and who were now completely at its mercy. The last* and highest expression of the President's policy is to be found in the message which he ad- dressed to the United States Senate and House of Representatives on the 4th December 1865. After * It was the last when this was written, viz., in February 1 866. THE CONSTITUTION AND THE SECESSIONISTS. 323 thanking God, in the name of the people, for the pre- servation of the state, the message set forth the object of the Union^ and what it really was in the intention of its authors : " The Union of the United States was intended by its authors to last as long as the States themselves shall last. The Union shall be perpetual ! are the words of the Confederation. ' To form a more perfect Union ' by an ordinance of the United States, is the declared purpose of the consti- tution/' The prolonged labours and the earnest dis- cussions by which this great work was accomplished are recalled, as is also the fact that all opinions and all feelings were ultimately united in its support. It is shown that the constitution possesses two most important powers : that of maintaining its authority and that of reforming itself when such reform is deemed necessary. Upon these points the message says : — "The constitution to which life was thus imparted con- tains within itself ample resources for its own preservation. It has power to enforce the laws, punish treason, and insure domestic tranquillity. In case of the usurpation of the government of a State by one man or an oligarchy, it be- comes a duty of the United States to make good the guarantee to that State of a republican form of government, and so to maintain the homogeneousness of all. Does the lapse of time reveal defects 1 A simple mode of amend- ment is provided in the constitution itself, so that its con- ditions can always be made to conform to the requirements of advancing civilisation. No room is allowed even for the thought of a possibility of its coming to an end. And these powers of self-preservation have always been asserted in their complete integrity by every patriotic chief magistrate 324 ESSAYS. — by Jefferson and Jackson, not less than by Washington and Madison. .The parting advice of the father of his country, while yet President, to the people of the United States, was, that c the free constitution, which was the work of their hands, might be sacredly maintained ;' and the inaugural words of President Jefferson held up 'the preservation of the general government, in its constitu- tional vigour, as the sheet-anchor of our peace at home and safety abroad.' The constitution is the work of c the people of the United States,' and it should be as indestruc- tible as the people/' The message fully admits that the various State governments have their rights, as well as the Federal government, but declares that all questions at issue can only be settled lawfully by the employment of those means which the constitution affords, and never by force. " The absolute acquiescence in. the decisions of the majority was," says the message, "at the beginning of the present century enforced by Jefferson as the vital principle of republics/' Indeed, it must ever be, in one form or another, the vital principle of every species of free government, for without it there is no other settlement but that of brute force. The supremacy of the constitution is emphatically set forth in these words, taken from the constitution itself:— " The constitution and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land ; and the judges in every State shall be bound thereby, anything THE CONSTITUTION AND THE SECESSIONISTS. 325 in the constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding." That part of the message which touches on the reorganisation of the Southern States shows the extreme care of the Washington government to avoid alike over-indulgence and undue rigour, as well as its constant adherence to the law and to the constitution as its supreme guide. The following considerations, worthy of remark, are made touching the question of secession, and the position in which those States were placed who took part in it — " The true theory is, that all pretended acts of secession were, from the beginning, null and void. The States can- not commit treason, nor screen the individual citizens who may have committed treason, any more than they can make valid treaties or, engage in lawful commerce with any foreign power. The States attempting to secede placed themselves in a condition where their vitality was impaired, but not extinguished — their functions suspended, but not destroyed. " But if any State neglects or refuses to perform its offices, there is the more need that the general government should maintain all its authority, and, as soon as practi- cable, resume the exercise of all its functions. On this principle I have acted, and have gradually and quietly, and by almost imperceptible steps, sought to restore the rightful energy of the general government and of the States. To that end provisional governors have been appointed for the States, conventions called," &c. The final accomplishment of the work of recon- struction, the time and mode of re-admitting the Southern representatives into the Federal Congress, and the delicate question of the suffrage, are left 326 ESSAYS. undecided by the President. He desires to accom- plish them in accordance with the united action of Congress, and by its aid. With regard to the freedmen, the following admir- able language is held : — " But while I have no doubt that now, after the close of the war, it is not competent for the general government to extend the elective franchise in the several States, it is equally clear that good faith requires the security of the freedmen in their liberty and their property, their right to labour, and their right to claim the just return of their labour. I cannot too strongly urge a dispassionate treat- ment of this subject, which should be carefully kept aloof from all party strife. We must equally avoid hasty assump- tions of any natural impossibility for the two races to live side by side in a state of mutual benefit and good-will. The experiment involves us in no inconsistency; let us, then, go and make that experiment in good faith, and not be too easily disheartened. The country is in need of labour, and the freedmen are in need of employment, culture, and protection. While their right of voluntary migration and expatriation is not to be questioned, I would not advise their forced removal and colonisation. Let us rather encourage them to honourable and useful industry, where it may be beneficial to themselves and to the country ; and instead of hasty anticipations of the cer- tainty of failure, let there be nothing wanting to the fair trial of the experiment." As to the constitutional amendment for the abolition of slavery, since carried and become law, according to the provisions of the 5 th article, the President earnestly advises its adoption. It is in- teresting to observe how he speaks of slavery as " essentially a monopoly of labour/' as " the element THE CONSTITUTION AND THE SECESSIONISTS. 327 which has so long perplexed and divided the coun- try," and adds, further, "that the adoption of the amendment re-unites us beyond all power of disrup- tion." Thus he admits that slavery was the real cause of the rupture which had taken place, and which it was now the common desire of all to heal for ever. Such views of President Johnson fully agree with those set forth by Mr A. H. Stephens of Georgia, the ' ex-Vice-President of the ex-separatist govern- ment, who, but a few weeks after its formation, said at a great meeting in Savannah : — " The new constitution " of the Secessionist Confeder- ation " has set at rest for ever all agitating questions relat- ing to our peculiar institution — African slavery as it exists among us — the proper state of the negro in our form of civilisation. This was the immediate cause of the late rupture and present revolution. Jefferson in his forecast had anticipated this as the rock upon which the old Union would split. He was right. " If there are still any persons prepared to assert that slavery had little or nothing to do with the Secessionist movement and war, let them meditate upon this united testimony of President Johnson and Mr A. H. Stephens. The message concludes by an eloquent panegyric of the United States and its institutions. It is worth reading for its own sake, although in some respects it may be considered too highly coloured ; but it is especially desirable to do so in order to compare it with another panegyric on the same subject, uttefed 328 ESSAYS. by a very different man, in very different circum- stances. That of the President's message runs thus : — " Here is the great land of free labour, where industry is blessed with unexampled rewards, and the bread of the working man is sweetened by the consciousness that the cause of the country c is his own cause, his own safety, his own dignity/ Here every one enjoys the free use of his faculties and the choice of activity as a natural right. Here, under the combined influences of a fruitful soil, genial climes, and happy institutions, population has increased fifteen-fold within a century. Here, through the easy de- velopment of boundless resources, wealth has increased with twofold greater rapidity than numbers, so that we have become secure against the financial vicissitudes of other countries, and, alike in business and in opinion, are self- centred and truly independent. Here more and more care is given to provide education for every one born on our soil. Here religion, released from political connection with the civil government, refuses to subserve the craft of states- men, and becomes, in its independence, the spiritual life of the people. Here toleration is extended to every opinion, in the quiet certainty that truth needs only a fair field to secure the victory. Here the human mind goes forth un- shackled in the pursuit of science, to collect stores of know- ledge, and acquire an ever-increasing mastery over the forces of nature. Here the national domain is offered and held in millions of separate freeholds, so that our fellow- citizens, beyond the occupants of any other part of the earth, constitute in reality a people. Here exists the de- mocratic form of government ; and that form of govern- ment, by the confession of European statesmen, ' gives a power of which no other form is capable, because it incor- porates every man with the State, and arouses everything that belongs to the soul/ " Where, in past history, does a parallel exist to the pub- THE CONSTITUTION AND THE SECESSIONISTS. 329 lie happiness which is within the reach of the people of the United States ? Where, in any part of the globe, can in- stitutions be found so suited to their habits or so entitled to their love as their own free constitution ? Every one of them, then, in whatever part of the land he has his home, must wish its perpetuity. Who of them will not now acknowledge, in the words of Washington, that ' every step by which the people of the United States have advanced to the character of an independent nation, seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency?' Who will not join with me in the prayer that the invisible hand that has led us through the clouds that gloomed around our path, will so guide us onward to a perfect re- storation of fraternal affection, that we of this day may be able to transmit our great inheritance of state governments in all their rights, of the general government in its whole constitutional vigour, to our posterity, and they to theirs, through countless generations 1 " Andrew Johnson. "Washington, Dec. 4, 1865." Let it be remarked, in passing, that these last words prove that, far from wishing to diminish the rights of the governments of the various States on aceount of the late rebellion, or on account of the abuse of the doctrine of states rights, the President would fully maintain them, just as he would preserve in all their vigour the rights of the Federal government. Or, as he puts it in another place, " So long as the constitu- tion of the United States endures, the States will en- dure ; the destruction of the one is the destruction of the other ; the preservation of the one is the preser- vation of the other." The second panegyric which has been alluded to forms part of a speech delivered on the 14th Novem- 330 ESSAYS. ber i860, before the legislature of the State of Geor- gia, with a view to dissuade it from joining the Seces- sion movement. The man who delivered it was no other than Mr A. H. Stephens, who, in November i860, opposed secession, and then in the following February became Vice-President of the Secessionist Confederation. His words are well worth a careful perusal : — " I look upon this country, with our institutions, as the Eden of the world — the paradise of the universe. It may be, that out of it we may become greater and more pros- perous, but I am candid and sincere in telling you that I fear, if we rashly evince passion, and without suffi- cient cause shall take that step [of secession], that instead of becoming greater, or more peaceful, prosperous and happy — instead of becoming gods, we will become de- mons, and at no distant day commence cutting each others' throats. " The first question that presents itself is, Shall the people of the South secede from the Union in consequence of the election of Mr Lincoln to the presidency of the United States ? My countrymen, I tell you candidly, frankly, and earnestly, that I do not think that they ought. In my judgment, the election of no man constitutionally chosen to that high office is sufficient cause for any State to separate from the Union. It ought to stand by, and still aid in maintaining the constitution of the country. To make a point of resistance to the government, to withdraw from it because a man has been constitutionally elected, puts us in the wrong. . < . We went into the election with this people. The result was different from what we wished ; but the election has been constitutionally held. Were we to make a point of resistance to the government, and go out of the Union on this account, the record would be made up hereafter against us." * THE CONSTITUTION AND THE SECESSIONISTS. 33 1 In another place Mr Stephens says : — " This step, once taken, could never be recalled; and all the baleful and withering consequences that must follow [as they would see] will rest on the Convention for all coming time. . . . What right has the North assailed ? What interest of the South has been invaded? What jus- tice has been denied ? And what claim, founded in justice and right, has been withheld? Can either of you to-day name one governmental act of wrong, deliberately and purposely done, by the government of Washington, of which the South has a right to complain ? I challenge the answer." He then enters into many details to show that no wrong has been done, and that the South has had its full share, and even more, of all the honours, offices, rights, and liberties of their common country and government. After which he concludes by asking why this scission : — " Is it for the overthrow of the American government, established by our common ancestry, cemented and built up by their sweat and blood, and founded on the broad principles of right, justice, and humanity? and, as such — I must declare here, as I have often done before, and which has been repeated by the greatest and wisest of statesmen and patriots, that it is the best and freest of governments — the most equal in its rights, the most just in its decisions, the most lenient in its measures, and the most inspiring in its principles to elevate the race of men, that the sun of heaven ever shone upon. Now, for you to attempt to overthrow such a government as this, under which we have lived for more than three-quarters of a century — in which we have gained our wealth, our standing as a nation, our domestic safety while the elements of peril are around us, with peace and tranquillity, accompanied by unbounded 33 2 ESSAYS. prosperity, and rights unassailed — is the height of madness, folly, and wickedness, to which I can neither lend my sanc- tion nor my vote." Such words in the mouth of such a man need no commentary. Do not, then, both facts and arguments prove that love of law and devotion to the constitution are in- delible features of the American character ; and that for them the majority of the nation is prepared to make the very greatest sacrifices ? Is it not to-day clear what were the real motives which roused the government and people of the United States to vin- dicate the outraged authority of the Federal rule, and maintain, at all costs, its supreme and lawful rights ? Can an impartial mind any longer deny that the Secessionists, on the contrary, trampled upon the constitution and the law, and appealed to that sword which decided against them, although the Federal government had not overstepped, even by a hair's- breadth, its constitutional limits ? And yet the cause of such conduct was even worse than the conduct it- self ; for it arose from the opposition of the South to the wise and moderate policy of the Free-Soil states- men who, in 1 86 1, came into the legal possession of constitutional power. The Southerners, rather than allow that policy to be adopted, broke through the law, took up arms, plunged the country into civil war, and sought by such lawless means to found a new confederation, based, according to the statement of their own Vice-President, upon u the corner-stone of slavery." THE CONSTITUTION AND THE SECESSIONISTS. 333 The war once closed, constitutional means and principles have alone guided the Federal government in the delicate work of reconstruction. And even these have been applied with all the leniency com- patible with the Federal Unions laws and just autho- rity. But there is another aspect of this great question that must not be passed over. It is a matter of the highest import that the great principles of law and order should have been thus vindicated by a people which delights to call itself the freest upon earth, and which is certainly amongst the freest. It has thus by deeds, not words alone, declared that freedom can- not exist without order, that respect for the law is absolutely necessary to the possession of liberty. It is a lesson that can never be forgot, a precedent to be referred to through all future ages. The ultimate re- sult of this tremendous conflict proves also that a free government is perfectly compatible with a strong government ; and that such a government can enforce its constitutional laws without sacrificing its liberties, even though it should deem it necessary to suspend some of them for a time in a moment of danger. It demonstrates admirably that order must not be sac- rificed to liberty, nor liberty to order. The United States of America have thus set their seal to the all- important truth, that these two great principles are essentially necessary to each other, that both are of vital importance to the existence of a free and well- governed people. Now, there were none who sympathised more 334 ESSAYS. heartily with the Northern States and the Federal government throughout the late war than the work- ing classes of England, especially the artisans of her great cities. To their lasting honour it must be said that they judged well and truly the American ques- tion ; they ever supported staunchly and manfully that cause which no less an authority than the great Cavour had declared to be " not only that of consti- tutional liberty, but of all humanity." Let them, then, never forget the great lesson which the free government and people of the United States have inculcated upon the world. Let them remem- ber, that just as order without freedom is little else than tyranny, so freedom without order is little better than anarchy. Let them bear in mind that liberty and law must ever go hand-in-hand ; that the co- operation of the two is absolutely needful to the life of a free people. Thus continuing to think and act, the operative classes will add daily to the proofs already existing, that to admit them in a just propor- tion to a direct participation in the choice of England's representatives, is but to widen and strengthen the basis upon which repose those ancient laws and liber- ties which we English love so proudly and so well. But one word more. There are those who dread the growing power of the United States, and that' chiefly on account of its republican form of govern- ment. Yet, while believing that, in the Old World at any rate, constitutional monarchy is the best form of freedom, it is only just to add that the republican is but another form of that same freedom, and not a THE CONSTITUTION AND THE SECESSIONISTS. 335 hostile system. What, after all, lies at the basis of America's republican institutions, if not our own Eng- lish laws and liberties ? Whence comes the system of her jurisprudence — whence her juries ? From whence do her legal authorities draw their prece- dents ? Her free press, her public meetings, the two Houses which in her every State form the legislature, are they not outgrowths of England's system ? The principle of self-government, and that local applica- tion of it in every portion of American soil, is it not of English origin ? Wherever America's dominion extends, it ever carries with it the germ of these rich blessings, spreads abroad England's faith and mother tongue, thus ad- vancing her free and Christian civilisation. Is it, indeed, so terrible a thing to see them spread- ing throughout the New World ? Is it worthy of English hearts and intellects to tremble at such a prospect ? Would they not do better to rejoice and take courage ? Should they not rather bid God speed to the younger branch of our great English family ? Such, assuredly, is the feeling of England's toiling millions ; and they are right. There is no good reason for a wretched display of petty jealousy between the mother country and her stalwart son. Their prosperity and friendship are mighty elements of the world's order, freedom, and progress. Therefore England's people do well to say to their kinsmen of America : May brotherly union, with all its attendant blessings, be completely restored throughout the 336 ESSAYS. length and breadth of your vast dominion. So may all your federated States rally anew around your star- decked flag, planted by the hand of immortal Wash- ington, and saved by that of your loved patriot and martyr, Abraham Lincoln. So may each one of your citizens, whether his State lie on the Atlantic or the Pacific shore, whether watered by the Northern lakes or by the Southern gulf, repeat from his heart those noble words of Daniel Webster, " I know no North, I know no South ; I know only my country." 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From the shorthand Notes of John Kelley Courtenay. 8vo. sewed, pp. 12. 1867. 2d. Consin. — Elements of Psychology : included in a Critical Exami- nation of Locke's Essay on the Human Understanding, and in additional pieces. Translated from the French of Victor Cousin, with an Introduction and Notes. By Caleh S. Henry, D.D. Fourth improved Edition, revised according to the Author's last corrections. Crown 8vo., cloth, pp. 568. 1864. 7*. Consin. — The Philosophy of Kant. Lectures by Victor Cousin. Translated from the French. To which is added a Biographical and Critical Sketch of Kant's Life and Writings. By A. Gr. Henderson. Large post 8vo., cloth, pp. xciv. and 194, 1864. 9s. Publications of Trubner §• Co. 21 Cowan. — Curious Facts rs* the History of Insects. By Frank Cowan. Crown 8vo., pp. 396. Cloth. 1865. 7s. 6d. Co well. — Prakrita-Prakasa ; or, the Prakrit Grammar of Vara- ruchi, with the Commentary (Manorama) of Bhamaha ; the first complete Edition of the Original Text, with various Headings from a collection of Six MSS. in the Bodleian Library at Oxford, and the Libraries of the Boyal Asiatic Society and the East India House ; with Copious Notes, an English Translation, and Index of Prakrit Words, to which is prefixed an Easy Introduction to Prakrit Grammar. By Edward Byles Cowell, of Magdalen Hall, Oxford. Pro- fessor of Sanskrit at Cambridge. Cloth. New Edition, with New Preface, Additions, and Corrections. Second Issue. 8yo., pp. xxxi. and 204. Cloth. 1868. 14.5. Cowper. — Popery axd Common Sense. A Poem. By William Cowper. Post 8vo., sewed, pp. 8. 1866. 6d. Cox. — A Monograph of Australian land shells. By James C. Cox, M.D. Univ. Edin., F.E.C.S. 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A Discourse delivered by John Crawfurd, Esq., F.R.S., President of the Ethnological Society at Martin's Hall, January 13th, 1867, with Explanatory Notes. Also the Inaugural Address of J. Baxter Langley, Esq., M.R.C.S., F.L.S. 8vo., sewed, pp. 12. 1867. 2d. 22 Publications of Trubner Sf Co. Crosskey. — A Defence of Keligion. By Henry W. Crosskey. Pp. 48. 12mo. sewed. 1854. 1*. Current (The) Gold and Silver Coins of all Countries, their Weight and Fineness, and their Intrinsic Value in English Money, with Facsimiles of , the Coins. By Leopold C. Martin, of Her Majesty's Stationery Office, and Charles Trubner. In one volume, medium 8vo., 141 Plates, printed in Gold and Silver, and representing about 1,000 Coins, with 160 pages of Text, handsomely bound in embossed cloth, richly gilt, with Emblematical Designs on the Cover, and gilt edges. 1863. £2 2s. This work, which the Publishers have much pleasure in offering to the Public, contains a series of the Gold and Silver Coins of the whole world, current during the present century. The collection amounts, numerically, to nearly a thousand specimens, comprising, with their reverses, twice that number; and the Publishers feel confident that it is as nearly complete as it was possible to make it. It seems almost superfluous to allude to the utility of the work. It is evident that it must become a highly valuable Handbook to the Bullion-dealer and the Money-changer ; and to the Merchant and Banker it will prove a sure and safe work of reference, from the extreme accuracy of its details and computations. The elegance and splendour of the work admirably adapt it as a choice and instructive ornament to the drawing room table ; the amusement to be found in the comparison of the taste of different countries as exemplified in their Coins, may chase away many a half- hour's ennui. In the valuation of the substantial Coins, and the notation of their relative worth in English money, the minutest accuracy has been observed, as also in the statements of their relative purity, which are given according tn the legal Mint regulations of each country. In exceptional cases only, where official information was not to be obtained of the weight and fineness of the Coins, assays as found at different places, are reported. The exact weight of the Coins is expressed both in English troy grains and in French grammes, and the fineness by the English technical terms, as well as in French millie'mes ; the general tendency of our time towards the decimal metrical system making such a nota- tion almost indispensable. For easier reference, tables of British reports for milliemes of gold and silver have been affixed. Da Costa. — Medical Diagnosis : with. Special References to Prac- tical Medicine. By J. M. Da Costa, M.D. 2nd edition revised. 8vo. cloth. pp.784. 1866. 24.5. Dadabhai.— The European and Asiatic Paces. Observations on Mr. Crawford's Paper read before the Ethnological Society. By Dadabhai Navroji. 8vo. sewed, pp. 32. 1866. Is. Dalton. — A Treatise on Human Physiology. For the Use of Students and Practitioners of Medicine. By John C. Dalton, Jun. r M.D. Third Edition, revised and enlarged. 8vo. cloth, pp. 706. 1866. 21s. ,. — A Text-Book of Geology, designed for Schools and Academies. By J. D. Dana, LL.D. Illustrated by 375 Woodcuts. Crown 8vo., cloth, pp. vi. and 354. 1864. 7s. 6d. Dana. — Manual of Geology ; treating of the Principles of the Science, with Special Reference to American Geological History. For the Use of Colleges, Academies, and Schools of Science. By James D. Dana, M.A., LL.D. Illustrated by a Chart of the World, and over One Thousand Figures, mostly from American Sources. 8vo. cloth, pp. 798. 1866. 21s. Dana. — Manual of Mineralogy ; including Observations on Mines, Rocks, Reduction of Ores, and the Applications of the Science to the Arts ; designed for the Use of Schools and Colleges. By James D. Dana. New edi- tion, revised and enlarged. With 260 Illustrations. 12mo., pp. xii. and 456 » 1867. 7s. 6d. Publications of Trilbner §• Co. JJ3 Dana. — A System of Mineralogy, Descriptive Mineralogy, comprising the most recent Discoveries. By James Dwight Dana and George Jarvis Brush. Fifth edition. 1 vol. 8vo., pp* 874. 1868. £116.?. Darby. — Ruggiero Vivaldi and other Lays of Italy. By Eleanor Darby. 8vo. cloth, pp. viii. and 208. 1865. os. Day. — The Land of the Permatjls, or Cochin, its Past and its Present. By Francis Day, Esq., F.L.S. 8vo. cloth, pp. 577. 1863. 25s. DaichmaniL, — New Tables to facilitate the Practice of Great Circle Sailing, together with an Application of the Theory of the great Circle on the Globe to the sailing, and an Appendix, containing some mathematical demonstrations. Accompanied by a scale of great circles on a blank chart, to determine without calculation the great circle which passes through two given places, and to show the places at which the spherical courses expressed in fourths of the point, take place on the great circle's arc between the two given places. By A. H. Deichmann. 8vo. boards, pp. viii. and 88. 1857. os. Delepierre. — Histoire Litteraire des Fol t s. Par Octave Dele- picrre. 184. 1860. os. Delepierre. — Analyse des Travaux de la' Societe des Philo- biblon de Londiies. Par Octave Delepierre. Small 4to., pp. viii. and 134, bound in the ltoxburghe style. 1862. 10s. 6d. " It is probably not generally known, that among the numerous learned associations of the British metropolis there exists one called the Philobiblon Society. This somewhat exclusive union of bibliographic philosophers was established in 1853, under the auspices of the late Prince Consort, and after tho model of the French Academy— it being one of the fundamental rules of the Society never to depass in number the immortal Forty. . . . The statutes of tho Philobiblon provided for the annual issue of a volume of historical, biographical, critical, and other essays, contributed by any of the forty members, and printed in a very limited edition —not a siugle book to be disposed of for money. To enhance the value of the works thus published, it was arranged that every member should receive only two copies of each volume, to be signed by the president and secretary of the society, and with the name of the possessor on the title-page. . . . The contents of this half- a dozen semi-mysterious and rare works have just been revealed in a curious little book published by Messrs. Triibner and Co., and got up in exact imitation of the products of Caxtou's press. The work is dedicated by M. Octave Delepierre, the author, to the Duke D'Aumale, the patron of the Philobiblon since the decease of Prince Albert, and one of the leading members from the beginning." — Spectator. " Two unpretending but very useful books have been lately compiled by M. Delepierre an i Mr. Nichols. The former, whose - History of Flemish Literature' has already been noticed in these columns, has printed an abstract of the multifarious works issued by the Philobiblon Society of London, of which, by the way, he is the honorary secretary. . . . How great a boon such catalogues as these are to historical and literary enquirers can only be estimated by thoso who have experienced the want of them. . . The gentlemen whose works we have named at the head of this paper, have done, in their way and degree, a service to literature which may be compared with thos« rendered by the compilers of the Calendars of the State Papers."- Saturday Review. •*M. Delepierre, the secretary, is also a very important contributor. By way of tantalizing the public he issues this * Analyse,' which is a descriptive catalogue of the precious rarities collected by the society."— Literary Budget. "The account whicn M. Delepierre gives of these volumes makes us regret that their con- tents have remained, as he tells us, almost unknown to the public, since many of the contri- butions appear to be of much interest." — Parthenon. Delepierre. — Macarosteana Andra; overum Nouveaux Melanges cle Litterature Macaronique. Par Octave Delepierre. Small 4 to., pp. 180, printed by Whittingham, and handsomely bound in tbe Roxburghe style. 1862. 10s. 6d. This Volume, together with the one published by the Author in 1852, form the completest collection of that peculiar form of poetry in existence. 24 Publications of Trubner §• Co. Deliberation Or Decision ? being a Translation from the Danish, of the Reply given by Herr Raasloff to the accusations preferred against him on the part of the Danish Cabinet ; together with an Introductory Article from the Copenhagen " Dagbladet," and Explanatory Notes. 8vo., pp. 40, sewed. 1861. Is. Delpech. — The Beginner's Comprehensive French Book. By J. Delpech, French Master at Christ's Hospital. Crown 8yo. cloth, pp. viii. and 326. 1866. 4s. 6d. Demarteau. — Galvanized Iron, and its Application : A Treatise by A. Demarteau on J. and Gr. Winiwarter's Galvanizing and Lead AVorks at Gumpoldskirchen. Oblong royal 8vo., pp. viii. 42. 1862. 2s. 6^. Dennys. — The Treaty Ports of China and Japan. A complete Guide to the open Ports of those Countries, together with Peking, Yedo, Hong- Kong, and Macao. 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Dennys, late Her Majesty's Consular Service, and Charles King, Lieutenant Royal Marine Artillery. Compiled and Edited by N. B. Dennys. 8vo. Half bound, pp. 668, xlviii. and 26. 1867. 42*. De Tracy. — Essais Divers, Lettees et Pensees de Madame de Tracy. 3 volumes. 12mo., paper covers, pp. iv. 404, 360, and 388. 1852, 1854, and 1855. II. Is. De Veitelle. — Mercantile Dictionary; a Complete Vocabulary of the Technicalities of Commercial Correspondence, Names of Articles of Trade, and Marine Terms in English, Spanish, and French. With Geographical Names, Business Letters, and Tables of the Abbreviations in Common Use in the three Languages. By J. De Veitelle. Crown 8vo. cloth, pp. 302. 1864. 7*. De Vere. — Studies in English ; or, Glimpses of the Inner Life of our Language. By M. Scheie de Yere, LL.D., Professor of Modern Languages in the University of Virginia. 8vo. cloth, pp. vi. and 365. 1867. 10s. 6d. Dewey. — American Morals and Manners. 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A Dictionary of Medical Science, containing a concise explanation of the various subjects and terms of Anatomy, Physiology, Pathology, Hygiene, Therapeutics, Pharmacology, Pharmacy, Surgery, Obstetrics, Medical Jurisprudence, and Dentistry. Notices of Climate and of Mineral "Waters. Formulas for Official, Empirical, and Dietetic Prepara- tions, with the accentuation and etymology of the terms, and the French and other Synonymes, so as to constitute a French as well as English Medical Lexicon. By Bobley Dungiison, M.D., LL.D., Professor of the Institute of Medicine, etc., in the Jefferson Medical College of Philadelphia. New edition, thoroughly revised, and very greatlv modified and augmented. Boy. 8vo. cloth, pp.1048. 1866. 24*. Dunlop. — Brazil as a Field for Emigration. Its Geography, Climate, Agricultural Capabilities, and the Facilities afforded for Permanent Settlement. By Charles Dunlop. Post 8vo. sewed, pp. 32. 1866. 6d. Dwigllt. — Modern Philology; its Discoveries, History and Influ- ence. With Maps, Tabular Views, and an Index. By Benjamin "W. D wight. First Series. Third edition, revised and corrected. 8vo. cloth, pp-xviii. and 360. 1864. Second Series. 8vo. cloth, pp. 504. 1864. 2 vols. 8vo. 24s. Publications of Trubner fy Co. 27 Early English. Meals and Manners. — John EusselPs Bote of Nurture, Wynkyn de Worde's Boke of Kervynge, the Boke of Curtasye, R. Weste's Booke of Demeanor, Seager's Schoole of Vertue, the Babee's Book, Aristotle's ABC, TTrbanitatis, Stans Puer ad Mensam, the Lytylle Childrenes Lytil Boke, for to serve a Lord, Old Symon, the Birched School-Boy, etc., etc. "With some Forewords on Education in Early England. Edited by Frederick J. Furnivall, M.A., Trinity Hall, Cambridge. 4to., pp. c. and 388. With 16 tables of Illustrations. Cloth. 1868. 42s. Early English Text Society's Publications. 1864. 1. Early English Alliterative Poems. 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Hammond, M.D., Surgeon-General. 8vo. cloth, pp. 552. 1864. IBs. Harkaess. — Latin Ollendorff. Being a Progressive Exhibition of the Principles of the Latin Grammar. By Albert Harkness, Ph. D. 12mo. cloth, pp. xii. and 355. 1858. 6s. Harris. — A Dictionary of Medical Terminology, Dental Surgery, and the Collateral Sciences. By Chapin A. Harris, M.D., D.D.S., Pro- fessor of the Principles of Dental Surgery in the Baltimore College. Third edition, carefully revised and enlarged, by Ferdinand J. S. Gorgas, M.D., D.D.S., Professor of Dental Surgery in the Baltimore College. 8vo. cloth, pp. 744, 1867. Publications of Trubner § Co. 43 Harrison, — The Meaning of History ; Ttvo Lectures delivered by Frederic Harrison, M.A. 8vo., pp. 80, sewed. 1862. 1*. Harrison. — Sundays and Festivals. A Lecture delivered by Frederic Harrison, Esq., M.A., at St. Martin's Hall, on Sunday evening, March 10th, 1867. 8vo. sewed, pp. 15. 1867. 2c?. HartzenbllSCh, J. 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Jewish (A) Beply to Dr. Colenso's Criticism on the Penta- teuch. Issued by the Jewish Association for the Diifusion of Religions Know- ledge. 8vo. cloth, pp. ix. and 147. 1865. 3s. loavves. — ^tXoXoyiKa irapepya vtto QikiTrirov 'laidvvov KaOrj- yrjrov rtjg \ Vol. 3, part 2, containing the fifth part of the Shoo-King, or the Books of Chow, and the indexes. Svo. cloth, pp. 453. 1865. 42s. Legge. — The Chixese Classics : translated into English. With Preliminary Essays and Explanatory Xotes. Popular Edition. Reproduced for General Readers from the Author's work, containing the Original Text. By James Lesrge, D.D. Vol. 1 — The Life and Teachings of Confucius. Svo. cloth pp. vi. and 338. 1867. 10*. 6d. Leitner. — The Eaces axd Laxguages of Daedistax. By G. W. Leitner, M.A., Ph. D., Honorary Fellow of King's College, London, etc. late on Special Duty in Kashmir. 4 vols. 4to. 1868. [In the press. Lesley. — Max's Oeigix axd Destixy, Sketched from the Platform of the Sciences, in a Course of Lectures delivered before the Lowell Institute, in Boston, in the Winter of 1865-6. By J. P. Lesley, Member of the Xational Academy of the L nited States, Secretary of the American Philosophical Societv. Numerous Woodcuts. Crown Svo. cloth, pp. 392. 1868. 10.-. 6d. Contents.— Lecture 1. On the Classification of the Sciences; 2. On the Genius of the Physical Sciences, Ancient and Modern; 3. The Geological Antiquity of Man; 4. On the Dignity of Mankind; 5. On the Unity of Mankind ; 6. On the Early Social Life of Man ; 7. On Language as a Test of Race; 8. The Origin of Architecture; 9. The Growth of the Alphabet; 10. The Four Types of Religious Worship ; 11. On Arkite Symbolism. Appendix. Lessing. — Nathan the Wise. A Dramatic Poem. By Gotthold Ephraim Lessing. Translated from the German. With, an introduction on Lessing and the " Xathan ;" its antecedents, character, and influence. Crown Svo. cloth, pp. xxviii. and 214. 1868. os. Lessing. — Lettees ox Bibliolatry. By Gotthold Ephraim Lessing. Translated from the German by the late H. H. Bernard, Ph. Dr. Svo. cloth, pp. 184. 1862. os. Three Generations of British Reviewers on Lessixg. "The work before us is as genuine sour-krout as ever perfumed a feast in Westphalia,'' — Edinburgh Revieic, April, 1806. "As a poet, as a critic, a philosopher, or controversialist, his style will be found precisely such as we of England are accustomed to admire most. Brief, nervous, vivid ; yet quiet, without giitter or antithesis; idiomatic, pure without purism; transparent, yet full of character and reflex hues of meaning." — Edinburgh Revieic, October, 1827. "The first foreigner who had the glory of proclaiming Shakespeare to be the greatest dramatist the world had ever seen, was Gotthold Ephraim Lessing." — Edinburgh Review, July, 1849.' 54 Publications of Ttllbner fy Co, . Lessing, — The Life and "Works of G. E. Lessing. 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It is a peculiar and valuable feature of the work that not only. the titles of printed or published grammars or vocabularies are given, but also that unpublished or MS. works of these kinds are noticed, in all cases where they are known to exist, but which have disappeared among the debris of the suppressed convents and religious establishments of Spanish America." — E. G. Squier, in a paper read before the American Ethnological Society, 12th Jan., 1858. " In consequence of the deith of the author before he had finished the revisal of the work it has been carefully examined by competent scholars, who have also made many valuable- additions."— American Publishers' Circular, 30th Jan., 1858. " It contains 256 closely-printed pages of titles, oi printed books and manuscripts,, and notices of American aboriginal languages, and embraces references to nearly all that has been written or published respecting them, whether in special works or incidentally in books of travel, periodicals, or proceedings of learned societies." — New York Herald, 26th Jan., 1858. "The manner in which this contribution to the bibliography of American languages has been executed, both by the author, Mr. Ludewig, and the able writers who have edited the work since his death, is spoken of in the highest terms by gentlemen most conversant with the subject." — American Historical Magazine, Vol. II., No. 5, May, 1858. " Je terminerai en annoncant le premier volume d'une publication appele'e a rendre de grands services a la philologie compare'e et a la linguistique ge'ue'rale. Je veux parler de la Bibliotheca Glottica, ouvrage devant renfermer la liste de tous les dictionnaires et de toutes les grammaires des langues connues. taut imprimes que manuscrits. L'e'diteur de cette pre*- cieuse bibliographie est M. Nicolas Triibner, dont le nora est honorablement connu dans le monde oriental. Le premier volume est consacre aux idiomes Ame'ricaiiis ; le second doit traiter des langues de lTnde. Le travail est fait avec le soin le plus consciencieux, et fera honneur a M. Nicolas Triibner, surtout s'il poursuit son oeuvre avec la meme ardeur qu'il a mise a la commencer."— L. Leon de Rosny. Revue de V Orient, Fevrier, 1858. "Mr. Trubner's most important work on the bibliography of the aboriginal languages of America is deserving of all praise, as eminently useful to those who study that branch of literature. The value, too, of the book, and of the pains which its compilation must have cost, will not be lessened by the consideration that it is first in this field of linguistic litera- ture." — Petermann's Geographische Mittheilungen. p. 79, Feb., 1858. ''Undoubtedly this volume of Trubner's Bibliotheca Glottica ranks amongst the most valuable additions which of late years have enriched our bibliographical literature. To us Germans it is most gratifying, that the initiative has been taken by a German bookseller,him- self one of the most intelligent and active of our countrymen abroad, to produce a work which has higher aims than mere pecuniary profit, and that he, too, has laboured at its pro- duction with his own hands ; because daily it is becoming a circumstance of rarer occurrence that, as in this case, it is a bookseller's primary object to serve the cause of literature rather than to enrich himself."— P. Tromel, Borsenblatt, 4th Jan., 1858. Publications of Trubner fy Co. 57 " In the compilation of the work the editors have availed themselves not only of the. labours of Vater, Barton, Duponceau, Gallatin. De Souza, and others, but also of the MS. sources left by the missionaries, aud of many books of which even the library of the British Museum is deficient, and furnish the fullest account of the literature of no less than 525 languages. The value of the work, so necessary to the study of ethnology, is greatly enhanced by the addition of a good Index."— Berliner Xational-Zeitung, 22nd Nov., 1857. "The name of the author, to all those who are acquainted with his former works, and who know the thoroughness and profound character of his investigations, is a sufficient guarantee that this work will be one of standard authority, and one that will fully answer the demands of the present time."— Petzholclt's Anzeiger, Jan., 1858. "The chief merit of the editor and publisher is to have terminated the work carefully and lucidly in contents and form, and thus to have established a new ils peuveut rendre des services inapprC- ciables."— Re cue America ine et Oiientale, No. l,Oct., 1858. "To every fresh addition to the bibliography of language, of which we have a most admir- able specimen in this work, the thoughtful linguist will ever, as the great problem of the unity of human speech approaches towards its full solution, turn with increasing satisfaction and hope. "But Mr. Nicolas Triibner, however, has. perhaps, on the whole, done the highest service of all to the philologer, by the publication of " ! he Literature of American Aboriginal Languages." He has, with the aid of Professor Turner, greatly enlarged, and at the same time most skiifully edited, the valuable materials acquired by his deceased friend, M. Lude- wig. We do not, indeed, at this moment, know any similar work deserving of full comparison with it. In its ample enumeration of important works of reference, and careful record of the most recent facts in the literature of its subject, it, as might have been expected, greatly surpasses Jlilg's • Vater,' valuable and trustworthy though that learned German's work un- doubtedly is."— Worth British Review, No. 59, Feb., 1859. The Editor has also received most kind aud encouraging letters respecting the work from Sir George Grey, the Chevalier Bunsen, Dr. Th. Goldstiicker, Mr. Watts (of the Museum), Professor A. Fr. Pott (of Halle), Dr. Julius Petzholt (of Dresden), Hofrath Dr. Grasse (of Dresden), M. F. F. de la Figauie're (of Lisbon). E. Edwards (of Manchester), Dr. Max M tiller (of Oxford), Dr. Buschmann (of Berlin), Dr. Jiilg (of Cracow), and other linguistic scholars. Luvini. — Tables of Logarithms with Seven Places of Decimals. By John Luvini. 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Nouvelle edition, revue et corrigee par Ernest Brette, Chas. Cassal, Theod Karker. 12mo. cloth, pp. xii. 123. 1867. 2*. Qd. Martin. — The Age of Louis XIV. By Henri Martin. Trans- lated from the Fourth Paris Edition, with the author's sanction and co-operation. By Mary L. Booth. 2 vols. 8vo. cloth, pp. xxii. and 563 ; viii. and 543. 1865. £1 16*. Martineau. — Letters from Ireland. By Harriet Martineau. Beprinted from the "Daily News." Post 8vo. cloth, pp. viii. and 220. 1852. 6s. 6cl. Martineau. — A History of the American Compromises. Be- printed (with additions) from the "Daily News." By Harriet Martineau. 8vo. pp. 35. 1856. Is. Martineau. — Essays, Philosophical and Theological. By James Martineau. Crown 8vo. cloth, pp. iv. and 424. 1866. 10s. 6d. Marx. — The Serf and the Cossack. A Sketch of the Condition of the Bnssian People. By Francis Marx. Second Edition, enlarged. 12mo. sewed, pp. 60. 1865. 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Translated from the French of Louis Victor Mellet, Pastor of Yvorne. 12mo., sewed, pp. viii. 106. 1856. 6d. Menke, Dr. T. — Obbis Antiqui Descriptio : an Atlas illustrating Ancient History and Geography, for the Use of Schools; containing 18 Maps engraved on Steel and Coloured, with Descriptive Letter-press. 4th edition. Folio, half-bound morocco. 1866. Is. Mercer. — Mount Cabmel : A Poem. By Edward Smith Mercer. 12mo. sewed, pp. 80. 1867. Is. Merime'e. — Colomba. Par Prosper Merimee, de l'Academie Fran- chise. 12mo. cloth, pp. viii. and 210. 1867 3s. 6d. 62 Publications of Trubner fy Co. Mertens. — Huit Jours a Londres, Guide du touriste et du voyageur. Par Constant Mertens. Small 4to. sewed, pp. 82. 1867. Michael. — The Social Gospel. By E. J. Michael. First English Edition. To be continued by " The Social Code." Crown 8vo. sewed, pp. 294. 1867. Michselis. — A New System of Stenography or Short-hand, on the Principles of W. Stolze. By Dr. Gustav Michaelis. With 32 lithographic plates. 12mo. stiff covers, pp. viii. and 135. 1864. 3s. Michaelis. — The Little Tiro. — A Practical Compendium of English Shorthand. By Gustav Michaelis. With Sixteen Lithographic Plates. 12mo. stiff covers, pp. 28. 1864. Is. Michel. — Les Ecossais en France, Les Erancais en Ecosse. Par Francisque Michel, Correspondant de l'lnstitut de France, etc. Handsomely bound in two Volumes, 8vo., in rich blue cloth, with emblematical designs. Pp. vii. 547 and 551, with upwards of 100 Coats of Arms, and other Illustrations. Price £1 12s. — Also a Large Paper Edition (limited to 100 Copies), printed on Thick Paper. Two Volumes, 4to., half morocco, with three additional Steel Engravings. 1862. £3 3s. Michelena y Rojas. — Exploracion Oficial por la primera vez desde el Norte de la America del Sur siempre por Bios, entrando por las Bocas del Orinoco, de los Valles de este misnio y del meta, casiquiare, Bio-Negro 6 Guaynia y Amazonas, hasta nauta en el alto Maraiion 6 Amazonas, arriba de las Bocas del Ucayali bajada del Amazonas Hasta el Atlantico. Comprendiendo en ese imnenso espacio losEstados de Venezuela, Guayana Inglesa, Nueva- Granada, Brasil, Ecuador, Peru y Bolivia. Viaje a Bio de Janeiro desde belenen el Gran Para, por el Atlantico, tocando en las Capitales de las principales provincias del Imperio en los afios, de 1855 hasta 1859. Por F. Michelena y Rojas, Viajero al Rededor del Mundo, Miembro de la Beal Sociedacl Economica Matritense y de la Beal Academia de Arqueologia y de Geografia de la Misma. Publicado bajo los Auspicios del Gobierno de los Estados Unidosdo Venezuela. Boyal 8vo. With Map. Sewed, pp. 684. 1867. 18s. 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[In the press.] Muir.— Original Sanskrit Texts, on the Origin and History of the People of India, their Religion and Institutions. Collected, Translated into English, and Illustrated by Remarks, by J. Muir, D.C.L., LL.D. Vol. Fourth. Comparison of the Yedic with the later representation of the principal Indian Deities. 8vo. cloth, pp. xii. and 440. 1863. 15s. Mullhall. — Cotton Fields of Paraguay and Corrientes; being an Account of a Tour through these Countries, preceded by Annals of Cotton Planting in the River Plate Territories, from 1862 to 1864. By Michael O. Mulhall. Square 8vo. sewed, pp. 120. 1866. 5s. Miiller. — Parallels entre Jules Cesar, par Shakspeare, et La Mort cle Cesar, par Monsieur cle Yoltaire. Faite par Robert Miiller, Philos. Doctor. 12mo. sewed, pp. 20. 186 L Is. Miiller. — The Sacred Hymns of the Brahmins, as Preserved to us in the Oldest Collections of Religious Poetry, " The Rig Yeda-Sanhita." Trans- lated and Explained. 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Torrens, Author of " The Industrial History of Free Nations," "The Life of Sir James Graham," etc Crown 8vo. cloth, pp. viii. and 191. 1864. 3s. Q>d. Tosoani. — Italian Conversational Course. A new Method of Teaching the Italian Language, both Theoretically and Practically. By Giovanni Toscani, Professor of the Italian Language and Literature in the City of London College, Royal Polytechnic Institution, etc. 12mo. cloth, pp. viii. and 249. 1867. 5s. Tosswill. — The British and American Beady-Beckoner : con- sisting of Tables showing the equivalent values in Currency and Sterling at any rate for Exchanj^, of the following articles : — Produce, comprising butter, cheese, bacon, hams, lard, tallow, grease, hops, seeds, tobacco, sugar, beeswax, or any article whereof the Standard is the pound in America and the cwt. (of 112 lbs.) in the British Isles, with a list of net freights. 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The object of the Publishers in issuing this monthly publication is to give a full and particular account of every publication of importance issued in America and in the East. Triitaer's Series of German Plays, for Students of the German Language. With Grammatical and Explanatory Notes. By F. Weinmann, German Master to the Royal Institution School, Liverpool, and G. Zimmermann, Teacher of Modern Languages. Xo. I. Der Vetter. Comedy in three Acts, by Roderick Benedix. 12mo. cloth, pp. 125. 1863. 2s. 6d. Triibner's Gold and Silver Coins (See under Current Gold and Silver Coins). Triiuner. — Trubner' s Bibliographical Guide to American Litera- ture : a Classed List of Books published in the United States of America, from 1817 to 1857. With Bibliographical Introduction, JNote^and Alphabetical Index. Compiled and Edited by Nicolas Trubner. In 1 voL 8vo., half-bound, pp. 750. 1859. 185. This work, it is believed, is the first attempt to marshal the Literature of the United States of America during the last forty years, according to the generally received bibliographical canons. The Librarian will welcome it, no doubt, as a companion volume to Brunet, Lowndes, and Ebert ; whilst, to the bookseller, it will be a faithful guide to the American branch of English Literature— a branch which, on account of its rapid increase and rising importance, begins to force itself daily more and more upon his attention. Nor will the work be of less interest to the man of letters inasmuch as it comprises complete Tables of Contents to all the more prominent Collections of the Americans, to the Journals, Memoirs, Proceedings, and Transactions of their learned Societies — and thus furnishes an intelligible key to a department of American scientific activity hitherto but imperfectly known and understood in Europe. Opinions of the Press. "It has been reserved for a foreigner to have compiled, for. the benefit of European readers, a really trustworthy guide to Anglo-American literature. This honourable distinction has been fairly one by Mr. Nicolas Triibner, the intelligent and well-known publisher in Pater- noster-row That gentleman has succeeded in making a very valuable addition to biblio- graphical knowledge, in a quarter where it was much wanted."— Universal Review, Jan., 1859 90 Publications of Triibner fy Co. "'TrUbner's Bibliographical Guide to American Literature' deserves praise for the great care with which it is prepared, and the wonderful amount of information contained in its pages. It is compiled and edited by Mr. Nicolas Triibner, the publisher, of Faternoster-row. It comprises a classified list of books published in the United States during the last forty years, with Bibliographical Introduction, Notes, and Alphabetical Index. The introduction is very elaborate and full of facts, and must be the work of a gentleman who has spared no pains in making himself master of all that is important in connection with American litera- ture. It certainly supplies much information not generally known in Europe." — Morning Star, Jan. 31st, 1859. " Mr. Triibner deserves much credit for being the first to arrange bibliography according to the received rules of the art. He began the labour in 1855, and the first volume was published in that year ; constituting, in fact, the earliest attempt, on this side of the Atlantic, to catalogue American books. The present volume, of course, is enlarged, and is more perfect in every respect. The method of classification is exceedingly clear and useful. " In short, it presents the actual state of literature, as well as the course of its development from the beginning. Into the subject-matter of this section we shall have to look hereafter, we are now simply explaining the composition of Mr. Triibner's most valuable and useful book." — Spectator, Feb. 5, 1859. " Mr. Trubnev's book is by far the most complete American bibliography that has yet - appeared, and displays an amount of patience and research that does him infinite credit. We have tested the accuracy of the work upon several points demanding much care and inquiry, and the result has always been satisfactory. Our American brethren cannot fail to feel com- plimented by the production of this volume, which in quantity almost equals our own London catalogue." — The Bookseller, Feb. 24th, 1359. "To say of this volume that it entirely fulfils the promise of its title-page, is possibly the highest and most truthful commendation that can he awarded to it. Mr. Triibner deserves however, something beyond general praise for the patient and intelligent labour with which he has elaborated the earlier forms of the work into that which it now bears. What was once but a scanty volume, has now become magnified, under his care, to one of considerable size ; and what was once little better than a dry catalogue, may now take rank as a biogra- phical work of first-rate importance. His position as an American literary agent has, doubt- less, been very favourable to Mr. Triibner, by throwing matter in its way ; and he confesses, hi his preface, that it is to this source that he is mainly indebted for the materials which have enabled him to construct the work before us. Mr. Triibner's object in compiling this book is, he states, two-fold : ' On the one hand, to suggest the necessity of a more perfect work of its kind by an American, surrounded, as he necessarily would be, with the needful appliances ; and, on the other, to supply to Europeans a guide to Anglo-American literature— a branch which, by its rapid rise and increasing importance, begins to force itself more and more on our attention. It is very modest in Mr. Triibner thus to treat his work as a mere suggestion for others. It is much more than this : it is an example which those who attempt to do anything more complete cannot do better than to follow a model, which they will do well to copy, if they would combine fulness of material with that admirable order and arrangement which so facilitates reference, and without which a work of this sort is all but useless. " All honour, then, to the literature of Young America— for young she still is, and let her thank her stars for it — and all honour also, to Mr. Triibner, for taking so much pains to make us acquainted with it." — The Critic, March 19, 1859. " This is not only a very useful, because well executed, bibliographical work— it is also a work of much interest to all who are connected with literature. The bulk of it consists of a classified list, with date of publication, size, and price, of all the works, original or translated, which have appeared in the United States during the last forty years ; and an alphabetical index facilitates reference to any particular work or author. On the merits of this portion of the work we cannot, of course, be expected to form a judgment. It would require something of the special erudition of Mr. Triibner himself, to say how far he has succeeded or fallen short of his undertaking— how few, or how many, have been his omissions. There is one indication, however, of his careful minuteness, which suggests the amount of labour that must have been bestowed on the work — namely, the full enumeration of all tne contents of the various Tran- saction and Scientific Journals. Thus, ' the Transactions of the American Philosophical Society,' from the year 1769 to 1857— no index to which has yet appeared in America — are in this work made easy of reterence, every paper of every volume being mentioned seriatim. The naturalist, who wishes to know what papers have appeared in the Boston Journal of Natural History during the last twenty years, that is, from its commencement, has only to glance over the five closely-printed pages of this guide to satisfy himself at once."— The Saturday Review, April 2, 1859. •' We have never seen a work on the national literature of a people more carefully compiled than the present, and the bibliographical prolegomena deserves attentive perusal by all who would study either the political or the literary history of the greatest republic of the West." — The Leader, March 26th, 1859. 11 The subject of my letter to-day may seem to be of a purely literary character, but I feel justified to claim a more general interest for it. That subject is connected with the good re- putation of the United States abroad. It is likewise connected with the general topic of my two former letters. I have spoken of the friends and the antagonists of the United States among European nations, and among the different classes of European society. I have stated that the antagonists are chiefly to be found among the aristocracy, not only of birth, but 'of Publications of Trubnev § Co. 91 mind f — as it has been called— likewise ; not only among the privileged classes, and those con- nected with the Government interests, but among those who live in the sphere of literature and art, and look down with contempt upon a society in which utilitarian motives are believed to be paramount. And 1 have asserted that, these differences in the opinions of certain classes left aside, the Germans, as a whole, take a more lively and a deeper interest in American affairs th an in any other nation. Now, I am going to speak of a book just ready to le a ve the press of a London publisher, which, while it is a remarkable instance of the truth of my assertion in reference to the Germans, must he considered as serving the interests of the United States, by promoting the good reputation of American life in an uncommon degree. "The London book trade has a firm, Triibner and Co., of whose business transactions American literature, as well as literature on America, form a principal branch. It is the firm who have lately published the bibliography of American languages. Mr. Nicolas Triibner is a German, who has never inhabited the United States, and yet he risks his time, labour, and money, in literary publications, for which even vain endeavours would have been made to find an American publisher. " The new publication of Mr. Triibner, to which I have referred, is a large 8vo volume of 800 pages, under the title of ' Bibliographical Guide to American Literature, A classified List of Books published in the United States of America, from 1817 to 1857. With Biblio- graphical Introduction, Notes, and Alphabetical Index. Compiled and edited by Nicolas Triibner.' "This last remark has but too much truth in it. The United States, in the opinion of the great mass of even the well-educated people of Europe, is a country inhabited by a nation lost in the pursuit of material interest, a country in which the technically applicable branches of of some sciences may be cultivated to a certain degree, but a country essentially without literature and art, a country not without newspapers— so much, the worse for it— but almost: without books. Now, here, Mr. Triibner, a German, comes out with a list of American books, filling a thick volume, though containing American publications only, upward from the year 1817, from which time he dates the period of a more decided literary independence of the United States. "Since no native-born, and even no adopted, American, has taken the trouble of compiling, arranging, digesting, editing, and publishing such a work, who else but a German could undertake it ? who else among the European nations would have thought American literature worth the labour, the time, and the money? and, let me add, that a smaller work of a similar character, 'The Literature of American Local History,' by the late Dr. Hermann Lude wig, was the work of a German, likewise. May be that the majority of the American public will ascribe but an inferior degree of interest to works of this kind. The majority of the public of other nations will do the same, as it cannot be everybody's business to understand the usefulness of bibliography, and of books containing nothing but the enumeration and descrip- tion of books. One thing, however, must be apparent: the deep interest taken by some foreigners in some of the more ideal spheres of American life; and if it is true, that the clear historical insight into its own development, ideal as well as material, i s one of the most valu- able acquisitions of a nation, future American generations will acknowledge the good services of those foreigners, who, by their literary application, contributed to avert the national calamity of the origin of the literary independence of America becoming veiled in darkness." New York Daily Tribune, Dec, 1858. " It is remarkable and noteworthy that the most valuable manual of American literature should appear in London and be published by an English house. Triibner's Bibliographical Guide to American Literature is a work of extraordinary skill and perseverance, giving an index to all the publications of the American press for the last forty years."— harper's Weekly, March 28th, 1859. " Mr. Triibner deserves all praise for having produced a work every way satisfactory. No one who takes an interest in the subject of which it treats can dispense it with it ; and we have no doubt that booksellers in this country will learn to consider it necessary to them as a shop manual, and only second in importance, for the purposes of their trade, to the London Catalogue itself. That a foreigner, and a London bookseller, should have accomplished what Americans themselves have failed to do, is most creditable to the compiler. The volume contains 149 pages of introductory matter, containing by far the best record of American literary history yet published ; and 521 pages of classed list of books, to which an alphabeti- cal index of 33 pages is added. This alphabetical index alone may claim to be one of the most valuable aids for enabling the student of literary history to form a just and perfect estimate of the great and rising importance of Anglo-American literature, the youngest and most un- trammelled of all which illustrate the gradual development of the human mind." — The Press, Philadelphia, Oct. 11, 1858. *'Wedo not so much express the wish by this notice, that Mr. Triibner may not find a public ungrateful for his labours, as congratulate, especially American Bibliophiles, upon the advantages within their reach, by tbe acquisition and use of what Mr. Triibner has so oppor- tunely supplied." — Washington National Intelligencer, March 22nd, 1859. "This volume contains a well- classified list of books published in the United States of Ame- rica during the last forty years, preceded by a tolerably full survey of American literary enter- prise during the first half of the nineteenth century. The value of such a guide, in itself tolerably evident, becomes more so upon glancing over the five hundred and forty pages of close print which display the literary activity pervading the country of Prescott and Mottley 92 Publications of Triibner v Kal MrjTpOTToXirojv, Kal Xo'nrwv krkpwv avayKaicov ^TrjixaTiov. B. Kpiaeig Kal liriXvaeig ttsvts KetpaXaLuv, 7$' Gto^tXsorar^j, 6(Ti(OTaT(£> Aeovrt Ap^um- gkoitu) KaXa(3ptag. Mcrd irpoXeyophv^v TTEpl tov j3iov Kal tGjv avyypaufxarcjv &(jjtiov k.t.cl. v-irb 'Iwavvov N. BaXsTTa. (The Epistles of Photins, the wisest and holiest Patriarch of Konstantinople. To which are attached two works of the same author: 1. Ten Questions with their answers, viz., collections and accurate descriptions gathered from the synodical and historical writings on the Bishops and Metropolitans. 2. Sentences and Interpretations, in five chapters, addressed to Leon, the Archbishop of Calabria. With an Introduction on the Life and Writings of Photins. By John N. Yaletta.) 1 vol. 4to. pp. 581 sewed. 1864. £1 10*. Tan der Tuuk. — Outlines of a Gsammab of the Malagasy Lan- guage. By H. N. Van der Tuuk. 8vo. sewed, pp. 28. 1866. l.y. Van der Tuuk. — Shoet Account of the Malay Manuscripts belonging to the lloyal Asiatic Society. By H. N. Yan Der Tuuk. 8vo. sewed, pp. 51. 1866. 1*. Yan de Weyer. — CbzoixD' Opuscules Philosophiques, Histoeiques, Politiqves et Litteraires de Sylvain Yan de Weyer. Precedes d'Avant- propos de l'Editeur. Premiere Serie. Table de Matieres. 1. Le Roi Cobden. 2. Lettres sur les Anglais qui cmt 6crit en Francais. 3. Discours sur l'Histoire de la Philosophie. 4. Moyen facile et economique d'etre bieniaisaiit, propose aux jeunes Gen?, et suivi de Pensdes diverses. 5. Lettre a M. Ernst Munch. Crown 8vo. pp. 374. Roxburgh© style. 1863. 10s. 6d. Ditto. Ditto. Seconde Serie. (In the Press.) Tan Laim (Hexei), — Geamaiae of the Feexch Language. Pp. 151 and 120. 1867. 4.?. Parts I. and II. Accidence and Syntax. In one vol. crown Svo. cloth, pp. 151 and 117. oth edition. 1867. " 45. Part III. Exercises. 4th Ed. Crown Svo. cloth, pp. xii. and 285. 1866. 3s. 6d. Yan Laun. — Lecoxs Geaduees de Teaductiox et de Lectuee ; or, Graduated Lessons in Translation and Reading, with Biographical Sketches, Annotations on History, Geography, Synonyms and Style, and a Dictionary of "Words and Idioms. By Henri Yan Laun. 12mo. cloth, pp. vi. and 476, 1863. os. Yarnhagen. — Aaieeigo Vespucci. Son caractere, $es ecrits (meme les moins authentiques) , sa vie et ses navigations, avec une carte indiquant les routes. Par F. A. de Yarnhagen, Ministre du Bresil au Perou, Chili et Ecuador, * etc. Small Folio, pp. 120, boards. I860. 14s, Yarnhagen, — La Veedadeea Guaxabtaxi de Colox. Memoria communicacla a la facultad de humanidades. Por Don Francisco Ad. de Yarnhagen, e impresa en el tomo xxvi. de los anales de Chile (Enero de 1864). 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Particularly designed for persons who have little time to study, or are their own instructors. Bv M. Velasquez de la Cadena. New edition, revised and enlarged. 12mo. pp. 150, cloth. 1863. 2s. 6^. Velasquez. — New Spanish Eeader : Passages from the most approved authors, in Prose and Verse. Arranged in progressive order. With Vocabulary. Post 8vo. pp. 352, cloth. 1866. 6s. 6d. Vera. — Probleme de la Certitude. By Professor A. Vera. 8vo. pp. 220. 1845. 3s. Vera. — Platonis Aristotelis et Hegelii de Medio Termino Docthina. By Professor A. Vera. 8vo. pp. 45. 1845. Is. 6d. Vera. — Inquiry into Speculative and Experimental Science. By Professor A. Vera. 8vo. pp. 68. 1856. 3s. 6d. Vera. — Logique de Hegel, traduite pour la premiere fois et accompagnee d'une introduction et d'ua commentaire perpetuel. 2 volumes. 8vo. pp. 750. By Professor A. Vera. 1859. 12s. Vera. — L'Hegelianisme et la Philosophie. By Professor A. Vera. 8vo. pp. 226. 1861. 3s. 6d. 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A progressive course, designed to assist the Student of Colloquial Chinese, as spoken in the Capital and the Metropolitan Department. In Eight Parts, with Key, Syllabary, and Writing- Exercises. By Thomas Francis Wade, C.B., Secretary to Her Britannic Majesty's Legation, Peking. 3 vols. 4 to. Progressive Course, pp. xx. 296 and 16 ; Syllabary, pp. 126 and 36 ; Writing Exercises, pp. 48 ; Key, pp. 174 and 140, sewed. 1867. £4. 98 Publications of Trilbner fy Co. "Wafflard and Fulgence. — Le Voyage a Dieppe. A Comedy in Prose. By Wafflard and Fulgence. Edited, with English Notes, by the Rev. P. H. Ernest Brette, B.D., of Christ's Hospital, and the University of London. Crown 8vo. cloth, pp. 104. 1867. 2s. M, "Wake. — Chapters on Man. With the Outlines of a Science of comparative Psychology. By C. Staniland Wake, Fellow of the Anthropo- logical Society of London. Crown 8vo. cloth, pp. viii. and 344. 1868. 7s. 6d. Wanklyn and Chapman. — Water Analysis. A Practical Treatise on the examination of potable water. By J. Alfred Wanklyn, M.R.C.S., Pro- fessor of Chemistry in London Institution, and Ernest Theophron Chapman. Crown 8vo. cloth, pp. x. and 104. 1868. 5s. Ware. — Sketches of European Capitals. By William Ware, Author of "Zenobia; or, Letters from Palmyra," "Aurelian," etc. 8vo. pp. 124. 1851. Is. Warning ; or, the Beginning oe the End. By the Author of " Who am I p" 1 vol., Sj-o. cloth. 2s. Watson. — Index to the Native and Scientific Names oe Indian and other Eastern Economic Plants and Products, originally prepared under the authority of the Secretary of State for India in Council. By John Forbes Watson, M.A., M.D., F.L.S., F.R.A.S., etc., Eeporter on the Products • of India. Imperial 8vo. cloth, pp. 650. 1868. £1 lis. 6^. 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By HensleighWedgwood, M.A., late Fellow of Christ College, Cambridge. 12mo. cloth, pp. 165. 1866. 3«. 6cl. Wedgwood. — A Dictionary of the English Language. By Hens- leigh Wedgwood, M.A., late Fellow of Christ's College, Cambridge. Vol. I. (A to D) 8vo. cloth, pp. xxiv. 508, 14*. ; Vol. II. (E to P) 8vo. cloth, pp. 578, 145. ; Vol. III., Part I. (Q. to Sy), 8vo. pp. 366, 10.5. 6d. ; Vol. IIP, Part II. (T to W) 8yo., pp. 200, 5s. 6d. complete the Work. 1859 to 1865. Price of the complete work, £2 id. "Dictionaries are a class of books not usually esteemed light reading ; but no intelligent man were to be pitied who should find himself shut up on a rainy day in a lonely hoa«u in the dreariest part of Salisbury Plain, with no other means of recreation Than that which Mr. Wedg- wood's Dictionary of Etymology could afford him. He would read it through from cover to cover at a sitting, and only regret that he had not the second volume to begin upon forthwith. It is a very able book, of givat re-earch, full of delightful surprises, a repertory of the fairy tales of linguistic science." — Spectator. Wekey. — A Geammae or the Hungarian Language, with appro- priate exercises, a copious vocabulary, and specimens of Hungarian poetry. By Sigismund Wekey, late Aide-de-Camp to Kossuth. 12mo. sewed, pp. viii. and 150. 1852. 4s. Gtf. Weller. — An Improved Dictionary ; English and French, and French and English, drawn from the best Sources extant in both Languages ; in which are now first introduced many Technical, Scientific, Legal, Commer- cial, Naval, and Military Terms ; and to which are added, Separate Vocabularies of Engineering and Railway Terms ; of those descriptive of Steam Power and Steam Navigation ; of Geographical Xames, and those of Ancient Mythology, and of Persons of Classical Antiquity ; and of Christian Names in present use ; together with an English Pronouncing Dictionary for the use of Foreigners.. 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