Chaplain T. G. Steward, D. D. 
 
The Colored Regulars 
 
 In the United States Army 
 
 WITH A 
 
 Sketch of the History of the Colored American, and an Account of 
 
 His Services in the Wars of the Country, from the 
 
 Period of the Revolutionary War to 1899. 
 
 INTRODUCTORY LETTER FROM 
 
 Lieutenant -General Nelson A. Miles 
 
 Commanding the Army of the United States. 
 
 BY CHAPLAIN T. G. STEWARD, D.D., 
 
 Twenty-fifth U. S. Infantry. 
 
 COPYRIGHTED 1904 
 
 PHILADELPHIA 
 
 A. M. E. BOOK CONCERN, 
 
 631 PINE STREET. 
 
 1904 
 
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TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 INTRODUCTORY. 
 
 CHAPTER I.— SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORY. 
 
 2 Importation of the Africans. Character of the Colored Population in 
 
 i860. Colored Population in British West Indian Possessions. Free 
 
 Colored People of the South. Free Colored People of the North. 
 
 Notes. 21 
 
 CHAPTER II.— THE AMERICAN NEGRO AND THE 
 MILITARY SPIRIT. 
 Early Literature of Negro Soldiers. Negro Soldiers in the War of the 
 Revolution. The War of 1812. Negro Insurrections. Negro Troops 
 in the Civil War. Notes. 57 
 
 CHAPTER III.— THE BLACK REGULARS OF THE ARMY 
 OF INVASION IN THE SPANISH WAR. 
 Organization of Negro Regiments in the Regular Army. First Movement 
 in the War. Chickamauga and Tampa. Notes. 84 
 
 CHAPTER IV— BRIEF SKETCH OF SPANISH HISTORY. 
 
 107 
 
 CHAPTER V.— PASSAGE, LANDING, AND FIRST BATTLE 
 IN CUBA. 
 
 The Tenth Cavalry at Guasimas. The "Rescue of the Rough Riders." 
 Was there an Ambush? Notes. 116 
 
 CHAPTER VI.— THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY. 
 The Capture of the Stone Fort by the Twenty-fifth Infantry. 150 
 
CHAPTER VII.— SAN JUAN. 
 Cavalry Division : The Ninth and Tenth Regiments. Kent's Division : 
 The Twenty-fourth Infantry. Forming under fire. A Gallant Charge. 
 
 191 
 
 CHAPTER VIII.— SAN JUAN (Continued). 
 Kent's Division. The Twenty-fourth Infantry. Forming Under Fire. 
 A Gallant Charge. 208 
 
 CHAPTER IX.— THE SURRENDER AND AFTERWARDS. 
 In the Trenches. The Twenty-fourth in the Fever Camp. Are Negro 
 Soldiers Immune? Camp Wikoff. 220 
 
 CHAPTER X.— REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS. 
 Gallantry of the Black Regulars. Diary of Sergeant Major E. L. Baker. 
 Tenth Cavalry. 236 
 
 CHAPTER XL— THE COLORED VOLUNTEERS. 
 The Ninth Ohio Battalion. Eighth Illinois. Twenty-third Kansas. Third 
 North Carolina. Sixth Virginia. Third Alabama. The Immunes. 
 
 282 
 
 CHAPTER XII.— COLORED OFFICERS. 
 By Captain Frank R. Steward, A. B., LL. B., Harvard, 49th U. S. Volun- 
 teer Infantry. 299 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 328 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 The material out of which the story of the COLORED 
 REGULARS has been constructed has been collected with 
 great pains, and upon it has been expended a serious amount 
 of labor and care. All the movements of the Cuban campaign, 
 and particularly of the battles, have been carefully studied by 
 the aid of official reports, and conversations and correspond- 
 ence with those who participated in them. The work has been 
 performed with an earnest desire to obtain and present the 
 truth, hoping that the reader will be inspired by it to a 
 more profound respect for the brave and skilled black men who 
 passed through that severe baptism of fire and suffering, con- 
 tributing their full share to their country's honor. 
 
 It is also becoming in this place to mention with gratitude 
 the encouragement given by the War Department both in 
 granting me the time in which to do the work, and also in sup- 
 plying me with documents and furnishing other facilities. By 
 this enlightened course on the part of the Department great 
 aid has been given to historical science, and, incidentally, 
 very important service rendered to the cause of freedom and 
 humanity. A struggling people has been helped and further 
 glory reflected upon the Government. The President, himself, 
 has manifested a kindly interest in the work, and has wished 
 that the story of the black soldiers should be told to the world. 
 The interest of the Commanding General of the Army is shown 
 in his letter. 
 
 Thus encouraged from official sources and receiving the 
 
most hearty words of cheer from friends, of whom none has 
 been more potent or more earnest than Bishop B. W. Arnett, 
 D. D., of the African M. E. Church, I have, after 
 five months of severe labor, about completed my task, 
 so far as I find it in my power to complete it; and trusting 
 that the majesty and interest of the story itself will atone for 
 any defects in the style of the narration, the volume is now 
 offered to a sympathetic public, affectionately dedicated to the 
 men whose heroic services have furnished the theme for my 
 pen. 
 
 T. G. STEWARD. 
 Wilber force, Ohio, September, 1899. 
 
LETTER FROM GENERAL MILES. 
 
 Headquarters of the Army, Washington, 
 August 5, 1899. 
 Rev. T. G. Steward, Chaplain 25th Infantry, 
 Wilberforce, Ohio. 
 
 Dear Sir : — Your letter of the 20th ultimo was duly received, 
 but my time has been so much engrossed with official duties, 
 requiring my presence part of the time out of the city, that it has 
 not been practicable to comply with your request earlier; and 
 even now I can only reply very briefly. 
 
 You will remember that my acquaintance with negro charac- 
 ter commenced during the Civil War. The colored race then 
 presented itself to me in the character of numerous contrabands 
 of war, and as a people who, individually, yearned for the light 
 and life of liberty. Ages of slavery had reduced them to the 
 lowest ebb of manhood. From that degree of degradation I 
 have been an interested spectator of the marvelously rapid evo- 
 lution of the down-trodden race. From the commencement of 
 this evolution to the present time I have been more or less in 
 a position to closely observe their progress. At the close of 
 the war I was in command of one of the very important military 
 districts of the South, and my concern for the welfare of all the 
 people of that district, not excluding the people of color, you 
 will find evidenced in the measures taken by me, more especially 
 in regard to educational matters, at that time. The first regi- 
 ment which I commanded on entering the Regular Army of the 
 United States at the close of the war was made up of colored 
 troops. That regiment — the 40th Infantry — achieved a reputa- 
 
tion for military conduct which forms a record that may be 
 favorably compared with the best regiments in the service. 
 Then, again, refer to my General Order No. I, issued after the 
 fall of Santiago, and you will see that recognition is not grudg- 
 ingly given to the troops who heroically fought there, whether 
 of American, of African, or of Latin descent. If so early in the 
 second generation of the existence of the race in the glorious 
 light of liberty it produces such orators as Douglas, such edu- 
 cators as Booker T. Washington, such divines as the Afro- 
 American Bishops, what may we not expect of the race when it 
 shall have experienced as many generations of growth and de- 
 velopment as the Anglo-Saxons who now dominate the thought, 
 the inventive genius, the military prowess, and the commercial 
 enterprise of the world ! Very truly yours, 
 
 NELSON A. MILES. 
 
Lieutenant-General Nelson A. Miles. 
 
Headquarters of the Army, 
 Siboney, Cuba, July 16, 1898. 
 
 General Field Orders No. 1. 
 
 The gratifying success of the American arms at Santiago de 
 Cuba and some features of a professional character both im- 
 portant and instructive, are hereby announced to the army. 
 
 The declaration of war found our country with a small army 
 scattered over a vast territory. The troops composing this 
 army were speedily mobilized at Tampa, Fla. Before it was 
 possible to properly equip a volunteer force, strong appeals for 
 aid came from the navy, which had inclosed in the harbor of 
 Santiago de Cuba an important part of the Spanish fleet. At 
 that time the only efficient fighting force available was the 
 United States Army, and in order to organize a command of 
 sufficient strength, the cavalry had to be sent dismounted to 
 Santiago de Cuba with the infantry and artillery. 
 
 The expedition thus formed was placed under command of 
 Major-General Shafter. Notwithstanding the limited time to 
 equip and organize an expedition of this character, there was 
 never displayed a nobler spirit of patriotism and fortitude on the 
 part of officers and men going forth to mantain the honor of 
 their country. After encountering the vicissitudes of an ocean 
 voyage, they were obliged to disembark on a foreign shore 
 and immediately engage in an aggressive campaign. Under 
 drenching storms, intense and prostrating heat, within a fever- 
 afflicted district, with little comfort or rest, either by day or 
 night, they pursued their purpose of finding and conquering the 
 enemy. Many of them, trained in the severe experience of the 
 great war, and in frequent campaigns on the Western plains, 
 officers and men alike exhibited a great skill, fortitude, and 
 
tenacity, with results which have added a new chapter of glory 
 to their country's history. Even when their own generals in 
 several cases were temporarily disabled, the troops fought on 
 with the same heroic spirit until success was finally achieved. 
 In many instances the officers placed themselves in front of their 
 commands, and under their direct and skillful leadership the 
 trained troops of a brave army were driven from the thickets 
 and jungles of an almost inaccessible country. In the open field 
 the troops stormed intrenched infantry, and carried and cap- 
 tured fortified works with an unsurpassed daring and disregard 
 of death. By gaining commanding ground they made the har- 
 bor of Santiago untenable for the Spanish fleet, and practically 
 drove it out to a speedy destruction by the American Navy. 
 
 While enduring the hardships and privations of such cam- 
 paign, the troops generously shared their scanty food with the 
 5,000 Cuban patriots in arms, and the suffering people who had 
 fled from the besieged city. With the twenty-four regiments 
 and four batteries, the flower of the United States Army, were 
 also three volunteer regiments. These though unskilled in war- 
 fare, yet, inspired with the same spirit, contributed to the vic- 
 tory, suffered hardships, and made sacrifices with the rest. 
 Where all did so well, it is impossible, by special mention, to do 
 justice to those who bore conspicuous part. But of certain un- 
 usual features mention cannot be omitted, namely, the cavalry 
 dismounted, fighting and storming works as infantry, and a 
 regiment of colored troops, who, having shared equally in the 
 heroism as well as the sacrifices, is now voluntarily engaged in 
 nursing yellow-fever patients and burying the dead. The gal- 
 lantry, patriotism and sacrifices of the American Army, as illus- 
 trated in this brief campaign, will be fully appreciated by a grate- 
 ful country, and the heroic deeds of those who have fought and 
 fallen in the cause of freedom will ever be cherished in sacred 
 memory and be an inspiration to the living. 
 
 By command of Major-General Miles: 
 
 J. C. GILMORE, 
 Brigadier-General, United States Volunteers. 
 
INTRODUCTORY. 
 
 To write the history of the Negro race within that part of 
 the western world known as the United States of America 
 would be a task to which one might devote a life time and still 
 fail in its satisfactory accomplishment. The difficulties lying 
 in the way of collecting and unifying the material are very 
 great; and that of detecting the inner life of the people much 
 greater. Facts and dates are to history what color and propor- 
 tion are to the painting. Employed by genius, color and form 
 combine in a language that speaks to the soul, giving pleasure 
 and instruction to the beholder ; so the facts and dates occurr- 
 ing along the pathway of a people, when gathered and ar- 
 ranged by labor and care, assume a voice and a power which 
 they have not otherwise. As these facts express the thoughts 
 and feelings, and the growth, of a people, they become the 
 language in which that people writes its history, and the work 
 of the historian is to read and interpret this history for the 
 benefit of his fellow men. 
 
 Borrowing a second illustration from the work of the artist, 
 it may be said, that as nature reveals her secrets only to him 
 whose soul is in deepest sympathy with her moods and move- 
 ments, so a people's history can be discovered only by one 
 whose heart throbs in unison with those who have made the 
 history. To write the history of any people successfully one 
 must read it by the heart ; and the best part of history, like the 
 best part of the picture, must ever remain unexpressed. The 
 artist sees more, and feels more than he is able to transfer to 
 his canvas, however entrancing his presentation; and the his- 
 
 ii 
 
12 INTRODUCTORY 
 
 torian sees and feels more than his brightest pages convey to 
 his readers. Nothing less than a profound respect and love 
 for humankind and a special attraction toward a particular 
 people and age, can fit one to engage in so sublime a task as 
 that of translating the history of a people into the language of 
 common men. 
 
 The history of the American Negro differs very widely from 
 that of any people whose life-story has been told; and when it 
 shall come to be known and studied will open an entirely new 
 view of experience. In it we shall be able to see what has 
 never before been discovered in history ; to wit : the absolute 
 beginning of a people. Brought to these shores by the ship-load 
 as freight, and sold as merchandise ; entirely broken away from 
 the tribes, races, or nations of their native land; recognized 
 only as African slaves, and forbidden all move- 
 ment looking toward organic life; deprived of 
 even the right of family or of marriage, and 
 corrupted in the most shameless manner by their power- 
 ful and licentious oppressors — it is from this heterogeneous 
 protoplasm that the American Negro has been developed. The 
 foundation from which he sprang had been laid by piecemeal 
 as the slave ships made their annual deposits of cargoes 
 brought from different points on the West Coast, and basely 
 corrupted as is only too well known ; yet out of it has grown, 
 within less than three hundred years, an organic people. 
 Grandfathers and great-grandfathers are among them; and 
 personal acquaintance is exceedingly wide. In the face of slav- 
 ery and against its teaching and its power, overcoming the se- 
 duction of the master class, and the coarse and brutal corrup- 
 tions of the baser overseer class, the African slave persistently 
 strove to clothe himself with the habiliments of civilization, 
 and so prepared himself for social organization that as soon 
 
INTRODUCTORY 13 
 
 as the hindrances were removed, this vast people almost im- 
 mediately set themselves in families ; and for over thirty years 
 they have been busily engaged hunting up the lost roots of 
 their family trees. We know the pit whence the Afro-Ameri- 
 can race was dug, the rock whence he was hewn ; he was born 
 here on this soil, from a people who in the classic language of 
 the Hebrew prophet, could be described as, No People. 
 
 That there has been a majestic evolution quietly but rapidly 
 going on in this mass, growing as it was both by natural de- 
 velopment and by accretion, is plainly evident. Heterogeneous 
 as were the fragments, by the aid of a common language and a 
 common lot, and cruel yet partially civilizing control, the 
 whole people were forced into a common outward form, and to 
 a remarkable extent, into the same ways of thinking. The 
 affinities within were really aided by the repulsions wit- -out, 
 and when finally freed from slavery, for an ignorant and in- 
 experienced people, they presented an astonishing spectacle of 
 unity. Socially, politically and religiously, their power to 
 work together showed itself little less than marvellous. The 
 Afro-American, developing from this slave base, now directs 
 great organizations of a religious character, and in comprehen- 
 sive sweep invites to his co-operation the inhabitants of the 
 isles of the sea and of far-off Africa. He is joining with the 
 primitive, strong, hopeful and expanding races of Southern 
 Africa, and is evidently preparing for a day that has not yet 
 come. 
 
 The progress made thus far by the people is somewhat like 
 that made by the young man who hires himself to a farmer 
 and takes his pay in farming stock and utensils. He is thus 
 acquiring the means to stock a farm, and the skill and experi- 
 ence necessary to its successful management at the same time. 
 His career will not appear important, however, until the day 
 
14 INTRODUCTORY 
 
 shall arrive when he will set up for himself. The time spent 
 on the farm of another was passed in comparative obscurity : 
 but without it the more conspicuous period could never have 
 followed. So, now, the American colored people are making 
 history, but it is not of that kind that gains the attention of 
 writers. Having no political organizations, governments or 
 armies they are not performing those deeds of splendor in 
 statesmanship and war over which the pen of the historian us- 
 ually delights to linger. The people, living, growing, read^ 
 ing, thinking, working, suffering, advancing and dying — these 
 are all common-place occurrences, neither warming the heart 
 of the observer, nor capable of brightening the page of the 
 chronicler. This, however, is, with the insignificant exception 
 of Liberia, all that is yet to be found in the brief history of the 
 Afro- American race. 
 
 The period for him to set up for himself has not yet come, 
 and he is still acquiring means and training within a realm con- 
 trolled in all respects by a people who maintain toward him an 
 attitude of absolute social exclusion. His is the history of a 
 people marching from nowhere to somewhere, but with no 
 well-defined Canaan before them and no Moses to lead. It is 
 indeed, on their part, a walk by faith, for as yet the wisest 
 among the race cannot tell even the direction of the journey. 
 Before us lie surely three possible destinies, if not four; yet 
 it is not clear toward which one of these we are marching. Are 
 we destined to see the African element of America's popula- 
 tion blend with the Euro-American element and be lost in a 
 common people? Will the colored American leave this home 
 in which as a race he has been born and reared to manhood, 
 and find his stage of action somewhere else on God's earth? 
 Will he remain here as a separate and subordinate people per- 
 petuating the conditions of to-day only that they may become 
 
INTRODUCTORY 1 5 
 
 more humiliating and exasperating? Or is there to arise a 
 war of races in which the blacks are to be exterminated ? Who 
 knows? Fortunately the historian is not called upon to per- 
 form the duties of prophet. His work is to tell what has been; 
 and if others, building upon his presentation of facts can de- 
 duce what is to be, it is no small tribute to the correctness of 
 his interpretations ; for all events are parts of one vast system 
 ever moving toward some great end. One remark only need be 
 made. It is reasonable to presume that this new Afro-Ameri- 
 can will somehow and somewhere be given an opportunity to 
 express that particular modification of material life which his 
 spiritual nature will demand. Whether that expression will 
 be made here or elsewhere; whether it will be higher or lower 
 than what now surrounds us, are questions which we may well 
 leave to the future. 
 
 No people can win and hold a place, either as a nation among 
 other nations, or as an elementary component of a nation, 
 merely by its own goodness or by the goodness of others. The 
 struggle for national existence is a familiar one, and is always 
 initiated by a display of physical force. Those who have the 
 power seize territory and government, and those who CAN, 
 keep possession and control. It is in some instances the back- 
 ing up of right by might, and in others the substituting of 
 right by might. Too often the greatest of all national crimes 
 is to be weak. When the struggle is a quiet one, going on 
 within a nation, and is that of an element seeking a place in the 
 common social life of the country, much the same principles are 
 involved. It is still a question to be settled by force, no matter 
 how highly the claim of the weaker may be favored by reason 
 and justice. 
 
 The powers by which a special people may emerge from ait 
 unhappy condition and secure improved social relations, using 
 
l6 INTRODUCTORY 
 
 the word social in its broadest sense, are physical, intellectual 
 and material. There must be developed manly strength and 
 courage and a power of intellect which will manifest itself in 
 organization and attractiveness, and in the aptitude of employ- 
 ing appropriate methods for ends in view. To these must be 
 added the power that comes through wealth ; and thus, with the 
 real advancement of condition and character will come, tardily 
 and grudgingly perhaps, but nevertheless surely, improved so- 
 cial standing. Once filled with the common national spirit, 
 partaking of its thoughts, entering heartily into the common 
 movements, having the same dress, language and manners as 
 others, and being as able and as willing to help as to be helped, 
 and withal being in fact the most intensely American element 
 on the continent because constructed on this soil, we may hope 
 that the Afro-American will ultimately win and hold his 
 proper place. 
 
 The history made by the American Negro has been so filled 
 with suffering that we have overlooked the active side. The 
 world has heard so much of the horrors of the "Middle Pass- 
 age"; the awful sufferings of the slave; the barbarous out- 
 rages that have been perpetrated upon ex-slaves ; the inhuman 
 and senseless prejudices that meet colored Americans almost 
 everywhere on their native soil ; that it has come to look upon 
 this recital as the whole of the story. It needs to be told that 
 these records constitute the dark side of the picture, dark and 
 horrible enough, to be sure, but this is by no means the whole 
 picture. If there are scenes whose representations would serve 
 to ornament the infernal regions, pictures over which fiends 
 might gloat, there are also others which angels might delight 
 to gaze upon. There has been much of worthy action among 
 the colored people of this country, wherever the bonds of op- 
 pression have been slackened enough to allow of free move- 
 
INTRODUCTION l~ 
 
 ment. There have been resistance to wrong by way of remon- 
 strance and petition, sometimes even by force; laudable efforts 
 toward self-education; benevolent and philanthropic move- 
 ments; reform organizations, and commendable business en- 
 terprise both in individuals and associations. These show a 
 toughness of fibre and steadiness of purpose sufficient to make 
 the backbone of a real history. 
 
 The present work deals with these elements of character as 
 they are exhibited in the garb of the soldier. When men are 
 willing to fight and die for what they hold dear, they have 
 become a moving force, capable of disturbing the currents of 
 history and of making a channel for the stream of their own 
 actions. The American Negro has evolved an active, ag- 
 giessive element in the scientific fighting men he has produced. 
 Individual pugilists of that race have entered all classes, from 
 featherweight to heavyweight, and have remained there; re- 
 ceiving blows and dealing blows; showing a sturdy, positive 
 force; mastering and employing all the methods of attack and 
 defence allowed in such encounters, and supporting themselves 
 with that fortitude and courage so necessary to the ring. Such 
 combats are not to' be commended, as they are usually mere 
 tests of skill and endurance, entered into on the principles of 
 the gambler, and they are introduced here for the sole purpose 
 of showing the colored man as a. positive force, yielding only 
 to a superior degree of force of the same kind. The soldier 
 stands for something far higher than the pugilist represents, 
 although he has need of the same qualities of physical hardi- 
 hood — contempt for suffering and coolness in the presence of 
 danger, united with skill in the use of his weapons. The 
 pugilist is his own general and never learns the high lessons 
 of obedience; the soldier learns to subordinate himself to his 
 commander, and to fight bravely and effectively under the di- 
 rection of another. 
 
l8 INTRODUCTION 
 
 The evolution of the Afro-American soldier was the work 
 of a short period and suffered many interruptions. When the 
 War of the Revolution broke out the colored man was a slave, 
 knowing nothing of the spirit or the training of the soldier; 
 before it closed several thousand colored men had entered the 
 army and some had won distinction for gallantry. Less than 
 forty years later, in the war of 1812, the black man again ap- 
 peared to take his stand under the flag of independence. The 
 War of Secession again witnessed the coming forth of the 
 black soldier, this time in important numbers and performing 
 heroic services on a grand scale, and under most discouraging 
 circumstances, but with such success that he won a place in 
 arms for all time. When the Civil War closed, the American 
 black man had secured his standing as a soldier — the evolu- 
 tion was complete. Henceforth he was to be found an integral 
 part of the Army of the United States. 
 
 The black man passed through the trying baptism of fire 
 in the Sixties and came out of it a full-fledged soldier. His 
 was worse than an impartial trial; it was a trial before a jury 
 strongly biased against him; in the service of a government 
 willing to allow him but half pay ; and in the face of a foe deny- 
 ing him the rights belonging to civilized warfare. Yet against 
 these odds, denied the dearest right of a soldier — the hope of 
 promotion — scorned by his companions in arms, the Negro 
 on more than two hundred and fifty battle-fields, demonstrated 
 his courage and skill, and wrung from the American nation the 
 right to bear arms. The barons were no more successful in 
 their struggle with King John when they obtained Magna Charta 
 than were the American Negroes with Prejudice, when they 
 secured the national recognition of their right and fitness to 
 hold a place in the Standing Army of the United States. The 
 Afro-American soldier now takes his rank with America's best. 
 
INTRODUCTION 19 
 
 and in appearance, skill, physique, manners, conduct and cour- 
 age proves himself worthy of the position he holds. Combin- 
 ing in his person the harvested influences of three great con- 
 tinents, Europe, Africa and America, he stands up as the typi- 
 cal soldier of the Western World, the latest comer in the field 
 of arms, but yielding his place in the line to none, and ever 
 ready to defend his country and his flag against any and all 
 foes. 
 
 The mission of this book is to make clear this evolution, giv- 
 ing the historical facts with as much detail as possible, and set- 
 ting forth finally the portrait of this new soldier. That this is 
 a prodigious task is too evident to need assertion — a task 
 worthy the most lofty talents : and in essaying it I humbly con- 
 fess to a sense of unfitness ; yet the work lies before me and 
 duty orders me to enter upon it. A Major General writes : "I 
 wish you every success in producing a work important both 
 historically and for the credit of a race far more deserving than 
 the world has acknowledged.'' A Brigadier General who com- 
 manded a colored regiment in Cuba says to me most encourag- 
 ingly : "You must allow me — for our intimate associations 
 justify it — to write frankly. Your education, habits of 
 thought, fairness of judgment and comprehension of the work 
 you are to undertake, better fit you for writing - such a history 
 than any person within my acquaintance. Those noble men 
 made the history at El Caney and San Juan ; I believe you are 
 the man to record it. May God help you to so set forth the deeds 
 of that memorable first of July in front of Santiago that the 
 world may see in its true light what those brave, intelligent 
 colored men did/' 
 
 Both these men fought through the Civil War and won dis- 
 tinction on fields of blood. To the devout prayer offered by 
 one of them I heartilv echo an Amen, and can onlv wish that 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 in it all my friends might join, and that God would answer it in 
 granting- me power to do the work in such a way as to bring 
 great good to the race and reflect some grlory to Himself, ill 
 whose name the work is undertaken. 
 
 
 raxSoExXFS 
 
CHAPTER I. 
 
 SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORY. 
 
 The Importation of the Africans— Character of the Colored Population 
 in i860— Colored Population in British West Indian Possessions- 
 Free Colored People of the South— Free Colored People of the 
 North— Notes. 
 
 Professor DuBois,in his exhaustive work upon the "Suppres- 
 sion of the African Slave-Trade," has brought within compara- 
 tively narrow limits the great mass of facts bearing upon his 
 subject, and in synopses and indices has presented all of the 
 more important literature it has induced. In his Monograph, 
 published as Volume II of the Harvard Historical Series, he 
 has traced the rise of this nefarious traffic, especially with 
 reference to the American colonies, exhibited the proportions 
 to which it expanded, and the tenacity with which it held on 
 to its purpose until it met its death in the fate of the ill-starred 
 Southern Confederacy. Every step in his narrative is sup- 
 ported by references to unimpeachable authorities; and the 
 scholarly Monograph bears high testimony to the author's 
 earnest labor, painstaking research and unswerving fidelity. 
 Should the present work stimulate inquiry beyond the scope 
 herein set before the reader, he is most confidently referred 
 to Professor Du Bois' book as containing a complete exposition 
 of the development and overthrow of that awful crime. 
 
 It is from this work, however, that w^e shall obtain a nearer 
 and clearer view of the African planted upon our shores. 
 Negro slavery began at an early day in the North American 
 Colonies; but up until the Revolution of 1688 the demand for 
 
SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORY 
 
 slaves was mainly supplied from England, the slaves being 
 white.* "It is probable," says Professor DuBois, "that 
 about 25,000 slaves were brought to America each year be- 
 tween 1698 and 1707, and after 171 3 it rose to perhaps 30,000 
 annually. "Before the Revolution the total exportation fo 
 America is variously estimated as between 40,000 and 100,000 
 each year." Something- of the horrors of the "Middle Pass- 
 age" may be shown by the records that out of 60,783 slaves 
 shipped from Africa during the years 1680-88, 14,387, or 
 nearly one-fourth of the entire number, perished at sea. In 
 1790 there were in the country nearly seven hundred thous- 
 and Africans, these having been introduced by installments 
 from various heathen tribes. The importation of slaves con- 
 tinued with more or less success up until 1858, when the "Wan- 
 derer" landed her cargo of 500 in Georgia. 
 
 During the period from 1790 to the breaking out of the Civil 
 War, shortly after the landing of the last cargo of slaves, the 
 colored population, both slave and free, had arisen to about 
 four million, and had undergone great modifications. The 
 csrgo of the "Wanderer" found themselves among strangers, 
 even when trying to associate with those who in color and hair 
 were like themselves. The slaves of i860 differed greatly from 
 the slaves of a hundred years earlier. They had lost the relics 
 of that stern warlike spirit which prompted the Stono insur- 
 rection, the Denmark Vesey insurrection, and the Nat Turner 
 insurrection, and had accepted their lot as slaves, hoping that 
 through God, freedom would come to them some time in the 
 happy future. Large numbers of them had become Giristian- 
 through the teaching of godly white women, and at length 
 through the evangelistic efforts of men and women of th?ir 
 
 *Slave Trade — Carey. 
 
SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORY 
 
 own race. Independent religious organizations had 
 been formed in the North, and large local 
 churches with Negro pastors were in existence in the 
 South when the "Wanderer" landed her cargo. 
 There had been a steady increase in numbers, indicating that 
 the physical well-being of the slave was not overlooked, and 
 the slaves had greatly improved in character. Sales made in 
 South Carolina between 1850 and i860 show "boys," from 16 
 to 25 years of age, bringing from $900 to $1000; and "large 
 sales" are reported showing an "average of $620 each," "Negro 
 men bringing from $800 to $1000," and a "blacksmith" bring- 
 ing $1425. The averages generally obtained were above $600 , 
 A sale of 109 Negroes in families is reported in the "Charles- 
 ton Courier" in which the writer says : "Two or three families 
 averaged from $1000 to $1100 for each individual." The 
 same item states also that "C. G. Whitney sold two likely fe- 
 male house servants, one for $1000, the other for $1190." 
 These cases are presented to illustrate the financial value of the 
 American slave, and inferentially the progress he had made in 
 acquiring the arts of modern civilization. Slaves had become 
 blacksmiths, wheelwrights, carriage-makers, carpenters, brick- 
 layers, tailors, bootmakers, founders and moulders, not to men- 
 tion all the common labor performed by them. Slave women 
 had become dressmakers, hairdressers, nurses and the best 
 cooks to be found in the world. The slave-holders regarded 
 themselves as the favored of mankind because of the competence 
 and faithfulness of their slaves. The African spirit and char- 
 acter had disappeared, and in their place were coming into be- 
 ing the elements of a new character, existing in i860 purely 
 in a negative form. The slave had become an American. He 
 was now a civilized slave, and had received his civilization 
 from his masters. He had separated himself very far from his 
 
24 SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORY 
 
 brother slave in St. Domingo. The Haytian Negro fought and 
 won his freedom before he had been civilized in slavery, and 
 hence has never passed over the same ground that his Ameri- 
 can fellow-servant has been compelled to traverse. 
 
 Beside the slaves in the South, there were also several thous- 
 and "free persons of color," as they were called, dwelling in 
 such cities as Richmond, Va., Charleston, S. C, and New Or- 
 leans, La. Some of these had become quite wealthy and well- 
 educated, forming a distinct class of the population. They 
 were called Creoles in Louisiana, and were accorded certain 
 privileges, although laws were carefully enacted to keep alive 
 the distinction between them and the whites. In Charleston 
 the so-called colored people set themselves up as a class, prided 
 themselves much upon their color and hair and in their sym- 
 pathies joined almost wholly with the master class. Representa- 
 tives of their class became slave-holders and were in full accord 
 with the social policy of the country. Nevertheless their pres- 
 ence was an encouragement to the slave, and consequently was 
 objected to by the slave-holder. The free colored man became 
 more and more disliked in the South as the slave became more 
 civilized. He was supposed by his example to contribute to 
 the discontent of the slave, and laws were passed restricting 
 his priveleges so as to induce him to leave. Between 1850 and 
 i860 this question reached a crisis and free colored people from 
 the South were to be seen taking up their homes in the North- 
 ern States and in Canada. (Many of the people, especially 
 from Charleston, carried with them all their belittling pre- 
 judices, and after years of sojourn under the sway of enlight- 
 ened and liberal ideas, proved themselves still incapable of 
 learning the new way or forgetting the old.) 
 
 There were, then, three very distinct classes of colored peo- 
 ple in the country, to wit : The slave in the South, the free col- 
 
SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORY 2$ 
 
 ored people of the South, and the free colored people of the 
 North. These were also sub-divided into several smaller 
 classes. Slaves were divided into field hands, house servants 
 and city slaves. The free colored people of the South had their 
 classes based usually on color; the free colored people of the 
 North had their divisions caused by differences in religion, 
 differences as to place of birth, and numerous family conceits. 
 So that surveyed as a whole, it is extremely difficult to get 
 anything like a complete social map of these four millions as 
 they existed at the outbreak of the Civil War. 
 
 For a quarter of a century there had been a steady concen- 
 tration of the slave population within the cotton and cane- 
 growing region, the grain-growing States of Delaware, Mary- 
 land and Virginia having become to a considerable extent 
 breeding farms. Particularly was this the case with the more 
 intelligent and higher developed individual slaves who ap- 
 peared near the border line. The master felt that such persons 
 would soon make their escape by way of the "Underground 
 Railroad" or otherwise, and hence in order to prevent a total 
 loss, would follow the dictates of business prudence and sell 
 his bright slave man to Georgia. The Maryland or Virginia 
 slave who showed suspicious aspirations was usually checked 
 by the threat, "I'll sell you to Georgia;" and if the threat did 
 not produce the desired reformation it was not long before the 
 ambitious slave found himself in the gang of that most de- 
 spised and most despicable of all creatures, the Georgia slave- 
 trader. Georgia and Canada were the two extremes of the 
 slave's anticipation during the last decade of his experience. 
 These stood as his earthly Heaven and Hell, the "Underground 
 Railroad," with its agents, conducting to one, and the odious 
 slave-trader, driving men, women and children, to the other. 
 No Netherlander ever hated and feared the devil more thor- 
 
26 SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORY 
 
 oughly than did the slaves of the border States hate and fear 
 these outrages on mankind, the kidnapping slave-traders of the 
 cotton and cane regions. I say kidnapping, for I have myseit 
 seen persons in Georgia who had been kidnapped in Maryland. 
 If the devii was ever incarnate, I think it safe to look for him 
 among those who engaged in the slave-trade, whether in a for- 
 eign or domestic form. 
 
 Nothing is more striking in connection with the history of 
 American Slavery than the conduct of Great Britain on the 
 same subject. So inconsistent has this conduct been that it 
 can be explained only by regarding England as a conglomerate 
 of two elements nearly equal in strength, of directly opposite 
 character, ruling alternately the affairs of the nation. As a 
 slave-trader and slave-holder England was perhaps even worse 
 than the United States- Under her rule the slave decreased in 
 numbers, and remained a savage. In Jamaica, in St. Vincent, 
 in British Guiana, in Barbadoes, in Trinidad and in Grenada. 
 British slavery was far worse than American slavery. In these 
 colonies "the slave was generally a barbarian, speaking an un- 
 known tongue, and working with men like himself, in gangs 
 with scarcely a chance for improvement." An economist says, 
 had the slaves of the British colonics been as well fed, clothed, 
 lodged, olid otherwise cared for as were those of the United 
 States, their number at emancipation would have reached from 
 seventeen to twenty millions, whereas the actual number eman- 
 cipated was only 660,000. Had the blacks of the United States 
 experienced the same treatment as did those of the British col- 
 onies, i860 would have found among us less than 150,000 col- 
 ored persons. In the United States were found ten colored 
 persons for every slave imported, while in the British colonies 
 only one was found for every three imported. Hence the claim 
 that the American Negro is a new race, built up on this soil, 
 
SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORY 27 
 
 rests upon an ample supply of facts. The American slave was 
 born in our civilization, fed upon good American food, housed 
 and clothed on a civilized plan, taught the arts and language 
 of civilization, acquired necessarily ideas of law and liberty, 
 and by i860 was well on the road toward fitness for freedom. 
 No lessons therefore drawn from the emancipation of British 
 slaves in the West Indies are of any direct value to us, inas- 
 much as British slavery was not like American slavery, the 
 British freedman was in no sense the equal of the American 
 freedman, and the circumstances surrounding the emancipa- 
 tion of the British slave had nothing of the inspiring and en- 
 nobling character with those connected with the breaking of the 
 American Negro's chains. Yet, superior as the American 
 Negro was as a slave, he was very far below the standard of 
 American citizenship as subsequent events conclusively proved. 
 The best form of slavery, even though it may lead toward fit- 
 ness for freedom, can never be regarded as a fit school in which 
 to graduate citizens of so magnificent an empire as the United 
 States. 
 
 The slave of i860 was perhaps, all things considered, the 
 best slave the world had ever seen, if we except those who 
 served the Hebrews under the Mosaic statutes. While there 
 was no such thing among them as legal marriage or legitimate 
 childhood, yet slave "families" were recognized even on the 
 auction block, and after emancipation legal family life wa- 
 erected generally upon relationships which had been formed in 
 slavery. Bishop Gaines, himself born a slave of slave parents, 
 says : "The Negro had no civil rights under the codes of the 
 Southern States. It was often the case, it is true, that the mar- 
 riage ceremony was performed, and thousands of couples re- 
 garded it, and observed it as of binding force, and were as true 
 to each other as if they had been lawfully married.'' 
 
28 SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORY 
 
 "The colored people generally," he says, "held their marriage 
 (if such unauthorized union may be called marriage) sacred, 
 even while they were slaves. Many instances will be recalled 
 by the older people of the life-long fidelity which existed be- 
 tween the slave and his concubine" (Wife, T. G. S.) " 
 
 the mother of his children. My own father and mother lived 
 together over sixty years. I am the fourteenth child of that 
 union, and I can truthfully affirm that no marriage, however 
 made sacred by the sanction of law, was ever more congenial 
 and beautiful. Thousands of like instances might be cited to 
 the same effect. It will always be to the credit of the colored 
 people that almost without exception, they adhered to their 
 relations, illegal though they had been, and accepted gladly 
 the new law which put the stamp of legitimacy upon their 
 union and removed the brand of bastardy from the brows of 
 their children." 
 
 Let us now sum up the qualifications that these people pos- 
 sessed in large degree, in order to determine their fitness for 
 freedom, then so near at hand. They had acquired the English 
 language, and the Christian religion, including the Christian 
 idea of marriage, so entirely different in spirit and form from 
 the African marriage. They had acquired the civilized meth- 
 ods of cooking their food, making and wearing clothes, sleep- 
 ing in beds, and observing Sunday. They had acquired many 
 of the useful arts and trades of civilization and had imbibed 
 the tastes and feelings, to some extent, at least, of the country 
 in which they lived. Becoming keen observers, shut out from 
 books and newspapers, they listened attentively, learned more 
 of law and politics than was generally supposed. They knew 
 what the election of i860 meant and were on tiptoe with ex- 
 pectation. Although the days of insurrection had passed and 
 the slave of '59 was not ready to rise with the immortal John 
 
SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORY 29 
 
 Brown, he had not lost his desire for freedom. The steady 
 
 march of escaping slaves guided by the North star, with the 
 
 refrain : 
 
 "I'm on my way to Canada, 
 That cold but happy land; 
 The dire effects of slavery 
 I can no longer stand," 
 
 pioved that the desire to be free wa a becoming more extensive 
 and absorbing as the slave advanced in intelligence. 
 
 It is necessary again to emphasize the fact that the American 
 slaves were well formed and well developed physically, capable 
 of enduring hard labor and of subsisting upon the plainest 
 food. Their diet for years had been of the simplest sort, and 
 they had been subjected to a system of regulations very much 
 like those which are employed in the management of armies. 
 They had an hour to go to bed and an hour to rise ; left their 
 homes only upon written "passes," and when abroad at night 
 were often halted by the wandering patrol. "Run, nigger, run, 
 the patrol get you," was a song of the slave children of South 
 Carolina. 
 
 Strangers who saw for the first time these people as they 
 came out of slavery in 1865 were usually impressed with their 
 robust appearance, and a conference of ex-slaves, assembled 
 soon after the war, introduced a resolution with the follow- 
 ing declaration : "Whereas, Slavery has left us in possession 
 of strong and healthy bodies." It is probable that at least a 
 half-million of men of proper age could then have been found 
 among the newly liberated capable of bearing arms. They 
 were inured to the plain ration, to labor and fatigue, and to 
 subordination, and had long been accustomed to working to- 
 gether under the immediate direction of foremen. 
 
 Two questions of importance naturally arose at this period : 
 First, did the American slave understand the issue that had 
 
3° SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORY 
 
 been before the country for more than a half-century and that 
 was now dividing the nation in twain and marshalling for 
 deadly strife these two opposing armies? Second, had he the 
 courage necessary to take part in the struggle and help save 
 the Union ? It would be a strange thing to say, but neverthe- 
 less a thing entirely true, that many of the Negro slaves had 
 a clearer perception of the real question at issue than did some 
 of our most far-seeing statesmen, and a clearer vision of what 
 would be the outcome of the war. While the great men of the 
 ?s T orth were striving to establish the doctrine that the coming- 
 war was merely to settle the question of Secession, the slave 
 knew better. God had hid certain things from the wise and 
 prudent and had revealed them unto babes. Lincoln, the wisest 
 of all, was slow to see that the issue he himself had predicted 
 was really at hand. As President, he declared for the preser- 
 vation of the Union, with or without slavery, or even upon 
 the terms which he had previously declared irreconcilable, 
 "half slave and half free." The Negro slave saw in the out- 
 bieak of the war the death struggle of slavery. He knew that 
 the real issue was slavery. 
 
 The masters were careful to keep from the knowledge of the 
 slave the events as well as the causes of the war, but in spite 
 of these efforts the slave's keen perception enabled him to read 
 defeat in the dejected mien of his master, and victory in his 
 exultation. To prevent the master's knowing what was going 
 on in their thoughts, the slaves constructed curious codes 
 among themselves. In one neighborhood freedom was always 
 spoken of as "New Rice" ; and many a poor slave woman 
 sighed for the coming of New Rice in the hearing of those who 
 imagined they knew the inmost thoughts of their bondwomen. 
 Gleefully at times they would talk of the jollification they 
 would make when the New Rice came. It was this clear vision, 
 
SKETCH Ot SOCIAL HISTORY 3 1 
 
 this strong hope, that sustained them during the trying days 
 of the war and kept them back from insunection. Bishop 
 Gaines says: 'Their prayers ascended for their deliverance, 
 and their hearts yearned for the success of their friends. They 
 fondly hoped for the hour of victory, when the night of slavery 
 would end and the dawn of freedom appear. They often talked 
 to each other of the progress of the war and conferred in secret 
 as to what they might do to aid in the struggle. Worn out 
 with long bondage, yearning for the boon of freedom, long- 
 ing for the sun of liberty to rise, they kept their peace and left 
 the result to God." Mr. Douglass, whom this same Bishop 
 Gaines speaks of very inappropriately as a "half-breed," 
 seemed able to grasp the feelings both of the slave and the 
 freeman and said : "From the first, I for one, saw in this war 
 the end of 'slavery, and truth requires me to say that my in- 
 terest in the success of the North was largely due to this be- 
 lief." Mr. Seward, the wise Secretary of State, had thought 
 that the war would come and go without producing any change 
 in the relation of master and slave; but the humble slave on 
 the Georgia cotton plantation, or in the Carolina rice fields, 
 knew that the booming of the guns of rebellion in Charleston 
 was the opening note of the death knell of slavery. The 
 slave undoubtedly understood the issue, and knew on which 
 side liberty dwelt. Although thoroughly bred to slavery, and 
 as contented and happy as he could be in his lot, he acted ac- 
 cording to the injunction of the Apostle : "Art thou called be- 
 ing a servant, care not for it ; but if thou mayest be made free, 
 use it rather." The slaves tried to be contented, but they pre- 
 ferred freedom and knew which side to take when the time 
 came for them to act. 
 
 Enough has been said to show that out of the African slave 
 had been developed a thoroughly American slave, so well im- 
 
32 SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORY 
 
 bueci with modern civilization and so well versed in American 
 politics, as to be partially ready for citizenship. He had be- 
 come law-abiding and order-loving, and possessed of an intelli- 
 gent desire to be free. Whether he had within him the neces- 
 sary moral elements to become a soldier the pages following 
 will attempt to make known. He had the numbers, the physi- 
 cal strength and the intelligence. He could enter the strife 
 with a 'sufficient comprehension of the issues involved to en- 
 able him to give to his own heart a reason for his action. Fit- 
 ness for the soldier does not necessarify involve fitness for citi- 
 zenship, but the actual discharge of the duties of the soldier 
 in defence of the nation, entitles one to all common rights, to 
 the nation's gratitude, and to the highest honors for which 
 he is qualified. 
 
 In concluding this chapter I shall briefly return to the free 
 colored people of the South that the reader may be able to prop- 
 erly estimate their importance as a separate element. Their 
 influence upon the slave population was very slight, inasmuch 
 as law and custom forbade the intercourse of these two classes. 
 
 According to the Census of i860 there were in the slave- 
 holding States altogether 261,918 free colored persons, 106,- 
 770 being mulattoes. In Charleston there were 887 free 
 blacks and 2,554 mulattoes; in Mobile, 98 free blacks and 617 
 mulattoes; in New Orleans, 1,727 blacks and 7,357 mulattoes. 
 As will be seen, nearly one-half of the entire number of free 
 colored persons were mulattoes, while in the leading Southern 
 cities seventy-five per cent, of the free colored people were put 
 in this class. The percentage of mulatto slaves to the total 
 slave population at that time was 10.41, and in the same cities 
 which showed seventy-five per cent, of all the free colored per- 
 sons mulattoes, the percentage of mulatto slaves was but 16.84. 
 Mulatto in this classification includes all colored persons who 
 are not put down as black. 
 
SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTOKY 33 
 
 In New Orleans the free mulattoes were generally French, 
 having come into the Union with the Louisiana purchase, and 
 among them were to be found wealthy slave-holders. They 
 much resembled the class of mulattoes which obtained in St. 
 Domingo at the beginning of the century, and had but little 
 sympathy with the blacks, although they were the first to ac- 
 quiesce in emancipation, some of them actually leading then- 
 own slaves into the army of liberation. It is possible, how- 
 ever, that they had not fully realized the trend of the war, 
 inasmuch as New Orleans was excepted from the effects of the 
 Proclamation. It is certain that .the free colored people of 
 that city made a tender of support to the Confederacy, al- 
 though they were among the first to welcome the conquering 
 "Yankees," and afterward fought with marked gallantry in the 
 Union cause. The free mulattoes, or browns, as they called 
 themselves, of Charleston, followed much the same course as 
 their fellow classmen of New Orleans. Here, too, they had 
 been exclusive and to some extent slave-holders, had tendered 
 their services to the Confederacy, and had hastily come for- 
 ward to welcome the conquerors. They were foremost among 
 the colored people in wealth and intelligence, but their field of 
 social operations had been so circumscribed that they had ex- 
 el ted but little influence in the work of Americanizing the 
 slave. Separated from the slave by law and custom they did 
 all in their power to separate themselves from him in thought 
 and feeling. They drew the line against all blacks as mer- 
 cilessly and senselessly as the most prejudiced of the whites 
 and were duplicates of the whites placed on an intermediate 
 plane. It was not unusual to find a Charleston brown filled 
 with more prejudice toward the blacks than were the whites. 
 
 The colored people of the North in i860 numbered 237,283. 
 
 *Census of i860. 
 3 
 
34 SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORY 
 
 Pennsylvania having the largest number, 56,849; then came 
 New York with 49,005; Ohio, 36,673; New Jersey, 25,318; 
 Indiana, 11,428; Massachusetts, 9,602; Connecticut, 8,627; 
 Illinois, 7,628; Michigan, 6,799; Rhode Island, 3,952; Maine, 
 1,327; Wisconsin, 1,171 ; Iowa, 1,069; Vermont, 709; Kansas, 
 625; New Hampshire, 494; Minnesota, 259; Oregon, 128. 
 
 Considerably more than one-half of this population was lo- 
 cated within the States along the Atlantic Coast, viz. ; Maine, 
 New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Vermont, Connecticut, Rhode 
 Island, New York, Pennsylvania and New Jersey. Here were 
 to be found 154,883 free colored people. Pennsylvania, New 
 York and New Jersey took the lead in this population, with 
 Massachusetts and Connecticut coming next, while Maine, 
 New Hampshire and Vermont had but few. The cities, Bos- 
 ton, New York and Philadelphia, were the largest cities of 
 free colored people then in the North. In Boston there were 
 2,261 ; New York City, 12,574, while in Philadelphia there 
 were 22,185 
 
 As early as 1787 the free colored people of Philadelphia, 
 through two distinguished representatives, Absalom Jones and 
 Richard Allen, "two men of the African race," as the chron- 
 iclers say, "saw the irreligious and uncivilized state" of the 
 "people of their complexion," and finally concluded "that a so- 
 ciety should be formed without regard to religious tenets, pro- 
 vided the persons lived an orderly and sober life," the purpose 
 of the society being "to support one another in sickness and 
 for the benefit of their widows and fatherless children." Ac- 
 cordingly a society was established, known as the Free Afri- 
 can Society of Philadelphia, and on the 17th, 5th-mo., 1787, 
 articles were published, including the following, which is in- 
 serted to show the breadth of the society's purpose : 
 
SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORY 35 
 
 'And we apprehend it to be necessary that the children of 
 our deceased members be under the care of the Society, so far 
 as to pay for the education of their children, if they cannot at- 
 tend free school ; also to put them out apprentices to suitable 
 1 1 ades or places, if required."* 
 
 Shortly after this we read of ''the African School for the 
 free instruction of the black people," and in 1796, "The Even- 
 ing Free School, held at the African Methodist Meeting House 
 in Philadelphia" was reported as being "kept very orderly, the 
 scholars behaving in a becoming manner, and their improve- 
 ment beyond the teachers' expectations, their intellects appear- 
 ing in every branch of learning to be equal to those of the fair- 
 est complexion." The name African, as the reader will notice, 
 is used with reference to school, church, and individuals; al- 
 though not to the complete exclusion of "colored people" and 
 "people of color." These phrases seem to have been coined in 
 the West Indies, and were there applied only to persons of 
 n ixed European and African descent. In the United States 
 they never obtained such restricted use except in a very few lo- 
 calities. The practice of using African as a descriptive title of 
 the free colored people of the North became very extensive and 
 so continued up to the middle of the century. There were 
 African societies, churches and schools in all the prominent 
 ventres of this population. 
 
 In 1843 one > Mr. P. Loveridge, Agent for Colored Schools 
 of New York, wrote the editor of the African Methodist Maga- 
 zine as follows : f "As to the name of your periodical, act as we 
 did with the name of our schools — away with Africa. There are 
 no Africans in your connection. Substitute colored for Afri- 
 
 *Outlines — Tanner. 
 
 tA. M. E. Magazine, 1843 
 
36 SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORY 
 
 can and it will be, in my opinion, as it should be." The earnest- 
 ness of the writer shows that the matter of parting- with Afri- 
 can was then a live question. The cool reply of the editor in- 
 dicates how strong was the conservative element among the 
 African people of '43. He says : "We are unable to see the 
 reasonableness of the remarks. It is true we are not Africans, 
 or natives born upon the soil of Africa, yet, as the descendants 
 of that race, how can we better manifest that respect due to 
 our fathers who begat us, than by the adoption of the term in 
 our institutions, and inscribing- it upon our public places of re- 
 sort?" To this Mr. Loveridge rejoins in the following ex- 
 planatory paragraph : "We who are engaged in the Public 
 Schools in this city found upon examination of about 1500 
 children who attend our schools from year to year, not one 
 African child among them. A suggestion was made that we 
 petition the Public School Society to change the name African 
 to Colored Schools. The gentlemen of that honorable body, 
 perceiving our petition to be a logical one, acquiesced with us. 
 Hence the adjective African (which does not apply to us) was 
 blotted out and Colored substituted in its place. It is 'Public- 
 Schools for Colored Children.' We are Americans and expect 
 American sympathies' ' 
 
 In 1816 the colored Methodists conceived the idea of or- 
 ganizing and evangelizing their race, and to this end a conven- 
 lion was called and assembled in Philadelphia of that yea.", 
 composed of sixteen delegates, coming- from Pennsylvania, 
 Delaware, Maryland and New Jersey. The convention adopted 
 a resolution that the people of Philadelphia, Baltimore and all 
 other places who should unite with them, should become one 
 body under the name and style of the African Methodist Epis- 
 copal Church. Similar action was taken by two other bodies oi 
 
SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORY 37 
 
 colored Methodists, one in New York, the other in Wilming- 
 ton, Delaware, about the same time. The people were coming- 
 together and beginning to understand the value of organiza- 
 tion. This was manifested in their religious, beneficial and 
 educational associations that were springing up among them. 
 In 1 84 1 the African Methodist Magazine appeared, the first 
 organ of religious communication and thought issued by the 
 American colored people. It was published in Brooklyn, N. Y., 
 Rev. George Hogarth being its editor. 
 
 There were papers published by the colored people prior to 
 the appearance of the African Methodist Magazine, but these 
 were individual enterprises. They were, however, indices of 
 the thought of the race, and looking back upon them now, we 
 may regard them as mile-stones set up along the line of march 
 over which the people have come. New York, city and State, 
 appears to have been the home of these early harbingers, and 
 it was there that the earliest literary centre was established, 
 corresponding to that centre of religious life and thought 
 which had been earlier founded in Philadelphia. In 1827 the 
 first newspaper published on this continent by colored men 
 issued from its office in New York. It was called "Freedom's 
 Journal," and had for its motto "Righteousness exalteth a na- 
 tion." Its editors and proprietors were Messrs. Cornish & 
 Russwurm. Its name was subsequently changed to the "Rights 
 of All," Mr. Cornish probably retiring, and in 1830 it sus- 
 pended, Mr. Russwurm going to Africa. Then followed "The 
 Weekly Advocate," "The American," "The Colored Ameri- 
 can," "The Elevator," "The National Watchman," "The 
 Clarion," "The Ram's Horn," "The North Star," "Frederick 
 Douglass' Paper," and finally that crowning literary work of 
 the race, "The Anglo-African." 
 
38 SKETCH OK SOCIAL HISTORY 
 
 "The Anglo- African" appeared in 1859, under the manage- 
 ment of the strongest and most brilliant purely literary fami- 
 lies the American Negro up to that time had produced. It was 
 edited and published by Thomas Hamilton, and like all the 
 important literary ventures of the race in those days, had its 
 birth in New York. It came out in 1859 an ^ continued 
 through the war, and in 1865 went out of existence honorably, 
 having its work well done. Its first volume, that of 1859, con- 
 tains the ablest papers ever given to the public by the American 
 Negro; and taken as a whole this volume is the proudest liter- 
 ary monument the race has as yet erected. 
 
 Reviewing the progress of the race in the North, we may 
 say, the period of organized benevolence and united religious 
 effort began before the close of the past century, Philadelphia 
 being its place of origin ; that the religious movement reached 
 n uch broader and clearer standing about 181 6, and in conse- 
 quence there sprang up organizations comprehending the 
 people of the whole country; that the religious movement ad- 
 vanced to a more intellectual stage when in 1841 the African 
 Methodist Magazine appeared, since which time the organized 
 religion of the American Negro has never been for any con- 
 siderable time without its organs of communication. The 
 journalistic period began in 1827, its centre being New York 
 and the work of the journals almost wholly directed to two 
 ends: the abolition of slavery, and the enfranchisement and 
 political elevation of the free blacks. This work had reached 
 its highest form in the Anglo-African, as that epoch of our 
 national history came to its close in the slave-holders' war. 
 
 The titles of the newspapers indicate the opening and con- 
 tinuance of a period of anti-slavery agitation. Their columas 
 were filled with arguments and appeals furnished by men who 
 
SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORY 39 
 
 gave their whole souls to the work. It was a period of great 
 mental activity on the part of the free colored people. They 
 were discussing all probable methods of bettering their condi- 
 tion. It was the period that produced both writers and ora- 
 tors. In 1830 the first convention called by colored men to con- 
 sider the general condition of the race and devise means to im- 
 prove that condition, met in the city of Philadelphia. The his- 
 tory of this convention is so important that I append a full 
 account of it as published in the Anglo-African nearly thirty 
 years after the convention met. It was called through the ef- 
 forts of Hezekiah Grice, of Baltimore, who afterwards emi- 
 grated to Hayti, and for many years followed there the occu- 
 pation of carver and gilder and finally became Director of Pub- 
 lic Works of the city of Port-au-Prince. While visiting that 
 city years ago, I met a descendant of Mr. Grice, a lady of great 
 personal beauty, charming manners, accomplished in the 
 French language, but incapable of conversing at all in English. 
 
 The conventions, begun in 1830, continued to be held an- 
 nually for a brief period, and then dropped into occasional 
 and special gatherings. They did much good in the way of 
 giving prominence to the colored orators and in stemming the 
 tide of hostile sentiment by appealing to the country at large in 
 language that reached many hearts. 
 
 The physical condition, so far as the health and strength 
 of the free colored people were concerned, was good. Their 
 mean age was the greatest of any element of our population, 
 and their increase was about normal, or 1.50 per cent, annually, 
 In the twenty years from 1840 to i860 it had kept up this 
 rate with hardly the slightest variation, while the increase of 
 the free colored people of the South during the same period 
 had been 1 per cent, annually.* The increase of persons of 
 
 *It is to be noted that in Maryland and Virginia an important number 
 
4<5 SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORY 
 
 mixed blood in the North did not necessarily imply laxity of 
 morals, as the census compilers always delighted to say, but 
 could be easily accounted for by the marriages occurring be- 
 tween persons of this class. I have seen more than fifty per- 
 sons, all of mixed blood, descend from one couple, and these 
 with the persons joined to them by marriages as they have 
 come to marriageable age, amounted to over seventy souls — 
 all in about a half century. That the slaves had, despite their 
 fearful death rate, the manumissions and the escapes, increased 
 twice as fast as the free colored people of the North, three times 
 as fast as the freee colored people of the South, and faster than 
 the white people with all the immigration of that period, can be 
 accounted for only by the enormous birth rate of that people 
 consequent upon their sad condition. Their increase was ab- 
 normal, and when properly viewed, proves too much. 
 
 There is no way of determining the general wealth of the 
 colored people of the North at the period we are describing; 
 but some light may be thrown upon their material condition 
 from the consideration that they were supporting a few pub- 
 lications and building and supporting churches, and were hold- 
 ers of considerable real estate. In New York city, the thirteen 
 thousand colored people paid taxes on nearly a million and a 
 half in real estate, and had over a quarter million of dollars 
 in the savings banks. It is probable that the twenty-five 
 thousand in Philadelphia owned more in proportion than their 
 brethren in New York, for they were then well represented in 
 business in that city. There were the Fortens, Bowers, Cas- 
 seys, Gordons, and later Stephen Smith, WiKiam Whipper 
 and Videl, all of whom were men of wealth and business. 
 There were nineteen churches owned and supported by colored 
 
 of white serving women married Negro slave men in the early days of 
 these colonies. 
 
SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORY 4* 
 
 people of Philadelphia, with a seating capacity of about 10,000 
 and valued at about $250,000. 
 
 *The schools set apart for colored children were very in- 
 ferior and were often kept alive by great sacrifices on the part 
 of the colored people themselves. Prior to the war and in 
 many cases for some time afterward, the colored public schools 
 were a disgrace to the country. A correspondent writing from 
 Hollidaysburg, Pa., says, speaking of the school there: "The 
 result of my inquiries here is that here, as in the majority of 
 other places, the interest manifested for the colored man is 
 more for political effect, and that those who prate the loudest 
 about the moral elevation and political advancement of the 
 colored man are the first to turn against him when he wants 
 a friend." The correspondent then goes on to say that the 
 school directors persist in employing teachers "totally incom- 
 petent." What the schools were in New York the report 
 made by the New York Society for the promotion of Education 
 among Colored Children to the Honorable Commissioners for 
 examining into the condition of Common Schools in the City 
 and County of New York, will show. Reverend Charles B. 
 Ray, who was President of this Society, and Philip A. White, 
 its Secretary, both continued to labor in the interest of educa- 
 tion unto the close of their lives, Mr. White dying as a mem- 
 ber of the School Board of the city of Brooklyn, and Mr. Ray 
 bequeathing his library to Wilberforce University at his death. 
 
 In summing up the conditions which they have detailed in 
 
 *In 1835 there were six high schools, or school s for h : gher education, 
 in the United States that admitted colored students on equal footing 
 with others. These were: Oneida Institute, New York; Mount Pleas- 
 ant, Amherst. Mass.; Canaan, N. H.; Western Reserve, Ohio; Gettys- 
 burg, Pa.; and "one in the city of Philadelphia of which Miss Buffam" 
 was "principal." There was also one manual labor school in Madison 
 County, N. Y., capable of accommodating eighteen students. It was 
 founded by Gerrit Smith. 
 
42 SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORY 
 
 their report they say : "From a comparison of the school 
 houses occupied by the colored children with the splendid, al- 
 most palatial edifices, with manifold comforts, conveniences 
 and elegancies which make up the school houses for white chil- 
 dren in the city of New York, it is clearly evident that the col- 
 ored children are painfully neglected and positively degraded. 
 Pent up in filthy neighborhoods, in old dilapidated buildings, 
 they are held down to low associations and gloomy surround- 
 ings. * * * The undersigned enter their solemn protest 
 against this unjust treatment of colored children. They be- 
 lieve with the experience of Massachusetts, and especially the 
 recent experience of Boston before them, there is no sound rea- 
 son why colored children shall be excluded from any of the 
 common schools supported by taxes levied alike on whites and 
 blacks, and governed by officers elected by the vote of colored 
 as well as white voters." 
 
 This petition and remonstrance had its effect, for mainly 
 through its influence within two years very great improve- 
 ments were made in the condition of the New York colored 
 schools. 
 
 For the especial benefit of those who erroneously think that 
 the purpose of giving industrial education is a new thing in 
 our land, as well as for general historical purposes, I call atten- 
 tion to the establishment of the Institute for Colored Youth in 
 Philadelphia in 1842. This Institute was founded by the So- 
 ciety of Friends, and was supported in its early days and pre- 
 sumably still "by bequests and donations made by members ot 
 that Society." The objects of the Institute as set forth by its 
 founders, fifty-seven years ago, are : "The education and im- 
 provement of colored youth of both sexes, to qualify them to 
 act as teachers and instructors to their own people, either hi 
 
SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORY 
 
 the various branches of school learning or the mechanic arts 
 and agriculture." Two years later the African Methodists 
 purchased one hundred and eighty acres of land in eastern 
 Ohio and established what was called the Union Seminary, on 
 the manual labor plan. It did not succeed, but it lingered along, 
 keeping alive the idea, until it was eclipsed by Wilberforce 
 University, into which it was finally merged. 
 
 The anti-slavery fight carried on in the North, into which 
 the colored men entered and became powerful leaders, aroused 
 the race to a deep study of the whole subject of liberty and 
 brought them in sympathy with all people who had either gained 
 or were struggling for their liberties, and prompted them to in- 
 vestigate all countries offering to them freedom. No country 
 was so well studied by them as Hayti, and from 1824 to i860 
 there had been considerable emigration thither. Liberia, Cen- 
 tral and South America and Canada were all considered under 
 the thought of emigration. Thousands went to Hayti and to 
 Lanada, but the bulk preferred to remain here. They liked 
 America, and had become so thoroughly in love with the doc- 
 trines of the Republic, so imbued with the pride of the na- 
 tion's history, 50 inspired with hope in the nation's future, that 
 lhey resolved to live and die on her soil. When the troublous 
 times of i860 came and white men were fleeing to Canada, col- 
 ored men remained at their posts. They were ready to stand 
 by the old flag and to take up arms for the Union, trusting that 
 before the close of the strife the flag might have to them a 
 new meaning. An impassioned colored orator had said of the 
 flag : "Its stars were for the white man, and its stripes for 
 the Negro, and it was very appropriate that the stripes should 
 be red." The free Negro of the North was prepared in 1861 
 to support Abraham Lincoln with 40,000 as good American- 
 born champions for universal liberty as the country could pre- 
 sent. 
 
44 THE FIRST COLORED CONVENTION 
 
 NOTES. 
 A. 
 
 THE FIRST COLORED CONVENTION. 
 
 On the fifteenth day of September, 1830, there was held at 
 Bethel Church, in the city of Philadelphia, the first convention of 
 the colored people of these United States. It was an event of 
 historical importance ; and, whether we regard the times or the 
 men of whom this assemblage was composed, we find matter 
 for interesting and profitable consideration. 
 
 Emancipation had just taken place in New York, and had just 
 been arrested in Virginia by the Nat Turner rebellion and Walk- 
 er's pamphlet. Secret sessions of the legislatures of the several 
 Southern States had been held to deliberate upon the produc- 
 tion of a colored man who had coolly recommended to his fel- 
 low blacks the only solution to the slave question, which, after 
 twenty-five years of arduous labor of the most hopeful and 
 noble-hearted of the abolitionists, seems the forlorn hope of 
 freedom to-day — insurrection and bloodshed. Great Britain 
 was in the midst of that bloodless revolution which, two years 
 afterwards, culminated in the passage of the Reform Bill, 
 and thus prepared the joyous and generous state of the British 
 heart which dictated the West India Emancipation Act. France 
 was rejoicing in the not bloodless trois jours de Juliet. Indeed, 
 the whole world seemd stirred up with a universal excitement, 
 which, when contrasted with the universal panics of 1837 and 
 1857, leads one to regard as more than a philosophical specula- 
 tion the doctrine of those who hold the life of mankind from the 
 creation as but one life, beating with one heart, animated with 
 one soul, tending to one destiny, although made up of millions 
 upon millions of molecular lives, gifted with their infinite variety 
 of attractions and repulsions, which regulate or crystallize them 
 into evanescent substructures or organizations, which we call 
 nationalities and empires and peoples and 'tribes, whose minute 
 actions and reactions on each other are the histories which ab- 
 sorb our attention, whilst the grand universal life moves on be- 
 
THE FIRST COLORED CONVENTION 45 
 
 yond our ken, or only guessed at, as the astronomers shadow 
 out movements of our solar system around or towards some dis- 
 tant unknown centre of attraction. 
 
 If the times of 1830 were eventful, there were among our peo- 
 ple, as well as among other peoples, men equal to the occasion. 
 We had giants in those days ! There were Bishop Allen, the 
 founder of the great Bethel connection of Methodists, combin- 
 ing in his person the fiery zeal of St. Francis Xavier with the 
 skill and power of organizing of a Richelieu; the meek but 
 equally efficient Rush (who yet remains with us in fulfilment 
 of the Scripture), the father of the Zion Methodists; Paul, 
 whose splendid presence and stately eloquence in the pulpit, and 
 whose grand baptisms in the waters of Boston harbor are a 
 living tradition in all New England; the saintly and sainted 
 Peter Williams, whose views of the best means of our elevation 
 are in triumphant activity to-day ; William Hamilton, the thinker 
 and actor, whose sparse specimens of eloquence we will one day 
 place in gilded frames as rare and beautiful specimens of Etrus 
 can art — William Hamilton, who, four years afterwards, during 
 the New York riots, when met in the street, loaded down with 
 iron missiles, and asked where he was going, replied, "To die 
 on my threshold"; Watkins, of Baltimore; Frederick Hinton. 
 with his polished eloquence; James Forten, the merchant 
 prince ; William Whipper, just essaying his youthful powers ; 
 Lewis Woodson and John Peck, of Pittsburg; Austin Steward, 
 then of Rochester; Samuel E. Cornish, who had the distinguished 
 honor of reasoning Gerrit Smith out of colonization, and of tell- 
 ing Henry Clay that he would never be president of anything 
 higher than the American Colonization Society; Philip A. Bell, 
 the born sabreur, who never feared the face of clay, and a hun- 
 dred others, were the worthily leading spirits among the colored 
 people. 
 
 And yet the idea of the first colored convention did not origi- 
 nate with any of these distinguished men ; it came from a young 
 man of Baltimore, then, and still, unknown to fame. Born in 
 that city in 1801, he was in 1817 apprenticed to a man some 
 two hundred miles off in the Southeast. Arriving at his field of 
 labor, he worked hard nearly a week and received poor fare 
 in return. One day, while at v/ork near the house, the mis- 
 tress came out and gave him a furious scolding, so furious, in- 
 deed, that her husband mildly interfered; she drove the latter 
 away, and threatened to take the Baltimore out of the lad with 
 
46 THE FIRST COLORED CONVENTION 
 
 cowhide, etc., etc. At this moment, to use his own expression, 
 the lad became converted ,that is, he determined to be his own 
 master as long as he lived. Early nightfall found him on his 
 way to Baltimore which he reached after a severe journey which 
 tested his energy and ingenuity to the utmost. At the age of 
 twenty-three he was engaged in the summer time in supplying 
 Baltimore with ice from his cart, and in winter in cutting up 
 pork for Ellicotts' establishment. He must have been strong 
 and swift with knife and cleaver, for in one day he cut up and 
 dressed some four hundred and fifteen porkers. 
 
 In 1824 our young friend fell in with Benjamin Lundy, and in 
 1828-9, with William Lloyd Garrison, editors and publishers of 
 the "Genius of Universal Emancipation," a radical anti-slavery 
 paper, whose boldness would put the "National Era" to shame, 
 printed and published in the slave State of Maryland. In 1829-30 
 the colored people of the free States were much excited on the 
 subject of emigration; there had been an emigration to Hayti, 
 and also to Canada, and some had been driven to Liberia by the 
 severe laws and brutal conduct of the fermenters of colonization 
 in Virginia and Maryland. In some districts of these States 
 the disguised whites would enter the houses of free colored men 
 at night, and take them out and give them from thirty to fifty 
 lashes, to get them to consent to go to Liberia. 
 
 It was in the spring of 1830 that the young man we have 
 sketched, Hezekiah Grice, conceived the plan of calling together 
 a meeting or convention of colored men, in some place north 
 of the Potomac, for the purpose of comparing views and of 
 adopting a harmonious movement either of emigration or of de- 
 termination to remain in the United States; convinced of the 
 hopelessness of contending against the oppressions in the 
 United States, living in the very depth of that oppression and 
 wrong, his own views looked to Canada ; but he held them sub- 
 ject to the decision of the majority of the convention which 
 might assemble. 
 
 On the 2d of April, 1830, he addressed a written circular to 
 prominent colored men in the free States, requesting their opin- 
 ions on the necessity and propriety of holding such convention, 
 and stated that if the opinions of a sufficient number warranted 
 it, he would give time and place at which duly elected delegates 
 might assemble. Four months passed away, and his spirit al- 
 most died within him, for he had not received a line from any 
 
THE FIRST COLORED CONVENTION 47 
 
 one in reply. When he visited Mr. Garrison in his office, and 
 stated his project, Mr. Garrison took up a copy of Walker's 
 Appeal, and said, although it might be right, yet it was too early 
 to have published such a book. 
 
 On the nth of August, however, he received a sudden and 
 peremptory order from Bishop Allen to come instantly to Phil- 
 adelphia, about the emigration matter. He went, and found a 
 meeting assembled to consider the conflicting reports on Can- 
 ada of Messrs. Lewis and Dutton ; at a subsequent meeting, 
 held the next night, and near the adjournment, the Bishop called 
 Mr. Grice aside and gave to him to read a printed circular, 
 issued from New York City, strongly approving of Mr. Grice's 
 plan of a convention, and signed by Peter Williams, Peter Vo- 
 gelsang and Thomas L. Jinnings. The Bishop added, "My 
 dear child, we must take some action immediately, or else these 
 New Yorkers will get ahead of us." The Bishop left the meet- 
 ing to attend a lecture on chemistry by Dr. Wells, of Baltimore. 
 Mr. Grice introduced the subject of the convention ; and a com- 
 mittee consisting of Bishop Allen, Benjamin Pascal, Cyrus 
 Black, James Cornish and Junius C. Morel were appointed to 
 lay the matter before the colored people of Philadelphia. This 
 committee, led, doubtless, by Bishop Allen, at once issued a 
 call for a convention of the colored men of the United States, to 
 be held in the city of Philadelphia on the 15th of September, 
 1830. 
 
 Mr. Grice returned to Baltimore rejoicing at the success of 
 his project ; but, in the same boat which bore him down the 
 Chesapeake, he was accosted by Mr. Zollickoffer, a member of 
 the Society of Friends, a Philadelphian, and a warm and tried 
 friend of the blacks. Mr. Zollickoffer used arguments, and even 
 entreaties, to dissuade Mr. Grice from holding the convention, 
 pointing out the dangers and difficulties of the same should it 
 succeed, and the deep injury it would do the cause in case of fail- 
 ure. Of course, it was reason and entreaty thrown away. 
 
 On the fifteenth of September, Mr. Grice again landed in 
 Philadelphia, and in the fulness of his expectation asked every 
 colored man he met about the convention; no one knew any- 
 thing about it ; the first man did not know the meaning of the 
 word, and another man said, "Who ever heard of colored people 
 holding a convention — convention, indeed!" Finally, reaching 
 the place of meeting, he found, in solemn conclave, the five 
 
4 8 THE FIRST COLORED CONVENTION 
 
 gentlemen who had constituted themselves delegates: with a 
 warm welcome from Bishop Allen, Mr. Grice, who came with 
 credentials from the people of Baltimore, was admitted as 
 delegate. A little while after, Dr. Burton, of Philadelphia, 
 dropped in, and demanded by what right the six gentlemen 
 held their seats as members of the convention. On a hint from 
 Bishop Allen, Mr. Pascal moved that Dr. Burton be elected an 
 honorary member of the convention, which softened the Doctor 
 In half an hour, five or six grave, stern-looking men, members 
 of the Zion Methodist body in Philadelphia, entered, and de- 
 manded to know by what right the members present held their 
 seats and undertook to represent the colored people. Another 
 hint from the Bishop, and it was moved that these gentlemen 
 be elected honorary members. But the gentlemen would submit 
 to no such thing, and would accept nothing short of full mem- 
 bership, which was granted them. 
 
 Among the delegates were Abraham Shadd, of Delaware; 
 |. W. C. Pennington, of Brooklyn; Austin Steward, of Roch- 
 ester ; Horace Easton, of Boston, and Adams, of Utica. 
 
 The main subject of discussion was emigration to Canada ; 
 Junius C. Morel, chairman of a committee on that subject, pre- 
 sented a report, on which there was a two days' discussion ; the 
 point discussed was that the report stated that "the lands in 
 Canada were synonymous with those of the Northern States." 
 The word synonymous was objected to, and the word similar 
 proposed in its stead. Mr. Morel, with great vigor and inge- 
 nuity, defended the report, but was finally voted down, and the 
 word similar adopted. The convention recommended emigra- 
 tion to Canada, passed strong resolutions against the American 
 Colonization Society, and at its adjournment appointed the next 
 annual convention of the people of color to be held in Philadel- 
 phia, on the first Monday in June, 1831. 
 
 At the present day, when colored conventions are almost 
 as frequent as church meetings, it is difficult to estimate the 
 bold and daring spirit which inaugurated the Colored Conven- 
 tion of 1830. It was the right move, originating in the right 
 quarter and at the right time. Glorious old Maryland, or, as 
 one speaking in the view that climate grows the men, would 
 say, — Maryland-Virginia region, — which has produced Benjamin 
 Banneker, Nat. Turner, Frederick Douglass, the parents of Ira 
 Aldridge, Henry Highland Garnett and Sam. Ringold Ward. 
 
THE FIRST COLOKED CONVENTION 49 
 
 also produced the founder of colored conventions, Hezekiah 
 Grice ! At that time, in the prime of his young manhood, He 
 must have presented the front of one equal to any fortune, 
 able to achieve any undertaking. Standing six feet high, well- 
 proportioned, of a dark bronze complexion, broad brow, and 
 that stamp of features out of which the Greek sculptor would 
 have delighted to mould the face of Vulcan — he was, to the 
 fullest extent, a working man of such sort and magnetism as 
 would lead his fellows where he listed. 
 
 In looking to the important results that grew out of this 
 convention, the independence of thought and self-assertion of 
 the black man are the most remarkable. Then, the union of 
 purpose and union of strength which grew out of the acquaint- 
 anceship and mutual pledges of colored men from different 
 States. Then, the subsequent conventions, where the great men 
 we have already named, and others, appeared and took part in 
 the discussions with manifestations of zeal, talent and ability, 
 which attracted Garrison, the Tappans, Joeelyn and others of 
 that noble host, who, drawing no small portion of their inspira- 
 tion from their black brethren in bonds, did manfully fight in 
 the days of anti-slavery which tried men's souls, and when, 
 to be an abolitionist, was, to a large extent, to be a martyr. 
 
 We cannot help adding the thought that had these conven- 
 tions of the colored people of the United States continued 
 their annual sittings from 1830 until the present time, the re- 
 sult would doubtless have been greater general progress among 
 our people themselves, a more united front to meet past and 
 coming exigencies, and a profounder hold upon the public at- 
 tention, and a deeper respect on the part of our enemies than 
 we now can boast of. Looking at public opinion as it is, the 
 living law of the land, and yet a malleable, ductile entity, which 
 can be moulded, or at least affected, by the thoughts of any 
 masses vigorously expressed, we should have become a power 
 on earth, of greater strength and influence than in our present 
 scattered and dwindled state we dare even dream of. The 
 very announcement. "Thirtieth Annual Convention of the Col- 
 ored People of the United States," would bear a majestic front. 
 Our great gathering at Rochester in 1853, commanded not onlv 
 public attention, but respect and admiration. Should we have 
 such a gathering even now, once a year, not encumbered with 
 elaborate plans of action, with too many wheels within wheels. 
 
50 THE FIRST COLORED CONVENTION 
 
 we can yet regain much of the ground lost. The partial gath- 
 ering at Boston, the other day, has already assumed its place in 
 the public mind, and won its way into the calculations of the 
 politicians. 
 
 Our readers will doubtless be glad to learn the subsequent 
 history of Mr. Grice. He did not attend the second conven- 
 tion, but in the interval between the second and third he formed, 
 in the city of Baltimore, a "Legal Rights Association," for the 
 purpose of ascertaining the legal status of the colored man in 
 the United States. It was entirely composed of colored men, 
 among whom were Mr. Watkins (the colored Baltimorean), 
 Mr. Deaver, and others. Mr. Grice called on William Wirt, and 
 asked him "what he charged for his opinion on a given sub- 
 ject." "Fifty dollars." "Then, sir, I will give you fifty dollars 
 if you wiil give me your opinion on the legal condition of a free 
 colored man in these United States." 
 
 Mr. Wirt required the questions to be written out in proper 
 form before he could answer them. Mr. Grice employed Tyson, 
 who drew up a series of questions, based upon the Constitu- 
 tion of the United States, and relating to the rights and citizen- 
 ship of the free black. He carried the questions to Mr. Wirt, 
 who, glancing over them, said, "Really, sir, my position as an 
 officer under the government renders it a delicate matter for me 
 to answer these questions as they should be answered, but I'll 
 tell you what to do : they should be answered, and by the best 
 legal talent in the land ; do you go to Philadelphia, and present 
 my name to Horace Binney, and he will give you an answer 
 satisfactory to you, and which will command the greatest re- 
 spect throughout the land." Mr. Grice went to Philadelphia, 
 and presented the questions and request to Horace Binney. 
 This gentleman pleaded age and poor eyesight, but told Mr. 
 Grice that if he would call on John Sargent he would get an- 
 swers of requisite character and weight. He called on John 
 Sargent, who promptly agreed to answer the questions if Mr. 
 Binney would allow his name to be associated as an authority 
 in the' replies. Mr. Binney again declined, and so the matter 
 fell through. This is what Mr. Grice terms his "Dred Scott 
 case"and so it was. 
 
 He attended the convention of 1832, but by some informality, 
 or a want of credentials, was not permitted to sit as full mem- 
 ber!— Saul ejected from among the prophets! — Yet he was 
 
THE FIRST COLORED CONVENTION 51 
 
 heard on the subject of rights, and the doctrine of *'our rights," 
 as well as the first colored convention, are due to the same man. 
 
 In 1S32, chagrined at the colored people of the United States, 
 he migrated to Hayti, where, until 1843, ne pursued the business 
 of carver and gilder. In the latter year he was appointed Di- 
 rector of Public Works in Port-au-Prince, which office he held 
 until two years ago. He is also engaged in, and has wide 
 knowledge of machinery and engineering. Every two or three 
 years he visits New York, and is welcomed to the arcana of 
 such men as James J. Mapes, the Bensons, Dunhams, and at 
 the various works where steam and iron obey human ingenuity 
 in our city. He is at present in this city, lodging at the house 
 of the widow of his old friend and coadjutor, Thomas L. Jin- 
 nings, 133 Reade street. We have availed ourselves of his 
 presence among us to glean from him the statements which we 
 have imperfectly put together in this article. 
 
 We cannot dismiss this subject without the remark, of pecu- 
 liar pertinence at this moment, that it would have been better 
 for our people had Mr. Grice never left these United States. 
 The twenty-seven years he has passed in Hayti, although not 
 without their mark on the fortunes of that island, are yet with 
 out such mark as he would have made in the land and upon the 
 institutions among which he was born. So early as his thirty- 
 second year, before he had reached his intellectual prime, he 
 had inaugurated two of the leading ideas on which our people 
 have since acted, conventions to consider and alleviate their 
 grievances, and the struggle for legal rights. If he did such 
 things in early youth, what might he not have done with the 
 full force and bent of his matured intellect ? And where, in the 
 wide world, in what region, or under what sun, could he so 
 effectually have labored to elevate the black man as on this soil 
 and under American institutions ? 
 
 So profoundly are we opposed to the favorite doctrine of the 
 Puritans and their co-workers, the colonizationists — Ubi Lib- 
 ertas, ibi Patria — that we could almost beseech Divine Provi- 
 dence to reverse some past events and to fling back into the 
 heart of Virginia and Maryland their Sam Wards, Highland 
 Garnets, J. W. Penningtons, Frederick Douglasses, and the 
 twenty thousand who now shout hosannas in Canada — and we 
 would soon see some stirring in the direction of Ubi Patria, ibi 
 Libertas. — Anglo-African Magazine, October, 1859. 
 
r 2 EDUCATION AMONG COLORED CHILDREN 
 
 B. 
 
 COMMUNICATION FROM THE NEW YORK SOCIETY 
 
 FOR THE PROMOTION OF EDUCATION 
 
 AMONG COLORED CHILDREN. 
 
 To the Honorable the Commissioners for examining into the 
 condition of Common Schools in the City and County of 
 New York. 
 
 The following statement in relation to the colored schools in 
 said city and county is respectfully presented by the New York 
 Society' for the Promotion of Education among Colored Chil- 
 dren : 
 
 i. The number of colored children in the city and county of 
 New York (estimated in 1855, irom tne census of 1850), be- 
 tween the ages of 4 and 17 years • 3>°°Q 
 
 a. Average attendance of colored children at public 
 
 schoofs in 1855 • • 9*3 
 
 Average attendance of colored children in 
 corporate schools supported by school funds 
 (Colored Orphan Asylum) 240 
 
 i,i53 
 
 b. Proportion of average attendance in public 
 schools of colored children to whole number 
 of same is as 1 to 2.60. 
 
 2. The number of white children in the city of New 
 York in 1855 (estimated as above), between the ages of 
 
 4 and 17 years ■ .159,000 
 
 a. Average attendance of white children in public 
 
 schools in 1855 . . -43- 8 5 8 
 
 Average attendance of white children in 
 corporate schools supported by public 
 funds 2,826 
 
 46.684 
 
 b. Proportion of average attendance of white chil- 
 dren in pubiic schools to whole number of same 
 is as 1 to 3.40. 
 
 3. From these facts it appears that colored children attend 
 the public schools (and schools supported by public funds in 
 the city of New York) in the proportion of 1 to 2.60, and that 
 the white children attend similar schools in said city in the pro- 
 portion of 1 to 3.40: that is to say, nearly 25 per cent, more of 
 colored children than of white children attend the public schools. 
 
EDUCATION AMONG COLORED CHILDREN" 53 
 
 and schools supported by public funds in the city of New York. 
 4. The number of colored children attending private school's 
 in the city of New York, 125. 
 
 a. The number of white children attending private 
 schools in 1850, census gave 10,560, which number has since 
 been increased by the establishment of Catholic parochial 
 schools, estimated in 1856, 17,560. 
 
 b. The proportion of colored children attending private 
 schools to white children attending same, is as 1 to 140. 
 
 c. But the average attendance of colored children in all 
 schools is about the same as that of the white in propor- 
 tion, that is to say, as many colored children attend the 
 public schools as do whites attend both public and private 
 schools, in proportion to the whole number of each class 
 of children. 
 
 Locality, capability, etc.. of colored schools. 
 
 1. The Board of Education, since its organization, has 
 expended in sites and buildings for white schools $1,600,000. 
 
 b. The Board of Education has expended for sites and 
 buildings for colored schools (addition to building leased 
 it) Thomas), $1,000. 
 
 c. The two schoolhouses in possession of the Board 
 now used for colored children were assigned to same by 
 the Old Public School Society. 
 
 2. The proportion of colored children to white children 
 attending public schools is as 1 to 40. 
 
 a. The sum expended on school buildings and sites of 
 colored and white schools by the Board of Education is as 
 1 to 1,600. 
 
 3. a. Schoolhouse No. 1, for colored children, is an old 
 building, erected in 1820 by the New York Manumission Society 
 as a school for colored children, in Mulberry street, in a poor 
 but decent locality. It has two departments, one male and one 
 female : it consists of two stories only, and has two small reci- 
 tation rooms on each floor, but as primary as well as grammar 
 children attend each department, much difficulty and confusion 
 arises from the want of class room for the respective studies. 
 The building covers only part of the lot, and as it is the best 
 attended and among the best taught of the colored schools, a 
 new and ample school building, erected in this place, would 
 prove a great attraction, and could be amply filled by children. 
 
54 EDUCATION AMONG COLORED CHILDREN 
 
 b. Schoolhouse No. 2, erected in Laurens street more 
 than twenty years ago for colored children by the Public 
 School Society, is in one of the lowest and filthiest neigh- 
 borhoods, and hence, although it has competent teachers 
 in the male and female departments, and a separate pri- 
 mary department, the attendance has always been slender, 
 and will be until the school is removed to a neighborhood 
 where children may be sent without danger to their morals. 
 
 c. School No. 3, for colored children, in Yorkville, is 
 an old building, is well attended, and deserves, in connection 
 with Schoolhouse No. 4, in Harlem, a new building midway 
 between the present localities. 
 
 d. Schoolhouse No. 5, for colored children, is an old 
 building, leased at No. 19 Thomas street, a most degraded 
 neighborhood, full of filth and vice ; yet the attendance on 
 this school, and the excellence of its teachers, earn for it the 
 need of a new site and new building. 
 
 e. Schoolhouse No. 6, for colored children, is in Broad- 
 way, near 37th street, in a dwelling house leased and fitted 
 up for a school, in which there is always four feet of water 
 in the cellar. The attendance good. Some of the school 
 officers have repeatedly promised a new buliding. 
 
 f. Primary school for colored children, No. 1, is in the 
 basement of a church on 15th street, near 7th avenue. 
 in a good location, but premises too small for the attend- 
 ance ; no recitation rooms, and is perforce both primary 
 and grammar school, to the injury of the progress of all. 
 
 g. Primary schools for colored children, No. 2 and 3, 
 are in the rear of church, in 2d street, near 6th avenue; the 
 rooms are dark and cheerless, and without the needful 
 facilities of sufficient recitation rooms, etc. 
 
 From a comparison of the schoolhouses with the splendid, 
 almost palatial edifices, with manifold comforts, conveniences 
 and elegancies which make up the schoolhouses for white chil- 
 dren in the city of New York, it is evident that the colored 
 children are painfully neglected and positively degraded. Pent 
 up in filthy neighborhoods, in old and dilapidated buildings, 
 they are held down to low associations and gloomy surround- 
 ings. 
 
 Yet Mr. Superintendent Kiddle, at a general examination of 
 colored schools held in July last (for silver medals awarded by 
 
EDUCATION AMONG COLORED CHILDREN 55 
 
 the society now addressing your honorable body) declared the 
 reading and spelling equal to that of any schools in the city. 
 
 The undersigned enter their solemn protest against this un- 
 just treatment of colored children. They believe with the experi- 
 ence of Massachusetts, and especially the recent experience of 
 Boston before them, there is no sound reason why colored chil- 
 dren shall be excluded from any of the common schools sup- 
 ported by taxes levied alike on whites and blacks, and governed 
 by officers elected by the vote of colored as well as white voters. 
 
 But if in the judgment of your honorable body common 
 schools are not thus common to all, then we earnestly pray you 
 to recommend to the Legislature such action as shall cause the 
 Board of Education of this city to erect at least two well-ap- 
 pointed modern grammar schools for colored children on suit- 
 able sites, in respectable localities, so that the attendance oi 
 colored children may be increased and their minds be elevated 
 in like manner as the happy experience of the honorable Board 
 of Education has been in the matter of white children. 
 
 In addition to the excellent impulse to colored youth which 
 these new grammar schools would give, they will have the addi- 
 tional argument of actual economy; the children will be taught 
 with far less expense in two such schoolhouses than in the half 
 dozen hovels into which they are now driven. It is a costly 
 piece of injustice which educates the white scholar in a palace 
 at $10 per year and the colored pupil in a hovel at $17 or $18 
 per annum. 
 
 Taxes, etc.. of colored population of the city. 
 
 No proposition can be more reasonable than that they who 
 pay taxes for schools and schoolhouses should be provided with 
 schools and schoolhouses. The colored population of this city. 
 in proportion to their numbers, pay their full share of the gen- 
 eral and therefore of the school taxes. There are about nine 
 thousand adults of both sexes ; of these over three thousand 
 are householders, rent-payers, and therefore tax-payers, in that 
 sense of the word in which owners make tax-payers of their 
 poor tenants. The colored laboring man, with an income of 
 $200 a year, who pays $72 per year for a room and bedroom, 
 is really in proportion to his means a larger tax-payer than the 
 millionaire whose tax rate is thousands of dollars. 
 
 But directly, also, do the colored people pay taxes. From 
 examinations carefully made, the undersigned affirm that there 
 
56 EDUCATION AMONG COLORED CHILDREN 
 
 are in the city at least 1,000 colored persons who own and pay 
 
 taxes on real estate. 
 
 Taxed real estate in the city of New York owned 
 
 by colored persons $1,400,000 
 
 Untaxed by colored persons (churches) 250,000 
 
 Personal estate 710,000 
 
 Money in savings banks 1,121,000 
 
 $3,481,000 
 
 These figures indicate that in proportion to their numbers, 
 the colored population of this city pay a fair share of the school 
 taxes, and that they have been most unjustly dealt with. Their 
 money has been used to purchase sites and erect and fit up 
 schoolhouses for white children, whilst their own children are 
 driven into miserable edifices in disgraceful localities. Surely, 
 the white population of the city are too able, too generous, too 
 just, any longer to suffer this miserable robbing of their colored 
 fellow-citizens for the benefit of white children. 
 
 Praying that your honorable commission will take due notice 
 of these facts, and recommend such remedy as shall seem to you 
 best, 
 
 We have the honor to be, in behalf of the New York Society 
 for the Promotion of Education among Colored Citizens, 
 Most respectfullv yours, 
 
 CHARLES B. RAY, President. 
 PHILIP A WHITE, Secretary. 
 
 New York City, December 28. 1857. 
 
AMERICAN NEGRO ANI> LHK MILITARY SPIRIT 57 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 AMERICAN NEGRO AND THE MILITARY SPIRIT. 
 Early Literature of Negro Soldiers — Negro Soldiers in the War of the 
 Revolution— The War of 1812 — Negro Insurrections — Negro Troops 
 in the Civil War — Notes. 
 "Do you think I'll make a soldier?" is the opening line of 
 one of those delightful spirituals, originating among the slaves 
 in the far South. I first heard it sung in the Saint James 
 Methodist Church, corner of Spring and Coming Streets, 
 Charleston, South Carolina, immediately after the close of the 
 war. It was sung by a vast congregation to a gentle, swing- 
 ing air. with nothing of the martial about it, and was accom- 
 panied by a swaying of the body to the time of the music. Oc- 
 casionally there would be the "curtesys" peculiar to the South 
 Carolina slave of the low country, which consists in a stoop- 
 ing of the body by bending the knees only, the head remain- 
 ing erect, a movement which takes the place 
 of the bow among equals. The older ladies, with 
 heads adorned with the ever-present Madras kerchief, 
 often tied in the most becoming and tasteful man- 
 ner, and faces aglow with an enthusiasm that bespoke a 
 life within sustained by visions of spiritual things, would often 
 be seen to shake hands and add a word of greeting and hope 
 which would impart a charm and meaning to the singing far 
 above what the humble words of the song without these acces- 
 sories could convey. As the rich chorus of matchless voices 
 poured out in perfect time and tune, "Rise, shine, and give 
 God the glory," the thoughts of earthlv freedom, of freedom 
 
5S AMERICAN NEGRO AND THE MILITARY SPIRIT 
 
 from sin, and finally of freedom from the toils, cares and sor- 
 rows of earth to be baptized into the joys of heaven, all seemed 
 to blend into the many colored but harmonious strain. The 
 singing of the simple hearted trustful, emancipated slave! 
 Shall we ever hear the like again on earth? Alas, that the 
 high hopes and glowing prophecies of that auspicious hour 
 have been so deferred that the hearts of millions have been 
 made sick ! 
 
 Of the song-s that came out of slavery with these long suffer- 
 ing people, Colonel Higginson, who perhaps got nearer to 
 them in sentiment than any other literary man not really of 
 them, says: "Almost all their songs were thoroughly re- 
 ligious in their tone, however quaint their expression, and were 
 in a minor key both as to words and music. The attitude is 
 always the same, and, as a commentary on the life of the race, 
 is infinitely pathetic. Nothing but patience for this life — 
 nothing but triumph in the next. Sometimes the present pre- 
 dominates, sometimes the future; but the combination is always 
 implied.'' 
 
 I do not know when this "soldier'' song had its birth, but 
 it may have sprung out of the perplexity of the slave's mind 
 as he contemplated the raging conflict and saw himself drawn 
 nearer and nearer to the field of strife. Whether in this song 
 the "present predominates," and the query, therefore, has a 
 strong primary reference to carnal weapons and to garments 
 dyed in blood ; whether the singer invites an opinion as to his- 
 fitness to engage in the war for Freedom — it may not be pos- 
 sible to determine. The "year of Jubilee," coming in the same 
 song in connection with the purpose for which the singer is 
 to be made a soldier, gives clearer illustration of that combina- 
 tion of the present and future which Mr. Higginson says was 
 always present in the spirituals of that period, if it shows no 
 
AMERICAN NEGRO AND THE MILITARY SPIRIT 59 
 
 more. When it is remembered that at that time Charleston 
 was literally trodden under foot by black soldiers in bright 
 uniforms, whose coming - seemed to the colored people of that 
 city like a dream too good to be true, it is not hard to believe 
 that this song had much of the present in it, and owed its birth 
 to the circumstances of war. 
 
 Singularly enough the song makes the Negro ask the exact 
 question which had been asked about him from the earliest 
 days of our history as a nation, a question which in some form 
 confronts him still. The question, as the song has it, is not one 
 of fact, but one of opinion. It is not : Will I make a soldier ? 
 but: Do you think I will make a soldier? It is one thing to 
 "make a soldier," another thing to have men think so. The 
 question of fact was settled a century ago; the question of 
 opinion is still unsettled. The Negro soldier, hero of five hun- 
 dred battlefields, with medals and honors resting upon hil 
 breast, with the endorsement of the highest military authority 
 of the nation, with Port Hudson, El Caney and San Juan be- 
 hind him, is still expected by too many to stand and await th$ 
 verdict of thought, from persons who never did "think" he 
 would make a soldier, and who never will think so. As well 
 expect the excited animal of the ring to think in the presence 
 of the red rag of the toreador as to expect them to think on 
 the subject of the Negro soldier. They can curse, and rant, 
 when they see the stalwart Negro in uniform, but it is toe* 
 much to ask them to think. To them the Negro can be a fiend, 
 a brute, but never a soldier. 
 
 To John G. Whittier and to William C. Nell are we in- 
 debted for the earliest recital of the heroic deeds of the col- 
 ored American in the Wars of the Revolution and 1812. 
 Whittier contributed an article on this subject to the "National 
 Era" in 1847, and five or six years later Nell published his 
 
60 AMERICAN NEGRO AND THE MILITARY SPIRIT 
 
 pamphlet on "Colored Patriots," a booklet recently reprinted 
 by the African Methodist Episcopal Church. It is a useful con- 
 tribution, showing as it does the rising and spreading abroad 
 of that spirit which appreciates military effort and valor; and 
 while recognizing the glory that came to American arms in the 
 period described, honestly seeks to place some of that glory 
 upon the deserving brow of a race then enslaved and despised. 
 The book is unpretentious and aims to relate the facts in a 
 straight-forward way, unaccompanied by any of the charms of 
 tasteful presentation. Its author, however, is deserving our 
 thanks, and the book marks an important stage in the develop- 
 ment of the colored American. His mind was turning toward 
 the creation of the soldier — the formation of armies. 
 
 There are other evidences that the mind of the colored man 
 was at this time turning towards arms. In 1852 Doctor Pen- 
 nington, one of the most learned colored men of his times, hav- 
 ing received his Degree in Divinity from Heidelberg, delivered 
 an address before a mass convention of colored citizens of 
 Ohio, held in Cleveland, in which he spoke principally of the 
 colored soldier. During the convention the "Cleveland Light 
 Artillery" fired a salute, and on the platform were seated sev- 
 eral veteran colored men, some of them, particularly Mr. John 
 Julius, of Pittsburg-, Pa., taking part in the speech-making. 
 Mr. Nell says : "Within recent period several companies of 
 colored men in New York city have enrolled themselves a la 
 militaire," and quotes from the New York Tribune of August, 
 1852, as follows : 
 
 "COLORED SOLDIERS.— Among the many parades 
 within a few days we noticed yesterday a soldierly-looking 
 company of colored men, on their way homeward from a tar- 
 get or parade drill. They looked like men, handled their arms 
 like men, and should occasion demand, we presume they would 
 fight like men." 
 
AMERICAN NEGRO ANI> THE MILITARY SPIRIT 6 I 
 
 In Boston, New Haven, New Bedford and other places ef- 
 forts were made during- the decade from 1850 to i860 to mani- 
 fest this rising military spirit by appropriate organization, but 
 the efforts were not always successful. In some cases the 
 prejudices of the whites put every possible obstacle in the 
 way of the colored young men who attempted to array them- 
 selves as soldiers. 
 
 The martial spirit is not foreign to the Negro character, as 
 has been abundantly proved in both ancient and modern times. 
 Williams, in his admirable history of the Negro as well as in 
 his "Negro Troops in the Rebellion," has shown at consider- 
 able length that the Negro has been a soldier from earliest 
 times, serving in large numbers in the Egyptian army long be- 
 fore the beginning of the Christian era. We know that with- 
 out any great modification in character, runaway slaves de- 
 veloped excellent lighting qualities as Maroons, in Trinidad, 
 British Guiana, St. Domingo and in Florida. But it was in 
 Hayti that the unmixed Negro rose to the full dignity of a 
 modern soldier, creating and leading armies, conducting and 
 carrying on war, treating with enemies and receiving surrend- 
 ers, complying fully with the rules of civilized warfare, and 
 evolving finally a Toussaint, whose military genius his most 
 bitter enemies were compelled to recognize — Toussaint, who 
 to the high qualities of the soldier added also the higher quali- 
 ties of statesmanship. With Napoleon, Cromwell and Wash- 
 ington, the three great commanders of modern times who have 
 joined to high military talent eminent ability in the art of 
 civil government, we must also class Toussaint L'Ouverteur, 
 the black soldier of the Antilles. Thiers, the prejudiced at- 
 torney of Napoleon, declares nevertheless that Toussaint pos- 
 sessed wonderful talent for government, and the fact ever re- 
 mains that under his benign rule all classes were pacified and 
 
62 AMERICAN NEGRO AND THE MILITARY SPIRIT 
 
 San Domingo was made to blossom as the rose. In the armies 
 of Menelek, in the armies of France, in the armies of England, 
 as well as in the organization of the Zulu and Kaffir tribes 
 the Negro has shown himself a soldier. If the Afro- American 
 should fail in this particular it will not be because of any lack 
 of the military element in the African side of his character, or 
 for any lack of ''remorseless military audacity'' in the original 
 Negro, as the historian, Williams, expresses it. 
 
 In our own Revolutionary War, the Negro, then but par- 
 tially civilized, and classed with "vagabonds," held every- 
 where as a slave, and everywhere distrusted, against protest 
 and enactment, made his way into the patriot army, fighting 
 side by side with his white compatriots from Lexington ro 
 Yorktown. On the morning of April 19th, 1775, when the 
 British re-enforcements were preparing to leave Boston for 
 Lexington, a Negro soldier who had served in the French war, 
 commanded a small body of West Cambridge "exempts'' and 
 captured Lord Percy's supply train with its military escort and 
 the officer in command. As a rule the Negro soldiers were 
 distributed among the regiments, thirty or forty to a regiment, 
 and did not serve in separate organizations. Bishop J. P. 
 Campbell, of the African Methodist Church, was accustomed 
 to say "both of my grandfathers served in the Revolutionary 
 War." In Yamum's Brigade, however, there was a Negro 
 regiment and of it Scribner's history, 1897, says, speaking of 
 the battle of Rhode Island : "None behaved better than 
 Greene's colored regiment, which three times repulsed the fur- 
 i<m> charges of veteran Hessians." Williams says: "The 
 black regiment was one of three that prevented the enemy from 
 turning the flank of the American army. These black troops 
 were doubtless regarded as the weak spot of the line, but they 
 were not." 
 
AMERICAN NEGRO AND THE MILITARY SPIKIi 63 
 
 The colony of Massachusetts alone furnished 67.907 men 
 for the Revolutionary War, while all the colonies together 
 south of Pennsylvania furnished but 50,493, hence the senti- 
 ment prevailing in Massachusetts would naturally be very 
 powerful in determining any question pertaining to the army. 
 When the country sprang to arms in response to that shot fired 
 at Lexington, the echoes of which, poetically speaking, were 
 heard around the world, the free Negroes of every Northern 
 colony rallied with their white neighbors. They were in the 
 fight at Lexington and at Bunker Hill, but when Washington 
 came to take command of the army he soon gave orders that 
 no Negroes should be enlisted. He was sustained in this posi- 
 tion by a council of war and by a committee of conference in 
 which were representatives from Rhode Island, Connecticut 
 and Massachusetts, and it was agreed that Negroes be rejected 
 altogether. The American Negro's persistency in pressing 
 himself where he is not wanted but where he is eminently 
 needed began right there. Within six weeks so many colored 
 men applied for enlistment, and those that had been put out 
 of the army raised such a clamor that Washington changed his 
 policy, and the Negro, who of all America's population con- 
 tended for the privilege of shouldering a gun to fight for 
 American liberty, was allowed a place in the Continental Army, 
 the first national army organized on this soil ante-dating the 
 national flag. The Negro soldier helped to evolve the national 
 standard and was in the ranks of the fighting men over whom 
 it first unfolded its broad stripes and glittering stars. 
 
 *"To the Honorable General Court of the Massachusetts Bay : 
 
 "The subscribers beg leave to report to your Honorable House, which 
 we do in justice to the character of so brave a man, that, under our own 
 observation, we declare that a Negro man called Salem Poor, of Col. Frye's 
 regiment, Capt. Ames' company, in the late battle at Charlestown, be- 
 
64 AMERICAN NEGRO AND THE MILITARY SPIRIT 
 
 It is in place here to mention a legion of free mulattoes and 
 blacks from the Island of St. Domingo, a full account ot 
 whose services is appended to this section, who fought under 
 D'Estaing with great distinction in the siege of Savannah, 
 their bravery at that time saving the patriot army from anni- 
 hilation. 
 
 When the Revolutionary War had closed the brave black sol- 
 dier who had fought to give to the world a new flag- whose 
 every star should be a star of hope to the oppressed, and whose 
 trinity of colors should symbolize Liberty, Equalty and Fra- 
 ternity, found his race, and in some instances himself person- 
 ally, encased in a cruel and stubborn slavery. For the soldier 
 himself special provision had been made in both Northern 
 and Southern colonies, but it was not always hearty or effec- 
 tive. In October, 1783, the Virginia Legislature passed an act 
 tor the relief of certain slaves who had served in the army 
 
 haved like an experienced officer, as well as an excellent soldier. We 
 would only beg leave to say, in the person of this said Negro centres a 
 brave and gallant soldier. The reward due to so great and distinguished 
 a character we submit to the Congress. 
 
 "Cambridge, Dec. 5, 1775." 
 
 These black soldiers, fresh from heathen lands, not out of slavery, 
 proved themselves as worthy as the best. In the battle of Bunker Hill, 
 where all were brave, two Negro soldiers so distinguished themselves that 
 their names have come down to us garlanded with the tributes of their 
 contemporaries. Peter Salem, until then a slave, a private in Colonel 
 Nixon's regiment of Continentals, without orders fired deliberately upon 
 Major Pitcairn as he was leading the assault of the British to what ap- 
 peared certain victory. Everet in speaking "of Prescott, Putnam and War- 
 ren, the chiefs of the day," mentions in immediate connection "the colored 
 man, Salem, who is reported to have shot the gallant Pitcairn as he 
 mounted the parapet." What Salem Poor did is not set forth, but the fol- 
 lowing is the wreath of praise that surrounds his name: 
 
 Jona. Brewer, Col. Eliphalet Bodwell, Sgt. 
 
 Thomas Nixon, Lt.-Col. Josiah Foster, Lieut. 
 
 Wra. Precott, Col. Ebenr. Varnum, 2d Lieut. 
 
 Ephm. Corey, Lieut. Wm. Hudson Ballard, Capt. 
 
 Joseph Baker, Lieut. William Smith, Capt. 
 
 Joshua Row, Lieut. John Morton, Sergt. (?) 
 
 Jonas Richardson, Capt. Richard Welsh, Lieut. 
 
AMERICAN NEGRO AND THE MILITARY SPIRIT 65 
 
 whose "former owners were trying to force to return to a state 
 of servitude, contrary to the principles of justice and their 
 solemn promise." The act provided that each and every slave 
 who had enlisted "by the appointment and direction of his 
 owner" and had "been received as a substitute for any free 
 person whose duty or lot it was to serve" and who had served 
 faithfully during the term of such enlistment, unless lawfully 
 discharged earlier, should be fully and completely emancipated 
 and should be held and deemed free in as full and ample man- 
 ner as if each and every one of them were specially named in 
 the act. The act, though apparently so fair on its face, and in- 
 xerlarded as it is with patriotic and moral phrases, is neverthe- 
 less very narrow and technical, liberating only those who en- 
 listed by the appointment and direction of their owners, and 
 who were accepted as substitutes, and who came out of the 
 ctrmy with good discharges. It is not hard to see that even 
 under this act many an ex-soldier might end his days in slav- 
 ery. The Negro had joined in the fight for freedom and when 
 victory is won finds himself a slave. He was both a slave and 
 a soldier, too often, during the war ; and now at its close may 
 be both a veteran and a slave. 
 
 The second war with Great Britain broke out with an inci- 
 dent in which the Negro in the navy was especially conspicuous. 
 The Chesapeake, an American war vessel was hailed, fired upon 
 and forced to strike her colors, by the British. She was then 
 boarded and searched and four persons taken from her decks, 
 claimed as deserters from the English navy. Three of these 
 were Negroes and one white. The Negroes were finally dis- 
 missed with a reprimand and the white man hanged. Five 
 years later hostilities began on land and no opposition was man- 
 ifested toward the employment of Negro soldiers. Laws were 
 passed, especially in New York, authorizing the formation of 
 
 5 
 
66 AMERICAN NEGRO AND THE MILITARY SPIRIT 
 
 regiments of blacks with white officers. It is remarkable that 
 although the successful insurrection of St. Domingo was so 
 recent, and many refugees from that country at that time were 
 in the United States, and our country had also but lately 
 come into possession of a large French element by the Louis- 
 iana purchase, there was no fear of a servile insurrection in 
 this country. The free colored men of New Orleans, under the 
 proclamation of the narrow-minded Jackson, rallied to the de- 
 fence of that city and bore themselves with commendable valor 
 in that useless battle. The war closed, however, and the glory 
 of the Negro soldier who fought in it soon expired in the dis- 
 mal gloom of a race-slavery becoming daily more wide-spread 
 and hopeless. 
 
 Tohn Brown's movement was military in character and con- 
 templated the creation of an army of liberated slaves; but its 
 early suppression prevented any display of Negro valor or gen- 
 ius. Its leader must ever receive the homage due those who 
 are so moved by the woes of others as to overlook all con- 
 siderations of policy and personal risk. As a plot for the 
 destruction of life it fell far short of the Nat Turner insurrec- 
 tion which swept off fifty-seven persons within a few hours. 
 In purpose the two episodes agree. They both aim at the lib- 
 eration of the slave ; both were led by fanatics, the reflex pro- 
 duction of the cruelty of slavery, and both ended in the melan- 
 choly death of their heroic leaders. Turner's was the insur- 
 rection of the slave and was not free from the mad violence of 
 revenge; Brown's was the insurrection of the friend of the 
 slave, and was governed by the high and noble purpose of free- 
 dom. The insurrections of Denmark Vesey in South Carolina, 
 in 1822, and of Nat Turner, in Virginia, in 1831, show con- 
 clusively that the Negro slave possessed the courage, the cun- 
 ning, the secretiveness and the intelligence to fight for his free- 
 
AMERICAN NEGRO AND THE MILITARY SPIRIT 67 
 
 dom. These two attempts were sufficiently broad and intelli- 
 gent, when taken into consideration with the enforced ignor- 
 ance of the slave, to prove the Negro even in his forlorn con- 
 dition capable of daring great things. Of the probable thous- 
 ands who were engaged in the Denmark Vesey insurrection, 
 only fifteen were convicted, and these died heroically without 
 revealing- anything- connected with the plot. Forty-three years 
 later I met the son of Denmark Vesey, who rejoiced in the 
 efforts of his noble father, and regarded his death on the gal- 
 lows as a holy sacrifice to the cause of freedom. Turner de- 
 scribes his fight as follows : ''The white men, eighteen in num- 
 ber, approached us to about one hundred yards, when one of 
 them fired, and I discovered about half of them retreating. I 
 then ordered my men to fire and rush on them. The few re- 
 maining stood their ground until we approached within fifty 
 yards, when they fired and retreated. We pursued and over- 
 took some of them whom we thought we left dead. After pur- 
 suing them about two hundred yards, and rising a little hill, 
 I discovered they were met by another party, and had halted 
 and were reloading their guns. Thinking that those who re- 
 treated first and the party who fired on us at fifty or sixty 
 yards distant had all only fallen back to meet others with am- 
 munition, as I saw them reloading their guns, and more com- 
 ing up than I saw at first, and several of my bravest men be- 
 ing wounded, the others became panic struck and scattered over 
 the field. The white men pursued and fired on us several 
 times. Hark had his horse shot under him, and I caught an- 
 other for him that was running by me ; five or six of my men 
 were wounded, but none left on the field. Finding myself de- 
 feated here, I instantly determined to go through a. private way 
 and cross the Nottoway River at Cypress Bridge, three miles 
 below Jerusalem, and attack that place in the rear, as I ex- 
 
68 AMERICAN NEGRO AND THE MILITARY SPIRIT 
 
 pected they would look for me on the other road, and I had a 
 great desire to get there to procure arms and ammunition. 
 After going a short distance in this private way, accompanied 
 by about twenty men, I overtook two or three who told me the 
 others were dispersed in every direction. After trying in vain 
 to collect a sufficient force to proceed to Jerusalem. I deter- 
 mined to return, as I was sure they would make back to their 
 old neighborhood, where they would rejoin me, make new re- 
 cruits, and come down again. On my way back I called on 
 Mrs. Thomas', Mrs. Spencer's and several other places. We 
 stopped at Major Ridley's quarters for the night, and being 
 ioined by four of his men, with the recruits made since my de- 
 feat, we mustered now about forty strong. 
 
 After placing out sentinels, I lay down to sleep, but was 
 quickly aroused by a great racket. Starting up I found some 
 mounted and others in great confusion, one of the sentinels 
 having given the alarm that we were about to be attacked. I 
 ordered some to ride around and reconnoitre, and on their re- 
 turn the others being more alarmed, not knowing who they 
 were, fled in different ways, so that I was reduced to about 
 twenty again. With this f determined to attempt to recruit,, 
 and proceed on to rally in the neighborhood I had left."* 
 
 No one can read this account, which is thoroughly supported 
 by contemporary testimony, without seeing in this poor mis- 
 guided slave the elements of a vigorous captain. Failing in 
 his efforts he made his escape and remained for two months in 
 hiding in the vicinity of his pursuers. One concerned in Iu> 
 prosecution says: *'lt has been said that he was ignorant and 
 cowardly and that his object was to murder and rob for the 
 purpose of obtaining money to make his escape. It is notor- 
 
 *Confession of Nat Turner, Anglo-African Magazine. Vol. I, p. 338, 
 J 859. 
 
AMERICAN NEGRO AND THE MILITARY SPIRIT 69 
 
 ious that he was never known to have a dollar in his life, to 
 swear an oath, or drink a drop of spirit?. As to his ignorance, 
 he certainly never had the advantages of education, but he 
 can read and write (it was taught him by his parents) and for 
 natural intelligence and quickness of apprehension, is surpassed 
 by few men I have ever seen. As to his being a coward, his 
 reason as given for not resisting Mr. Phipps shows the decision 
 of his character." * 
 
 The War of the Rebellion, now called the Civil War, effected 
 the last and tremendous step in the transition of the American 
 Negro from the position of a slave under the Republic to that 
 of a soldier in its armies. Both under officers of his own race 
 at Port Hudson and under white officers on a hundred battle- 
 fields, the Negro in arms proved himself a worthy foeman 
 against the bravest and sternest enemies that ever assailed our 
 nation's flag, and a worthy comrade of the Union's best de- 
 fenders. Thirty-six thousand eight hundred and forty-seven 
 of them gave their lives in that awful conflict. The entire 
 race on this continent and those of allied blood throughout the 
 world are indebted to the soldier-historian, Honorable George 
 W. Williams, for the eloquent story of their service in the 
 Union Army, and for the presentation of the high testimonials 
 to the valor and worthiness of the colored soldier as given by 
 the highest military authority of the century. From Chapter 
 XVI of his book, "Negro Troops in the Rebellion," the para- 
 graphs appended at the close of this chapter are quoted. 
 
 tlbid. 
 
?G THE BLACK ST. DOMINGO LEGION 
 
 A. 
 
 HOW THE BLACK ST. DOMINGO LEGION SAVED 
 
 THE PATRIOT ARMY IN THE SIEGE OF 
 
 SAVANNAH, 1779. 
 
 The siege and attempted reduction of Savannah by the com- 
 bined French and American forces is one of the events of our 
 revolutionary war, upon which our historians care little to 
 dwell. Because it reflects but little glory upon the American 
 arms, and resulted so disastrously to the American cause, its 
 important historic character and connections have been al- 
 lowed to fade from general sight ; and it stands in the ordin- 
 ary school text-books, much as an affair of shame. The fol- 
 lowing, quoted from Barnes' History, is a fair sample of the 
 way in which it is treated : 
 
 "French-American Attack on Savannah. — In September, 
 D'Estaing joined Lincoln in besieging that city. Afcer a se- 
 vere bombardment, an unsuccessful assault was made, in 
 which a thousand lives were lost. Count Pulaski was mortally 
 wounded. The simple-hearted Sergeant Jasper died grasp- 
 ing the banner presented to his regiment at Fort Moultrie. 
 D'Estaing refused to give further aid ; thus again deserting 
 the Americans when help was most needed." 
 
 From this brief sketch the reader is at liberty to infer that 
 the attack was unwise if not fool-hardy; that the battle was 
 unimportant ; and that the conduct of Count D'Estaing im- 
 mediately after the battle was unkind, if not unjust, to the 
 Americans. While the paragraph does not pretend to tell the 
 whole truth, what it does tell ought to be the truth; and this 
 ought to be told in such a way as to give correct impressions. 
 The attack upon Savannah was well-planned and thoroughly 
 well considered ; and it failed only because the works were so 
 ably defended, chiefly by British regulars, under brave and 
 skillful officers. In a remote way. which it is the purpose of 
 this paper to trace, that sanguinary struggle had a wider bear- 
 ing upon the progress of liberty in the Western World than 
 any other one battle fought during the Revolution. 
 
 But first let us listen to the story of the battle itself. Colonel 
 Campbell with a force of three thousand men, captured Sa- 
 vannah in December, 1778; and in the January following, Gen- 
 eral Prevost arrived, and by March had established a sort of 
 civil government in Georgia, Savannah being the capital. In 
 
THE BLACK ST. DOMINGO LEGION 7 ? 
 
 April, the American general, Lincoln, feeble in more senses 
 than one, perhaps, began a movement against Savannah by 
 way of Augusta; but Prevost, aware of his purpose, crossed 
 into South Carolina and attempted an attack upon Charleston. 
 Finding the city too well defended, he contented himself with 
 ravaging the plantations over a wide extent of adjacent coun- 
 try, and returned to Savannah laden with rich spoils, among 
 which were included three thousand slaves, of whose labor he 
 made good use later. 
 
 The patriots of the South now awaited in hope the com- 
 ing of the French fleet; and on the first of September, Count 
 D'Estaing appeared suddenly on the coast of Georgia with 
 thirty-three sail, surprised and captured four British war- 
 ships, and announced t > the government of South Carolina 
 his readiness to assist in the recapture of Savannah. He urged 
 as a condition, however, that his ships should not be detained 
 long off so dangerous a coast, as is was now the hurricane 
 season, and there was neither harbor, road, nor offing for their 
 protection. 
 
 By means of small vessels sent from Charleston he effected 
 a landing in ten days, and four days thereafter, on the 16th, 
 he summoned the garrison to surrender to the arms of France. 
 Although this demand was made in the name of France for the 
 plain reason that the American army was not yet upon the 
 spot, the loyalists did not fail to make it a pretext for the 
 accusation that the French were desirous of making conquests 
 in the war on their own account. In the meantime Lincoln 
 with the regular troops, was hurrying toward Savannah, and 
 had issued orders for the militia to rendezvous at the same 
 place ; and the militia full of hope of a speedy, if not of a blood- 
 less conquest, were entering upon this campaign with more 
 than ordinary enthusiasm. 
 
 During the time that the rleet had been off the coast, and 
 especially since the landing, the British had been very busy 
 in putting the city in a high state of defence, and in making 
 efforts to strengthen the garrison. Lieutenant-colonel Cruger, 
 who had a small force at Sunbury, the last place in Georgia 
 that had been captured by the British, and Lieutenant-coloneJ 
 Maitland who was commanding a considerable force at Beau- 
 fort, were ordered to report in haste with their commands at 
 Savannah. On the 16th, when the summons to surrender was- 
 
72 THE RLACK ST. DOMINGO LEGION 
 
 received by Prevost, Maitland had not arrived, but was hourly 
 expected. Prevost asked for a delay of twenty-four hours to 
 consider the proposal, which delay was granted ; and on that 
 very evening, Maitland with his force arrived at Dawfuskie. 
 Finding the river in the possession of the French, his course 
 for a time seemed effectually cut off. By the merest chance 
 he. fell in with some Negro fishermen who informed him of a 
 passage known as Wall's cut, through Scull's creek, navigable 
 for small boats. A favoring tide and a dense fog enabled him 
 to conduct his command unperceived by the French, through 
 this route, and thus arrive in Savannah on the afternoon of the 
 17th, before the expiration of the twenty-four hours. General 
 Prevost had gained his point ; and now believing himself able 
 to resist an assault, declined the summons to surrender. Two 
 armed ships and four transports were sunk in the channel of 
 the river below the city, and a boom in the same place laid 
 entirely across the river; while several small boats were sunk 
 above the town, thus rendering it impossible for the city to be 
 approached by water. 
 
 On the day of the summons to surrender, although the 
 works were otherwise well advanced, there were not ten can- 
 non mounted in the lines of Savannah ; but from that time 
 until the day of assault, the men of the garrison, with the 
 slaves they had captured, worked day and night to get the de- 
 fences of the city in the highest state of excellence. Major 
 Moncrief, chief of the engineers, is credited with placing in 
 position more than eighty cannons in a short time after the 
 call to surrender had been received. 
 
 The city itself at this time was but a mere village of frame 
 buildings and unpaved streets. Viewed as facing its assail- 
 ants, it was protected in its rear, or upon its north side, by 
 the Savannah river ; and on its west side by a thick swamp or 
 morass, which communicated with the river above the city. 
 The exposed sides were those of the east and south. These 
 faced an open country which for several miles was entirely 
 clear of woods. This exposed portion of the city was well pro- 
 tected by an unbroken line of defences extending from the 
 river back to the swamp, the right and left extremes of the 
 line consisting of strong redoubts, while the centre was made 
 up of seamen's batteries in front, with impalements and tra- 
 verses thrown up to protect the troops from the fire of the 
 
Savannah River. 
 
THE BLACK ST. DOMINGO LEGION 73 
 
 besiegers. The whole extent of the works was faced with an 
 ample abattis. 
 
 To be still more particular: there were three redoubts on 
 the right of the line, and on the right of them quite near 
 the swamp, was a sailor's battery of nine pounders, covered 
 by a company of the British legion. The left redoubt of these 
 three, was known as the Springhill redoubt ; and proved to be 
 the objective of the final assault. Between it and the centre, 
 was another sailor's battery behind which were posted the 
 grenadiers of the 6oth regiment, with the marines which had 
 been landed from the warships. On the left of the line near 
 the river were two redoubts, strongly constructed, with a 
 massy frame of green spongy wood, filled in with sand, and 
 mounted with heavy cannon. The centre, or space between 
 these groups of redoubts, was composed, as has been said, of 
 lighter but nevertheless very effective works, and was strongly 
 garrisoned. 
 
 Having thus scanned the works, let us now take a glance 
 at the men who are to defend them. As all of the assaulting 
 forces are not made up of Americans, so all of the defenders 
 are not foreigners. The centre redoubt of the triplet on the 
 right, was garrisoned by two companies of militia, with the 
 North Carolina regiment to support them ; Captains Roworth 
 and Wylie, with the provincial corps of King s Rangers, were 
 posted in the redoubt on the right; and Captain Tawse with 
 his corps of provincial dragons, dismounted, in the left or 
 Springhill redoubt, supported by the South Caroline regiment. 
 The whole of this force on the right of the line, was under 
 the command of the gallant Lieutenant-colonel Maitland , and 
 it was this force that made the charge that barely failed of 
 annihilating the American army. On the left of the line, the 
 Georgia loyalists garrisoned one of those massy wooden sand- 
 filled redoubts; while in the centre, cheek by jowl so to speak, 
 with two battalions of the seventy-first regiment, and two 
 regiments of Hessians, stood the New York Volunteers. All 
 of these corps were ready to act as circumstances should re- 
 quire and to support any part of the line that might be at- 
 tacked. The Negroes who worked on these defences were un- 
 der the direction of Major Moncrief. 
 
 The French troops had landed below the city and were 
 formed facing the British lines, with the river on their right. 
 
74 THE BLACK ST. DOMINGO LEGION 
 
 On their left, later, assembled the American troops. The 
 final dispositions were concluded by September 22nd, and 
 were as follows : The American troops under Lincoln formed 
 the left of the line, their left resting - upon the swamp and the 
 entire division facing the Springhill redoubt and her two sis- 
 ter defences; then came the division of M. de Noailles, com- 
 posed of nine hundred men. D'Estaing's division of one thou- 
 sand men beside the artillery, came next, and formed the cen- 
 tre of the French army. On D'Estaing's right was Count 
 Dillon's division of nine hundred men ; on the right of Dillon 
 were the powder magazine, cattle depot, and a small field hos- 
 pital ; on the right of the depot and a little in advance, were 
 Dejean's dragoons, numbering fifty men ; upon the same align- 
 ment and to the right of the dragoons were Rouvrais' Volun- 
 teer Chasseurs, numbering seven hundred and fift)' men ; still 
 further on to the right and two hundred yards in advance of 
 Rouvrais, was Framais, comanding the Grenadier Volunteers, 
 and two hundred men besides, his right resting upon the 
 swampy wood that bordered the river, thus completely clos- 
 ing in the city on the land side. The frigate, La Truite, and 
 two galleys, lay within cannon shot of the town, and with the 
 aid of the armed store ship, La Bricole, and the frigate, La 
 Chimere, effectually cut off all communication by water. 
 
 On the 23rd, both the French and the Americans opened 
 their trenches; and on the 24th, a small detachment of the be- 
 sieged made a sortie against the French. The attack was 
 easily repulsed, but the French pursuing, approached so near 
 the entrenchments of the enemy that they were fired upon 
 and several were killed. On the night of the 27th another 
 sortie was made which threw the besiegers into some confu- 
 sion and caused the French and Americans to fire upon each 
 other. Cannonading continued with but little result until 
 October 8th. 
 
 The engineers were now of the opinion that a speedy re- 
 duction of the city could not be accomplished by regular ap- 
 proaches ; and the naval officers were very anxious about the 
 fleet, both because of the dangers to which it was exposed 
 from the sea, and also because with so many men ashore it 
 was in especial danger of being attacked and captured by Brit- 
 ish men-of-war. These representations agreeing altogether 
 with D'Estaing's previously expressed wishes to leave the 
 
THE BLACK ST. DOMINGO LEGION 75 
 
 coast as soon as possible, induced that officer and General 
 Lincoln to decide upon an attempt to storm the British works 
 at once. It is quite probable that this had been the purpose 
 as a last resort from the first. The preservation of the fleet 
 was, however, the powerful factor in determining the time and 
 character of the assault upon Savannah. 
 
 On the night of the eighth, Major L' Enfant, with a detach- 
 ment attempted to set fire to the abattis in order to clear the 
 way for the assault, but failed to through the dampness of 
 the wood. The plan of the assault may be quite accurately ob- 
 tained from the orders given to the American troops on the 
 evening of the 8th by General Lincoln and from the inferences 
 to be drawn from the events of the morning of the 9th as they 
 are recorded in history. At least two of the historians who 
 have left us accounts of the seige, Ramsey and McCall, were 
 present at the time, and their accounts may be regarded as 
 original authority. General Lincoln's orders were as fol- 
 lows : 
 
 "Evening Orders. By General Lincoln. 
 Watchword — Lewis. 
 
 "The soldiers will be immediately supplied with 40 rounds 
 of cartridges, a spare flint, and have their arms in good order. 
 The infantry destined for the attack of Savannah will be di- 
 vided into two bodies ; first composed of the light troops under 
 the command of Colonel Laurens ; the second, of the conti- 
 nental battalions and the first battalion of the Charleston 
 militia, except the grenadiers, who are to join the light troops. 
 The whole will parade at 1 o'clock, near the left of the iine, 
 and march by platoons. The guards of the camp will be 
 formed of the invalids, and be charged to keep the fires as 
 usual in camp. 
 
 "The cavalry under the command of Count Pulaski, will 
 parade at the same time with the infantry and follow the left 
 column of the French troops, precede the column of the Amer- 
 ican light troops ; they will endeavor to penetrate the enemy's 
 lines between the battery on the left of Springhill redoubt, and 
 the next towards the river ; having effected this, will pass to 
 the left towards Yamacraw and secure such parties of the 
 enemy as may be lodged in that quarter. 
 
 "The artillery will parade at the same time, follow the 
 
j6 THE BLACK ST. DOMINGO LEGION 
 
 French artillery, and remain with the corps de reserve until 
 they receive further orders. 
 
 "The whole will be ready by the time appointed, with the 
 utmost silence and punctuality; and be ready to march the 
 instant Count Dillon and General Lincoln shall order. 
 
 "The light troops who are to follow the cavalry, will attempt 
 to enter the redoubt on the left of the Springhill, by escalade 
 if possible ; if not by entrance into it. they are to be supported 
 if necessary by the first South Carolina regiment; in the mean- 
 time the column will proceed with the lines to the left of the 
 Springhill battery. 
 
 "The light troops having succeeded against the redoubt will 
 proceed to the left and attempt the several works between that 
 and the river. 
 
 "The column will move to the left of the French troops, 
 taking care not to interfere with them. 
 
 "The light troops having carried the work towards the river 
 will form on the left of the column. 
 
 "It is especially forbidden to fire a single gun before the 
 redoubts are carried ; or for any soldier to quit his rank to 
 plunder without an order for that purpose; any who shall 
 presume to transgress in either of these respects shall be re- 
 puted a disobeyer of military orders which is punishable with 
 death. 
 
 "The militia of the first and second brigades, General Wil- 
 liamson's and the second battalion of the Charleston militia 
 will parade immediately under the command of General 
 Huger; after draughting five hundred of them the remander 
 of them will go into the trenches and put themselves under 
 the commanding officer there ; with the 500 he will march 
 to the left of the enemy's line, remain as near them as he pos- 
 sibly can without being seen, until four o'clock in the morn- 
 ing, at which time the troops in the trenches will begin an 
 attack upon the enemy; he will then advance and make his 
 attack as near the river as possible ; though this is only meant 
 as a feint, yet should a favorable opportunity offer, he will 
 improve it and push into the town. 
 
 "In case of a repulse after taking Springhill redoubt, the 
 troops will retreat and rally in the rear of redoubt; if it can- 
 not be effected that way, it must be attempted by the same 
 route at which they entered. 
 
THE BLACK ST. DOMINGO LEGION 77 
 
 "The second place of rallying (or the first if the redoubt 
 should not be carried) will be at the Jews' burying-ground, 
 where the reserve will be placed; if these two halls should 
 not be effected, they will retire towards camp. 
 
 "The troops will carry in their hats a piece of white paper 
 by which they will be distinguished." 
 
 General Huger with his five hundred militia, covered by the 
 river swamp, crept quite close to the enemy's lines and deliver- 
 ed his attack as directed. Its purpose was to draw attention to 
 that quarter and if possible cause a weakening of the strength 
 in the left centre of the line. What its real effect was. there 
 is now no means of knowing. 
 
 Count Dillon, who during the siege had been on D*Estaing"s 
 right, and who appears to have been second in command in 
 the French army, in this assault was placed in command of a 
 second attacking column. His purpose was to move to the 
 right of General Huger, and keeping in the edge of the swamps 
 along the river, steal past the enemy's batteries on the left, 
 and attack him in the rear. Bancroft describes the results of 
 his efforts as follows: "The column under Count Dillon, which 
 was to have attacked the rear of the British lines, became en- 
 tangled in a swamp of which it should only have skirted the 
 edge was helplessly exposed to the British batteries and could 
 not even be formed." Here were the two strong sand-filled 
 redoubts, mounted with heavy cannon, and these may have 
 been the batteries that stoppeo Dillon's column. 
 
 Count Pulaski with his two hundred brave cavalrymen, 
 undertook his part in the deadly drama with ardor, and be- 
 gan that perilous ride which had for its object: "to penetrate 
 the enemy's lines, between the battery on the left of the 
 Springhill redoubt, and the next towards the river." Balch 
 describes it as an attempt to "penetrate into the city by gal- 
 loping between the redoubts." It was the anticipation of the 
 Crimean "Charge of the Light Brigade :" only in this case, 
 no one blundered ; it was simply a desperate chance. Cannon 
 were to the right, left, and front, and the heroic charge proved 
 in vain; the noble Pole fell, banner 1 " in hand, pierced with a 
 j 
 
 *The presentation <>i this banner by the Moravian Nuns of Bethlehem 
 forms the text of the poem by Longfellow beginning — 
 When the dying flame of day 
 Through the chancel shot its ray. 
 
?8 THE BLACK ST. DOMINGO LEGION 
 
 mortal wound — another foreign martyr to our dearly bought 
 freedom. 
 
 The cavalry dash having failed, that much of the general 
 plan was blotted out. The feints may have been understood ; 
 it is said a sergeant of the Charleston Grenadiers deserted 
 during the night of the 8th and gave the whole plan of the 
 attack to General Prevost, so that he knew just where to 
 strengthen his lines. The feints were effectually checked 
 by the garrison on the left, twenty-eight of the Americans 
 being killed : while Dillon's column was stopped by the bat- 
 teries near the river. This state of affahs allowed the whole 
 of Maitland's torce to protect the Springhill redoubt and that 
 part of the line which was most threatened. The Springhill 
 redoubt, as has been stated, was occupied by the South Caro- 
 lina regiment and a corps of dragoons. This circumstance 
 may account for the fact, that while the three hundred and 
 fifty Charleston militia occupied a most exposed position in 
 the attacking column, only one man among them was killed 
 and but six wounded. The battery on the left of this redoubt 
 was garrisoned by grenadiers and marines. 
 
 The attacking column now advanced boldly, under the corn- 
 Far the glimmering tapers shed 
 Faint light on the cowled head; 
 And the censer burning swung. 
 Where, before the altar, hung 
 The crimson banner, that with prayer 
 Had been consecrated there. 
 And the nuns' sweet hymn was heard the while. 
 Sung low in the dim. mysterious ai^!e.. 
 "Take thy banner! may it wave 
 Proudly o'er the good and brave; 
 When the battle's distant wail 
 Breaks the Sabbath of our vale, 
 When the cannon's music thrills 
 To the hearts of those lone hills, 
 When the spear in conflict shakes, 
 And the strong lance shivering breaks. 
 ***** 
 
 '"Take thy banner! and if e'er 
 Thou should'st press the soldier's bier 
 And the muffled drum shall beat 
 To the tread of mournful feet, 
 Then the crimson flag shall be 
 Martial cloak and shroud for thee." 
 The warrior took that banner proud, 
 And it was his martial cloak and shroud. 
 
THE BLACK ST. DOMINGO LEGION 79 
 
 mand of D'Estaing and Lincoln, the Americans consisting of 
 six hundred continental troops and three hundred and fifty 
 Charleston militia, being on the left, while the centre and 
 right were made up of the French forces. They were met 
 with so severe and steady a lire that the head of the column 
 was soon thrown into confusion. They endured this fire for 
 fifty-five minutes, returning it as best they could, although 
 many of the men had no opportunity to fire at all. Two 
 American standards and one French standard, were placed 
 on the British works, but their bearers were instantly killed, 
 it being found impossible to carry any part of the works, 
 a general retreat was ordered. Of the six hundred conti- 
 nental troops, more than one-third had fallen, and about one- 
 fifth of the French. The Charleston militia had not suffered, 
 although they had bravely borne their part in the assault, 
 and it had certainly been no fault of theirs if their brethren 
 behind the embankments had not fired upon them. Count 
 D'Estaing had received two wounds, one in the thigh, and be- 
 ing unable to move, was saved by the young naval lieutenant 
 Truguet. Ramsey gives the losses of the battle as follows : 
 {•Tench soldiers 760; officers 61; Americans 312; total 1133. 
 
 As the army began its retreat. Lieutenant-colonel Maitland 
 with the grenadiers and marines, who were incorporated with 
 the grenadiers, charged its rear with the purpose of accom- 
 plishing its annihilation. It was then that there occurred the 
 most brilliant feat of the day, and one of the bravest ever 
 performed by foreign troops in the American cause. In the 
 army of D'Estaing was a legion of black and mulatto freed- 
 men, known as Fontages Legion, commanded by Vicount de 
 r'ontages, a brave and experienced officer. The strength ofc 
 this legion is given variously from six hundred to over eight 
 hundred men. This legion met the fierce charge of Mait- 
 land and saved the retreating army. 
 
 In an official record prepared in Paris, now before me, arc 
 these words : "This legion saved the army at Savannah by 
 bravely covering its retreat. Among the blacks who rendered 
 signal services at that time were: Andre, Beauvais, Rigaud. 
 Villatte, Beauregard, Lambert, who latterly became generals 
 under the convention, including Henri Christophe, the fu- 
 ture king of Haiti." This quotation is taken from a paper 
 secured bv the Honorable Richard Rush, our minister to 
 
8o THE BLACK ST. DOMINGO LEGION 
 
 Paris in 1849, anc * is preserved in the Pennsylvania Historical 
 Society. Henri Christophe received a dangerous gunshot 
 wound in Savannah. Balch says in speaking of Fontages at 
 Savannah: "He commanded there a legion of mulattoes, ac 
 cording to my manuscript, of more than eight hundred men, 
 and saved the army after the useless assault on the fortifica- 
 tions, by bravely covering the retreat." 
 
 It was this legion that formed the connecting link between 
 the siege of Savannah and the wide development of republi- 
 can liberty on the Western continent, which followed early 
 in the present century. In order to show this connection and 
 the sequences, it will be necessary to sketch in brief the his- 
 tor of this remarkable body of men, especially that of the 
 prominent individuals who distinguished themselves at Sa- 
 vannah. 
 
 In 1779 the French colony of Saint Domingo was in a state 
 of peace, the population then consisting of white slavehold- 
 ers, mulatto and black freedmen (affranchis), and slaves. 
 Count D'Estaing received orders to recruit men from Saint 
 Domingo for the auxiliary army ; and there being no question 
 of color raised, received into the service a legion of colored 
 freedmen. There had been for years a colored militia in Sainr 
 Domingo, and as early as 1716, the Marquis de Chateau Mor- 
 ant, then governor of the colony, made one Vincent the Cap- 
 tain-general of all the colored militia in the vicinity of the 
 Cape. This Captain Vincent died in 1780 at the reputed age 
 of 120 years. He was certainly of great age, for he had been 
 in the siege of Carthegenia in 1697, was taken prisoner, af- 
 terwards liberated by exchange and presented to Louis XIV, 
 and fought in the German war under Villars. Moreau :le 
 St. Mery, in his description of Vincent, incidentally mentions 
 the Savannah expedition. He says: "I saw him (Vincent > 
 the year preceding his death, recalling his ancient prowess 
 to the men of color who were enrolling themselves for the 
 expedition to Savannah ; and showing in his descendants who 
 were among the first to offer themselves, that he had trans- 
 mitted his valor. Vincent, the good Captain Vincent, had a 
 most pleasing countenance ; and the contrast of his blacl: 
 skin with his white hair produced an effect that always com- 
 manded respect." 
 
 The Havtian historian, Enclus Robin, says when the call 
 
Hutchinson Island, 
 
THE BLACK. ST. DOMINGO LEGION $1 
 
 for volunteers reached Saint Domingo : "eight hundred young 
 freedmen, blacks and mulattoes, offered themselves to take 
 part in the expedition ;" that they went and "fought valiantly : 
 and returned to Saint Domingo covered with glory." Madiou, 
 another Haytian historian of the highest respectability says : 
 "A crowd of young men, black and colored, enlisted with the 
 French troops and left for the continent They covered them- 
 selves with glory in the siege of Savannah, under the orders 
 of Count D'Estaing." 
 
 What effect this experience had upon these volunteers may 
 be inferred from their subsequent history. Robin says: 
 "These men who contributed their mite toward American in- 
 dependence, had still their mothers and sisters in slavery; 
 and they themselves were subject to humiliating discrimina- 
 tions. Should not France have expected from that very mo- 
 ment, that they would soon use in their own cause, those very 
 arms which they had learned so well to use in the interests of 
 others?" Madiou says: "On their return to Saint Domingo 
 they demanded for their brothers the enjoyment of political 
 rights." Beauvais went to Europe and served in the army 
 of France ; but returned to fight for liberty in Hayti, and was 
 Captain-general in 1791 ; Rigaud, Lambert and Christophc 
 wrote their names — not in the sand. These are the men who 
 dared to stir Saint Domingo, under whose infleunce Hayti 
 became the first country of the New World, after the United 
 States, to throw off European rule. The connection between 
 the siege of Savannah and the independence of Hayti is traced, 
 both as to its spirit, and physically, through the black legion 
 that on that occasion saved the American army. How this 
 connection is traced to the republics of South America, I will 
 allow a Haytian statesman and man of letters, honored both 
 at home and abroad, to relate. I translate from a work pub- 
 lished in Paris in 1885 : 
 
 "The illustrious Bolivar, liberator and founder of five re- 
 publics in South America, undertook in 181 1 his great work of 
 shaking off the yoke of Spain, and of securing the independ- 
 ence of those immense countries which swelled the pride of 
 the catholic crown — but failed. Stripped of all resources he 
 took flight and repaired to Jamaica, where he implored in vain 
 of the governor of that island, the help of England. Almost 
 in despair, and without means, he resolved to visit Hayti, and 
 
S 2 THE BLACK ST. DOMINGO LEGION 
 
 appeal to the generosity of the black Republic for the help 
 necessary to again undertake that work of liberation which 
 had gone to pieces in his hands. Never was there a more 
 solemn hour for anv man — and that man the representative 
 of the destiny of South America! Could he hope for success? 
 After the English, who had every interest in the destruction 
 of Spanish colonial power, had treated him with so much in- 
 difference, could he hope that a new-born nation, weak, with 
 microscopic territory, and still guarding anxiously its own 
 ill-recognized independence, would risk itself in an enterprise 
 hazardous as the one he represented? Full of doubt he came; 
 but Petion gave him a most cordial welcome. 
 
 "Taking the precautions that a legitimate sentiment of pru- 
 dence dictated at that delicate moment of our national exist- 
 ence, the government of Port-au-Prince put to the disposition 
 of the hero of Boyaca and Carabobo, all the elements of \.hich 
 he had need — and Bolivar needed everything. Men, arms and 
 money were generously given him. Petion did not wish to 
 act openly for fear of compromising himself with the Spanish 
 government; it was arranged that the men should embark se- 
 cretly as volunteers; and that no mention of Hayti should 
 ever be made in any official act of Venezuela." 
 
 Bolivar's first expedition with his Haytian volunteers was 
 a failure; returning to the island he procured reinforcements 
 and made a second descent which was brilliantly successful. 
 Haytian arms, money and men turned Bolivar's disasters to 
 victory ; and the spirit of Western liberty marched on to the 
 redemption of South America. The liberation of Mexico and 
 all Central America, followed as a matter of course; and the 
 ground was thus cleared for the practical application of that 
 Continentalism enunciated in the Monroe doctrine. 
 
 The black men of the Antilles who fought in the siege of 
 Savannah, enjoy unquestionably the proud historical distinc- 
 tion of being the physical conductors that bore away from 
 our altars the sacred fire of liberty to rekindle it in their own 
 land; and also of becoming the humble but important link 
 that served to unite the Two Americas in the bond of enlight- 
 ened independence. 
 
 T. G. STEWARD, U. S. A. 
 Note: — In the preparation of the above paper I have been 
 greatly assisted by the Honorable L. J. Janvier, Charge d' 
 
THE BLACK ST. DOMINGO LEGION 83 
 
 affairs d' Haiti, in London ; by Right Reverend James Theo- 
 dore Holly, bishop of Hayti, and by Messrs. Charles and 
 Frank Rudolph Steward of Harvard University. To all of 
 these gentlemen my thanks are here expressed. T. G. S. 
 
 Paper read at the session of the Negro Academv, Washing- 
 ton, D. C, 1898. 
 
 B. 
 
 EXTRACTS FROM CHAPTER XVI "NEGRO TROOPS 
 IN THE REBELLION"— WILLIAMS. 
 
 Adjutant-General Thomas in a letter to Senator Wilson, 
 May 30, 1864, says: "Experience proves that they manage 
 heavy guns very well. Their righting qualities have also 
 been fully tested a number of times, and I am yet to hear of 
 the first case where they did not fully stand up to their work." 
 
 Major-General James G. Blunt writing of the battle of 
 Honey Springs, Arkansas, said of Negro troops : "The Ne- 
 groes (First Colored Regiment) were too much for the enemy, 
 and let me here say that I never saw such fighting as was done 
 by that Negro regiment. They fought like veterans, with a 
 coolness and valor that is unsurpassed. They preserved their 
 line perfect throughout the whole engagement, and although 
 in the hottest of the fight, they never once faltered. Too much 
 praise cannot be awarded them for their gallantry. The ques- 
 tion that Negroes will fight is settled ; besides, they make bet- 
 ter soldiers in every respect than any troops I have ever had 
 under my command." 
 
 General Thomas J. Morgan, speaking of the courage of 
 Negro troops in the battle of Nashville, and its effect upon 
 Major-General George H. Thomas, says : ''Those who fell 
 nearest the enemy's works weie colored. General Thomas 
 spoke very feelingly of the sight which met his eye as he 
 rode over the field, and he confessed that the Negro had fully 
 vindicated his bravery, and wiped from his mind the last ves- 
 tige of prejudice and doubt." 
 
84 THE BLACK REGULARS IN THE SPANISH -AMERICAN WAR 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 THE BLACK REGULARS OF THE ARMY OF INVASION IN 
 THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR. 
 
 Organization of Negro Regiments, in the Regular Army— First Move in 
 the War — Chickamauga and Tampa — Note. 
 
 Altogether the colored soldiers in the Civil War took part 
 and sustained casualties in two hundred and fifty-one different 
 engagements and came out of the prolonged conflict with their 
 character so well established that up to the present hour they 
 have been able to hold an important place in the Regular Army 
 of the United States. No regiment of colored troops in the ser- 
 vice was more renowned at the close of the war or has secured 
 a more advantageous position in the history of that period than 
 the Fifty- fourth Massachusetts Regiment of Infantry. Re- 
 cruited among the free colored people of the North, many of 
 them coming from Ohio, it was remarkable for the intelligence 
 and character of its men, and for the high purpose and noble 
 bearing of its officers. Being granted but half the pay per 
 month given to white soldiers, the regiment to a man, for eigh- 
 teen months refused to receive one cent from the Government. 
 This was a spectacle that the country could not longer stand. 
 One thousand volunteers fighting the country's battles without 
 any compensation rather than submit to a discrimination fatal 
 to their manhood, aroused such a sentiment that Congress was 
 compelled to put them on the pay-roll on equal footing with 
 all other soldiers. By them the question of the black soldier's 
 pay and rations was settled in the Army of the United States 
 
THE BLACK REGULARS EN THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR 85 
 
 for all time. Every soldier, indeed every man in the army, ex- 
 cept the chaplain, now draws the pay of his grade without re- 
 g*ard to color, hair or race. By the time these lines reach the 
 public eye it is to be hoped that even the chaplain will be lifted 
 from his exceptional position and given the pay belonging - to 
 his rank as captain. 
 
 (February 2, 1901, the bill became a law giving chaplains 
 the full pay of their grade.) 
 
 More than 185,000 blacks, all told, served in the army of the 
 Union during the War of the Rebellion, and the losses from 
 their ranks of men killed in battle were as heavy as from the 
 white troops. Their bravery was everywhere recognized, and 
 in the short time in which they were employed, several rose to 
 commissions. 
 
 Perhaps the most notable act performed by a colored Amer- 
 ican during the war was the capture and delivery to the United 
 States forces of the rebel steamer Planter, by Robert Smalls, of 
 Charleston. Smalls was employed as pilot on the Planter, a 
 rebel transport, and was entirely familiar with the harbors and 
 inlets, of which there are many, on the South Atlantic coast. 
 On May 13, 1862, the Planter came to her wharf in Charleston, 
 and at night all the white officers went ashore, leaving a col- 
 ored crew of eight men on board in charge of Smalls. Smalls 
 hastily got his wife and three children on board, and at 2 
 o'clock on the morning of the 14th steamed out into the harbor, 
 passing the Confederate forts by giving the proper signals, and 
 when fairly out of reach, as daylight came, he ran up the Stars 
 and Stripes and headed his course directly toward the Union 
 fleet, into whose hands he soon surrendered himself and his 
 ship. The act caused much favorable comment and Robert 
 Smalls became quite a hero. His subsequent career has been in 
 keeping with the high promise indicated by this bold dash for 
 
86 THE BLACK REGULARS IN THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR 
 
 liberty, and his name has received additional lustre from gal- 
 lant services performed in the war after, and in positions of 
 distinguished honor and responsibility in civil life. The Plan- 
 ter, after being- accepted by the United States, became a des- 
 patch boat, and Smalls demonstrating by skill and bravery his 
 fitness for the position, was finally, as an act of imperative jus- 
 tice, made her commander. 
 
 With the close of the Revolutionary War the prejudice 
 against a standing army was so great that the army was re- 
 duced to scarce six hundred men, and the Negro as a soldier 
 dropped out of existence. When the War of 1812 closed sen- 
 timent with regard to the army had made but little ad- 
 vancement, and consequently no place in the service was left 
 for Negro soldiers. In the navy the Negro still lingered, do- 
 ing service in the lower grades, and keeping up the succession 
 from the black heroes of '76 and 18 12. When the War of the 
 Rebellion closed the country had advanced so far as to see both 
 the necessity of a standing- army, and the fitness of the Negro 
 to form a part of the army; and from this position it has never 
 receded, and if the lessons of the Cuban campaign are rightly 
 heeded, it is not likely to recede therefrom. The value of the 
 Regular Army and of the Black Regular were both proven to 
 an absolute demonstration in that thin line of blue that com- 
 pelled the surrender of Santiago. 
 
 In July, 1866, Congress passed an act adding eight new regi- 
 ments of infantry and four of calvary to the nineteen regiments 
 of infantry and six of calvary of which those arms of the Regu- 
 lar Army were at that time composed, thus making the per- 
 manent establishment to consist of five regiments of artillery, 
 twenty-seven of infantry, and ten of cavalry. Of the eight 
 new infantry regiments to be formed, four were to be composed 
 of colored men ; and of the four proposed for the calvary arm, 
 
THE BLACK REGULARS IN THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR 87 
 
 two were to be of colored men. The President was empowered 
 by the act also to appoint a chaplain for each of the six regi- 
 ments of colored troops. Under this law the Ninth and Tenth 
 Cavalry Regiments were organized. 
 
 In 1869 the infantry suffered further reduction, and the four 
 colored regiments organized under the law of 1866, numbered 
 respectively the 38th, 39th, 40th and 41st, were consolidated 
 into two regiments, and numbered the 24th and 25th — the 
 38th and 41st becoming the former, and the 39th and 40th the 
 latter. Previous to this consolidation the numbers between 
 the old 19th and the 38th, which was the lowest number borne 
 by the new colored regiments, were filled in by dividing the 
 old three batallion regiments in the service, and making of the 
 second and third batallions of these regiments new regiments. 
 The whole infantry arm, by the law of 1869, was compressed 
 into twenty-five regiments, and in that condition the army re- 
 mains to the present, to wit :* Ten regiments of cavalry, five 
 of artillery and twenty-five of infantry. 
 
 The number of men in a company and the number of com- 
 panies in a regiment have varied greatly within the past few 
 months. Just previous to the breaking out of the war a regi- 
 ment of infantry consisted of eight companies of about sixty 
 men each, and two skeletonized companies and the band — the 
 whole organization carrying about five hundred men; now a 
 regiment of infantry consists of twelve companies of 106 men 
 each and with the non-commissioned staff numbers twelve hun- 
 dred and seventy-four men. 
 
 Since 1869, or for a period of thirty years, the colored Amer- 
 ican has been represented in the Regular Army by these four 
 regiments and during this time these reigments have borne 
 
 *The army has been reorganized since. See Register. 
 
88 THE BLACK REGULARS IN THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR 
 
 more than their proportionate share in hard frontier service, 
 including all sorts of Indian campaigning- and much severe 
 guard and fatigue duty. The men have conducted themselves 
 so worthily as to receive from the highest military authority 
 the credit of being among our best troops. General Miles and 
 General Merritt,* with others who were active leaders in the 
 Indian wars of the West, have been unstinting in their praise 
 of the valor and skill of colored soldiers. They proved them- 
 selves not only good individual fighters, but in some instances 
 non-commissioned officers exhibited marked coolness and abil- 
 ity in command." 
 
 From 1869 to the beginning of the Hispano- American War 
 there were in the Regular Army at some time, as commissioned 
 officers, the following colored men, all from West Point, all 
 serving with the cavalry, and none rising higher than first- 
 lieutenant, viz : John H. Alexander, H. O. Flipper and Charles 
 Young. H. O. Flipper was dismissed ; Alexander died, and 
 Young became major in the volunteer service, and was placed 
 in command of the Ninth Battalion of Ohio Volunteers, dis- 
 charging the duties of his position in such a manner as to com- 
 mand general satisfaction from his superior officers.** 
 
 These colored men while cadets at West Point endured hard- 
 
 *"My experience in this direction since the war is beyond that of 
 any officer of my rank in the army. For ten years I had the honor of 
 being lieutenant-colonel of the Ninth Cavalry, and during most of that 
 service I commanded garrisons composed in part of the Ninth Cavalry 
 and other organizations of cavalry and infantry. I have always found 
 the colored race represented in the army obedient, intelligent and zealous 
 in the discharge of duty, brave in battle, easily disciplined, and most effi- 
 cient in the care of their horses, arms and equipments. The non-com- 
 missioned officers have habitually shown the qualities for control in their 
 position which marked them as faithful and sensible in the discharge of 
 theii duties. I take pleasure in bearing witness as above in the interest 
 of the race you represent." WESLEY MERRITT. 
 
 ■"See chapter on Colored Officers. 
 
 **Young is now captain in the Ninth Cavalry. — T. G. S. 
 
THE BLACK REGULARS IN THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR 89 
 
 ships disgraceful to their country, and when entering the army 
 were not given that cordial welcome by their brother officers, 
 becoming an "officer and gentleman," both to give and to re- 
 ceive. Of course there were some noble exceptions, and this 
 class of officers seems to be steadily increasing, so that now it 
 is no longer necessary, even on the ground of expediency, to 
 strive to adhere to the rule of only white men for army offi- 
 cers. Of Alexander and Young it can be said they have ac- 
 quitted themselves well, the former enjoying the confidence and 
 esteem of his associates up to the time of his early death — an 
 event which caused deep regret — and the latter so impressing 
 the Governor of his State and the President as to secure for 
 himself the responsible position which he, at the time of this 
 wiiting, so worthily fills. Besides these line officers, five col- 
 ored chaplains have been appointed, all of whom have served 
 successfully, one, however, being dismissed by court-martial 
 after many years of really meritorious service, an event to be 
 regretted, but by no means without parallel. 
 
 Brief sketches of the history of these four colored regiments, 
 as well as of the others, have been recently made by members of 
 them and published in the Journal of the Military Service 
 Institution and subsequently in a large and beautiful volume 
 edited by Brigadier-General Theo. F. Rodenbough and Major 
 William L. Haskin, published by the Institution and designated 
 "The Army of the United States," a most valuable book of 
 reference. From the sketches contained therein the following 
 summary is given. 
 
 The Twenty-fourth Infantry was organized, as we have seen, 
 from the 38th and 41st Regiments, these two regiments being 
 at the time distributed in New Mexico, Louisiana and Texas, 
 and the regiment remained in Texas from the time of its or- 
 ganization in 1869 unt i! 1880. Its first Lieutenant-Colonel was 
 
9° 
 
 THE BLACK REGULARS IN THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR 
 
 William R. Shafter. It was from this regiment and the 
 Tenth Cavalry that the escort of Paymaster Wham was se- 
 lected which made so brave a stand against a band of rob- 
 bers that attacked the paymaster that several of them were 
 given medals for distinguished gallantry, and others certifi- 
 cates of merit. The Twenty-fifth Infantry was organized in. 
 New Orleans out of the 39th, that was brought from North 
 Carolina for that purpose, and the 40th, that was then in 
 Louisiana. It was organized during the month of April, 1869, 
 and early in 1870 moved to Texas, where it remained ten years. 
 In 1880 it moved to the Department of Dakota and remained 
 in the Northwest until it took the road for the Cuban war. 
 
 The Ninth Cavalry was organized in New Orleans during 
 the winter of 1866-67. Its first Colonel was Edward Hatch and 
 its first Lieutenant-Colonel Wesley Merritt. From 1867 to 
 1890 it was in almost constant Indian warfare, distinguishing 
 itself by daring a*nd hardihood. From 1890 to the opening 
 of the Cuban war it remained in Utah and Nebraska, engaging 
 in but one important campaign, that against hostile Sioux dur- 
 ing the winter of 1890-91, in which, says the historian: 'The 
 regiment was the first in the field, in November, and the last to 
 leave, late in the following March, after spending the winter, 
 the latter part of which was terrible in its severity, under can- 
 vas." 
 
 The Tenth Calvary was organized under the same law as 
 was the Ninth, and at the same time. Its place of rendezvous 
 was Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, and its first Colonel, Benjamin 
 H. Grierson. This regiment was the backbone of the Geron- 
 imo campaign force, and it finally succeeded in the capture of 
 that wily warrior. The regiment remained in the Southwest 
 until 1893, when it moved to Montana, and remained there un- 
 til ordered to Chickamauga for the war. 
 
THE BLACK REGULARS IN THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR 91 
 
 These four regiments were finely officered, well drilled and 
 well experienced in camp and field, particularly the cavalry 
 regiments, and it was of them that General Merritt said: "I 
 have always found them brave in battle." With such train- 
 ing and experience they were well fitted to take their place in 
 that .selected host of fighting men which afterwards became 
 the Fifth Army Corps, placed under command of Major-Gen- 
 eral William R. Shafter, the first Lieutenant-Colonel of the 
 Twenty-fourth Infantry. 
 
 When the news of the blowing up of our great battleship 
 Maine, in the harbor of Havana, with the almost total loss of 
 her crew, flashed over the country, carrying sadness to hun- 
 dreds of homes, and arousing feelings of deepest indignation 
 whether justly or unjustly, it was easy to predict that we 
 should soon be involved in war with Spain. The Cuban ques- 
 tion, already chronic, had by speeches of Senators Thurston 
 and Proctor been brought to such a stage of aggravation that 
 it needed only an incident to set the war element in motion. 
 That incident was furnished by the destruction of the Maine. 
 Thenceforth there was no power in the land sufficient to curb 
 the rapidly swelling tide of popular hate, winch manifested it- 
 self in the un-Christian but truly significant mottoes : "Remem- 
 ber the Maine," "Avenge the Maine." and "To hell with 
 Spain." These were the outbreathings of popular fury, and 
 they represented a spirit quite like that of the mob, which was 
 not to be yielded to implicitly, but which could not be directly 
 opposed. 
 
 The President did all in his powei to stay this element of 
 our population and to lead the country to a more befitting at- 
 titude. He and his advisers argued that Spain was to be re- 
 sisted, and fought if necessary, not on account of the Maine, 
 not in the spirit of revenge, but in the interest of humanity, 
 
92 THE BLACK REGULARS IN THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR 
 
 and upon principles sanctioned even by our holy religion. On 
 behalf of the starving reconcentrados, and in aid of the noble 
 Cuban patriot, we might justly arm and equip ourselves for 
 the purpose of driving Spanish rule from the Western Hemis- 
 phere. 
 
 This view appealed to all lovers of freedom, to all true 
 patriots, and to the Christian and philanthropist. It also af- 
 forded a superb opportunity for the old leaders in the South, 
 who were not entirely relieved from the taint of secession, to 
 come out and reconsecrate themselves to the country and her 
 flag. Hence, Southern statesmen, who were utterly opposed 
 to Negroes or colored men having any share in ruling at home, 
 became very enthusiastic over the aspirations of the colored 
 Cuban patriots and soldiers. The supporters, followers, and in 
 a sense, devotees of Maceo and Gomez, were worthy of our 
 aid. The same men, actuated by the same principles, in the 
 Carolina's, in Louisiana or in Mississippi, would have been pro- 
 nounced by the same authorities worthy of death. 
 
 The nation was, however, led into war simply to liberate 
 Cuba from the iniquitous and cruel yoke of Spain, and to save 
 thousands of impoverished Cubans from death by starvation. 
 Great care was taken not to recognize the Cuban government 
 in any form, and it seemed to be understood that we were to 
 do the fighting both with our navy and our army, the Cubans 
 being invited to co-operate with us, rather than that we should 
 co-operate with them. We were to be the liberators and sav- 
 iors of a people crushed to the very gates of death. Such was 
 the platform upon which our nation stood before the world 
 when the first orders went forth for the mobilization of its 
 forces for war. It was a position worthy our history and char- 
 acter and gave to our national flag a prouder meaning than 
 ever. Its character as the emblem of freedom shone out with 
 awe-inspiring brilliancy amid the concourse of nations. 
 
THE BLACK REGULARS IN THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR 9 J 
 
 While there was such a clamor for war in the newspapers 
 and in the public speeches of statesmen, both in and out of Con- 
 gress, it is remarkable that the utmost serenity prevailed in the 
 army. Officers and men were ready to fight if the stern neces- 
 sity came, but they were not so eager for the death-game as 
 were the numerous editors whose papers were getting out ex- 
 tras every half-hour. It was argued by the officers of rank 
 that the Maine incident added nothing whatever to the Cuban 
 question; that it did not involve the Spanish Government; that 
 the whole subject might well be left to arbitration, and 
 full respect should be given to Spain's disclaimer. It was also 
 held that to rush into a. war in order to prevent a few people 
 from starving, might not relieve them, and at the same time 
 would certainly cost the lives of many innocent men. Spain 
 was revising her policy, and the benevolence of the United 
 States would soon bring bread to the door of every needy 
 Cuban. Such remarks and arguments as these were used by 
 men who had fought through one war and were ready to fight 
 through another if they must; but who were willing to go to 
 any reasonable length to prevent it ; and yet the men who 
 used such arguments beforehand and manifested such a shrink- 
 ing from carnage, are among those to whom the short Spanish 
 War brought distinction and promotion. To their honor be 
 it said that the war which gave them fresh laurels was in no 
 sense brought about through their instigation. 
 
 As chaplain of the Twenty-fifth Infantry, stationed with the 
 headquarters of the regiment at Fort Missoula, where we had 
 been for ten years, the call for the war met me in the midst 
 of my preparations for Easter service. One young man, then 
 Private Thomas C. Butler, who was practicing a difficult solo 
 for the occasion, before the year closed became a Second Lieu- 
 tenant, having distinguished himself in battle; the janitor, who 
 
94 THE BLACK REGULARS IN THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR 
 
 cared for my singing books, and who was my chief school 
 teacher, Private French Payne, always polite and everywhere 
 efficient, met his death from a Spanish bullet while on the re- 
 serve before bloody El Caney. 
 
 It was on a bright day during the latter part of March and 
 near the close of the day as I was looking out of the front win- 
 dow of my quarters that I saw the trumpeter of the guard come 
 out of the Adjutant's office with a dispatch in his hand and 
 start on a brisk run toward the quarters of the Commanding 
 Officer. I immediately divined what was in the wind, but kept 
 quiet. In a few minutes "officers' call" was sounded, and all 
 the officers of the post hastened to the administration building 
 to learn the news. 
 
 When all were assembled the Commanding Officer desired to 
 know of each company officer how much time he would need to 
 have his company ready to move from the post to go to a per- 
 manet station elsewhere, and from all officers how much time 
 they would require to have their families ready to quit the sta- 
 tion. The answers generally were that all could be ready with- 
 in a week. It was finally agreed, however, to ask for ten days. 
 
 Immediately the work of preparation began, although none 
 knew where the regiment was to go. At this time the order, 
 so far as it was understood at the garrison, was, that two com- 
 panies were to go to Key West, Florida, and the other com- 
 panies of the regiment to Dry Tortugas. One officer, Lieuten- 
 ant V. A. Caldell, early saw through the haze and said : "It 
 means that we will all eventually land in Cuba." While we 
 were packing, rumors flew through the garrison, as indeed 
 through the country, thick and fast, and our destination was 
 changed three or four times a day. One hour we would be go- 
 ing to Key West, the next to St. Augustine, the next to Tor- 
 tugas. In this confusion I asked an old frontier officer where 
 
THE BLACK REGULARS IN THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR 95 
 
 he thought we would really go. Regarding himself as an in- 
 dicator and always capable of seeing the amusing side of a 
 subject, he replied : "I p'int toward Texas." Such was the 
 state of uncertainty as to destination, and yet all the time the 
 greatest activity prevailed in making ready for departure. 
 Finally definite orders came that we were to store our furniture 
 in the large gymnasium hall at the post and prepare to go in 
 camp at Chickamauga Park, Georgia. 
 
 Our regiment was at the time stationed as follows : Head- 
 quarters, four companies and the band at Fort Missoula; 
 two companies at Fort Harrison, near Helena, and two com- 
 panies at Fort Assinniboine, all in Montana. The arrange- 
 ments contemplated moving the regiment in two sections, one 
 composed of the Missoula troops to g-o over the Northern 
 Pacific Railroad, the other of the Fort Harrison and Fort 
 Assinniboine troops to go over the Great Northern Railroad, 
 all to arrive in St. Paul about the same time. 
 
 On the 10th of April, Easter Sunday, the battalion at Fort 
 Missoula marched out of post quite early in the morning, and 
 at Bitter Root Station took the cars for their long journey. 
 Officers and men were all furnished sleeping accommodations 
 on the train. Arriving in the city of Missoula, for the grati- 
 fication of the citizens and perhaps to avoid strain on the 
 bridge crossing the Missoula River, the men were disem- 
 barked from the train and marched through the principal 
 streets to the depot, the citizens generally turning out to see 
 them off. Many were the compliments paid officers and men 
 by the good people of Missoula, none perhaps more pleasing 
 than that furnished by a written testimonial to the regret ex- 
 perienced at the departure of the regiment, signed by all the 
 ministers of the city. 
 
 As the Twenty-fifth was the first regiment to move in the 
 
96 THE BLACK REGULARS IN THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR 
 
 preparation for war, its progress from Montana to Chicka- 
 mauga was a marked event, attracting the attention of both 
 the daily and illustrated press. All along the route they were 
 greeted with enthusiastic crowds, who fully believed the was 
 with Spain had begun. In St. Paul, in Chicago, in Terre 
 Haute, in Nashville, and in Chattanooga the crowds assembled 
 to greet the black regulars who were first to bear forward the 
 Starry Banner of Union and Freedom against a foreign foe. 
 "What could be more significant, or more fitting, than that these 
 black soldiers, drilled up to the highest 'Standard of modern 
 warfare, cool, brave and confident, themselves a proof o; 
 American liberty, should be called first to the front in a war 
 against oppression ? Their martial tread and fearless bearing 
 proclaimed what the better genius of our great government 
 meant for all men dwelling beneath the protection of its hon- 
 ored flag. 
 
 As the Twenty-fifth Infantry was the first regiment to leave 
 its station, so six companies of it were first to go into camp 
 on the historic grounds of Chickamauga. Two companies were 
 separated from the regiment at Chattanooga and forwarded 
 to Key West where they took station under the command of 
 Lieutenant-Colonel A. S. Daggett. The remaining six com- 
 panies, under command of Colonel A. S. Burt, were conducted 
 by General Boynton to a choice spot on the grounds, where 
 they pitched camp, their tents being the first erected in that 
 mobilization of troops which preceded the Cuban invasion, and 
 theirs being really the first camp of the war. 
 
 Soon came the Ninth Cavalry, the Tenth Cavalry and the 
 Twenty-fourth Infantry. While these were assembling there 
 arrived on the ground also many white regiments, cavalry, ar- 
 tillery and infantry, and it was pleasing to see the fraternity 
 that prevailed among black and white regulars. This was es- 
 
THE BLACK REGULARS IN THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR 97 
 
 pecially noticeable between the Twenty-fifth and Twelfth. In 
 brigading the regiments no attention whatever was paid to the 
 race or color of the men. The black infantry regiments were 
 placed in two brigades, and the black cavalry likewise, and they 
 can be followed through the fortunes of the war in the offi- 
 cial records by their regimental numbers. During their stay 
 in Chickamauga, and at Key West and Tampa, the Southern 
 newspapers indulged in considerable malicious abuse of col- 
 ored soldiers, and some people of this section made complaints 
 of their conduct, but the previous good character of the regi- 
 ments and the violent tone of the accusations, taken together 
 with the well-known prejudices of the Southern people, pre- 
 vented their complaints from having very great weight. The 
 black soldiers held their place in the army chosen for the in- 
 vasion of Cuba, and for that purpose were soon ordered to as- 
 semble in Tampa. 
 
 From the ioth of April, when the war movement began with 
 the march of the Twenty-fifth Infantry out of its Montana sta- 
 tions, until June 14th, when the Army of Invasion cleared 
 Tampa for Cuba — not quite two months — the whole energy 
 of the War Department had been employed in preparing the 
 army for the work before it. The beginning of the war is 
 officially given as April 21st. from which time onward it was 
 declared a state of war existed between Spain and the United 
 States, but warlike movements on our side were begun fully 
 ten days earlier, and begun with a grim definiteness that pre- 
 saged much more than a practice march or spring manceuver. 
 
 After arriving at Chickamauga all heavy baggage was ship- 
 ped away for storage, and all officers and men were required to 
 reduce their field equipage to the minimum; the object being 
 to have the least possible amount of luggage, in order that 
 the greatest possible amount of fighting material might be car- 
 
 7 
 
yS THE BLACK REGULARS IN THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR 
 
 ried. Even with all this preparation going on some officers 
 were indulging the hope that the troops might remain in camps, 
 perfecting themselves in drill, until September, or October, be- 
 fore they should be called upon to embark for Cuba. This, 
 however, was not to be, and it is perhaps well that it was not, 
 as the suffering and mortality in the home camps were almost 
 equal to that endured by the troops in Cuba. The suffering 
 at home, also, seemed more disheartening, because it appeared 
 to be useless, and could not be charged to any important 
 changes in conditions or climate. It was perhaps in the inter- 
 est of humanity that this war,waged for humanity's sake, should 
 have been pushed forward from its first step to its last, with the 
 greatest possible dispatch, and that just enough men on our 
 side were sent to the front, and no more. It is still a g*ood 
 paying that all is well that ends well. 
 
 The Chickamauga and Chattanooga National Military Park, 
 the place where our troops assembled on their march to Cuba, 
 beautiful by nature, especially in the full season of -spring when 
 the black soldiers arrived there, and adorned also by art, has, 
 next to Gettysburg, the most prominent place among the his- 
 toric battle-fields of the Civil War. As a park it was estab- 
 lished by an act of Congress approved August 19, 1890, and 
 contains seven thousand acres of rolling land, partly cleared 
 and partly covered with oak and pine timber. Beautiful broad 
 roads wind their way to all parts of the ground, along- which 
 are placed large tablets recording the events of those dreadful 
 days in the autumn of 1863, when Americans faced Americans 
 in bloody, determined strife. Monuments, judiciously placed, 
 speak with a mute eloquence to the passer-by and tell of the 
 valor displayed by some regiment or battery, or point to the 
 spot where some lofty hero gave up his life. The whole park 
 is a monument, however, and its definite purpose is to pre- 
 
THE BLACK REGULARS IN THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR 99 
 
 serve and suitably mark "for historical and professional mili- 
 tary study the fields of some of the most remarkable manoe- 
 uvres and most brilliant ngliting- in the War of the Rebellion." 
 The battles commemorated by this great park are those of 
 Ghickamauga, fought on September 19-20, and the battles 
 around Chattanooga, November 23-25, 1863. '^he battle ot 
 Chickamauga was fought by the Army of the Cumberland, 
 commanded by Major-General \Y. S. Rosecrans, on the Union 
 side, and the Army of Tennessee, commanded by General 
 Braxton Bragg, on the side of the Confederates. The total ef- 
 fective strength of the Union forces in this battle was little 
 less than 60,000 men, that of the Confederates about 70,000. 
 The total Union loss was 16,179 men. a number about equal 
 to the army led by Shafter against Santiago. Of the number 
 reported as lost, 1,656 were killed, or as many as were lost in 
 killed, wounded and missing in the Cuban campaign. The 
 Confederate losses were 17,804, 2,389 being killed, making on 
 both sides a total killed of 4,045, equivalent to the entire vot- 
 ing- population of a city of over twenty thousand inhabitants. 
 General Grant, who commanded the Union forces in the battles 
 around Chattanooga, thus sums up the results : "In this battle 
 the Union army numbered in round figures about 60,000 men ; 
 we lost 752 killed, 4,713 wounded and 350 captured or mi-s- 
 ing. The rebel loss was much greater in the aggregate, as we 
 captured and sent North to be rationed there over 6,100 
 prisoners. Forty pieces of artillery, over seven thousand stand 
 of small arms, many caissons, artillery wagons and baggage 
 wagons fell into our hands. The probabilities are that our 
 loss in killed was the heavier as we were the attacking party. 
 The enemy reported his loss in killed at 361, but as he re- 
 ported his missing at 4,146, while we held over 6,000 of them 
 as prisoners, and there must have been hundreds, if not thous- 
 
IOO THE BLACK REGULARS IN THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR 
 
 ands, who deserted, but little reliance can be placed upon this 
 report." 
 
 In the battle of Chickamauga. when "four-fifths of the Union 
 Army had crumbled into wild confusion," and Rosecrans was 
 intent only on saving the fragments, General Thomas, who had 
 commanded the Federal left during the two days' conflict, and 
 had borne the brunt of the fight, still held his position. To 
 him General James A. Garfield reported. General Gordon 
 Granger, without orders, brought up the reserves, and Thomas, 
 replacing his lines, held the ground until nightfall, when he 
 was joined by Sheridan. Bragg won and held the field, but 
 Thomas effectually blocked his way to Chattanooga, securing 
 to himself immediately the title of the "Rock of Chicka- 
 mauga." His wonderful resolution stayed the tide of a vic- 
 tory dearly bought and actually won, and prevented the victors 
 from grasping the object for which they had fought. In honor 
 of this stubbborn valor, and in recognition of this high ex- 
 pression of American tenacity, the camp established in Chicka- 
 mauga Park by the assembling army was called Camp George 
 II. Thomas. 
 
 The stay of the colored regulars at Camp George H. Thomas 
 was short, but it was long enough for certain newspapers of 
 Chattanooga to give expression to their dislike to negro troops 
 in general and to those in their proximity especially. The 
 Washington Post, also, ever faithful to its unsavory trust, lent 
 its influence to this work of defamation. The leading papers, 
 however, both of Chattanooga and the South generally, spoke 
 out in rather conciliatory and patronizing tones, and nought to 
 restrain the people of their section from compromising their 
 brilliant display of patriotism by contemptuous flings at the 
 nation's true and tried soldiers. 
 
 The 24th Infantry and the 9th Cavalry soon left for Tampa, 
 
THE BLACK REGULARS IN THE SPANISH-AMERICA X WAR IOI 
 
 Florida, whither they were followed by the 10th Cavalry and 
 the 25th Infantry, thus bringing the entire colored element 
 of the army together to prepare for embarkation. The work 
 done at Tampa is thus described officially by Lieutenant-Col- 
 onel Daggett in general orders addressed to the 25th Infantry, 
 which he at that time commanded. On August nth, with 
 headquarters near Santiago, after the great battles had been 
 fought and won, he thus reviewed the work of the regiment : 
 "Gathered from three different stations, many of you strang- 
 ers to each other, you assembled as a regiment for the first time 
 in more than twenty-eight years, on May 7. 1898. at Tampa, 
 Florida. There you endeavored to solidify and prepare your- 
 selves, as far as the oppressive weather would permit, for the 
 work that appeared to be before you." What is here said of 
 the 25th might have been said with equal propriety of all the 
 regular troops assembled at Tampa. 
 
 In the meantime events were ripening with great rapidity. 
 The historic "first gun" had been fired, and the United States 
 made the first naval capture of the war on April 22, the coast 
 trader Buena Ventura having surrendered to the American 
 gunboat Nashville. On the same day the blockade of Cuban 
 ports was declared and on the day following a call was issued 
 for 125,000 volunteers. On May 20th the news that a Spanish 
 fleet under command of Admiral Cervera had arrived at San- 
 tiago was officially confirmed, and a speedy movement to Cuba 
 was determined upon. 
 
 Almost the entire Regular Army with several volunteer 
 regiments were organized into an Army of Invasion and placed 
 under the command of Major-General W. R. Shatter with or- 
 der.- to. prepare immediately for embarkation, and on the 7th 
 and 10th of June this army went on board the transports. For 
 seven days the troops lay cooped up on the vessels awaiting 
 
102 THE BLACK REGULARS IN THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR 
 
 orders to sail, a rumor having gained circulation that certain 
 Spanish gunboats were hovering around in Cuban waters 
 awaiting to swoop down upon the crowded transports. While 
 the Army of Invasion was sweltering- in the ships lying at 
 anchor off Port Tampa, a small body of American marines 
 made a landing at Guantanamo, and on June 12th fought the 
 first battle between Americans and Spaniards on Cuban soil. 
 In this first battle four Americans were killed. The next day, 
 June 13th, General Shaffer's army containing the four col- 
 ored regiments, excepting" those left behind to guard property, 
 sailed for Cuba.* 
 
 The whole number of men and officers in the expedition, in- 
 cluding those that came on transports from Mobile, amounted 
 to about seventeen thousand men, loaded on twenty-seven 
 transports. The colored regiments were assigned to brigades 
 as follows: The Ninth Cavalry was joined with the Third and 
 Sixth Cavalry and placed under command of Colonel Carro! ; 
 the Tenth Cavalry was joined with the Rough Riders and First 
 Regular Cavalry and fell under the command of General 
 Young-; the Twenty-fourth Infantry was joined with the Ninth 
 and Thirteenth Infantry and the brigade placed under com- 
 mand of Colonel Worth and assigned to the division com- 
 manded by General Kent, who, until his promotion as Briga- 
 dier-General of Volunteers, had been Colonel of the Twenty- 
 fourth ; the Twenty-fifth Infantry was joined with the Fir.-t 
 and Fourth Infantry and the brigade placed under command. of 
 Colonel Evans Miles, who had formerly been Major of the 
 Twenty-fifth. All of the colored regiments were thus happily 
 placed so that they should be in pleasant soldierly competition 
 
 *The colored regulars were embarked on the following named ships : 
 The Qth Cavalry on the Miami, in company with the 6th Infantry; the 10th 
 Cavalry on the Leona, in company with the 1st Cavalry; the 24th Infantry 
 on the City of Washington, in company with one battalion of the 21st In- 
 fantry; the 25th infantry on board the Concho, in company with the 4th 
 Infantry. 
 
THE BLACK REGULARS IN THE SPANISH-AMERICA?.' WAR IO3 
 
 with the very best troops the country ever put in the field, and 
 this arrangement at the start proves how strongly the black 
 regular had entrenched himself in the confidence of our great 
 commanders. 
 
 Thus sailed from Port Tampa the major part of our little 
 army of trained and seasoned soldiers, representative of the 
 skill and daring of the nation.* In physique, almost every 
 man was an athlete, and while but few had seen actual war be- 
 yond an occasional skirmish with Indians, all excepting the 
 few volunteers, had passed through a long process of training 
 in the various details of marching, camping' and fighting in. 
 their annual exercises in minor tactics. For the first time in 
 history the nation is going abroad, by its army, to occupy the 
 territory of a foreign foe, in a contest with a trans-Atlantic 
 power. The unsuccessful invasions of Canada during the 
 Revolutionary War and the War of 1812 can hardly be brought 
 in comparison with this movement over sea. The departure 
 of Decatur with his nine ships of war to the Barbary States 
 had in view only the establishment of proper civil relations 
 between those petty, half-civilized countries and the United' 
 States. The sailing of General Shafter's army was only one 
 movement in a comprehensive war against the Kingdom of 
 Spain. More than a month earlier Commodore Dewey, acting 
 under orders, had destroyed a fleet of eleven war ships in the 
 Philippines. The purpose of the war was to relieve the Cu- 
 bans from an inhumane warfare with their mother country, 
 and to restore to that unhappy island a stable government in 
 harmony with the ideas of liberty and justice. 
 
 Up to the breaking out of the Spanish War the American 
 policy with respect to Europe had been one of isolation. Some 
 efforts had been made to consolidate the sentiment of the West- 
 
 *See Note, at the close of this chapter. 
 
104 'l'HE BLACK REGULARS IN THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR 
 
 ern world., but it had never been successful. The fraternity of 
 the American Republics and the attempted construction of a 
 Pan-American policy had been thus far unfulfilled dreams. 
 Canada was much nearer to the United States, geographically 
 and socially, than even Mexico, although the latter is a repub- 
 lic. England, in Europe, was nearer than Brazil. The day 
 came in 1898, when the United States could no longer remain 
 in political seclusion nor bury herself in an impossible federa- 
 tion. Washington's advice against becoming involved in 
 European affairs, as well as the direct corrollary of the Mon- 
 roe Doctrine, were to be laid aside and the United States was 
 to speak out to the world. The business of a European na- 
 tion had become our business ; in the face of all the world we 
 resolved to invade her territory in the interest of humanity; 
 to face about upon our own traditions and dare the opinions 
 and arms of the trans-Atlantic world by openly launching 
 upon the new policy of armed intervention in another's quarrel. 
 While the troops were mobilizing at Tampa preparatory to 
 embarking for Cuba the question came up as to why there were 
 no colored men in the artillery arm of the service, and the an- 
 swer given by a Regular Army officer was. that the Negro had 
 not brains enough for the management of heavy guns. It was 
 a trifling assertion, of course, but at this period of the Negro's 
 history it must not be allowed to pass unnoticed. We know 
 that white men of all races and nationalities can serve big" 
 guns, and if the Negro cannot, it must be because of some 
 marked difference between him and them. The officer said it 
 was a difference in "brains," i. e., a mental difference. Just 
 how the problem of aiming and firing a big gim differs from 
 that of aiming and firing small arms is not so easily explained. 
 In both, the questions of velocity, gravitation, wind and resis- 
 tance are to be considered and these are largely settled by me- 
 
THE BLACK REGULARS IN* THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR I05 
 
 chanism, the adjustment of which is readily learned; hence the 
 assumption that a Negro cannot learn it is purely gratuitous. 
 Several of the best rifle shots known on this continent are 
 Negroes; and it was a Xegro who summerized the whole 
 philosophy of rifle shooting in the statement that it all con- 
 sists in knowing where to aim, and hozv to pull — in knowing 
 just what value to assign to gravitation, drift of the bullet and 
 force of the wind, and then in being able to pull the trigger 
 of the piece without disturbing the aim thus judiciously deter- 
 mined. This includes all there is in the final science and art 
 of firing a rifle. If the Negro can thus master the revolver, 
 the carbine and the rifle, why may he not master the field piece 
 or siege gun ? 
 
 But an ounce of fact in such things is worth more than 
 many volumes of idle speculation, and it is remarkable that 
 facts so recent, so numerous, and so near at hand, should es- 
 cape the notice of those who question the Negro's ability to 
 serve the artillery organizations. Negro artillery, both light 
 and heavy, fought in fifteen battles in the Civil War with aver- 
 age effectiveness; and some of those who fought against them 
 must either admit the value of the Negro artilleryman or ac- 
 knowledge their own inefficiency. General Fitz-Hugh Lee 
 failed to capture a Negro battery after making most vigorous 
 attempts to that end. This attempt to raise a doubt as to the 
 Negro's ability to serve in the artillery arm is akin to, and 
 less excusable, than that other groundless assertion, that Negro 
 officers cannot command troops, an assertion which in this 
 country amounts to saying that the United States cannot com- 
 mand its army. Both of these assertions have been emphati- 
 cally answered in fact, the former as shown above, and the lat- 
 ter as will be shown later in this volume. These assertions are 
 only temporary covers, behind which discomfitted and retreat- 
 
106 THE BLACK REGULARS IN THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR 
 
 ing prejudice is able to make a brief stand, while the black hero 
 of five hundred battle-fields, marches proudly by, disdaining 
 to lower his gun to fire a shot on a foe so unworthy. When 
 the Second Massachusetts Volunteers sent up their hearty 
 cheers of welcome to the gallant old Twenty-fifth, as that 
 solid column fresh from El Caney swung past its camp, I re- 
 marked to Sergeant Harris, of the Twenty-fifth : "Those men 
 think you are soldiers." "They know we are soldiers," was 
 his reply. When the people of this country, like the mem- 
 bers of that Massachusetts regiment, come to know that its 
 black men in uniform are soldiers, plain soldiers, with the same 
 interests and feelings as other soldiers, of as much value to the 
 government and entitled from it to the same attention and re- 
 wards, then a grcot step toward the solution of the prodigious 
 pj oblem now confronting us will have been taken. 
 
 Note. — "I had often heard that the physique of the men of our 
 regular army was very remarkable, but the first time I saw any 
 large body of them, which was at Tampa, they surpassed my 
 highest expectations. It is not, however, to be wondered at 
 that, for every recruit who is accepted, on the average thirty- 
 four are rejected, and that, of course, the men who present 
 themselves to the recruiting officer already represent a physical 
 'elite' ; but it was very pleasant to see and be assured, as I was 
 at Tampa, by the evidences of my own eyes and the tape meas- 
 ure, that there is not a guard regiment of either the Russian, 
 German or English army, of whose remarkable physique we 
 have heard so much, that can compare physically, not with the 
 best of our men, but simply with the average of the men of our 
 regular armv." — Bonsai. 
 
P.RIKK SKETCH OF SPANISH HISTORY 107 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 BRIEF SKETCH OF SPANISH HISTORY. 
 
 The following brief sketch of Spain, its era of greatness, 
 the causes leading thereto, and the reasons for its rapid de- 
 cline, wall be of interest to the reader at this point in the nar- 
 rative, as it will bring into view the other side of the impend- 
 ing conflict : 
 
 Spain, the first in rank among the second-rate powers of 
 Europe, by reason of her possessions in the West Indies, es- 
 pecially Cuba, may be regarded as quite a near neighbor, and 
 because of her connection with the discovery and settlement 
 of the continent, as well as the commanding part she at one 
 time played in the world's politics, her history cannot but 
 awaken within the breasts of Americans a most lively interest. 
 
 As a geographical and political fact. Spain dates from the 
 earliest times, and the Spanish people gather within themselves 
 the blood and the traditions of the three great continents of 
 the Old World — Europe, Asia and Africa — united to produce 
 the mighty Spaniard of the 15th and 16th centuries. It 
 would be an interesting subject for the anthropologist to trace 
 the construction of that people who are so often spoken of as 
 possessing the pure blood of Castile, and as the facts should 
 be brought to view, another proud fiction would dissipate in 
 thin air, as we should see the Spaniard arising to take his place 
 among the most mixed of mankind. 
 
 The Spain that we are considering now is the Spain that 
 gradually emerged from a chaos of conflicting elements into 
 
Io8 BRIEF SKETCH OF SPANISH HISTORY 
 
 the unity of a Christian nation. The dismal war between 
 creeds gave way to the greater conflict between religions, when 
 Cross and Crescent contended for supremacy, and this too had 
 passed. The four stalwart Christian provinces of Leon, Cas- 
 tile. Aragon and Navarre had become the four pillars of sup- 
 port to a national throne and Ferdinand and Isabella were 
 reigning. Spain has now apparently passed the narrows and 
 is crossing the bar with prow set toward the open sea. She 
 ends her war with the Moors at the same time that England 
 ends her wars of the Roses, and the battle of Bosworth's field 
 may be classed with the capitulation of Granada. Both na- 
 tions confront a future of about equal promise and may be 
 rated as on equal footing, as this new era of the world opens 
 to view. 
 
 What was this new era? Printing had been invented, com- 
 merce had arisen, gunpowder had come into use, the feudal sys- 
 tem was passing, royal authority had become paramount, and 
 Spain was giving to the world its first lessons in what was 
 early stigmatized as the "knavish calling of diplomacy." 
 
 Now began the halcyon days of Spain, and what a breed 
 of men she produced! Read the story of their conquests in 
 Mexico and Peru, as told with so much skill and taste by our 
 own Prescott ; or read of the grandeur of her national charac- 
 ter, and the wonderful valor of her troops, and the almost mar- 
 velous skill of her Alexander of Parma, and her Spinola, as 
 described by our great Motley, and you will see something of 
 the moral and national glory of that Spain which under 
 Charles V and Philip II awed the world into respectful silence. 
 
 Who but men of iron, under a commander of steel, could 
 have conducted to a successful issue the awful siege of Ant- 
 werp, and by a discipline more dreadful than death, kept for 
 so many years, armed control of the country of the brave 
 
BRIEF SKETCH OF SPANISH HISTORY 109 
 
 Netherlander^ ? A Farnese was there, who could support and 
 command an army, carry Philip and his puerile idosyncrasies 
 upon his back and meet the fury of an outraged people who 
 were fighting on their own soil for all that man holds dear. 
 Never was wretched cause so ably led, never were such splen- 
 did talents so unworthily employed. 
 
 Alexander of Parma, Cortez, the Pizarros, were representa- 
 tives of that form of human character that Spain especially 
 developed. Skill and daring were brought out in dazzling 
 splendor, and success followed their movements. Take a brief 
 survey of the Empire under Charles V : Himself Emperor 
 of Germany ; his son married to the Queen of England ; Turkev 
 repulsed; France humbled, and all Europe practically within 
 his grasp. And what was Spain outside of Europe? In .Amer- 
 ica she possessed territory covering sixty degrees of latitude, 
 owning Mexico, Central America, Venezuela, New Granada, 
 Peru and Chili, with vast parts of North America, and the 
 islands of Cuba, Jamaica and St. Domingo. In Africa and 
 Asia she had large possessions — in a word, the energies of the 
 world were at her feet. The silver and gold of America, the 
 manufactures and commerce of the Netherlands, combined to 
 make her the richest of nations. 
 
 The limits of the present purpose do not permit an exhaus- 
 tive presentation of her material strength in detail, nor are the 
 means at hand for making such an exhibit. We must be con- 
 tent with a general picture, quoted directly from Motley. He 
 says : 
 
 "Look at the broad magnificent Spanish Peninsula, stretch- 
 ing across eight degrees of latitude and ten of longtitude, com- 
 manding the Atlantic and the Mediterranean, with a genial 
 climate, warmed in winter by the vast furnace of Africa, and 
 protected from the scorching heats of summer by shady moun- 
 
HO BRI'EF SKETCH OF SPANISH HISTORY 
 
 tain and forest, and temperate breezes from either ocean. A 
 generous southern territory, flowing- with oil and wine, and all 
 the richest gifts of a bountiful nature — splendid cities — the 
 new and daily expanding- Madrid, rich in the trophies of the 
 most artistic period of the modern world ; Cadiz, as populous 
 at that day as London, seated by the straits where the an- 
 cient and modern systems of traffic were blending- like the 
 mingling- of the two oceans; Granada, the ancient, wealthy 
 seat of the fallen Moors ; Toledo, Valladolid, and Lisbon, chief 
 city of the recently conquered kingdom of Portugal, counting 
 with its suburbs a larger population than any city excepting 
 Paris, in Europe, the mother of distant colonies, and the capital 
 of the rapidly-developing- traffic with both the Indies — these 
 were some of the treasures of Spain herself. But she pos- 
 sessed Sicily also, the better portion of Italy, and important 
 dependencies in Africa, while the famous maritime discover- 
 ies of the age had all enured to her aggrandizement. The 
 world seemed suddenly to have expanded its wings from East 
 to West, only to bear the fortunate Spanish Empire to the 
 most dizzy heights of wealth and power. The most accom- 
 plished generals, the most disciplined and daring infantry the 
 world has ever known, the best equipped and most extensive 
 navy, royal and mercantile, of the age, were at the absolute 
 command of the sovereign. Such was Spain." 
 
 Such is not Spain to-day. A quite recent writer, speaking 
 of Spain before the war, said, that although Spain in extent 
 holds the sixth place in the European states, "it really now sub- 
 sists merely by the sufferance of stronger nations." Thus 
 has that nation, which three centuries ago dominated the world, 
 lost both its position and its energy. 
 
 Without attempting to sketch chronologically, either this 
 rise or this decline, let us rather direct our efforts to an in- 
 
BRIEF SKETCH OF SPANISH HISTORY III 
 
 qinry into the causes of both the one and the other. 
 
 In attempting- to explain the greatness of Spain we must 
 give first place to the vigor of the Spanish race. The great 
 Spaniard was a mighty compound. He had the blood of Rome 
 mingled with the awful torrent that gave birth to the soulless 
 Goths and Vandals. In him also flowed the hot blood of the 
 Moors. He was both sturdy and fiery ; he had the fervor of the 
 South with the tenacity of the North; the pride of the Roman 
 with the passion of the Moor. The Spanish race was em- 
 phatically a rich race. 
 
 And then we must remember that this race had been forged 
 in war. Century after century, from the earliest times, they 
 had lived with their arms in their hands. First came the long- 
 war between the Arian Vandals, and the Trinitarian native.-; 
 then the seven-hundred-year war with the followers of Ma- 
 homed. The whole mission of life to them was to fight. 
 
 Naturally there was developed in the people at large the 
 most complete unification and subjection. Individualism gave 
 place almost entirely to the common weal, and the spectacle 
 was presented of a nation with no political questions. Mac- 
 caulay maintains that human nature is such that aggregations 
 of men will always show the two principles of radicalism and 
 conservatism, and that two parties will exist in consequence, 
 one composed of those who are ever looking to a brighter 
 future, the other of those who are ever seeking to restore a 
 delightful past : but no such phenomena appear in the ascend- 
 ing period of Spain's history. The whole nation moved as an 
 organized army, steadily forward, until its zenith was reached. 
 This solidity was a marked element of its strength. 
 
 Mr. Buckle recognizes this, and accounts for the harmonious 
 movements of the nation by the influence of two leading prin- 
 ciples, which he is pleased to call superstition and loyalty. 
 
112 BRIEF SKETCH OF SPANISH HISTORY 
 
 The Arab invasion had pressed upon the Christians with sueti 
 force that it was only by the strictest discipline that the latter 
 had managed to survive. To secure such discipline, and at 
 the same time supply the people with the steady enthusiasm 
 necessary to support a war from century to century, all the 
 terrors and all the glories that could be derived from religion 
 were employed. The church and the state, the prince and the 
 priest, became as one, and loyalty and religion, devotion to 
 the standard and to the cross, were but different names for the 
 same principles and actions. Hence Spain emerged to great- 
 ness without the least dream of liberty of either person, cons- 
 cience or thought. Her rallying cry was : For the Prince and 
 the Church ; not, For God and Liberty. She went up to great- 
 ness the most loyal and the most religious of nations ; but Lib- 
 erty, Justice and Truth were not upon her banners. 
 
 Look over the territory settled and conquered by her, and 
 what do we see? Columbus, sailing under Spain, names the 
 first land he discovers San Salvador ; the first settlement made 
 in this country is St. Augustine; the second, Sante Fe. Look 
 down over the southern half of our continent and such names 
 as Espirito Santo, Corpus Christi, San Diego, San Juan, San 
 Jose, San Domingo attest the religious zeal of the conquerors. 
 They were missionaries of the Cross, robbing the people of 
 their g-oid and paying them off with religion. 
 
 Steadfast in the faith and sturdy in her loyalty, Spain re- 
 sisted all innovations with respect to her religious beliefs, and 
 all insurrections against her government. Her Alva and her 
 Torquemada but illustrated how strong was her conservatism, 
 while her Isabella and her Philip II show how grand and com- 
 prehensive and how persistent was her aggressiveness, under 
 the idea of spreading and upholding the true faith. She not 
 only meant to hold all she had of wealth and power, but she a»- 
 
HR1EP SiCETC:! OS SPANISH HISTORY I * 
 
 pired to universal dominion; already chief, she desired to be 
 sole, and this in the interest and name of the Holy Church. 
 
 The Reformation did not disturb Spain ; it was crushed out 
 within twenty years. The spirit of liberty that had been grow- 
 ing in England since Bosworth's Field, and that was manifest- 
 ing itself in Germany and the Netherlands, and that had begun 
 to quiver even in France, did not dare stir itself in Spain, 
 Spain was united, or rather, was solidity itself, and this solidity 
 was both its strength and its death. England was not so 
 united, and England went steadily onward and upward; but 
 Spain's unity destroyed her, because it practically destroyed 
 individualism and presented the strange paradox of a strong 
 nation of weak men. 
 
 As a machine Spain in the sixteenth century was a marvel 
 of power ; as an aggregation of thinking men, it was even then 
 contemptible. Ferdinand, Charles V and Philip II were able 
 and illustrious rulers, and they appeared at a time when their 
 several characters could tell on the immediate fortunes of 
 Spain. They were warriors, and the nation was entirely war- 
 like. During this period the Spaniard overran the earth, not 
 that he might till the soil, but that he might rob the man who 
 did. With one hand he was raking in the gold and silver of 
 Mexico and Peru; with the other confiscating the profits of 
 the trade and manufactures of the Low Countries — and all in. 
 the name of the Great God and Saints ! 
 
 How was Spain overthrown? The answer is a short one. 
 Spain, under Philip II staked her all upon a religious war 
 against the awakening age. She met the Reformation within 
 her own borders and extinguished it; but thought had broken 
 loose from its chains and was abroad in the earth. England 
 had turned Protestant, and Elizabeth was on the throne; Den- 
 mark, Norway and Sweden, indeed all countries except Spain 
 
 8 
 
114 URIEF SKETCH OF SPANISH HISTORY 
 
 and Italy had heard the echoes from Luther's trumpet blast- 
 Italy furnished the religion, and Spain the powder, in this un- 
 equal fight between the Old and the New. Spain was not 
 merely the representative of the old, she WAS the old, and 
 she armed her whole strength in its behalf. 
 
 Here was a religion separated from all moral principle and 
 devoid of all softening sentiment — its most appropriate for- 
 mula being, death to all heretics. Death — not to tyrants, not 
 to oppressors, not to robbers and men-stealers — but death to 
 heretics. It was this that equipped her Armada. 
 
 The people were too loyal and too pious to THINK, and 
 so were hurled in a solid mass against the armed thought of 
 the coming age, and a mighty nation crumbled as in a day. 
 With the destruction of her Armada her warlike ascendancy 
 passed and she had nothing to put in its place. She had not 
 tillers of the soil, mechanics or skilled merchants. Business 
 was taking the place of war all over the world, but Spain knew 
 only religion and war, hence worsted in her only field, she was 
 doomed. 
 
 From the days of Philip II her decline was rapid. Her ter- 
 ritory slipped from her as rapidly as it had been acquired. Her 
 great domains on our soil are now the seat of thriving com- 
 munities of English-speaking people. The whole continent of 
 South America has thrown off her yoke, though still retaining 
 her language, and our troops now embarked from Port Tampa 
 are destined to wrest from her the two only remaining colonies 
 subject to her sway in the Western World. — Cuba and Porto 
 Rico. With all her losses hitherto, Spain has not learned 
 wisdom. Antagonistic to truth and liberty, she seems to sit in 
 the shadow of death, hugging the delusions that have betrayed 
 her, while all other people of earth are pressing onward to- 
 ward light and liberty. 
 
BRIEF SKETCH OF SPANISH HISTORV 115 
 
 The struggle in Cuba had been going on for years, and in 
 that colony of less than two millions of inhabitants, many of 
 whom were Spaniards, there was now an army four times as 
 large as the standing army of the United States. Against this 
 army and against the Government of Spain a revolt had been 
 carried on previous to the present outbreak for a period of ten 
 years, and which had been settled by concessions on the part 
 of the home government. The present revolt was of two years' 
 standing when our government decided to interfere. The 
 Cubans had maintained disorder, if they had not carried on 
 war; and they had declined to be pacified. In their army they 
 experienced no color difficulties. Gomez, Maceo and Quintin 
 Banderas were generals honored and loved, Maceo especially 
 coming to be the hero and idol of the insurgents of all classes. 
 And it can truthfully be said that no man in either the Cuban 
 or Spanish army, in all the Cuban struggle previous to our in- 
 tervention, has earned a loftier fame as patriot, soldier and 
 man of noble mould than ANTONIO MACEO. 
 
 Cuba, by far the most advanced of all the West Indian col- 
 onies ; Cuba, essentially Spanish, was destined to be the battle 
 ground between our troops and the veterans of Spain. The 
 question to be settled was that of Spain's sovereignty. Spain's 
 right to rule over the colonies of Cuba and Porto Rico was dis- 
 puted by the United States, and this question, and this alone, 
 is to be settled by force of arms. Further than this, the issue 
 does not go. The dictum of America is : Spain shall not rule. 
 The questions of Annexation, Expansion and Imperialism 
 were not before us as we launched our forces to drive Spain 
 out of the West Indies. The Cuban flag was closely asso- 
 ciated with our own standard popularly, and "Cuba Libre" 
 was a wide-spread sentiment in June, 1898. "We are ready to 
 help the Cubans gain their liberty'.' was the honest expression 
 of thousands who felt they were going forward in a war for 
 others. 
 
Il6 FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 PASSAGE, LANDING, AND FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA. 
 
 The Tenth Cavalry at Guasimas— The "Rescue of the Rough Riders"—- 
 Was There an Ambush? — Notes. 
 
 "The passage to Santiago was generally smooth and un- 
 eventful," says General Shafter in his official report. But 
 when the fact is called to mind that the men had been on board 
 a week before sailing, and were a week more on the passage, 
 and that "the conveniences on many of the transports in the 
 nature of sleeping accommodations, space for exercise, closet 
 accommodations, etc., were not all that could have been de- 
 sired," and that the opinion was general throughout the army 
 that the travel ration was faulty, it cannot be doubted that the 
 trip was a sore trial to the enlisted men at least. The monoton- 
 ous days passed in the harbor at Port Tampa, while waiting 
 for orders to sail, were unusually trying to the men. They 
 were relieved somewhat by bathing, swimming, gaming and 
 chatting on the coming events. A soldier who was in one of 
 the colored regiments describes the inside life of one of the 
 transports as follows: "After some miles of railroad travel 
 and much hustling we were put on board the transport. I 
 say on board, but it is simply because we cannot use the terms 
 under board. We were huddled together below two other regi- 
 ments and under the water line, in the dirtiest, closest, moat 
 sickening place imaginable. For about fifteen days we were 
 on the water in this dirty hole, but being soldiers we were com- 
 pelled to accept this without a murmur. We ate corn beef and 
 
FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA 117 
 
 canned tomatoes with our hard bread until we were anything 
 but half way pleased. In the fifth or sixth day out to sea the 
 water furnished us became muddy or dirty and well flavored 
 with salt, and remained so during the rest of the journey. 
 Then, the ship's cooks, knowing well our condition made it con- 
 venient to themselves to sell us a glass of clean ice water and 
 a small piece of bread and tainted meat for the sum of seventy- 
 five cents, or one dollar, as the case might be." 
 
 A passage from Port Tampa, around the eastern end ">f 
 Cuba, through the Windward Passage, even in June, is ordin- 
 arily pleasant. On the deck of a clean steamer, protected from 
 the sun's rays by a friendly awning, it may be put down as 
 nearly an ideal pleasure trip; but crowded into freight ships as 
 these men were, many of them clad in thick and uncomfortable 
 clothing, reduced to the uninviting travel ration, compelled to 
 spend most of the time below decks, occupied with thoughts 
 of home and friends, and beset with forebodings of coming 
 events, it was very far from being to them a pastime. Of the 
 thousands who are going to Cuba to magnify the American 
 flag, not all will return. Occasionally the gay music of the 
 bands would relieve the dull routine and cause the spirits to 
 rise under the effects of some enlivening waltz or stirring 
 patriotic air; or entering a school of flying fish the men would 
 be entertained to see these broad-finned creatures dart from the 
 waves like arrows from the bow, and after a graceful flight of 
 perhaps near two hundred yards drop again into the sea; but 
 taken altogether it was a voyage that furnishes little for the 
 historian. 
 
 The transports were so arranged as to present an interesting 
 and picturesque spectacle as they departed from our shores on 
 their ocean march. Forming in three columns, with a dis- 
 
Il8 FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA 
 
 tance of about 1,000 yards between the columns, and the ves- 
 sels in the columns being- distanced from one another about 
 400 yards, the fleet was convoyed from Port Tampa by small 
 naval vessels until it reached a point between the Dry Tor- 
 tugas and Key West. Here it was met by the noble battleship 
 Indiana and nine other war vessels, thus making a convoy al- 
 together of fifteen fighting craft. Transports and convoy now 
 made an armada of more than forty ships, armed and manned 
 by the audacious modern republic whose flag waved from every 
 masthead. Thus spreading out over miles of smooth sea, mov- 
 ing quietly along by steam, carrying in its arms the flower of 
 the American army, every man of which was an athlete, this 
 fleet announced to the world the grim purpose of a nation 
 aroused. 
 
 The weather from the time of leaving Port Tampa continued 
 fine until the fleet entered the passage between the western 
 coast of Hayti and the eastern end of Cuba, known as the 
 Windward Passage, when the breeze freshened and a rough 
 sea began, continuing more or less up to the time of landing. 
 Rounding this eastern coast of Cuba the fleet headed its course 
 westerly and on the morning of the 20th was able to deter- 
 mine its position as being off Guantanamo Bay, about fifty 
 miles east of Santiago. Here, eight days before, the first bat- 
 tle on Cuban soil, in which four American marines were killed, 
 had been fought. About noon on the same day, the fleet came 
 to a halt off Santiago harbor, or a little to the west of the en- 
 trance to it, and Admiral Sampson came on board. He and 
 General Shafter soon after went ashore to consult the Cuban 
 General, Garcia, who was known to be in that vicinity with 
 about 4,000 well armed troops. 
 
 The voyage over, and the men having been crowded together 
 
FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA 119 
 
 on shipboard for nearly two weeks, it was now expedient to 
 get them on shore as soon as possible. But it was necessary 
 to find out beforehand what defences were along the coast, 
 and what forces of the enemy were likely to be encountered in 
 landing. The fleet lay off from the shore about a mile, and 
 it was no small undertaking to convey the 17,000 men on board 
 with all their arms and equipments to the shore in small boats 
 over a rough sea, especially should the landing be disputed. It 
 was to arrange for the landing and also to map out a general 
 plan of campaign that the three great leaders, Shafter, Samp- 
 son and Garcia met at Aserradores on the afternoon of June 
 20th as the American fleet stood guard over the harbor of 
 Santiago. 
 
 General Garcia was already aware of the coming of the fleet, 
 having received a message from Major-General Miles two 
 weeks previous. The letter of General Miles ran as follows : 
 
 Headquarters of the Army, 
 In the Field, Tampa, Fla., June 2, 1898. 
 
 Dear General : — I am very glad to have received your offi- 
 cers, General Enrique Collazo and Lieut.-Col. Carlos Hernan- 
 dez, the latter of whom returns to-night with our best wishes for 
 your success. 
 
 It would be a very great assistance if you could have as large 
 a force as possible in the vicinity of the harbor of Santiago de 
 Cuba, and communicate any information by signals which Col- 
 onel Hernandez will explain to you either to our navy or to our 
 army on its arrival, which we hope will be before many days. 
 
 It would also assist us very much if you could drive in and 
 harass any Spanish troops near or in Santiago de Cuba, threat- 
 ening or attacking them at all points, and preventing, by every 
 means, any possible re-enforcement coming to that garrison. 
 While this is being done, and before the arrival of our army, 
 if you can seize and hold any commanding position to the east 
 or west of Santiago de Cuba, or both, that would be advanta- 
 
FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA 
 
 geous for the use of our artillery, it will be exceedingly gratify- 
 ing to us." 
 
 To this General Garcia replied that he would "take measures 
 at once to carry out your (Miles') recommendation, but con- 
 centration of forces will require some time. Roads bad and 
 Cubans scattered. Will march without delay." Admiral 
 Sampson also cabled the Secretary of the Navy that Garcia 
 "regards his (Miles') wishes and suggestions as orders, and 
 immediately will take measures to concentrate forces at the 
 points indicated, but he is unable to do so as early as desired 
 on account of his expedition at Banes Port, Cuba, but will 
 march without delay. All of his subordinates are ordered to 
 assist to disembark the United States troops and to place 
 themsel r es under orders." It was in compliance with these re- 
 quests ihat General Garcia had the five thousand troops so 
 near Santiago at the time he welcomed Shafter and Sampson 
 to his camp, as mentioned above, and there is every necessary 
 evidence that these Cuban troops took part in the fight about 
 Santiago. Says General Miles of Garcia : "He had troops in 
 the rear as well as on both sides of the garrison at Santiago be- 
 fore the arrival of our troops." 
 
 It was agreed that the force of five hundred men under 
 General Castillo, posted near Daiquiri, should be increased to 
 1,000, and should be prepared to make an attack upon the 
 rear of the Spanish garrison at Daiquiri on the morning of the 
 22nd, at which time the debarkation would begin. General 
 Rabi with about 500 men was also to attack Cabanas at the 
 ♦ame time, in the same manner, the transports and war vessels 
 ;o manoeuvring as to give the impression that a landing was 
 .0 be made at that place. While these attacks in the rear were 
 distracting the garrisons, the navy, by order of Admiral Samp- 
 son, was to start up a vigorous bombardment of alt the villages 
 
FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA 121 
 
 along the coast, thus clearing the shore for the landing of the 
 army. Thus did the conference unite the hands of Ameri- 
 cans and Cubans in the fight against Spain on Cuban soil, and 
 each was pledged to the other by the expressions of good will. 
 Having accomplished its work the important conference closed, 
 Admiral Sampson and General Shafter to return to their ships, 
 and General Garcia to carry out the part of the work assigned 
 to him, which he did with fidelity and success.* 
 
 According to orders published on the 20th, General Law- 
 ton's Division, known as the Second Division, Fifth Army 
 Corps, was to disembark first. This Division contained the 
 three following Brigades : The First, General Ludlow's, com- 
 posed of the Eighth and Twenty-second Infantry (regulars) 
 and the Second Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry; the Sec- 
 ond Brigade, General Miles', composed of the Fourth and 
 Twenty-fifth Infantry (regulars) ; the Third Brigade, General 
 Chaffee's, containing the Seventh, Twelfth and Seventeenth 
 Infantry (regulars). Next to follow was General Bates' Bri- 
 gade, which was to act as reserve to Lawton's Division. This 
 Brigade consisted of the Third and Twentieth Infantry (regu- 
 lars) and one squadron of the Second Cavalry, the only 
 mounted troops in Shafter's army. The cavalry, however, 
 were not to disembark with the Brigade, but were to be the 
 last troops to leave the transports. After Bates' Brigade, was 
 to follow Wheeler's Dismounted Cavalry Division, containing 
 the two following Brigades : The First, composed of the 
 Third, Sixth and Ninth Cavalry (regulars) ; the Second, com- 
 posed of the First and Tenth Cavalry (regulars) and the First 
 Volunteer Cavalry (Rough Riders). To follow the Cavalry 
 Division was to come the First Division, General Kent's, con- 
 taining the following troops : The First Brigade, General 
 
 *See Note A at the end of this chapter. 
 
KIRST BATTLE IX 
 
 Hawkins", consisting of the Sixth and Sixteenth Infantry 
 (regulars) and the Seventy-first New York Volunteer Infan- 
 try; the Second Brigade, General Pearson's, consisting of the 
 Second, Tenth and Twenty-first Infantry (regulars) ; the 
 Third Brigade, Colonel WikofT's, made up of the Ninth, Thir- 
 teenth and Twenty-fourth Infantry (regulars). Then, lastly. 
 was to depart the squadron of mounted cavalry. 
 
 Thus prepared, both on board the ships and on shore, the 
 morning of the 22nd dawned to witness the beginning of 
 mighty operations. The war vessels, drawn up in proper or- 
 der, early began to hurl shot and shell upon the towns, forts, 
 blockhouses and clumps of trees that could be discovered along 
 the shore. The cannonading- lasted between two and three 
 hours and was furious throughout. Meanwhile General Law- 
 ton's Division began the work of going ashore. The sea was 
 rough and the passage to the shore was made in small boats 
 furnished from the transports and from the naval vessels, 
 towed by steam launches belonging to the navy. The larger 
 of the boats were capable of carrying ten or twelve men each, 
 while the smaller ones could carry but six or seven. During 
 the passage to the shore several of the men who had escaped 
 thus far, were taken with seasickness, greatly to the amuse- 
 ment of their more hardy companions. The landing was made 
 at a pier which had been used formerly as a railroad pier, but 
 was now abandoned and somewhat dilapidated. To get from 
 the boats to the pier in this rough sea was the most perilous 
 part of the whole trip from Tampa to Cuba. As the boats 
 would rise on the waves almost level with the landing place ; 
 it was necessary to leap quickly from the boat to the shore. In 
 this way two cavalrymen of the Tenth lost their lives, falling 
 into the sea with their equipments on and sinking before help 
 could reach them. Some of the boats were rowed ashore and 
 
FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA 12J 
 
 made a landing on the beach some distance from the pier. By 
 this method some men of the Twenty-fifth tried to be the first 
 to land, but failed, that regiment landing, however, in the first 
 body of troops to go ashore, and being the second in order, in 
 the invasion of the island. By night of the 22nd more than 
 one-third of the troops were on shore, and by the evening of 
 the 24th the whole army was disembarked according to the 
 program announced at the beginning, the squadron of cavalry 
 coming in at the close of the march to the shore. 
 
 The only national movement on our part deserving to be 
 brought into comparison with the expedition against the 
 Spanish power in Cuba, is that of fifty years earlier, when 
 General Scott sailed at the head of the army of invasion against 
 Mexico. Some of the occurrences of that expedition, especially 
 connected with its landing, should be carefully studied, and if 
 the reports which have reached the public concerning it are 
 truthful, we would do well to consider how far the methods 
 then in use could be applied now. Scribner's recent history, 
 published just before the outbreak of the Spanish War, tells 
 the story of that expedition, so far as it tells it at all, in the 
 following sentence: "On the 7th of March, the fleet with 
 Scott's arniy came to anchor a few miles south of Vera Cruz, 
 and two days later he landed his whole force — nearly twelve 
 thousand men — by means of surf-boats." A writer in a re- 
 cent number of The Army and Navy Journal says General 
 Worth's Division of 4,500 men were landed in one hour, and 
 the whole force was landed in six hours, without accident or 
 confusion. In the prosecution of that unholy war, which lasted 
 about a year, nearly three thousand men were lost in battle and 
 about as many more by disease, peace being finally made by 
 the cession of territory on the part of Mexico, the United 
 States paying in return much more than the territory was 
 
124 FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA 
 
 worth. The twenty millions paid to Texas probably in great 
 part went into the coffers of the patriots who occupied that 
 region, some of whom had not been known as desirable citizens 
 in the parts from which they came, and had manifested their 
 patriotism by leaving their country for their country's good. 
 The fifteen millions handed over to Mexico looks like a con- 
 tribution to a conscience fund, and an atonement offered for an 
 assault without provocation. The country gained Arizona, 
 New Mexico, California and finally Texas, but it lost six 
 thousand good men, the cost of the war, and all told, in nego- 
 tiations, about thirty million dollars, besides. However, it is not 
 always profitable to look up the harvests of war. There are 
 always two — the harvest of gain, and the harvest of loss. 
 Death and debt are reapers, as well as are honor and extent of 
 territory. 
 
 The feelings of the six thousand American troops who 
 landed on Cuban soil on June 22nd, 1898, may well be imag- 
 ined. Although they felt the effects of the confinement to 
 which they had been subjected while on shipboard, there was 
 very little sickness among them. Again possessed of the free 
 use of their limbs they swarmed the beach and open space near 
 the landing, making themselves at home, and confronting the 
 difficulties and perils that lay before them with a courage born 
 of national pride. Before them were the mountains with their 
 almost impassable roads, the jungles filled with poisonous 
 plants and the terrible prickly underbrush and pointed grass, 
 in which skulked the land crab and various reptiles whose bite 
 or sting was dangerous; twenty miles of this inhospitable 
 country lay between them and Santiago, their true objective. 
 And somewhere on the road to that city they knew they were 
 destined to meet a well-trained foe, skilled in all the arts of 
 modern warfare, who would contest their advance. The pros- 
 
FIRST BATTLE IX CUBA 125 
 
 pect, however, did not unnerve them, although they could well 
 conjecture that all who landed would not re-embark. Some in 
 that six thousand were destined never again to set foot on 
 shipboard. Out of the Twenty-fifth Infantry and the Tenth 
 Cavalry men were to fall both before Spanish bullets and 
 disease ere these organizations should assemble to return to 
 their native shores. These thoughts did not prevent the men 
 from taking advantage of what nature had to offer them. 
 
 "We landed in rowboats, amid, and after the cessation of 
 the bombardment of the little hamlet and coast by the men- 
 of-war and battle-ships," writes a brave soldier of the Twenty- 
 fifth Infantry, and adds immediately: "We then helped our- 
 selves to cocoanuts which we found in abundance near the 
 landing." Ordinarily this statement, so trivial and apparently 
 unimportant, would not merit repetition, but in its connection 
 here it is significant as showing the immediate tendency of the 
 men to resort to the fruits of the country, despite all warnings 
 to the contrary. The two weeks' experience on board the 
 transports had made the finding of cocoanuts an event to be 
 noted, and the dry pulp and strongly flavored milk of this 
 tropical fruit became extremely grateful to the palate, even 
 if not altogether safe for the stomach. If ripe, however, the 
 cocoanut could scarcely be more ungenial to many, than the 
 raw, canned tomatoes upon which they had in part subsisted 
 during the voyage. It is to be added that this report of the 
 finding of the cocoanuts is not the report of an old soldier, but 
 of a young and intelligent, first enlistment man. 
 
 Lawton's Division soon after landing, was ordered to move 
 forward in the direction of Santiago, on the road leading past 
 Siboney. A staff officer, writing of that movement, says : 
 "General Lawton, with his Division, in obedience to this order, 
 pushed forward from Daiquiri about five miles, when night 
 
I 2 6 FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA 
 
 overtook him and he bivouacked on the road." An old sol- 
 dier of the Twenty-fifth, writing me from the hospital in 
 Tampa,. Florida, July 22nd, says of the same event: "After 
 the regiment landed we marched about four and a half miles 
 through the mountains; then we made camp." The old soldier 
 says nothing of cocoanuts, but makes his statement with as 
 much accuracy as possible, and with no waste of words. The 
 novice describing the same thing says: "A short distance 
 ahead (from the shore) we bivouacked for the night. We 
 were soon lying in dreamland, so far from friends and home, 
 indeed, on a distant, distant shore." These two extracts show 
 at once the difference between the soldier produced by years 
 of trial and training on our plains, and the soldier who but 
 vesterday was a civilian. With the one the march is a short 
 distance; with the other it is about four and a half miles; one 
 reports that they "made camp," the other talks of dreamland, 
 friends, home and distant shore; one expresses his feelings, 
 the other shows control of feeling and reserve in expression. 
 
 That first night on Cuban soil, the night following June 
 22nd, was one without events, but one of great concern to the 
 commanders on shore and on the fleet. The work of disem- 
 barking had gone on successfully, and already about six thous- 
 and men were on shore. Nearly the whole of Lawton's Divis- 
 ion, with Bates' independent brigade, were bivouacked, as we 
 have seen, about five miles from Daiquiri, exactly where the 
 railroad crosses the wagon road leading to Siboney. General 
 Wheeler's troops — one brigade — were encamped on the open 
 ground near the landing, the remainder of his division being 
 still on the transports. The Twenty-fifth Infantry was with 
 Lawton; the Tenth Cavalry was ashore with Wheeler's troops. 
 A detachment of the Twenty-fifth was put on outpost duty on 
 that night of their landing, and five miles within Cuban ter- 
 
FIRST I3ATTLE IN CUBA I 27 
 
 ritory they tramped their solitary beats, establishing and guard- 
 ing' the majestic authority of the United States. 
 
 Lawton's orders were to seize and hold the town of Siboney, 
 at which place Kent's Division, containing the Twenty- fourth, 
 was to land. It was then intended that the whole army should 
 advance as rapidly as would be consistent with supplying the 
 men with rations toward Santiago. Siboney was to be the 
 base of supplies, and from this point ammunition and food 
 were to be conveyed to the front by wagons and pack trains. 
 General Shafter also intended that Lawton with his division 
 should lead the advance upon Santiago, but circumstances be- 
 yond his control brought about a different result. On the 
 morning of the 23rd Lawton's division was in motion early, 
 and before half-past ten o'clock he was able to report that the 
 Spaniards had evacuated Siboney and were in full retreat, 
 pursued by a body of Cubans under direction of General Cas- 
 tillo; that the town was in his hands, and he had also cap- 
 tured one locomotive and nearly one hundred cars loaded with 
 coal. 
 
 General Young's brigade of General Wheeler's cavalry 
 division, got on shore on the afternoon of the 23rd and after 
 landing received verbal orders to move out with three days' 
 rations "to a good camping place between Juraguacito and Sib- 
 oney, on the road leading to Santiago de Cuba." In obedience 
 to these orders, at 4.30 in the afternoon Young with the Rough 
 Riders and a squadron from each of the First and Tenth Regu- 
 lar Cavalry moved from the bivouack near the landing and 
 arrived at Siboney at about 7 o'clock. When General Young 
 arrived at Siboney he had with him the Rough Riders, the 
 other troops having been delayed by the crowded condition of 
 the trail and the difficulty of following after nightfall. Al- 
 though these troops are always spoken of as cavalry, the 
 
128 FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA 
 
 reader must not forget that they were dismounted and in march- 
 ing and righting were the same as infantry. 
 
 General Young on arriving at Siboney reported to General 
 Wheeler, who had preceded him to the same place. The state- 
 ments of the several commanders here appear somewhat con- 
 flicting, although not inexplicable. General Lawton says: 
 "Yesterday afternoon, late, General Wheeler and staff arrived 
 and established his headquarters within the limits of my com- 
 mand. Saw him after dark. Late last night Colonel Wood's 
 regiment of dismounted cavalry (Rough Riders) passed 
 through my camp at Division Headquarters, and later General 
 Young, with some of the dismounted Cavalry, and early this 
 morning others of the dismounted cavalry." Wheeler says 
 that "in obedience to instructions from the Major-General 
 Commanding," given to him in person, he proceeded, on June 
 23rd, to Siboney, but does not say at what hour. He says he 
 "rode out to the front and found that the enemy had halted 
 a?vd established themselves at a point about three miles from 
 Siboney." He then informs us that "at 8 o'clock on that even- 
 ing of the 23rd General Young reached Siboney with eight 
 troops of Colonel Wood's regiment (A, B, D, E, F, G, K and 
 L) , 500 strong ; Troops A, B, G and K, of the First Cavalry, 
 in all 244, and Troops A, B, E and I, of the Tenth Cavalry, 
 in all 220 men, making a total force of 964 men, which in- 
 cluded nearly all of my command which had disembarked. 
 These troops had marched from Daiquiri, 1 1 miles. With the 
 assistance of General Castillo a rough map of the country was 
 prepared and the position of the enemy fully explained, and I 
 determined to make an attack." Lieutenant Miley says that 
 the whole brigade of Wheeler's troops arrived in Siboney 
 about dark and were occupying the same ground as General 
 Lawton ("In Cuba With Shafter," p. 76.) General Young 
 
FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA I 29 
 
 says that after reporting to General Wheeler he ''asked and 
 obtained from General Wheeler authority to make a recon- 
 noisance in force" for the purpose of obtaining "positive in- 
 formation * * * as to the position and movements of the 
 enemy in front." 
 
 The distance from Daiquiri to Siboney was but eleven miles, 
 and as the troops left the former place at 4.30 it is probable 
 that they were all bivouacked near Siboney before 9 o'clock, 
 as they were all together, according to General Wheeler's re- 
 port, at 5.45 on the morning of the 24th. General Young 
 having discovered that there were two roads or trails leading 
 from Siboney northward toward the town of Sevilla deter- 
 mined to make his reconnoisance by both these trails. He 
 directed Colonel Wood to move by the western trail and to 
 keep a careful lookout and to attack any Spaniards he might 
 encounter, being careful to join his right in the event of an 
 engagement, with the left of the column advancing by the 
 eastern trail. Colonel Wood's column was the left column and 
 was composed of the Rough Riders only. The column march- 
 ing by the eastern trail was composed of the First and Tenth 
 Cavalry (regulars) and was under the command of General 
 Young. It was the intention of General Young by this column 
 to gain the enemy's left, and thus attack in front and left. 
 As early as 7.20 a. m. Captain Mills discovered the enemy ex- 
 actly as had been described by General Castillo. When this 
 was done word was sent to Colonel Wood, who was making 
 his way to the front over a more difficult route than the one 
 by which General Young's column had marched. A delay was 
 therefore made on the part of General Young in order that the 
 attack should begin on both flanks at the same time. During 
 this delay General Wheeler arrived and was informed of the 
 plans and dispositions for the attack, and after examining the 
 
 9 
 
I JO FIRST BATTLE UV CUBA 
 
 position gave his approval of what had been done, whereupon 
 General Young ordered the attack. General Wheeler in speak- 
 ing of the same event says: "General Young and myself ex- 
 amined the position of the enemy. The lines were deployed 
 and I directed him to open fire with the Hotckiss gun. The 
 enemy replied and the firing immediately became general." 
 There can be no question as to the planning of this fight nor 
 as to the direction of the American force in the fight so far 
 as any general direction was possible. Colonel Wood directed 
 one column and General Young another, while the plan of the 
 attack undoubtedly originated with General Young. General 
 Wheeler conveys as much when he says : "General Young de- 
 serves special commendation for his cool deliberate and skill- 
 ful management." General Young, if only the commander of 
 the right column consisting of two squadrons of regular 
 cavalry, had not as large a command, nor as difficult and im- 
 portant a one as had Colonel Wood, and hence is not deserving 
 of special commendation except upon the general ground that 
 he had supervision over the whole battle. This position is 
 taken by General Shafter in his report, who though admitting 
 the presence of the Division Commander, credits the battle to 
 General Young, the commander of the brigade. The recon- 
 noissance in force for which Young had obtained authority 
 from General Wheeler on the night of the 23rd had developed 
 into a battle, and the plan had evolved itself from the facts dis- 
 covered. This plan General Wheeler approved, but in no such 
 way as to take the credit from its originator ; and it is doubt- 
 less with reference both to the plan and the execution that he 
 bestows on General Young the mead of praise. This state- 
 ment of fact does not in the least detract from either the im- 
 portance or the praiseworthiness of the part played by Colonel 
 Wood. Both he and the officers and men commanded by him 
 
FIRST BATTLE IX CUBA 
 
 *3» 
 
 received both from General Young and from the division com- 
 mander the most generous praise. The advance of Wood's 
 column was made with great difficulty owing to the nature of 
 the ground, and according to General Young's belief, he was 
 in the rear when at 7.20 in the morning Captain Mills discov- 
 ered the enemy, and a Cuban guide was dispatched to warn 
 Wood, and a delay made to allow time for him to come up. 
 Colonel Wood, on the other hand, claims to have discovered 
 the enemy at 7.10 and to have begun action almost immediat- 
 ely, so that it turned out as Young had planned, and "the at- 
 tack of both wings was simultaneous." The Spaniards were 
 posted on a range of high hills in the form of a "V," the open- 
 ing being toward Siboney, from which direction the attack 
 came. 
 
 From Colonel Wood's report it appears that soon after the 
 firing began he found it necessary to deploy five troops to the 
 right, and left, leaving three troops in reserve. The 
 enemy's lines being still beyond his, both on the right and on 
 the left, he hastily deployed two more troops, which made the 
 lines now about equal in length. The firing was now "ex- 
 ceedingly heavy," and much of it at short range, but on account 
 of the thick underbrush it was not very effective; "compara 
 tively few of our men were injured." Captain Capron at this 
 time received his mortal wound and the firing became so terrific 
 that the last remaining troop of the reserve was absorbed by 
 the firing line, and the whole regiment ordered to advance very 
 slowly. The Spanish line yielded and the advance soon showed 
 that in falling back the enemy had taken a new position, about 
 three hundred yards in front of the advancing regiment. Their 
 lines extended from 800 to 1,000 yards, and the firing from 
 their front was "exceedingly heavy" and effective. A "good 
 many men" were wounded, "and several officers," says Colonel 
 
132 FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA 
 
 Wood's report. Still the advance was kept up, and the Span- 
 ish line was steadily forced back. "We now began," says 
 Colonel Wood, "to get a heavy fire from a ridge on our right, 
 which enfiladed our line." The reader can at once see that al- 
 though the Rough Riders were advancing heroically, they were 
 now in a very serious situation, with an exceedingly heavy and 
 effective fire striking them in front, and a heavy, enfilading fire 
 raking them from the right. Their whole strength was on the 
 line, and these two fires must have reduced their effectiveness 
 with great rapidity had it kept up, the Spaniards having their 
 range and firing by well-directed volleys. It was for the regi- 
 ment a moment of the utmost peril. Had they been alone they 
 must have perished. 
 
 It was from this perilous situation of Colonel Wood's com- 
 mand that one of the most popular stories of the war origin- 
 ated, a story that contained some truth, but which was often 
 told in such a way as to cause irritation, and in some instances 
 it was so exaggerated or mutilated in the telling as to be sim- 
 ply ridiculous. On the day after the battle the story was 
 told in Lawton's camp according to the testimony of an in- 
 telligent soldier of the Twenty-fifth Infantry. His words are: 
 "The next day about noon we heard that the Tenth Cavalry 
 had met the enemy and that the Tenth Cavalry had rescued the 
 Rough Riders. We congratulated ourselves that although not 
 of the same branch of service, we were of the same color, and 
 that to the eye of the enemy we, troopers and footmen, all 
 looked alike." According to artists and cheap newspaper 
 stories this rescuing occurred again and again. A picture is 
 extensively advertized as "an actual and authoritative presen- 
 tation of this regiment (the Tenth Cavalry) as it participated 
 in that great struggle, and their heroic rescue of the Rough 
 Riders on that memorable July day." This especial rescuing 
 
FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA 1 33 
 
 f 
 
 took place on San Juan Hill. The editor of a religious paper 
 declares that it was the Twenty-fifth Infantry that rescued the 
 Rough Riders and that it was done at El Caney!* 
 
 Before we go any farther let us see just what the Tenth 
 Cavalry did do in this fight. That their action was highly 
 meritorious admits of no doubt, and the laurels they won were 
 never allowed to fade during the whole campaign. General 
 Wheeler speaks of them with the First Cavalry. He says : "I 
 was immediately with the troops of the First and Tenth Regu- 
 lar Cavalry, dismounted, and personally noticed their brave 
 and good conduct." There were four troops of the Tenth en- 
 gaged, composing the First Squadron of that regiment, under 
 command of Major Norval. Troop A was commanded by 
 Captain W. H. Beck, who was specially commended by Gen- 
 eral Wheeler for good conduct. Second Lieutenant F. R. Mc- 
 Coy was Captain Beck's assistant. This troop moved over to 
 the left, receiving the fire of the enemy, but making no re- 
 sponse, the distance being too great for effective carbine firing. 
 
 *THE TWENTY-FIFTH AT EL-CANEY. 
 
 American valor never shone with greater luster than when the Twenty- 
 fifth Infantry swept up the sizzling hill of El-Caney to the rescue of the 
 rough riders. Two other regiments came into view of the rough riders. 
 But the bullets were flying like driving hail ; the enemy were in trees and 
 ambushes with smokeless powder, and the rough riders were biting the 
 dust and were threatened with annihilation. 
 
 A rough rider described the feelings of his brigade when they saw the 
 other regiments appear and retreat. Finally this rough rider, a Southerner, 
 heard a well-known yell. And out of the distance moved a regiment as if 
 on dress parade, faces set like steel, keeping step like a machine, their com- 
 rades falling here, there, everywhere, moving into the storm of invisible 
 death without one faltering step, passing the rough riders, conquering up 
 the hill, and never stopping until with the rough riders El-Caney was won. 
 This was the Twenty-fifth Regiment (colored), United States Infantry, 
 now quartered at Fort Logan, Denver. We have asked the chaplain, T. 
 G- Steward, to recite the events at El-Caney. His modesty confines him 
 to the barest recital of "semi-official" records. But the charge of the 
 Twenty-fifth is deserving of comparison with that of "the Light Brigade" 
 in the Crimean War, or of Custer at the massacre of the Big Horn. 
 (Editorial in religious paper.) 
 
134 FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA 
 
 This troop reached Colonel Wood's right and made the line 
 continuous so that there was now a force in front of that 
 ridge where the Spaniards were securely entrenched and from 
 which they were pouring their enfilading fire unon Colonel 
 Wood's line. Troop A, although coming into the line, did not 
 fire. Their presence, however, gave the Rough Riders the 
 assurance that their flank was saved. Troop E was command- 
 ed by Captain C. G. Ayres with Second Lieutenant George Vid- 
 mar. This troop was placed by General Young in support of 
 Captain Watson's two Hotchkiss guns, and also of the troops 
 in their front. The troop was under fire one hour and a quar- 
 ter, during which they were in plain view of the Spaniards, 
 who also had their exact range. One man was killed and one 
 wounded. Their courage, coolness and discipline in this trying 
 hour and a quarter were of the very highest order. The troop 
 commander says: "Their coolness and fine discipline were 
 superb." This troop did not fire a shot. Thus one-half of the 
 squadron moved to its positions and held them without being 
 able to do any damage to the enemy, as they were carrying out to 
 the letter their instructions, which were to fire only when they 
 could see the enemy. Troop B was commanded by Captain 
 J. W. Watson with H. O. Willard as Second Lieutenant. A 
 detachment of this troop was placed in charge of four Hotch- 
 kiss mountain guns. This detachment opened fire upon the 
 enemy, using the ammunition sparingly, as they had but fifty 
 rounds with them. Twenty-two shots were fired, apparently 
 with effect. The remainder of the troop under Lieutenant Wil- 
 liard was ordered to move out to the extreme right, which 
 would place it beyond the line of the First Cavalry, thus bring- 
 ing that regiment between Troop A of the Tenth, which con- 
 nected it with the Rough Riders and Troop B, which was to 
 be on its extreme right. Lieutenant Williard's report of this 
 movement is as follows : 
 
FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA 135 
 
 "1 ordered the troop forward at once, telling them to take ad- 
 vantage of all cover available. In the meantime the volleys 
 from the Spanish were coming in quite frequently and striking 
 the ground on all sides near where we were. I found it very 
 difficult to move the men forward after having found cover, and 
 ran back to a portion of the troop near an old brick wall, and 
 ordered them forward at once. They then made a dash forward, 
 and in doing so three or four men were wounded, Private Rus- 
 sell severely. Who the others were I do not know. We encoun- 
 tered a severe fire directly after this move forward ; and Private 
 Wheeler was wounded in the left leg. There was a wire fence on 
 our right, and such thick underbrush that we were unable to get 
 through right there, so had to follow along the fence for some 
 distance before being able to penetrate. Finally, was able to 
 get the greater proportion of my men through, and about this 
 time I met Lieutenants Fleming and Miller, Tenth Cavalry, 
 moving through the thicket at my left. I there heard the order 
 passed on 'not to fire ahead,' as there was danger of firing into 
 our own forces. In the meantime there was shouting from the 
 First Cavalry in our front, 'Don't fire on us in rear.' My troop 
 had not fired a shot to my knowledge, nor the knowledge of any 
 non-commissioned officers in the troop. About this time I 
 found I was unable to keep the troop deployed, as they would 
 huddle up behind one rock or tree, so I gave all sergeants orders 
 to move out on the extreme right and to keep in touch with 
 those on their left. Then, with a squad of about five men, I 
 moved to the right front, and was unfortunate enough to lose 
 the troop, i. e.. I could see nothing of them except the men 
 with me. 
 
 "But as I had given explicit instructions to my sergeant, in 
 case I was lost from them, to continue to advance until halted 
 by some one in authority, I moved ahead myself, hoping to find 
 them later on. In making a rush forward three men of my 
 squad were lost from me in some way. I still had two men 
 with me, Privates Combs and Jackson, and in the next advance 
 made I picked up a First Cavalry sergeant who had fallen out 
 from exhaustion. After a terrific climb up the ridge in front 
 of me, and a very regular though ineffective fire from the enemy 
 kept up until we were about sixty yards from the summit of 
 hill, we reached the advance line of the First United States Cav- 
 alry, under command of Captain Waimvright. I then reported 
 
136 FIRST BATTLE IN CUUA 
 
 to him for orders, and moved forward when he next advanced. 
 The firing had ceased, and no more shots wer fired, to my 
 knowledge, after this time. With the First Cavalry, Troop G, 
 we followed along the right of the ridge and came down to the 
 right front, encountering no opposition or fire from the enemy, 
 but finding the enemy's breastworks in confusion, ammunition 
 and articles of clothing scattered around; also one dead Span- 
 iard and two Mauser rifles. At the foot of the ridge we met some 
 of the First Volunteer Cavalry, and being utterly exhausted, 
 I was obliged to lie down. Soon after, Captain Mills, adjutant- 
 general of Second Brigade, Cavalry Division, came up to where 
 I was and placed me in command of Troop K, First United 
 States Cavalry, whose officers were wounded. I then marched 
 them forward on the road to where General Wheeler was sit- 
 ting, and received orders from Colonel Wood, First Volunteer 
 Cavalry, to remain until further orders and make no further ad- 
 vance. Directly afterwards, learning the action was over, I 
 reported back to General Young, and received orders to remain 
 camped with the First Cavalry Squadron, where the action had 
 closed. In the meantime, I should have stated that I found the 
 principal part of my troop and collected them and left them 
 under the first sergeant, when I went back to receive orders. So 
 far as I know, and to the best of my knowledge, the men of my 
 troop acted with the greatest bravery, advancing on an enemy 
 who could not be seen, and subjected to a severe and heavy 
 fire at each step, which was only rendered ineffective to a great 
 degree by the poor marksmanship of the enemy, as many times 
 we were in sight of them (I discovered this by observation after 
 the engagement) while we could see nothing. We were also 
 subjected to a severe reverse fire from the hills in our right rear, 
 several men being wounded by this fire. Throughout the fight 
 the men acted with exceptional coolness, in my judgment. The 
 casualties were : Privates Russell, Braxton and Morris, severely 
 wounded; Privates F. A. Miller, Grice, Wheeler and Gaines, 
 slightly wounded, i. e., less severely. None killed. 
 Very respectfully, 
 
 HENRY O. WILLIARD. 
 
 June 24, 1898. 
 
 Troop B, Tenth Cavalry, during action near La Guasima, 
 Second Lieutenant.Tenth United States Cavalry, Commanding. 
 
FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA 137 
 
 Troop I of the Tenth Cavalry was commanded by First 
 Lieutenant R. J. Fleming- with Second Lieutenant A. M. 
 Miller. This troop moved to the right and wedged in between 
 B Troop and the right of the First Cavalry. Lieutenant Flem- 
 ing discovered the enemy posted on the high ridge immediately 
 in front of his troop, and also extending to his right, in front 
 of B Troop. Moving his troop a little to the right so as to 
 secure room to advance without coming in contact with the 
 First Cavalry, he then directed his course straight toward the 
 hill on which he had located the enemy. The advance was 
 made with great caution, the men seeking cover wherever pos- 
 sible, and dashing across the open spaces at full run. Thus 
 they moved until the base of the steep part of the hill was 
 reached. This was found very difficult of ascent, not only be- 
 cause of the rugged steepness, but also on account of the un- 
 derbrush, and the sharp-leaved grass, the cacti and Spanish 
 bayonet, that grow on all these hillsides. Paths had to be cut 
 through these prickly obstructions with knives and sabres. 
 Consequently the advance up that hill, though free from peril, 
 was very slow and trying. Twice during the advance the men 
 obtained a view of their enemies and were permitted to fire. 
 The instructions were rigidly adhered to : No firing only at 
 the visible foe. Lieutenant Fleming says : "Owing to the un- 
 derbrush it was impossible for me to see but a very few men 
 at a time, but as they all arrived on the crest about the time 
 I did, or shortly after, they certainly advanced steadily." He 
 says: "The entire troop behaved with great coolness and 
 obeyed every order." Farrier Sherman Harris, Wagoner John 
 Boland and Private Elsie Jones especially distinguished them- 
 selves for coolness and gallantry. The aggressive work of the 
 Tenth Cavalry, therefore, appears to have been done by Troops 
 B and I, a detachment of the former troop serving the Hotch- 
 
j 38 FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA 
 
 kiss gun battery. Troop I was commanded by Lieutenant 
 Fleming and by him conducted to the front, although he ad- 
 mits that in their advance up the slope of the hill he could sec 
 Dut very few of the men at a time, and declares that their ad- 
 vance was certainly steady, because all arrived at the crest of 
 the hill simultaneously or nearly so. 
 
 Lieutenant Fleming does not show that his troop of excellent 
 men were in any sense peculiarly dependent upon their white 
 officers as some have asserted. They advanced steadily, just 
 as the regulars always do, advanced noiselessly and without 
 any reckless firing, and reached the crest of the hill in order, 
 although he could not see them as they were making their ad- 
 vance. They kept their line despite all the obstructions. Lieu- 
 tenant Fleming also says that in moving to his position he 
 passed Troop B, which then "inclined to the right, and during 
 the remainder of the action was on my right." Troop B, there- 
 fore, went through about the same experience as Troop I, and 
 being on the extreme right of the line may have been more di- 
 rectly in front of that foe which Fleming says was in his front 
 and to the right. Why did not the officer who directed or led 
 B Troop in its advance upon the enemy report the action of his 
 troop as vividly and generously as did Lieutenant Fleming 
 the men of Troop I ? With not the slightest reflection upon the 
 gallant officer, he himself has the manliness to say he was so 
 unfortunate as to lose the troop. The troop, however, did not 
 become demoralized, but went into action under command of 
 its First Sergeant, John Buck* cmd remained on Lieutenant 
 Fleming's right during the action. It has been proven more 
 than once that should the commissioned officeis of a company 
 or troop of colored regulars be killed or incapacitated, the non- 
 
 *See Note C at the end of this chapter. 
 
FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA J 39 
 
 commissioned officers can carry on the fight. Speaking of this 
 same regiment it is equally true that at San Juan the officers 
 of Troops D and G were all shot and the commands of these 
 troops fell to their First Sergeants, the first to Sergeant Wil- 
 liam H. Given, the second to Sergeant Saint Foster, and it is 
 generally understood that these two men were appointed Lieu- 
 tenants of Volunteers because of their success in handling 
 their troops in battle. 
 
 The entire attacking force at this end of the line, if we count 
 only those engaged in actual firing, consisted of two troops of 
 the Tenth Cavalry and two of the First Cavalry — four troops 
 — while to the left the entire eight troops were on the firing 
 line. The action of the troops of the First Cavalry was quite 
 similar to that of the troops of the Tenth Cavalry, and equally 
 deserving of commendation. Of them all General Young says : 
 
 "The ground over which the right column advanced was a 
 mass of jungle growth, with wire fences, not to be seen until 
 encountered, and precipitous heights as the ridge was ap- 
 proached. It was impossible for the troops to keep in touch 
 along the front, and they could only judge of the enemy from 
 the sound and direction of his fire. However, had it not been 
 for this dense jungle, the attack would not have been made 
 against an overwhelming force in such a position. Headway 
 was so difficult that advance and support became merged and 
 moved forward under a continuous volley firing, supplemented 
 by that of two rapid-fire guns. Return firing by my force was 
 only made as here and there a small clear spot gave a sight of 
 the enemy. The fire discipline of these particular troops was 
 almost perfect. The ammunition expended by the two squad- 
 rons engaged in an incessant advance for one hour and fifteen 
 minutes averaged less than ten rounds per man. The fine qual- 
 ity of these troops is also shown by the fact that there was not a 
 single straggler, and in not one instance was an attempt ,,iade 
 by any soldier to fall out in the advance to assist the wounded 
 or carry back the dead. The fighting on the left flank was 
 equally creditable and was remarkable, and I believe unprece- 
 dented, in volunter troops so quickly raised, armed and 
 equipped." 
 
140 FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA 
 
 The five hundred men of Colonel Wood's regiment were 
 stretched over a space of 800 to 1,000 yards, and were entirely 
 without support or reserve, and appear to have advanced to a 
 point where this very strong force on the right swept a good 
 part of their line both with rifle fire and the fire of their two 
 machine guns. Men and officers were falling- under both the 
 front and flank fire of the enemy, and had not the squadrons 
 of the First and Tenth made their successful assault upon that 
 ridge, which, according to General Wood's report, was "very 
 strongly held," the situation of the Rough Riders would have 
 been extreme. Because this successful assault was participated 
 in by the Tenth Cavalry the story arose that the Rough Riders 
 were rescued by that regiment. The fair statement would be : 
 That the Regular Cavalry, consisting of a squadron of the 
 First and a squadron of the Tenth, made their advance on the 
 right at the precise moment to deliver the Rough Riders from 
 a fire that threatened their annihilation. The marksmanship 
 and coolness of the men of the Tenth have been specially com- 
 mented upon and their fire was described as very effective, but 
 the same remarks could be made of the men of the First, who 
 fought side by side with them. It is probable that the volun- 
 teers advanced more rapidly than did the regulars, using more 
 ammunition, and manifesting a very high degree of courage 
 and enthusiasm as well as deliberation; but the regulars 
 reached their objective at the proper time to turn the battle's 
 tide. Each advancing column was worthy to be companion to 
 the other. 
 
 General Wheeler said the fire was very hot for about an 
 hour, and "at 8.30 sent a courier to General Lawton informing 
 him that he was engaged with a larger force of the enemy than 
 was anticipated, and asked that his force be sent forward on 
 the Sevilla road as quickly as possible." ("In Cuba With 
 
FIRST BATTLF IN CUBA 141 
 
 Shafter," p. 8>$.) General Lawton, however, with the true in- 
 stinct of a soldier had already sent orders to General Chaffee 
 to move forward with the First Brigade. The Second Brigade 
 was also in readiness to move and the men of the Twenty-fifth 
 were expecting to go forward to take a position on the right 
 and if possible a little to the rear of the Spanish entrenchments 
 in order to cut off their retreat. The rapid movements of the 
 cavalry division, however, rendered this unnecessary, and the 
 routing of the foe gave to the Americans an open country and 
 cleared the field for the advance on Santiago. The first battle 
 had been fought, and the Americans had been victorious, but 
 not without cost. Sixteen men had been killed and fifty-two 
 wounded. In Colonel Wood's regiment eight had been killed 
 and thirty-four wounded; in the First Cavalry, seven killed 
 and eight wounded; in the Tenth Cavalry, one killed and ten 
 wounded. The percentage of losses to the whole strength of 
 the several organizations engaged was as follows : Rough 
 Riders, over 8 per cent. ; First Cavalry, over 6 per cent. ; Tenth 
 Cavalry, 5 per cent. But if we take those on the firing line as 
 the base the rate per cent, of losses among the regulars would 
 be doubled, while that of the volunteers would remain the 
 same. 
 
 The strength of the enemy in this battle is given in the Span- 
 ish official reports, according to Lieutenant Miley, at about 
 five hundred, and their losses are put at nine killed and twenty- 
 seven wounded. At the time of the fight it was supposed to be 
 much larger. General Young's report places the estimates at 
 2,000, and adds "that it has since been learned from Spanish 
 sources to have been 2,500. The Cuban military authorities 
 claim the Spanish strength was 4,000." These figures are 
 doubtless too high. The force overtaken at Las Guasimas was 
 the same force that evacuated Siboney at the approach of Law- 
 
142 riRST BATTLE IN CUBA 
 
 ton and the force with which the Cubans had fought on the 
 morning of the 23rd. It may have consisted solely of the gar- 
 rison from Siboney, although it is more probable that it in- 
 cluded also those from Daiquiri and Jutici, as it is quite certain 
 that all these troops proceeded toward Santiago over the same 
 road. The force at Siboney had been given by the Cubans at 
 600, at Daiquiri at 300, and at Jutici at 150. If these had con- 
 centrated and the figures were correct, the Spanish force at 
 Guasimas was upwards of 1,000. If, however, it was the force 
 from Siboney alone, it was about as the Spanish official report 
 giyes it. On this latter basis, however, the losses are out of 
 proportion, for while the attacking party lost a little less than 
 7 per cent, of its entire strength in killed and wounded, the 
 losses of the entrenched, defending party, were even a little 
 greater, or over 7 per cent, of its strength. It is, therefore, 
 probable that the Spanish force was greater than officially re- 
 ported and included the troops from the other posts as well as 
 those from Siboney. The engagement was classed by General 
 Shafter as unimportant, although its effect upon our army was 
 inspiring. It did not cut off the retreat of the Spanish force, 
 and the men who faced our army at Guasimas met them again 
 in the trenches before Santiago. General Shafter desired to 
 advance with his whole force, and cautioned strongly against 
 any further forward movement until the troops were well in 
 hand. The two battles between the Cubans and Spaniards, 
 fought on the 23rd, in which the Cubans had sixteen men 
 wounded and two killed, were engagements of some conse- 
 quence, although we have no reports of them. There is no evi- 
 dence that the Cubans took part in the battle of Guasimas, al- 
 though they arrived on the grounds immediately after the firing 
 ceased. 
 
 The story thus far told is, as the reader cannot fail to see, 
 
FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA 1 43 
 
 directly from official records, and the conclusions arrived at 
 are those which result naturally from the facts as therein de- 
 tailed. Not one word is quoted from any but military men — 
 actors in the affair. We may now go briefly over the same 
 ground, giving the views and conclusions of able civilian cor- 
 respondents who followed the army to -see what was done, and 
 who were trained observers and skilled writers. How have 
 these able war journalists told the story of Las Guasimas? 
 
 To quote from Stephen Bonsai in substance, not in words, 
 is to contradict what General Shafter says officially in one par- 
 ticular, but in no such way as to discredit the General, or to 
 weaken Bonsai. It is not a case of bringing two universal, an- 
 tagonistic propositions face to face, but a case where two men 
 of different training look upon an action from different stand- 
 points and through different field-glasses. General Shafter 
 says of the collision of the Rough Riders with the Spanish 
 force: "There was no ambush as reported." As a military 
 man, he says there was no more concealment on the part of the 
 Spanish force than what an attacking party should expect, no 
 more than what is usual in modern warfare, hence he does not 
 regard it as an ambush, and does not officially take notice of 
 any surprise or unexpected encounter on the part of his force. 
 To do so would be to reflect, however slightly, upon the pro- 
 fessional skill of the commander of the left column. Gen- 
 eral Shafter thus says officially in a manly way : "There was 
 no ambush." Beyond this his duty does not call him to go, 
 and he halts his expressions exactly at this line, maintaining 
 in his attitude all the attributes of the true soldier, placing 
 himself beyond criticism by thus securing from attack the char- 
 acter of his subordinate. 
 
 Mr. Bonsai is a writer and author, accustomed to view ac- 
 tions in the broader light of popular judgment, entirely free 
 
144 FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA 
 
 from professional bias, and having no class-feeling or obliga- 
 tions to serve. His pen is not official; his statements are 
 not from the military standpoint; not influenced in any way by 
 considerations of personal weal or woe with respect to others 
 or himself. He says that one troop of the Rough Riders, 
 Troop L, commanded by Captain Capron, was leading the ad- 
 vance of the regiment, and was in solid formation and within 
 twenty-five yards of its scouting line when it received the en- 
 emy's fire. This troop was so far in the advance that it took 
 the other troops of the regiment more than a half hour to get 
 up to it. The writer speaks of the advance of that troop as hav- 
 ing been made "in the fool-hardy formation of a solid column 
 along a narrow trail, which brought them, in the way I have 
 described, within point-blank range of the Spanish rifles, and 
 within the unobstructed sweep of their machine guns." He 
 sums up as follows : "And if it is to be ambushed when you 
 receive the enemy's fire perhaps a quarter of an hour before 
 it was expected, and when the troop was in a formation, and 
 the only one in which, in view of the nature of the ground it 
 was possible to advance quickly, then most certainly L Troop 
 of the Rough Riders was ambushed by the Spaniards on the 
 morning of June 24th." 
 
 Mr. Bonsai also brings into clear view the part taken in this 
 battle by Lawton's Infantry. He shows by means of a simple 
 map the trail by which Miles' brigade, in which was the 
 Twenty-fifth Infantry, moved in order to flank the Spanish 
 position, while Chaffee's brigade was hurrying forward on the 
 Royal Road to reinforce the line in front. A letter from a 
 soldier of the Twenty-fifth written soon after these events fully 
 confirms Mr. Bonsai in what he says concerning the movement 
 of Miles* brigade. The soldier says : "On the morning of the 
 24th the Rougti Riders, Tenth and First Cavalry were to make 
 
FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA 
 
 MS 
 
 an attack on a little place where the Spanish were fortified. 
 The Second Brigade was to come on the right flank of these 
 troops and a little in rear of the fortifications; but by some 
 misunderstanding, the former troops, led by the Rough Riders, 
 made an attack before we got our position, and the result was 
 a great many lives lost in the First Cvalry and Rough Riders 
 — only one in Tenth Cavalry, but many wounded. They cap- 
 tured the fortification." This letter by a humble soldier, writ- 
 ten with no thought of its importance, shows how gallantly 
 Lawton had sprung to the rescue of Wheeler's division. Ac- 
 cording to Bonsai, who 'says he obtained his information from 
 Spanish officers who were present in this fight, it was the in- 
 formation of the approach of this brigade and of Chaffee's up 
 the main road that caused the Spaniards to withdraw rapidly 
 from the position. The whole force was in imminent danger 
 of being captured. Another soldier of the Twenty-fifth wrote : 
 "The report came that the Twenty-fifth Infantry was to cut 
 off' the Spanish retreat from a stronghold, toward Santiago." 
 These glimpses from soldiers' letters illustrate how clearly 
 they comprehended the work upon which they were sent, and 
 show also how hearty and cordial was the support which the 
 infantry at that time was hurrying forward to the advancing 
 cavalry. 
 
 The official reports show that the strength of the Spanish 
 position was before the right of our line. Mr. Bonsai says: 
 "Directly in front of the Tenth Cavalry rose undoubtedly the 
 strongest point in the Spanish position — two lines of shallow 
 trenches, strengthened by heavy stone parapets." We must re- 
 member that so far as we can get the disposition of these troops 
 from official records, Troop A connected the Rough Riders 
 with the First Cavalry, and Troops I and B were on the right 
 of the First Cavalry. Troop A did not fire a shot; the fight- 
 
T4.6 FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA 
 
 ing, therefore, was done by Troops I and B on the extreme 
 right of the line, and it was on their front that "undoubtedly 
 the strongest point in the Spanish position" lay — nor should 
 the reader forget that at this very important moment Troop 
 B was commanded by its First Sergeant, Buck, Lieutenant 
 Williard having by his own report been "unfortunate enough 
 to lose the troop." This is said with no disparagement to 
 Lieutenant Williard. It was merely one of the accidents of 
 battle. 
 
 Says Mr. Bonsai : "The moment the advance was ordered 
 the black troopers of the Tenth Cavalry forged ahead. They 
 were no braver certainly than any other men in the line, but 
 their better training enabled them to render more valuable 
 services than the other troops engaged. They had with them 
 and ready for action their machine guns, and shoved them right 
 up to the front on the firing line, from where they poured very 
 effective fire into the Spanish trenches, which not only did con- 
 siderable execution, but was particualrly effective in keeping 
 down the return fire of the Spaniards. The machine guns of 
 the Rough Riders were mislaid, or the mules upon which they 
 had been loaded could not be found at this juncture. It was 
 said they had bolted. It is certain, however, that the guns were 
 not brought into action, and consequently the Spaniards suf- 
 fered less, and the Rough Riders more, in the gallant charge 
 they made up the hill in front of them, after the Tenth Cavalry 
 had advanced and driven the Spaniards from their position on 
 the right." 
 
 Corporal W. F. Johnson, B Troop, was the non-commis- 
 sioned officer in charge of the machine guns during the brief 
 fight at Las Guasimas, and his action was such as to call forth 
 from the troop commander special mention "for his efficiency 
 and perfect coolness under fire." Here I may be pardoned 
 
FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA 147 
 
 for calling attention to a notion too prevalent concerning the 
 Negro soldier in time of battle. He is too often represented 
 as going into action singing like a zany or yelling like a demon, 
 rather than as a man calculating the chances for life and vic- 
 tory. The official reports from the Black Regulars in Cuba 
 ought to correct this notion. Every troop and company com- 
 mander, who has reported upon colored soldiers in that war, 
 speaks of the coolness of the men of his command. Captain 
 Beck, of Troop A, Tenth Cavalry, in the Guasimas fight, says : 
 "I will add that the enlisted men of Troop A, Tenth Cavalry, 
 behaved well, silently and alertly obeying orders, and without 
 becoming excited when the fire of the qnemy reached them." 
 The yell, in the charge of the regulars, is a part of the action, 
 and is no more peculiar to Negro troops than to the whites, 
 only as they may differ in the general timbre of voice. Black 
 American soldiers when not on duty may sing more than white 
 troops, but in quite a long experience among them I have not 
 found the difference so very noticeable. In all garrisons one 
 will find some men more musically inclined than others; some 
 who love to sing and some who do not ; some who have voices 
 adapted to the production of musical tones, and some who have 
 not, and it is doubtless owing to these constitutional differ- 
 ences that we find differences in habits and expressions. 
 
 Lieutenant Miley, of General Shafter's staff, in his description 
 of the departure of General Shafter from General Garcia's tent, 
 gives us a glimpse of the character of the men that composed 
 the Cuban army in that vicinity. 
 
 "While the interview was going on, the troops were being 
 assembled to do honor to the General on his departure. Sev- 
 eral companies were drawn up in front of the tent to present 
 arms as he came out, and a regiment escorted him to the beach 
 down the winding path, which was now lined on both sides by 
 Cuban soldiers standing about a yard apart and presenting 
 arms. The scene made a strong impression on all in the party, 
 there seemed to be such an earnestness and fixedness of purpose 
 
148 FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA 
 
 displayed that all felt these soldiers to be a power. About fifty 
 per cent, were blacks, and the rest mulattoes, with a small num- 
 ber of v/hites. They were very poorly clad, many without shirts 
 or shoes, but every man had his gun and a belt full of ammuni- 
 tion." 
 
 B. 
 
 EXTRACT FROM A LETTER FROM A SOLDIER OF 
 
 THE 10TH CAVALRY, TROOP B, CONCERNING 
 
 THE BATTLE OF LAS GUASIMAS : 
 
 ' . . . The platoon which escaped this ditch got on the right 
 of the 1st Cavalry on the firing line, and pushed steadily forward 
 under First Sergeant Buck, being then in two squads — one 
 under Sergeant Thompson. On account of the nature of the 
 ground and other natural obstacles, mere were men not con- 
 nected with any squads, but who advanced with the line. 
 
 Both squads fired by volley and at will, at the command of the 
 sergeants named ; and their shots reached the enemy and were 
 effective, as it is generally believed. 
 
 Private W. M. Bunn, of Sergeant Thompson's squad, is re- 
 ported to have shot a sharpshooter from a tree just in front of 
 the enemy's work. Private Wheeler was shot twice in the ad- 
 vance. Sergeant Thompson's squad was once stopped from fir- 
 ing by General Wheeler's adjutant-general for fear of hitting 
 the Rough Riders. 
 
 It seems that two distinct battles were fought that day. Col- 
 onel Wood's command struck the enemy at about the lame lime, 
 or probably a litle before, ours did, and all unknown to the men 
 in our ranks ; and got themselves into a pretty tight soueeze. 
 About the same time our force engaged the enemy ; nd drew 
 part of the attention they were giving the Rough Riders. This, 
 the latter claimed, enabled them to continue the movement on 
 tltp enemy's works. 
 
 But as our command had an equal number oi 1st and 10th 
 Cavalrymen, I am of the opinion that the story of our saving 
 the Rough Riders arose from the fact that as <oon ;s the fight 
 was over, the 1st Regular Cavalry was opening its arms to us, 
 declaring that we, especially B Troop, had saved 'hem; for the 
 1st Regular Cavalry was first in the attack in General Young's 
 command; and when the enemy began to make it pietty warm, 
 he ordered B and I Troops of the 10th forward on the right 
 
FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA 149 
 
 Troop B was in the lead; and the alacrity with which these two 
 troops moved to the front has always been praised by the ist 
 Cavalry ; and they declare that that movement helped them won- 
 derfully. In making this movement my troop had three or four 
 men wounded ; and later, when Sergeant Thompson's squad 
 was fighting far to the front, it had in it several members of tfie 
 ist Cavalry, who are always glad to praise him. 
 
 So, I think that by the Rough Riders first attributing their 
 success, or their rescue from inevitable defeat, to the attack 
 made by our command; and by the ist Regular Cavalry's very 
 generously, in the heat of success, bestowing upon us the 
 honors of the day, it finally became a settled thing that we saved 
 the whole battle. 
 
 That evening, after the battle, I was met by Lieutenant Shipp, 
 later killed at San Juan Hill, who, on inquiring and being told 
 that I belonged to Troop B, congratulated me on its conduct, 
 and said it had made a name for the regiment. Lieutenant 
 Shipp was not in that fight, but had come up after it was over 
 and had heard of us through the ist Cavalry." 
 
 Sergeant John Buck was born September 10th, 1861, at 
 Chapel Hill, Texas ; enlisted in 10th Cavalry, November 6, 1880, 
 and passed over ten years in active Indian service. He is a man 
 of strong character,, an experienced horseman and packer, and 
 so commanded a portion of the firing line in the battle of June 
 24 as to elicit remarks of praise from officers of other troops 
 "for his gallantry, coolness and good judgment under fire." 
 Sergeant Thompson's good conduct in the same battle was 
 noticeable also. Sergeant Buck was made second lieutenant in 
 the 7th U. S. Volunteer Infantry and subsequently captain in 
 the 48th United States Volunteers. 
 
150 THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY. 
 The Capture of the Stone Fort by the Twenty-fifth Infantry. 
 
 While the battle of Guasimas was going on, in which the 
 Tenth Cavlary took so conspicuous a part, the Twenty-fourth 
 Infantry still remained on board the City of Washington! 
 awaiting orders to land. During the night of the 24th such or- 
 ders were received by the authorities of the transport, and 
 they were directed to land their troops, but the General Com- 
 manding, Brigadier-General Kent, did not hear of the matter 
 until some time the next morning. He relates the following 
 circumstances in his official report of the debarkation: 
 
 "At 9 a. m. of the 25th Lieutenant Cardin, of the Revenue 
 Marine, came aboard with orders for me to proceed to and 
 disembark at Altares (Siboney). This officer also handed me 
 a letter from the corps commander expressing his astonishment 
 that I had remained away three days." 
 
 General Kent also states in his report that his travel rations 
 had been exhausted seven days before and that but one meal of 
 field rations remained, and that the ship's supply both of water 
 and provisions was running low, and that in consequence of 
 these facts as well as for higher considerations he was very 
 anxious to get on shore. The debarkation followed as rapidly 
 as possible, and that afternoon General Kent reported in persoix 
 to Major-General Wheeler, the troops bivouacking for the 
 night near the landing. The next day Colonel Pearson, who 
 commanded the Second Brigade of Kent's division, took the 
 
THE BA1TLF OS EL CANEV 154 
 
 Second Infantry and reconnoitred along the railroad toward 
 the Morro, going a distance of about six miles and returning 
 in the evening, having found no enemy in that vicinity, al- 
 though evidences were found that a force had recently retreated 
 from a blockhouse situated on the railroad about two miles 
 from Aguadores. 
 
 On the day following, June 27th, the entire division moved 
 out on the road toward Santiago and encamped on the same 
 ground that Lawton had occupied the night previous. The 
 Second Brigade took its place near Savilla, while the Third 
 Brigade, which included the Twenty- fourth Infantry, went into 
 camp at Las Guasimas, where the affair of the 24th had oc- 
 curred. The order of march had now partially fallen back to 
 the original plan: Lawton in advance, with whom was the 
 Twenty-Fifth Infantry; Wheeler next, with whom was the 
 Ninth and Tenth Cavalry, and Kent in the rear, who had, as. 
 we have just related, the Twenty-fourth Infantry in his Third 
 Brigade. In this order the army moved, so far as it moved at 
 all, until the morning of the 30th, when dispositions for the 
 general attack began. 
 
 The story of the great battle, or as it turned out, of the 
 two great battles, begins on this day, and the careers of the 
 four colored regiments are to be followed through the divisions 
 of Lawton, Kent and Wheeler. Let us begin, however, with 
 General Shafter's official report and his "Story of Santiago," 
 as told in the "Century" of February, 1899. 
 
 From these sources it is learned that on June 30th General 
 Shafter reconnoitered the country about Santiago and deter- 
 mined upon a plan of attack. Ascending a hill from which he 
 could obtain a good view of the city, and could also see San 
 Juan Hill and the country about El Caney, he observed afresh 
 
152 THE BATTLE Of EL CANEY 
 
 what had impressed itself upon all immediately upon landing, 
 to wit: That in all this country there were no good roads 
 along which to move troops or transport supplies. The Gen- 
 eral says : "I had never seen a good road in a Spanish coun- 
 try, and Santiago did not disappoint my expectations." The 
 roads as he saw them from the summit of the hill on June 30th 
 were very poor, and indeed, little better than bridle paths, ex- 
 cept between El Caney and San Juan River and the city. With- 
 in this region, a distance of from four to four and a half miles, 
 the roads were passable. El Caney lay about four miles north- 
 east of Santiago, and was strongly fortified, and, as events 
 proved, strongly garrisoned. This position was of great im- 
 portance to the enemy, because from it a force might come to 
 attack the right flank and rear of the American Army as it 
 should make its attempt on San Juan Hill. El Caney held the 
 road from Guantanamo, at which point an important Spanish 
 force was posted. While General Shafter was surveying the 
 country from the hill at El Pozo and making what special ex- 
 amination he could of the country toward San Juan Hills, 
 Generals Lawton and Chaffee were making a reconnoisance 
 around El Caney. From General Lawton' s report it would ap- 
 pear that the work of reconnoitering around El Caney was 
 done chiefly by General Chaffee. He says : "To General Adna 
 R. Chaffee I am indebted for a thorough and intelligent recon- 
 noissance of the town of El Caney and vicinity prior to the bat- 
 tle and the submission of a plan of attack which was adopted. 
 I consider General Chaffee one of the best practical soldiers 
 in the army and recommend him for special distinction for suc- 
 cessfully charging the stone fort mentioned in this report, the 
 capture of which practically closed the battle." 
 
 The general plan of attack as explained by General Shafter 
 
THE BATTLE OK EL CANEV 1 5£ 
 
 himself in his "Century" article was "to put a brigade on the 
 road between Santiago and El Caney, to keep the Spaniards 
 at the latter place from retreating on the city, and then with 
 the rest of Lawton's division and the divisions of Wheeler and 
 Kent, and Bates' brigade to attack the Spanish position in 
 front of Santiago." Before that he had said that he wished to 
 put a division in on the right of El Caney and assault the town 
 on that road. To Admiral Sampson on June 26th he said: 
 "I shall, if I can, put a large force in Caney, and one perhaps 
 still farther west, near the pipe-line conveying water to the 
 city, making my main attack from the northeast and east." His 
 desire at this time was to "get the enemy in my front and the 
 city at my back." On June 30th he had modified this plan so 
 as to decide to place one brigade on the road between El Caney 
 and Santiago, with a view merely to keeping the El Caney gar- 
 rison from retreating into Santiago. 
 
 As he was explaining his plan to the division officers and 
 others on the afternoon of the 30th at his own headquarters, 
 Lawton and Chaffee were of the opinion that they could dis- 
 pose of the Spaniards at El Caney in two hours time. "There- 
 fore," says the General, "I modified my plan, assigning Law- 
 ton's whole division for the attack of El Caney and directed 
 Bates' independent brigade to his support." This last modifica- 
 tion of General Shafter's plan was made in deference to the 
 opinion of subordinates, and was based upon observations made 
 especially by General Chaffee. 
 
 The force assigned for the reduction of El Caney was to be- 
 gin its work early in the morning, and by ten or eleven o'clock 
 at the outside it was expected that the task would be accom- 
 plished and Lawton would join Kent and Sumner in the as- 
 sault upon San Juan. Early on the morning of July 1st Cap- 
 
J 54 ,HE BATTLE OK EL CANEY 
 
 ron's battery was got into position on a line running directly 
 north from Marianage on a hill about five hundred yards east 
 of Las Guasimas Creek. Lawton's division began its move on 
 the afternoon of the 30th, as did in fact the whole army, and 
 bivouacked that night near El Pozo. The Twenty-fifth In- 
 fantry, which belonged to the Second Brigade, commanded 
 by Colonel Miles, a former Major of the Twenty-fifth, left El 
 Pozo at daylight by way of the road leading almost due north, 
 and marched about one mile to the little town of Marianage. 
 Here a halt was made for an hour, from 6.30 to 7.30, during 
 which time reconnoitering parties were sent out to examine 
 the ground toward the Ducoureau House, which lay about one 
 mile to the northward of Marianage, and which had been desig- 
 nated by General Lawton as a general rendezvous after the 
 engagement should terminate. Reconnoissance was made also 
 to the front for the purpose of discovering the enemy, and to 
 ascertain the left of Ludlow's brigade. This was the first 
 brigade of Lawton's division and consisted of the Eighth and 
 Twenty-second Infantry and the Second Massachusetts, the 
 last named regiment being on the right. The Second Brigade 
 was to connect with this on its right and succeeded in finding 
 the position of the Second Massachusetts during this halt. At 
 11.30 Miles' brigade was ordered to take position on the right 
 of Ludlow's brigade, which it did in the following order : The 
 Fourth Infantry on the left, joining with the Second Massa- 
 chusetts on Ludlow's right ; the Twenty-fifth on the right, with 
 its left joining on the Fourth Infantry. 
 
 We must now review the progress of the battle so far as 
 it is possible to do so, from the firing of the first shot by 
 Capron's battery up to 11.30, an hour long after the time at 
 which it had been supposed that El Caney would fall. Cap- 
 
THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY J 55 
 
 ron's reports are very brief. He says : "July i — Fired sheli 
 and shrappnel into El Caney (ranged 2.400) 6.15 a. m. to 
 11.30 a. m." In another report he says: "Opened fire July 
 1, with shell and shrappnel at 6.15 on Caney; range, 2,400 
 yards; continued until 11.30 a. m." He says that the battery 
 "continued its fire against specified objectives intermittently 
 throughout the day under the personal direction of the divis- 
 ion commander." The forces we have so far considered, con- 
 sisting of Ludlow's and Miles' brigades, and of Capron's bat- 
 tery, lay to the south of Caney, between it and Santiago, Lud- 
 low's brigade having been placed there to "cut off the retreat 
 of the garrison should it attempt to escape." Up to 1 1.30 there 
 had been no call for employing it for that purpose. The gar- 
 rison had made no attempt to escape. We must now go 
 around to the east and north of Caney. Here the Third Bri- 
 gade, consisting of the Seventh, Twelfth and Seventeenth In- 
 fantry, was posted, and early in the morning joined in the at- 
 tack, the brigade getting under fire before eight o'clock. Col- 
 onel Carpenter, of the Seventh Regiment, says that one com- 
 pany of his regiment, by General Chaffee's direction, was de- 
 tached and sent forward to reduce a blockhouse, well up on 
 the hill, which commanded the approach of his regiment to the 
 field of action. After several ineffectual attempts by the com- 
 pany, the Captain (Van Orsdale) was directed to abandon the 
 undertaking and rejoin the regiment, which then took up a 
 position on the crest of a hill running nearly parallel with the 
 Spanish lines. From this position the men crawled forward 
 about fifty yards and opened a deliberate fire upon the enemy, 
 keeping it up for about an hour, but as the losses of the regi- 
 ment at this time were considerable and the fire seemed to be 
 without material effect, the command was withdrawn to its 
 
156 THE BATTLE OF EL CANEV 
 
 position on the hill where it found protection in a sunken road. 
 In this condition this regiment lay when Capron's battery mad« 
 its lull at 11.30. The fearful fire this regiment met can be 
 estimated by the losses it sustained, which during the day were 
 as follows : Killed ,1 officer and 33 enlisted men; wounded, 4 
 officers and 95 enlisted men; missing, 3 enlisted men. The 
 Seventeenth Regiment went into action on the right of the 
 Seventh, doing but little firing, as their orders were not to 
 open fire unless they could make the fire effective. Companies 
 C and G fired a few volleys ; the remainder of the regiment did 
 not fire at all. Four enlisted men were killed and two officers 
 severely wounded, one, Lieutenant Dickinson, dying from his 
 wounds within a few hours. Several enlisted men were also 
 wounded. At 11.30 this regiment was lying on the right of 
 the Seventh. The Twelfth Regiment began firing between 6 
 and 7 in the morning and advanced to take its position on the 
 left of the Seventh Infantry. This regiment early reached a 
 position within 350 yards of the enemy, in which it found 
 shelter in the sunken road, "free from the enemy's fire." The 
 regiment remained in this position until about 4 o'clock in the 
 afternoon, and, hence, was there at 11.30 a. m. The losses 
 of this regiment during the day were, killed, 7 enlisted men; 
 wounded, 2 officers and 31 enlisted men. From these brief 
 sketches the reader will now be able to grasp the position of 
 Lawton's entire division. Beginning on the south, from the 
 west, with Ludlow's brigade, consisting of the Twenty-second, 
 Eighth and Second Massachusetts, the line was continued by 
 Miles' brigade of the Fourth and Twenty-fifth Infantry; then 
 passing over a considerable space, we strike Chaffee's brigade, 
 posted as has just been described. General Bates' brigade prob- 
 ably arrived upon the field about noon. This brigade consisted 
 
THE BATTLE OF EE CANEY 157 
 
 of the Third and Twentieth Infantry, and is known as "Bates' 
 Independent Brigade." The brigade is reported as going into 
 action about I o'clock and continuing in action until 4 o'clock. 
 It took a position on the right, partially filling up the gap be- 
 tween Miles and Chaffee. The first battalion of the Twentieth 
 Infantry went into action on the left of the Twenty-fifth In- 
 fantry's firing line, and one company, A, took part in the latter 
 part of the charge by which the stone house was taken. Be- 
 tween 11.30, when Capron's firing stopped, and when Miles' 
 brigade was moved forward to join the right of Ludlow's, and 
 12.20, when the battery recommenced, the troops, including 
 Bates' brigade, were either in the positions described above or 
 were moving to them. Noon had arrived and El Caney is not 
 taken ; the garrison has not attempted to escape, but is sending 
 out upon its assailants a continuous and deadly fire. "Through- 
 out the heaviest din of our fire," says Colonel Carpenter, 
 "could be heard the peculiar high-keyed ring of the defiant 
 enemy's shots." 
 
 Twelve o'clock on July 1st, 1898, was a most anxious hour 
 for our army in Cuba. The battle at El Caney was at a stand- 
 still and the divisions of Kent and Sumner were in a most peril- 
 ous situation. Bonsai's description of the state of the battle 
 at that time is pathetic. Speaking of the artillery at El Caney 
 — Capron's battery — he says it was now apparent that this ar- 
 tillery, firing from its position of twenty-four hundred yards, 
 could do very little damage to the great stone fort and earth- 
 works north of the village. The shots were too few and the 
 metal used too light to be effectual. Three hours of the morn- 
 ing had worn away and the advance of our men had been 
 slowly made and at great cost ; all the approaches were com- 
 manded by Spanish entrenchments and the fighting was very 
 
l$& THE BATTLE OF EL CANEV 
 
 unequal. A soldier of the Twenty-fifth says that when he came 
 in sight of the battle at El Caney, "the Americans were gain- 
 ing - no ground, and the flashes of the Spanish mausers told us 
 that the forces engaged were unequally matched, the differ- 
 ence of position favoring the Spaniards." This view was had 
 about noon, or soon after. At that time "a succession of aides 
 and staff officers came galloping from headquarters with mes- 
 sages which plainly showed that confusion, if not disaster, had 
 befallen the two divisions which, by the heavy firing, we had 
 learned to our great surprise, had become warmly engaged in 
 the centre. The orders to General Lawton from headquarters 
 were at first peremptory in character — he was to pull out of his 
 fight and to move his division to the support of the centre" 
 (Bonsai). This call for Lawton arose from the fact that about 
 noon General Shafter received several dispatches from Sumner, 
 of the Cavalry Division, requiring assistance. General Sum- 
 ner felt the need of the assistance of every available man in 
 the centre of the line where he was carrying on his fight with 
 the Spaniards on Blue House Hill. This situation so im- 
 pressed the General, Shafter, that he finally wrote to Lawton, 
 ''You must proceed with the remainder of your force and join 
 on immediately upon Sumner's right. If you do not the bat- 
 tle is lost." Shafter's idea then was to fall back to his original 
 plan of just leaving enough troops at El Caney to prevent the 
 garrison from going to the assistance of any other part of the 
 line. Shafter himself says: "As the fight progressed I was 
 impressed with the fact that we were meeting with a very stub- 
 born resistance at El Caney and I began to fear that I had made 
 a mistake in making two fights in one day, and sent Major 
 Noble with orders to Lawton to hasten with his troops along 
 the Caney road, placing himself on the right of Wheeler" 
 
THE BATTLE OF fc;L CANKV 1 59 
 
 (Sumner). Lawton now made a general advance, and it is im- 
 portant to see just what troops did advance. The Seventh In- 
 fantry did not move, for Lieutenant-Colonel Carpenter says 
 that after withdrawing- "to the partial cover furnished by the 
 road, the regiment occupied this position from 8 o'clock a. m. 
 until about 4.30 p. m." The Seventeenth did not move, for 
 Captain O'Brien, commanding, says the regiment took a posi- 
 tion joining "its left with the right of the Seventh Infantry" 
 and that the regiment "remained in this position until the bat- 
 tle was over." The Twelfth Infantry remained in its shelter 
 within 350 yards of the stone fort until about 4 p. m. Then 
 we have Chaffee's brigade on the north of the fort remaining 
 stationary and by their own reports doing but little firing. The 
 Seventeenth fired "for about fifty minutes" about noon, with 
 remarkable precision, but "it seemingly had no effect upon re- 
 ducing the Spanish fire delivered in our (their) front." The 
 Seventh did not fire to any extent. The Twelfth Infantry lay 
 in its refuge "free from the enemy's fire" and may have kept up 
 an irregular fire. 
 
 About this time Bates' brigade entered the field and one bat- 
 talion of the Twentieth Infantry is reported to have joined the 
 left of the firing line of the Twenty-fifth. General Ludlow says 
 there was a lull from 12 to 1 p. m., "when the action again be- 
 came violent, and at 3 p. m. the Third Brigade captured the 
 stone fort with a rush and hoisted the American flag." From 
 Ludlow's brigade, Captain Van Home, commanding the 
 Twenty-second Infantry, after the wounding of Lieutenant- 
 Colonel Patterson, says that the First Battalion of his regiment 
 took a position about 800 yards from the town and kept up 
 firing until the place surrendered. He does not say positively 
 that the firing was upon the town, but he had said just before 
 
l6o THE BATTLE OF EL CANEV 
 
 that the Second Battalion slowly moved forward, firing into 
 the town from the left, so that we may readily conclude from 
 the context as well as from the position that the First Battalion 
 fired into the town also. Hence it seems fair to exclude from 
 the fort all of Ludlow's brigade, and it is observable that Lud- 
 low himself claims no part in the capture of that stronghold. 
 
 General Bates says his brigade took position to the right of 
 Colonel Miles' brigade and pushed rapidly to the front. He 
 then says that after remaining sometime in the crossroad to the 
 right of Miles' brigade, under a heavy fire from the enemy, 
 the brigade moved farther "to the right to the assault of a 
 small hill, occupied upon the top by a stone fort and well pro- 
 tected by rifle pits. General Chaffee's brigade charged them 
 from the right, and the two brigades joining upon the crest, 
 opened fire from this point of vantage, lately occupied by the 
 Spanish, upon the vilalge of El Caney." General Chaffee says 
 it was in consequence of the fire of General Bates' troops upon 
 the fort that the assault by the Twelfth Infantry was postponed. 
 
 In General Chaffee's report this statement occurs : "The ac- 
 tion lasted nearly throughout the day, terminating at about 
 4.30 p. m., at which time the stone blockhouse was assaulted 
 by Captain Haskell's battalion of the Twelfth Infantry, under 
 the personal direction of Lieutenant-Colonel Comba, command- 
 ing the regiment. The resistance at this point had been greatly 
 affected by the fire of Capron's battery. A few moments 
 after the seizure of this point — the key to the situation — my 
 left was joined by General Bates with a portion nf his com- 
 mand." It is to be noted in connection with all of the above 
 statements that Major McCaskey, who commanded the Twen- 
 tieth Infantry (Bates brigade), says: "The First Battalion 
 was moved to the right and put into action on the left of the 
 
THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY l6l 
 
 Twenty-fifth Infantry's firing line, and one company, A, took 
 part in the latter part of the charge by which the stone house 
 was taken." The two points to be noted here are (i) that this 
 battalion was on the left of the Twenty-fifth's firing line, and 
 (2) that one company took part in the charge upon the stone 
 house. When Chaffee's brigade charged the stone house from 
 the right some of Bates' troops, at least this Company A, from 
 the battalion near the firing line of the Twenty-fifth Infantry, 
 took part in the latter part of the charge. The two brigades, 
 Bates' and Chaffee's, joined immediately after the capture of 
 the stone fort and opened fire upon the town. 
 
 We have now traced the actions and the fortunes of the three 
 following brigades : Ludlow's Chaffee's and Bates'. But what 
 has become of Miles' brigade? Unfortunately, the Second 
 Brigade has not been so well reported as were the others en- 
 gaged in the action at El Caney. We have seen that it was 
 ordered to take position on the right of Ludlow's brigade at 
 11.30, when Capron's battery ceased its firing for the fifty min- 
 utes. "We were detained in reaching our position by troops 
 in our front blocking the road," says the brigade commander. 
 "We came into action directly in front of the stone blockhpuse 
 at 12.30, and from that hour until about 4.30, when the com- 
 mand 'cease firing' was given, the blockhouse having been 
 captured, my command was continuously under fire." The 
 reader will note in this report that the brigade went into action 
 at 12.30, several hours before the charge was ordered by Gen- 
 eral Chaffee, and at least an hour and a half before, according 
 to the report of the commander of the Third Brigade, "this 
 fort was practically in the possession of the Twelfth Infantry." 
 Major Baker, who commanded the Fourth Infantry, says : 
 "About 12 m. we received orders directing us to take our place 
 11 
 
1 62 THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 
 
 in the line of battle, and arriving at the proper point the regi- 
 ment was placed in line in the following order : The First Bat- 
 talion in the fighting line ; the Second Battalion in support and 
 regimental reserve. In this order the First Battalion, under 
 my command, took up the advance toward the blockhouse, to 
 our right, south east of Caney." This battalion advanced until 
 it reached a position about 200 yards from the village, where 
 it remained, assisted by the Second Battalion until the capture 
 of the fort. Two companies of this First Battalion "fired into 
 the town and also into the blockhouse until its fall." A good 
 part of the fire of this regiment was directed upon the fort. 
 
 Colonel Miles says : "The brigade advanced steadily, with 
 such scanty cover as the ground afforded, maintaining a heavy 
 fire on the stone fort from the time the fight began until it 
 ended." The reader is asked to note particularly that this fire 
 was continuous throughout the fight ; that it was characterized 
 by the brigade commander as "heavy," and that it was "on the 
 stone fort.". He says: "As the brigade advanced across a 
 plowed field in front of the enemy's position the latter's sharp- 
 shooters in the houses in Caney enfiladed the left of our line 
 with a murderous fire. To silence it Major Baker, Fourth In- 
 fantry, in command of the battalion of that regiment on the left 
 of our line of battle, directed it to turn its fire upon the town. 
 In so doing this battalion lost heavily, but its steady front and 
 accurate volleys greatly assisted the advance of the remainder 
 of the brigade upon the stone fort." 
 
 We have now these facts clearly brought out or suggested : 
 That the brigade took its place in line of battle soon after 12 
 o'clock ; that the Fourth Infantry was on the left ; that the ad- 
 vance of the First Battalion of the Fourth Infantry was "to- 
 ward the blockhouse;" that aside from the companies of the 
 
THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 163 
 
 Fourth Infantry that fired into town, "the remainder of the 
 brigade advanced upon the stone fort." The Fourth Infantry, 
 holding the left of the line, however, reached a position from 
 which it could not advance, its commander having "quickly 
 perceived that an advance meant annihilation, as it would in- 
 volve not only a frontal, but also a flank fire from the town." 
 Here the Fourth Infantry remained, but continued to maintain 
 a fire upon both the blockhouse and the town. 
 
 There is but one more regiment in all of Lawton's division 
 to be accounted for, and that is the Twenty-fifth Infantry, hold- 
 ing the right of Miles' brigade in this advance. This regiment 
 was in place in the line under its gallant and experienced com- 
 mander, Lieutenant-Colonel A. S. Daggett, and contributed its 
 full share of that "heavy fire on the stone fort from the time the 
 fight began until it ended." Major McCaskey says the First 
 Battalion of his regiment took a position on the left of the 
 Twenty-fifth's firing line. The statement seems erroneous, and 
 one is inclined to believe that it was originally written "on the 
 right," instead of "on the left" ; but it is enough for our pur- 
 pose now, that the firing line of the Twenty-fifth is recognized 
 well in advance. Major Baker, who commanded on the left of 
 the brigade line, and whose advance was stopped by the flank 
 fire from the village and a frontal fire from the fort, says: 
 "as a matter of fact the village of El Caney was not charged 
 by any troops. Those of Bates' brigade and the Twenty-fifth 
 Infantry, after having carried the stone fort (on a hill some 
 75 feet higher, and to the east of the town,) fired into the vil- 
 lage, and the Fourth Infantry continued its fire. Nor was it 
 charged by any of the troops to our left. Such a charge would 
 necessarily have been seen by us." Major Baker, who was 
 on the field and had the blockhouse in clear view, declares that 
 
164 THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 
 
 some of Bates' brigade and the Twenty-fifth Infantry carried 
 the stone fort. Major McCaskey says that one battalion of the 
 Twentieth Infantry (Bates' brigade) was on the left of the 
 Twenty-fifth's firing line, and that one company (A) took part 
 in the latter part of the charge by which the fort was taken. 
 This battalion may be referred to by Major Baker when he 
 says : "Those of Bates' brigade and the Twenty-fifth Infantry, 
 after having carried, etc." 
 
 As there are some matters of dispute concerning the events 
 which I am now going to relate, I will present a soldier's state- 
 ment before I go to the official records. The soldier in writ- 
 ing to me after the battle says : "I was left-guide of Company 
 G (25th Infantry), and I received orders from Lieutenant Mc- 
 Corkle to guide on Fourth Infantry, which held the left flank. 
 'Forward, march! Guide left. Don't fire until you see some- 
 body; then fire to hit!' came the orders. Tramp! tramp! 
 Crash ! crash ! On we walked and stopped. We fired into the 
 underbrush for safety ; then in another moment we were under 
 Spanish fire. Balls flew like bees, humming as they went. 
 Soon we found ourselves up against a network of Spanish 
 trickery. Barbed-wire fences, ditches and creeks, too numerous 
 to think of. The only thing left was to go ahead or die; or 
 else retreat like cowards. We preferred to go ahead. At 
 this first fence Lieutenant McCorkle was taken to earth by a 
 Spanish bullet. Lieutenant Moss spoke out, 'Come ahead! 
 Let's get at these Spaniards !' A few moments more and he, 
 too, was almost dead with exertion, loud speaking, running and 
 jumping, as onward we swept toward the Spanish stronghold. 
 The sun was exceedingly hot, as on the slope of a little mound 
 we rested for a few moments. We lay here about five minutes ) 
 looking into the Spanish fort or blockhouse; we measured the 
 
THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 165 
 
 distance by our eyesight, then with our rifles ; we began to 
 cheer and storm, and in a moment more, up the hill like a bevy 
 of blue birds did the Twenty-fifth fly. G and H Companies 
 were the first to reach the summit and to make the Spaniards 
 fly into the city of El Caney, which lay just behind the hill. 
 When we reached the summit others soon began to mount our 
 ladder. We fired down into the city until nearly dusk." 
 
 The brigade made its advance under fire almost from the 
 beginning. The commander says it was continuously under 
 fire from 12.30 to 4.30 p. m. "The attack was begun by two 
 companies in each regiment on the firing line, strengthened by 
 supports and reserves from the remaining companies until the 
 brigade had but two companies in reserve. At one time in this 
 hotly engaged contest the commanding officer of the Twenty- 
 Fifth Infantry sent me word that he needed troops on his right. 
 I then sent forward 40 Cubans, under command of Captains 
 Jose' Varges and Avelens Bravo, with Lieutenants Nicholas 
 Franco and Tomas Repelao, to form on the right of the 
 Twenty-fifth, which was also the right of the brigade. With 
 these Cubans I ordered Private Henry Downey, Company H, 
 First Infantry, on duty as interpreter at the headquarters. 
 These men advanced on the stone fort with our line, fig;hting 
 gallantly, during which Lieutenant Nicholas Franco was mor- 
 tally wounded and died soon afterwards." (Col. Miles' re- 
 port.) 
 
 From the soldier's story, as well as from the official report 
 of the brigade commander, it is conclusive that the real objec- 
 tive of the Second Brigade was the stone fort, and that the 
 Twenty-fifth Infantry, which occupied the right of the line, 
 had no other objective whatever.* It also appears that Bates' 
 brigade, although somewhere on the right, was not so near 
 
l66 THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 
 
 but that the commanding- officer of the Twenty-fifth could 
 see the need of troops at his right ; and to meet this need the 
 brigade commander "sent forward 40 Cubans, who advanced 
 on the stone fort with our lines." The fire from this fort con- 
 tinued severe during the whole of the advance, and until the 
 last halt made by the Twenty-fifth. At the first fence met by 
 the Twenty-fifth Lieutenant McCorkle was killed ; and, to use 
 the words of a soldier, "as the regiment swept toward the 
 Spanish stronghold" to reach the slope of a little mound for 
 cover, many more fell. Behind this little mound, after rest- 
 ing about five minutes, they began their last fire upon the 
 enemy. This must have been as late as 3 o'clock, and perhaps 
 considerably later, and the fire from the stone fort was vigor- 
 ous up until their last halt, as their casualties prove. The bat- 
 tery had begun to fire on the fort again at 12.30 and contin- 
 ued from the same position until 2.10, the range being as has 
 been already stated, 2,400 yards. Hence the artillery firing 
 at long range had ceased, and it is generally conceded that this 
 long range firing had been ineffective. Captain Capron says 
 he moved his battery at 2.10 p. m. to 1,000 yards from Caney 
 and opened fire on two blockhouses. He does not say at what 
 hour he opened fire on these two blockhouses, or how long he 
 continued to fire, or what was the effect of his fire upon the 
 two block houses. Lieutenant-Colonel Bisbee, who was acting 
 as support of Capron's battery, says of himself that he "moved 
 with the battery at 3.30 p. m. by the Dubroix (Dacureaux) 
 road." General Lawton says the battery was moved to a new 
 position about 2.30, "about 1,000 yards from certain block- 
 houses in the town, where a few shots, all taking effect, were 
 fired." From these reports it would appear that after moving 
 to the second station the battery fired upon two blockhouses 
 
THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 167 
 
 in the town, and not upon the stone fort. General Ludlow, 
 speaking of the battle, says : "In the present case, the artil- 
 lery fire was too distant to reduce the blockhouses or destroy 
 the entrenchments, so that the attack was practically by in- 
 fantry alone." On the other hand, General Chaffee says : "The 
 resistance at this point," meaning the stone fort at the time 
 of assault, "had been greatly affected by the fire of Capron' s 
 battery." Colonel Comba, of the Twelfth Infantry, says: 
 "The artillery made the breach through which our men entered 
 the stone work." Bonsai says that Captain Capron, "under the 
 concentrated fire of his four guns at a point blank range of a 
 thousand yards, had converted the fort into a shapeless ruin," 
 when the infantry charged it. 
 
 It is probable that in this case, as in most cases of similar 
 nature, the truth divides equally between the apparently op- 
 posing views. Of General Ludlow, who is the authority for 
 this statement, that the stone fort at El Caney was taken by 
 infantry alone, General Lawton says : "General Ludlow's pro- 
 fessional accomplishments are well known and his assignment 
 to command a brigade in my division I consider a high compli- 
 ment to myself." "The fighting was all done with small arms" 
 were the words written me by an infantryman soon after the 
 battle. The question, whether Capron fired upon the stone fort 
 after taking his new position, or fired on two blockhouses, 
 entirely distinct from the fort, remains undetermined. The 
 author of this work inclines to the conclusion that the fire of 
 Capron after moving to his new position was directed for a 
 brief period, at least, upon the stone fort. 
 
 Inasmuch as we are now to trace the career of the Twenty- 
 fifth Infantry through an unfortunate dispute, on both sides 
 
1 68 THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 
 
 of which are officers of high rank and unimpeachable honor, 
 it is important to note, first, to what extent the several state- 
 ments, both unofficial and official, can be harmonized and made 
 to corroborate one another. Major Baker says : "Those of 
 Bates' brigade and the Twenty-fifth Infantry, after having car- 
 ried the stone fort," which he explains was some 75 feet higher 
 than the town, then fired down into the village. The soldier 
 who acted as left-guide of Company G, Twenty-fifth Infantry, 
 says, after getting up on the hill, "we fired down into the city 
 until near dusk." The experience of the soldier agrees exactly 
 with the report of the officer. The fact that the Twenty-fifth 
 went up the hill. cannot be questioned, and that up to their last 
 halt, they went under fire, no one will deny. Bonsai, in speak- 
 ing of Chaffee's brigade, which was "more immediately 
 charged with the reduction of Caney" (Ludlow's report), says : 
 "And it was nearly five o'clock when his most advanced regi- 
 ment, the gallant Twelfth Infantry, deployed into the valley 
 and charged up the steep hillside, which was lined with Span- 
 ish trenches, rising in irregular tiers and crowned with a great 
 stone fort." The stone fort at this time, however, was, as he 
 says, "a shapeless ruin." Where was the Twenty-fifth In- 
 fantry at this time? Mr. Bonsai continues: "Almost at the 
 same moment the Twenty-fifth Colored Infantry, the leading 
 regiment of Miles' brigade, which had been advancing in the 
 centre, started up the hill also." General Lawton says that 
 after .noving the battery to its new position, 1,000 yards from 
 certain blockhouses in the town, Capron fired a few shots, all 
 of which took effect, and he adds : "This firing terminated 
 the action, as the Spanish garrison were attempting to escape." 
 Colonel Comba says there was a breach in the stonework large 
 enough for his men to enter, and that this had been made by 
 
THE BATTLE OK EL CANEY 1 69 
 
 the artillery; General Chaffee says resistance had been greatly 
 affected by the artillery, and Bonsai adds, the garrison resisted 
 the last advance made by the infantry but for a moment. 
 
 General Chaffee declares : "The troops arriving at the fort 
 were there in the following order : Twelfth Infantry, which 
 took the place; the command of General Bates some moments 
 later; the Twenty-fifth Infantry." 
 
 The facts therefore stand, that the Twenty-fifth In- 
 fantry was on the ground with the first troops that reached 
 the fort and that there was a captain of that regiment who then 
 and there claimed the capture of the place, even against the 
 claims of a Major-General. He was told that his proposition 
 was absurd, and so it may have been from one standpoint ; and 
 yet there may be a ground upon which the captain's claim was 
 fair and just. 
 
 That the Twelfth Infantry arrived on the ground first is not 
 disputed ; but it is questioned whether the fort was belligerent 
 at that time. General Chaffee says the resistance had been 
 greatly reduced by the artillery; General Lawton says the ac- 
 tion had been finished by Capron's shots and the garrison was 
 trying to escape ; a soldier from the Twenty-fifth says the Span- 
 iards flew out of the fort to the town ; Bonsai says, they stoutly 
 resisted "for a moment and then fled precipitately down the 
 ravine and up the other side, and into the town." If first oc- 
 cupancy is the only ground upon which the capture of a place 
 can be claimed, then the title to the honor of capturing the 
 stone fort lies, according to official report as so far presented, 
 with the Twelfth Infantry. But even upon this ground it will 
 be shown that the Twenty-fifth's action will relieve the claim 
 of its captain from absurdity. We are now prepared to read 
 the official report of the commanding officer of the Twenty- 
 
170 THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 
 
 fifth Regiment, Lieutenant-Colonel Daggett, who was with the 
 regiment all through the fight, and who bore himself so well 
 that the division commander said : "Lieutenant-Colonel Dag- 
 gett deserves special mention for skillful handling of his regi- 
 ment, and would have received it before had the fact been re- 
 ported by his brigade commander." 
 
 July 5, 1898. 
 Intrenchments Twenty-fifth United States Infantry, 
 Adjutant-General, Second Brigade, Second Division, Fifth 
 Corps. 
 
 Sir : — I have the honor to submit the following report of the 
 part taken by the Twenty-fifth Infantry in the battle of the 1st 
 instant. The regiment formed firing line on the right of the 
 Fourth Infantry, facing a Spanish fort or blockhouse about half 
 a mile distant. On moving forward, the battalion, composed of 
 Companies C, D, E, G and H, and commanded by Capt. W. S. 
 Scott, received the fire of the enemy, and after advancing about 
 400 yards was subjected to a galling fire on their left. Finding 
 cover, the battalion prepared for an advance up the hill to the 
 fort. This advance was made rapidly and conducted with great 
 skill by company officers. 
 
 "On arriving within a short distance of the fort the white 
 flag was waved to our companies, but a cross fire prevented the 
 enemy from advancing with it or our officers from receiving it. 
 About twenty minutes later a battalion of some other regiment 
 advanced to the rear of the fort, completely covered from fire, 
 and received the flag; but the men of the Twenty-fifth Infan- 
 try entered the fort at the same time. All officers and men be- 
 haved gallantly. One officer was killed and three wounded; 
 eight men were killed and twenty wounded. 
 
 "About 200 men and ten officers were in the firing line. I 
 attribute the comparatively small losses to the skill and bravery 
 of the company officers ,viz. : First Lieutenant Caldwell and 
 Second Lieutenants Moss and Hunt. Second Lieutenant 
 French, adjutant of the battalion, was among those who gal- 
 lantly entered the fort. 
 
 "The battle lasted about two hours and was a hotly contested 
 combat. Very respectfully, 
 
 "A. S. DAGGETT, 
 
 "Lieutenant-Colonel, Twenty-fifth Infantry, Commanding." 
 
THE BATTLE OK EL CANEY 171 
 
 Here it is shown by the testimony of the regimental com- 
 mander, that a battalion of the Twenty-fifth ascended the hill 
 and arrived at a short distance from the fort about twenty 
 minutes before any other troops are mentioned as coming in 
 sight; and that a white flag was waved to the companies of the 
 Twenty-fifth. It was doubtless upon this ground that a cap- 
 tain of the Twenty-fifth had the temerity to claim the capture 
 of the place, even from a Major-General. I do not know who 
 the captain was, but it is evident that he had what he believed 
 ample grounds for his claim. Colonel Daggett says, also, 
 that when the men of the other regiment advanced to this fort 
 after it had waved the white flag to the companies of the 
 Twenty-fifth, the men of the Twenty-fifth advanced and en- 
 tered the fort at the same time. Bonsai says : "Almost at the 
 same moment that the Twelfth started up the hill the Twenty- 
 fifth started up the hill also;" while according to Colonel Dag- 
 gett's testimony the Twenty-fifth was well up the hill already 
 and the fort had waved to it the white flag. 
 
 Colonel Daggett makes this further report : 
 
 Headquarters Twenty-fifth Infantry, 
 Near Santiago, Cuba, July 16, 1898. 
 The Adjutant-General, Second Division, Fifth Corps, near San- 
 tiago, Cuba. 
 
 Sir : — Feeling that the Twenty-fifth Infantry has not received 
 credit for the part it took in the battle of El Caney on the first 
 mstant, I have the honor to submit the following facts : 
 
 I was ordered by the brigade commander to put two compa- 
 nies (H, Lieutenant Caldwell, and G, Lieutenant McCorkle) on 
 the firing line in extended order. The right being uncovered 
 and exposed to the enemy, I ordered D Company (Captain Ed- 
 wards) to deploy as flankers. The battalion was commanded by 
 Capt. W. S. Scott. The battalion advanced about 300 yards 
 under fire, the Fourth Infantry on its left, where the line found 
 cover, halted, and opened fire on the blockhouse and intrench- 
 
172 THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 
 
 ments in front of it. After the line had been steadied and had 
 delivered an effective fire, I ordered a further advance, which 
 was promptly made. As the Fourth Infantry did not advance, 
 my left was exposed to a very severe fire from the village on the 
 left. I immediately ordered Company C (Lieutenant Murdock), 
 which was in support, to the front, and E. Company (Lieutenant 
 Kinnison) from regimental reserve to take its place. Thus 
 strengthened, the four companies moved up the hill rapidly, 
 being skilfully handled by company officers. On arriving near 
 the fort the white flag was waved toward our men, but the fire 
 from the village on our left was so severe that neither our offi- 
 cers nor Spanish could pass over the intervening ground. After 
 about twenty minutes some of the Twelfth Infantry arrived in 
 rear of the fort, completely sheltered from the fire from the vil- 
 lage, and received the white flag; but Privates J. H. Jones, 
 of Company D, and T. C. Butler, H. Company, Twenty-fifth In- 
 fantry, entered the fort at the same time and took possession 
 of the Spanish flag. They were ordered to give it up by an offi- 
 cer of the Twelfth United States Infantry, but before doing so 
 they each tore a piece from it, which they now have. So much 
 for the facts. 
 
 I attribute the success attained by our line largely to the brav- 
 ery and skill of the company officers who conducted the line to 
 the fort. These officers are: First Lieutenants V. A. Caldwell 
 and J. A. Moss, and Second Lieutenant J. E. Hunt. It is my 
 opinion that the two companies first deployed could not have 
 reached the fort alone, and that it was the two companies I or- 
 dered to their support that gave them the power to reach it. I 
 further believe that had we failed to move beyond the Fourth 
 Infantry the fort would not have been taken that night. 
 
 The Twenty-fifth Infantry lost one officer killed* and three 
 wounded, and seven men killed and twenty-eight wounded. 
 
 Second Lieutenant H. W. French, adjutant of Captain Scott's 
 battalion, arrived at the fort near the same time as the other 
 officers. 
 
 I request that this report be forwarded to corps headquarters. 
 Very respectfully, 
 
 A. S. DAGGETT, 
 Lieutenant-Colonel, Twenty-fifth Infantry, Commanding. 
 
 *First Lieutenant McCorkle killed; Captain Edwards and First Lieu- 
 tenants Kinnison and Murdock wounded. 
 
THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 1 73 
 
 General Chaffee's statement is not to be questioned for a 
 moment. There is not the least doubt that the troops, as or- 
 ganizations arrived at the fort in the order he describes. Gen- 
 eral Lawton says : "General Chaffee's brigade was especially 
 charged with the duty of assaulting the stone fort, and suc- 
 cessfully executed that duty, after which a portion of the 
 Twenty-fifth, and a portion of Bates' brigade, assisted in the 
 work, all of which is commendable." He says also, that the 
 "Twenty-fifth Infantry did excellent service, as reported, 
 though not better than the others engaged.' This seems to 
 confirm Lieutenant-Colonel Daggett's report, for he says he 
 is sure the regiment did excellent work, "as reported ;" and at 
 that time he is commenting on Lieutenant-Colonel Daggett's 
 report, the report printed above. The broad statements of 
 General Lawton do not touch the exact question at issue be- 
 tween the reports of the subordinate commanders; nor do they 
 throw any light on the circumstances of the final charge. 
 Miles' brigade had been advancing on the stone fort for some 
 hours, and the Twenty-fifth was so near when the charge of 
 the Twelfth was made that portions of it were on the hill and 
 near the fort at the same time. The commander of the Third 
 Brigade saw the fight from one side and reported events as he 
 learned them. His official statement requires no support. 
 The commanding officer of the Twenty-fifth Infantry saw the 
 fight from another standpoint, and his official reports are en- 
 titled to equal respect. Both the General's and the Lieuten- 
 ant-Colonel's must be accepted as recitals of facts, made with 
 all the accuracy that high personal integrity armed with thor- 
 ough military training can command. Happily the statements, 
 which at first appear so widely at variance, are entirely recon- 
 cilable. The following supplementary report of the regi- 
 
174 THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 
 
 mental commander, when taken in connection with the final 
 complimentary orders published in the regiment before leav- 
 ing Cuba, will place the whole subject before the reader and 
 put the question at rest, and at the same time leave undis- 
 turbed all the reports of superior officers. 
 
 Headquarters Twenty-fifth Infantry, 
 Montauk Point, Long Island, August 22, 1898. 
 The Adjutant-General, U. S. Army, Washington, D.C. 
 
 Sir: — I have the honor to submit a supplementary report to 
 the original one made on the 19th (16th) of July, 1898, of the 
 battle of El Caney de Cuba, so far as relates to the part taken 
 therein by the Twenty-fifth Infantry : 
 
 1. I stated in the original report that the Twenty-fifth Infan- 
 try, in advancing, broke away from and left the Fourth Infantry 
 behind. This may inferentially reflect on the latter regiment. 
 It was not so intended, and a subsequent visit to the battle-field 
 convinces me that it would have been impossible for the regi- 
 ment to advance to the fort, and, although it might have ad- 
 vanced a short distance farther, it would have resulted in a use- 
 less slaughter, and that the battalion commander exercised ex- 
 cellent judgment in remaining where he did and by his fire aid- 
 ing the Twenty-fifth Infantry in its advance. 
 
 2. Colonel Miles, the then brigade commander, informed me 
 that his first report of the battle would be brief and that a later 
 and full report would be made. In his former report I think 
 he failed to give credit to myself and regiment. As he was soon 
 after relieved of the command of the brigade I assume that 
 no further report will be made. 
 
 I have reported what the regiment did, but said nothing about 
 my own action. I must, therefore, report it myself or let it go 
 unrecorded. Distasteful as it is to me, I deem it duty to my 
 children to state the facts and my claims based thereon, as fol- 
 lows : 
 
 1. I was ordered to put two companies in the firing line. 
 Before this line advanced the brigade commander informed me, 
 and personal examination verified, that my right was in the air 
 and exposed. On my own judgment I ordered a company, as 
 flankers, to that part of the line. 
 
THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 1 75 
 
 2. As soon as the line had rested and become steadied at its 
 first halt I ordered it to advance, and it continued to advance, 
 although it broke away from the rest of the brigade. 
 
 3. As this exposed the left to a galling and dangerous fire, I 
 ordered, on my own judgment, a company to re-enforce that 
 part of the line and a company from the regimental reserve also 
 to the fighting line. 
 
 These are the facts, and as my orders were to keep my left 
 joined to the right of the Fourth Infantry, and received no fur- 
 ther orders, my claims are as follows : 
 
 1. That it was necessary to place a company on the right as 
 flankers. 
 
 2. That the conditions offered an opportunity to advance af- 
 ter the first halt, and I took advantage of it. 
 
 3. That the left being exposed by this advance of the line 
 beyond the rest of the brigade, it was proper and necessary to 
 re-enforce it by two companies. 
 
 4. That the two companies first deployed could not have 
 reached the stone fort. 
 
 5. That the three companies added to the firing line gave it 
 the power to reach the fort. 
 
 6. That the advance beyond the rest of the brigade was a 
 bold and, without support, dangerous movement, but that the 
 result justified the act. Had it failed I would have been held 
 responsible. 
 
 7. That I saw at each stage of the battle what ought to be 
 done, and did it. Results show that it was done at the right mo- 
 ment. 
 
 8. That the Twenty-fifth Infantry caused the surrender of 
 the stone fort. 
 
 I desire to repeat that it is with great reluctance that I 
 make so much of this report as relates to myself, and nothing 
 but a sense of duty would impel me to do it. 
 Very respectfully, 
 
 A. S. DAGGETT, 
 Lieutenant-Colonel, Twenty-fifth Infantry, Commanding. 
 
X y6 THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 
 
 LOSSES OF THE TWENTY-FIFTH INFANTRY. 
 
 Killed.— Lieutenant H. L. McCorkle, Company G; Private 
 Albert Strother, H; Private John W. Steele, D; Corporal Benj. 
 Cousins, H ; Private John B. Phelps, D ; Private French Payne, 
 B ; Private Aaron Leftwich, G ; Private Tom Howe, D. 
 
 Wounded.— Company A: Private William H. Clarke, Ser- 
 geant Stephen A. Browne. Company B : Private Tom Brown. 
 Company C: Lieutenant John S. Murdock, Private Joseph L. 
 Johnson, Private Samuel W. Harley, Private John A. Boyd. 
 Company D ; Captain Eaton A. Edwards, Sergeant Hayden 
 Richards, Private Robert Goodwin. Company E: Lieutenant 
 H. L. Kinnison, Private James Howard, Private John Saddler, 
 Private David C. Gillam, Private Hugh Swann. Com- 
 pany F: First Sergeant Frank Coleman. Company G: 
 Corporal James O. Hunter, Private Henry Brightwell, Private 
 David Buckner, Private Alvin Daniels, Private Boney Douglas, 
 Private George P. Cooper, Private John Thomas, Corporal 
 Gov. Staton, Private Eugene Jones. Company H: Private 
 James Bevill, Private Henry Gilbert. 
 
 Wounded July 2.— Private Elwood A. Forman, H; Private 
 Smith, D ; Private William Lafayette, F. 
 
 COMPLIMENTARY ORDER. 
 
 Headquarters 25th Infantry, 
 Near Santiago de Cuba, August 11, 1898. 
 General Orders No. 19. 
 
 The regimental commander congratulates the regiment on 
 the prospect of its speedy return to the United States. 
 
 Gathered from three different stations, many of you strangers 
 to each other, you assembled as a regiment for the first time in 
 more than twenty-eight years on May 7, 1898, at Tampa, Flor- 
 ida. There you endeavored to solidify and prepare yourselves, 
 as far as the oppressive weather would' permit, for the wcrk that 
 appeared to be before you; but, who could have fortold the 
 severity of that work? 
 
 You'endured the severe hardships of a long sea voyage, which 
 no one who has not experienced it can appreciate. You then 
 disembarked, amidst dangerous surroundings; and on landing 
 were for the first time on hostile ground. You marched, under 
 a tropical sun, carrying blanket-roll, three days' rations, and one 
 hundred rounds of ammunition, through rain and mud, part of 
 
THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 177 
 
 the time at night, sleeping on the wet ground without shelter, 
 living part of the time on scant rations, even, of bacon, hard 
 bread and coffee, until on July i you arrived at El Caney. Here 
 you took the battle formation and advanced to the stone fort, 
 more like veterans than troops who had never been under fire. 
 You again marched, day and night, halting only to dig four lines 
 of intrenchments, the last being the nearest point to the enemy 
 reached by any organization, when, still holding your rifles, 
 within these intrenchments, notice was received that Santiago 
 and the Spanish army had surrendered. 
 
 But commendable as the record cited may be, the brightest 
 hours of your lives were on the afternoon of July I. Formed in 
 battle array, you advanced to the stone fort against volleys there- 
 from, and rifle-pits in front, and against a galling fire from block- 
 houses, the church tower and the village on your left. You con- 
 tinued to advance, skilfully and bravely directed by the officers 
 in immediate command, halting and delivering such a cool and 
 well-directed fire that the enemy was compelled to wave the 
 white flag in token of surrender. 
 
 Seldom have troops been called upon to face a severer fire, 
 and never have they acquitted themselves better. 
 
 The regimental reserve was called upon to try its nerve, by 
 lying quiet under a galling fire, without the privilege of return- 
 ing it, where men were killed and wounded. This is a test of 
 nerve which the firing line cannot realize, and requires the high- 
 est qualities of bravery and endurance. 
 
 You may well return to the United States proud of your ac- 
 complishments ; and if any one asks you what you have done, 
 point him to El Caney. 
 
 But in the midst of the joy of going home, we mourn the loss 
 of those we leave behind. The genial, generous-hearted Mc- 
 Corkle fell at his post of duty, bravely directing his men in the 
 advance on the stone fort. He died as the soldier dies, and re- 
 ceived a soldier's burial. He was beloved by all who knew him, 
 and his name will always be fondly remembered by his regiment 
 — especially by those who participated in the Santiago cam- 
 paign. The officers of the regiment will wear the prescribed 
 badge of mourning for Lieutenant McCorkle for thirty days. 
 And Corporal Benjamin Cousins, Privates Payne, Lewis, 
 Strother, Taliaferro, Phelps, Howell, Steel and Leftwitch, sacri- 
 ficed their lives on their country's altar. Being of a race which 
 
Ifg THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 
 
 only thirty-five years ago emerged through a long and bloody 
 war, from a condition of servitude, they in turn engaged in a 
 war which was officially announced to be in the interest of hu- 
 manity and gave all they had — their lives — that the oppressed 
 might be free, and enjoy the blessings of liberty guaranteed by a 
 stable government. They also died like true soldiers and received 
 a soldier's burial. 
 
 By order of Lieutenant-Colonel Daggett. 
 
 M. D. CRONIN, 
 First Lieutenant and Adjutant, 25th Infantry. 
 
 MAJOR GENERAL AARON S. DAGGETT. 
 
 General Aaron S. Daggett is a native of Maine, born at 
 Greene Corner, in that State, June 14, 1837. He is descended 
 from a paternal ancestry which can be traced, with an honorable 
 record, as far back as 1100 A. D. His mother was Dorcas C, 
 daughter of Simon Dearborn, a collateral descendant of General 
 Henry Dearborn. His more immediate ancestors came from 
 Old to New England about 1630, and both his grandparents 
 served in the Continental Army during the Revolutionary War. 
 He was educated in his native town, at Monmouth Academy, 
 Maine Wesleyan Seminary and Bates College. At the outbreak 
 of the Civil War he enlisted as a private, April 27th, 1861, in 
 the 5th Maine Infantry ; was appointed second lieutenant May 
 1, and promoted first lieutenant May 24, 1861. He commanded 
 his company at the first Bull Run battle, and was promoted 
 captain August 14, 1861. 
 
 From the first engagement of the regiment to the end of its 
 three years' memorable service, Captain Daggett proved a 
 faithful and gallant soldier. He was promoted major, January 
 8th, 1863 ; on January 18th, 1865, was commissioned lieutenant- 
 colonel of the 5th Regiment, United States Veteran Volunteers, 
 Hancock Corps, and was brevetted colonel and brigadier-gentral 
 of volunteers, March 13, 1865, for "gallant and meritorious ser- 
 vices during the war." He also received the brevets of major in 
 the United States Army for "gallant and meritorious services 
 at the battle of Rappahannock Station, Va.," November 7, 1863, 
 and lieutenant-colonel for "gallant and meritorious services in 
 the battle of the Wilderness, Va." Immediately after the bat- 
 tle of Rappahannock Station, the captured trophies, flags, can- 
 nons, etc., were escorted, by those who had been most conspic- 
 
Lieutenant-Colonel A. S. Daggett. 
 
THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 179 
 
 nous in the action, to General Meade's headquarters, Colonel 
 Daggett being in command of the battalion of his brigade. 
 General Upton to whom he owed this distinction, wrote of him 
 as follows : 
 
 "In the assault at Rappahannock Station, Colonel Daggett's 
 regiment captured over five hundred prisoners. In the assault 
 at Spottsylvania Court House, May 10, his regiment lost six 
 out of seven captains, the seventh being killed on the 12th of 
 May, at the "angle," or the point where the tree was shot down 
 by musketry, on which ground the regiment fought from 9.30 
 A. M. to 5.30 P. M., when it was relieved. On all these occa- 
 sions Colonel Daggett was under my immediate command, and 
 fought with distinguished bravery. 
 
 "Throughout his military career in the Army of the Potomac, 
 he maintained the character of a good soldier and an upright 
 man, and his promotion would be commended by all those who 
 desire to see courage rewarded." 
 
 General Upton also wrote to the Governor of Maine as fol- 
 lows: 
 
 "I would respectfully recommend to Your Excellency, Major 
 A. S. Daggett, formerly 5th Maine Volunteers, as an officer 
 highly qualified to command a regiment. Major Daggett served 
 his full term in this brigade with honor both to himself and 
 State, and won for himself the reputation of being a brave, reli- 
 able and efficient officer. His promotion to a colonelcy would 
 be a great benefit to the service, while the honor of his State 
 could scarcely be entrusted to safer hands." 
 
 He was subsequently recommended for promotion by Gen- 
 erals Meade, Hancock, Wright and D. A. Russell. He was in 
 every battle and campaign in which the Sixth Corps, Army of 
 the Potomac, was engaged, from the first Bull Run to Peters- 
 burg, and was twice slightly wounded. On July 28, 1866, with- 
 out his knowledge or solicitation, he was appointed a captain in 
 the U. S. Regular Army, on recommendation of General Grant, 
 and has since been promoted colonel in this service. During 
 his subsequent career he has won the reputation of being a fine 
 tactician and of being thoroughly versed in military law, as is 
 indicated by Major Hancock's commendatory words in 1S7S: 
 
 "I look upon him as by far the best tactician in the regiment, 
 and as for a thorough, clear knowledge of tactics his superior 
 is not in the army. As regards military and civil law, I know 
 of no one so well informed." 
 
l8o THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 
 
 His ability and soldierly qualities have also been highly com- 
 mended by General Crook, Colonel Hughes — Inspector-General 
 in 1891 — and Colonel , Inspector-General in 1892. 
 
 Not only as a soldier, but in many other ways, has General 
 Daggett distinguished himself. As a public speaker the follow- 
 ing was said of him by the Rev. S. S. Cummings, of Boston : 
 
 "It was my privilege and pleasure to listen to an address 
 delivered by General A. S. Daggett on Memorial Day of 1891. 
 I had anticipated something able and instructive, but it far ex- 
 ceeded my fondest expectations. The address was dignified, yet 
 affable, delivered in choice language without manuscript, in- 
 structive and impressive, and highly appreciated by an intelli- 
 gent audience." 
 
 General Daggett is noted for his courteous and genial man- 
 ner, and his sterling integrity of character. He is a member 
 of the Presbyterian church. 
 
 War Department, Inspector-General's Office, 
 
 Washington, Jan. 6th, 1899. 
 To the Adjutant-General, U. S. A., Washington, D. C. 
 
 Sir : — I desire to recommend to your favorable consideration 
 and for advancement in case of the reorganization of the Reg- 
 ular Army, Lieutenant-Colonel A. S. Daggett, 25th U. S. In- 
 fantry. 
 
 I have known Colonel Daggett for a long time ; he served in 
 the War of the Rebellion with the 5th Maine Volunteers and 
 acquitted himself with much honor; he served in Cuba in the 
 war with Spain, commanding the 25th U. S. Infantry, and was 
 conspicuous for gallantry at the battle of El Caney. He is an 
 officer of the highest character, intelligent, courageous and 
 energetic. 
 
 I sincerely trust that he may receive all the consideration he 
 deserves. Very respectfully, 
 
 (Sd) H. W. LAWTON, 
 
 Major-General, U. S. V. 
 
THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY l8l 
 
 A true copy: 
 
 M. D. CRONIN, 
 
 First Lieutenant and Adjutant 25th Infantry. 
 Headquarters Department of the East, 
 
 Governor's Island, New York City, 
 
 December 29, 1898. 
 Honorable R. A. Alger, Secretary of War, Washington, D. C. 
 Sir: — I recommend to the favorable consideration of the 
 Secretary of War for promotion to Brigadier-General, Colonel 
 A. S. Daggett, 25th Infantry. This officer has an excellent war 
 record ; his service has been faithful since then, and in the recent 
 Spanish-American war he distinguished himself by his goo'd 
 judgment and faithful attention to duty, as well as for gallant 
 service in action. An appointment of this character will be very 
 highly appreciated throughout the army as a recognition of 
 faithful, meritorious and gallant service. From my observation 
 of Colonel Daggett he is well qualified for the position. 
 Very respectfully, 
 
 (Sd) WM. R. SHAFTER, 
 
 Major-General, U. S. Volunteers. 
 M. D. CRONIN, 
 
 A true copy: 
 
 First Lieutenant and Adjutant 25th Infantry. 
 To this very brilliant official record it is necessary to add 
 but a word personal. Colonel Daggett is a typical New Eng- 
 ender; tall, well-formed, nervous and sinewy, a centre of 
 energy, making himself felt wherever he may be. Precise and 
 forceful of speech, correct and sincere in manners, a safe coun- 
 sellor and a loyal friend, his character approaches the ideal. 
 Stern and commanding as an officer he is nevertheless tender 
 and sympathetic. His very sensitiveness concerning the feel- 
 ings of others embarrasses him in giving expression to his own 
 feelings on seeing suffering, unless it should be urgent, but 
 those who know him best know him to be just, humane and 
 tender. No man could have taken more care than he did for 
 his regiment in Cuba. Hating oppression and wrong with a 
 vehemency suited to his intense nature, he nevertheless de- 
 plores war and bloodshed. The President of the United 
 States never did a more worthy act than when he gave to 
 
^2 THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 
 
 Lieutenant-Colonel A. S. Daggett of the Twenty-fifth Infan- 
 try his commission as Brigadier-General of Volunteers in 
 recognition of his valor and skill at El Caney and of his gen- 
 eral efficiency as an officer in our army. 
 
 TESTIMONIES CONCERNING THE WORK OF THE 
 TWENTY-FIFTH INFANTRY BEFORE EL CANEY. 
 
 Headquarters First District, Southern Luzon, 
 
 El Deposito, P. I., April 20, 1900. 
 
 My Dear General Daggett : — Some time ago I received a let- 
 ter from you asking me to make an official statement as to 
 where and at what objective the energies and fire of the 25th 
 Infantry were directed during the battle of El Caney, Cuba, 
 July 1, 1898. 
 
 In reply I have the honor to officially state that about noon 
 July 1, 1898, the regiment moved from the mango grove, near 
 the Ducro House, toward a stone fort located on a hill, near the 
 town of El Caney. 
 
 It arrived at about one of the afternoon at a point about 
 eight hundred yards to the south and east of the fort ; immedi- 
 ately deployed, and the First Battalion, under command of Cap- 
 tain Walter S. Scott, and of which I was adjutant, designated 
 as the attacking line. Presently, after advancing a few yards, 
 we were subjected to a galling fire from the stone fort, the 
 trenches in its front and from a blockhouse on its right. The 
 line steadily moved forward, directing its fire at the stone fort 
 and the trenches surrounding it. When within about one hun- 
 dred and fifty yards from the fort the line was halted, and sev- 
 eral sharpshooters, directed by their company officers to fire 
 at the loopholes. Finally, when the men had regained their 
 wind, a rush was made, part of the line going through a corn- 
 field. At the foot the line was again halted, and after a few mo- 
 ments' rest charged up the hill, and the fort surrendered. 
 
 I went to the fort and found a Spanish lieutenant and seven 
 enlisted men whom I passed out and were taken charge of by 
 an officer of the 12th Infantry. This was about 3.50 P. M. 
 
 Note. — Since the above was written, General Daggett served with great 
 distinction in the Philippines and in China, and was retired as a brigadier- 
 general — a hero of four wars. A bill is now before Congress to make him 
 a major-general, an honor to which he is most justly entitled. 
 
THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 1 83 
 
 As soon as the line reached the top of the hill it was fired on 
 from the town, which had before been masked by the hill; the 
 fire was of course returned, and this was the first fire from the 
 battalion directed at the town. About five o'clock firing had 
 ceased, the battalion was assembled and marched away. 
 
 (Sd) H. W. FRENCH, 
 
 First Lieutenant, 17th Infantry (late Second Lieutenant 25th 
 Infantry. 
 
 A true copy: 
 
 H. G. LEARNARD, 
 
 Capt. and Adj. 14th Infantry. 
 
 Manila, P. I., March 30, 1900. 
 I certify that in the action of El Caney, Cuba, July 1, 1898, 
 the company I commanded, i. e., H, 25th Infantry, directed its 
 fire almost exclusively on the stone fort and the trench a few 
 yards from its base. That very little of this company's fire was 
 directed on the town and none before the fort was carried. 
 
 (Sd) VERNON A. CALDWELL, 
 
 First Lieutenant, 25th Infantry. 
 
 A true copy : 
 
 H. G. LEARNARD, 
 
 Capt. and Adj. 14th Infantry. 
 
 Tayug, Luzon, Philippine Islands, 
 
 April 17th, 1900. 
 To Those in Military Authority. 
 
 Regarding the battle of El Caney, Cuba, July 1, 1898, I 
 hereby certify : 
 
 1. From about 1.20 o'clock P. M. to the time of the capture 
 of the town of El Caney, I was in command of two companies 
 — C and G — forming part of the 25th U. S. Infantry firing line. 
 
 2. From about 2.55 o'clock P. M. to the time of the capture 
 of the town, very nearly the entire 25th Infantry firing line 
 was under my observation. 
 
 3. From about 2.55 o'clock P. M. to about 3.20, the time of 
 the surrender of the stone fort to the east of the town, the fire 
 of the entire 25th Infantry firing line within my sight was 
 directed against the fort. 
 
 4. During this period of the battle the 25th Infantry firing 
 line was about 150 yards from the stone fort. 
 
 5. From the time the firing line began firing — about 1 
 
1&4 THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 
 
 o'clock P. M. — to the time of the surrender of the stone fort— 
 about 3.20 P. M. — the companies under my command and all 
 others under my observation concentrated their fire on the fort. 
 
 6. About 3.20 P. M., I was standing about 150 yards from 
 the stone fort, and I plainly and distinctly saw a Spaniard ap- 
 pear in the door of the fort, and, for two or three seconds, wave 
 a white flag at the 25th Infantry firing line, and upon being shot 
 down, another Spaniard picked up the flag and likewise waved 
 it at the 25th Infantry firing line. 
 
 7. After the white' flag had twice been presented to the 25th 
 Infantry firing line, and after all fire from the stone fort had 
 ceased, the firing line rushed forward, took up a position facing 
 to their left — that is, facing the town — and began a vigorous fire 
 on a small blockhouse and on the town. 
 
 Respectfully, JAMES A. MOSS, 
 
 First Lieutenant, 24th U. S. Infantry. 
 
 RECOLLECTICXS OF THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN, BY 
 
 CAPTAIN R. H. R. LOUGHBOROUGH, 25TH U. 
 
 S. INFANTRY. 
 
 The 25th U. S. Infantry left its stations in Montana on the 
 10th of April, 1898; six companies (B, C, D, E, F and H) went 
 in camp at Chickamauga National Park; the other two com- 
 panies (A and G) went to Key West, Fla. 
 
 On May 6th the six companies at the Chickamauga National 
 Park moved by rail to Tampa, Fla., arriving the night of the 
 7th, where they were joined by the two companies from Key 
 West. With the exception of three days in 1870, the regiment 
 had never been together since its organization in 1869. It neces- 
 sarily followed that many of the officers, as well as men, were 
 strangers to each other. 
 
 Our camp at Tampa was fair; the ground is sandy and flat, 
 but as the rainy season had not set in, it was dry and the health 
 was good. Drills and parades were held daily (Sundays ex- 
 cepted), but on account of the intense heat the hours for it 
 were limited to the early mornings and after sunset. The 
 clothing of the men was the same they had worn in Montana, 
 and did not add to their comfort. Supplies of all kinds (except 
 rations) came by piecemeal, and we finally sailed for the tropics 
 with the same clothing used in the Northwest. 
 
 At 6 o'clock P. M. June 6th the regiment received orders to 
 
THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 1 85 
 
 strike tents and be ready to move within an hour; the order was 
 immediately complied with, though the necessary transportation 
 to move the baggage did not report until the forenoon of the 
 following day ; it was not far from noon when the last of it left 
 the camp for the railroad station, en route to Port Tampa, 
 where we were to embark on transports for the seat of war. 
 
 As soon as the camp equipage was started, the regiment was 
 formed and marched to West Tampa (about three miles), where 
 we took a train for Port Tampa, distant nine miles. On arrival, 
 the regiment boarded the steamer "Concho," one of the vessels 
 to carry the expedition to its destination. The 4th U. S. In- 
 fantry had preceded us, and the next day a battalion of the 2d 
 Massachusetts Volunteers was put on, but owing to the crowded 
 condition of the ship, a few days later they were transferred to 
 another vessel. 
 
 The "Concho" is a large ship, but without the comforts I 
 have seen since then on the U. S. Army transports plying be- 
 tween San Francisco and Manila. The ships used were hastily 
 fitted up for the occasion, and it could not be expected that they 
 would be all that was required, but some of the appointments 
 could and should have been better. After a tedious wait until 
 June 14th, we sailed down Tampa Bay and out on the Gulf of 
 Mexico, still in ignorance of our destination. The evening of 
 the 15th the light at Dry Tortugas was seen to our right. June 
 16th, 17th and 18th our course was a little south of east, and 
 part of the time the north coast of Cuba was visible. The 
 weather (except the intense heat) was fine. On Sunday morn- 
 ing, June 18th, we entered the Windward Passage, and it 
 seemed certain, from our course, that Santiago was our ob- 
 jective. Early the next morning the high mountains of Santiago 
 de Cuba were in plain sight to our north. June 20th and 21st, 
 remained off the coast ; the sea was rough and the vessel rolled 
 considerably, adding to the discomfort of every one, especially 
 those subject to seasickness. During the evening of the 21st, 
 orders were received to be ready to disembark the following 
 morning. About 8 A. M. on the 22d our warships began shell- 
 ing the coast, and two hours later the troops started in small 
 boats from the transports to the shore. By evening most of the 
 Second Division and part of the Cavalry Division were on 
 Cuban soil. There was no opposition to our landing; I believe 
 that a small force well handled could have made it very diffi- 
 cult, if, indeed, it could not have prevented it. 
 
l86 THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 
 
 As soon as the regiment had landed it was marched out 
 about four miles and bivouacked for the night. The country is 
 rugged and covered with a dense tropical vegetation. A few 
 "Cuban Patriots" had joined us and formed the extreme ad- 
 vance, saving us some disagreeable outpost duty. This was 
 the only service that I know of them doing throughout the 
 campaign, though they were always on hand ration day. Later 
 developments showed that the service rendered was not so im- 
 portant, as any Spanish force had retired to a safe place, some- 
 thing our friends looked out for whenever there was any danger. 
 
 June 23d, the regiment started shortly after daylight towards 
 the city of Santiago. About 9 o'clock there was a report that 
 the enemy were in our front. The regiment was immediately 
 formed for battle, and reconnoitering parties sent forward; 
 after about thirty minutes' delay the supposed enemy proved to 
 be the large leaves of some tropical trees being moved by the 
 wind, giving them the appearance of persons in motion. Our 
 route was over a narrow trail, through a dense wilderness; 
 water was scarce and the heat was intense. About noon we ar- 
 rived at Siboney, where we bivouacked for the night. Before 
 daylight next morning the troops in our rear were heard passing 
 on the trail by our camp. Shortly after daylight Captain Ca- 
 pron's battery of four guns passed, and the men lined up along 
 the road and cheered lustily. About an hour later, musketry fire 
 and the occasional discharge of a Hotchkiss gun could be 
 plainly heard towards Santiago. About three-quarters of an 
 hour later we received orders to march. By mistake, the wrong 
 trail was taken, and after marching fourteen hours we returned 
 to our camp of the previous night, all fagged out. A great many 
 men of the brigade were overcome with heat during this long, 
 tiresome and fruitless ramble. I cannot say how many of these 
 were of the 25th Infantry, but in my own company (B) there 
 was not a man out of the ranks when the camp was reached. 
 (I have called the above-mentioned place "Siboney." There is 
 probably some other name for it, as the Cubans have one for 
 every hamlet. It is not far from Siboney, and not knowing the 
 name, have called it Siboney.) 
 
 On the morning of the 25th we got rations from the transport 
 and all enjoyed a hearty breakfast. At 1 P. M. we broke camp 
 and marched to Sevilla, about six miles. Here we remained 
 until the morning of the 27th, part of the regiment being out on 
 picket duty. June 27th, the regiment marched three miles 
 
THE^BATTLE OF EL CANEY 1 87 
 
 towards Santiago and bivouacked on the banks of a small creek. 
 Bathing was forbidden, as the creek was the onl_v.water supply 
 for the army. The troops remained at this place until the after- 
 noon of June 30th. The camp was in the valley of the creek, 
 the ground is low and flat, and with the heavy rainfall every one 
 was uncomfortable. Rations had to be brought from Siboney 
 over a trail and did not arrive regularly. 
 
 About 1 o'clock in the afternoon on the 30th, the officers of 
 the regiment were assembled at headquarters and were notified 
 that there would be an attack on the Spanish position the 
 next morning. About 4 o'clock the regiment started for its 
 position, arriving after 10 o'clock, having covered a distance 
 of less than three miles. The route was over an excuse for a 
 road, but was crowded with some of the troops of almost every 
 organization of the army, causing numberless halts, but worse 
 than all, breaking the much-needed rest of the troops. On one 
 part of this route I heard men asknig, "What regiment is this?" 
 and heard various responses, as follows : "The W. W. W.'s, 
 the 1st Cavalry, the 4th Infantry, the 10th Cavalry," etc. Some 
 one asked, "What are the W r . W. W.'s?" and some one replied 
 "Wood's Weary Walkers." I do not know who is responsible 
 for that condition of affairs. Had we had an enterprising enemy 
 in our front, disaster certainly would have followed. Here were 
 a number of organizations scattered along a narrow,, muddy 
 trail, at the mercy of an active foe. All this was only three or 
 four miles from the Spanish works. The men were cheerful, 
 and few if any realized that there might be danger. 
 
 Most of the men were up and moving about before daylight 
 the next morning. Shortly after, the regiment started in the di- 
 rection of El Caney. At 9 A. M. we halted in a mango grove 
 near the Ducureau mansion. Shortly before noon a mounted 
 orderly appeared with a message for the brigade commander. 
 A few minute? later the march towards El Caney was taken up. 
 Heavy musketry fire had been heard in that direction since 
 shortly before 7 o'clock. A march of little more than a mile 
 and the regiment was formed for battle, Companies G and H 
 in the firing line, C and D in support, the remaining four corn- 
 panes in reserve. 
 
 For two hours or perhaps more the firing was very heavy, 
 especially during the second hour. Attention is called to report 
 of Colonel A. S. Daggett, pages 387 and 388, "Report of the 
 War Department, 1898, Vol. I," and endorsement on same by 
 
1 88 THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 
 
 Major-General A. R. Chaffee. He says: "This stone fort was 
 practically in the possession of the 12th Infantry at about 2 
 P. M. July 1." I cannot reconcile this statement with the fact 
 that between the hours named some of the heaviest firing was 
 going on, which does not indicate that its defenders were ready 
 to give up. Lord Wellington once said, "At the end of every 
 campaign truth lies at the bottom of a deep well, and it often 
 takes twenty years to get her out." This may not be an excep- 
 tion. About half-past 4 o'clock the firing ceased and El Caney 
 was ours. 
 
 The dead were collected near a hedge and the regiment was 
 formed in column of masses to pay a silent tribute of respect to 
 our departed comrades. 
 
 The regiment then started for the mango grove where we had 
 left our blanket rolls and haversacks. Just as we were starting, 
 some men with canteens started for water (about a mile away), 
 when orders were received to be ready to march in twenty min- 
 utes. A few rods took us back to the road leading to Santiago. 
 We moved down the road about three-quarters of a mile and 
 halted. Two hours later, the pack train arrived with ammuni- 
 tion and then another with rations. Before the latter were is- 
 sued orders were issued to move at once to the rear. The regi- 
 ment marched over the trail it had come on the day before, ar- 
 riving at El Poso about 8 o'clock A. M. Here we took the road 
 leading to Santiago. About 9 A. M. we passed under San Juan 
 Hill and moved to our right. Our forces held the crest of the 
 hill. In passing along the hill we were sheltered from the fire 
 except a short space, where one or two men were slightly 
 wounded. Arriving at the La Cruz house near the road leading 
 from El Caney to Santiago about 3. 30 P. M. and bivouacked for 
 the night. About 10 o'clock the troops on our left were at- 
 tacked by the Spanish. The firing was very heavy for an hour, 
 when it suddenly ceased, and we retired for the night. During 
 this time we were under the hill and protected from the fire. 
 
 Next morning (Sunday, July 3d) desultory firing began at day- 
 light. About 7 A. M. the regiment left the La Cruz house and 
 moved across the Caney-Santiago road and formed line to the 
 left and moved forward to a ridge overlooking the city. A 
 number of shots fell about us, but no one was struck. Shortly 
 after, we were in possession of the ridge and began intrenching. 
 The firing was kept up and two men were wounded. About 
 noon we were informed that a truce had been established and 
 
THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 1 89 
 
 all work was stopped. This gave all a much-needed rest, though 
 it proved to be of short duration, caused by a false alarm by 
 Major Webb, the inspector of the division staff. 
 
 During the afternoon the regiment was moved to the foot of 
 the ridge, leaving only the pickets on the crest. About 8.30 
 P. M. we were ordered to the picket line and began intrenching. 
 The tall grass was wet from a drenching rain a few hours be- 
 fore. The ground, though wet, was hard, and slow progress 
 was made, having only their bayonets for picks and their bare 
 hands for shovel's. All night this work went on. The men 
 were tired and hungry (as rations had not come up that day), 
 but worked faithfully. During this, and I will add, throughout 
 the campaign, I never heard a murmur nor a complaint; even 
 when almost all the men of the regiment were down with fever 
 and bowel trouble they were cheerful and ready to do any duty 
 they were called on for. 
 
 The morning of July 3d Cervera's fleet sailed down the bay. 
 An officer rode by our part of the line about half-past 9 and in- 
 formed us of it. A few minutes later we heard the roar of the 
 big guns, though at the time I little thought of what was going 
 on. In the afternoon we heard cheering on our line way to the 
 left, and as the good news came along it was taken up, and 
 soon the whole line was shouting. 
 
 On the morning of July 5th the non-combatants left San- 
 tiago by two roads, one passing through our line. It was a piti- 
 ful sight. During the forenoon of the 5th we moved about a 
 mile to the right and began intrenching. This position was very 
 near the Spanish line, and quite elaborate works were con- 
 structed. We remained in this position until the morning of 
 the nth, when the regiment was ordered to the right of the 
 line, about three miles. Here we intrenched. About 1 P. M. 
 a truce was announced. 
 
 At 9.15 P. M. a staff officer came to the regimental com- 
 mander's tent and informed him that the regiment was to be 
 on the line at 12 o'clock midnight, and as soon as the moon 
 rose to advance through the jungle until fired on, when the line 
 was to halt and intrench. The night was stormy and any moon 
 there might have been was obscured by the clouds. We were 
 up, however, standing until daylight in a drenching rain, for 
 it was so dark that any movement was impossible. Our rest 
 was broken, without accomplishing anything that I know or 
 heard of. 
 
190 THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 
 
 However, the rain and storm were providential, for I will al- 
 ways believe if the movement had been started we should have 
 met with disaster. The ground was broken, deep ravines and 
 underbrush with wire fences running through it. I have never 
 learned who was "the father" of this order, and possibly never 
 will. He must be ashamed of it. 
 
 The afternoon of the 12th the regiment advanced several 
 hundred yards to the front and dug more intrenchments. They 
 were still on this work the afternoon of the 14th when it was 
 announced that the Spanish army had agreed to surrender. 
 This came none too soon, for our men were coming down with 
 malarial fever. A few days later nearly half the regiment were 
 on the sick list, and the balance could not have done much. 
 
 The regiment was moved 'the same afternoon to higher 
 ground in rear of the trenches. Strong guards were kept to 
 look out for our prisoners and to prevent "our allies," the 
 Cubans, from going into the city. 
 
 On the morning of the 17th the formal surrender of the city 
 and Spanish army took place. We were some distance away 
 and did not see anything of the ceremony. 
 
 On July 25th the regiment was moved about a mile further 
 back in the hills and made camp, our tents, etc., having been 
 brought up from the transport. Medicines appeared very 
 scarce, resulting in much suffering. The food supplied was 
 totally unfit for our new surroundings, and I believe not a little 
 of the sickness can be traced to this. Our last camp was as 
 good as any to be found in that vicinity. 
 
 The regiment remained in camp until August 13th, when it 
 embarked on the' transport "Camanche" for Montauk Point, 
 arriving on the 18th, and landed on the 23d. 
 
 B. H. R. LOUGHBOROUGH, 
 
 Captain, 25th Infantry. 
 
SAN JUAN i 9 i 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 SAN JUAN. 
 Cavalry Division: The Ninth and Tenth Regiments. 
 
 When Lawton's division swung off to the right to engage 
 the enemy at El Caney, with the results described in the pre- 
 ceeding chapter, the divisions of Wheeler and Kent were or- 
 dered to proceed directly along the Santiago road toward San 
 Juan. Within a mile from El Pozo, the point where they had 
 bivouacked for the night of the 30th, the troops arrived at the 
 Aguadores River, which crosses the road here within less than 
 a mile from San Juan Heights. Wheeler's division headed 
 the column, although that general was not commanding. He 
 had been relieved on the afternoon of the 30th and did not 
 resume command until about 4 o'clock on July 1,* long after 
 the heights had been carried, although he was on the field 
 shortly after 1 o'clock of that day. 
 
 The Dismounted Cavalry Division on the morning of July 
 i presented 2,663 fighting men, including officers. The First 
 Brigade, commanded by Colonel Carrol, had 50 officers and 
 1,054 men, in regiments as follows: Third Cavalry, 22 offi- 
 cers, 420 men; Sixth Cavalry, 16 officers, 427 men; Ninth 
 Cavalry, 12 officers, 207 men, the Ninth having hardly one- 
 half the strength of either of the other regiments of the bri- 
 gade. The Second Brigade, commanded by General Wood, 
 contained 1,559 persons, distributed as follows: Brigade staff, 
 9 officers, 14 men; First Cavalry, 21 officers, 501 men; Tenth 
 
 *Official Report of General Sumner. 
 
I92 SAN JUAN 
 
 Cavalry, 22 officers, 507 men; First Volunteer Cavalry 
 (Rough Riders), 25 officers, 517 men. 
 
 Before the troops left El Poso, Grimes' battery had been put 
 in position and had fired a few shots at a blockhouse on San 
 Juan Hill, distance 2,600 yards. Using black powder, which 
 created a cloud of smoke with every shot, the battery was 
 readily located by the foe, and the shrapnel from their guns 
 was soon bursting among our forces. The second shot from 
 the Spaniards wounded four of the Rough Riders and two or 
 three of the regulars, while a third killed and wounded sev- 
 eral Cubans. As a matter of course there was a rapid move- 
 ments of the troops from that immediate vicinity. The firing 
 soon ceased, and the troops took up that general advance 
 movement already noted. 
 
 It is no easy task to follow the movements of the Cavalry 
 Division from the time it left El Poso that July morning un- 
 til it finally entrenched itself for the night on San Juan Hills. 
 As heretofore we will take the official reports first, and from 
 them make up the itinerary and the movements of the battle 
 that followed, as far as they v/ill enable us to do so. General 
 Sumne*" says the division proceeded toward Santiago, and 
 when about three-fourths of a mile from El Poso was halted in 
 a narrow road to await orders and remained there for nearly 
 an hour, subject to the effects of heavy artillery fire from 
 the enemy's battery. Major Wessells, of the Third Cavalry, 
 says, while following the road toward Santiago that morn, 
 "much delay ensued from some reason unknown to the under- 
 signed," and that the First Brigade of the division arrived at 
 San Juan ford about 10 o'clock. This creek was about five 
 hundred yards farther toward Santiago than Aguadores 
 River, and ran about parallel with San Juan Heights, from 
 which it was about three-fourths of a mile distant. 
 
SAN JUAN 193 
 
 The orders for which General Sumner had waited nearly 
 an hour under fire had come and were "verbal instructions to 
 move to the San Juan Creek and hold it." Reaching this 
 creek his advance guard was met by the Spaniards who fired 
 one volley and retreated to a position on a hill on Sumner's 
 right front, about 1,200 yards distant. Crossing this creek 
 with sufficient strength to hold it, Sumner was now ordered 
 to move by the right flank and connect with Lawton's left. 
 While his troops were in this massed condition prior to de- 
 ploying to the right through <a thick jungle, the balloon that 
 was in use for purposes of reconnoitering, came up the road 
 and exposed itself to the full view of the Spaniards upon the 
 heights. They needed no further invitation to direct toward 
 our forces their artillery, for which the balloon became a fly- 
 ing target. Many officers and men were wounded here by 
 exploding shells and small arms' fire of the enemy (Sumner). 
 Under this fire, however, the troops were deployed as ordered. 
 
 Colonel Wood, who had charge of the Second Brigade, of 
 which the Rough Riders were the leading regiment, says this 
 "regiment was directed to change direction to the right, and 
 by moving up the creek to effect a junction with General 
 Lawton's division, which was engaged at Caney, about one 
 and a-half miles toward the right, but was supposed to be 
 working toward our right flank. After proceeding in this di- 
 rection about half a mile the effort to connect with General 
 Lawton was given up." This movement to the right took 
 place between ten and eleven o'clock, at which time Lawton's 
 forces had made no impression upon El Caney, and he was far 
 from making any movement which might be described as 
 working toward the right flank of the Cavalry Division. Law- 
 ton was not found by that half-hour's search to the right; and 
 
 13 
 
194 SAN JUAN 
 
 it was evident that something must be done by these troops in 
 front, and done quickly. The whole division was under fire, 
 and the battle on the Spanish side was in actual progress. 
 True our men were hidden away in the jungle that bordered 
 the creek, but their position was known to the Spaniards, 
 and leaves and boughs are no cover from shot and shell. They 
 were receiving the fire of the enemy and making no reply 
 whatever, save by the few ineffective shots from the far away 
 battery on El Poso Hill. 
 
 Directly in front of the cavalry division was a little hill oc- 
 cupied by a Spanish force. This hill is called in General 
 Wood's report East Hill, but in the literature of the battle it 
 is usaully mentioned as Kettle Hill. The fire in part was 
 coming from here. Colonel Wood gives another report of 
 the morning's experience in which he says: "The brigade 
 moved down the road toward Santiago in rear of the First Bri- 
 gade, with instructions to deploy to the right after crossing 
 the San Juan, and continue to extend to the right, reaching 
 out toward General Lawton's left and holding ourselves in 
 rear of the First Brigade as a support. On reaching the 
 stream the First Volunteer Cavalry, which was in the lead, 
 crossed the stream with comparatively slight loss and de- 
 ployed to the right in good order, but at this time a captive 
 balloon was led down the road in which the troops were 
 massed, and finally anchored at the crossing of the stream. 
 The approach and anchoring of this balloon served to indi- 
 cate the line of approach of the troops and to locate the ford, 
 and the result was a terrific converging of artillery and rifle 
 fire on the ford, which resulted in severe loss of men. Under 
 this fire the First United States Cavalry and the Tenth United 
 States Cavalry crossed the stream, and deployed to the right 
 
SAN JUAN 195 
 
 where they were placed in position in rear of the First Bri- 
 gade. Two regiments of the Second Brigade, to wit., the 
 First and the Tenth Regular Cavalry, were located in the rear 
 of the First Brigade. The First Regular Cavalry had begun 
 its day's work as support of Grimes' battery, but had later 
 come forward and taken its place in the brigade time enough 
 to join in the action that followed. 
 
 "After completing the deployment," says Sumner, "the 
 command was so much committed to battle that it became 
 necessary either to advance or else retreat under fire." The 
 troops were already in battle, but were not fighting, and could 
 not do so in their present position, simply because they could 
 not see the enemy. "Lieutenant Miley, representing General 
 Shafter, authorized an advance, which was ordered, Carroll's 
 brigade taking the advance, reinforced on the right by 
 Roosevelt's regiment, and supported by the First and Tenth 
 Cavalry." (Sumner.) Colonel Wood says : "After remain- 
 ing in this position for about an hour (meaning the position 
 held by his brigade previous to the coming of the order to 
 advance) the order to advance was given, and the brigade ad- 
 vanced in good order as possible, but more or less broken up 
 by the masses of brush and heavy grass and cactus; passing 
 through the line of the First Brigade, mingling with them and 
 charging the hill in conjunction with these troops, as well as 
 some few infantry who had extended to the right." It must 
 be remembered that the First Brigade consisted wholly of 
 regulars, tne Third, Sixth and Ninth Cavalry, while the 
 Second Brigade had that remarkable regiment, the Rough 
 Riders. This fact may account for their breaking through 
 the lines of the First Brigade. Major Wessells, who com- 
 manded tne Tnird Cavalry in that fight, and was himself 
 
196 SAN JUAN 
 
 wounded at the close of the first charge, says his regiment be- 
 came entangled with other regiments, but, nevertheless, was 
 to the crest as soon as any. Of the advance of the whole divis- 
 ion, General Sumner says : "The advance was made under 
 heavy infantry fire, through open flat ground, cut up by wire 
 fences, to the creek, distant about 600 yards. The advance 
 was made in good order, the enemy's fire being returned only 
 under favorable opportunities. In crossing the flat one officer 
 and several men were killed and several officers and men 
 wounded. Both sides of the creek were heavily wooded for 
 about 200 yards. The creek was swollen, and the crossing 
 through this space and the creek was made with great diffi- 
 culty. 
 
 "After passing through the thick woods the ground was en- 
 tirely open and fenced by wire. From this line it was neces- 
 sary to storm the hill, upon the top of which is a house, loop- 
 holed for defense. The slope of the hill is very difficult, but 
 the assault was made with great gallantry and with much loss 
 to the enemy. In this assault Colonel Hamilton, Lieutenants 
 Smith and Shipp were killed; Colonel Carroll, Lieutenants 
 Thayer and Myer were wounded. A number of casualties 
 occurred among the enlisted men." The heights were carried 
 by the whole division. 
 
 Lieutenant-Colonel Baldwin's account of the part his regi- 
 ment took in the assault upon San Juan is told about as fol- 
 lows : After the search for Lawton had been given up, the 
 First and Tenth Cavalry were formed for attack on East Hill. 
 "I was directed," he says, "to take a position to the right, be- 
 hind the river bank, for protection. While moving to this 
 position, and while there, the regiment suffered considerable 
 loss. After an interval of twenty or thirty minutes I was di- 
 
SAN JUAN I97 
 
 rected to form line of battle in a partially open field facing 
 toward the blockhouses and strong intrenchments to the north 
 occupied by the enemy. Much difficulty was found on account 
 of the dense undergrowth, crossed in several directions by 
 wire fences. As a part of the cavalry division under General 
 Sumner, the regiment was formed in two lines, the First 
 Squadron under Major S. T. Norvell, consisting of Troops 
 A, B, E and I, leading; the second line, under Major T. J. 
 Wint, consisting of Troops C, F and G. Troop D having 
 crossed farther down the river, attached itself to a command 
 of infantry and moved with that command on the second 
 blockhouse. The regiment advanced in this formation in a 
 heavy converging fire from the enemy's position, proceeding 
 but a short distance when the two lines were united into one. 
 The advance was rapidly continued in an irregular line toward 
 the blockhouses and intrenchments to the right front. Dur- 
 ing this advance the line passed some troops of the First Cav- 
 alry, which I think had previously been formed on our right. 
 Several losses occurred before reaching the top of the hill, 
 First Lieutenant William H. Smith being killed as he arrived 
 on its crest. The enemy having retreated toward the north- 
 west to the second and third blockhouses, new lines were 
 formed and a rapid advance was made upon these new posi- 
 tions. The regiment assisted in capturing these works from 
 the enemy, and with the exception of Troops C and I. which 
 in the meantime had joined the First Volunteer Cavalry, then 
 took up a position to the north of the second blockhouse, re- 
 maining there all night." 
 
 Major Norvell, who commanded the First Squadron of the 
 Tenth Cavelry, which consisted of Troops A, B, E and I, 
 gives the following account of the experiences of July 1st: 
 
198 SAN JUAN 
 
 "The regiment took position in a wood, and here suffered 
 considerable loss, due to the fact that the whole of the enemy's 
 fire appeared to be directed to this point. In a short time we 
 moved out of the wood by the right flank and then deployed 
 to the left, being then directly in front of the enemy and one 
 mile distant from his works, marked by three houses about 
 half a mile from one another. The enemy was strongly en- 
 trenched in front of these houses. The line, consisting of the 
 cavalry division, under direction of Brigadier-General Sum- 
 ner, moved forward in double time, under a terrific fire of the 
 enemy. We had a very heavy jungle to march through, be- 
 side the river (San Juan) to cross, and during our progress 
 many men were killed and wounded. The troops became 
 separated from one another, though the general line was pretty 
 well preserved. The works of the enemy were carried in suc- 
 cession by the troops; and the Spaniards were steadily driven 
 back toward the town to their last ditches. We now found 
 ourselves about half a mile from the city, but the troops be- 
 ing by this time nearly exhausted, here intrenched them- 
 selves for the night under a heavy fire. By dark this line was 
 occupied by all the troops engaged during the day." 
 
 The official reports of the troop commanders of the Tenth 
 Cavalry bring out a few more particulars which serve to give 
 us a more vivid conception of this moving line. The entire 
 cavalry division advanced together, and notwithstanding the 
 roughness of the ground, Major Norvell assures us the line 
 was pretty well preserved. Troops A, B, E and I were in the 
 First Squadron, which was in the lead; Troops C, F and G 
 were in the second line; Troop D made its advance with the 
 infantry off to the left. We have now a fair knowledge of 
 the general movement of the whole regiment. Let us follow 
 
SAN JUAN 199 
 
 the fortunes of some of the Troops, and by that means get 
 nearer to the work done by the individual soldier. 
 
 Troop A was on the right of the leading squadron as tha 
 regiment took its place in line on the left of the First Cavalry 
 and moved against the Spanish blockhouses in the face of a 
 heavy fire, making a rush forward without intermission. A 
 portion of the right platoon, under Lieutenant Livermore, be- 
 came separated in one of the thickets, and under instructions 
 received personally from the brigade commander, who seems 
 to have been everywhere where he was needed, continued up 
 the slope toward his right and toward the first blockhouse. 
 The remainder of the troop, commanded by Captain Beck and 
 Lieutenant McCoy, moved in the same direction at first, but 
 observing that on account of the shorter distance to the slope 
 from that end of the line, a large number of troops were ar- 
 riving there, Captain Beck swung his troop to the left and 
 reached the summit of the hill between the second and third 
 blockhouses, and on arriving received a message by an aid of 
 the brigade commander to hold the ridge. Just then Lieut. 
 Livermore arrived, having come by way of Blockhouse No. 1. 
 The troop now being together, held the crest for an hour. At 
 times the fire of the enemy was so severe and Captain Beck's 
 force so small that there was great danger that he would be 
 compelled to abandon the position, but fortunately at the most 
 critical juncture Lieutenant Lyon of the Twenty-fourth Infan- 
 try came up with a few reinforcements, and Lieutenant Hughes 
 of the Tenth Cavalry with a Hotchkiss gun. Lieutenant 
 Lyon formed his troops to the left of the gun, Troop A of the 
 Tenth Cavalry being on the right. With this force the posi- 
 tion was held until other troops arrived. Soon after, the 
 squadron was reformed and the men entrenched themselves 
 
200 SAN JUAN 
 
 under fire. Troop B was next to Troop A and advanced as 
 skirmishers by rushes and double time, but soon found its 
 front blocked by other troops. Troop I advanced in two sec- 
 tions, the left being commanded by Lieutenant Miller, joined 
 in the attack on the right of the enemy's position; the right 
 commanded by Lieutenant Fleming, advanced on trenches be- 
 tween two blockhouses, and in so doing caught up with the 
 rest of the troop. The first half of the troop, after attacking 
 the blockhouse on right of the enemy's position then crossed 
 the valley and attacked the blockhouse on the left of enemy's 
 position, and then moved forward with the First Regular Cav- 
 alry and First Volunteer Cavalry, until the troop assembled as 
 a whole. When it reached the place of intrenchment there 
 were altogether about one hundred men at that point of the 
 ridge, consisting of men from the Tenth Cavalry and of the 
 Rough Riders. It is claimed by Lieutenant Anderson, who 
 commanded Troop C, and who made his way to the front on 
 the right of the line, that after coming up on the second hill 
 and joining his troop to the left of Troop I, Colonel Roose- 
 velt and part of his regiment joined on the right of the Tenth, 
 and that he reported to him, placing C Troop in his corn- 
 man. Before this time Lieutenant Anderson had reported to 
 Captain Jones, of Troop F, while they were on Kettle Hill, 
 and the Two troops, F and C, had been formed in skirmish 
 line and moved against the second blockhouse. In this move- 
 ment Troop C got separated from Captain Jones, and Ander- 
 son, with 1 8 men of his own troop and several from other or- 
 ganizations, moved forward until he connected with Troop I, 
 as previously narrated. These troops, C and I, were reported 
 by their Colonel as having joined the First Volunteer Cav- 
 alry. All of the troop commanders who were immediately 
 
SAN JUAN 20I 
 
 with the men bear hearty testimony to their good conduct. 
 Captain Jones, commanding Troop F, says : "I could only do 
 justice to the troop by mentioning by name all who were en- 
 gaged, not only for their bravery, but for their splendid dis- 
 cipline under the most demoralizing fire." Lieutenant Flem- 
 ing, commanding Troop I, says : "The entire troop behaved 
 with great gallantry. Private Elsie Jones particularly dis- 
 tinguished himself." Captain Beck, commanding Troop A, 
 says: "The behaviour of the enlisted men was magnificent, 
 paying studious attention to orders while on the firing line, 
 and generally exhibiting an intrepidity which marks the first- 
 class soldier." Lieutenant Hughes, who commanded the 
 Hotchkiss gun detachment, mentions four men for conspic- 
 uous bravery and commends his entire detachment for "spirit, 
 enterprise and good behavior." 
 
 The official story is that the entire cavalry division ad- 
 vanced under orders from General Sumner and that the heft of 
 its first blow fell upon Kettle Hill, which was soon captured, 
 and on the crest of this hill the troops which had ascended it 
 made a temporary halt, reformed their lines somewhat and 
 immediately advanced upon the second hill to the help of that 
 part of the cavalry division which had swung to the left in the 
 advance, and also to the help of the infantry who were coming 
 against Fort San Juan at the same time. Meanwhile there 
 was left upon Kettle Hill a sufficient garrison or force to pre- 
 vent its being recaptured by the enemy. In the assault on 
 Kettle Hill the brigade commander, Colonel Carroll, had been 
 wounded, and Lieutenant-Colonel Hamilton of the Ninth 
 Cavalry killed. Many troop officers also had been either 
 killed or wounded and also in the rush forward through the 
 jungle and high grass some troops had been separated from 
 
202 SAN JUAN 
 
 their officers, and yet it is remarkable that all were ready to 
 move forward to the next assault. 
 
 The words of praise to the whole cavalry division contained 
 in the following order, published at Camp Wikoff immediately 
 after the arrival there of the troops, are claimed by both black 
 and white cavalrymen alike: 
 
 Headquarters, Cavalry Division, 
 Camp Wikoff, L. I., September 7th, 1898. 
 
 To the Officers and Soldiers of the Cavalry Division, Army of 
 Santiago. 
 
 The duties for which the troops comprising the Cavalry Di- 
 vision were brought together have been accomplished. 
 
 On June 14th we sailed from Tampa, Fla., to encounter in 
 the sickly season the diseases of the tropical island of Cuba, 
 and to face and attack the historic legions of Spain in positions 
 chosen by them and which for years they had been strength- 
 ening by every contrivance and art known to the skillful military 
 engineers of Europe. 
 
 On the 23d, one squadron each of the 1st and 10th Regular 
 Cavalry and two squadrons of the 1st Volunteer Cavalry, in all 
 964 officers and men, landed on Cuban soil. These troops 
 marched on foot fourteen miles, and, early on the morning of 
 the 24th, attacked and defeated double their number of regular 
 Spanish soldiers under the command of Lieutenant-General 
 Linares. Eagerly and cheerfully you pushed onward, and on 
 July 1st forded San Juan River and gallantly swept over San 
 Juan Hill, driving the enemy from its crest. Without a mo- 
 ment's halt you formed, aligning the division upon the 1st In- 
 fantry Division under General Kent, and, together with these 
 troops, you bravely charged and carried the formidable in- 
 trenchments of Fort San Juan. The entire force which fought 
 and won this great victory was less than seven thousand men. 
 
 The astonished enemy, though still protected by the strong 
 works to which he had made his retreat, was so stunned by your 
 determined valor that his only thought was to devise the quick- 
 est means of saving himself from further battle. The great 
 Spanish fleet hastily sought escape from the harbor and was 
 destroyed by our matchless navy. 
 
 After seizing the fortifications of San Juan Ridge, you, in 
 
SAN JUAN 203 
 
 the darkness of night, strongly intrenched the position your 
 valor had won. Reinforced by Bates' Brigade on your left 
 and Lawton's Division on your right, you continued the com- 
 bat until the Spanish army of Santiago Province succumbed to 
 the superb prowess and courage of American arms. Peace 
 promptly followed, and you return to receive the plaudits of 
 seventy millions of people. 
 
 The valor displayed by you was not without sacrifice. Eigh- 
 teen per cent., or nearly one in five, of the Cavalry Division fell 
 on the field either killed or wounded. We mourn the loss of 
 these heroic dead, and a grateful country will always revere 
 their memory. 
 
 Whatever may be my fate, wherever my steps may lead, my 
 heart will always burn with increasing admiration for your cour- 
 age in action, your fortitude under privation and your constant 
 devotion to duty in its highest sense, whether in battle, in biv- 
 ouac or upon the march. 
 
 JOSEPH WHEELER, 
 Major-General U. S. V., Commanding. 
 
 Aside from that part of the Tenth Cavalry who fought un- 
 der General Wheeler and who are consequently included 
 among those congratulated by the General Order just quoted, 
 Troop M of that regiment, under command of Lieutenant C. 
 P. Johnson, performed an important part in the war. The 
 troop consisted of 50 men and left Port Tampa June 21 on 
 board the steamship Florida, the steamship Fanita also mak- 
 ing a part of the expedition. The troop was mounted and 
 was accompanied by a pack train of 65 animals. Both ships 
 were heavily loaded with clothing, ammunition and provision, 
 and had on board besides Lieutenant Johnson's command, 
 General Nunez and staff and 375 armed Cubans. The expedi- 
 tion sailed around the west end of the island and attempted 
 a landing at a point chosen by General Nunez on June 29, but 
 failed owing to the fact that the place chosen was well guarded 
 by Spaniards, who fired upon the landing party. The expedi- 
 tion had with it a small gunboat, the Peoria, commanded by 
 
204 SAN JUAN 
 
 Captain Ryan, and on the afternoon of June 30th an attack 
 was made upon a blockhouse on the shore by the gunboat, and 
 a small force of Cuban and American volunteers landed, but 
 were repulsed with the loss of one killed, General Nunez's 
 brother, Q nd seven wounded. Two days later Lieutenant 
 Johnson was able to land and immediately made connection 
 with General Gomez, unloading his stores for the Cuban 
 Army. 
 
 Lieutenant G. P. Ahearn, of the Twenty-fifth Infantry, who 
 went on this expedition as a volunteer, rendered important 
 service on the night after the attack on the blockhouse at 
 Tayabacoa. As the attacking party met with repulse and es- 
 caped to the ship in the darkness, several of their wounded 
 were left on shore. Several boats sent out to recover them 
 had returned without the men, their crews fearing to go on 
 shore after them. Lieutenant Ahearn volunteered to attempt 
 the rescue of the men, and taking a water-logged boat, ap- 
 proached the shore noiselessly and succeeded in his under- 
 taking. The crew accompanying Lieutenant Ahearn was made 
 up of men from Troop M, Tenth Cavalry, and behaved so well 
 that the four were given Medals of Honor for their marked 
 gallantry. The action of Lieutenant Ahearn in this case was 
 in keeping with his whole military career. He has ever mani- 
 fested a fondness for exceptional service, and has never failed 
 when opportunity occurred to display a noble gallantry on 
 the side of humanity. Nothing appeals to him so command- 
 ingly as an individual needing rescue, and in such a cause he 
 immediately rises to the hero's plane. The noble colored sol- 
 diers who won medals on that occasion were all privates and 
 became heroes for humanity's sake. Their names deserve a 
 place in this history outside the mere official table. They were 
 
SAN JUAN 205 
 
 Dennis Bell, George H. Wanton, Fitz Lee and William H* 
 Tompkins, and were the only colored soldiers who, at the time 
 of this writing, have won Medals of Honor in the Spanish 
 War. Others, however, may yet be given, as doubtless others 
 are deserved. The heroic service performed by whole regi- 
 ments, as in the case of the Twenty-fourth Infantry, should 
 entitle every man in it to a medal of some form as a souvenir 
 for his posterity. 
 
 Losses of the Ninth Cavalry in the battles of San Juan : 
 
 Officers — Killed, Lieutenant-Colonel John M. Hamilton. 
 
 Men — Killed, Trumpeter Lewis Fort, Private James John- 
 son. 
 
 Officers — Wounded, Adjutant Winthrop S. Wood, Cap- 
 tain Charles W. Taylor. 
 
 Men — Wounded. First Sergeant Charles W. Jefferson, 
 Sergeant Adam Moore, Sergeant Henry F. Wall, Sergeant 
 Thomas B. Craig, Corporal James W. Ervine, Corporal Hor- 
 ace T. Henry, Corporal John Mason, Burwell Bullock, 
 Elijah Crippen, Edward Davis, Hoyle Ervin, James Gandy, 
 Edward D. Nelson, Noah Prince, Thomas Sinclair, James R. 
 Spear, Jr., Jacob Tull, William H. Turner, George Warren, 
 Alfred Wilson. 
 
 Losses of the Tenth Cavalry during the battle of San Juan : 
 
 Officers — Killed, First Lieutenant W. E. Shipp, First 
 Lieutenant W. H. Smith. 
 
 Men — Killed, John H. Smoot, Corporal W. F. Johnson, 
 John H. Dodson, George Stroal, William H. Slaughter. 
 
 Officers — Wounded, Major T. J. Wint Captain John 
 Bigelow, Jr., Adjutant and First Lieutenant M. H. Barnum. 
 First Lieutenant R. L. Livermore, First Lieutenant E. D. An- 
 derson, Second Lieutenant F. R. McCoy, Second Lieutenant 
 
206 SAN JUAN 
 
 H. C. Whitehead, Second Lieutenant T. A. Roberts, Second 
 Lieutenant H. O. Willard. 
 
 Men — Wounded, First Sergeant A. Houston, First Ser- 
 geant Robert Milbrown, O. M. Sergeant William Payne, Ser- 
 geant Smith Johnson, Sergeant Ed. Lane, Sergeant Walker 
 Johnson, Sergeant George Dyers, Sergeant Willis Hatcher, 
 Sergeant John L. Taylor, Sergeant Amos Elliston, Sergeant 
 Frank Rankin, Sergeant E. S. Washington, Sergeant U. G. 
 Gunter, Corporal J. G. Mitchell, Corporal Allen Jones, Cor- 
 poral Marcellus Wright, Privates Lewis L. Anderson, John 
 Arnold, Charles Arthur, John Brown, Frank D. Bennett, 
 Wade Bledsoe, Hillary Brown, Thornton Burkley, John 
 Brooks, W. H. Brown, Wm. A. Cooper, John Chinn, J. LI. 
 Campbell, Henry Fearn, Benjamin Franklin, Gilmore Givens, 
 B. F. Gaskins, William Gregory, Luther D. Gould, Wiley, 
 Hipsher, Thomas Hardy, Charles Hopkins, Richard James, 
 Wesley Jones, Robert E. Lee, Sprague Lewis, Henry McCor- 
 mack, Samuel T. Minor, Lewis Marshall, William Matthews, 
 Houston Riddill, Charles Robinson, Frank Ridgeley, Fred. 
 Shackley, Harry D. Sturgis, Peter Saunderson, John T. Tay- 
 lor, William Tyler, Isom Taylor, John Watson, Benjamin 
 West, Joseph Williams, Allen E. White, Nathan Wyatt. 
 
 Note. — "While we talked, and the soldiers filled their can- 
 teens and drank deep and long, like camels who, after days of 
 travel through the land of 'thirst and emptiness,' have reached 
 the green oasis and the desert spring, a black corporal of the 
 24th Infantry walked wearily up to the 'water hole.' He was 
 muddy and bedraggled. He carried no cup or canteen, and 
 stretched himself out over the stepping-stones in the stream, 
 sipping up the water and the mud together out of the shallow 
 pool. A white cavalryman ran toward him shouting, 'Hold on, 
 bunkie; here's my cup!' The negro looked dazed a moment, 
 and not a few of the spectators showed amazement, for such 
 
SAN JUAN 
 
 207 
 
 a thing had rarely if ever happened in the army before. 'Thank 
 you,' said the black corporal. 'Well, we arc all fighting under 
 the same flag now.' And so he drank out of the white man's 
 cup. i was glad to see that I was not the only man who had 
 come to recognize the justice of certain Constitutional amend- 
 ments, in the light of the gallant behaviour of the colored troop? 
 throughout the battle, and, indeed, the campaign. The fortune 
 of war had, of course, something to do with it in presenting to 
 the colored troops the oportunities for distinguished service, 
 of which they invariably availed themselves to the fullest ex- 
 tent ; but the confidence of the general officers in their superb 
 gallantry, which the event proved to be not misplaced, added 
 still more, and it is a fact that the services of no four white 
 regiments can be compared with those rendered by the four 
 colored regiments — the 9th and itoh Cavalry, and the 24th and 
 25th Infantry. They were to the front at La Guasima, at Caney, 
 and at San Juan, and what was the severest test of all, that 
 came later, in the yellow-fever hospitals." — Bonsai. 
 
2oS SAN JUAN 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 SAN JUAN (Continued). 
 
 Kent's Division: The Twenty-fourth Infantry; Forming Under Fire— 
 A Gallant Charge. 
 
 Turning now to the centre and left of the American line we 
 follow the advance of that division of infantry commanded 
 by General Kent, and which met the brunt of Spanish resist- 
 ance at San Juan. This division, known as the First Division, 
 Fifth Army Corps, consisted of three brigades, composed as 
 follows : 
 
 First Brigade, Brigadier-General Hawkins commanding, 
 made up of the Sixth Infantry, the Sixteenth Infantry, and 
 the Seventy-first New York Volunteers. 
 
 The Second Brigade, Colonel Pearson commanding, made 
 up of the Second Infantry, the Tenth Infantry and the 
 Twenty-first Infantry. 
 
 The Third Brigade, commanded by Colonel Wikoff, in 
 which were the Ninth Infantry, the Thirteenth Infantry and 
 the Twenty-fourth Infantry; in all 262 officers and 5,095 men. 
 Thus, in the whole division there were eight regiments of 
 regular infantry and one volunteer regiment, the Seventy-first 
 New York. 
 
 Although our present purpose is to bring into view the spec- 
 ial work of the Twenty-fourth Infantry, it will be necessary 
 to embrace in our scope the work of the entire division, in or- 
 der to lay before the reader the field upon which that particu- 
 lar regiment won such lasting credit. General Kent, who 
 
SAN JUAN' 209 
 
 commanded the division, a most accomplished soldier, gives a 
 lucid account of the whole assault as seen from his position, 
 and of the work performed by his division, in his report, dated 
 July 8, 1898. 
 
 When General Kent's division arrived in the neighborhood 
 of the San Juan ford and found itself under fire and the trail 
 so blocked by troops of the cavalry division, which had not 
 yet deployed to the right, that direct progress toward the front 
 was next to impossible, the welcome information was given 
 by the balloon managers that a trail branched off to the left 
 from the main trail, only a short distance back from the ford. 
 This trail led to a ford some distance lower down the stream 
 and nearly facing the works on the enemy's right. General 
 Kent on learning of this outlet immediately hastened back 
 to the forks and meeting the Seventy-first New York Regi- 
 ment, the rear regiment of the First Brigade, he directed that 
 regiment into this trail toward the ford. The regiment was 
 to lead the way through this new trail and would consequently 
 arrive at the front first on the left ; but meeting the fire of the 
 enemy, the First Battalion of the regiment apparently became 
 panic stricken and recoiled upon the rest of the regiment; the 
 regiment then lay down on the sides of the trail and in the 
 bushes, thoroughly demoralized. 
 
 Wikoff's brigade was now coming up and it was directed 
 upon the same trail. This brigade consisted of the Ninth, 
 Thirteenth and Twenty-fourth. Colonel Wikoff was directed 
 by General Kent to move his brigade across the creek by the 
 trail (the left fork) and when reaching the opposite side of 
 the creek to put the brigade in line on the left of the trail and 
 begin the attack at once. In executing this order the entire 
 brigade stumbled through and over hundreds of men of the 
 
2IO SAN JUAN 
 
 Seventy-first New York Regiment. When a volunteer regi- 
 ment broke through the lines of the Ninth Cavalry from the 
 rear, that regiment was in its place on the field in line of bat- 
 tle, with its morale perfect. It was under discipline and de- 
 livering its fire with regularity. It had an absolute right to 
 its place. The Seventy-first was in no such attitude, and Gen- 
 eral Kent directed the advance through it in these words : 
 "Tell the brigade to pay no attention to this sort of thing; it 
 ss highly irregular." The Ninth Cavalry's position was ex- 
 actly regular ; the position of the Seventh-first was to the eyes 
 of General Kent "highly irregular." 
 
 The three regiments of this brigade were to take their po 
 sitions on the left of the ford after crossing the stream, in 
 the following order : On the extreme left the Twenty- fourth ; 
 next to it in the centre of the brigade, the Ninth, and on the 
 right of the brigade the Thirteenth. In approaching the ford 
 the Ninth and Twenty-fourth became mixed and crossed in 
 the following order : First one battalion of the Ninth ; then r 
 battalion of the Twenty- fourth ; then the second battalion of 
 the Ninth, followed by the second battalion of the Twenty- 
 fourth. The line was formed under fire, and while superin 
 tending its formation the brigade commander, Colonel Wikoff, 
 came under observation and was killed; Lieutenant-Colonel 
 Worth, who succeeded him, was seriously wounded within five 
 minutes after having taking command, and Lieutenant-Col- 
 onel Liscum, who next assumed charge of the brigade, had 
 hardly learned that he was in command before he, too, was 
 disabled by a Spanish shot. By this time, however, the for- 
 mation was about complete and the brigade ready to begin the 
 advance. 
 
 Leaving Wikoff's brigade in line ready to begin the advance 
 
SAN JUAN 
 
 we must now return in our narrative to the main ford, where 
 the major portions of Hawkins' and Pearson's brigades are 
 massed and follow the various regiments as they come to their 
 places in the battle line preparing for the onslaught. After 
 crossing the ford with the Sixth Infantry, pursuant to the or- 
 ders given by Lieutenant Miley in the name of General 
 Shafter, General Hawkins attempted to flank the enemy by a 
 movement to the left, the Sixth Infantry leading and the Six- 
 teenth intending to pass beyond it in its rear and join to its 
 left The Sixth in passing to its intended position passed to 
 the left of the Sixth Cavalry, which held the left of the line of 
 the cavalry division, which had crossed the ford and deployed 
 to the right, reaching beyond the Spanish lines in that direc- 
 tion, or at least it was able to reach the extreme right of the 
 enemy. The Sixth Infantry continued this line southward 
 and it was to be farther extended by the Sixteenth. Before 
 this disposition could be effected the fire of the enemy became 
 so severe that an advance movement was started and the Sixth 
 lined up facing the fort on the hill, with only one company and 
 a half of the Sixteenth on its left. 
 
 While Hawkins' and Wikoff's brigades were preparing for 
 the advance upon the enemy's works, Pearson's brigade was 
 approaching the ford, hurrying to the support. The Twenty- 
 first Regiment of this brigade was detached from the brigade 
 and sent directly forward on the main trail with orders to re- 
 enforce the firing line. This regiment crossed the San Juan 
 River to the left of the main ford and rushed forward to sup- 
 port Hawkins' left. In the meantime the two other regiments 
 of the brigade, the Second and Tenth, which had preceded the 
 Twenty-first in their march from El Poso, had been deflected 
 to the left by order of the division commander and were pass- 
 
312 SAN JUAN 
 
 ing to the front over the trail previously taken by Wikoff's 
 brigade, crossing the San Juan at the lower ford. The Tenth 
 crossed in advance and formed in close order on the opposite 
 side of the stream, its line facing northwest. It was soon 
 after, however, put in battle formation and moved to the right 
 until it connected with the Twenty-first. The Second Regi- 
 ment crossed the ford in the rear of the Tenth, having been 
 delayed considerably by the Seventh-first New York Volun- 
 teers, who still blocked the way between the forks and the 
 lower ford. After crossing the ford the Second put itself in 
 line on the left of the Tenth, the whole brigade being now in 
 position to support the First and Third Brigades in their 
 charge. 
 
 This movement of Colonel Pearson's brigade had not been 
 made without hardship and loss. All of the regiments cams 
 under the enemy's fire before reaching the San Juan River and 
 many men were killed or wounded while the regiments were 
 gaining their positions. The movement was so well executed 
 as to call forth from the division commander the following 
 enconium : "I observed this movement from the Fort San 
 Juan Hill. Colonel E. P. Pearson, Tenth Infantry, command- 
 ing the Second Brigade, and the officers and troops under his 
 command deserve great credit for the soldierly manner in 
 which this movement was executed." 
 
 Although we left Wikoff's brigade standing in line on the 
 left of the lower ford, we must not imagine that it remained 
 in that position until the above movement on the part of the 
 Second Brigade had been accomplished. There was no stand- 
 ing still in the fierce fire to which the men of that brigade were 
 at that time subjected — a fire which had already cut down in 
 rLpid succession three brigade commanders. The formation 
 
SAN JUAN 213 
 
 was no sooner completed than the rapid advance began. The 
 Thirteenth Infantry holding the right of the brigade moved 
 to the right and front, while the Ninth and Twenty- 
 fourth moved almost directly to the front at first, thus par- 
 tially gaining the flank of the enemy's position. The whole 
 line moved with great rapidity across the open field and up the 
 hill, so that when the Second and Tenth Infantry came to their 
 l>osition as support, the heroic Third Brigade was well up the 
 heights. To the right of the Third Brigade the First Bri- 
 gade, containing the gallant Sixth, under Colonel Egbert, and 
 the Sixteenth, was advancing also, and the two brigades ar- 
 rived at the fort almost simultaneously; so that the division 
 commander in speaking of the capture says: "Credit is al- 
 most equally due the Sixth, Ninth, Thirteenth, Sixteenth and 
 Twenty-fourth Regiments of Infantry." To the Third Bri- 
 gade he gives the credit of turning the enemy's right. 
 
 Let us now examine more closely that sweep of the Third 
 Brigade from the left of the lower ford to San Juan Hill, in 
 order to trace more distinctly the pathway of honor made for 
 itself by the Twenty- fourth. This regiment formed left front 
 into line under fire and advanced over the flat in good order, 
 and then reformed under shelter of the hill preparatory to the 
 final charge upon the enemy's intrenchments. The experience 
 of the companies in crossing the flat is told by the company 
 commanders. One company under the orders of its captain 
 formed line of skirmishers and advanced in good order at 
 rapid gait, reaching the foot of the hill almost exhausted. 
 This was about the experience of all, but this company is men- 
 tioned because it was the first company of the regiment to 
 reach the top of the hill. In crossing the flat there was neces- 
 sarily some mixing of companies and in some instances men 
 
214 SAN JUAN 
 
 were separated from their officers, but those who escaped the 
 enemy's bullets made their way across that plain of fire and 
 were ready to join in the charge up the hill where only brave 
 men could go. 
 
 There was but a moment's pause for breath at the foot of 
 the hill and the general charge all along the line began, the 
 Sixth Infantry probably taking the initiative, although the 
 gallant Colonel Egbert, of that regiment (since killed in the 
 Philippines), makes no such claim. In his farewell official re- 
 port of the Sixth he thus describes the final act : 
 
 "We were now unexpectedly re-enforced. Lieutenant 
 Parker, made aware by the heavy fire from the hill that a con- 
 flict was going on in his front, opened fire with his Gatlings 
 most effectively on the intrenchments, while from far down on 
 my left I heard cheering and shouts, and saw coming up the 
 slope towards us a multitude of skirmishers. As they drew 
 nearer we distinguished the tall figure of General Hawkins, 
 with his aide, Lieutenant Ord, Sixth Infantry, charging at 
 the head of the skirmishers and waving their hats. When the 
 charge came up nearly abreast of where the Sixth stood in 
 the road I ordered the companies out through the gaps in the 
 wire fence to join it, and they complied with the same alacrity 
 and enthusiasm that they had displayed in entering this bloody 
 field. The Gatlings redoubled their fierce grinding of bullets 
 on the Spanish, despite which there still came a savage fire 
 from the blockhouse and trenches. Here the gallant Captain 
 Wetherell, Sixth Infantry, fell, shot through the forehead, at 
 the head of his company, and I received a Mauser bullet 
 through the left lung, which disabled me. But the blood of 
 the troops was now up, and no loss of officers or men could 
 stop them. They charged up the incline until, coming to a 
 
SAN JUAN 215 
 
 steep ridge near the top, they were brought to a stand by the 
 hail of bullets from the Gatlings against the summit. As 
 soon as this could be stopped by a signal, the mingled troops 
 of the Sixth, Sixteenth, Thirteenth and Twenty-fourth swept 
 up and over the hill and it was won." 
 
 From testimony gathered on the evening of the fight it 
 was concluded that there were more men of the Twenty- fourth 
 Infantry on the ridge in this first occupation than of any other 
 regiment, but all of the regiments of the division had done 
 admirably and the brave blacks of the Twenty-fourth won on 
 that day a standing in arms with the bravest of the brave. 
 
 The opaniards although driven from their first line, by no 
 means gave up the fight; but retreating to a line of intrench 
 ments about eight hundred yards in the rear they opened upon 
 the new-comers a fire almost as hot as before, and the troops 
 found it difficult to hold what they had gained. The sup- 
 porting regiments were coming up and strengthening the line, 
 the men meanwhile entrenching themselves under fire as 
 rapidly as possible. The Thirteenth Infantry was immediately 
 ordered off to the right to assist the cavalry division, espec- 
 ially the Rough Riders, who were said to be in danger of hav- 
 ing their flank turned. Here it remained under fire all night. 
 
 The advance and charge of the Twenty-fourth made up 
 only a part of the advance and charge of the Third Brigade; 
 and this in turn was part of the attack and assault made by the 
 whole infantry division; a movement also participated in at 
 the same hour by the cavalry division; so that regarded as a 
 whole, it was a mighty blow delivered on the enemy's right 
 and centre by two-thirds of the American Army, and its effect 
 was stunning, although its full weight had not been realized 
 by the foe. The part sustained in the assault by each regi- 
 
2l6 SAN JUAN 
 
 ment may be estimated by the losses experienced by each in 
 killed and wounded. Judged by this standard the brunt fell 
 upon the Sixth, Sixteenth, Thirteenth and Twenty-fourth, all 
 of which regiments lost heavily, considering the short time of 
 the action. 
 
 The movement by which the Twenty-fourth reached its 
 position on that memorable ist of July has called forth es- 
 pecial mention by the regimental commander and by the acting 
 Assistant Adjutant-General of the brigade; it was also noted 
 immediately after the battle by all the newspaper writers as 
 one of the striking occurrences of the day. The regiment 
 on coming under fire marched about one mile by the left flank, 
 and then formed left front into line on its leading company, 
 Company G, commanded by Captain Brereton. The first man 
 of the regiment to take position in the line was the First Ser- 
 geant of G Company, R. G. Woods. This company when 
 reaching its position formed on left into line, under a severe 
 fire in front and a fire in the rear; the other companies form- 
 ing in the same manner, with more or less regularity, to its 
 left. As soon as the line was formed the order was given to 
 charge. The advance was made across an open meadow, dur- 
 ing which several officers were wounded, amone- them the 
 officers of Company F, the command of that company devolv- 
 ing upon its First Sergeant, William Rainey, who conducted 
 the company successfully to the crest of the hill. 
 
 The description of the movement of Company D as given 
 by Lieutenant Kerwin, who was placed in command of that 
 company after its officers had been shot, is a very interesting 
 document. Lieutenant Kerwin claims to have made his report 
 from "close inquiries and from personal observation." Ac- 
 cording to this report the company was led across the San 
 
SAN JUAN 2 17 
 
 Juan Creek by its Captain (Ducat), the Second Lieutenant of 
 the company (Gurney) following it, and keeping the men well 
 closed up. While crossing, the company encountered a ter- 
 rific fire, and after advancing about ten yards beyond the 
 stream went through a wire fence to the right, and advanced to 
 an embankment about twenty yards from the right bank of the 
 stream. Here Captain Ducat gave the order to advance to 
 the attack and the whole company opened out in good order 
 in line of skirmishers and moved rapidly across the open plain 
 to the foot of San Juan Hill. In making this movement 
 across the plain the line was under fire and the brave Lieuten- 
 ant Gurney was killed, and First Sergeant Ellis, Corporal 
 Keys and Privates Robinson and Johnson wounded. It was 
 a race with death, but the company arrived at the base of the 
 hill in good form, though well-nigh exhausted. After breath- 
 ing a moment the men were ready to follow their intrepid com- 
 mander, Captain Ducat, up the hill, and at twelve o'clock they 
 gained the summit, being the first company of the regiment to 
 reach the top of the hill. Just as they reached the crest the 
 brave Ducat fell, shot through the hip, probably by a Spanish 
 sharpshooter, thus depriving the company of its last commis- 
 sioned officer, and leaving its first sergeant also disabled. 
 
 The commander of the regiment speaks of its doings in a 
 very modest manner, but in a tone to give the reader confi- 
 dence in what he says. He became temporarily separated from 
 the regiment, but made his way to the crest of the hill in com- 
 pany with the Adjutant and there found a part of his com- 
 mand. He says a creditable number of the men of his regi- 
 ment reached the top of the hill among the first to arrive there. 
 The commander of the Second Battalion, Captain Wygant, 
 crossed the meadow, or flat, some distance ahead of the bat- 
 
2l8 SAN JUAN 
 
 talion, but as the men subsequently charged up the hill, he 
 was unable to keep up with them, so rapid was their gait. It 
 was from this battalion that Captain Ducat's company brok? 
 away and charged on the right of the battalion, arriving, as 
 has been said, first on the top of the hill. As the regiment 
 arrived Captain Wygant, finding himself the ranking officer 
 on the ground, assembled it and assigned each company its 
 place. Captain Dodge, who commanded Company C in this 
 assault, and who subsequently died in the yellow fever hospi- 
 tal at Siboney, mentions the fact that Captain Wygant led 
 the advance in person, and says that in the charge across the 
 open field the three companies, C, B and H, became so inter 
 mixed that it was impossible for the company commanders to 
 distinguish their own men from those of the other companies, 
 yet he says he had the names of twenty men of his own com- 
 pany who reached the trenches at Fort San Juan in that peril- 
 ous rush on that fiery mid-day. The testimony of all the offi- 
 cers of the regiment is to the effect that the men behaved 
 splendidly, and eight of them have been given Certificates of 
 Merit for gallantry in the action of July I. 
 
 The losses of the regiment in that advance were numerous, 
 the killed, wounded and missing amounted to 96, which num- 
 ber was swelled to 104 during the next two days. So many 
 men falling in so short a time while advancing in open order 
 tells how severe was the fire they were facing and serves to 
 modify the opinion which was so often expressed about the 
 time the war broke out, to the effect that the Spanish soldiers 
 were wanting both in skill and bravery. They contradicted 
 this both at El Caney and at San Juan. In the latter con- 
 flict they held their ground until the last moment and in- 
 flicted a loss upon their assailants equal to the number en- 
 
SAN JUAN 
 
 219 
 
 gaged in the defence of the heights. Since July i, 1898, ex- 
 patiation on the cowardice and lack of skill of the Spanish 
 soldier has ceased to be a profitable literary occupation. Too 
 many journalists and correspondents were permitted to wit- 
 ness the work of Spanish sharpshooters, and to see their ob- 
 stinate resistance to the advance of our troops, to allow com- 
 ments upon the inefficiency of the Spanish Army to pass un- 
 noticed. Our army from the beginning was well impressed 
 with the character of the foe and nerved itself accordingly. 
 The bravery of our own soldiers was fully recognized by the 
 men who surrendered to our army and who were capable of ap- 
 preciating it, because they themselves were not wanting in the 
 same qualities. 
 
 *"The intrenchments of San Juan were defended by two companies 
 of Spanish infantry, numbering about two hundred and fifty to three 
 hundred men. At about 11 o'clock in the morning reinforcements were 
 sent to them, bringing the number up to about seven hundred and fifty 
 men. There were two pieces of mountain artillery on these hills, the 
 rest of the artillery fire against our troops on that day being from bat- 
 teries close to the city."' — In Cuba with Shafter (Miley), page 117. 
 
THE SURRENDER AND AFTERWARDS 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 THE SURRENDER. AND AFTERWARDS. 
 
 In the Trenches — The Twenty-fourth in the Fever Camp — Are Negro 
 Soldiers Immune? — Camp Wikoff. 
 
 After the battle of El Caney the Twenty-fifth Infantry 
 started for the mango grove, where the blanket rolls and 
 haversacks had been left in the morning, and on its way passed 
 the Second Massachusetts Volunteers standing by the road- 
 side. This regiment had seen the charge of the Twenty-fifth 
 up the hillside, and they now manifested their appreciation 
 of the gallantry of the black regulars in an ovation of applause 
 and cheers. This was the foundation for Sergeant Harris' 
 reply when on another occasion seeing the manifest kind 
 feelings of this regiment to the Twenty-fifth, I remarked : 
 "Those men think you are soldiers." "They know we are sol- 
 diers," replied the sergeant. The regiment bivouacked in the 
 main road leading from El Caney to Santiago, but sleep was 
 out of the question. What with the passing of packtrains and 
 artillery, and the issuing of rations and ammunition, the first 
 half of the night gave no time for rest; and shortly after 12 
 o'clock, apprehensions of a Spanish attack put every one on 
 the alert. At 3.30 the march to the rear was commenced and 
 the entire division passed around by El Poso and advanced to 
 the front by the Aguadores road, finally reaching a position on 
 Wheeler's right about noon, July 2. 
 
 Subsequently the line of investment was extended to the 
 right, the Cuban forces under General Garcia holding the ex- 
 
THE SURRENDER AND AFTERWARDS 22 1 
 
 treme right connecting with the water front on that side of the 
 city. Next to them came Ludlow's McKibben's and Chaffee's 
 forces. In McKibben's brigade was the Twenty-fifth, which 
 dug its last trench on Cuban soil on July 14th, on the railroad 
 running out from Santiago to the northwest. This intrench- 
 ment was the nearest to the city made by any American or- 
 ganization, and in this the regiment remained until the sur- 
 render. 
 
 The Twenty-fourth remained entrenched over to the left, 
 in General Kent's division, lying to the right of the 21st. This 
 regiment (24th) had won great credit in its advance upon the 
 enemy, but it was to win still greater in the field of humanity. 
 Capt. Leavel, who commanded Company A, said : "It would be 
 hard to particularize in reporting upon the men of the com- 
 pany. All — non-commissioned officers, privates, even newly 
 joined recruits — showed a desire to do their duty, yea, more 
 than their duty, which would have done credit to seasoned vet- 
 erans. Too much cannot be said of their courage, willingness 
 and endurance." Captain Wygant, who commanded the Sec- 
 ond Battalion of the regiment, says : "The gallantry and bear- 
 ing shown by the officers and soldiers of the regiment under 
 this trying ordeal was such that it has every reason to be proud 
 of its record. The losses of the regiment, which are shown by 
 the official records, show the fire they were subjected to. The 
 casualties were greater among the officers than the men, which 
 is accounted for by the fact that the enemy had posted in the 
 trees sharpshooters, whose principal business was to pick them 
 off." There is no countenance given in official literature to 
 the absurd notion maintained by some, that it was 
 necessary for the officers of black troops to expose themselves 
 unusually in order to lead their troops, and that this fact ac- 
 
222 THE SURRENDER AND AFTERWARDS 
 
 counts for excessive losses among them. The fact is that the 
 regular officer's code is such that he is compelled to occupy 
 the place in battle assigned him in the tactics, and no matter 
 how great his cowardice of heart may be, he must go forward 
 until ordered to halt. The penalty of cowardice is something 
 to be dreaded above wounds or even death by some natures. 
 "Colored troops are brave men when led by white officers." ( ?) 
 As a matter of fact there is very little leading of any sort by 
 officers in battle. The officer's place is in the rear of the fir- 
 ing line, directing, not leading, and it is his right and duty to 
 save his own life if possible, and that of every man in his com- 
 mand, even while seeking to destroy the enemy, in obedience 
 to orders. The record of the Twenty-fourth for bravery was 
 established beyond question when it swept across that open flat 
 and up San Juan Hill on that hot mid-day of July ist, 1898. 
 
 After lying in the trenches until July 15th, the news 
 reached the camp of the Twenty- fourth that yellow fever 
 had broken out in the army, and that a large hospital and 
 pest-house had been established at Siboney. About 4 o'clock 
 that day an order came to the commanding officer of the 
 regiment directing him to proceed with his regiment to Sib- 
 oney and report to the medical officer there. The regiment 
 started on its march at 5.30, numbering at that time 8 com- 
 panies, containing 15 officers and 456 men. Marching on in 
 the night, going through thickets and across streams, the men 
 were heard singing a fine old hymn : 
 
 When through the deep waters I call thee to go, 
 The rivers of woe shall not thee o'erflow ; 
 For I will be with thee, thy troubles to bless, 
 And sanctify to thee they deepest distress. 
 
THE SURRENDER AND AFTERWARDS 223 
 
 In view of what was before them, the words were very ap- 
 propriate. They arrived on the hill at Siboney at 3.30 on the 
 morning of July 16th. 
 
 Without discussing the graphic story told by correspond- 
 ents of the highest respectability describing the regiment as 
 volunteering, to a man, to nurse the sick and dying at Sib- 
 oney, we will rather follow the official records of their doings 
 in that fever-stricken place. On arriving at Siboney on the 
 morning of July 16, Sunday, Major Markely, then in com- 
 mand of the regiment, met Colonel Greenleaf of the Medical 
 Department, and informed him that the Twenty-fourth In- 
 fantry was on the ground. Colonel Greenleaf was just leav- 
 ing the post, but Major La Garde, his successor, manifested 
 his great pleasure in seeing this form of assistance arrive. 
 Such a scene of misery presented itself to Major Markely's 
 eyes that he, soldier as he was, was greatly affected, and as- 
 sured Major La Garde that he was prepared personally to sink 
 every other consideration and devote himself to giving what 
 assistance he could in caring: for the sick, and that he believed 
 his whole regiment would feel as he did when they came to 
 see the situation. In this he was not mistaken. The officers 
 and men of the Twenty-fourth Infantry did give themselves 
 up to the care of the sick and dying, furnishing all help in 
 their power until their own health and strength gave way, in 
 some instances laying down even their lives in this noble work. 
 
 On the day of arrival seventy men were called for to nurse 
 yellow fever patients and do other work about the hospital. 
 More than this number immediately volunteered to enter upon 
 a service which they could well believe meant death to some 
 of them. The camp was so crowded and filthy that the work 
 of cleaning it was begun at once by the men of the Twenty 
 
2 24 THE SURRENDER AND AFTERWARDS 
 
 fourth, and day by day they labored as their strength would 
 permit, in policing the camp, cooking the food for themselves 
 and for the hospital, unloading supplies, taking down and re- 
 moving tents, and numberless other details of necessary labor. 
 Despite all the care that could be taken under such conditions 
 as were found at Siboney, the yellow fever soon overran the 
 entire Ccdnp, and of the 16 officers of the regiment, i had died, 
 2 more were expected to die; 3 were dangerously ill, and 5 
 more or less so. Out of the whole sixteen there were but three 
 really fit for duty, and often out of the whole regiment it 
 would be impossible to get 12 men who could go on fatigue 
 duty. Out of the 456 men who marched to Siboney only 24 
 escaped sickness, and on one day 241 were down. Those who 
 would recover remained weak and unfit for labor. Silently, 
 without murmuring, did these noble heroes, officers and men, 
 stand at their post ministering to the necessities of their fel- 
 lowman until the welcome news came that the regiment would 
 be sent north and the hospital closed as soon as possible. On 
 August 8 Major La Garde, more entitled to the honor of be- 
 ing classed among the heroes of Santiago than some whose op- 
 portunities of brilliant display were vastly superior, succumbed 
 to the disease. The fact should be borne in mind that all of 
 these men, officers, soldiers and surgeons, went upon this pest- 
 house duty after the severe labors of assault of July 1-2, and 
 the two weeks of terrible strain and exposure in the trenches 
 before Santiago, and with the sick and wounded consequent 
 upon these battles and labors — none were strong. 
 
 On July 1 6th, the day after the Twenty- fourth left the 
 trenches, the surrender was made and on the next morning the 
 final ceremonies of turning over Santiago to the American 
 forces took place, and the soldiers were allowed to come out 
 
THE SURRENDER AND AFTERWARDS 225 
 
 of their ditches and enter into more comfortable camps. The 
 hardships of the period after the surrender were not much less 
 than those experienced while in the lines. 
 
 On the 26th of August the Twenty-fourth Infantry, having 
 obtained an honorable release from its perilous duty, marched 
 out of Siboney with band playing and colors flying to go on 
 board the transport for Montauk; but of the 456 men who 
 marched into Siboney, only 198 were able to march out, di- 
 rected by 9 out of the 15 officers that marched in with them. 
 Altogether there were 11 officers and 289 men who went on 
 board the transport, but all except the number first given were 
 unable to take their places in the ranks. They went on board 
 the steamer Nueces, and coming from an infected camp, no 
 doubt great care was taken that the transport should arrive 
 at its destination in a good condition. Although there was 
 sickness on board, there were no deaths on the passage, and 
 the Nueces arrived in port "one of the cleanest ships that came 
 to that place." The official report states that the Nueces ar- 
 rived at Montauk Point September 2, with 385 troops on 
 board; 28 sick, no deaths on the voyage, and not infected. 
 Worn out by the hard service the regiment remained a short 
 time at Montauk and then returned to its former station, Fort 
 Douglass, Utah, leaving its camp at Montauk in such a thor- 
 oughly creditable condition as to elicit official remark. 
 
 While the Twenty-fourth Infantry had without doubt the 
 hardest service, after the surrender, of any of the colored regi- 
 ments, the others were not slumbering at ease. Lying in the 
 trenches almost constantly for two weeks, drenched with rains, 
 scorched by the burning sun at times, and chilled by cool 
 nights, subsisting on food not of the best and poorly cooked, 
 cut off from news and kept in suspense, when the surrender 
 
226 THE SURRENDER AND AFTERWARDS 
 
 finally came it found our army generally very greatly re- 
 duced in vital force. During the period following, from July 
 1 6th to about the same date in August the re-action fell with 
 all its weight upon the troops, rendering them an easy prey to 
 the climatic influences by which they were surrounded.* 
 Pernicious malarial fever, bowel troubles and yellow fever 
 were appearing in all the regiments; and the colored troops 
 appeared as susceptible as their white comrades. The theory 
 had been advanced that they were less susceptible to malarial 
 fever, and in a certain sense this appears to be true ; but the 
 experience of our army in Cuba, as well as army statistics pub- 
 lished before the Cuban War, do not bear out the popular view 
 of the theory. The best that can be said from the experience 
 of Cuba is to the effect that the blacks may be less liable to 
 yellow fever and may more quickly rally from the effects of 
 malarial fever. These conclusions are, however, by no means 
 well established. The Twenty-fourth suffered excessively 
 from fevers of both kinds, and in the judgment of the com- 
 manding officer of the regiment "effectually showed that col- 
 ored soldiers were not more immune from Cuban fever than 
 white," but we must remember that the service of the Twenty- 
 fourth was exceptional. The Twenty-fifth Infantry lost but 
 one man during the whole campaign from climatic disease, 
 John A. Lewis, and it is believed that could he have received 
 proper medical care his life would have been saved. Yet this 
 regiment suffered severely from fever as did also the Ninth 
 and Tenth Cavalry. 
 
 Arriving at Montauk* early the author had the opportunity 
 to see the whole of the Fifth Army Corps disembark on its 
 
 *"After the surrender, dear Chaplain, the real trouble and difficulties 
 began. Such a period, from July 14, 1898 to August 14, 1898, was never 
 before known to human beings, I hope. The starving time was nothing 
 
THE SURRENDER AND AFTERWARDS 227 
 
 return from Cuba, and was so impressed with its forlorn ap- 
 pearance that he then wrote of it as coming home on stretch- 
 ers. Pale, emaciated, weak and halting, they came, with 3,252 
 sick, and reporting 87 deaths on the voyage. But, as General 
 Wheeler said in his report, "the great bulk of the troops that 
 were at Santiago were by no means well." Never before had 
 the people seen an army of stalwart men so suddenly trans- 
 formed into an army of invalids. And yet while all the regi- 
 ments arriving showed the effects of the hardships they had 
 endured, the black regulars, excepting the Twenty-fourth In- 
 fantry, appeared to have slightly the advantage. The arrival 
 of the Tenth Cavalry in "good condition" was an early cheer- 
 ing item in the stream of suffering and debility landing from 
 the transports. Seeing all of the troops land and remaining 
 at Camp Wikoff until its days were nearly numbered, the 
 writer feels sure that the colored troops arrived from the 
 front in as good condition as the best, and that they re- 
 cuperated with marked comparative rapidity. 
 
 The chaplain of the Twenty-fifth Infantry, while en route 
 to join his regiment at Montauk, thinking seriously over the 
 condition of the men returning from such a hard experience, 
 concluded that nothing would be more grateful to them than a 
 reasonable supply of ripe fruit, fresh from the orchards and 
 
 to the fever time, where scores died per day. We were not permitted to 
 starve; but had fever, and had it bad; semi-decayed beef, both from re- 
 frigerators and from cans. We had plenty of fever, but no clothing 
 until very late; no medicine save a little quinine which was forced into 
 you all the time, intermittent only with bad meat." — Extract from a 
 soldier's letter. 
 
 While the Twenty-fifth Infantry was in camp at Chickamauga Park I 
 was ordered to Xenia, Ohio, on recruiting duty, and on July 5, on seeing 
 the reports of the wounded I asked officially to be ordered to my regiment. 
 An order to that effect came about a month later, directing me to join my 
 regiment by way of Tampa, Florida. Arriving in Tampa, my destination 
 was changed by telegraph to Montauk Point, N. Y., whither I arrived a 
 few days before the regiment did. 
 
2 2$ THE SURRENDER AND AFTERWARDS 
 
 fields. He therefore sent a dispatch to the Daily Evening 
 News, published in Bridgeton, N. J., asking the citizens of 
 that community to contribute a carload of melons and fruits 
 for the men of the Twenty-fifth, or for the whole camp, if they 
 so wished. Subsequently mentioning the fact to the com- 
 manding officer of the regiment, Lieutenant-Colonel Daggett, 
 he heartily commended the idea, believing that the fruit would 
 be very beneficial. The good people of Bridgeton took hold of 
 the matter heartily, and in a short time forwarded to the regi- 
 ment more than four hundred of Jersey's finest watermelons, 
 fresh from the vines. These were distributed judiciously and 
 the health of the men began to improve forthwith. Soon 
 five hundred more arrived, sent by a patriotic citizen of Phila- 
 delphia. These were also distributed. Ladies of Brooklyn 
 forwarded peaches and vegetables, and supplies of all sorts 
 now were coming in abundance. Our men improved so 
 rapidly as to be the occasion of remark by correspondents of 
 the press. They were spoken of as being apparently in good 
 condition. While engaged in the work of supplying their 
 physicial wants the chaplain was taken to task by a correspond- 
 dent of Leslie's for being too much concerned in getting a car- 
 load of watermelons for his regiment, to go over to a grave- 
 yard and pray over the dead. The next day the chaplain made 
 haste to go over to that particular graveyard to relieve the 
 country from the crying shame that the correspondent had 
 pointed out, only to find two men already there armed with 
 prayer-books and one of them especially so fearful that he would 
 not get a chance to read a prayer over a dead soldier, that the 
 chaplain found it necessary to assure him that the opportunity 
 to pray should not be taken from him ; and thus another popu- 
 lar horror was found to be without reality. 
 
THE SURRENDER AND AFTERWARDS 229 
 
 The colored ladies of Brooklyn organized a Soldiers' Aid 
 Society, and besides contributing in a general way, as already 
 mentioned, also made and presented to the soldiers about four 
 hundred home-made pies, which were most highly appreciated. 
 They also prepared a tasty souvenir commemorative of the 
 heroic work performed by the troops in Cuba, and expressive 
 of high appreciation of the gallantry of the colored regiments. 
 A beautiful stand of colors was also procured for the Twenty- 
 fourth Infantry, which were subsequently presented to the 
 regiment with appropriate ceremonies. 
 
 At the camp were three colored chaplains and one colored 
 surgeon, serving with the Regular Army, and their presence 
 was of great value in the way of accustoming the people at 
 large to beholding colored men as commissioned officers. To 
 none were more attention shown than to these colored men, 
 and there was apparently no desire to infringe upon their 
 rights. Occasionally a very petty social movement might be 
 made by an insignificant, with a view of humiliating a Negro 
 chaplain, but such efforts usually died without harm to those 
 aimed at and apparently without special comfort to those who 
 engineered them. 
 
 The following paragraphs, written while in camp at the 
 time indicated in them, may serve a good purpose by their in- 
 sertion here, showing as they do the reflections of the writer 
 as well as in outlining the more important facts associated 
 with that remarkable encampment : 
 
 CAMP WIKOFF AND ITS LESSONS. 
 Now that the days of this camp are drawing to a close it is 
 profitable to recall its unique history and gather up some of 
 the lessons it has taught us. Despite all the sensationalism, 
 
230 THE SURRENDER AND AFTERWARDS 
 
 investigations, testings, experimentation, and general condem- 
 nation, the camp at Montauk accomplished what was intended, 
 and was itself a humane and patriotic establishment. It is not 
 for me to say whether a better site might not have been se- 
 lected, or whether the camp might not have been better man- 
 aged. I will take it for granted that improvement might have 
 been made in both respects, but our concern is rather with 
 what was, than with what "might have been." 
 
 To appreciate Camp Wikoff we must consider two things 
 specially; first, its purpose, and secondly, the short time al- 
 lowed to prepare it; and then go over the whole subject and 
 properly estimate its extent and the amount of labor involved. 
 
 The intention of the camp was to afford a place where our 
 troops, returning from Cuba, prostrated with climatic fever, 
 and probably infected with yellow fever, might receive proper 
 medical treatment and care, until the diseases were subdued. 
 The site was selected with this in view, and the conditions 
 were admirably suited to such a purpose. Completely iso- 
 lated, on dry soil, with dry pure air, cool climate, away from 
 mosquitoes, the camp seemed all that was desired for a great 
 field hospital. 
 
 Here the sick could come and receive the best that nature 
 had to bestow in the way of respite from the heat, and pure 
 ocean breezes, and, taken altogether, the experiences of Aug- 
 ust and a good part of September, have justified the selection 
 of Montauk. While prostrations were occurring elsewhere, 
 the camp was cool and delightful most of the time. 
 
 As to the preparations, it must be remembered that the re- 
 call of the whole Army of Invasion from Cuba was made in 
 response to a popular demand, and as a measure of humanity. 
 Bring the army home! was the call, and, .Bring it at once! 
 
THE SURRENDER AND AFTERWARDS 23 1 
 
 Such urgency naturally leaps ahead of minor preparations. 
 The soldiers wanted to come ; the people wanted them to come ; 
 hence the crowding of transports and the lack of comforts on 
 the voyages ; hence the lack of hospital accommodations when 
 the troops began to arrive. Haste almost always brings about 
 such things; but sometimes haste is imperative. This was the 
 case in getting the army out of Cuba and into Camp at Mon- 
 tauk in August, '98. Haste was pushed to that point when 
 omissions had to occur, and inconvenience and suffering re- 
 sulted. 
 
 We must also remember the condition of the men who came 
 to Montauk. About 4,000 were reported as sick before they 
 left Cuba; but, roughly speaking, there were 10,000 sick men 
 landing in Montauk. Those who were classed as well were, 
 with rare exceptions, both mentally and physically incapable of 
 high effort. It was an invalid army, with nearly one-half of 
 its number seriously sick and suffering. 
 
 Ten thousand sick soldiers were never on our hands before, 
 and the mighty problem was not realized until the transports 
 began to emit their streams of weakness and walking death at 
 Montauk. The preparation was altogether inadequate for 
 such a mass of misery, and for a time all appeared confusion. 
 
 Then came severe, cruel, merciless criticisms; deserved in 
 some cases no doubt, but certainly not everywhere. The 
 faults, gaps, failures, were everywhere to be seen, and it was 
 easy to see and to say what ought to have been done. But 
 the situation at Camp Wikoff from August 15th to Sep. 15th 
 needed more than censure ; it needed help. The men who were 
 working for the Government in both the medical and commis- 
 sary departments needed assistance ; the former in the way of 
 nurses, and the latter in the way of appropriate food. The 
 
232 THE SURRENDER AND AFTERWARDS 
 
 censure and exposure indulged in by the press may have con- 
 tributed to direct the attention of the benevolently disposed to 
 the conditions in the camp. 
 
 Then came the era of ample help; from Massachusetts; 
 from New York, in a word, from all over the country. The 
 Merchants' Relief Association poured in its thousands of dol- 
 lars worth of supplies, bringing them to the camp and dis- 
 tributing them generously and wisely. The Women's Patri- 
 otic Relief, the Women's War Relief, the International 
 Brotherhood League, and the powerful Red Cross Society, all 
 poured in food and comforts for the sick thousands. Besides 
 these great organizations there were also the spontaneous of- 
 ferings of the people, many of them generously distributed by 
 the Brooklyn Daily Eagle's active representatives. The tent 
 of that journal was an excellent way-mark and a veritable 
 house of the good shepherd for many a lost wanderer, as well 
 as a place of comfort, cheer and rest. The work done was 
 very valuable and highly appreciated. 
 
 To the medical department came the trained hand of the fe- 
 male nurse. No one who saw these calm-faced, white-hooded 
 sisters, or the cheery cheeked, white capped nurses from the 
 schools, could fail to see that they were in the right place. 
 The sick soldier's lot was brightened greatly when the gentle 
 female nurse came to his cot. Woman can never be robbed 
 of her right to nurse. This is one of the lessons taught by 
 the Hispano-American War. 
 
 This vast army has been handled. No yellow fever has 
 been spread. The general health has been restored. The dis- 
 abled are mostly housed in hospitals, and many of them are on 
 the road to recovery. Some have died ; some are on furlough, 
 and many have gone to their homes. 
 
THE SURRENDER AND AFTERWARDS 233 
 
 The regulars are repairing to their stations quite invigor- 
 ated, and greatly helped in many ways by the kind treatment 
 they have received. Camp Wikoff was not a failure; but a 
 great and successful object lesson, as well as a great summer 
 school in nationalism. Here black, white and Indian soldiers 
 fraternized; here Northerners and Southerners served under 
 the same orders. Ten thousand soldiers and as many civilians 
 daily attended the best school of its kind ever held in this coun- 
 try, striving to take home to their hearts the lessons that God 
 /s teaching the nations. 
 
 The Rev. Sylvester Malone thus sums up the message of the 
 war to us in his letter to the committee to welcome Brooklyn's 
 soldiers : 
 
 "This short war has done so much for America at home and 
 abroad that we must take every soldier to our warmest affec- 
 tion and send him back to peaceful pursuits on the conviction 
 that there is nothing higher in our American life than to have 
 the privilege to cheer and gladden the marine and the soldier 
 that have left to America her brightest and best page of a great 
 history. This past war must kindle in our souls a love of all 
 the brethren, black as well as white, Catholic as well as Protest- 
 ant, having but one language, one nationality, and it is to be 
 hoped, yet one religion." 
 
 These are true words, as full of patriotism as they are of 
 
 fraternity, and these are the two special lessons taught at 
 
 Montauk — a broad, earnest, practical fraternity, and a love of 
 
 country before which the petty prejudices of race and section 
 
 were compelled to yield ground. 
 
 THE YOUNG MEN'S CHRISTIAN ASSOCIATION IN 
 CAMP WIKOFF. 
 The Young Men's Christian Association has done an excel- 
 lent work in Camp Wikoff. Their tents have afforded facili- 
 ties for profitable amusements, in the way of quiet games, 
 
234 THE SURRENDER AND AFTERWARDS 
 
 thus bringing out the use of these games distinct from their 
 abuse — gambling. 
 
 Their reading tables have also been well supplied with pap- 
 ers and magazines, religious and secular, generally very ac- 
 ceptable to the soldiers, as attested by the numbers that read 
 them. But perhaps best of all, has been the provision made 
 for the soldiers to write. Tables, pens, ink, paper and en- 
 velopes have been supplied in abundance. These were of great 
 advantage to soldiers living in tents, and the work of the As- 
 sociation in this respect cannot be too highly commended. 
 
 The specially religious work of the Association as I have 
 seen it, consists of three divisions: First, the meetings in 
 their tents, held nightly and on Sundays. These have been 
 vigorously carried on and well attended, the chaplains of the 
 camp often rendering assistance. Secondly, I have noticed the 
 Y. M. C. A. men visiting the sick in the hospitals and camps, 
 giving the word of exhortation and help to the sick. Perhaps, 
 however, in their work of private conversation with the well 
 men, they have done as much real service for God as in either 
 of the other two fields. They have made the acquaintance of 
 many men and have won the respect of the camp. This I have 
 numbered as the third division of their work — personal con- 
 tact with the soldiers of the camp, at the same time keeping 
 themselves "unspotted from the world." 
 
 B. 
 
 The 24th Infantry was ordered down to Siboney to do guard 
 duty. When the regiment reached the yellow-fever hospital it 
 was found to be in a deplorable condition. Men were dying 
 there every hour for the lack of proper nursing. Major Mark- 
 ley, who had commanded the regiment since July 1st, when 
 Colonel Liscum was wounded, drew his regiment up in line, 
 and Dr. La Garde, in charge of the hospital, explained the needs 
 
THE SURRENDER AND AFTERWARDS 235 
 
 of the suffering, at the same time clearly setting forth the dan 
 ger to men who were not immune, of nursing and attending 
 yellow-fever patients. Major Markley then said that any man 
 who wished to volunteer to nurse in the yellow-fever hospital 
 could step forward. The whole regiment .stepped forward. 
 Sixty men were selected from the volunteers to nurse, and within 
 forty-eight hours forty-two of these brave fellows were down 
 seriously ill with yellow or pernicious malarial fever. Again the 
 regiment was drawn up in line, and again Major Markley said 
 that nurses were needed, and that any man who washed to do 
 so could volunteer. After the object lesson which the men 
 had received in the last few days of the danger from contagion 
 to which they would be exposed, it was now unnecessary for 
 Dr. La Garde to again warn the brave blacks of the terrible 
 contagion. When the request for volunteers to replace those 
 who had already fallen in the performance of their dangerous 
 and perfectly optional duty was made again, the regiment 
 stepped forward as one man. When sent down from the 
 trenches the regiment consisted of eight companies, averaging 
 about forty men each. Of the officers and men who remained 
 on duty the forty days spent in Siboney, only twenty-four es- 
 caped without serious illness, and of this handful not a few 
 succumbed to fevers on the voyage home and after their arrival 
 at Montauk. 
 
 As a result, thirty-six died and about forty were discharged 
 from the regiment owing to disabilities resulting from sickness 
 which began in the yellow-fever hospital. — Bonsai's Fight for 
 Santiago. 
 
236 REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS. 
 
 Gallantry of the Black Regulars— Diary of Sergeant-Major E. L. Baker, 
 Tenth Cavalry. 
 
 It is time now to sum up the work of the four regiments 
 whose careers we have thus far followed, and to examine the 
 grounds upon which the golden opinions they won in battle 
 and siege are based. We have seen that in the first fight, that 
 of Las Guasimas, on June 24th, the Tenth Cavalry, especially 
 Troops I and B, both with their small arms and with the 
 machine guns belonging to Troop B, did most effective work 
 against the Spanish right, joining with the First Cavalry in 
 overcoming that force which was rapidly destroying Roose- 
 velt's Rough Riders. Nor should it be forgotten that in this 
 first fight, Troop B, which did its full share, was commanded 
 on the firing line by Sergeants John Buck and James Thomp- 
 son. In the squad commanded by Sergeant Thompson sev- 
 eral men of the First Regular Cavalry fought and it is claimed 
 were highly pleased with him as squad commander. 
 
 While this was the firrst fight of the men of the Tenth Cav- 
 alry with the Spaniards, it was by no means their first experi- 
 ence under fire. From the time of the organization of the regi- 
 ment in 1866 up to within a year of the war, the men had been 
 engaged frequently in conflicts with Indians and marauders, 
 often having men killed and wounded in their ranks. The 
 fights were participated in by small numbers, and the casual- 
 ties were not numerous, but there were opportunities for the 
 
REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 237 
 
 acquirement of skill and the display of gallantry. Altogether 
 the men of the regiment during their experience on the plains 
 engaged in sixty-two battles and skirmishes. This training 
 had transformed the older men of the regiment into veterans 
 and enabled them to be cool and efficient in their first fight in 
 Cuba. 
 
 Sergeant Buck, upon whom the command of Troop B chiefly 
 fell after becoming separated from his Lieutenant in the bat- 
 tle at Guasimas, joined the regiment in 1880, and had already 
 passed through eighteen years of the kind of service above 
 described. He was at the time of the Cuban War in the prims 
 of life, a magnificent horseman, an experienced scout, and a 
 skilled packer. In 1880, when he joined the regiment, the 
 troops were almost constantly in motion, marching that one 
 year nearly seventy-seven thousand miles, his own troop cov- 
 ering twelve hundred and forty-two miles in one month. This 
 troop with four others made a ride of sixty-five miles in less 
 than twenty-one hours, arriving at their destination without 
 the loss of a single horse. In 1893 he was mentioned by the 
 commanding officer of Fort Missoula, Montana, for highly 
 meritorious service, skill and energy displayed while in charge 
 of pack train of an expedition across the Bitter Root Moun- 
 tains, Idaho, during the most inclement weather, in quest of a 
 party of gentlemen lost. (Letter of commanding officer, Fort 
 Missoula, Montana, February 12, 1894.) Sergeant Buck has 
 also won the silver medal for revolver shooting. 
 
 Sergeant James Thompson joined the regiment in 1888, and 
 has passed the ten years in the one troop, and proved himself 
 at Las Guasimas a soldier worthy his regiment. 
 
 The first battle gave the Tenth a reputation in a new field, 
 corresponding to that which it had gained in the West, and 
 
2 3 8 
 
 REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 
 
 this was not allowed to fade during its stay in Cuba. The 
 fame of this first action spread rapidly through the army and 
 inspired the other regiments of colored men with a desire to 
 distinguish themselves on this new field of honor, and their 
 readiness to be to the front and to take prominent part in all 
 service was so marked that opportunity could not be withheld 
 from them. As the army advanced toward Santiago these 
 regiments became more and more the mark of observation by 
 foreign military men who were present, and by the great 
 throng of correspondents who were the eyes for the people of 
 the civilized world. And hence, when the lines of assault were 
 finally determined and the infantry and cavalry of our army 
 deployed for its perilous attack upon the Spanish fortifications 
 the black regiments were in their places, conspicuous by their 
 vigor and enthusiasm. In them were enlisted men whose time 
 of service had expired a few days before, but who had prompt- 
 ly re-enlisted. In at least two cases were men who served 
 'their full thirty years and could have retired with honor at the 
 breaking out of the war. They preferred to share the for- 
 tunes of their comrades in arms, and it is a comfort to be able 
 to record that the two spoken of came home from the fight 
 without a wound and with health unimpaired. How many 
 others there were in the same case in the army is not reported, 
 but the supposition is that there were several such in both the 
 white and colored regiments. 
 
 Recalling the scenes of that memorable first of July, 1898, 
 we can see the Twenty-fifth Infantry advancing steadily on the 
 stone fort at El Caney at one time entirely alone, meeting the 
 fire of the fort even up to their last rush forward. Captain 
 Loughborough, who commanded Company B, of that regi- 
 ment, and although his company was in the reserve, was never- 
 
REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 239 
 
 theless under fire, says : "The hardest fighting of the Twenty- 
 fifth was between two and four o'clock," at which time all the 
 other troops of the attacking force, except Bates' brigade, 
 were under cover and remaining stationary, the Twenty-fifth 
 being the only organization that was advancing. The official 
 reports give the positions of General Chaffee's brigade dur- 
 ing the two hours between two o'clock and four of that after- 
 noon as follows : 
 
 The Seventh was under partial cover and remained in its 
 position "until about 4.30 p. m." The Seventeenth remained 
 with its left joined to the right of the Seventh "until the bar- 
 tie was over." The Twelfth Infantry was in its shelter within 
 350 yards of the fort "until about 4 p. m." Ludlow's brigade 
 was engaged with the town, hence only Miles' brigade, consist- 
 ing of the Fourth and Twenty-fifth Infantry, was advancing 
 upon the fort. The Fourth Infantry was soon checked in its 
 advance, as General Daggett especially notes in his report, and 
 the Twenty-fifth was thus thrust forward alone, excepting 
 Bates' brigade, which was making its way up the right. 
 
 This conspicuous advance of the Twenty-fifth brought that 
 regiment into the view of the world, and established for it a 
 brilliant reputation for skill and courage. Arriving in the very 
 jaws of the fort the sharpshooters and marksmen of that regi- 
 ment poured such a deadly fire into the loopholes of the fort 
 that they actually silenced it with their rifles. These men with 
 the sterness of iron and the skill acquired by long and careful 
 training, impressed their characteristics on the minds of all 
 their beholders. Of the four hundred men who went on the 
 field that morning very few were recruits, and many had 
 passed over ten years in the service. When they "took the bat- 
 tle formation and advanced to the stone fort more like veterans 
 
240 REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 
 
 than troops who had never been under fire," as their com- 
 mander reports, they gave to the world a striking exhibition 
 of the effect of military training. In each breast a spirit of 
 bravery had been developed and their skill in the use of their 
 arms did not for a moment forsake them. They advanced 
 against volleys from the fort and rifle pits in front, and a gall- 
 ing fire from blockhouses, the church tower and the village on 
 their left. Before a less severe fire than this, on that very day, 
 a regiment of white volunteers had succumbed and was lying 
 utterly demoralized by the roadside; before this same fire the 
 Second Massachusetts Volunteers were forced to retire — in 
 the face of it the Twenty-fifth advanced steadily to its goal. 
 
 Lieutenant Moss, who commanded Company H on the firing 
 line on that day, has published an account in which he says : 
 "The town was protected on the north by three blockhouses 
 and the church; on the west by three blockhouses (and par- 
 tially by the church) ; on the east by the stone fort, one block- 
 house, the church, and three rifle pits ; on the south and south- 
 east by the stone fort, three blockhouses, one loop-holed house, 
 the church and eight rifle pits. However, the Second Brigade 
 was sent forward against the southeast of the town, thus be- 
 ing exposed to fire from fourteen sources, nearly all of which 
 were in different planes, forming so many tiers of fire. The 
 cover on the south and southeast of the town was no bette: 
 than, if as good, as that on the other sides." 
 
 The cavalry regiments were no less conspicuous in their gal- 
 lantry at San Juan than was the Twenty-fifth Infantry at El 
 Caney. The brilliancy of that remarkable regiment, the 
 Rough Riders, commanded on July 1st by Colonel Roosevelt, 
 was so dazzling that it drew attention away from the ordin- 
 ary regulars, yet the five regiments of regular cavalry did 
 
REVIEW AKD REFLECTIONS 241 
 
 their duty as thoroughly on that day as did the regiment of 
 volunteers.* In this body of cavalry troops, where courage 
 was elevated to a degree infringing upon the romantic, the 
 two black regiments took their places, and were fit to be as- 
 sociated in valor with that highly representative regiment. 
 The Inspector-General turns aside from mere routine in his re- 
 port long enough to say "the courage and conduct of the col- 
 ored troops and First United States Volunteers seemed al- 
 ways up to the best." That these black troopers held no sec- 
 ond place in valor is proven by their deeds, and from the tes- 
 timony of all who observed their conduct, and that they with 
 the other regulars were decidedly superior in skill was recog- 
 nized by the volunteer Colonel himself. The Ninth Cavalry, 
 although suffering considerably in that advance on East Hili. 
 involved as it was, more or less, with Roosevelt's regiment, 
 did not receive so large a share of public notice as its sister 
 regiment. The strength of the Ninth was but little over one- 
 half that of the Tenth, and its movements were so involved 
 with those of the volunteers as to be somewhat obscured by 
 them ; the loss also of its commander just as the first posi- 
 tion of the enemy fell into our hands, was a great misfortune 
 to the regiment. The Ninth, however, was with the first that 
 mounted the heights, and whatever praise is to be bestowed 
 upon the Rough Riders in that assault is to be distributed in 
 equal degree to the men of that regiment. Being in the lead- 
 ing brigade of the division this regiment had been firing 
 
 *"The Ninth and Tenth Cavalry regiments fought one on either side of 
 mine at Santiago, and I wish no better men beside me in battle than 
 these colored troops showed themselves to be. Later on, when I come 
 to write of the campaign, I shall have much to say about them." — 
 T. Roosevelt. 
 
 16 
 
242 REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 
 
 steadily upon the Spanish works before the charge was or- 
 dered, and when the movement began the men of the Ninth 
 advanced so rapidly that they were among the first to reach 
 the crest. 
 
 The Tenth Regiment, with its Hotchkiss guns, and its 
 trained men, took its place in the line that morning to add if 
 possible further lustre to the distinction already won. In 
 crossing the flat, in climbing the heights, and in holding the 
 ridge these brave men did all that could be expected of them. 
 Roosevelt said : "The colored troops did as well as any soldiers 
 could possibly do," meaning the colored men of the Ninth and 
 Tenth Cavalry. To their officers he bestows a meed of praise 
 well deserved, but not on the peculiar ground which he brings 
 forward. He would have the reader believe that it has re- 
 quired special ability and effort to bring these colored men up 
 to the condition of good soldiers and to induce them to do so 
 well in battle; while the testimony of the officers themselves 
 and the experience of more than a quarter of a century with 
 colored professional troops give no countenance to any such 
 theory. The voice of experience is that the colored man h 
 specially apt as a soldier, and General Merritt declares him al- 
 ways brave in battle. The officers commanding colored troops 
 at Santiago honored themselves in their reports of the battles 
 by giving full credit to the men in the ranks, who by their 
 resolute advance and their cool and accurate firing dislodged 
 an intrenched foe and planted the flag of our Union where 
 had floated the ensign of Spain. 
 
 That rushing line of dismounted cavalry, so ably directed by 
 Sumner, did not get to its goal without loss. As it swept 
 across the open to reach the heights, it faced a well-directed 
 fire from the Spanish works, and men dropped from the ranks, 
 
REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 243 
 
 wounded and dying. Of the officers directing that advance 35 
 fell either killed or wounded and 328 men. These numbers 
 appear small when hastily scanned or when brought into com- 
 parison with the losses in battle during the Civil War, but if 
 we take time to imagine 35 officers lying on the ground either 
 killed or wounded and 328 men in the same condition, the car- 
 nage will not appear insignificant. Woe enough followed even 
 that one short conflict. It must be observed also that the 
 whole strength of this division was less than 3000 men, so that 
 about one out of every eight had been struck by shot or shell. 
 
 Several enlisted men among the colored cavalry displayed 
 high soldierly qualities in this assault, evidencing a willingness 
 to assume the responsibility of command and the ability to 
 lead. Color-Sergeant George Berry became conspicuous at 
 once by his brilliant achievement of carrying the colors of two 
 regiments, those of his own and of the Third Cavalry. The 
 Color-Sergeant of the latter regiment had fallen and Berry 
 seized the colors and bore them up the hill with his own. The 
 illustrated press gave some attention to this exploit at the time. 
 but no proper recognition of it has as yet been made. Ser- 
 geant Berry's character as a soldier had been formed long be- 
 fore this event, and his reputation for daring was already well 
 established. He entered the service in 1867 and when he car- 
 ried that flag up San Juan was filling out his thirty-first year 
 in the service. All this time he had passed in the cavalry and 
 had engaged in many conflicts with hostile Indians and ruffians 
 on our frontiers. 
 
 Perhaps the most important parts taken by any enlisted men 
 in the cavalry division were those taken by Sergeants Foster 
 and Givens. The former was First Sergeant of Troop G and 
 as the troop was making its way to the hill by some means the 
 
244 REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 
 
 Spaniards were able not only to discover them but also the 
 direction in which they were moving and to determine their 
 exact range. Sergeant Foster ventured to tell the Lieutenant 
 in charge that the course of advance should be changed as they 
 were marching directly into the enemy's guns. 
 
 "Silence," shouted the Lieutenant. "Come on, men ; follow 
 me." "All right, sir," said the Sergeant; "we'll go as far as 
 you will." The next instant the Lieutenant was shot through 
 the head, leaving Sergeant Foster in command. Immediately 
 the troop was deployed out of the dangerous range and the 
 Sergeant by the exercise of good judgment brought his merj 
 to the crest of the hill without losing one from his ranks. At 
 the time of this action Sergeant Foster was a man who would 
 readily command attention. Born in Texas and a soldier al- 
 most continuously since 1875, part of which time had been 
 passed in an infantry regiment, he had acquired valuable ex- 
 perience. In 1888, while serving in the cavalry, he had been 
 complimented in General Orders for skill in trailing raiding 
 parties in Arizona. He was a resolute and stalwart soldier, an 
 excellent horseman and possessed of superior judgment, and 
 with a reputation for valor which none who knew him would 
 question. The return of Troop G, Tenth Cavalry, for July, 
 1898, contains the following note: "Lieutenant Roberts was 
 w r ounded early in the engagement; Lieutenant Smith was 
 killed about 10.30 a. m. while gallantly leading the troop in 
 the advance line. After Lieutenant Smith fell the command 
 of the troop devolved upon First Sergeant Saint Foster, who 
 displayed remarkable intelligence and ability in handling the 
 troop during the remainder of the day. Sergeant Foster's 
 conduct was such as cannot be excelled for valor during the 
 operations around Santiago. He commanded the troop up the 
 hills of San Juan." 
 
REVIEW AND REFLECTION- 245 
 
 Sergeant William H. Givens, of Troop D, Tenth Cavalry, 
 also commanded in the action against San Juan. His Captain, 
 who was wounded three times in the fight, being finally dis- 
 abled before reaching the hill, makes the following report: 
 "Sergeant William H. Givens was with the platoon which I 
 commanded; whenever I observed him he was at his post ex- 
 ercising a steadying or encouraging influence on the men, and 
 conducting himself like the thorough soldier that I have long 
 known him to be. I understand to my great satisfaction that 
 he has been rewarded by an appointment to a lieutenancv in an 
 immune regiment." 
 
 The Descriptive list of Sergeant Givens, made on August 
 4th, 1898, contains these remarks: 
 
 "Commanded his troop with excellent judgment after his 
 captain fell at the battle of San Juan, July i, 1898, lead- 
 ing it up the hill to the attack of the blockhouse. 
 
 "Character: A most excellent soldier.'** 
 
 Sergeant Givens may also be called an "old-timer." He 
 had enlisted in '69, and had passed all that time in hard fron- 
 tier service. The troop in which he enlisted during the years 
 
 *The major commanding the squadron in which Sergeant Givens' troops 
 served, writes to the sergeant the following letter : 
 Sergeant William H. Givens, Troop D, 10th Cavalry, Fort Clark, Texas. 
 
 Sergeant: — When making my report as commander of the Second 
 Squadron, 10th U. S. Cavalry, for action of July 1, 1898, at San Juan Hills, 
 I did not mention any enlisted men by name, as I was absent from the 
 regiment at the time of making the report and without access to records, 
 so that I could not positively identify and name certain men who were con- 
 spicuous during the fight; but I recollect finding a detachment of Troop D 
 under your command on the firing line during the afternoon of July 1st. 
 Your service and that of your men at that time was most creditable, and 
 you deserve special credit for having brought your detachment promptly 
 to the firing line when left without a commissioned officer. 
 
 THEO. J. WINT, 
 Lieutenant-Colonel, 6th U. S. Cavalry. 
 Second Lieutenant, 10th Cavalry. 
 
 True copy : 
 
246 REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 
 
 1876-78 was almost constantly engaged with hostile Indians 
 along the Mexican border, and Sergeant Givens was called 
 upon to take part in numerous scouts in which there were 
 many striking adventures. He was also in that memorable 
 campaign against Victoria, conducted by General Grierson. 
 Sergeant Givens was an ideal soldier and worthy the com- 
 mendations bestowed upon him by his troop commander and 
 others. Captain Bigelow received his disabling wound about 
 seventy-five yards from the blockhouse and was taken to the 
 rear under heavy fire by two soldiers of the troop by the name 
 of Henderson and Boardman. 
 
 Lieutenant Kennington, reporting the work of the troop on 
 that morning says that Corporal J. Walker was probably the 
 first soldier to reach the top of the hill and is believed to have 
 shot the Spaniard who killed Lieutenant Ord. The report 
 containing the above statement is dated July 5, 1898. Since 
 that time the matter has been fully investigated by Captain 
 Bigelow and the fact ascertained that Corporal Walker did 
 arrive first on the hill and did shoot the Spaniard referred to 
 and he has been recommended for a Medal of Honor in conse- 
 quence. 
 
 The Sergeant-Major of the Tenth Cavalry, Mr. E. L. Baker, 
 who served with great credit during the Santiago campaign, 
 is a soldier with an excellent record. He was born of French 
 and American parentage in Wyoming and enlisted in the 
 Ninth Cavalry as trumpeter in 1882, serving five years in thai 
 regiment. He then enlisted in the Tenth Cavalry, and in 1892 
 became Sergeant-Major. Being desirous of perfecting himself 
 in the cavalry service he applied for an extended furlough 
 with permission to leave the country, intending to enter a cav- 
 alry school in France. In this desire he was heartily en- 
 
REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 247 
 
 dorsed by the officers of his regiment, and was specially com- 
 mended by General Miles, who knew him as a soldier and who 
 highly appreciated him as such. The breaking out of the 
 Spanish war soon after he had made application prevented a 
 full consideration of his case. In 1897 Sergeant-Major Baker 
 published a specially valuable ''Roster of the Non-Commis- 
 sioned Officers of the Tenth U. S. Cavalry, with Some Regi- 
 mental Reminiscences, etc.,'" which has been of marked ser- 
 vice in the preparation of the sketches of the enlisted men of 
 his regiment. He contributes the interesting sketch of his ex- 
 periences in Cuba with his regiment, which follows this chap- 
 ter, and which will prove to many perhaps the most interesting 
 portion of my book. 
 
 The Twenty-fourth Infantry advanced in that line of attack- 
 on the extreme left and reached the crest of the San Juan Hills 
 in such numbers as to lead the press correspondents and others 
 to conclude that there were more men of this regiment prompt- 
 ly on the ground than of any other one regiment. It is certain 
 they made a record for heroism in that assault as bright as any 
 won on the field that day; and this record they raised to a mag- 
 nificent climax by their subsequent work in the fever hospital 
 at Siboney. For their distinguished service both in the field 
 and in the hospital, the colored ladies of New York honored 
 themselves in presenting the regiment the beautiful stand of 
 colors already mentioned. As these fever-worn veterans ar- 
 rived at Montauk they presented a spectacle well fitted to move 
 strong men to tears. In solemn silence they marched from 
 on board the transport Nueces, which had brought them from 
 Cuba, and noiselessly they dragged their weary forms over 
 the sandy roads and up the hill to the distant "detention 
 camp." Twenty-eight of their number were reported sick, but 
 the whole regiment was in ill-health. 
 
248 REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 
 
 These were the men who had risked their lives and wrecked 
 their health in service for others. Forty days they had stood 
 face to face with death. In their soiled, worn and faded 
 clothing-, with arms uncleaned, emaciated, and with scarce 
 strength enough to make the march before them, as they 
 moved on that hot 2nd of September from the transport to the 
 camp, they appeared more like a funeral procession than heroes 
 returning from the war; and to the credit of our common 
 humanity it may be recorded that they were greeted, not with 
 plaudits and cheers, but with expressions of real sympathy. 
 Many handkerchiefs were brought into view, not to wave joy- 
 ous welcome, but to wipe away the tears that came from over- 
 flowing hearts. At no time did human nature at Montauk ap- 
 pear to better advantage than in its silent, sympathetic recep- 
 tion of the Twenty-fourth Infantry. 
 
 Of these shattered heroes General Miles had but recently 
 spoken in words well worthy his lofty position and noble man- 
 hood as "a regiment of colored troops, who, having shared 
 equally in the heroism, as w r ell as the sacrifices, is now volun- 
 tarily engaged in nursing yellow fever patients and burying 
 the dead." These men came up to Montauk from great tribu- 
 lations which should have washed their robes to a resplendent 
 whiteness in the eyes of the whole people. Great Twenty- 
 fourth, we thank thee for the glory thou hast given to Ameri- 
 can soldiery, and to the character of the American Negro ! 
 
 Thus these four colored regiments took their place on the 
 march, in camp, in assault and in siege with the flower of the 
 American Army, the choice and pick of the American nation, 
 and came off acknowledged as having shared equally in hero- 
 ism and sacrifices with the other regular regiments so engaged, 
 and deserving of special mention for the exhibition of regard 
 
REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 249 
 
 for the welfare of their fellow man. The query is now per- 
 tinent as to the return which has been made to these brave 
 men. The question of Ahasuerus when told of the valuable 
 services of the Jew, Mordecai, is the question which the better 
 nature of the whole American people should ask on hearing 
 the general report of the valuable services of the Negro 
 Regular in the Spanish War. When Ahasuerus asked : ''What 
 honor and dignity hath been done to Mordecai for this?" his 
 servants that ministered unto him were compelled to answer : 
 "There is nothing done for him.'' Looking over these f out- 
 regiments at the time of this writing an answer somewhat 
 similar in force must be returned. That the colored soldier is 
 entitled to honor and dignity must be admitted by all who ad- 
 mire brave deeds, or regard the welfare of the state. The col- 
 ored soldier, however, was compelled to stand by and see a 
 hundred lieutenancies filled in the Regular Army, many in his 
 own regiments, only to find himself overlooked and to be 
 forced to feel that his services however valuable, could not out- 
 weigh the demerit of his complexion. 
 
 The sum total of permanent advantage secured to the col- 
 ored regular as such, in that bloody ordeal where brave men 
 gave up their lives for their country's honor, consists of a few 
 certificates of merit entitling the holders to two dollars per 
 month additional pay as long as they remain in the service. 
 Nor is this all, or even the worst of the matter. Men who 
 served in the war as First Sergeants, and who distinguished 
 themselves in that capacity, have been allowed to go back to 
 their old companies to serve in inferior positions. Notably 
 is this the case with Sergeant William H. Givens, whose his- 
 tory has been detailed as commanding Troop D, Tenth Cav- 
 alry, after Captain Bigelow fell, and who heroically led the 
 
250 REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 
 
 troop up the hill. He is now serving in his old troop as Cor- 
 poral, his distinction having actually worked his reduction 
 rather than substantial promotion. 
 
 It must not be inferred from the foregoing, however, that 
 nothing whatever was done in recognition of the gallantry of 
 the colored regulars. Something was done. Cases of indi- 
 vidual heroism were so marked, and so numerous, that they 
 could not be ignored. The men who had so distinguished 
 themselves could not be disposed of by special mention and 
 compliments in orders. Something more substantial was re- 
 quired. Fortunately for such purpose four regiments of col- 
 ored United States Volunteer Infantry were then in course 
 of organization, in which the policy had been established that 
 colored men should be accepted as officers below the grade of 
 captain. Into these regiments the colored men who' had won 
 distinction at Santiago were placed, many as Second Lieuten- 
 ants, although some were given First Lieutenancies. This ac- 
 tion of the Government was hailed with great delight on the 
 part of the colored Americans generally, and the honors were 
 accepted very gratefully by the soldiers who had won them 
 on the field. Fortunately as this opening seemed, it turned 
 out very disappointing. It soon became evident that these 
 regiments would be mustered out of the service, as they had 
 proven themselves no more immune, so far as it could be de- 
 termined from the facts, than other troops. The Lieutenants 
 who had been most fortunate in getting their commissions 
 early got about six or seven months' service, and then the 
 dream of their glory departed and they fell back to the ranks 
 to stand "attention" to any white man who could muster po- 
 litical influence sufficient to secure a commission. Their day 
 was short, and when they were discharged from the volunteer 
 
REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 25 I 
 
 service, there appeared no future for them as commissioned 
 officers. Their occupation was indeed gone. It was for them 
 a most disappointing- and exasperating promotion, resulting 
 in some cases in loss of standing- and in financial injury. 
 Their honors were too short-lived, and too circumscribed, to 
 be much more than a lively tantalization, to be remembered 
 with disgust by those who had worn them. Cruel, indeed, was 
 the prejudice that could dictate such a policy to the brave 
 black men of San Juan. The black heroes, however, were not 
 without sympathy in their misfortune. The good people of 
 the country had still a warm place in their hearts for the col- 
 ored soldier, despite the sayings of his maligners. 
 
 The people of Washington, D. C, had an opportunity to 
 testify their appreciation of the Tenth Cavalry as that regi- 
 ment passed through their city on its way to its station in 
 Alabama, and later a portion of it was called to Philadelphia 
 to take part in the Peace Jubilee, and no troops received more 
 generous attention. To express in some lasting form their re- 
 gard for the regiment and its officers, some patriotic citizens 
 of Philadelphia presented a handsome saber to Captain Charles 
 G. Ayres, who had charge of the detachment which took part 
 in the Peace Jubilee, "as a token of their appreciation of the 
 splendid conduct of the regiment in the campaign of Santiago, 
 and of its superb soldierly appearance and good conduct dur- 
 ing its attendance at the Jubilee Parade in Philadelphia." 
 
 Likewise when the Twenty-fifth Infantry arrived at its sta- 
 tion at Fort Logan, Colorado, the people of Denver gave to 
 both officers and men a most cordial reception, and invited 
 them at once to take part in their fall carnival. All over the 
 country there was at that time an unusual degree of good feel- 
 ing toward the colored soldier who had fought so well, and 
 
252 REVIEW AND REKLECTIOXS 
 
 no one seemed to begrudge him the rest which came to him or 
 the honors bestowed upon him. 
 
 This state of feeling did not last. Before the year closed 
 assiduous efforts were made to poison the public mind toward 
 the black soldier, and history can but record that these efforts 
 were too successful. The three hundred colored officers be- 
 came an object at which both prejudice and jealousy could 
 strike; but to reach them the reputation of the entire colored 
 contingent must be assailed. This was done with such vehem- 
 ence and persistency that by the opening of 1899 the good 
 name of the black regular was hidden under the rubbish of re- 
 ports of misconduct. So much had been said and done, even 
 in Denver, which had poured out its welcome words to the 
 heroes of El Caney, that the Ministerial Alliance of that city, 
 on February 6, 1899, found it necessary to take up the sub- 
 ject, and that body expressed itself in the unanimous adoption 
 of the following resolutions : 
 
 RESOLUTIONS ADOPTED UNANIMOUSLY! BY THE 
 MINISTERIAL ALLIANCE OF DENVER, FEBRU- 
 ARY 6, 1899. 
 
 Resolved, By the Ministerial Alliance of the City of Den- 
 ver, that the attempt made in certain quarters to have the 
 Twenty-fifth Regiment, United States Infantry, removed from 
 Fort Logan, appears to this body to rest on no just grounds, 
 to be animated on the contrary by motives unworthy and dis- 
 creditable to Denver and the State, and that especially in view 
 of the heroic record of the Twenty-fifth Regiment, its pres- 
 ence here is an honor to Denver and Colorado, which this Al- 
 liance would regret to have withdrawn.* 
 
 ♦Extract from The Statesman, Denver, after the departure of the 25th 
 Infantry, and the arrival of the 34th: 
 
 Two policemen killed, the murderer at large and his comrades of the 
 34th Regiment busy boasting of their sympathy for him, and extolling his 
 
REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 
 
 2 5. 
 
 The mustering out of the volunteers about the time this 
 opposition was approaching what appeared to be a climax, 
 causing the removal from the service of the colored officers, 
 appeased the wrath of the demon, and the waves of the storm 
 gradually sank to a peace, gratifying, indeed, to those who 
 shuddered to see a black man with shoulder-straps. As the last 
 Negro officer descended from the platform and honorably laid 
 aside his sword to take his place as a citizen of the Republic, 
 or a private in her armies, that class of our citizenship breathed 
 a sigh of relief. What mattered it to them whether justice 
 were done; whether the army were weakened; whether indi- 
 viduals were wronged; they were relieved from seeing Negroes 
 in officers' uniforms, and that to them is a most gracious por- 
 tion. The discharge of the volunteers was to them the triumph 
 of their prejudices, and in it they took great comfort, although 
 as a matter of fact it was a plain national movement coming 
 about as a logical sequence, entirely independent of their 
 whims or wishes. The injustice to the Negro officer does not 
 lie in his being mustered out of the volunteer service, but in 
 the failure to provide for a recognition of his valor in the na- 
 tion's permanent military establishment. 
 
 deed to the skies, yet not a single petition has been prepared to have the 
 regiment removed. The 25th Infantry, with its honor undimmed by any 
 such wanton crime, with a record unexcelled by any regiment in the ser- 
 vice, was the target for all sorts of criticism and persecution as soon as it 
 arrived- The one is a white regiment, composed of the scum of the earth, 
 the other a black regiment composed of men who have yet to do one thing 
 of which they should be ashamed. Yet Denver welcomes the one with 
 open arms and salutes with marked favor, while she barely suffered the 
 other to remain. 
 
 Had it been a negro soldier who committed the dastardly deed of Sat- 
 urday night the War Department would have been deluged with complaints 
 and requests for removal, but not a word has been said against the 34th. 
 Prejudice and hatred blacker than the wings of night has so envenomed 
 the breasts of the people that fairness is out of the question. Be he black, 
 no matter how noble and good, a man must be despised. Be he white, he 
 may commit the foulest of crimes and yet have his crimes condoned. 
 
2 54 
 
 REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 
 
 The departure of the colored man from the volunteer ser- 
 vice was the consequent disappearance of the colored military 
 r, with the single exception of Lieutenant Charles Young 
 of the Regular Cavalry, had a very depressing; effect upon the 
 colored people at large, and called forth from their press and 
 their associations most earnest protests. With a few excep- 
 tions, these protests were encouched in respectful language to- 
 ward the President and his advisers, but the grounds upon 
 which they were based were so fair and just, that right-think- 
 ing men could not avoid their force. The following resolution, 
 passed by the National Afro-American Council, may be taken 
 as representative of the best form of such remonstrance : 
 
 "Resolved, That we are heartily grieved that the President 
 of the United States and those in authority have not from time 
 to time used their high station to voice the best conscience of 
 the nation in regard to mob violence and fair treatment of 
 justly deserving men. It is not right that American citizens 
 should be despoiled of life and liberty while the nation loolo 
 silently on; or that soldiers who, with conspicuous bravery, 
 offer their lives for the country, should have their promotion 
 result in practical dismissal from the army." 
 
 The nation graciously heeded the call of justice and in the 
 re-organization of the volunteer army provided for 
 two colored regiments, of which all the com- 
 pany officers should be colored men. Under this ar- 
 rangement many of the black heroes of Santiago 
 were recalled from the ranks and again restored to the posi- 
 tions they had won. Thus did the nation in part remedy the 
 evil which came in consequence of the discharge of the volun- 
 teers, and prove its willingness to do right. Triumphantly did 
 the Administration vindicate itself in the eyes of good people, 
 
REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 255 
 
 and again did it place its withering disapproval upon the con- 
 duct of those who were ready to shout their applause over the 
 worthy black officer's accidental humiliation. The Negro offi- 
 cer disappeared from the United States' Regiments as a Lieu- 
 tenant only; but he returns to the same, or rather, to a higher 
 grade of the same form of regiments, both as Lieutenant and 
 Captain. How rapid and pronounced has been the evolution! 
 It is true the Negro officer is still a volunteer, but his standing 
 is measurably improved, both because of the fact of his recall. 
 and also because the regiments which he is now entering have 
 Mime prospect of being incorporated into the Regular Army. 
 It does not seem probable that the nation can much longer 
 postpone the increase of the standing army, and in this in- 
 crease it is to be hoped the American Negro, both as soldier 
 and officer, will receive that full measure of justice of which 
 the formation of the present two colored regiments is so con- 
 spicuous a part. 
 
 DIARY OF E. L. BAKER. SERGEANT-MAJOR TENTH 
 U. S. CAVALRY. 
 
 Appointed First Lieutenant Ninth L~. S. Volunteer Infantry, and later 
 Captain of the Forty-ninth Volunteer Infantry — Now Lieutenant in 
 Philippine Scouts. 
 
 A TRIP FROM MONTANA TO CUBA WITH THE 
 TENTH U. S. CAVALRY. 
 
 April 16, 189S, at 10.45 P- m -> telegram was received from 
 Department Headquarters, St. Paul. Minnesota, ordering the 
 regiment to the Department of the Gulf. 
 
 As every click of the telegraph instrument was expected to 
 announce a rupture in the diplomatic relations between the 
 United States and the Kingdom of Spain, all knew that the 
 mobilization of the army South meant preparing it for the 
 serious work for which it is maintained. 
 
256 REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 
 
 On April 19 we were off for Chickamauga Park. En route 
 we were heartily greeted. Patriotism was at its height. Every 
 little hamlet, even, had its offerings. To compare the journey 
 with Caesar's march of triumph would be putting it mildly. 
 
 We arrived at the historic point April 25. Every moment 
 of our stay there was assiduously devoted to organizing, re- 
 fitting and otherwise preparing for the inevitable. Officers 
 were sent to many parts of the country .to secure recruits 
 Many also gave up details nd relinquished their leaves of ab- 
 sence to take part in the impending crisis. 
 
 May 14. We were moved a little nearer the probable 
 theatre of operations. On account of some deficiency in water 
 for troops at Tampa, the regiment was stopped at Lakeland, 
 30 miles this side, where many recruits were received ; Troops 
 increased to war strength, and new Troops established. Drills 
 and instructions were also constantly followed up. 
 
 June 6. Orders were received to prepare headquarters, 
 band and eight Troops dismounted, with trained men only, for 
 service in Cuba. Recruits to be left in camp with horses and 
 property. 
 
 June 7. We were off for Port Tampa, where the regiment 
 embarked on the steamship Leona that afternoon. 
 
 June 8. She steamed from the dock. When the expedition 
 seemed to be forming, news was received that the dreaded 
 Spanish fleet was being sighted, evidently lying in wait for 
 army transports. So we steamed back to the pier. Many of 
 the men appeared disappointed at the move, probably not rea- 
 lizing that there was too much water in the Atlantic Ocean for 
 the 5th Army Corps to drink. 
 
 To my mind, the Divine Providence surely directed the 
 move, as the delay enabled the force to be swelled several 
 thousand, every one of whom was needed before Santiago. 
 
REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 
 
 *57 
 
 June 14. We steamed out of Tampa Bay, amid cheers and 
 music from the thirty odd transports, heavily escorted by 
 naval vessels. Among them were the much talked-of dyna- 
 miter, Vesuvius, and the beautiful little cruiser, Helena. Off 
 Dry Tortugas that formidable warship, Indiana, joined the 
 fleet. 
 
 Splendid weather; nothing unusual transpiring, though our 
 transport, which also contained the First U. S. Cavalry, had 
 a seemingly close call from being sent to the bottom of the 
 sea, or else being taken in as a prisoner, which the enemy could 
 have done with impunity. 
 
 Whilst going down the Saint Nicholas Chanel, in Cuban 
 waters, the vessel was deliberately stopped about midnight. 
 June 16, and left to roll in the trough of the sea until the morn- 
 ing of the 17th, in consequence of which we were put 20 hours 
 behind the fleet and without escort, almost in sight of the 
 Cuban shores. 
 
 Men were indignant at having been placed in such a help 
 less position, and would have thrown the captain of the ship, 
 whom they accused of being a Spanish sympathizer and other- 
 wise disloyal, overboard without ceremony, but for the strong 
 arm of military discipline. We were picked up by the U. S. 
 Cruiser Bancroft, late in the afternoon, she having been sent in 
 quest of the Jonah of the fleet. Upon approach of the ship 
 there were prolonged cheers from all of Uncle Sam's defend- 
 ers. The only explanation that I have ever heard for this un- 
 pardonable blunder on the part of the ship's crew was that they 
 mistook a signal of a leading vessel. 
 
 June 20. Land was sighted. 
 
 June 21. Dispatch boats active; transports circling; Morro 
 Castle pointed out; three days' rations issued to each man; 
 no extra impedimenta to be taken ashore; crew preparing for 
 landing. 
 
 17 
 
jjg REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 
 
 June 22. As we neared Daiquiri, the designated place for 
 disembarking, flames could be seen reaching almost to the 
 heavens, the town having been fired by the fleeing Spaniards 
 upon the approach of war vessels of Sampson's fleet, who were 
 assembling to bombard the shore and cover our landing. After 
 a fierce fire from these ships, the landing was effected with 
 loss of two men of our regiment, who were doubtless crushed 
 to death between the lighters. They were buried near the place 
 of recovery the next morning. 
 
 The few half-clothed and hungry-looking natives on shore 
 seemed pleased to see us. Daiquiri, a shipping point of the 
 Spanish-American Iron Company, was mostly deserted. The 
 board houses seemed to have been spared, while the sun-burned 
 huts thatched with palm were still smoking, also the roundhouse 
 in which there were two railroad locomotives, warped and 
 twisted from the heat. The Spanish evidently fired everything 
 they could before evacuating. 
 
 June 23. At 6.00 p. m. Troops A, B, E and I, left with four 
 Troops of the First U. S. Cavalry and Rough Riders (First U. 
 S. Volunteer Cavalry) as advance guard of the Army of In- 
 vasion on the main road to Santiago de Cuba ; about 800 men 
 all told, three Hotchkiss guns, manned by ten cavalrymen, ac- 
 companied also by the Brigadier Commander, General S. M. B. 
 Young and staff. 
 
 Note. — These troops marched about 13 miles through a 
 drenching rain from 7 to 10 p. m. ; bivouacked one hour later. 
 On the 24th. after breakfast, took the trail about 5.15 a .m. 
 The vapor from wet clothing rose with the sun, so that yon 
 could scarcely recognize a man ten feet away. About three 
 and one-half miles above Siboney the command was halted ; 
 the first U. S. Volunteer Cavalry (Rough Riders) sent to the 
 
REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 259 
 
 left; proceeding farther about one mile, the main column was 
 split, First U. S. Cavalry going to the right, the Tenth Cavalry 
 remaining in the center. General Wheeler joined at this point, 
 accompanied by his orderly, Private Queene, Troop A, Tenth 
 Cavalry. Disposition of the troops was explained by General 
 Young, who had located his headquarters with the Tenth U. 
 S. Cavalry; General Wheeler made his the same. Hotchkiss 
 guns were ordered closed up; magazines filled. The column 
 had proceeded but a short way when the engagement opened 
 in all its fury; troops were deployed and advanced in the di- 
 rection from which the bullets were coming the thickest, as 
 rapidly as the formation of the ground would permit, the left 
 of the line touching the right of the Rough Riders. 
 
 June 24. Headquarters, band and the remainder of the 
 First and Tenth U. S. Cavalry were off at 6 A. M. The road 
 was alive with troops (C, D, F, G,) colonels and privates alike 
 lugging their rations and bedding beneath that ever watchful 
 tropical sun, feeling as though they would wilt at every step, 
 the undergrowth being so thick and tall that scarcely any 
 breeze could get to you. 
 
 On emerging from this thicket, through which we had been 
 marching for several hours, the Sampson fleet could be heard 
 firing on the Spanish batteries on shore. Marines and other 
 troops could be seen crossing the mountains above Altares; 
 this revived the men very much. As we approached Verni 
 Jarabo (Altares?), we were met by General Lawton, who in- 
 formed our Colonel that the advance guard was engaged with 
 the Spanish at La Guasima, and that it was hard pressed. Our 
 pace was quickened; the news appeared to lighten our heavy 
 packs as we toiled to the front to assist our comrades. The 
 roar of the artillery became plainer: wounded men along the 
 
260 REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 
 
 road as well as those played-out from the intense heat. Wo- 
 men and children were fleeing to places of safety. Our forces 
 were repairing a railroad engine and track; also tearing up a 
 piece leading to a Spanish blockhouse. In fact, everything 
 seemed to have on an exceedingly warlike tint, but our ad- 
 vance continued as swifty as our weary feet would allow, 
 which soon brought us to a number of our own comrades con- 
 veyed on litters from La Guasima, where our advance guard 
 was tussling hard with the "Dons for the honors of the day. 
 
 Upon arrival of reinforcements, victory had been wrested 
 from the Dons fairly by the advance guard without assistance. 
 Every one greeted each other, as though it had been a year 
 instead of a few hours since parting. The First U. S. Cavalry 
 and Rough Riders were unstinted in extolling the fighting 
 qualities of their brothers in arms, the Tenth U. S. Cavalry. 
 
 The enemy was struck early June 24, entrenched on the 
 heights of La Guasima, near Sevilla, on the main road from 
 Daiquiri to the city of Santiago de Cuba. The advance guard 
 was soon hotly engaged with them ; after a very desperate fight 
 of over one hour, the enemy was driven in confusion from 
 their intrenchments. Our men were too exhausted to follow 
 them. The Tenth Cavalry lost 13 killed and wounded. For 
 a while it was a terrific fight, as the enemy was strongly in- 
 tienched on the heights and our men had to climb them sub- 
 jected to their fire, which was very accurate, and much of it 
 doubtless from machine guns in hands of experienced men. 
 Our men had also to contend with the thickest underbrush, 
 wire fences (the famous military trochas) and Spanish dag- 
 gers jabbing them in side at every step. For a while the situa- 
 tion was serious. The decisive blow of the attack seems to 
 have been struck at an opportune moment, and the enemy 
 withdrew in confusion. 
 
REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 26 I 
 
 It has been estimated that about 4,000 Spanish were en- 
 gaged. Everything indicated that they lost heavily; a San- 
 tiago paper put it at 240. The writer and the Sergeant-Major 
 of the First U. S. Cavalry superintended the digging of one 
 large grave where all the dead of the two regiments were in- 
 terred according to the Episcopal service. The Rough Riders, 
 being farther to our left, buried their own. If advantage of 
 position goes for anything, the Spanish should have annihi- 
 lated the Americans as they approached the stronghold. 
 
 The command remained on the battlefield until June 26, 
 when it proceeded to Sevilla, an old coffee and sugar planta- 
 tion, to await the assembling of the army and placing of the 
 artillery. 
 
 Our camp at Sevilla was an interesting one in many ways. 
 It was pitched between the main road and a stream of excel- 
 lent water. From the hill beyond, the Spanish works could be 
 viewed. From the roadside many acquaintances were seen, 
 also generals, foreign military attaches, troops, artillery and 
 pack trains. Wheeled transportation seemed entirely out of its 
 place in Cuba; one piece of artillery was noticed with 24 horses 
 tugging away at it. 
 
 The Cuban Army, cavalry and infantry, passed us at this 
 point, which seemed to consist of every male capable of swell- 
 ing the crowd. Those unable to carry or secure guns had an 
 old knife or machete strapped to them. 
 
 On June 30, about 4 P. M., shortly after our daily shower, 
 which was a little more severe and much longer than usual, the 
 regiment was put in motion for the front. We had marched 
 about 1600 yards when the war balloon was seen ascending 
 some distance to our right. As the balloon question was new, 
 every one almost was stumbling on the man's heels in front, 
 trying to get a peep at this wonderful war machine. 
 
362 REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 
 
 After much vexatious delay, narrow road crowded with 
 troops, a pack train came along and added its mite to the con- 
 gestion, as some of the mules turned their heels on the advanc- 
 ing column when pushed too much. 
 
 We finally merged into a beautiful lawn, site of the Divis- 
 ion Hospital, where all were as busy as beavers in placing this 
 indispensable adjunct in order. Here the work of July I was 
 clearly suggested. Proceeding, wading and rewading streams, 
 we bivouacked beyond the artillery on the heights of El Poso, 
 an old sugar plantation, about four miles off, in plain view of 
 the city of Santiago. The lights of the city showed so 
 brightly, the enemy offering no resistance to our advance, I 
 could not help feeling apprehensive of being in a trap. I 
 thought so seriously over the matter that I did not unroll my 
 pack, so as to be ready at an instant. Simply released my 
 slicker, put it on, and lay down where I halted. 
 
 Early July i all the brigade was up, getting breakfast and 
 making as much noise as if on a practice march. The Tenth 
 Cavalry did not make any fire until orders were received to 
 that effect. I remarked to my bunky that we were not going 
 to fight evidently, as the smoke would surely disclose our 
 presence and enable the enemy's artillery to get our range. 
 The whole of Santiago seemed to be decorated with hospital 
 flags. 
 
 At 6.30 a shell from Capron's battery, U. S. Artillery, di- 
 rected at a blockhouse in El Caney, announced that the battle 
 was on. Then the musketry became general. All stood and 
 watched the doomed village quite a while as the battle pro- 
 gressed. -Soon Grices' battery of the U. S. Artillery, which 
 was in support, belched forth destruction at the Spanish works 
 of the city, using black powder. The fire was almost immed- 
 
REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 263 
 
 iately returned by the enemy's batteries, who had smokeless. 
 They were shortly located when a fierce duel took place. The 
 Dons were silenced, but not until we had suffered loss. Dur- 
 ing this fire an aide — Lieut. Wm. E. Shipp, Tenth Cavalry, 
 Brigade Quartermaster — brought orders for us to take posi- 
 tion on the left of the First U. S. Cavalry. The line extended 
 nearly north and south on a ridge some three or four miles 
 from the city, where the regiment was exposed to much of 
 the return fire from the enemy's batteries. The men exhibited 
 no special concern and watched the flight of the death mes- 
 senger as eagerly as if at a horse race. Adjutant Barnum 
 here divided the band and turned it over to the surgeons to 
 assist in caring for the wounded, and directed Saddler Ser- 
 geant Smith and myself to accompany the Colonel in advance 
 When Lieut. Shipp delivered his orders, some of the officers 
 remarked, "You are having a good time riding around here." 
 He replied that it was no picnic riding among bullets, and 
 that he would prefer being with his troops. 
 
 After the artillery had ceased firing, the regiment moved to 
 the right, passed El Poso, where there were additional signs 
 of the enemy's havoc among our troops, proceeded down the 
 road leading to Santiago. The movement of the regiment 
 was delayed as it approached the San Juan River, by an in- 
 fantry brigade which had halted. 
 
 The regiment came within range of musket fire about three- 
 quarters or one-half mile from the crossing. Upon reaching 
 the ford the Colonel (Baldwin) rode nearly across the stream 
 (closely followed by his regiment) when we were greeted by 
 the Dons with a terrific volley of musketry, soon followed by 
 artillery, which caused us to realize more fully than ever, that 
 "things were coming our way." Orders were given to throw 
 
264 REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 
 
 off packs and get cover. In removing his, Sergeant Smith, 
 on my immediate left, was assisted by a Spanish bullet, and 
 an infantry soldier fell as my pack was thrown off to the right. 
 In seeking cover men simply dropped to the right and left of 
 the road in a prone position. 
 
 The regiment was here subjected to a terrific converging 
 fire from the blockhouse and intrenchments in front and the 
 works further to the left and nearer the city. The atmos- 
 phere seemed perfectly alive with flying missiles from bursting 
 shells over head, and rifle bullets which seemed to have an ex- 
 plosive effect. Much fire was probably drawn by the war bal- 
 loon, which preceded the regiment to a point on the edge of 
 the river, near the ford, where it was held. This balloon un- 
 doubtedly rendered excellent service in locating positions of 
 the Spanish works and developing an ambush which had been 
 laid for us, but the poor, ill-fated balloon certainly received 
 many uncomplimentary remarks during our stay in its vicinity. 
 
 It seemed as though the Spanish regarded the balloon as an 
 evil agent of some kind, and as though every gun, both great 
 and small, was playing on it. I made several trips under it fol- 
 lowing the Colonel, who repeatedly rode up and down the 
 stream, and I would have been fully satisfied to have allowed 
 my mind even to wander back to the gaily lighted ball rooms 
 and festivals left behind only a few months before. 
 
 While on the last trip under the balloon a large naval shell 
 exploded, knocking the Colonel's hat off, crippling his horse, 
 and injuring the rider slightly in the arm and side, all of 
 course, in addition to a good sand bath. I then joined the 
 regiment, some rods beyond, then under cover. In crouching 
 down behind a clump of brush, heard some one groan; on 
 looking around, saw Private Marshall struggling in the river 
 
REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 265 
 
 wounded. Immediately rushing to his assistance another of 
 those troublesome shells passed so close as to cause me to feel 
 the heat. It did not stop the effort, however, and the wounded 
 man was placed in safety. 
 
 The regiment remained in the road only a few moments 
 when it was ordered to take position behind the river bank 
 some yards above the balloon for protection ; while moving to 
 that position, and while there, suffered much loss. Why we 
 did not lose heavier may be attributed to the fact that the 
 enemy's musket fire was a trifle high, and their shells timed 
 from one-half to one second too long, caused them to explode 
 beyond, instead of in front, where the shells would have cer- 
 tainly secured the Dons' maximum results, as, after the bal- 
 loon was cut down, you could scarcely hold your hand up 
 without getting it hit. During the battle, one trooper fell 
 upon a good-sized snake and crushed it to death, and another 
 trooper allowed one of these poisonous reptiles to crawl over 
 him while dodging a volley from the Spanish Mausers. 
 
 The shrapnel and canister shells, with their exceedingly 
 mournful and groaning sound, seemed to have a more terrify- 
 ing effect than the swift Mauser bullet, which always rendered 
 the same salutation, "Bi-Yi." The midern shrapnel shell is 
 better known as the man-killing projectile, and may be re- 
 garded as the most dangerous of all projectiles designed for 
 taking human life. It is a shell filled with 200 or 300 bullets, 
 and having a bursting charge, which is ignited by a time fuse, 
 only sufficient to break the base and release the bullets, which 
 ihen move forward with the velocity it had the time of brust- 
 ing. Each piece is capable of dealing death to any living 
 thing in its path. In practice firing, it is known where, by one 
 shot, 152 hits were made by a single shrapnel. In another, 
 
266 REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 
 
 215 hits are recorded. Imagine then, the havoc of a well-di- 
 rected shrapnel upon a group of men such as is here repre- 
 sented. Capron's battery at El Caney cut down 16 cavalrymen 
 with one shell. 
 
 After a delay of about 30 minutes, during part of the time, 
 ihe writer, assisted by Sergeant Smith and Mr. T. A. Baldwin, 
 cut all the wire fences possible. Mr. Baldwin was dangerously 
 wounded while so engaged just before the general advance. 
 
 The regiment merged into open space in plain view of and 
 under the fire of the enemy; and formed line of battle facing 
 toward the blockhouses and strong intrenchments to the north, 
 occupied by the Spanish, and advanced rapidly in this forma- 
 tion, under a galling, converging fire from the enemy's artil- 
 lery and infantry, on the blockhouses and heavy intrench- 
 ments to the right front. Many losses occurred before reach- 
 ing the top of the hill, Lieut. W. H. Smith being killed while 
 gallantly conducting his troop as it arrived on the crest. 
 Lieut. W. E. Shipp was killed about the same instant, shortly 
 after leaving Lieutenant Smith, further to the left and near 
 the pond on the sunken road leading to Santiago. Lieutenant 
 Smith was struck in the head and perished with a single groan. 
 Lieutenant Shipp was hit near the heart ; death must have been 
 almost instantaneous, though it appears he made an effort to 
 make use of his first aid package. Thus the careers of two 
 gallant and efficient officers whose lives had been so closely as- 
 sociated were ended. 
 
 Private Slaughter, who was left in charge of Lieutenant 
 
 Smith's body, was picked off by the Spanish sharpshooters, 
 
 and Private Jackson, Lieutenant Shipp's orderly, was left as 
 
 deaf as a post from a bursting shell. 
 
 The enemy having been driven back, northwest, to the second. 
 
REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 267 
 
 and third blockhouses, new lines were formed and a rapid ad- 
 vance made upon them to the new positions. The regiment as- 
 sisted in capturing these works from the enemy, and planted 
 two sets of colors on them, then took up a position to the 
 north of the. second blockhouse. With some changes in posi- 
 tion of troops, this line, one of the most advanced, about thret. 
 hundred yards of the enemy, was held and intrenchments 
 dug under a very heavy and continuous fire from the Spanish 
 intrenchments in front, July 2 and 3. 
 
 In their retreat from the ridge, the enemy stood not on the 
 order of their going, but fled in disorder like so many sheep 
 from the scene, abandoning a quantity of ammunition, which 
 was fired at them subsequently from our rapid-fire guns. Our 
 men were too exhausted to pursue them, footwear and cloth- 
 ing being soaked by wading rivers, they had become drenched 
 with rain, and when they reached the crest they were about 
 played-out; having fought about 12 hours, most of which was 
 under that ever- relentless tropical sun. 
 
 Throughout the night, work on the intrenchments was 
 pushed, details buried the dead, improvised litters, and con- 
 veyed the wounded to hospitals, all of which was prosecuted 
 with that vim for which the regular soldier is characterized, 
 notwithstanding their water-logged condition. 
 
 The regiment acted with extraordinary coolness and brav- 
 ery. It held its position at the ford and moved forward un- 
 flinchingly after deployment, through the dense underbrush, 
 crossed and recrossed by barbed wire, under heavy and almost 
 plunging fire from the Spanish works, while attacking with 
 small arms an enemy strongly posted in intrenchments and 
 blockhouses, supported by artillery, and who stubbornly con- 
 tested every inch of ground gained by the American troops. 
 
268 REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 
 
 Officers were exceedingly active and tireless in their efforts 
 to inspire and encourage the men. You could hear them call 
 out, "Move right along; the Spaniards can't shoot; they are 
 using blanks." One officer deliberately stopped and lit his pipe 
 amid a shower of bullets, and then moved on as' unconcerned 
 as if on target practice. 
 
 The rifle pits occupied by the enemy were intrenchments in 
 reality, dug almost shoulder deep, and faced with stone, being 
 constructed without approaches, leaving the only avenue for 
 escape over the parapet, which was equivalent to committing 
 suicide, in face of the unerring marksmanship of the United 
 States troops. 
 
 We were afterward told by a Spanish soldier how they were 
 held in these trenches by an officer stationed at each end with 
 a club; also how they depended on their officers for everything. 
 This may account for the large percentage of our officers 
 picked off by the Dons. I observed during the battle that 
 when spotted by the enemy, delivering orders or busying about 
 such duties as usually indicated some one in authority, the 
 Spanish would fire whole volleys at an individual, this evi- 
 dently with a view to demoralizing the rank and file by knock- 
 ing off the officers. 
 
 The Spanish also tried an old Indian trick to draw our fire, 
 or induce the men to expose themselves, by raising their hats 
 on sticks or rifles, or placing them upon parapets, so when we 
 went to fire they would aim to catch us as we rose with a 
 terrific volley. The Dons were, however, soon convinced of 
 their folly in this respect, as we always had a volley for the 
 hats and a much stouter one for the enemy as he raised to reply 
 to the volley at the hats. The Tenth Cavalry had fought In- 
 dians too long in the West to be foiled in that manner. 
 
REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 269 
 
 We were annoyed much by the Spanish sharpshooters sta- 
 tioned in tops of the beautiful palms and other trees of dense 
 foliage. A number of these guerillas were found provided 
 with seats, water and other necessaries, and I am told some of 
 them had evidently robbed our dead to secure themselves an 
 American uniform, that they might still carry on their nefar- 
 ious work undetected. 
 
 Many of the disabled received their second and some their 
 n.-ortal wound, while being conveyed from the field by litter- 
 bearers. 
 
 Though it was the tendency for a time to give the sharp- 
 shooter story little or no credence, but to lay the matter to 
 "spent bullets"; it seemed almost out of the question that 
 "spent bullets" should annoy our Division Hospital, some four 
 or five miles from the Spanish works. It would also seem 
 equally as absurd that a bullet could be trained to turn angles, 
 as several of our men were hit while assembled for transfer 
 to general hospital and receiving temporary treatment at the 
 dressing station located in an elbow of the San Juan River. 
 
 The Division Hospital was so harassed that it was neces- 
 asry to order four Troops of the 9th U. S. Cavalry there for 
 guard. While en route to the hospital on the morning of July 
 2 with wounded, I saw a squad of the 2nd U. S. Cavalry after 
 one of these annoying angels, not 20 feet from the road. On 
 arrival at the hospital I was told by a comrade that several 
 had been knocked from their stage of action. On July 1, our 
 Color-Sergeant was shot from a tree after our line had passed 
 beneath the tree where he was located. July 3, three more 
 ftll in response to a volley through tree tops, and on July 14. 
 while waiting the hand to reach the hour for the bombardment 
 of the city, one of the scoundrels deliberately ascended a tree 
 
»70 REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 
 
 in plain view of, and within two hundred yards of, our line. 
 It was a good thing that the white flag for surrender appeared 
 before the hour to commence firing, otherwise Spain would 
 have had at least one less to haggle with on account of back 
 pay. 
 
 To locate a sharpshooter using smokeless powder among the 
 dense tropical growth may be compared with "looking for a 
 needle in a haystack." 
 
 The killed and wounded in battle present a scene well cal- 
 culated to move the most callous. Men shot and lacerated in 
 every conceivable manner; some are expressionless; some just 
 as they appeared in life; while others are pinched and drawn 
 and otherwise distorted, portraying agony in her most dis- 
 tressful state. Of the wounded, in their anguish, some are 
 perfectly quiet; others are heard praying; some are calling for 
 their mothers, while others are giving out patriotic utterances, 
 urging their comrades on to victory, or bidding them farewell 
 as they pass on to the front. July i, in passing a wounded 
 comrade, he told me that he could whip the cowardly Spaniard 
 who shot him, in a fair fist fight. 
 
 During the first" day's battle many interesting sights were 
 witnessed. The new calibre 30 Gatling guns were in action. 
 These cruel machines were peppering away several hundred 
 shots each per minute and sweeping their front from right to 
 left, cutting down shrubbery and Spaniards like grain before 
 the reaper. I observed the excellent service of the Hotchkiss 
 Mountain gun ; they certainly do their work to perfection and 
 well did the Dons know it. Many shots fired into the "blind 
 ditches and blockhouses" of the enemy caused them to scatter 
 like rats. These guns use a percussion shell nearly two inches, 
 and can be packed on mules. They were designed for light 
 
REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS -' 7 i 
 
 service with cavalry on the frontier. Four of these little 
 beauties were manned by men of the Tenth Cavalry. The 
 Spanish made it so hot for the boys that they would have to 
 roll the gun under cover to load, and then steal it back to fire. 
 
 I saw one of our light batteries of artillery go in position 
 under fire at the foot of San Juan Hill. The movement was 
 swiftly and skillfully executed. A most interesting feature 
 of this was to see the Caissons, drawn by six magnificent 
 horses, off for ammunition. Three drivers to each outfit, one 
 to each pair of horses; all plying the whip at every jump, 
 would remind you of a Roman chariot race coming around on 
 their last heat. 
 
 Wheeled vehicles of war suffer more than other troops, on 
 account of their stationary positions. It is here that the 
 dreaded sharpshooter comes in for glory, by picking off the 
 gunners and other individuals. 
 
 Pack trains were seen dashing along the line with that al- 
 ways absolutely essential — ammunition — thereby gladdening 
 the hearts of the boys who were doing their utmost to expend 
 every round in their belts to gain another foot of Spanish ter- 
 ritory. 
 
 During all these stirring events the stomachs of the real 
 heroes were not neglected, and most certainly not along our 
 part of the line. Pack mules were brought right up to the 
 line under a hot fire, loaded with sugar, coffee, bacon and 
 hardtack, all of which was in plenty. Some of the mules were 
 killed and wounded, but this did not retard the advance of the 
 train. When near the firing line some one called, "Whose 
 rations?" A prompt reply, "Hungry soldiers." 
 
 The daring horseman was all that was needed to make the 
 situation complete. Without participation of cavalry, the 
 
272 REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 
 
 ideal warrior disappears from the scene, and the battle and 
 picture of war is robbed of its most attractive feature. 
 
 Late in the afternoon, July 1, I was directed to take Sad- 
 dler Sergeant Smith and bring to the firing line all the men I 
 could find of the regiment. Going to the dressing station, col- 
 lected those who had brought or assisted wounded there. 
 thence across a portion of the field passed over a few hours 
 previous. Men were found almost exhausted, soaking wet, or 
 a solid mass of mud, resting as comfortably as if in the finest 
 of beJs; many of them had been on picket duty all night be- 
 fore, to which was added the hard day's work not then com- 
 pleted. After locating all I could, we went to the crest of the 
 San Juan Hill, to the left of the sunken road, where the First 
 U. S. Cavalry was reforming, and there picked up a few more 
 who had joined that regiment. 
 
 The Tenth Cavalry having in the meantime taken another 
 position, I set out to find it, going in front, telling Smith to 
 bring up the rear. We were detained a short time near Sunken 
 Roads by shells from Cervera's fleet, which were falling in it at 
 a lively rate. Barbed wire prevented us from "running the 
 gauntlet." Shortly after crossing the road an officer passed 
 us, his horse pushed to his utmost, telling us to take all the am- 
 munition that we possibly could on the firing line. About that 
 instant, the pack train came thundering by, which we re- 
 lieved of a few thousand rounds in short order. I was much 
 amused at one of the men who innocently asked, "Where are 
 we to get axes to burst these strong boxes?" The job was 
 speedily accomplished before the boxes were on the ground 
 good, and most certainly in less time than it would have taken 
 to explain matters to the inexperienced. We were soon off 
 again, tramping all over the country, through darkness, run- 
 
REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 273 
 
 ning into wire entanglements, outposts and pickets, and within 
 fifty yards of the enemy (subsequently ascertained). 
 
 About 11.00 P. M. found Colonel Roosevelt a few hundred 
 yards from the Spanish lines with some of my regiment, the 
 First Cavalry, and Rough Riders, at work on trenches, where 
 we reported. All seemed glad to have my little reinforcement, 
 about 65 men, and ammunition. I never felt so relieved ar 
 anything as I did to get that herculean task off my hands, a 
 job as hard as working a problem in the third book of Euclid. 
 The men were so tired that they would lie down at every stop 
 to find the right road or the way out of the wire entangle- 
 ments constantly encountered. I have never seen in a book 
 anything to equal the Spanish wire entanglements. Barbed 
 wire was stretched in every nook and corner, through streams, 
 grass, and from two inches to six feet in height, and from a 
 corkscrew to a cable in design. It takes the nerve of a circus 
 man to get men along when they are so exhausted that every 
 place feels alike to them, and that they would gladly give 
 away Mr. Jim Hill's fortune if they possessed it, for a few 
 hours' sleep. 
 
 On arrival at the front, lunch was about over or just ready. 
 Lieutenant E. D. Anderson (ioth Cavalry) gave me two and 
 one-half hardtacks from his supply, which he carried in his 
 bosom. I was soon down for a little rest; all desultory fir- 
 ing had ceased; the pick and the shovel were the only things to 
 disturb the quietude of that anxious night. Had been down 
 but a short time when aroused by one of the Rough Riders, 
 who had some rice and meat in an ammunition box which he 
 brought from the captured blockhouse. The meat was un- 
 doubtedly mule, as the longer I chewed it the larger and more 
 spongy it got, and. were it not for the fact that I had had 
 18 
 
274 REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 
 
 some experience in the same line many years before in Mexico 
 while in pursuit of hostile Indians, I would certainly have ac- 
 cused our best friends (Rough Riders) of feeding us rubber. 
 I made another effort for a little sleep, and was again aroused 
 by some one passing around hardtack, raw bacon, etc., with in- 
 structions as to where to go to cook it. I thanked him and 
 carefully laid it aside to resume my nap. At 2.40 A. M. the 
 pickets were having such a lively set to, that I thought the gen- 
 eral engagement was on. It was at this time I discovered 
 that I was shivering cold, and that my teeth were rattling equal 
 to a telegraph sounder; so under the circumstances, I con- 
 cluded not to try for any more sleep. The dew was falling 
 thick and heavy; no coat, no blanket, top shirt torn in strips 
 from the brush, and undershirt wet and in my pack, thrown off 
 on coming into battle. 
 
 Early July 22nd the artillery took position on our left. 
 Pickets kept up firing from 2.40 A. M. until 5.25, when the 
 engagement became general. Shortly after 6.00 A. M. our 
 artillery opened on the Spanish works, who promptly returned 
 the compliment. During the firing the Dons exploded a shell 
 in the muzzle of one of our pieces. Adjutant Barnum fell at 
 6.30 A. M. ; his wound was promptly dressed, when I started 
 to the Division Hospital with him. Though seriously hurt, I 
 have never seen a better natured man. While en route, we 
 laid him down to eat a can of salmon found in the road. In re- 
 sponse to his query, "What's up, Sergeant?" the salmon was 
 passed him; he helped himself, no further questions were 
 asked, and the journey was resumed. On arrival at the hospi- 
 tal he was quickly examined and placed on a comfortable cot. 
 Many of the attendtns were completely played-out from over- 
 work. 
 
REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 275 
 
 A visit to a field hospital will have a lasting place in your 
 memory. Every way you turn, amid the cries and groans, 
 you get a beck or call to ease this, or hand me that, and one 
 feels badly because of his inability to extend them material aid 
 in their sufferings. 
 
 On returning to the front, I found the regiment as hotly 
 engaged as when I left it some hours before. As the fighting 
 was from trenches, many of our men were wounded by shells. 
 Sharpshooters were on hand as usual. I was sent to the Cap- 
 tain of Troop E, under the crest of the hill, with orders to dig 
 an approach to one of the enemy's trenches, evacuated the day 
 before; also to bury some of their dead. While delivering the 
 order, it being necessary to get very close on account of the 
 noise, one of those ever vigilant sharpshooters put a bullet be- 
 tween our faces. The Captain asked me to cut the wire fence 
 so his troops could get through more rapidly; while telling me, 
 another bullet passed so close as to disturb the Captain's 
 mustache. He took it good-naturedly, only remarking as he 
 smiled, "Pretty close, Sergeant-Major !" 
 
 Firing ceased about 8 P. M. After all had had supper we 
 changed position further to the right, where work on trenches 
 was resumed. About 10.30 P. M. the Spaniards made an at- 
 tack upon our lines, and I have never before or since seen such 
 terrific firing ; the whole American line, which almost encircled 
 the city, was a solid flame of fire. The enemy's artillery re- 
 plied, also their much-praised "Mausers," but to no avail ; they 
 had opened the ball, but Uncle Sam's boys did not feel like 
 yielding one inch of the territory so dearly bought. 
 
 About midnight all hands were aroused by the dynamite 
 cruiser Vesuvius "coughing" for the Dons. The roar was so 
 great that it seemed to shake the whole island. To the unin- 
 
276 REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 
 
 itiated it would appear that some one had taken a few moun- 
 tains several miles up in a balloon and thrown them down. 
 
 July 3. Firing by pickets commenced very early, and quite 
 heavy, at 5.40 A. M. Terrific cannonading to the seaward 
 was heard between 9 and 10 A. M. As there was some talk of 
 the enemy making a sortie, all eyes were open. Dirt began 
 falling in the pits from the jar, bells could be heard tolling in 
 the city, and steam whistles in the harbor. There was much 
 speculation as to what was in progress. I'll say that there 
 were many glad hearts when the news reached us that Samp- 
 son's fleet was King of the Seas. At 12 M. all firing was or- 
 dered off, for flag of truce to enter the Spanish lines. When 
 the order for cease firing was given, one of the troopers laid 
 his gun upon the parapet and remarked that he "would not 
 take $2000 for his experience, but did not want a cent's worth 
 more." Work on bomb-proofs and breast works was contin- 
 ued incessantly until news of the surrender reached us. 
 
 July 4. Flag of truce all day ; national and regimental colors 
 placed on parapets. At noon the regiment paraded, and all 
 hearts cheered by the patriotic telegram of the Commander-in- 
 Chief— His Excellency, President McKinley. Refugees, in 
 droves, could be seen leaving for several days., notice of bom- 
 bardment having been served on the city. 
 
 July 5. There was much excitement when Lieutenant Hob- 
 son and party crossed our lines. 
 
 During truce, the monotony was broken occasionally by the 
 presence of Spanish soldiers in quest of something to eat or 
 desiring to surrender. 
 
 Truce was off July 10 at 4 P. M. Bombardment of the city 
 commenced by the army and navy combined, which continued 
 until 2 P. M. 1 ith. Gatling, dynamite, rapid-firing and Hotch- 
 
REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 277 
 
 kiss guns were so well trained that the Dons scarcely dared to 
 raise their heads, and their firing was soon silenced. During 
 the attack our part of the line suffered no loss. While occupy- 
 ing these works, it was discovered that the gun of the enemy 
 that annoyed us most was quite near a large building covered 
 with Red Cross flags. 
 
 During the truce all of our dead were located and buried. 
 It was sad, indeed, to see the vultures swarming like flies, 
 when we knew so well their prey. 
 
 Though prepared to, several times, no shots were exchanged 
 after July n, and all was quiet until date of capitulation. The 
 hardest rain ever witnessed, accompanied by terrific thunder 
 and lightning, was on the last day of the engagement. 
 Trenches were flooded and everything appeared as a sea. 
 
 July 17, at 9 A. M., the regiment, with the remainder of the 
 army, was assembled over the trenches to witness the formal 
 surrender of General Toral, with the Spanish forces. Owing 
 to the dense tropical growth, and its similarity in color to 
 their clothing, little or nothing could be seen, beyond the straw 
 hats of the Dons, as they marched through the jungles. At 
 12 Mo we were again placed in the same position, to salute 
 "Old Glory" as she ascended over the Governor's palace in the 
 city, which was told by Caprons battery U. S. Artillery. At 
 the first shot, every individual tested his lungs to their fullest 
 capacity, bands of music playing national airs. 
 
 Spanish soldiers were soon over our lines, trading off sword*, 
 wine, cigarettes and trinkets for hard tack and bacon. This 
 soon ended, as there were positive orders against our fraterniz- 
 ing. The Spaniards were a fine looking lot of young men; 
 though generally small in stature, and were very neat and 
 clean, considering. The officers were an intelligent and digni- 
 
278 REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 
 
 fied looking set. The Dons were away ahead on ammunition, 
 and away behind on eatables. A few musty, hard tack, thrown 
 in our trenches, were devoured like so much fresh beef, by so 
 many hungry wolves. 
 
 Campaigning in the tropics entails many hardships, though 
 unavoidable and only to be expected, in war. War is horrible 
 in any aspect in which it may be viewed. Even those features 
 of it intended to be merciful, are full of harshness and rigor; 
 and after all, fighting is the easiest part. 
 
 As the capitulation was complete, and Santiago was our's, 
 we were ordered to change camp to a more healthful locality, 
 with a view to allowing the men to recuperate. While en route 
 \iany refugees were met returning to the city, men and wo- 
 Men, with the scantiest clothing imaginable; large children 
 even worse — in a nude state — all were making signs for some- 
 thing to eat. 
 
 In passing through El Caney, filth of all descriptions was 
 piled up in the streets; stock was seen standing inside dwell- 
 ings with occupants ; young and old were emaciated — walk- 
 ing skeletons; children with stomachs bloated to thrice their 
 natural size — due to the unsanitary condition of the huts, so 
 I was informed. 
 
 The bare facts are, that "half has never been told" regard- 
 ing the true condition of the Cubans, and it is truly a God- 
 send that "Uncle Sam" was not delayed another day in letting 
 the Don's breathe a little of nature's sweetest fragrance of the 
 nineteenth century — Civilization. 
 
 The portion of the island I saw appears to be a beautiful 
 park deserted and laid waste by the lavish application of the 
 torch for many years. Magnificent mansions, or dwellings, in 
 ruins ; habitation scant, except near towns. 
 
REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 279 
 
 There were no domestic animals, except a few for saddle 
 purposes, nor were there crops to be seen. No use whatever 
 appears to be made of the luxuriant pasturage and rich fields. 
 Sugar houses and sheds on plantations are in a state of decay, 
 and the huge kettles for boiling deeply coated with rust. 
 
 The climate of Cuba offers all the essentials, heat, moisture 
 and organic matter, for the development of germ life in its 
 most active form. 
 
 The great heat and moisture, so excellent for the develop- 
 ment of infected wounds, and for the rapid decomposing of the 
 heavy undergrowth cannot, I believe, be exceeded anywhere. 
 
 The frequent tropical showers, invariably followed by a hot 
 steam, along with which germs seem to float ; the consequent 
 exposure of the men to that glaring heat and moisture, low- 
 ered the general tone of the system so that they were especially 
 liable to attacks of miasmatic diseases (malarial and typhoid 
 fevers and dysentery.) 
 
 Owing to the dense humidity, clothing does not dry so long 
 as it remains on the person, but must be removed, a condition 
 that was absolutely impossible for many days on the field be- 
 fore Santiago. To this alone, much of our sickness may be 
 attributed. 
 
 Our new camp, pitched on the eminence of El Caney, about 
 one and one-half miles from the village, overlooking the city 
 and bay of Santiago, with its excellent water, shade, grass, 
 and increased comforts, which were daily shipped from our 
 transports, presented a scene far more conciliatory than had 
 been witnessed about the Tenth Horse for many days. 
 
28o 
 
 REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 
 
 MEDALS OF HONOR AND CERTIFICATES 
 
 MERIT GRANTED TO COLORED SOLDIERS 
 
 FOR DISTINGUISHED SERVICES IN 
 
 THE CUBAN CAMPAIGN. 
 
 OFFICIAL. 
 
 MEDALS OF HONOR. 
 
 OF 
 
 Name. 
 
 Rank Regiment. Troop or Co. 
 
 Remarks. 
 
 Bell, Dennis Pvt. 
 
 Lee, Fitz Pvt. 
 
 Tompkins, Wm. H. Pvt. 
 Wanton, Geo. H. Pvt. 
 
 10th Cav. Troop H. 
 
 lOthCav. Troop M. 
 
 10th Cav. Troop M. 
 
 10th Cav. Troop M. 
 
 For gallantry in action at 
 
 Tayabacoa, Cuba, 
 
 June 30, 1898. 
 
 
 CERTIFICATES OF MERIT. 
 
 
 Name. 
 
 Rank. Regiment. Troop or Co. 
 
 Remarks. 
 
 Bates, James 
 
 Pvt. 9th Cav. 
 
 Troop H. 
 
 
 Crosby, Scott 
 
 Pvt. 24!hlnf. 
 
 Comp. A. 
 
 
 Davis, Edward 
 
 Pvt. i 9th Cav. 
 
 Troop H. 
 
 
 Elliott, J. 
 
 Sergt. IlOth Cav. 
 
 Troop D. 
 
 
 Fasit, Benjamin 
 
 Sergt. J 10th Cav. 
 
 Troop E. 
 
 
 Gaither, U. 
 
 Q.M. Sergt 10th Cav. 
 
 Troop E. 
 
 
 Goff, G. W. 
 
 Sergt. ' 9th Cav. 
 
 Troop B. 
 
 
 Graham, J. 
 
 Sergt. 10th Cav. 
 
 Troop E. 
 
 
 Hagen, Abram 
 
 Corp. 24th Inf. 
 
 Comp. G. 
 
 
 Herbert, H. T. 
 
 Corp. 
 
 1st Sergt. 
 
 10th Cav. 
 
 Troop E. 
 
 
 Houston, Adam 
 
 10th Cav. 
 
 Troop C. 
 
 
 Jackson, J. 
 
 1st Sergt. 
 
 9th Cav. 
 
 Troop C. 
 
 
 Jackson, Elisha 
 
 Sergt. ' 9th Cav. 
 
 Troop H. 
 
 
 Ja kson, Peter 
 
 Corp. 24th Inf. 
 
 Comp. G. 
 
 
 Jefferson, C- W. 
 
 1st Sergt. 
 
 9th Cav. 
 
 Troop B. 
 
 
 McCoun, P. 
 
 1st Sertjt. 
 
 10th Cav. 
 
 Troop E. 
 
 
 Moore, Loney 
 
 Pvt. 
 
 24th Inf. 
 
 Comp. A. 
 
 
 Oden, Oscar 
 
 Musician 
 
 10th Cav. 
 
 
 
 Payne, William 
 
 Sergt. 
 
 10th Cav. 
 
 Troop E. 
 
 
 Pumphrey, Geo. W 
 
 Corp. I 9th Cav. 
 
 Troop H. 
 
 
 Satcheil, James 
 
 Se gt. |24thlnf. 
 
 Comp. A. 
 
 
 Smith, L. 
 
 Pvt. !10th Cav. 
 
 Troop D. 
 
 
 Thornton, William 
 
 Corp. 24th Inf. 
 
 Comp. G. 
 
 
 Walker, J. 
 
 Corp. 10th Cav. 
 
 Troop D. 
 
 
 Williams, John T. 
 
 Sergt. 
 
 24th Inf. 
 
 Comp. G. 
 
 
 Williams, R. 
 
 Corp. 
 
 24th Inf. 
 
 Comp. B. 
 
 
 Besides the Certificates of Merit and Medals of Honor, 
 mentioned above, and the promotions to commissions in the 
 volunteer services, there were some instances of promotion to 
 
REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 
 
 281 
 
 non-commissioned officers' positions of men in the ranks or 
 junior grade for conspicuous gallantry. Notably among such 
 were Benjamin F. Sayre, of the Twenty-fourth, promoted to 
 Sergeant-Major for gallantry at San Juan, and Private James 
 W. Peniston, of the Tenth Cavalry, promoted to Squadron 
 Sergeant-Major for conspicuous bravery at Las Guasimas. 
 Others there may tye whose names are not available at this 
 time. 
 
282 THE COLORED VOLUNTEERS 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 THE COLORED VOLUNTEERS. 
 
 The Ninth Ohio Battalion— Eighth Illinois— Twenty-third Kansas- 
 Third North Carolina — Sixth Virginia — Third Alabama — The Im- 
 munes. 
 
 The return of the army and the repatriation of the Spanish 
 army from Cuba, brought before the country for immediate 
 solution the problem of garrisoning that island ; and in a very 
 short time the question of similar nature regarding Porto 
 Rico. Ten regiments of immunes had been organized in the 
 volunteer service partly in anticipation of such a situation. 
 Four of these regiments were composed of colored enlisted 
 men. The regiments were classed as United States Volunteer 
 Infantry, and were numbered from one to ten, the Seventh, 
 Eighth, Ninth and Tenth being colored. 
 
 Of these four colored regiments the officers above first lieu- 
 tenants were white men, except the chaplains, and in some 
 cases the surgeons. Very little care had been taken in enlist- 
 ing the men, as it was important to get the regiments in the 
 field as soon as possible; yet of them as a whole General 
 Breckinridge, Inspector-General, speaks as follows: "The 
 colored regiments of immunes, so called, raised for this war, 
 have turned out, so far a^ can be judged from their camp life 
 (as none of them have been in any actual campaign), very 
 satisfactory. The regular colored regiments won golden opin- 
 ions in battle. The experiment of having so many colored offi- 
 cers has not yet shown its full results. Certainly we should 
 have the best obtainable officers for our volunteers, and there- 
 
THE COLORED VOLUNTEERS 283 
 
 fore some such men as Colonel Young, who is a graduate of 
 the Military Academy at West Point, whether white or black, 
 must be sought for." 
 
 Besides these four colored regiments of immunes, so-called, 
 there were other State organizations composed entirely of 
 colored men, mustered into the United States service, as for 
 example the Ninth Battalion of the Ohio National Guard. 
 This organization was composed of four companies, with col- 
 ored captains and lieutenants, the staff officers also being col- 
 ored, the commanding officer of the battalion being Major 
 Young, who was a first lieutenant in the Regular Army, a 
 graduate from the Military Academy, and an officer of ex- 
 perience. He is the person referred to as Colonel Young by 
 General Breckinridge, cited just above. This battalion, al- 
 though not permitted to do any active campaigning, main- 
 tained itself well in that most trying of all duties for raw 
 troops — camp duty — winning a good record in the South as 
 well as in the North, having been stationed in Virginia, Penn- 
 sylvania and lastly in South Carolina; from which latter 
 place it was mustered out, and the men proceeded to their 
 homes in an orderly manner, reflecting credit upon themselves 
 and the officers under whom they had served. This organiza- 
 tion is mentioned first, because it was the only one of its kind 
 commanded by a Regular Army officer, and a man who had 
 received scientific military training.* 
 
 Two of these volunteer regiments, the Eighth Illinois and 
 the Twenty-third Kansas, reached Cuba and made history 
 there, in garrison service, coming in direct contact with the 
 Ninth Immunes, and in no sense suffering in comparison there- 
 
 *See "Outline History of the Ninth (Separate) Battalion Ohio Volun- 
 teer Infantry." by the Battalion Adjutant, Lieutenant Nelson Ballard, 
 following the close of this chapter. 
 
284 THE COLORED VOLUNTEERS 
 
 to. The Eighth Illinois being the first to go to the front, in a 
 sense deserves to be noticed here first. This remarkable regi- 
 ment was developed out of the Ninth Battalion, Illinois Na- 
 tional Guard, and owes its origin to the persistent efforts of 
 Messrs. John R. Marshall, Robert R. Jackson, Franklin Den- 
 nison, E. H. Wright, Rev. R. C. Ransom, Rev. J. W. Thomas, 
 S. B. Turner and doubtless many others whose names do not 
 appear. These gentlemen named called upon the Governor of 
 their State the next day after the President had issued his 
 call for 175,000 volunteers, and received from that official the 
 assurance that if another call should be made they should have 
 the opportunity to recruit their battalion to a regiment, and 
 that he would "call that regiment first into the service," and 
 "that every officer in that regiment will be a colored man." 
 
 After receiving this encouragement, the leaders began at 
 once the work of organizing and recruiting, and when the 
 second call came, May 25th, the regiment was well under way, 
 and soon ready to go into camp to prepare for service. On 
 June 30th it assembled in Springfield from the following 
 places : Seven hundred men from Chicago ; one hundred and 
 twenty from Cairo ; a full company from Quincy, and smaller 
 numbers from Mound City, Metropolis and Litchfield, and 
 nearly a company from Springfield. The regiment was sworn 
 in during the latter half of July, the muster roll showing 
 1,195 men and 46 officers, every one of whom was of African 
 descent except one private in a Chicago company. 
 
 Of these forty-six officers, ten had received college educa- 
 tion, six were lawyers, and the others were educated in the 
 public schools, or had served in the Regular Army as non-com- 
 missioned officers. Many of them were directly from Illinois, 
 that is in the sense of having been born and reared in the 
 
THE COLORED VOLUNTEERS 2S5 
 
 State, and were fully accustomed to the full exercise of their 
 rights as men and citizens. In character and intelligence the 
 official element of the Eighth was about up to the standard of 
 the volunteer army, as events subsequently proved. 
 
 Going into camp with the Ninth, white, this latter reigment, 
 early in August, received an order to move to a Southern 
 camp en route for Cuba, leaving the Eighth behind, greatly to 
 the chagrin of both officers and men. Governor Tanner was 
 evidently disturbed by this move, and expressed himself in the 
 following language : "Even from the very doors of the White 
 House have I received letters asking and advising me not to 
 officer this regiment with colored men, but I promised to do so, 
 and I have done it. I shall never rest until I see this regiment 
 — my regiment — on the soil of Cuba, battling for the right and 
 for its kinsmen." 
 
 Later the misfortunes of the First Illinois proved the op- 
 portunity of the Eighth. This regiment was in Cuba, suffer- 
 ing terribly with the fever, the men going down under its 
 effects so rapidly that the Colonel in command implored Gov- 
 ernor Tanner "to use all influence at Washington to secure 
 the immediate recall of the First Illinois." When the Gover- 
 nor received this message he sent for Colonel Marshall, of the 
 Eighth, and asked him to ascertain the sentiments of the offi- 
 cers and men of his regiment in regard to being sent to re- 
 lieve the First. On the 4th day of August Colonel Marshall 
 was able to send to Washington the following dispatch : 
 "H. C. Corbin, Adjutant-General : — 
 
 "I called the officers of the Eighth Illinois, colored, in con- 
 ference and they are unanimously and enthusiastically in favor 
 of being sent to relieve the First Illinois at Santiago." 
 
 To this hearty dispatch came the following reply : 
 
 "The Secretary of War appreciates very much the offer of 
 the Eighth Illinois Volunteer Infantry for duty in Santiago, 
 
286 THE COLORED VOLUNTEERS 
 
 and has directed that the regiment be sent there by steamer 
 Yale, leaving New York next Tuesday. The main trouble 
 with our troops now in Cuba is that they are suffering from 
 exhaustion and exposure incident to one of the most trying 
 campaigns to which soldiers have ever been subjected." 
 
 "H. C. CORBIN, 
 "Adjutant-General." 
 
 This action on the part of the regiment is said to have so 
 pleased the President that on hearing it he declared it was the 
 proudest moment of his life. 
 
 On the 9th of August the regiment left Springfield, and 
 in passing through Illinois and Ohio was greeted with the most 
 generous enthusiasm, the people supplying the men with free 
 lunches at every station. This was the period when the sym- 
 pathy of the whole country was turned toward the colored sol- 
 dier in consequence of the reports of valor and heroism that 
 had been circulated concerning the black regulars. On the 
 afternoon of the nth the Yale cast off her lines, and with the 
 first American Negro regiment that the world has ever seen, 
 steamed out of New York harbor amid the ringing of bells 
 and shrieks of steam whistles, and four days later,, August 15, 
 landed in Cuba. The regiment remained in Cuba until March 
 10, perfoming garrison duty so well that General Brecken- 
 ridge said it was "as fine a volunteer regiment as was ever 
 mustered into the service," and that it was "a shame to mus- 
 ter out of service such an excellent regiment." 
 
 The Twenty-third Kansas, made up in that State and offi- 
 cered as was the Eighth Illinois, by men of the same race, with 
 the enlisted men, arrived in Cuba August 30, and in company 
 with the Eighth Illinois Regiment, was stationed in the coun- 
 try about San Luis, with headquarters at that place. Colonel 
 Marshall, of the Illinois Regiment, serving as commander of 
 the post, and also as Governor of the Province of San Luis. 
 
THE COLORED VOLUNTEERS 287 
 
 A detachment of the Illinois Regiment, under command of 
 Major Jackson, was sent to Palma Soriana, and did excellent 
 work there in the preservation of order between the Cubans 
 and Spaniards, who were living together in that place in out- 
 ward peace but in secret resentful hostility. Major Jackson 
 managed affairs so well that both parties came to admire him, 
 and when he was called away expressed their regret. Captain 
 Roots, who commanded the post after the departure of Major 
 Jackson, was equally fortunate, especially with the Cubans, 
 and when it was thought his command was to be removed, the 
 citizens generally united in a petition to the General com- 
 manding, asking that both the Captain and his command might 
 remain in the city. The fact is also noted by the chroniclers 
 of the regiment that several marriages took place in Palma 
 Soriana between soldiers of the Eighth Illinois and Cuban 
 maidens. 
 
 The Eighth Regiment was finally settled in San Luis, oc- 
 cupying the old Spanish barracks and arsenal, and under Col- 
 onel Marshall's supervision the city was put in fine sanitary 
 condition, streets and yards being carefully policed; mean- 
 while under the reign of order and peace which the Colonel's 
 just methods established, confidence prevailed, business re- 
 vived and the stagnation which had so long hung like a fog 
 over the little city, departed, and in its stead came an era of 
 bustling activity. 
 
 All was peaceful and prosperous, both with the citizens and 
 the garrison, until the Ninth United States Volunteers came 
 in the vicinity. Then a difficulty sprang up in which both regi- 
 ments became involved, although it was in no sense serious, 
 but it afforded a pretext for the removal of the Eighth Illinois 
 from the city. The event turned out all the better for the 
 
2 88 THE COLORED VOLUNTEERS 
 
 Eighth, as it enabled them to establish Camp Marshall, about 
 three miles from the city, in a healthy neighborhood, where 
 they remained until ordered home to be mustered out. The 
 regiment came back to Chicago in fine condition and was ten- 
 dered an enthusiastic welcome by that great city. Thus two 
 entire regiments represented the country abroad in this, its 
 first, foreign war with a European power. 
 
 It should also be recorded that although the Ninth United 
 States Volunteers was composed of persons who were classed 
 as immune, and had come chiefly from Louisiana, and not- 
 withstanding that the officers of the regiment above lieuten- 
 ants were white men, and the colonel an officer of the Regular 
 Army of long experience, and was specially praised by so 
 good a sanitarian as General Wood for having been constant 
 and untiring in his efforts to look after the welfare of his 
 men, and that the surgeons of the regiment were white men, 
 that deaths among the colored men numbered one officer and 
 seventy-three enlisted men. In striking contrast with this rec- 
 ord of the immune regiment is that of the Eighth Illinois, 
 which was made up entirely of residents of that State and offi- 
 cered throughout by colored men. Its medical officers were 
 men of high character, and its losses by death were just 
 twenty, or but little over one-fourth the number that occurred 
 in the immune regiment. An efficient auxiliary society to 
 this regiment was formed of colored ladies of Chicago who 
 forwarded to the sick in Cuba more than six hundred dol- 
 lars worth of well chosen supplies, which did much for the 
 comfort of those in the hospital ; but this would not account 
 for the great difference in the death rate of the two regi- 
 ments. Though not immune, the Eighth Illinois fared very 
 much better than the so-called immune regiment, although 
 
THE COLORED VOLUNTEERS 2S9 
 
 the latter had the benefit of white officers. The experience 
 of the Twenty-third Kansas did not differ in any important 
 respect from that of the Eighth Illinois. Both regiments re- 
 turned to their homes in March, 1899, and were mustered out 
 of the service, leaving behind them good records for efficiency. 
 
 The Sixth Virginia Regiment consisted of eight companies 
 and was under command of Lieutenant-Colonel Richard C. 
 Croxton, of the Regular Army, white, with Majors J. B. 
 Johnson and W. H. Johnson, colored. It was mustered into 
 service during the latter part of the summer and went into 
 camp near Knoxville, Tennessee. Here an order came from 
 Corps Headquarters, at Lexington, Kentucky, directing that 
 nine of the officers, including one major, should appear be- 
 fore a board of examiners in order to give evidence of their 
 fitness to command. The officers named, regarding this as un- 
 called for, immediately tendered their resignations. The va- 
 cancies thus created were filled by the Governor of the State, 
 the appointees being white men. These white officers on ar- 
 riving at the camp and finding themselves unwelcome, im- 
 mediately followed in the wake of their colored predecessors, 
 and tendered their resignations. 
 
 The difficulties arising from this friction were somehow ad- 
 justed, but in what manner the reports available at this time 
 do not show. Moving to Macon, Georgia, the regiment re- 
 mained in the service until some time in the winter, when it 
 was mustered out. Much was said by the local papers to the 
 detriment of the men composing this regiment, but viewing 
 their action from the standpoint of the civilian and citizen, it 
 does not appear reprehensible. They had volunteered with 
 the understanding that their own officers, officers with whom 
 they were well acquainted, and in whose friendship they held 
 
 19 
 
*90 THE COLORED VOLUNTEERS 
 
 a place, should command them, and when they saw these offi- 
 cers displaced and white strangers put in their stead, they felt 
 a pardonable indignation, and took their own way of express- 
 ing it. As soldiers, their conduct in resisting authority, can- 
 not be commended. 
 
 The Third North Carolina Volunteer Infantry was or- 
 ganized as were the regiments of Illinois and Kansas, above 
 described. The officers of the North Carolina Regiment were 
 all colored men of that State and were men of character and 
 note. Its commanding officer, Colonel Young, had held re- 
 sponsible positions under both State and National Govern- 
 ments, had been editor of a paper and member of the State 
 Legislature and Major in the State militia. In character, he 
 was above reproach, being a strict teetotaler and not even 
 using tobacco. The regiment made a good record, but did noi 
 see any active service. 
 
 A peculiar regiment was organized in Alabama, known as 
 the Third Alabama Volunteer Infantry, in which the enlisted 
 men were all colored and the officers all white. The regiment 
 saw no service and attracted no attention outside of its im- 
 mediate locality. 
 
 Two companies of colored men with colored captains were 
 also mustered into the United States service from Indiana, 
 and finally attached to Colonel Huggins' command, although 
 not becoming a part of his regiment, the Eighth Immunes. 
 They were stationed at Fort Thomas, Ky., and at Chicka- 
 mauga, and were mustered out early. Their officers were men 
 of intelligence who had acquired experience by several years' 
 service in the militia, and the companies were exceptionally 
 well drilled. They were designated Companies A and B and 
 were commanded by Captains Porter and Buckner, with Lieu- 
 tenant Thomas as Quartermaster. 
 
THE COLORED VOLUNTEERS 29 1 
 
 The organization of the four immune regiments, already 
 mentioned, gave opportunity for ninety-six colored men to 
 obtain commissions as lieutenants. A few of these positions 
 were seized upon by influential young white men, who held 
 them, but with no intention of ever serving in the regiments, 
 as they found staff positions much more congenial to their 
 tastes. The colored men who were appointed lieutenants in 
 these regiments were generally either young men of ability 
 and influence who had assisted in getting up their companies, 
 and who in many cases had received some elementary military 
 instruction as cadets in school, or men who had distinguished 
 themselves by efficiency or gallantry in the Regular Army. 
 Some exceptions there were, of course, and a few received 
 commissions in consequence of personal friendship and politi- 
 cal considerations. Before these regiments were mustered out 
 of the service about one-half of the lieutenants were men from 
 the Regular Army. 
 
 I am sure the reader will be pleased to learn that Sergeants 
 Foster, Buck and Givens, whose deeds in Cuba have already 
 been related, were rewarded with commissions, and that the 
 gallant Thomas C. Butler, who rushed forward from his com- 
 pany's line and seized the Spanish standard at El Caney, was 
 afterward permitted to serve in Cuba with the rank of a com- 
 missioned officer. Besides those named above, there were 
 others also of marked ability and very respectable attainments 
 who received commissions on general merit, as well as for gal- 
 lantry. Chief among the class promoted for efficiency was 
 First Lieutenant James R. Gillespie, formerly Post Quarter- 
 master-Sergeant. Gillespie had served several vears in the 
 Tenth Cavalry and had proved himself an excellent soldier. 
 Both in horsemanship and as marksman he was up to the 
 
292 THE COLORED VOLUNTEERS 
 
 standard, while his character and business qualifications were 
 such as to secure for him a staff position of responsibility. As 
 Quartermaster-Sergeant he held positions of important posts 
 and filled them with great satisfaction. Because of his effi- 
 ciency as a soldier he was given a commission as First Lieu- 
 tenant and executed the duties of his office with the same 
 ability that had marked his career as an enlisted man. From 
 the Tenth Cavalry also came First Lieutenant Baker, whose 
 commission was a tribute to his fidelity and efficiency. A sol- 
 dier of high type he bore his commission and its honors as 
 worthily as any son of our Republic. In the same category 
 must be placed First Lieutenant Wm. McBrver, formerly Ser- 
 geant in the Twenty-fifth Infantry. McBryer had served in 
 the Tenth Cavalry and had won a Medal of Honor in conflict 
 with the Indians. He was a soldier distinguished by strength 
 )f character, prompt executiveness, quick decision and cour- 
 age. He was also possessed of considerable literary skill, was 
 a good speaker and attractive writer, and a man of fine parts. 
 He was a valuable acquisition to the volunteer service and 
 would have made a fine captain. 
 
 Of the colored sergeants from the Regular Army who were 
 o-iven commissions in the volunteer service it would not be ex- 
 travagant to say that all were men of worth, well-tried in the 
 service, and there was scarcely one of them but could have 
 successfully commanded a company. Lieutenant A. J. Smith, 
 formerly First Sergeant in the Twenty-fifth Infantry, was so 
 well informed in the paper work of the army and in com- 
 pany administration particularly that he was regarded as an 
 authority, and he was so well experienced in the whole life of 
 a soldier, in camp, field, garrison and in battle, that it would 
 have been difficult to find his superior in the army. To the 
 
THE COLORED VOLUNTEERS 293 
 
 credit of all of the enlisted men of the Regular Army referred 
 to, who received commissions in the volunteer service, all 
 served honorably and were mustered out without bringing any 
 scandal of any sort upon the service. 
 
 The colored volunteers in the service acquitted themselves 
 as well as the average volunteer, and when mustered out pro- 
 ceeded to their homes about as others did. The treatment ac- 
 corded them in some of the Southern cities, especially in 
 Nashville, Tennessee, did not speak well for the loyalty of that 
 section, nor was it such as might reasonably be expected from 
 a people who had fared so well in the offices and honors of the 
 short war. From the best sources available, it seems incum- 
 bent to say that the many charges alleged against the colored 
 volunteers for excessive rioting and disorder were without 
 proper foundation, and the assaults made upon them unjus- 
 tifiable and cruel. The spirit of the assailants is best seen 
 from a description of the attack made upon the unarmed dis- 
 charged soldiers of the Eighth Immuners in Nashville, already 
 alluded to. This description was made by the sheriff who 
 participated in the brutality. An officer who was on the 
 train, and who was asleep at the time, when aroused went into 
 the car where the men were and found that they had been 
 beaten and robbed, and in some instances their discharges 
 taken from them and torn up, and their weapons and money 
 taken from them by citizens. It was about one o'clock A. M. 
 and the men were generally asleep when attacked. The sheriff 
 gloats over it in language which ought not be allowed to dis- 
 appear : 
 
 "It was the best piece of work I ever witnessed. The police 
 went to the depot, not armed with the regulation 'billy,' but 
 carrying stout hickory clubs about two and one-half feet long. 
 
294 THE COLORED VOLUNTEERS 
 
 Their idea was that a mahogany or lignum vitae billy was too 
 costly a weapon to be broken over a Negro's head. The police 
 were on board the train before it stopped even, and the way 
 they went for the Negroes was inspiring. The police tolerated 
 no impudence, much less rowdyism, from the Negroes, and if 
 a darky even looked mad, it was enough for some policeman 
 to bend his club double over his head. In fact after the police 
 finished with them they were the meekest, mildest, most polite 
 set of colored men I ever saw." This language is respectfully 
 dedicated to the memory of the proud city of Nashville, and 
 presents to the readers the portrait of her police. 
 
 Despite this vile treatment, the colored soldier went on to 
 his home, ready again to respond to his country's call, and to 
 rally to the defence of his country's flag, and, incidentally, 
 to the preservation of the lives and homes of the misguided, 
 heartless beings who can delight in his sufferings. The 
 hickory club belongs to one sort of warrior ; the rifle to quite 
 another. The club and rifle represent different grades of civi- 
 lization. The Negro has left the club; the language from 
 Nashville does honor to the club. Billy and bully are the 
 theme of this officer of the law, and for a "darkey even to look 
 mad" is ample justification for "some policeman to bend his 
 club double over his head." Were these policemen rioters? 
 Or were they conservaters of the peace? Judge ye! 
 
OHIO VOLUNTEER INFANTRY 295 
 
 OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE NINTH (SEPARATE) 
 BATTALION, OHIO VOLUNTEER INFANTRY. 
 
 By the Battalion Adjutant, Lieutenant Wilson Ballard. 
 
 The Ninth Battalion, Ohio Volunteer Infantry, the only col- 
 ored organization from Ohio in the Volunteer Army during 
 the war with Spain, was, previous to the date of its muster 
 into the United States service, known as the Ninth Battalion, 
 Ohio National Guard. April 25th, 1898, the battalion, con- 
 sisting of three companies, A from Springfield, under Captain 
 R. R. Rudd; B from Columbus, under Captain James Hop- 
 kins, and C from Xenia, under Captain Harry H. Robinson, 
 was ordered into camp at Columbus, Ohio. The battalion was 
 under the command of Major Charles Fillmore. 
 
 May 14, 1898, the battalion was mustered into the volunteer 
 service by Captain Rockefeller, U. S. A. Lieutenant Charles 
 Young, U. S. A., then on duty at Wilberforce University, 
 Wilberforce, Ohio, as professor of military science and tactics, 
 was commissioned by Governor Bushnell as Major command- 
 ing the Ninth Battalion, O. V. I., relieving Major Fillmore. 
 In order to enable Lieutenant Young to accept his volunteer 
 commission, he was granted an indefinite leave of absence by 
 the War Department. 
 
 May 19, 1898, the command having been ordered to join 
 the Second Army Corps at Camp Russell A. Alger, near Falls 
 Church, Va., left Camp Bushnell and arrived at Camp Alger 
 May 21, 1898. 
 
 When Major-General Graham assumed command of the 
 Second Army Corps and organized it into divisions, the bat- 
 talion was placed in the provisional division. In June (ex- 
 act date not remembered) the battalion was placed in the 
 Second Brigade, Second Division, being brigaded with the 
 Twelfth Pennsylvania and Seventh Illinois Regiments. The 
 battalion was relieved from the Second Brigade. Second Divis- 
 ion and placed in the Second Brigade, First Division, being 
 brigaded with the Eighth Ohio and Sixth Massachusetts. 
 
 A New Jersey regiment was relieved from duty as corps 
 
296 OHIO VOLUNTEER INFANTRY 
 
 headquarters 1 guard late in June and the Ninth Battalion as- 
 signed to that duty. The battalion performed this duty until 
 it was ordered South from Camp Meade, Penn., when it be 
 came separated from corps headquarters. Important outposts, 
 such as the entrance to Falls Church and the guarding of the 
 citizens' gardens and property, were under the charge of the 
 command. 
 
 When General Garretson's brigade (Second Brigade, Firs: 
 Division, consisting of the Eighth Ohio, Ninth Battalion and 
 Sixth Massachusetts) was ordered to Cuba, General Graham, 
 thinking that his entire Army Corps would soon be ordered to 
 active service, requested the War Department, as the battalion 
 was his headquarters guard, to let the battalion remain with 
 him. (See telegrams Gen. Graham's report to the Secretary 
 of War.) General Graham's request being honored by the de- 
 partment, the battalion was deprived of this chance of seeing 
 active service in foreign fields. The battalion was then at- 
 tached to the Second Brigade, Second Division, under Brig- 
 adier-General Plummer, being brigaded with the First New 
 Jersey, Sixty-fifth New York and Seventh Ohio. 
 
 In July the battalion was relieved from this brigade and 
 attached directly to corps headquarters. When the Second 
 Army Corps was ordered to Camp Meade, Penna., the bat- 
 talion was one of the first to break camp, going with corps 
 headquarters. The battalion left Camp R. A. Alger August 
 15, 1898, and arrived in camp at Camp George G. Meade, 
 near Middletown, Penna., August 16, 1898. In camp the bat- 
 talion occupied a position with the signal and engineer corps 
 and hospital, near corps headquarters. 
 
 When the Peace Jubilee was held in Philadelphia, the bat- 
 talion was one of the representative commands from the Sec- 
 ond Army Corps, being given the place of honor in the corps 
 in the parade, following immediately General Graham and 
 staff. When the corps was ordered South the battalion was 
 assigned to the Second Brigade under Brigadier-General 
 Ames. The battalion left Camp Meade November 17. Up to 
 this time it had done the guard duty of corps headquarters 
 and was complimented for its efficient work by the com- 
 
OHIO VOLUNTEER INFANTRY 297 
 
 mending general. The battalion arrived in Summerville, S. 
 C, November 21, 1898. It was brigaded with the Fourteenth 
 Pennsylvania and Third Connecticut. 
 
 When the battalion arrived in the South the white citizens 
 were not at all favorably disposed toward colored soldiers, 
 and it must be said that the reception was not cordial. But 
 by their orderly conduct and soldierly behavior the men 
 soon won the respect of all, and the battalion was well treated 
 before it left. November 28-29 Major Philip Reade, Inspec- 
 tor General First Division, Second Army Corps, inspected the 
 Ninth Battalion, beginning his duties in that brigade with this 
 inspection. He complimented the battalion for its work both 
 from a practical and theoretical standpoint. Coming to the 
 Fourteenth Pennsylvania he required them to go through cer- 
 tain movements in the extended order drill which not being 
 done entirely to his satisfaction, he sent his orderly to the 
 commanding officer of the Ninth Battalion, requesting him to 
 have his command on the drill ground at once. The battalion 
 fell in and marched to the ground and when presented to the 
 Inspector orders were given for it to go through with cer- 
 tain movements in the extended order drill in the presence of 
 the Pennsylvania regiment. This done, the Inspector dis- 
 missed the battalion, highly complimenting Major Young on 
 the efficiency of his command. Just after the visit of the In- 
 spector General, General S. B. M. Young, commanding the 
 Second Army Corps, visited Camp Marion. Orders were sent 
 to Major Young one morning to have his battalion fall in at 
 once, as the General desired to have them drill. By his com- 
 mand the battalion went through the setting-up exercises and 
 battalion drill in close and extended order. The General was 
 so well pleased with the drill that the battalion was exempted 
 from all work during the remainder of the day. 
 
 The battalion was ordered to be mustered out January 29, 
 1899. Lieutenant Geo, W. Van Deusen, First Artillery, who 
 was detailed to muster out the command, hardly spent fifteen 
 minutes in the camp. Major Young had been detailed As- 
 sistant Commissary of Musters and signed all discharges for 
 
298 
 
 OHIO VOLUNTEER INFANTRY 
 
 the Ninth Battalion, except for the field and staff, which were 
 signed by Lieutenant Van Deusen. The companies left for 
 their respective cities the same night they were paid. Major 
 Bullis was the paymaster. 
 
COLORED OFFICERS 299 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 COLORED OFFICERS. 
 
 By Captain Frank R. Steward, A. B., LL. B., Harvard, Forty-ninth 
 U. S. Volunteer Infantry — Appendix. 
 
 Of all the avenues open to American citizenship the com- 
 missioned ranks of the army and navy have been the stubborn- 
 est to yield to the newly enfranchised. Colored men have 
 filled almost every kind of public office or trust save the Chief 
 Magistracy. They have been members of both Houses of 
 Congress, and are employed in all the executive branches of 
 the Government, but no Negro has as yet succeeded in invad- 
 ing the commissioned force of the navy, and his advance in 
 the army has been exceedingly slight. Since the war, as has 
 been related, but three Negroes have been graduated from the 
 National Military Academy at West Point; of these one was 
 speedily crowded out of the service; another reached the grade 
 of First Lieutenant and died untimely; the third, First Lieu- 
 tenant Charles Young, late Major of the 9th Ohio Battalion, 
 U. S. Volunteers, together with four colored Chaplains, con- 
 stitute the sole colored commissioned force of our Regular 
 Army. 
 
 Although Negroes fought in large numbers in both the 
 Revolution and the War of 1812, there is no instance of any 
 Negro attaining or exercising the rank of commissioned offi- 
 cer. It is a curious bit of history, however, that in the Civil 
 War those who were fighting to keep colored men enslaved 
 were the first to commission colored officers. In Louisiana 
 
300 COLORED OFFICERS 
 
 but a few days after the outbreak of the war, the free col- 
 ored population of New Orleans organized a military organi- 
 zation, called the "Native Guard," which was accepted into 
 the service of the State and its officers were duly commis- 
 sioned by the Governor.* 
 
 These Negro soldiers were the first to welcome General 
 Butler when he entered New Orleans, and the fact of the or- 
 ganization of the "Native Guard" by the Confederates was 
 used by General Butler as the basis for the organization of 
 three colored regiments of "Native Guards," all the line offi- 
 cers of which were colored men. Governor Pinchback, who 
 was a captain in one of these regiments, tells the fate of these 
 early colored officers . 
 
 *Headquarters Department of the Gulf, 
 
 New Orleans, August 22, 1862. 
 General Orders No. 63. 
 
 "Whereas, on the 23d day of April, in the year eighteen hundred and 
 sixty-one, at a public meeting of the free colored population of the city 
 of New Orleans, a military organization, known as the 'Native Guards' 
 (colored), had its existence, which military organization was duly and 
 legally enrolled as a part of the militia of the State, its officers being 
 commissioned by Thomas O. Moore, Governor and Commander-in- 
 Chief of the militia of the State of Louisiana, in the form following, 
 that is to say: 
 
 The State of Louisiana. 
 
 (Seal of the State.) 
 
 By Thomas Overton Moore, Governor of the State of Louisiana, 
 and commander-in-chief of the militia thereof. 
 
 " 'In the name and by the authority of the State of Louisiana: Know 
 
 ye that , having been duly and legally elected captain of the 
 
 "Native Guards" (colored), first division of the Militia of Louisiana, 
 to serve for the term of the war, 
 
 " T do hereby appoint and commission him captain as aforesaid, to 
 take rank as such, from the 2d day of May, eighteen hundred and sixty- 
 one. 
 
 " 'He is, therefore, carefully and diligently to discharge the duties of 
 his office by doing and performing all manner of things thereto belong- 
 ing. And I do strictly charge and require all officers, non-commissioned 
 officers and privates under his command to be obedient to his orders as 
 captain; and he is to observe and follow such orders and directions, 
 from time to time, as he shall receive from me, or the future Governor 
 
COLORED OFFICERS 3OI 
 
 "There were," he writes, "in New Orleans some colored 
 soldiers known as 'Native Guards' before the arrival of the 
 Federal soldiers, but I do not know much about them. It was 
 a knowledge of this fact that induced General Butler, then in 
 command of the Department of the Gulf, to organize three 
 regiments of colored soldiers, viz : The First, Second and 
 Third Regiments of Native Guards. 
 
 "The First Regiment of Louisiana Native Guards, Colonel 
 Stafford commanding, with all the field officers white, and a 
 full complement of line officers (30) colored, was mustered 
 into service at New Orleans September 27, 1862, for three 
 years. Soon after General Banks took command of the de- 
 partment and changed the designation of the regiment to 
 First Infantry, Corps d'Afrique. April 4th, 1864, it was 
 changed again to Seventy-third United States Colored In- 
 fantry. 
 
 of the State of Louisiana, or other superior officers, according to the 
 Rules and Articles of War, and in conformity to law. 
 
 '' 'In testimony whereof, I have caused these letters to be made 
 patent, and the seal of the State to be hereunto annexed. 
 
 " 'Given under my hand, at the city of Baton Rouge, on the second 
 day of May, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and 
 sixty-one. 
 
 (L. S.) (Signed) THOS. O. MOORE. 
 
 " 'By the Governor: 
 
 (Signed) P. D. HARDY. 
 
 Secretary of State. 
 
 (Wilson: Black Phalanx, p. 194.) 
 
 *"On the 23d of November, 1861, there was a grand review of the 
 Confederate troops stationed at New Orleans. An Associated Press 
 despatch announced that the line was seven miles long. The feature of 
 the review, however, was one regiment of fourteen hundred free colored 
 men. Another grand review followed the next spring, and on the ap- 
 pearance of rebel negroes a local paper made the following comment: 
 
 " 'We must also pay a deserved compliment to the companies of free 
 colored men, all very well drilled and comfortably uniformed. Most 
 of these companies, quite unaided by the administration, have supplied 
 themselves with arms without regard to cost or trouble. On the same 
 day one of these negro companies was presented with a flag, and every 
 evidence of public approbation was manifest.' " 
 
 (Williams's Negro Troops in the Rebellion, pp. 83-4.; 
 
302 COLORED OFFICERS 
 
 "The Second Louisiana Native Guards, with Colonel N. 
 W. Daniels and Lieutenant-Colonel Hall, white, and Major 
 Francis E. Dumas, colored, and all the line officers colored ex- 
 cept one Second Lieutenant, was mustered into service for 
 three years, October 12, 1862. General Banks changed its 
 designation to Second Infantry Corps d' Afrique, June 6, 1863, 
 and April 6, 1864, it was changed to Second United States 
 Colored Troops. Finally it was consolidated with the Ninety- 
 first as the Seventy-fourth Colored Infantry, and mustered out 
 October 11, 1865. 
 
 "The Third Regiment of Louisiana Native Guards, with 
 Colonel Nelson and all field officers white, and all line offi- 
 cers (30) colored, was mustered into service at New Orleans 
 for three years, November 24, 1862. Its designation went 
 through the same changes as the others at the same dates, and 
 it was mustered out November 25, 1865, as the Seventy-fifth 
 Colored Infantry. 
 
 "Soon after the organization of the Third Regiment, trouble 
 for the colored officers began, and the department began a sys- 
 tematic effort to get rid of them. A board of examiners was 
 appointed and all COLORED officers of the Third Regiment 
 were ordered before it. They refused to obey the order and 
 tendered their resignations in a body. The resignations were 
 accepted and that was the beginning of the end. Like action 
 with the same results followed in the First and Second Regi- 
 ments, and colored officers were soon seen no more. All were 
 driven out of the service except three or four who were never 
 ordered to appear before the examining board. Among these 
 was your humble servant. I was then Captain of Company A, 
 Second Regiment, but I soon tired of my isolation and re- 
 signed," 
 
COLORED OFFICERS 303 
 
 Later on in the war, with the general enlistment of colored 
 soldiers, a number of colored chaplains and some surgeons 
 were commissioned. Towards the close of the war several col- 
 ored line officers and a field officer or two were appointed. 
 The State of Massachusetts was foremost in according this 
 recognition to colored soldiers. But these later appointments 
 came, in most cases, after the fighting was all over, and gave 
 few opportunities to command. At the close of the war, with 
 the muster out of troops, the colored officers disappeared and 
 upon the reorganization of the army, despite the brilliant rec- 
 ord of the colored soldier no Negro was given a commission 
 of any sort. 
 
 The outbreak of the Spanish War brought the question of 
 colored officers prominently to the front. The colored people 
 began at once to demand that officers of their own race be 
 commissioned to command colored volunteers. They were not 
 to' be deluded by any extravagant praise of their past heroic 
 services, which veiled a determination to ignore their just 
 claims. So firmly did they adhere to their demands that but 
 one volunteer regiment of colored troops, the Third Alabama, 
 could be induced to enter the service with none of its officers 
 colored. But the concessions obtained were always at the ex- 
 pense of continuous and persistent effort, and in the teeth of a 
 very active and at times extremely violent opposition. We 
 know already the kind of opposition the Eighth Illinois, the 
 Twenty-third Kansas, and the Third North Carolina Regi- 
 ments, officered entirely by colored men, encountered. It was 
 this opposition, as we have seen, which confined colored offi- 
 cers to positions below the grade of captain in the four im- 
 mune regiments. From a like cause, we know also, distin- 
 guished non-commissioned officers of the four regular regi- 
 
304 COLORED OFFICERS 
 
 ments of colored troops were allowed promotion only to Lieu- 
 tenantcies in the immune regiments, and upon the muster our 
 of those organizations, were compelled, if they desired to con- 
 tinue soldiering, to resume their places as enlisted men. 
 
 There is some explanation for this opposition in the nature 
 of the distinction which military rank confers. Military rank 
 and naval rank constitute the only real distinction among us. 
 Our officers of the army and navy, and of the army more than 
 of the navy, because the former officers are more constantly 
 within the country, make up the sole separate class of our 
 population. We have no established nobility. Wealth con- 
 fers no privilege which men are bound to observe. The re- 
 spect paid to men who attain eminence in science and learn- 
 ing goes only as far as they are kown. The titles of the pro- 
 fessions are matters of courtesy and customs only. Our 
 judges and legislators, our governors and mayors, are still 
 our "fellow citizens," and the dignity they enjoy is but an 
 honorary one. The highest office within our gift offers no 
 exception. At the close of his term, even an ex-President, 
 "that melancholy product of our system," must resume his 
 place among his fellow citizens, to sink, not infrequently, into 
 obscurity. But fifty thousand soldiers must stand attention 
 to the merest second lieutenant ! His rank is a fact. The life 
 tenure, the necessities of military discipline and administra- 
 tion, weld army officers into a distinct class and make our 
 military system the sole but necessary relic of personal govern- 
 ment. Any class with special privileges is necessarily conser- 
 vative. 
 
 The intimate association of "officer" and "gentleman," a 
 legacy of feudal days, is not without significance. An officer 
 must also be a gentleman, and "conduct unbecoming an officer 
 
COLORED OFFICERS 305 
 
 and a gentleman" is erected into an offence punishable by dis- 
 missal from the service. The word "gentleman" has got far 
 away from the strict significance of its French parent. De 
 Tocqueville has made us see the process of this development. 
 Passing over to England, with the changing conditions, "gen- 
 tleman" was used to describe persons lower and lower in the 
 social scale, until, when it crossed to this country, its sig- 
 nificance became lost in an indiscriminate application to all 
 citizens.* A flavor of its caste significance still remains in the 
 traditional "high sense of honor" characteristic of our mili- 
 tary service. It was a distant step for a slave and freedman 
 to become an officer and gentleman. 
 
 While the above reflections may be some explanations in 
 fact for the opposition to the commissioning of Negroes, there 
 was no one with hardihood enough to bring them forward. 
 Such notions might form the groundwork of a prejudice, but 
 they could not become the reason of a policy. It is an in- 
 stinctive tribute to the good sense of the American people 
 that the opponents of colored officers were comoelled to find 
 reasons of another kind for their antagonism. 
 
 The one formula heard always in the campaign against 
 colored officers was : Negroes cannot command. This for- 
 mula was sent forth with every kind of variation, from the 
 fierce fulminations of the hostile Southern press, to the more 
 apologetic and philosophical discussions of our Northern secu- 
 lar and religious journals. To be sure, every now and then, 
 there were exhibitions of impatience against the doctrine. 
 Not a few newspapers had little tolerance for the nonsense. 
 Some former commanders of Negro soldiers in the Civil War, 
 notably, General T. J. Morgan, spoke out in their behalf. The 
 
 *De Tocqueville : L'Ancicn Regime et La Revolution, p. 125-6, 
 20 
 
306 COLORED OFFICERS 
 
 brilliant career of the black regulars in Cuba broke the spell 
 for a time, but the re-action speedily set in. In short it be- 
 came fastened pretty completely in the popular mind as a 
 bit of demonstrated truth that Negroes could not make offi- 
 cers; that colored soldiers would neither follow nor obey offi- 
 cers of their own race. 
 
 This formula had of course to ignore an entire epoch of 
 history. It could take no account of that lurid program 
 wrought in the Antilles a century ago — a rising mob of rebel 
 slaves, transformed into an invincible army of tumultuous 
 blacks, under the guidance of the immortal Toussaint, over- 
 coming the trained armies of three Continental powers, Spain, 
 England and France, and audaciously projecting a black re- 
 public into the family of nations, a program at once a marvel 
 and a terror to the civilized world. 
 
 Not alone in Hayti, but throughout the States of Central 
 and South America have Negroes exercised military com- 
 mand, both in the struggles of these states for independence, 
 and in their national armies established after independence. 
 At least one soldier of Negro blood, General Dumas, father 
 of the great novelist, arose to the rank of General of Division 
 in the French Army and served under Napoleon. In our 
 day we have seen General Dodds, another soldier of Negro 
 blood, returning from a successful campaign in Africa, ac- 
 claimed throughout France, his immense popularity threaten- 
 ing Paris with a renewal of the hysterical days of Boulanger. 
 Finally, we need not be told that at the very head and front of 
 the Cuban Rebellion were Negroes of every hue, exercising 
 every kind of command up to the very highest. We need but 
 recall the lamented Maceo, the Negro chieftain, whose tragic 
 end brought sorrow and dismay to all of Cuba. With an army 
 
COLORED OFFICERS 307 
 
 thronging with blacks and mulattoes, these Cuban chieftains, 
 black, mulatto and white, prolonged such an harassing war- 
 fare as to compel the intervention of the United States. At 
 the end of this recital, which could well have been extended 
 with greater particularity, if it were thought needful, we are 
 bound to conclude that the arbitrary formula relied upon by 
 the opponents of colored officers was never constructed to fit 
 such an obstinate set of facts. 
 
 The prolonged struggle which culminated in permitting 
 the Negro's general enlistment in our Civil War had only 
 to be repeated to secure for him the full pay of a soldier, the 
 right to be treated as a prisoner of war, and to relieve him of 
 the monopoly of fatigue and garrison duty. He was too over- 
 joyed with the boon of fighting for the liberation of his race 
 to make much contention about who was to lead him. With 
 meagre exception, his exclusive business in that war was to 
 carry a gun. Yet repeatedly Negro soldiers evinced high 
 capacity for command. Colonel Thomas W'entworth Higgin- 
 son draws a glowing portrait of Sergeant Prince Rivers, 
 Color-Sergeant of the First South Carolina Volunteers, a 
 regiment of slaves, organized late in 1862. The Color-Ser- 
 geant was provost-Sergeant also, and had entire charge of the 
 prisoners and of the daily policing of the camp. 
 
 "He is a man of distinguished appearance and in old times 
 was the crack coachman of Beaufort. * * They tell 
 
 me that he was once allowed to present a petition to the Gov- 
 ernor of South Carolina in behalf of slaves, for the redress 
 of certain grievances, and that a placard, offering two thous- 
 and dollars for his re-capture is still to be seen by the wayside 
 between here and Charleston. He was a sergeant in the old 
 'Hunter Regiment,' and was taken by General Hunter to New 
 
308 COLORED OFFICERS 
 
 York last spring, where the chevrons on his arm brought a 
 mob upon him in Broadway, whom he kept off till the police 
 interfered. There is not a white officer in this regiment who 
 has more administrative ability, or more absolute authority 
 over the men ; they do not love him, but his mere presence has 
 controlling power over them. He writes well enough to pre- 
 pare for me a daily report of his duties in the camp; if his 
 education reached a higher point I see no reason why he 
 should not command the Army of the Potomac. He is jet- 
 black, or rather, I should say, wine-black, his complexion, like 
 that of others of my darkest men, having a sort of rich, clear 
 depth, without a trace of sootiness, and to my eye very hand- 
 some. His features are tolerably regular, and full of com- 
 mand, and his figure superior to that of any of our white offi- 
 cers, being six feet high, perfectly proportioned, and of ap- 
 parently inexhaustable strength and activity. His gait is like 
 a panther's ; I never saw such a tread. No anti-slavery novel 
 has described a man of such marked ability. He makes 
 Toussaint perfectly intelligible, and if there should ever be a 
 black monarchy in South Carolina he will be its king."* 
 
 Excepting the Louisiana Native Guards, the First South 
 Carolina Volunteers was the first regiment of colored troops 
 to be mustered into the service in the Civil War. The regi- 
 ment was made up entirely of slaves, with scarcely a mulatto 
 among them. The first day of freedom for these men was 
 passed in uniform and with a gun. Among these Negroes, 
 just wrested from slavery, their scholarly commander, Colonel 
 Higginson, could find many whom he judged well fitted by 
 nature to command. 
 
 "Afterwards I had excellent battalion drills," he writes, 
 
 *Thomas Westworth Higginson: Army Life in a Black Regiment, 
 pp. 57-3. 
 
COLORED OFFICERS 309 
 
 "without a single white officer, by way of experiment, putting 
 each company under a serg-eant, and going through the most 
 difficult movements, such as division columns and oblique 
 squares. And as to actual discipline, it is doing no injustice 
 to the line-officers of the regiment to say that none of them re- 
 ceived from the men more implicit obedience than Color-Ser- 
 geant Rivers. * * * It always seemed to me an insult 
 to those brave men to have novices put over their heads, on 
 the ground of color alone, and the men felt it the more keenly 
 as they remained" longer in the service. There were more 
 than seven hundred enlisted men in the regiment, when mus- 
 tered out after more than three years' service. The ranks had 
 been kept full by enlistment, but there were only fourteen 
 line-officers instead of the full thirty. The men who should 
 have filled these vacancies were doing duty as sergeants in the 
 ranks."* 
 
 Numerous expeditions were constantly on foot in the De- 
 partment of the South, having for their object the liberation 
 of slaves still held to service in neighborhoods remote from 
 the Union camps, or to capture supplies and munitions of war. 
 Frequently these expeditions came in conflict with armed 
 bodies of rebels and hot engagements would ensue, resulting 
 in considerable loss o>f life. Colored soldiers were particularly 
 serviceable for this work because of their intimate knowledge 
 of the country and their zeal for the rescue of their enslaved 
 brethren. 
 
 One of these expeditions, composed of thirty colored sol- 
 diers and scouts, commanded by Sergeant-Major Henry 
 James, Third United States Colored Troops, left Jacksonville, 
 Florida, early in March, 1865, to penetrate into the interior 
 
 *Thc ""xLworth Higginson: Army Life in a Black Regiment, 
 p. 261. 
 
3IO COLORED OFFICERS 
 
 through Marion county. They destroyed considerable prop- 
 erty in the use of the rebel government, burned the bridge 
 across the Oclawaha River, and started on their return with 
 ninety-one Negroes whom they had rescued from slavery, 
 four white prisoners, some wagons and a large number of 
 horses and mules. They were attacked by a rebel band of 
 more than fifty cavalry. The colored soldiers commanded by 
 one of their own number, defeated and drove off the rebels, 
 inflicting upon them the heavy loss of thirty men. After a 
 long and rapid march they arrived at St. Augustine, Florida, 
 with a loss of but two killed and four wounded, the expedi- 
 tion covering in all five days. These colored soldiers and 
 their colored commander were thanked in orders by Major- 
 General Q. A. Gilmore, commanding the department, who 
 was moved to declare that "this expedition, planned and ex- 
 ecuted by colored men, under the command of a colored non- 
 commissioned officer, reflects credit upon the brave partici- 
 pants and their leader," and "he holds up their conduct to 
 their comrades in arms as an example worthy of emulation."' 11 
 
 It was no uncommon occurrence throughout the Civil War 
 for colored non-commissioned officers to be thrown into com- 
 mand of their companies by the killing or wounding of their 
 superior officers. On many a field of battle this happened and 
 these colored non-commissioned officers showed the same abil- 
 ity to take the initiative and accept the responsibility, and 
 conducted their commands just as bravely and unfalteringly as 
 did their successors on the firing line at La Guasima and El 
 Caney, or in the charge up San Juan Hill. 
 
 In the battle of New Market Heights, fought on the 29th 
 of September, 1864, as part of a comprehensive effort to turn 
 
 ♦Williams's Negro Troops in the Rebellion, pp. 339-40, quoting the 
 order. 
 
COLORED OFFICERS 3II 
 
 Lee's left flank, the great heroism of the black soldiers, and 
 the terrible slaughter among them, impressed their com- 
 mander, the late Major-General Butler, to his dying day, and 
 made him the stout champion of their rights for the rest of his 
 life. In that battle, to quote from the orders putting on record 
 the "gallant deeds of the officers and soldiers of the Army of 
 the James" : — 
 
 "Milton M. Holland, Sergeant-Major Fifth United States 
 Colored Troops, commanding Company C; James H. Bron- 
 son, First Sergeant, commanding Company D ; Robert Pinn, 
 First Sergeant, commanding Company I, wounded ; Powhatan 
 Beaty, First Sergeant, commanding Company G, Fifth United 
 States Colored Troops — all these gallant colored soldiers were 
 left in command, all their company officers being killed or 
 wounded, and led them gallantly and meritoriously through 
 the day. For these services they have most honorable men- 
 tion, and the commanding general will cause a special medal 
 to be struck in honor of these gallant soldiers." 
 
 "First Sergeant Edward Ratcliff, Company C, Thirty- 
 eighth United States Colored Troops, thrown into command 
 of his company by the deaih of the officer commanding, was 
 the first enlisted man in the enemy's works, leading his com- 
 pany with great gallantry for which he has a medal." 
 
 "Sergeant Samuel Gilchrist, Company K, Thirty-sixth 
 United States Colored Troops, showed great bravery and gal- 
 lantry in commanding his company after his officers were 
 killed. He has a medal for gallantry."* 
 
 "Honorable mention" and "medals" were the sole reward 
 open to the brave Negro soldiers of that day. 
 
 Not alone in camp and garrison, in charge of expeditions, 
 
 ♦Williams's Negro Troops in the Rebellion, pp. 334-6, original order 
 quoted. 
 
312 COLORED OFFICERS 
 
 or as non-commissioned officers thrown into command of their 
 companies on the field of battle have Negro soldiers displayed 
 unquestioned capacity for command, but as commissioned 
 ofncers they commanded in camp and in battle, showing 
 marked efficiency and conspicuous gallantry. The colored offi- 
 cers of the First and Second Regiments of Louisiana Native 
 Guards, whose history has been detailed earlier in this chap- 
 ter,* were retained in the service long enough to command 
 their troops in bloody combat with the enemy. It will be re- 
 membered that of the Second Regiment of Louisiana Native 
 Guards only the Colonel and Lieutenant-Colonel were white, 
 the Major, F. E. Dumas, and all the line officers, as in the case 
 of the First Regiment of Louisiana Native Guards, being col- 
 ored. On April 9, 1863, Colonel N. U. Daniels, who com- 
 manded the Second Regiment of Louisiana Native Guards, 
 with a detachment of two hundred men of his regiment, under 
 their colored ofncers, engaged and repulsed a considerable 
 body of rebel infantry and cavalry at Pascagoula, Mississippi. 
 The engagement lasted from 10 A. M. until 2 P. M. and was 
 remarkable for the steadiness, tenacity and bravery of these 
 black troops in this, their first battle, where they succeeded in 
 defeating and beating off an enemy five times their number. 
 The official report by the Colonel commanding declared: 
 "Great credit is due to the troops engaged for their unflinch- 
 ing bravery and steadiness under this, their first fire, ex- 
 changing volley after volley with the coolness of veterans, 
 and for their determined tenacity in maintaining their posi- 
 tion, and taking advantage of every success that their courage 
 and valor gave them ; and also to their officers, who were cool 
 and determined throughout the action, fighting their commands 
 
 *See pp. 351-6 MS. 
 
COLORED OFFICERS 313 
 
 against five times their number, and confident throughout of 
 success. * * * 
 
 "I would particularly call the attention of the department 
 to Major F. E. Dumas, Capt. Villeverd and Lieuts. Jones and 
 Martin, who were constantly in the thickest of the fight, and 
 by their unflinching bravery and admirable handling of their 
 commands, contributed to the success of the attack, and re- 
 flected great honor upon the flag for which they so nobly strug- 
 gled."* 
 
 The battle which settled for all time the bravery of black 
 troops, and ought as well to silence all question about the 
 capacity of colored officers, was the storming of Port Hudson, 
 May 27, 1863. For months the Confederates had had unin- 
 terrupted opportunity to strengthen their works at Port Hud- 
 son at a time when an abundance of slave labor was at their 
 disposal. They had constructed defenses of remarkable 
 strength. On a bluff, eighty feet above the river, was a series 
 of batteries mounting in all twenty siege guns. For land de- 
 fenses they had a continuous line of parapet of strong profile, 
 beginning at a point on the river a mile from Port Hudson 
 and extending in a semi-circle for three or four miles over a 
 country for the most part rough and broken, and ending again 
 at the river, a half mile north of Port Hudson. At appro- 
 priate positions along this line four bastion works were con- 
 structed and thirty pieces of field artillery were posted. The 
 average thickness of the parapet was twenty feet, and the 
 depth of the ditch below the top of the parapet was fifteen 
 feet. The ground behind the parapet was well adapted for 
 the prompt movement of troops.* 
 
 ♦Wilson: Black Phalanx, p. 211, original order quoted. 
 
 ♦Campaigns of the Civil War. F. V. Greene. The Mississippi, p. 
 226 et seq. 
 
314 COLORED OFFICERS 
 
 On the 24th of May General Banks reached the immediate 
 vicinity of Port Hudson, and proceeded at once to invest the 
 place. 
 
 On the 27th the assault was ordered. Two colored regi- 
 ments of Louisiana Native Guards, the First Regiment with 
 all line officers colored, and the Third with white officers 
 throughout, were put under command of Colonel John A. Nel- 
 son, of the Third Regiment, and assigned to position on the 
 right of the line, where the assault was begun. The right 
 began the assault in the morning; for some reason the left did 
 not assault until late in the afternoon. Six companies of the 
 First Louisiana and nine companies of the Third, in all 1080 
 men, were formed in column of attack. Even' now, one can- 
 not contemplate unmoved the desperate valor of these black 
 troops and the terrible slaughter among them as they were 
 sent to their impossible task that day in May. Moving for- 
 ward in double quick time the column emerged from the 
 woods, and passing over the plain strewn with felled trees and 
 entangled brushwood, plunged into a fury of shot and shell as 
 they charged for the batteries on the rebel left. Again and 
 again that unsupported column of black troops held to their 
 hopeless mission by the unrelenting order of the brigade com- 
 mander, hurled itself literally into the jaws of death, many 
 meeting horrible destruction actually at the cannon's mouth. 
 
 It was a day prodigal with deeds of fanatical bravery. The 
 colors of the First Louisiana, torn and shivered in that fearful 
 hail of fire, were still borne forward in front of the works by 
 the color-sergeant, until a shell from the enemy cut the flag 
 in two and gave the sergeant his mortal wound. He fell 
 spattering the flag with blood and brains and hugged it to his 
 bosom as he lay in the grasp of death. Two corporals sprang 
 
COLORED OFFICERS 3 15 
 
 forward to seize the colors, contending in generous rivalry 
 until a rebel sharpshooter felled one of them across the ser- 
 geant's lifeless body. The other dashed proudly forward 
 with the flag. Sixteen men fell that day defending the colors. 
 
 Black officers and white officers commanded side by side, 
 moving among the men to prompt their valor by word and 
 example, revealing no difference in their equal contempt of 
 death. Captain Ouinn, of the Third Regiment, with forty 
 reckless followers, bearing their rifles and cartridge boxes 
 above their heads, swam the ditch and leaped among the guns, 
 when they were ordered back to escape a regiment of rebels 
 hastening for their rear. Six of them re-crossed alive, and 
 of these only two were unhurt, the brave Quinn and a Lieuten- 
 ant. The gallant Captain Andre Cailloux, who commanded 
 the color company of the First Louisiana, a man black as 
 night, but a leader by birth and education, moved in eager 
 zeal among his men, cheering them on by words and his own 
 noble example, with his left arm already shattered, proudly 
 refusing to leave the field. In a last effort of heroism, he 
 sprang to the front of his company, commanded his men to 
 follow him, and in the face of that murderous fire, gallantly 
 led them forward until a shell smote him to death but fifty 
 yards from the works. 
 
 Cailloux, a pure Negro in blood, was born a freeman and 
 numbered generations of freemen among his ancestry. He 
 had fine presence, was a man of culture and possessed 
 wealth. He had raised his company by his own efforts, and at- 
 tached them to him, not only by his ardent pride of race, which 
 made him bo^st his blackness, but also by his undoubted tal- 
 ents for command. His heroic death was mourned by thous- 
 aricTs'of his race who had known him. His body, recovered 
 
316 COLORED OFFICERS 
 
 after the surrender, was given a soldier's burial in his own 
 native city of New Orleans. 
 
 When the day was spent, the bleeding and shattered column 
 was at length recalled. The black troops did not take the 
 guns, but the day's work had won for them a fame that can- 
 not die. The nation, which had received them into the ser- 
 vice half-heartedly, and out of necessity, was that day made 
 to witness a monotony of gallantry and heroism that com- 
 pelled everywhere awe and admiration. Black soldiers, and 
 led by black officers as well as white, assigned a task hope- 
 less and impossible at the start, had plunged into that wither- 
 ing storm of shot and shell, poured fourth by artillery and in- 
 fantry, charging over a field strewn with obstacles, and in 
 madness of bravery had more than once thrown the thin head 
 of their column to the very edge of the guns. They recoiled 
 only to reform their broken lines and to start again their des- 
 perate work. When the day was gone, and they were called 
 back, the shattered remnant of the column which had gone 
 forth in the morning still burned with passion. With that 
 day's work of black soldiers under black officers, a part for- 
 ever of the military glory of the Republic, there are those 
 who yet dare to declare that Negroes cannot command. 
 
 The assault on Port Hudson had been unsuccessful all along 
 the line. A second assault was ordered June 13. It, too, was 
 unsuccessful. The fall of Vicksburg brought the garrison to 
 terms. The surrender took place July 9, 1863. In the re- 
 port of the general commanding, the colored soldiers were 
 given unstinted praise. General Banks declared that "no 
 troops could be more determined or more daring."* The 
 Northern press described glowingly their part in the fight. 
 
 *Williams's Negro Troops in the Rebellion, p. 221, original order 
 quoted. 
 
COLORED OFFICERS 3 I 7 
 
 The prowess of the black soldiers had conquered military pre- 
 judice, and won for them a place in the army of the Union. 
 And the brave black officers who led these black soldiers, they 
 were, all of them, ordered forthwith before an examining 
 board with the purpose of driving- them from the service, and 
 every one of them in self-respect was made to resign. In such 
 manner was their bravery rewarded. 
 
 In the four regiments of colored troops made a part of the 
 Regular Army since the Civil War, colored soldiers, to say 
 nothing of the three colored graduates from West Point, re- 
 ferred to earlier in this chapter, have repeatedly given evi- 
 dence of their capacity to command. An earlier chapter has 
 already set forth the gallant manner in which colored non- 
 commissioned officers, left in command by the killing or 
 wounding of their officers, commanded their companies at La 
 Guasima, El Caney and in the charge at San Juan. On num- 
 erous occasions, with none of the heroic setting of the Santi- 
 ago campaign, have colored soldiers time and again com- 
 mand detachments and companies on dangerous scouting ex- 
 peditions, and in skirmishes and fights with hostile Indians 
 and marauders. The entire Western country is a witness of 
 their prowess. This meritorious work, done in remote re- 
 gions, has seldom come to public notice; the medal which the 
 soldier wears, and the official entry in company and regi- 
 mental record are in most cases the sole chronicle. A typical 
 instance is furnished in the career of Sergeant Richard An- 
 derson, late of the Ninth Cavalry. The sergeant has long 
 ago completed his thirty years of service. He passed through 
 all non-commissioned grades in his troop and regiment, and 
 was retired as Post Commissary-Sergeant. The story of the 
 engagements in which he commanded give ample proof of his 
 
3 l8 COLORED OFFICERS 
 
 ability and bravery. It would be no service to the sergeant 
 to disturb his own frank and formal narrative. 
 
 The Sergeant's story : — 
 
 "While in sub-camp at Fort Cumming, New Mexico, awaiting 
 orders for campaign duty against hostile Indians (old Naney's 
 band), on the evening of June 5, 1880, my troop commander 
 being absent at Fort Bayard, which left me in command of my 
 troop, there being no other commissioned officer available, a re- 
 port having come in to the commanding officer about 1 o'clock 
 that a band of Apache Indians were marching toward Cook's 
 Canon, Troops B and L, under general command of Captain 
 Francis, 9th Cavalry, and myself commanding Troop B, were 
 ordered out. 
 
 We came upon the Indians in Cook's Canon and had an 
 engagement which lasted two or three hours. Three or four 
 Indians were killed and several wounded. We had no men 
 killed, but a few wounded in both L and B Troops. We fol- 
 lowed the Indians many miles that evening, but having no ra- 
 tions, returned to Fort Cumming late that evening, and went 
 into camp until the following morning, when the two troops 
 took the trail and followed it many days, but being unable to 
 overtake the Indians, returned to Fort Cumming. 
 
 In August, 1 88 1, while my troop was in camp at Fort Cum- 
 ming, New Mexico, awaiting orders for another campaign 
 against these same Apache Indians, my troop commander hav- 
 ing been ordered to Fort Bayard, New Mexico, on general 
 court-martial duty, and during his absence having no commis- 
 sioned officer available, I was in command of my troop subject 
 to the orders of the post commander. At 12 o'clock at night, 
 August 17, 1881, while in my tent asleep, the commanding offi- 
 cer's orderly knocked on my tent and informed me that the 
 commanding officer wanted me to report to him at once. I 
 asked the orderly what was up. He informed me that he sup- 
 posed a scout was going out, as the commanding officer had 
 sent for Lieutenant Smith, then in command of Troop H, 9th 
 Cavalry. 
 
 I dressed myself promptly and reported, and found Lieuten- 
 ant Smith and the commanding officer at the office on my ar- 
 rival. 
 
 The commanding officer asked me about how many men I 
 could mount for thirty days' detached duty, leaving so many 
 
COLORED OFFICERS 319 
 
 men to take care of property and horses. I told him about 
 how many. He ordered me to make a ration return for that 
 number of men, and send a sergeant to draw rations for thirty 
 days' scout ; and for me to hurry up, and when ready to report 
 to Lieutenant Smith. By 12.45 m y troop was ready and 
 mounted, and reported as ordered, and at 1 o'clock Troop's 
 B and H pulled out from Fort Cumming for Lake Valley, New 
 Mexico ; and when the sun showed himself over the tops of 
 the mountains we marched down the mountains into Lake Val- 
 ley, thirty-five miles from Fort Cumming. We went into camp 
 hoping to spend a few hours and take a rest, and feed our 
 horses and men. 
 
 About 9 o'clock a small boy came running through camp 
 crying as if to break his heart, saying that the In- 
 dians had killed his mother and their baby. Some of 
 the men said the boy must be crazy ; but many of them 
 made for their horses without orders. Soon Lieutenant Smith 
 ordered "Saddle up." In less than five minutes all the com- 
 mand was saddled up and ready to mount. We mounted and 
 pulled out at a gallop, and continued at that gait until we came 
 to a high mountain, when we came down to a walk. And when 
 over the mountain we took up the gallop, and from that time 
 on, nothing but a gallop and a trot, when the country was favor- 
 able for such. When we had marched about two miles from 
 Lake Valley we met the father of the boy, with his leg bleeding 
 where the Indians had shot him. We marched about half a 
 mile farther, when we could see the Indians leaving this man': 
 ranch. We had a running fight with them from that time until 
 about 5 o'clock that evening, August 18th, 1881. Having no 
 rations, we returned to Lake Valley with the intention of rest- 
 ing that night and taking the trail the next morning; but about 
 9 o'clock that night a ranchman came into camp and reported 
 that the Indians had marched into a milk ranch and burned up 
 the ranch, and had gone into camp near by. 
 
 Lieutenant Smith ordered me to have the command in readi- 
 ness to march at 12 o'clock sharp, and said we could surprise 
 those Indians and capture many of. them and kill a few also. 
 I went and made my detail as ordered, with five days' rations in 
 haversacks, and at 12 o'clock reported as ordered. 
 
 About half-past 12 o'clock the command pulled out and 
 marched within about a mile and a half of the milk ranch and 
 went into camp ; and at daylight in the morning saddled up and 
 
320 COLORED OFFICERS 
 
 marched to the ranch. The Indians had pulled out a few min- 
 utes before our arrival. We took their trail and came up with 
 them about 10 o'clock, rinding the Indians in ambush. Lieuten- 
 ant Smith was the first man killed, and when I heard his last 
 command, which was "Dismount," then the whole command 
 fell upon your humble servant. We fell back, up a canon and 
 on a hill, and held them until 4 o'clock, when a reinforcement 
 came up of about twenty men from Lake Valey and the Indians 
 pulled off over the mountains. The following-named men were 
 killed in the engagement: 
 
 Lieutenant G. W. Smith; Mr. Daily, a miner; Saddler 
 Thomas Golding; Privates James Brown and Monroe Over- 
 street. Wounded — Privates Wesley Harris, John W. Williams 
 and William A. Hallins. 
 
 After the Indians ceased firing and fell back over the moun- 
 tains I cared for the wounded and sent Lieutenant Smith's body 
 to Fort Bayard, New Mexico, where his wife was, which was 
 about sixty miles from the battle-ground, and Mr. Daily's body 
 to Lake Valley, all under a strong detachment of men under a 
 non-commissioned officer ; when I marched with the remainder 
 of the command with the dead and wounded for Rodman Mill, 
 where I arrived about 5 o'clock on the morning of August 20 
 and buried the dead and sent the wounded to Fort Bayard. 
 
 One thing that attracted my attention more than anything 
 else was the suffering of Private John W. Williams, Troop H, 
 who was shot through the kneecap and had to ride all that night 
 from the battle-ground to Brookman's Mill. Poor fellow! 
 
 I buried all my dead, and then marched for Fort Cumming, 
 where we arrived about sunset and reported to General Edward 
 Hatch, then commanding the regiment and also the district of 
 New Mexico, giving him all the details pertaining to the en- 
 gagement. 
 
 General Hatch asked me about how many men I could mount 
 the next morning, the 21st. I informed him about how many. 
 He ordered me to have my troop in readiness by daylight and 
 report to Lieutenant Demmick, then commanding Troop L, 
 and follow that Indian trail. 
 
 My troop was ready as ordered, and marched. We followed 
 those Indians to the line of Old Mexico, but were unable to 
 overtake them. Such was my last engagement with hostile 
 Indians." 
 
COLORED OFFICERS 35, 
 
 The formula that Negroes cannot command, with the fur- 
 ther assertion that colored soldiers will neither follow nor 
 obey officers of their own race, we have now taken out of the 
 heads of its upholders, and away from its secure setting of 
 type on the printed page, and applied it to the facts. Negro 
 soldiers have shown their ability to command by command- 
 ing, not always with shoulder-straps, to be sure, but neverthe- 
 less commanding. With wearying succession, instance after 
 instance, where Negroes have exercised all manner of military 
 command and always creditably, have extended for us a re- 
 cital to the border of monotony, and made formidable test of 
 our patience. In France and the West Indies, in Central and 
 South America, Negroes have commanded armies, in one in- 
 stance fighting under Napoleon, at other times to free them- 
 selves from slavery and their countries from the yoke of op- 
 pression. In our own country, from the days of the Revo- 
 lution, when fourteen American officers declared in a memor- 
 ial to the Congress, that a "Negro man called Salem Poor, 
 of Colonel Frye's regiment, Captain Ames' company, in the 
 late battle at Charlestown, behaved like an experienced officer, 
 as well as an excellent soldier;"* from the first war of the 
 nation down to its last, Negro soldiers have been evincing 
 their capacity to command. In the Civil War. where thous- 
 ands of colored soldiers fought for the Union, their ability to 
 command has been evidenced in a hundred ways, on scouts 
 and expeditions, in camp and in battle ; on two notable occas- 
 ions, Negro officers gallantly fought their commands side by 
 side with white officers, and added lustre to the military glory 
 of the nation. Upon the re-organization of the Regular Army 
 
 *MS. Archives of Massachusetts, Vol. 180. p. 241. quoted in Williams's 
 Negro Troops in the Rebellion, p. 13. 
 
32 2 
 
 COLORED OFFICERS 
 
 at the close of the war the theatre shifted to our Western 
 frontier, where the Negro soldier continued to display his 
 ability to command. Finally, in the Spanish War, just closed, 
 the Negro soldier made the nation again bear witness not 
 alone to his undaunted bravery, but also to his conspicuous 
 capacity to command. Out of this abundant and conclusive 
 array of incontestable facts, frankly, is there anything left 
 to the arbitrary formula that Negroes cannot command, but 
 a string of ipse dixits hung on a very old, but still decidedly 
 robust prejudice? There is no escape from the conclusion that 
 as a matter of fact, with opportunity, Negroes differ in no 
 wise from other men in capacity to exercise military command. 
 Undoubtedly substantial progress has been made respecting 
 colored officers since 1863, when colored soldiers were first 
 admitted in considerable numbers into the armv of the Union. 
 At the period of the Civil War colored officers for colored 
 soldiers was little more than thought of; the sole instance 
 comprised the short-lived colored officers of the three regi- 
 ments of Louisiana Native Guards, and the sporadic appoint- 
 ments made near the close of the war, when the fighting was 
 over. 
 
 More than three hundred colored officers served in the vol- 
 unteer army in the war with Spain. Two Northern States, 
 Illinois and Kansas, and one Southern State, North Carolina, 
 put each in the field as part of its quota a regiment of colored 
 troops officered throughout by colored men. Ohio and In- 
 diana contributed each a separate battalion of colored soldiers 
 entirely under colored officers. 
 
 In 1863 a regiment of colored troops with colored officers 
 was practically impossible. In 1898 a regiment of colored 
 volunteers without some colored officers was almost equally 
 
COLORED OFFICERS 
 
 impossible. In 1863 a regiment of colored soldiers com- 
 manded by colored officers would have been a violation of the 
 sentiment of the period and an outrage upon popular feelings, 
 the appearance of which in almost any Northern city would 
 hardly fail to provoke an angry and resentful mob. At that 
 period, even black recruits in uniforms were frequently as- 
 saulted in the streets of Northern cities. We have seen al- 
 ready how Sergeant Rivers, of the First South Carolina Vol- 
 unteers, had to beat off a mob on Broadway in New York 
 city. In 1898 regiments and battalions of colored troops, with 
 colored colonels and majors in command, came out of States 
 where the most stringent black laws were formerly in force, 
 and were greeted with applause as they passed on their way to 
 their camps or to embark for Cuba. 
 
 In Baltimore, in 1863, the appearance of a Negro in the 
 uniform of an army surgeon started a riot, and the irate mob 
 was not appeased until it had stripped the patriotic colored 
 doctor of his shoulder-straps. In 1898, when the Sixth Regi- 
 ment of Massachusetts Volunteers passed through the same 
 city, the colored officers of Company L of that regiment were 
 welcomed with the same courtesies as their white colleagues — 
 courtesies extended as a memorial of the fateful progress of 
 the regiment through the city of Baltimore in 1861. One 
 State which went to war in 1861 to keep the Negro a slave, 
 put in the field a regiment of colored soldiers, officered by 
 colored men from the colonel down. To this extent has pre- 
 judice been made to yield either to political necessity, or a 
 generous change in sentiment. Thus were found States both 
 North and South willing to give the Negro the full military 
 recognition to which he is entitled. 
 
 With this wider recognition of colored officers the general 
 
324 COLORED OFFICERS 
 
 government has not kept pace. In the four regiments of col- 
 ored volunteers recruited by the general government for ser- 
 vice in the war with Spain, only the lieutenants were colored. 
 Through the extreme conservatism of the War Department, 
 in these regiments no colored officers, no matter how meritor- 
 ious, could be appointed or advanced to the grade of captain. 
 Such was the announced policy of the department, and it was 
 strictly carried out. The commissioning of this large num- 
 ber of colored men even to lieutenancies was, without doubt, 
 a distinct step in advance; it was an entering wedge. But 
 it was also an advance singularly inadequate and embarrassing. 
 In one of these colored volunteer, commonly called "immune" 
 regiments, of the twelve captains, but five had previous mili- 
 tary training, while of the twenty-four colored lieutenants, 
 eighteen had previous military experience, and three of the 
 remaining six were promoted from the ranks, so that at the 
 time of their appointment twenty-one lieutenants had previous 
 military training. Of the five captains with previous mili- 
 tary experience, one, years ago, had been a lieutenant in the 
 Regular Army ; another was promoted from Post Quarter- 
 master-Sergeant ; a third at one time had been First Sergeant 
 of Artillery; the remaining two had more or less experience 
 in the militia. Of the eighteen lieutenants with previous mili- 
 tary experience, twelve had served in the Regular Army; 
 eight of these, not one with a service less than fifteen years, 
 were promoted directly from the ranks of the regulars 'for 
 efficiency and gallantry. At the time of their promotion two 
 were Sergeants, five First Sergeants and one a Post Quarter- 
 master-Sergeant. The four others from the Regular Army 
 had served five years each. Of the six remaining Lieutenants 
 with previous military experience, four had received military 
 
COLORED OFFICERS 
 
 325 
 
 training in high schools, three of whom were subsequently 
 officers in the militia ; fifth graduated from a state college with 
 a military department ; the sixth had been for years an officer 
 in the militia. With this advantage at the start, it is no ex- 
 travagance to say that the colored officers practically made the 
 companies. To them was due the greater part of the credit 
 for whatever efficiency the companies showed. Moreover, 
 these colored officers were not behind in intelligence. Among 
 them were four graduates of universities and colleges, two 
 lawyers, two teachers, one journalist, five graduates of high 
 schools and academies, and the men from the Regular Army, 
 as their previous non-commissioned rank indicates, were of 
 good average intelligence. There is no reason to believe that 
 this one of the four colored volunteer regiments was in any 
 degree exceptional. 
 
 These are the officers for whom the War Department had 
 erected their arbitrary bar at captaincy, and declared that no 
 show of efficiency could secure for them the titular rank 
 which they more than once actually exercised. For they were 
 repeatedly in command of their companies through sickness 
 or absence of their captains. They served as officers without 
 the incentive which comes from hope of promotion. They 
 were forced to see the credit of their labors go to others, and 
 to share more than once in discredit for which they were not 
 responsible. They were, and in this lay their chief embarrass- 
 ment, without the security and protection which higher rank 
 would have accorded them. In case of trial by court-martial, 
 captains and other higher officers filled the court to the ex- 
 clusion of almost all others. These were white men. It is 
 gratifying to record that the War Department recognized this 
 special injustice to colored officers, and in the two regiments 
 of colored volunteers recruited for service in the Philippines 
 
326 COLORED OFFICERS 
 
 all the line-officers are colored men, the field officers being 
 white, and appointed from the Regular Army in pursuance of 
 a general policy. Thus far has the general government ad- 
 vanced in recognition of the military capacity of the Negro. 
 In the swing of the pendulum the nation is now at the place 
 where the hardy General Butler was thirty-seven years ago, 
 when he organized the three regiments of Louisiana Native 
 Guards with all line-officers colored. 
 
 The way in which modern armies are organized and per- 
 fected leaves little necessity for an equipment of exceptional 
 personal gifts in order to exercise ordinary military com- 
 mand. The whole thing is subordinate, and the field for per- 
 sonal initiative is contracted to the minimum. In our own 
 army the President is Commander-in-Chief, and the command 
 descends through a multitude of subordinate grades down to 
 the lowest commissioned officer in the service. We have 
 "Articles of War" and "Regulations," and the entire discip- 
 line and government of the army is commlitted to writing. 
 There is no chance to enshroud in mystery the ability to com- 
 mand. For ordinary- military command, with intelligence the 
 chief requisite, little is required beyond courage, firmness and 
 good judgment. These qualities are in no respect natural 
 barriers for colored men. 
 
 This last story of the Negro soldier's efficiency and gal- 
 lantry, told in the pages of this book, teaches its own very 
 simple conclusion. The Cuban campaign has forced the 
 nation to recognize the completion of the Negro's evolution 
 as a soldier in the Army of the United States. The colored 
 American soldier, by his own prowess, has won an acknowl- 
 edged place by the side of the best trained fighters with arms. 
 In the fullness of his manhood he has no rejoicing in the pat- 
 ronizing paean, "the colored troops fought nobly," nor does 
 
COLORED OFFICERS 327 
 
 he glow at all when told of his "faithfulness" and "devotion" 
 to his white officers, qualities accentuated to the point where 
 they might well fit an affectionate dog. He lays claim to no 
 prerogative other than that of a plain citizen of the Republic, 
 trained to the profession of arms. The measure of his de- 
 mand — and it is the demand of ten millions of his fellow- 
 citizens allied to him by race — is that the full manhood privil- 
 eges of a soldier be accorded him. On his record in arms, not 
 excluding his manifest capacity to command, the colored sol- 
 dier, speaking for the entire body of colored citizens in tlhjis 
 country, only demands that the door of the nation's military 
 training school be freely open to the capable of his race, and 
 the avenue of promotion from the ranks be accessible to his 
 tried efficiency; that no hindrance prevent competent colored 
 men from taking their places as officers as well as soldiers in. 
 the nation's permanent military establishment. 
 
328 APPENDIX 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 The correspondence following shows the progress of the ne- 
 gotiations for the surrender of the city of Santiago and the 
 Spanish Army, from the morning of July 3d until the final 
 convention was signed on the sixteenth of the same month. 
 This surrender virtually closed the war, but did not restore 
 the contending nations to a status of peace. Twenty-three 
 thousand Spanish soldiers had laid down their arms and had 
 been transformed from enemies to friends. On the tenth of 
 August following, a protocol was submitted by the President 
 of the United States, which was accepted by the Spanish 
 cabinet on the eleventh, and on the twelfth the President an- 
 nounced the cessation of hostilities, thus closing a war which 
 had lasted one hundred and ten days. On the tenth of De- 
 cember a Treaty of Peace between the United States and 
 Spain was signed at Paris, which was subsequently ratified by 
 both nations, and diplomatic relations fully restored. The 
 war, though short, had been costly. One hundred and fifty 
 million dollars had been spent in its prosecution, and there 
 were left on our hands the unsolved problem of Cuba and the 
 Philippines, which promised much future trouble. 
 
 Within a month from the signing of the convention, the 
 Army of Invasion, known as the Fifth Army Corps, was on 
 its homeward voyage, and by the latter part of August the 
 whole command was well out of Cuba. Well did the soldiers 
 themselves, as well as their friends, realize, as the former 
 returned from that campaign of a hundred days, that war in 
 
APPENDIX 329 
 
 the tropics was neither a pastime nor a practice march. The 
 campaign had tested the powers of endurance of the men to 
 its utmost limit. The horrors of war were brought directly 
 to the face of the people, as the ten thousand invalids dragged 
 their debilitated forms from the transports to their detention 
 camps, or to the hospitals, some too helpless to walk, and 
 many to die soon after greeting their native shores. Those 
 who had been so enthusiastic for the war were now quiet, and 
 were eagerly laying the blame for the sorrow and suffering 
 before them upon the shoulders of those who had conducted 
 the war. Few stopped to think that a good part of this woe 
 might be justly charged to those who had constantly resisted 
 the establishment of an adequate standing army, and who, 
 with inconsistent vehemence, had urged the nation into a war, 
 regardless of its military equipment. The emaciated veterans 
 arriving at Montauk were spoken of as the evidences of "mili- 
 tary incompetency ;" they were also evidence of that narrow 
 statesmanship which ignores the constant suggestions of mili- 
 tary experience. 
 
 Headquarters United States Forces, 
 Near San Juan River, July 3, 1898 — 8.30 A. M. 
 To the Commanding General of the Spanish Forces, Santiago 
 de Cuba. 
 Sir : — I shall be obliged, unless you surrender, to shell San- 
 tiago de Cuba. Please inform the citizens of foreign countries, 
 and all the women and children, that they should leave the city 
 before 10 o'clock to-morrow morning. 
 
 Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 
 
 WILLIAM R. SHAFTER. 
 
 Major-Genera,l U. S. V. 
 
330 APPENDIX 
 
 Reply. 
 
 Santiago de Cuba, July 3, 1898. 
 
 His Excellency the General Commanding Forces of United 
 States, near San Juan River. 
 Sir : — I have the honor to reply to your communication of 
 to-day, written at 8.30 A. M., and received at 1 P. M., demanding 
 the surrender of this city, or, in contrary case, announcing to me 
 that you will bombard this city, and that I advise the foreigners, 
 women and children that they must leave the city before 10 
 o'clock to-morrow morning. It is my duty to say to you that 
 this city will not surrender, and that I will inform the foreign 
 consuls and inhabitants of the contents of your message. 
 Verv respectfully, 
 
 JOSE TORAL, 
 Commander-in-Chief, Fourth Corps. 
 
 Headquarters Fifth Army Corps, 
 Camp near San Juan River, Cuba, July 4, 1898. 
 The Commanding General, Spanish Forces, Santiago de Cuba, 
 Cuba. 
 
 Sir : — I was officially informed last night that Admiral Cer- 
 vera is now a captive on board the U. S. S. Gloucester, and is 
 unharmed. He was then in the harbor of Siboney. I regret 
 also to have to announce to you the death of General Vara del 
 Rey at El Caney, who, with two of his sons, was killed in the 
 battle of July 1st. His body will be buried this morning with 
 military honors. His brother, Lieutenant-Colonel Vara del 
 Rev, is wounded and a prisoner in my hands, together with the 
 following officers : Captain Don Antonio Vara del Rey, Captain 
 Isidor Arias. Captain Antonio Mansas, and Captain Manuel 
 Romero, who. though severely wounded, will all probably sur- 
 vive. 
 
 I also have to announce to you that the Spanish fleet, with 
 the exception of one vessel, was destroyed, and this one is being 
 so vigorously pursued that it will be impossible for it to escape. 
 General Pando is opposed by forces sufficient to hold him in 
 check. 
 
 In view of the above, I would suggest that,, to save needless 
 effusion of blood and the distress of many people, you may re- 
 
APPENDIX 331 
 
 consider your determination of yesterday. Your men have cer- 
 tainly shown the gallantry which was expected of them. 
 I am, sir, with great respect, 
 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 WILLIAM R. SHAFTER, 
 Major-General, Commanding United States Forces. 
 
 Headquarters Fifth Army Corps, 
 Camp near San Juan River, Cuba, July 4, 1898. 
 To the Commanding General, Spanish Forces, Santiago de 
 Cuba, Cuba. 
 
 Sir: — The fortune of war has thrown into my hands quite 
 a number of officers and private soldiers, whom I am now hold- 
 ing as prisoners of war, and I have the honor to propose to 
 you that a cartel of exchange be arranged to-day, by which 
 the prisoners taken by the forces of Spain from on board the 
 Merrimac, and any officers and men of the army who may have 
 fallen into our hands within the past few days, may be re- 
 turned to their respective governments on the terms usual 
 in such cases, of rank for rank. Trusting that this will meet 
 with your favorable consideration, I remain, 
 
 Verv respectfully, your obedient servant, 
 
 ' WILLIAM R. SHAFTER. 
 Major-General, Commanding United States Forces. 
 
 Headquarters Fifth Army Corps, 
 • Camp near San Juan River, Cuba, July 4, 1898. 
 
 To the Commanding Officer, Spanish Forces, Santiago. 
 
 Sir : — It will give me great pleasure to return to the city of 
 Santiago at an early hour to-morrow morning all the wounded 
 Spanish officers now at El Caney who are able to be carried 
 and who will give their parole not to serve against the United 
 States until regularly exchanged. I make this proposition, as 
 I am not so situated as to give these officers the care and atten- 
 tion that they can receive at the hands of their military asso- 
 ciates and from their own surgeons; though I shall, of course, 
 give them every kind treatment that it is possible to do under 
 such adverse circumstances. Trusting that this will meet with 
 
$$2 APPENDIX 
 
 your approbatoin, and that you will permit me to return to you 
 these persons, I am, 
 
 Your very obedient servant, 
 
 WILLIAM R. SHAFTER, 
 Major-General, Commanding United States Forces. 
 
 Army of the Island of Cuba, 
 
 Fifth Corps, General Staff. 
 To His Excellency the Commander-in-Chief of the American 
 Forces. 
 
 Excellency : — I have the honor to reply to the three commu- 
 nications of your Excellency, dated to-day, and I am very- 
 grateful for the news you give in regard to the generals, chiefs, 
 officers and troops that are your prisoners, and of the good care 
 that you give to the wounded in your possession. With respect 
 to the wounded. I have no objection to receiving in this place 
 those that your Excellency may willingly deliver me, but I am 
 not authorized by the General-in-Chief to make any exchange, 
 as he has reserved to himself that authority. Yet I have given 
 him notice of the proposition of your Excellency. 
 
 It is useless for me to tell you how grateful I am for the in- 
 terest that your Excellency has shown for the prisoners and 
 corpse of General Vara del Rey, giving you many thanks for 
 the chivalrous treatment. 
 
 The same reasons that I explained to you yesterday, I have 
 to give again to-day — that this place will not be surrendered. 
 I am, yours with great respect and consideration, 
 
 (Signed) JOSE TORAL. 
 
 In Santiago de Cuba, July 4, 1898. 
 
 Headquarters Fifth Army Corps, 
 Camp near San Juan River, Cuba, July 6, 1898. 
 To the Commander-in-Chief, Spanish Forces, Santiago de Cuba. 
 
 Sir : — In view of the events of the 3d instant, I have the 
 honor to lay before your Excellency certain propositions to 
 which, I trust, your Excellency, will give the consideration 
 which, in my judgment, they deserve. 
 
 I inclose a bulletin of the engagement of Sunday morning 
 which resulted in the complete destruction of Admiral Cervera's 
 fleet, the loss of six hundred of his officers and men, and the 
 capture of the remainder. The Admiral, General Paredes and 
 
APPENDIX 333. 
 
 all others wno escaped alive are now prisoners on board tfie 
 Harvard and .St. Lonis, and the latter ship, in which are the 
 Admiral, General Paredes and the surviving captains (all ex- 
 cept the captain of the Almirante Oquendo, who was slain) 
 has already sailed for the United States. If desired by you, this 
 may be confirmed by your Excellency sending an officer under 
 a flag of truce to Admiral Sampson, and he can arrange to 
 visit the Harvard, which will not sail until to-morrow, and ob- 
 tain the details from Spanish officers and men on board that 
 ship. 
 
 Our fleet is now perfectly free to act, and I have the honor 
 to state that unless a surrender be arranged by noon of the 9th 
 instant, a bombardment will be begun and continued by the 
 heavy guns of our ships. The city is within easy range of these 
 guns, the eight-inch being capable of firing 9,500 yards, the 
 thirteen-inch, of course, much farther. The ships can so lie that 
 with a range of 8,000 yards they can reach the centre of the city. 
 
 I make this suggestion of a surrender purely in a human- 
 itarian spirit. I do not wish to cause the slaughter of any more 
 men, either of your Excellency's forces or my own, the final 
 result under circumstances so disadvantageous to your Excel- 
 lency being a foregone conclusion. 
 
 As your Excellency may wish to make reference of so mo- 
 mentous a question to your Excellency's home government, 
 it is for this purpose that I have placed the time of the re- 
 sumption of hostilities sufficiently far in the future to allow a 
 reply being received. 
 
 I beg an early answer from your Excellency. 
 
 I have the honor to be, 
 
 Very respectfully, your obedient servant. 
 
 W. R. SHAFTER, 
 Major-General. Commanding. 
 
 Headquarters Fifth Army Corps, 
 Camp near Santiago, July 9, 1898. 
 Hon. Secretary of War, Washington, D. C. 
 
 I forwarded General Toral's proposition to evacuate the 
 town this morning without consulting any one. Since then I 
 have seen the general officers commanding divisions, who agree 
 with me in that it should be accepted. 
 1st. It releases at once the harbor. 
 
334 
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 2d. it permits the return of thousands of women, children 
 and old men, who have left the town, fearing bombardment, 
 and are now suffering fearfully where they are, though I am 
 doing my best to supply them with food. 
 
 3d. It saves the great destruction of property which a bom- 
 bardment would entail, most of which belongs to Cubans and 
 foreign residents. 
 
 4th. It at once releases this command while it is in good 
 health for operations elsewhere. There are now three cases of 
 yellow fever at Siboney in a Michigan regiment, and if it gets 
 started, 110 one knows where it will stop. 
 
 We lose by this, simply some prisoners we do not want and 
 the arms they carry. I believe many of them will desert and 
 return to our lines. I was told by a sentinel who deserted last 
 night that two hundred men wanted to come, but were afraid 
 our men would fire upon them I 
 
 W. R. SHAFTER, 
 Major-General, United States Volunteers. 
 
 Reply. 
 
 Washington, D. C, July 9, 1898. 
 
 Major-General Shafter, Playa, Cuba. 
 
 In reply to your telegram recommending terms of evacuation 
 as proposed by the Spanish commander, after careful consid- 
 eration by the President and Secretary of War, I am directed to 
 say that you have repeatedly been advised that you would not 
 be expected to make an assault upon the enemy at Santiago 
 until you were prepared to do the work thoroughly. When you 
 are ready this will be done. Your telegram of this morning 
 said your position was impregnable and that you believed the 
 enemy would yet surrender unconditionally. You have also 
 assured us that you could force their surrender by cutting off 
 their supplies. Under these circumstances, your message re- 
 commending that Spanish troops be permitted to evacuate and 
 proceed without molestation to Holguin is a great surprise and 
 is not approved. The responsibility for the destruction and dis- 
 tress to the inhabitants rests entirely with the Spanish com- 
 mander. The Secretary of War orders that when you are 
 strong enough to destroy the enemy and take Santiago, you do it 
 If you have not force enough, it will be despatched to you at 
 the earliest moment possible. Reinforcements are on the way 
 of which you have already been apprised. In the meantime. 
 
APPENDIX J3 5 
 
 nothing is lost by holding the position you now have, and which 
 you regard as impregnable. 
 
 Acknowledge receipt. By order of the Secretary of War. 
 (Signed) H. C. CORBIN, Adjutant-General. 
 
 Headquarters United States Forces, 
 Camp near San Juan River, Cuba, July n, 1898. 
 To His Excellency, the Commander-in-Chief of the Spanish 
 Forces, Santiago de Cuba. 
 Sir: — With the largely increased forces which have come to 
 me, and the fact that I have your line of retreat securely within 
 my hands, the time seems fitting that I should again demand 
 of your Excellency the surrender of Santiago and your Excel- 
 lency's army. I am authorized to state that should your Excel- 
 lency so desire, the Government of the United States will trans- 
 port vour entire command to Spain. I have the honor to be. 
 Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 
 
 "WILLIAM R. SHAFTER, 
 
 Major-General, Commanding. 
 
 Reply. 
 
 Army of the Island of Cuba, Fourth Corps, 
 
 July 11, 1898. 
 To His Excellency, the Commander-in-Chief of the Forces of 
 the United States, in the Camp of the San Juan. 
 Esteemed Sir: — I have the honor to advise your Eminence 
 that your communication of this date is received, and in reply 
 desire to confirm that which I said in my former communication, 
 and also to advise you that I have communicated your proposi- 
 tion to the General-in-Chief. Reiterating my sentiments, I am, 
 Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 
 
 (Signed) JOSE TORAL, 
 
 Commander-in-Chief of the Fourth Corps and Military Gover- 
 nor of Santiago. 
 
 Headquarters Fifth Army Corps, 
 Camp near Santiago de Cuba, July 12, 1898. 
 To His Excellency, Commander-in-Chief of Spanish Forces, 
 Santiago de Cuba. 
 Sir : — I have the honor to inform your Excellency that I have 
 already ordered a suspension of hostilities, and I will repeat 
 
336 APPENDIX 
 
 that order, granting in this manner a reasonable time within 
 which you may receive an answer to the message sent to the 
 Government of Spain, which time will end to-morrow at 12 
 o'clock noon. 
 
 I think it my duty to inform your Excellency that during this 
 armistice I will not move any of my troops that occupy the ad- 
 vanced line, but the forces that arrived to-day and which arc 
 debarking at Siboney require moving to this camp. 
 
 I wisli that your Excellency would honor me with a per- 
 sonal interview to-morrow morning at 9 o'clock. I will come 
 accompanied by the Commanding General of the American 
 army, and by an interpreter, which will permit you to be ac- 
 companied by two or three persons of your staff who speak 
 English. Hoping for a favorable answer, I have the honor to be, 
 Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 
 
 WILLIAM R. SHAFTER, 
 Major-General, Commanding. 
 
 Army of the Island of Cuma, Fourth Corps, 
 
 Santiago de cnba, July 12, 1898 — 9 P. M. 
 To Flis Excellency, the General of the American Troops. 
 
 Esteemed Sir : — I have the honor to answer your favor of this 
 date, inform your Excellency that in deference to your de- 
 sires I will be much honored by a conference with his Excel- 
 lency, the Commanding General of your army, and your Excel- 
 lency, to-morrow morning at the hour you have seen fit to ap- 
 point. 
 
 Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 
 
 (Signed) JOSE TORAL, 
 
 Commander-in-Chief of the Fourth Army Corps. 
 
 Preliminary agreement for the capitulation of the Spanish 
 forces which constitute the division of Santiago de Cuba, oc- 
 cupying the territory herein set forth, said capitulation author- 
 ized by the Commander-in-Chief of the Island of Cuba, agreed 
 to by General Toral and awaiting the approbation of the 
 Government at Madrid, and subject to the following condi- 
 tions : 
 
 Submitted by the undersigned Commissioners — 
 Brigadier-General Don Frederick Escario, Lieutenant-Col- 
 
APPENDIX 337 
 
 onel of Staff Don Ventura Fontan and Mr. Robert Mason, of 
 the city of Santiago de Cuba, representing General Toral, 
 commanding Spanish forces, to Major-General Joseph Wheel- 
 er, U. S. V., Major-General H. W. Lawton, U. S. V., and 
 First Lieutenant J. D. Miley, Second Artillery, A. D. C., rep- 
 resenting General Shafter, commanding American forces, for 
 the capitulation of the Spanish forces comprised in that por- 
 tion of the Island of Cuba east of a line passing through 
 Aserradero, Dos Palmas, Palma Soriano, Cauto Abajo, Es- 
 condida, Tanamo and Aguilera, said territory being known as 
 the Eastern District of Santiago, commanded by General Jose 
 Toral. 
 
 i. That pending arrangements for capitulation all hostili- 
 ties between American and Spanish forces in this district shall 
 absolutely and unequivocally cease. 
 
 2. That this capitulation includes all the forces and war 
 material in said territory. 
 
 3. That after the signing of the final capitulation the Uni- 
 ted States agrees, with as little delay as possible, to transport 
 all the Spanish troops in said district to the Kingdom of 
 Spain, the troops, as near as possible, to embark at the port 
 nearest the garrison they now occupy. 
 
 4. That the officers of the Spanish Army be permitted to 
 retain their side arms, and both officers and enlisted men their 
 personal property. 
 
 5. That after final capitulation the Spanish authorities 
 agree without delay to remove, or assist the American Navy 
 in removing, all mines or other obstructions to navigation 
 now in the harbor of Santiago and its mouth. 
 
 6. That after final capitulation the commander of the 
 Spanish forces deliver without delay a complete inventory of 
 all arms and munitions of war of the Spanish forces and a 
 roster of the said forces now in the above-described district, 
 to the commander of the American forces. 
 
 7. That the commander of the Spanish forces, in leaving 
 said district, is authorized to carry with him all military ar- 
 chives and records pertaining to the Spanish Army now in_> 
 said district 
 
 22 
 
338 APPENDIX 
 
 8. That all of that portion of the Spanish forces known as 
 Volunteers, Movilizados and Guerillas, who wish to remain in 
 the Island of Cuba are permitted to do so under parole not 
 to take up arms against the United States during the contin- 
 uance of the war between Spain and the United States, deliv- 
 ering up their arms. 
 
 9. That the Spanish forces will march out of Santiago de 
 Cuba with honors of war, depositing their arms thereafter at 
 a point mutually agreed upon, to await their disposition by 
 the United States Government, it being understood that the 
 United States Commissioners will recommend that the Span- 
 ish soldier return to Spain with the arms he so bravely de- 
 fended. 
 
 Entered into this fifteenth day of July, eighteen hundred 
 and ninety-eight, by the undersigned Commissioners, acting 
 under instructions from their respecting commanding generals. 
 
 (Signed) 
 JOSEPH WHEELER, 
 
 Major-General U. S. Vols.; 
 H. W. LAWTQN, 
 
 Major-General U. S. Vols.; 
 J. D. MILEY, 
 
 1st Lieut. 2d Art., A. B.C. to General Shaft cr. 
 
 FREDERICO ESCARIO, 
 VENTURA FONTAN, 
 ROBERT MASON. 
 
 Army of the Island of Cuba, Fourth Corps, 
 
 Santiago de Cuba, July 12, 1898—9 P. M. 
 To His Excellency, the General-in-Chief of the American 
 Forces, 
 Esteemed Sir: — As I am now authorized by my Government 
 to capitulate, I have the honor to so advise you, requesting you 
 to designate the hour and place where my representatives 
 should appear, to concur with those of your Excellency to edit 
 the articles of capitulation on the basis of what has been agreed 
 upon to this date. 
 
 In due time I wish to manifest to your Excellency my desire 
 to know the resolution of the United States Government re- 
 
APPENDIX 339 
 
 specting the return of the arms, so as to note it in the capitula- 
 tion ; also for their great courtesy and gentlemanly deportment 
 I wish to thank your Grace's representatives, and in return for 
 their generous and noble efforts for the Spanish soldiers, I hope 
 your Government will allow them to return to the Peninsula 
 with the arms that the American army do them the honor to 
 acknowledge as having dutifully defended. 
 Reiterating my former sentiments, I remain, 
 
 Verv respectfully, your obedient servant, 
 
 JOSE TORAL, 
 Commander-in-Chief of the Fourth Army Corps. 
 
 At Neutral Camp, near Santiago, Under a Flag of Truce, 
 
 July 14, 1898. 
 Recognizing the chivalry, courage and gallantry of Generals 
 Linares and Toral, and of the soldiers of Spain who were en- 
 gaged in the battles recently fought in the vicinity of Santiago 
 de Cuba, as displayed in said battles, we, the undersigned offi- 
 cers of the United States army, who had the honor to be en- 
 gaged in said battle, and are now a duly organized commission, 
 treating with a like commission of officers of the Spanish army, 
 for the capitulation of Santiago de Cuba, unanimously join in 
 earnestly soliciting the proper authority to accord to these 
 brave and chivalrous soldiers the privilege of returning to their 
 country bearing the arms they have so bravely defended. 
 
 JOSEPH WHEELER, 
 Major-General, U. S. Vols. 
 H. W. LAWTON, 
 Major-General, U. S. Vols. 
 First Lient., 2d Art., A. D. C. 
 J. D. MILEY, 
 
 Army of the Island of Cuba, Fourth Corps, 
 
 Santiago de Cuba, July 16, l%8. 
 To His Excellency, the Commander-in-Chief of the Forces of 
 the United States. 
 Esteemed Sir: — At half-past 11 I received your communica- 
 tion of this date, and I am sorry to advise you that it is liapos- 
 sible for my representatives to come to the appointed place at 
 midday, as you wish, as I must meet them and give them their 
 instructions. 
 If agreeable to you, will you defer the visit until 4 P. M. to- 
 
340 
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 day or until 7 to-morrow morning, and in the meanwhile the 
 obstacles to the entrance of the Red Cross will be removed 
 from the harbor. 
 
 I beg your Honor will make clear what force you wish me 
 4 o retire from the railroad, as, if it is that in Aguadores, I would 
 authorize the repair of the bridge at once by your engineers; 
 and if it is that on the heights to the left of your lines, I beg 
 you will specify with more precision. 
 
 I have ordered those in charge of the aqueduct to proceed at 
 once to repair it with the means at their command. 
 
 Awaiting your reply, I remain, 
 
 Very respectfully, vour obedient servant, 
 
 JOSE TORAL, 
 Commander-in-Chief of the Fourth Army Corps. 
 
 Headquarters Fifth Army Corps, 
 
 Camp, July 16, 1898. 
 
 To His Excellency, General Jose Toral, Commanding Spanish 
 Forces in Eastern Cuba. 
 
 Sir: — I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your 
 Excellency's letter of this date, notifying me that the Govern- 
 ment at Madrid approves your action, and requesting that I 
 designate officers to arrange for and receive the surrender of 
 the forces of your Excellency. This I do, nominating Major- 
 General Wheeler, Major-General Lawton, and my aide, Lieuten- 
 ant Miley. I have to request that your Excellency at once with- 
 draw your troops from along the railway to Aguadores, and 
 from the bluff in rear of my left; also that you at once direct 
 the removal of the obstructions at the entrance to the harbor 
 or assist the navy in doing so, as it is of the utmost importance 
 that I at once get vessels loaded with food into the harbor. 
 
 The repair of the railroad will, I am told, require a week's 
 time. I shall, as I have said to your Excellency, urge my Gov- 
 ernment that the gallant men your Excellency has so ably com- 
 manded have returned to Spain with them the arms they have 
 wielded. With great respect, I remain, 
 
 Your obedient servant and friend, 
 
 WILLIAM R. SHAFTER, 
 J ' ' - r-General, Commanding. 
 
APPENDIX 
 
 341 
 
 Terms of the Military Convention for the capitulation of 
 the Spanish forces occupying the territory which constitutes 
 the Division of Santiago de Cuba and described as follows: 
 All that portion of the Island of Cuba east of a line pass- 
 ing through Aserradero, Dos Palmas, Cauto Abajo, Escon- 
 dida, Tanamo and Aguilara, said troops being in command of 
 General Jose Toral; agreed upon by the undersigned Com- 
 missioners: Brigadier-General Don Federico Escario, Lieu- 
 tenant-Colonel of Staff Don Ventura Fontan, and as Inter- 
 preter, Mr. Robert Mason, of the city of Santiago de Cuba, 
 appointed by General Toral, commanding the Spanish forces, 
 on behalf of the Kingdom of Spain, and Major-General Joseph 
 Wheeler, U. S. V., Major-General H. W. Lawton, U. S. V., 
 and First Lieutenant J. D. Miley, Second Artillery, A. D. C, 
 appointed by General Shafter, commanding the American 
 forces on behalf of the United States : 
 
 1. That all hostilities between the American and Spanish 
 forces in this district absolutely and unequivocally cease. 
 
 2. That this capitulation includes all the forces and war 
 material in said territory. 
 
 3. That the United States agrees, with as little delay as 
 possible, to transport all the Spanish troops in said district to 
 the Kingdom of Spain, the troops being embarked, as far as 
 possible at the port nearest the garrison they now occupy. 
 
 4. That the officers of the Spanish Arm be permitted to 
 retain their side arms, and both officers and private soldier 
 their personal property. 
 
 5. That the Spanish authorities agree to remove, or assist 
 the American Navy in removing, all mines or other obstruc- 
 tions to navigation now in the harbor of Santiago and its 
 mouth. 
 
 6. That the commander of the Spanish forces deliver with- 
 out delay a complete inventory of all arms and munitions of 
 war of the Spanish forces in above described district to the 
 commander of the American forces ; also a roster of said force* 
 now in said district. 
 
 •7. That the commander of the Spanish forces, in leaving 
 said district, is authorized to carry with him all military 
 
342 APPENDIX 
 
 archives and records pertaining to the Spanish Army now in 
 said district. 
 
 8. That all that portion of the Spanish forces known as 
 Volunteers, Movilizados and Guerillas, who wish to remain in 
 the Island of Cuba, are permitted to do so upon the condition 
 of delivering up their arms and taking a parole not to bear 
 arms against he United States during the continuance of the 
 present war between Spain and the United States. 
 
 9. That the Spanish forces will march out of Santiago de 
 Cuba with the honors of war, depositing their arms thereafter 
 at a point mutually agreed upon, to await their disposition by 
 the United States Government, it being understood that the 
 United States Commissioners will recommend that the Span- 
 ish soldier return to Spain with the arms he. so bravely de- 
 fended. 
 
 10. That the provisions of the foregoing- instrument be- 
 come operative immediately upon its being signed. 
 
 Entered into this sixteenth day of July, eighteen hundred 
 and ninety-eight, by the undersigned Commissioners, acting 
 under instructions from their respective commanding generals 
 and with the approbation of their respective governments. 
 
 (Signed) 
 JOSEPH WHEELER, 
 
 Major-General U. S. Vols.; 
 H. W. LAWTON, 
 
 Major-General U. S. Vols.; 
 J. D. MILEY, 
 
 ist Lieut. 2d Art., A. D. C. to General Shafter. 
 
 FREDERICO ESCARIO, 
 VENTURA FONTAN, 
 ROBERT MASON. 
 
appendix 343 
 
 The following dispatch, sent by General Linares, will show 
 how desperate were the straits into which he had been driven 
 and how earnestly he desired to be granted authority to avoid 
 further fighting by the surrender of his forces at Santiago : 
 
 Santiago de Cuba, July 12, 1898. 
 The General-in-Chief to the Secretary of War. 
 
 Although prostrated in bed from weakness and pain, my mind 
 is troubled by the situation of our suffering troops, and there- 
 fore I think it my duty to address myself to you, Mr. Secretary, 
 and describe the true situation. 
 
 The enemy's forces very near city ; ours extended fourteen ki- 
 lometres (14,000 yards). Our troops exhausted and sickly in an 
 alarming proportion. Cannot be brought to the hospital — need- 
 ing them in trenches. Cattle without fodder or hay. Fearful 
 storm of rain, which has been pouring continuously for past 
 twenty-four hours. Soldiers without permanent shelter. Their 
 only food rice, and not much of that. They have no way of 
 changing or drying their clothing. Our losses were very heavy 
 — many chiefs and officers among the dead, wounded and sick 
 Their absence deprives the forces of their leaders in this very 
 critical moment. Under these conditions it is impossible tc 
 open a breach on the enemy, because it would take a third of 
 our men who cannot go out, and whom the enemy would deci- 
 mate. The result would be a terrible disaster, without obtain- 
 ing, as you desire, the salvation of eleven maimed battalions. 
 To make a sortie protected by the division at Holguin, it is 
 necessary to attack the enemy's lines simultaneously, and the 
 forces of Holguin cannot come here except after many long 
 days' marching. Impossible for them to transport rations. 
 Unfortunately, the situation is desperate. The surrender is im- 
 minent, otherwise we will only gain time to prolong our agony. 
 The sacrifice would be sterile, and the men understand this. 
 With his lines so near us, the enemy will annihilate us without 
 exposing his own, as he did yesterday, bombarding by land 
 elevations without our being able to discover their batteries, 
 and by sea the fleet has a perfect knowledge of the place, and 
 bombards with a mathematical accuracy. Santiago is no 
 Gerona, a walled city, part of the mother country, and defended 
 inch by inch by her own people without distinction — old men 
 and women who helped with their lives, moved by the holy idea 
 
344 APPENDIX 
 
 of freedom, and with the hope of help, which they received. 
 Here I am alone. All the people have fled, even those holding 
 public offices, almost without exception. Only the priests re- 
 main, and they wish to leave the city to-day, headed by their 
 archbishop. These defenders do not start now a campaign full 
 of enthusiasm and energy, but for three years they have been 
 fighting the climate, privations and fatigue, and now they have 
 to confront this critical situation when they have no enthusiasm 
 or physical strength. They have no ideals, because they defend 
 the property of people who have deserted them and those who 
 are the allies of the American forces. 
 
 The honor of arms has its limit, and I appeal to the judgment 
 of the Government and of the entire nation whether these pa- 
 tient trops have not repeatedly saved it since May 18th — date 
 of first bombardment. If it is necessary that I sacrifice them for 
 reasons unknown to me, or if it is necessary for some one to 
 take responsibility for the issue foreseen and announced by me 
 in several telegrams, I willingly offer myself as a sacrifice to 
 my country, and I will take charge of the command for the act 
 of surrender, as my modest reputation is of small value when 
 the reputation of the nation is at stake. 
 
 (Signed) LINARES. 
 
 Thus surrendered to our forces about 23,500 Spanish 
 troops, of whom about 11,000 had been in the garrison of San- 
 tiago, the others having been stationed in garrisons outside of 
 the city, but belonging to the Division of Santiago. With 
 them were also surrendered 100 cannon, 18 machine guns and 
 over 25,000 rifles. The troops were all sent back to Spain in 
 vessels of their own nation and flying their own flag. We 
 had lost in battles with them before the surrender 23 officers 
 killed and 237 men; and 100 officers and 1,332 men wounded.