!....!lj Gass E ■:k M t E -"nLn wttm^t ^TTl* i i i m *tUA^'^V| 'NV>y*»' '"'V./'»-'V>< ,,.,^U***I** 4('ii«* I ^4)l^'i*'''- i^i^ *....-.vss^'!S'''»'"»5SS!M ♦MiM/ ""**^" :iV^^' l^Wil^/ll^-. ^^.^.^^ i / ■ HISTORY AMERICAN REVOLUTION, DESIGNED AS A TEXT BOOK VOIl TIIK USE OF SCHOOI^S AND COLLEGES, SAMUEL fAvILSON. 13 A L T I M U 11 E : KELLY, PIET & COMPANY, 174 Baltimore Street. 1870. fV ** PREFACE. The author believes that this volume might be advan- tageously used in the instruction of youth. For the purpose of determining this point, he in^•ites the examination of teachers, within \vhose system the subject is embraced, on tlie scale to which the size of tlie work is adapted. The chief authorities consulted by the writer, are : Holmes'' Annals ; the histories by Botfa, Paul ^dllen, Ramsat/, and Pitkin; ^Mars/iall's Life of "Washington ; Lives of the Signers ; Lives of Arthur Lee, and Richard Henry Lee, by Richara Henri/ Lee; Life of John Jay, by his son, William Jay; WirVs Patrick Henry ; Spark's Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution ; Bancroft's Ufe of Washington ; Walsh's Appeal ; Hale's Premium History ; ^^ustin's Life of Gerry; Life of Quincy; Lees Southern Campaigns; English Histories by Bisset, Belsham, and Miller ; and other histories of particular States. S. F. WILSON CONTENTS. _ , „ CHAPTER I. General Observations on the Importance of the revolutionary Era, .... Pago 7 OHAPTFR ir ^tVJf}V °^ 'li^ early Settlers-Motives for Emigration-Testimony to their Prin- ciples from Hume-Party Spirit-Physical Circumstances-Religious Influence. -New England Temperament-Southern Characteristics-General Character- Tendency towards free Institutions-Neglect of them by the mother Country favourable to tins Spirit-Testimony of British Statesmen-Causes of Affm on towards Great Br.tain-State of Feeling at the Peace of J763. . . ... .Page l" ,„ . CHAPTER III. .UKi.?5tl?/wa:''V?""'^T'.°'' ''"'"'" '""""'^ '"« Colonies, and their Service, R M .If rnl.^^^ '',%'!' >ts commencement in 1756-Attempt to establish the \v'!r L^? ? w V l'5i-V>ewsof Dr. Franklin-Other Difficulties during ho Uar-noston, Writs of Assistance-British Policy from 175C to 17(i3, Page 29 „ ... . . „ CHAPTER IV. .New ministry in Engl.ind, 1703-English Finances-Treasury Schemes-Mola-ses !?«•,. f.u n CHAPTER V. • ^ffi?"^ 'he Repeal-Compensation Acts-New York Legislature-New Cabinet passed J7b/— Excitement in America— Sloop Ubertv-DisturbancHs in «,,«.«„ ~ .. . „ CHAPTER VI. Proceedings in P.ir!iamont, 1770-Boston Port Bill-Other BilH-Recention in .>.» CHAPTFR vrr '■'B::^X:!;.!:[;:^tv>ho1^!t;^''^?^'^:'^^^^ «f «"--' Troops- inCanadalA ,ol|.7Ret're,t-Th7BTm^^^^^^^^^ Army and Flee befon- New vlrk "p ,' "'''»'^'f.<^"^^'«««r"r'^''P""^'"''-«"''^" dence, up to July, n^.J^^l^^'^l'^,^^^^:^:^^^:^^^^^ of SeT^ (^l{ \ PTPR VI IT York-Skirmishinir-^prrt lei: rP.Tp.f M Americans-Evac.iation of New of New Jersey-Close of Campaign of 17?6 of Princeton, and Recovery ,,„ . ' Page 155 C Fl A PTE ft I Y n CONTENTS. of Prisoners— Military Enterprises in the Spring— British sail for the Chesa- peake — Battle of Brandywine — Americans rally — Defeat of Wayne — Philadel- phia occupied by the British — Congress assemble at York — Attempts to force Passage for the British Fleet— Battle of Germantown, Page 184 CHAPTER X. Northern Campaign of 1777. — Burgoyne's Expedition — Invests Ticonderoga— American Disasters — Retreat to Fort Edward— Revival of Public Spirit — British invest Fort Schuyler— Defeat and Death of General Herkimer — Arnold advances British retire— Change of Prospects — Battle of Bennington — Murder of Misi McCrea — Burgoyne crosses the River — Battle of Stillwater — Attempts of Bur- goyne to retreat— Is surrounded — Clinton's tardy Efforts— Surrender of Bur- goyne — Terms— Disposal of Troops — Defence of Mud Island — its fall — Americana winter at Valley Forge- Rhode Island— Cruise of Paul Jones— Other Expedi- tions — British Preparations- Parliamentary Proceedings — Sufferings and Dii- contents of the Troops (1780) — Rochambeau arrives with a French Fleet — Clin- ton in South Carolina — Surrender of Charleston — Capture of American Posts — Civil Measures of Clinton — He returns to New York — Spirit in Carolina — Gates defeated at Camden Page 209 CHAPTER XI. Political and civil Events in 1777— Powers of Congress— Articles of Confederation — The Finances— Paper Issues— Tender Laws, &;c. — Army Embarrassments— In- trigues against Washington — Sufferihgs at Valley Forge — Foreign Negotiationa during 1776-7-8 — Treaties with France— Effects of Burgoyne's fall in England — Debates in Parliament — New Schemes for Conciliation — Commissioners appoint- ed— Reception of Bills in America— Skirmishes in the Spring of 1778 . Page 232 CHAPTER XII. Campaign op 1778.— Arrival of French Fleet— British evacuate Philadelphia— Battle of Mopmouth — French Fleet blockade New York; sail for Newport — Enterprise against Rhode Island — Skirmish between the Fleets — French sail for Boston- Sullivan retreats — French sail to the West Indies — Partial Expeditions— Mas- sacre of Wyoming — Americans in Winter-Cluarters — Campaign in Georgia — Defeat of General Robert Howe — Surrender of Savannah, and Submission of Georgia — Review of Affairs in 1778 — Policy of Spain — Her proffered Mediation fails — War between Spain and Great Britain — Attempts of the British to sepa- rate the Allies — Aims of the Bourbon Courts Page 256 CHAPTER XIII. Campaign of 1779.— French Fleet in the West Indies— Difficulties of Washington- Partial Enterprises in the Chesapeake — Stoney Point— Tryon's Expedition^ Penobscot. Southern Campaign. — British repulsed at Port Royal (S.C.)— Toriea defeated — Gen. Ashe defeated — TheRally in South Carolina —Lincoln crosses into Georgia — British move against Charleston — Retreat before Lincoln — Skirmish at Stono Ferry— French Fleet arrives — Attack on Savannah fails — Measures of Cornwallis — Battle of King's Mountain — Greene takes command — British Ex- pedition against Rhode Island fails — Arnold's Treason — Capture and Death of Andre — Americans go into Winter-Quarters — Mutinies — Revival of public Spirit Improvement of Finances, and foreign aids of Money — Foreign Affairs — War between Great Britain and Holland— Expedition to Virginia Page 275 CHAPTER XIV. 1781. Southern War — Designs of Cornwallis— Battle of the Cowpens — Retreat into Virginia— Battle of Guilford— Greene rallies instantly — Cornwallis retires to Wilmington — Greene forces his way to South Carolina— Cornwallis marches to Virginia— Greene repulsed at Camden — Rallies — British evacuate Camden — British Ports taken — Greene besieges Ninety-Six — Forced to retire precipitately' — Rallies— Takes Post on the Santee Hills— Death of Colonel Hayne — Battle of Eutaw Springs— British driven into Charleston — British Expeditions — Cornwallis retires to Yorktown— Washington in the North — His Plans against New York — Marches for Yorktown— DeGrasse in the Chesapeake — Expedition against Con- necticut — Groton Massacre — Newport Fleet arrives in the Chesapeake — Siege, and Surrender of Cornwallis — Its Effects — Reviewof the state of Affairs, . P. 318 CHAPTER XV. Foreign Relations of the United States up to the Capture of Cornwallis— Views of the European Powers — Proceedings in Parliament — Vote for Peace — Lord North overthrown — Negotiations commenced — Independence acknowledged by Holland— Difficulties in the Negotiations— French and Spanish Intrigues— In- Btructions to the American Commissioners— Instructions violated — Treaty con eluded— Military Events— Embarrassments of civil Affairs— Attempts to create Mutiny, defeated— Britidh evacuate New York— Washington takes leave of the Oflisera, and resigns his Cominission .,..,..,. ; i • Page 347 HISTORY AMERICAN REVOLUTION. CHAPTER I. The war of the American Revolution, which established the Independence of the United States, was, beyond question, the most momentous era in the political history of the world. Other periods have, indeed, produced instances of the high- est public virtue, — of elevated, fervent and incorruptible fatriotism, — of fidelity, fortitude and heroism, which cannot 8 surpassed, and have been rarely approached. Oppressions more galling than any of which the Britisla, Colonies of '76 could complain, have been bravely and successfully resisted ; and gallant achievements for liberty and country, have been won, from time to time, by those magnanimous spirits who rise occasionally in the darkest periods, to vindicate, by their actions and virtues, the essential dignity of human nature. But theirs were solitary and partial efforts in advance of the intelligence of the age. The institutions, which sprung from their success, designed to secure the rights wrested by force from the hands of tyrants, lacked the self-sustaining vigor of an enlightened public opinion. Resistance to oppression, glorious in its triumph, unfortunately produced no fruits beyond temporary relief. The securities for good govern- ment arising from constitutional limitations upon power, and the supremacy of law, were beyond their capacity ; and their victories were accordingly transient anarchies, in the intervals of a perpetually renewed despotism. Hence the noblest conquests over tyranny failed to affect perma- nently the general course of events, or to impress upon the mass of opinions a popular direction. That fleeting liberty which was gained in one country, touched not the sympa- thies nor kindled the emulation of another. The very next generation, corrupted by power and indulgence, or wearied 8 . HISTORY OF THE by turbulence and anarchy, and unconscious of those defects m themselves, by which stability and peace were frustrated forfeited those dearly won privileges, and relapsed into that state of passive debasement, from which, under the cruidance . of one or two master minds, tliey had for a while emerc^ed. The American Revolution was, however, of a different character. It was the natural offspring of a state of society- rapidly advancing, under circumstances, moral and phvsical,' peculiarly favourable to general improvement. The sa^city virtue, and heroism, by which it was distinguished" were not alone the traits of illustrious men. but the characteristics of a nation, educated and disciplined in the knowledc^e of their rights. The conflict was waged on principles cfearly defaned and for specific objects. Success therefore only consolidated hberties which were understood before they were fought for. into a system adapted to the matured intelli gence of the people, and sustained as well by their approvin<^ judgments, as by their affections. With them to retrogradd^ into slavery was impossible, because their intellectual culti- vation and morsl qualities, harmonized with the institutions they estabhshed ; and these being in their nature pro^Tessive all must advance together. The effect upon other nations, has not been less dissimilar. Astonishment and admiration and sympathy soon ripened into zeal to imitate, as the success ot American example in self-government tested the doctrines ot the American Revolution, and proved their soundness. A new impulse communicated itself to the nations nearest in political condition, and most closely connected by facili- ties of_ intercourse, and habits of thought. Vast changes in the principles and framework of governments have abeady been silently or violently effected ; still more extensive ana important are plainly at hand. In all the theories of human rights,— in the policy of administrations aoxl cabinets ; in the innermost form and texture of that intricate combination ot interests and relations by which men are connected to- gether in society, — substantial reforms are in proo-ress every where throughout tJie civiHzed globe ; and all are parts of a stupendous series of organic changes, of which the Ameri- can Revolution marks the first era. Momentous as was that era in its consequences, it was scarcely less remarkable in the combination and succession of events, by which it was preceded. The discovery of America at the close of the 15th century concurred most AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 9 propitiously with the condition of Europe at the time, to strengthen the infant spirit of liberty that had been strug- gling in vain against hostile institutions, and to prepare a new unlimited held for its nurture and growth. Just when the wants of civilized man most seemed to need it, — when the pressure of antiquated misrule was most heavily felt, and no practicable scheme of relief on the spot of its predomi- nance seemed possible, — an unoccupied hemisphere was thrown open to him. There, ardent spirits, who found the sphere of action at home limited to too narrow a circle by the tyrannical customs and prescriptions of centuries, and the oppressed and destitute, made so by artificial restraints upon industry,and the extortions and abuses of legalized despotism, joyfully sought a new country. The impatient energies, that at home had exhausted themselves vainly in combating against barriers that were yet too strong to be broken through, here overflowed v.'ithout restraint, and spread them- selves over a vast continent, taming the savage, reclaiming the forests, battling fearlessly against all the terrors of soli- tude and the wilderness, ferocious wild beasts, and fiercer men, to build up institutions fresh from the hands of nature, and suited to their new position, and improved understanding of their rights. Thus was a peculiar people trained up to habits of independence, and experience of the benefits and usages of liberty, under circumstances more favorable than had ever been enjoyed by any people before ; developing by the severest discipline the physical powers of the human frame, and giving the fullest scope to the natural motions of the intellect. This rare combination of moral and social phe- nomena, tended harmoniously to the same end--the estab- lishment of a common principle of repugnance to arbitrary power, and the assertion for the first time, of the doctrines of popular sovereignty, by the final erection of the American republics. A slight glance at the comparative rate of progress in social improvements, in both hemispheres, before and since the impetus given at the era of the discovering of America, will signally illustrate its importance in political history. The seeds of Uberty, — which took such instant root, and flourished with such luxuriance here, and have grown with such rapidity elsewhere, — existed long before in Europe. But they had been sown in barren and stony ground, and. though nurtured by the toils, and oftentimes 10 • HISTORY OP THE watered by the blood of early martyrs, they sustained them- selves feebly against a superincumbent mass of ancient abuses. While the revival of learning, after the darkness of the middle ages, gave a new impulse to the human mind, and the discoveries and inventions by which it was subsequently signalized, perpetuated its new achievements, and have carried it progressively onwards, the natural influence of increased knowledge, upon public liberty, was tardy in manifesting itself in the improvement of governments, or in the elevation of the condition of the people. To partial observation, looking at immediate effects, that influence would seem to have been hostile to freedom. The student of history finds despotism temporarily strengthened as know- ledge increased. The resources of learning, applied by the most active intellects, evidently sharpened, for a season, the weapons of arbitrar}^ power, and ministered sedulously to the ruling temper of the times, devising artful defences for its excesses, and new instruments for securing its unresisted ascendency. The alliance between tyranny, which is the natural form of all unlimited power, and knowledge, which is its natural enemy, is, in the early stages of the latter, as seen in the history of foreign governments, apparently com- plete. In later times, it has been also found that men of the highest range of intellect, have employed their superiority to uphold the most odious systems of government, and to extin- guish those desires for political rights, which have sprung chiefly from the enlarged knowledge, to which themselves have so much contributed. Striving earnestly against popular movements, they, at the same time, spent their lives in pur- suits which have prepared the world for the very changes they deplored. The explanation of this apparent anomaly, instead of disproving the inherent sympathy between know- ledge and freedom, gives an eminent proof of their aflinity, under all circumstances, and in despite of all personal pas- sions, individual influences, and temporary delusions. The selfish principle peculiar to the age, and the selfish principle of our common nature, were both to be encountered and overthrov^^n, before the beneficent influences of civilization could be made to reach the mass of the community, and elevate them. The thirst for power and booty was the ruling passion of the privileged classes, and learning and mental acquirements were only valued as ministers to that appetite. They were additional weapons for foiling enemies, AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 11 conquering and enslaving the weak, and strengthening the strong,— and were so estimated only in comparison with other instruments. They were rather contemned in the compari- son with bodily strength, because their influences were less obvious. Even when they became more highly considered, they were employed, with few exceptions, in advancing selfish objects, and for personal aggrandizement. Thus for a long series of years, and through various fortunes, know- ledge as the great agent of human improvement, struggled not only against the errors and institutions of antiquity, but against the dominant temper of the times, and the selfish principles of its possessor and followers. The condition of socie^ during the progress of this struggle, while it bears testimony to the arduous conflict which the growing spirit of liberty was waging with its antagonists, fur- nishes other arguments for the opponents of popular license, much more honourable to human nature, than the baser pas- sions of pride and ambition, with which they were mingled. It is not to be denied, that in those days, the multitude were incapable of government, or of any proper use of their faculties, in judging of affairs of state. Ignorant and brutal, — taught from infancy to know nothing but the law of force, and the will of a master scarcely less brutal and ig- norant, — they were, without question, a stolid and insensate mass, whom power alone could restrain, and to whom free- dom was a word as unintelligible as it now is to the body- guard of an African chief. So the first dawning of civiliza- tion found them, and so the first master spirits saw them, the more clearly as themselves were more highly elevated. Knowledge of civil rights, which is the growth of a general increase of intelligence, spread but slowly, even when the most rapid advance was made by individuals in science and the arts: what wonder is it, then, that direct fear of the savage excesses of an ignorant multitude should have pre- vailed over vague and unformed notions of a human per- fectibility, of which there was no present token nor promise ? Having no means of safety for all the growing interests of society, save in the strength of those classes which held the power to protect,and which, by their position and their limited numbers, were within the reach of improvement, it ought not to surprise us, that men of the best intentions and widest range of intellect and acquirement should have been the advocates of monarchy, the defenders of established institu- 12 HISTORY OF THE tions, and the partizans of dynasties, claiming to exist by " divine" appointment. Ambition and vanity, custom and fear, the weight of antiquity, the authority of history, and the abused or mistaken sanctions of religion, were all on the side of governments, wherever and however they existed. Yet in all this apparent union of every influence, in favour of despotic governments, the seeds of revolution were planted. The tightening and bracing of the social springs showed an increasing pressure to be counteracted — a grow- ing impulse upward, against which conservative force had become necessary. While the jealousy of power, barred with increasing rigour the advance of popular inquiry irf re ligion and politics, mental activity enlarged its field widely in every other direction, The general level of capacity gradually rose, until the forbidden precincts were invaded by a universal tide of public opinion, in spite of the barriers which had been raised upon each other, by the care of cen- turies. What the immediate effects were, is not wi4;hin our limits to describe minutely. From the period of the reign of Henry the VIII., in England, the eiForts of the rising spirit of the people, more and more enlightened by education, and directed by experience, have gradually — sometimes by vio- lence, and sometimes by natural operations imperceptibly, — raised the moral character of nations, and finally enlisted knowledge on the side to which it naturally belongs — that of Liberty. In the most propitious period for mankind, of this unequal strife which is not yet decided in the old world, the colonization of America produced an entire change in the moral characteristics of the contest. Here were no obstacles to the freest exercise of intellectual independence : the issue has invigorated the hopes, and given unerring promises of the final triumph, of those who have not only to build up new institutions, but to combat inveterate prejudices, to re- move the consequences of errors that have been interwoven with the most intimate texture of society, and to prepare whole nations, not only to conquer and establish, but to un- derstand and enjoy their rights. The co-operation of knowledge and civilization, with fortune, or Providence, in this work of human regenera- tion, may not unaptly be compared to that of physical phenomena, which, by the agency of independent laws, without apparent concert, produce the finest and noblest results. Intellectual and moral improvement, the soil AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 13 from which public virtue and liberty spring as the natural growth, is formed, gradually, from a thousand indirect and direct sources, as the earth is formed for the benevolent pur- poses of vegetation, upon a barren rock. By slow attrition and progressive deposites of the elements, layer after layer accu- mulates. If human industry be wanting to stimulate its energies, by and by comes along a bird of the air dropping the grain, or the wind, blowing where it listeth, scatters a seed, or the waves throw ftp a random twig, and the new- made soil soon sends up from its bosom a little plant, that ere long swells into a mighty tree, fixing its roots deep into the earth, and stretching its brawny arms wide into the air, bearing fruit to refresh and sustain living beings, and preserv- ing the inherent faculty of re-producing its kind for ever. The plant of liberty thus springs in a soil which virtue and knowledge have matured and prepared for the hand of some master spirit, labouring with almost divine philanthropy for the good of the species; or for some happy conjuncture of events to call forth its dormant powers into spontaneous action. Thenceforward, though the growth may be affected by un- toward events, and delayed, more or less, as society advances more or less slowly, it is not in the nature of truth, that it should ever perish again. All experience hitherto, in the only fair trial ever made, confirms this judgment. Americans, proud of their own share, as a people, in these glorious events, as well as zealous for the improvement of the condi- tion of other nations, by the same happy influences, ought frequently to turn with gratitude to the period of their own revolution, and not cease to impress its principles, and the magnitude of their bearings, upon the hearts of each suc- ceeding generation. The train of events which immediately brought on the struggle between the then colonies and Great Britain, and the vicissitudes of fortune by which it was marked until the final triumph by the establishment of inde- pendence, have, moreover, the merit of exhibiting rare ex- amples of personal virtue and heroism in our ancestors, well worthy of the highest admiration of their descendants — fit to foster a just national pride ; to strengthen the impulses of patriotism, and stimulate a warmer zeal in the universal cause of virtue and liberty. In reviewing the earlier portions of colonial history — to trace the remoter as well as the immediate springs of the revolution, secondary to the general advanceme?at of popular 14 HISTORY OF THE knowledge and virtue, which are the first causes — the chief place in importance is undoubtedly due to the peculiar opinions and dispositions of the Colonists and the circum- stances in which they were formed. The arbitrary measures of the British, government were not primary causes of the colonial resistance. Upon people of a different education and temperament, much greater oppi^ssions than those employed by the British ministry, from the commencement of the first systematic design to enslave in 1764, to the com- mencement of hostilities, might have been safely tried ; and with any other existing people, would have probably suc- ceeded. With them, however, as was well said by one of its wisest men, " The revolution was over before the war commenced." It was a moral revolution, to which a sue-' cessful war only gave permanent establishment, and the sanction of victory in the eyes of other nations. It existed in the minds of the Colonists long before the occasion had arisen to call forth its active energies, or to invite them to study attentively the tendency of their own opinions. Its development was hastened by the assertion of unwise and tyrannical doctrines from abroad, and the attempt to reduce to practice here, rules of government which would have suc- ceeded any where else, Vf'iih discontent, but without much contention, and with no resistance. The peculiar character of this people is therefore an essential point of preliminary inquiry. AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 15 CHAPTER II. The first settlers in America were a race of men, not merely enlightened in regard to the principles of govern- ment, to the full extent of the intelligence of the age, but were far in advance of the prevailing theories in Europe They were, in fact, for the most part, driven from Europe for their hostility to those theories, as established. Political and religious controversies had been for a long time agitating that whole continent, and cruel persecutions employed to re- press and punish all independence ofjudgment, and to main- tain despotic control over the body and mind, by the use of force. The mass of the public being unripe for concentrated action in behalf of general principles, they who were fore- most in agitation, and who consequently suffered the penal- ties of defeat, were the active and enterprising — those who best comprehended the. rights of man, and were warmed with the truest zeal for liberty. Such men it was, principally, who, disgusted with tyranny, or forced by rigorous laws and proscriptions, gladly embraced the opportunity of establishing themselves, at whatever cost and labour, where they might provide better institutions for their posterity. The English historian, Hume, himself the apologist of some of the worst tyrants that ever sat upon the throne, passed a merited eulo- gium upon the principles of the first American settlers, as early as the time of the first James. " That spirit of inde- pendence," he remarks, " which was then reviving in Eng- land, shone forth in America, in its full lustre, and received new accession of force from the aspiring character of those, who, being discontented with the established church and monarchy, had sought for freedom among the savage deserts." A striking fact, narrated in the memoirs of Cromwell and Hampden, two among the most remarkable men in English history, illustrates the general effect of the misgovernment of that period, in driving the ablest men into exile ; and may also serve as a memorable illustration of that just retribution for evil deeds, of which many examples are on record, wherein violent and arbitrary acts have, by the combination of subse- quent events totally unforeseen at the time, led directly to the ruin of their authors. Hampden and Cromwell, under 16 HISTORY OF THE the common Influence of dislike to the measures of Charles I. were actually on board ship, on their way to settle in Ame- rica, when they were stopped by a royal order in council, prohibiting; emig;ration. They, in consequence, remained in England — the one, by his noble support of the popular cause, to overturn the king's influence in parliament, and become a proverb in all ages for patriotism ; and the other, impelled onward by the current of events, in a career of ambition, to become the means of bringing the king's head to the block ; to banish his children, and sit upon his throne. Differences of opinions, upon political subjects, undoubtedly existed in the Colonies, from the beginning, similar to those which they left, and which prevailed contemporaneously in Europe. Custom, prejudice, varieties of capacity and edu- cation, and the occasional excess of selfish passions — vanity and the thirst for gain and power in individuals — main- tained, while their recollections of Europe were distinct, and continued to maintain, as long as the political connexion ex- isted, a spirit of party on the same subjects as those which convulsed the mother country. But popular doctrines predo- minated from the first, in America, and grow stronger as the ties, which drew them towards the old system, became weak- ened under the elfect and influence of new scenes and occupations; and as the generations became, in time, farther removed from the parent stock. In all these party differences, too, an important peculiarity is to be observed. Colonial dis- turbances were always in favour of natural rights; to retain what they had, as it were, resumed tVom society, on betaking themselves to the forests, against the encroachments of lords proprietors, and royal governors. In Europe, on the contrary, the rights of the people had to struggle under every disad- vantage, against established institutions and overwhelming power. While in the one country, therefore, their progress has been slow and painfully won, amid terrible convulsions ; in the other they advanced rapidly, and soon threw ofl'the petty impediments of European origiu- When Burke, in his fa- mous speech on conciliation witli America, delivered in tlie British House of Commons, in 1775, spoke so warmly of the "love of freedom." as the "predominating feature"' of the character of the Americans, he spoke truly and generously of what had grown up with them, from the earliest settle- ment. "That fierce spirit of liberty," which he then pro- nounced to be "stronger in the English Colonies, than in AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 17 any other people of the earth," was tlieir inheritance from the magnanimous ancestors wo have been describing; nurtured by p'erils, labour, and self-denial, until ail their o|)inions, cus- toms, inclinations, and habits of thought and' feeling were impressed with the same hardy traits of independence. It harmonized with the rugged soil they cultivated and the vast solitudes and boundless forests by which they were surrounded, and strengthened, perpetually, by contrast, their repug- nance to the narrow dogmas, the insolent assumptions, and artificial institutions of the over-crowded and oppressed po|)u- lation of Europe. The persecutions from which they had fled, voluntarily relinquishing their native land, to find poli- tical freedom and liberty of faith in the wilderness; tlie pri- vations they endured, by hunger and cold, pestilence, famine, and war, to establish their new dwelhngs; the perpetual watchfulness Avith which, by day and night, while toiling for food and shelter, they had to defend their lives from the tomahawk of a subtle and merciless enemy, and at the same time, to maintain their rights against the unnatural oppres- sions of the mother country — all combined to invigorate the principles they brought with them, and to perfect, by severe bodily and mental discipline, a national character for austere virtue, irrepressible energy, and indomitable courage ; — jealous and sagacious in its distrust of power ; full of the pride of personal independence ; quick to defect, and prompt to repel, all encroachments upon their rights. A leading element in the early colonial character, and perhaps the strongest in giving it its j^eculiar cast of austerity and elevation, was religious enthusiasm. The settlers of New England were dissenters, who had been oppressed at home by church and state : by the Catholic, and by the established Protestant church, as either, in the alternate vibrations of this mighty engine of despotism, preponderated. They were, as Botta well expresses it, "Protestants against Protestantism itself," and added to the other pressing inducements to emi- gration the higher sanctions of religious duty. Many believed themselves under the immediate direction of heaven. The stern traits of the English Puritans, so remarkable in the civil wars of the first Charles, and under the Comnonwealth, were strong in the Pilgrims of Plymouth Rock, gradually losing, in their descendants, under the benign influence of a better knowledge and wider freedom, the fanaticism which predominated at home ; but preserving their pious trust in Ba 18 HISTORY OP THE Providence, their frugal habits, exact morals, and vigilanl sense of independence. The parliamentary act of uniformity, passed in 166:2, by which two thousand of the most con- scientious Presbyterian preachers were arbitrarily deprived of their livings, for refusing to subscribe to certain articles of belief, sent great numbers of the most learned and pious ministers of that faith into exile in the Colonies, where they contributed essentially to sustain this tone of elevated reli- gious feeling. Many of them were thoroughly educated in the best English universities; and to them, the general diffu- sion of education, in the infancy of the Colonies, is mainly to be attributed. Those who have seen how extensive e-ven now is the influence of the clergy of New England, over the minds and feelings of the people, can Vi'ell imagine what must, in that day, have been the reception of so many zeal- ous ministers, who had sacrificed every thing to conscience. As it was in Massachusetts, then the mother colony of New England, so it was in the other Colonies, which took their rise from her, and followed her examples of severe virtue, when they dissented from and resisted her religious disci- pline. Connecticut and New Haven, at first separate colo- nies, were principally peopled by emigrants from Massachu- setts, in the spirit of voluntary adventure, without compulsion^ and at first acted under her authority. But it must be recorded, as one of the anomalies of human nature, that New Hamp- shire and Rhode Island rose out of the religious dissensions and persecutions of those who had themselves been exiled by persecution. Exeter, the first settlement in New Hamp- shire, was founded in 16^38, by a party of Colonists, who had been compelled to lea'*e Massachusetts, for adopting the pe- culiar religious sentiments which Mrs. Hutchinson taught, and for which she had been excommunicated ; and two years previous, Roger Williams, under similar persecutions, had established the colony of Rhode Island. This latter case, in particular, affords striking proof of the inconsistency of men, m the new possession of power, and inexperienced in the practical application of universal principles to affairs touch- ing their individual consciences ; and, at the same time, it demonstrates how happily the character of the Colonists was adapted to defeat the effects and consequences of those an- tiquated errors, and to prove religious despotism as incom- patible with the condition of America as political despotism. Williams, banished from Massachusetts, for entertaining AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 19 views of the right of private opinion, in religious matters, and the injustice of government interference in points of faith, too liberal to suit the Synod, established, in 1638, the colony of Providence, so called in gratitude for his deliver- ance, upon the basis of entire freedom of conscience. There he was subsequently joined by many others, maintaining the same liberality of sentiment. The sternness of religious en- thusiasm was softened in them by the benevolent influences of their tolerant institutions, and the effect was gradually re- turned to the mother colony in which they had been pro- scribed, enlarging the kindlier traits of the New England character, without affecting its exact sobriety of manners; its vigorous contempt of luxury, or its pious elevation of sen- timent. Nor were these ecclesiastical dissensions, springing, as they did, out of a European taint of error, and defeated by the operations of circumstances peculiar to America, unfavoura- ble to the general cause of liberty. In a country so bound- less, and with political freedom so entirely unrestrained, religious intolerance had only the effect of dispersing com- munities and multiplying new settlements. Where state power could not restrain emigration, and the genius of the people was averse to all arbitrary institutions, religious ty- ranny could be but a temporary insanity, and its fruits were a farther enlightenment of public opinion, hostile to its repeti- tion. They who feared not to cross the ocean, then deemed a perilous undertaking, in search of greater liberty of con- science, could not fear to remove a few miles further, to become entirely masters of their own actions. They, who, under these delusions, drove forth their fellow colonists from among them, found that persecution could not conquer its victims, and that at every attempt to oppress, more enlight- ened principles grew up in every direction, beyond their reach. The futility of the effort, as well as the natural reac- tion stimulated by an increasing freedom of political inquiry, soon checked this intolerant spirit. Out of the ardent dis- cussions and controversies, and the social improvements to which they led, grew greater liberty of thought ; more subtle inquiry into original principles ; a stronger assertion of indi- vidual rights, an aptitude to inquire rigidly into all preten- sions to authority over them, and promptness to repel en- croachment. It ought to be added, in justice to the New England clergy 20 HISTORY OF THE of the period, that these mistaken notions of religious supre- macy were, by no means, accompanied by any predilection for arbitrary power m politics. As a body, they were, from the beginning, among the sturdiest defenders of the rights of the Colonies. In the very midst of their highest intolerance, at a very early period of the attempts of the royal authority against the colonial charters, they gave a unanimous evidence of their love for political liberty. In the year preceding that in Avhich Providence was peopled by their persecutions, movements were made in England, hostile to the charter, and the design avowed of forming all New England into a consolidated government. The Colonists, in alarm, summoned the ministers, as "the fathers of the Commonwealth," to aid the magistrates with their counsel. All but one met at Boston, in 1035, and unanimously advised, that if the scheme of a general government should be persisted in, and a royal go- vernor sent out, the Colonists "ought not to accept him, but defend their lawful possessions, if able: otherwise, to avoid and protract." Nearly tifty years al'terwards they manifested a like intrepid spirit, and the historian Hutchinson says, that they ''turned the scale" in favour of resistance to the arbitrary measures of Charles II. The struggle between the Colony and the king's olficers had been long and violent ; and the agents of the province in London, had written home in despondency, representing their case as desperate, and desiring the general court to determine whether. Since many cities in England and some of the plantations had submitted, it were better " to resign" to his majesty's pleasure, or suffer a quo warranto to issue. Under the advisement of the ministers, after debate, it was concluded, in a magnanimous phrase that deserves com.memoration. that they would not submit, for ''it was better to die by the hands of others, than by their own." Though these religious persecutions chiefly prevailed m New England, yet their influences extended through the whole country, to which New England contributed so much of population, and such prominent traits of character. Other colonies too. practised, at different times, a similar policy, and the same remarks are apjilicable to them. Returning I'rom this digressive viev.- of the effects of a par- ticular modification o( the early religious temperament of the mother colonies, which was necessary to a true estimate of their character, we find the same temperament, sometimes AMEIUCAX REVOLUTIOX. 21 under similar modifications, and always with similar etTects, in the southern provinces. Originally, English dissenters, of the Presbyterian faith, peopled the northern settlements : lu Pennsylvania the Quakers founded their city o{ refuge, and Episcopalians were the great majority in Virginia. Maryland had been made, at a very early period, the peaceful asylum of Catholics, who. tired of the violence of contending parties at hom.e, each by turn persecutor or victim, as the state formed bv turns an alliance with the strongest sect, established on the Chesapeake, the lirst community in the world, in which en- tire freedom of conscience was a fundamental maxim of law. It preceded the settlement of Providence, by two years. St Mary's, in ^laryland, was founded by Lord Baltimore, with a company of ••Eoman Cathohcs, of family and fortune, "about two hundred in number, in 1634. The expulsion of Roger Williams from ]\[assachusetts, and his pilgrimage in search of a land of rest, did not take place till 1636. The new co- lony received numerous additions even from Xew England. The established church in Virginia made the same perilous error of judgment as the Synod of Massachusetts; and it forms a curious fact in the history of the human mind, that exiles from intolerant Episcopacy in Virginia; persecuted dissenters from puritan Xew" England ; the Swedes driven by violence from Delaware, and French Huguenots from Europe, found generous protection and complete freedom of faith in a colony of Catholics. Still farther south the same religious feelings entered into the propelling motives of the emigrants, and impressed their traits upon subsequent generations. The tirst settlers south of Virginia were refu2:ees from that state, tleeing from church persecutions, who established themselves on Albemarle Sound, in North Carolina, between 1640 and 1650. South Carolina received her first population from Xew England, and subse quently a large accession of numbers in French Protest- ants, expelled from their native country by the perfidious and suicidal act of Louis XIV., in the revocation of the Edict of Xantz. !Many of these families were to be found in every colony, and they were firm advocates of tolerant principles. The German Palatines, too, escaping: from persecution at home, came over in considerable nimibers. and settled in diiTerent parts of the two Carolinas. Bound together by similarity of condition, common sutFerings and identity of principles, the^-e Colonists, though of various nations originally, soon acquiied, 22 HISTORY OF THE under the operation of the same strong moral influences, traits of character nearly uniform. By far the largest propor- tion of the population, even in the southern plantations, was received directly from Great Britain, or from the northern British settlements. The English language, English customs, habits of thought and political theories, prevailed over every other ; and emigrants from all other nations were soon fused into the general mass of English descendants. The laws, opinions, and institutions, which these had brought with them, were derived from the British constitution, itself the freest in Europe, and were made necessarily more liberal by the democratic tendencies and peculiar condition of those by whom they were re-established. To the theoretical free- dom, for which first the Puritans in England, and after them the Whigs contended, they superadded an impatience of restraint, and a repugnance to royal and ecclesiastical pre- rogative, which were continually strengthened by the ab- sence of all visible signs and memorials of these arbitrary institutions ; by the equality of condition existing among themselves; by their peculiar occupation as agriculturalists, and by their physical position in the midst of an almost unte- nanted continent ; and were finally aggravated to resistance and revolution by violent assaults. At the distance of three thousand miles from the pomp of courts, the seductive in- fluences of luxury, the ostentatious pretensions of fashion and wealth, the aristocracy and the peerage ; for the most part simple cultivators of the soil or hardy navigators ; — with no distinctions of rank among them, except such as were sent them in foreign rulers, and were, in consequence, more repulsive to their feelings — with no differences of condition, except in degrees of competence, as they were individually more or less industrious, frugal, austere, laborious, pious, — continually spreading over the country fresh settlements, still more widely removed from connexion with England ; and knowing little of her except in the orders and governors she sent them : — nothing existed naturally to conciliate their feel- ings towards the institutions of monarchy. Had no extraordi- nary dissensions broken out to precipitate the course of events, it would have been not the less impossible for such a people, so situated and trained, and of such dispositions, to remain subject to a foreign power. Everything in their position and character tended invariably to independence ; and not only to independence, but to democratic institutions. So AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 23 clear was this tendency, while they were yet in their infancy, that when the Commission was appointed, in 1664, by Charles II., to "settle the peace of the Colonies," the famous Earl of Clarendon, in his draught of their instructions, added as a commentary upon the stubborn spirit of the Colonies — "They are already hardened into republics." Though a peaceable separation must inevitably have taken place at some day, not far distant, as surely as the child discovers his capacity to take care of himself, and becomes independent of his parents ; it might have happened, as is often the case in the same domestic relation, that dependence would be pro- tracted long after any necessity existed on either side for mutual aid. Affection would certainly have done much to preserve, in America, tender recollections and grateful def- erence, long after power would have failed to exact obedience, or the comparative resources of the two countries would have justified any claim to superiority on the part of Great Britain. But such was not the relation between Great Britain and the Colonies. As the parent country, she was, from the begin- ning, an unnatural parent; one who neglected her offspring; left them to their own exertions for preservation and support ; and never inquired into their welfare, until she thought it time to put in a technical claim to a portion of their earnings. Nothing in her conduct towards them in their weakness v/as de- signed or calculated to touch their affections with a sense of gra- titude, and fortunately for them, they thus escaped the sense of dependence. They were fugitives from a tyranny, prac- tised under the forms of her constitution, into the wilderness ; and no relenting kindness followed them into exile, to sus- tain them in their labours, or sympathize in their sufferings. With their own means they escaped from her persecutions ; with their own hands they hewed out for themselves habita- tions in the forests ; fought their own way to power ; built up commonwealths ; established governments ; endowed col- leges, and carried on, at prodigious expense, warlike cam- paigns against their enemies and hers, with scarcely so mucli remuneration from her resources as would defray the cost of her own part of the military establishment, though the quarrels in the several French wars, were, with slight exceptions, en- tirely her "own. They spent vast sums, and lost the flower of their population, — not to insist upon their claims upon her for the heroism of their actions, — altogether for British objects ; in return for which, they only got empty thanks in the first in- ^ HISTORY OF THE stance, and obloquy and persecution afterwards. Not till they had established a commerce, the monopoly of which was an object of gain to British merchants, were they deemed worthy of attention ; and they accordingly thrived on their own strength and industry. History records the jealousy of self- estimation with which they rejected offers of aid, at times when their own means were tasked, and the cpntest ought to have been exclusively British. Never was anything more foreign to recorded facts, or more revolting to the true spirit of the Americans, than the boast so frequently made during the discussions just before the declaration of independence, by British orators, of the protection, indulgence, and bounty of Great Britain, and the ingratitude of the Colonies. We cannot better describe the true nature of these relations, than in the words of David Hartley, a British Whig of high repu- tation, who was subsequently one of the British Commission- ers for concluding the peace of 1783. Our extract is part of a vigorous speech, which he made in defence of America, in the British House of Commons, in 1775, and is interesting both as an historical item of interest, recapitulating authentic facts, which have an important bearing on the course of events we are describing, and as sustaining, on the best British au- thority, the fact of the actual independence of the Colonies, of all aid from Great Britain, in the times of their weakness. He said : " Whenever Great Britain has declared war, they (the Colonies) have taken their part. They were engaged in king William's wars, and queen Anne's, even in their infancy. They conquered Acadia in the last century, for us ; and we then gave it up. Again, in queen Anne's war, they con- quered Nova Scotia, which, from that time, has always be- longed to Great Britain. They have been engaged in more than one expedition to Canada, ever foremost to partake of honour and danger with the mother country." "Well, Sir, what have we done for them? Have we con- quered the country for them from the Indians ? Have we cleared it ? Have we drained it ? Have we made it habit- able ? What have we done for them ? I believe, precisely nothing at all, but just keeping watch and ward over their trade, that they should receive nothing but from"ourselves, at our own price. I will not positively say that we have spent nothing ; though I do not recollect any such article upon our journals : but I mean any material expense in set- AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 25 ling them out as Colonists. The royal military government of Nova Scotia cosi, mdeed, not a little sum ; above £500,000 for its plantation, and its first years. Had your other colonies cost anything similar either in their outset or support, there would have been something to say on that side ; but, instead of that, they have been left to themselves for one hundred or one hundred and fifty years, upon the fortune and capital of private adventurers, to encounter every difiiculty and danger What towns have we built for them ? What desert have w« cleared? What country have we conquered for them from the Indians ? Name the officers — name the troops — the ex- peditions — their dates. Where are they to be found ? Not in the journals of this kingdom. They are nowhere to be found." "In all the wars which have been common to us and them, they have taken their full share. But in all their own dan- gers, in the difficulties belonging separately to their situation, in all the Indian wars which did not immediately concern us, we left them to themselves to struggle their way through. For the whim of a minister, you can bestow half a million to build a town, and to plant a royal colony of Nova Scotia; a greater sum than you have bestowed upon every other colony together." "And notwithstanding all these, which are the real facts, now that they have struggled through their difficulties, and begin to hold up their heads, and to show that empire which promises to be the foremost in the world, we claim them and \ theirs, as implicitly belonging to us, without any considera- tion of their own rights. We charge them with ingratitude, without the least regard to truth, just as if this kingdom had for a century and a half, attended to no other object ; as if all our revenue, all our power, all our thought had been be stowed upon them, and all our national debt had been con- tracted in the Indian Avars of America; totally forgetting the subordination in commerce and manufactures, in which we have bound them, and for which, at least, we owe them help I towards their protection." "Look at the preamble of the act of navigation, and every J American act, and see if the interest of this country is not • the avowed object. If they make a hat or a piece of steel, an I act of parliament calls it a nuisance ; a tilting hammer, a steel j furnace, must be abated in America as a nuisance. Sir, I speak from facts. I call your books of statutes and journals 26. HISTORY OF THE to witness ; with the least recollection, every one must ac- knowledge the truth of these facts." Thus this wise and upright statesman bore testimony to the spirit and courage of the Colonies, and vindicated their claim to a character for noble independence, at the very time when the ministry was insisting that they should be, in his forcible description of British legislation, " taxed and talliaged, to pay for the rod of iron" preparing for them. Under such circumstances, physical, religious, and politi- cal, as we have attempted thus cursorily to describe, the pe- culiar character of the Colonies, as it existed in the middle of the eighteenth century, was formed. Without taking into consideration those active causes of distrust, which were con- stantly occurring to weaken the feelings of attachment be- tween the two countries, some of which we shall shortly re- capitulate, it is obvious, that in a people of such a temper, with so fine a country and but a feeble political connexion with a distant power, existed all the elements of an inde- pendent nation. Proud, enterprising, hatdy, virtuous — ra- pidly growing in wealth and consequence, by the expansive nature of their own energies — entirely unrestricted in terri- tory, and untrammelled by ancient errors, they had but few points in common with any other nation; and every year seemed to separate them more distinctly, as prepared for a new and peculiar frame of government. Notwithstanding these lines of separation gradually diverg- ing more and more widely, and notwithstanding all the original bitterness of feeling and personal disappointments, which the first Colonists carried over with them, it is beyond doubt, that their descendants, for several generations, en- tertained a lively affection for the land of their European ancestors. Under the severest trials from the aggressions of Great Britain, they still spoke of her with tenderness as of a parent, harsh through a noble temper, misguided by evil counsellors. Most of them had foresight enough to see the tendency of her measures, when they invaded colonial rights, and firmness enough to meet them with instant re- monstrance and zealous opposition ; yet few ever attributed them to a settled design upon the liberties of America, until the Stamp Act and its successors were passed. Even at a very late period of their dissensions, a revolution formed no part of their scheme of redress; and wise, honest, and fearless men doubted to the very day that independence was AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 27 proclaimed. The principal men in the Colonics had received their education in England, and the endearing appellation of the "mother countiy," commonly used in speaking of her, shows how kindly she was remembered in after life. A voyage to England was familiarly called, going "home." These connexions were numerous in every colony, and the first and best educated men, everywhere in America, were attached to England and Englishmen by personal tie- of blood and intimate relations of friendship. Their attach ments were strengthened still more by a community of partv ' feeling. The Colonists felt with, and uniformly aided, the popular party in England, to the extent of their power, and sympathized with them in all their adversities, as brethren and fellow sufferers. To the Tories and high-church men who were the advocates of arbitrary power in England, were opposed the Puritans and Whigs, and their descendants, kindred in blood and in sentiment to the first settlers in this country. The oppressions of America, whether by the Charleses, or James the II., or the administrations that followed his expul- sion, had generally a resisting minority in England ; friends of Ajnerica, who took up her cause as one of their domestic dis- putes. The violent invasions of the charters, that were so ably resisted, created no national discord between the coun- tries, because both were struggling in a common cause, for the establishment of common principles, and the same con- stitutional doctrines. The Magna Charta — the Bill of Rights, and the theoretic freedom of the British constitution, were invariably appealed to by America, in all cases of controversy between the colonial legislatures and the lords proprietaries, or the royal governdrs. Community of language and litera- ture added new force to these ties ; and, what was subse- quently complained of as a great grievance, the close intimacy of commercial intercourse, under the operation of restrictive duties and the navigation acts, had originally, by no means an unfavourable effect. The principles of trade and com merce were not then understood as they are now. The re- straining acts of the British parliament, which monopolized the navigation and trade of America, and prohibited many important branches of manufacture, had no sensible effect upon the prosperity of the Colonics, and were deem.ed to be within the legitimate powers of government. The colonial system was such as the contemporaneous practice of all na- tions and all experience seemed to iustifv: and without much 28 HISTORY OF THE critical inquiry, feeling no immediate evil, owing to the laxity with which it was administered, they acquiesced in it; receiv- ing as an apparent remuneration, the protection of the British flag, and the use of English capital. It was not until the com- mencement of the year 1764, when, under the bold schemes of taxation and subjection, adopted by the ministry, political rights began to be so keenly discussed, that the commercial question was seriously investigated with a hostile spirit. Some of the relaxations of the strict system, which had been tolerated through motives of prudence, were about that time suddenly and capriciously suspended. The Colonies soon learnt, under the smart of this infliction, that however the theory of the British constitution might create a distinction between the two kinds of taxation — for revenue and for the regulation of commerce — both were, in fact, equally repug- nant to their natural rights, as well as unworthy of their powerful and prosperous condition. Men's minds then began to stir themselves, in acute inquiries into the whole history of the British policy towards America, and the whole theory of British supremacy. An attempt to raise taxes for revenue, as well ag for commercial regulations, ended in the denial of the right to do either ; and the affirmance of the power of parhament, to bind " in all cases whatsoever," resulted in the total loss of power. Till the Peace of Paris, in 1763, neither the collisions that had taken place, nor the selfish and op- pressive laws which had been enacted, from time to time, had affected seriously the general good disposition of the Colonies to the mother country. Those dispositions con- tinued, subject only to the gradual weakening arising from change of circumstances, — occasionally wounded by some glaring act of tyranny, but never altogether alienated, — until the projects of the Grenville ministry, commencing in 1763-4, which roused the resentment of all America, and united them in the rejection of all political dependence whatever on Great Britain. It is foreign to the purpose of this work to trace the alter- nate diminutions and partial restoration of these kindly sentiments, or to detail the various modes, and numerous instances in which the spirit of independence displayed it- self in their actions and principles. Those who are familiar with the colonial annals, know how replete they are with anecdotes of personal and public virtue and heroism — how they abound in the best examples of patient industry, and AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 519 grave sobriety of deportment, united to the liveliest sensibility to noble actions and motives, and the keenest watchfulness in defence of civil liberty. They must be studied attentively by all who desire a just acquaintance with the facts of colonial history, and the character of the colonists. The limits of the present volume will not permit more than the general sketch, made thus briefly of the principles and motives, and their sources, to which the world owes the establishment of American Liberty by the revolution. Still continmg our selves, though less strictly, to results rather than details of fact, to the course of events bearing directly upon the relations between Great Britain and her Colonies, rather than to a mere narrative of consecutive facts, — the French war of 1756, ending in 1763, at the Peace of Paris, will occupy the ensuing chapter. In it will be found, many of the proximate causes and provocations, which operating on the American Colonies, hastened the separation of the two countries. C2 30 HISTORY OF THE CHAPTER III. The Peace of Paris, Avhich, after a century and a half of warfare between Great Britain and France, for supremacy in America, established completely the British ascendency, was 5iigned at Paris by the ministers of Great Britain, France, Spain, and Portugal, on the 10th of February, 1703. France lost by it all her ancient possessions in America, except the town of New Orleans, and a few scattering settlements on tlie INIississippi. England gained from France a renunci- ation and guarantee of Nova Scotia, (then called Acadie,) Canada, and the islands in the river and Gulf of St. Lawrence ; and from Spain a cession and guarantee of Florida, and all Spanish claims and possessions in North America, east and south-east of the Mississippi. The British American domin- ions, therefore, extended from the north-eastern extremity' of the continent to the Gulf of ^lexico, and from the Missis- sippi to the Atlantic ; a mighty territory, acquired by immense labour and after many expensive wars, which was destined to be lost to the crown of Britain, in a few years, by its own folly and cupidity. The new acquisitions were erected, by proclamation, in October of the same year, into three new governments, under the titles of Quebec, East Florida, and West Florida. The policy of the English cabinet towards the Colonies then took that decided tone, which had occasionally appeared before, but had never been perse- vered in against tl:eir prompt remonstrances, while the French were in such dangerous proximity. Relieved now from this apprehension, and no longer requiring their aid to maintain the ascendenc}- of the British arms, tliey commenced that system of government and taxation, which provoked the resistance of America and separated the empire. 'WHiat added to the anxiety of Great Britain to strengthen her power over the Colonies, was the great resources they had displayed during that war. They had, in fact, made prodigious exertions — raised troops and money, and con- tinued to raise them, year after year, with unexpected spirit, and far beyond their proportion of service, as part of the British nation. One year with another, they kept twenty AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 31 five thousanc] men in the field, during the whole seven years. When the elder Pitt, in 175S, called upon the colonial governors for the largest levies the population would allow, three colonies, Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New Hamp- shire, voted him fifteen thousand men. In one day i£r20,000 sterling were subscribed by individuals in the town of Boston alone, to encourage enlistment. Minot estimates the cost of that campaign to the colonial treasury of Massachusetts, at iJl'^O.OOO, and to private persons, at £G0,000 more. In one year Massachusetts had in the field 7,000 troops, " a greater levy," says Minot, "for a single provino«, than the three kingdoms had made, collectively, since the revolution," seventy years before. Such was the intrepidity of that ancient and " unterrified" commonw^ealth — the more com- mendable, as we shall see, because she was, at the same time, stoutly contending for her privileges against the king's prerogative. The other colonies showed a similar spirit. There were seven thousand provincial troops in the campaign under Winslow, in 1756. In the next year, the Earl of Loudon, the commander-in-chief, made a requisition of four thousand troops, which were supplied immediately from New England. But eighteen hundred of the number were appor- tioned to Massachusetts, because she had already so many sol- diers in the field ; yet, when four additional companies were called for in the next year, they too.were furnished. Half of the army of Amherst, that made the northern campaign, in which Quebec was taken by Wolfe, was composed of pro- vincials. They were present and active at the capture of Louisburgh — they took the Island of Cape Breton — they conquered Forts Frontenac and Duquesne. We have the tesCimony of the same Mr. Hartley, from whom we quoted before, in favour of the vast importance of these services to Ihe issue of the war, by which Great Britain gained so much. "The Americans," he said, "turned the success of the war at both ends of the line. General Monckion took Beausejour in Nova Scotia, with fifteen hundred provincial troops, and aboui two hundred regulars. Sir William Johnson, in the othef part of America, changed the face of the war to success, with a provincial army, which took Baron Dieskau prisoner. But, Sir, the glories of the war under the united British and American arms, are recent in every one's memory. Suffice it to decide this question, that the Americans bore, even in our judgment, more than their full proportion ; that this 32 HISTORY OF THE House did annually vote them an acknowledgment of their zeal and strenuous efforts and compensation for the excess of their zeal and expenses, above their due proportion." A large continental force was at the reduction of INIarti- nique, in 176-i, and Spain having joined in the war, they helped largely in the capture of Havana for England. By sea, loo, they were no less zealous. It is on record, that their own ships were stripped of sailors to man the navy of Great Britain, [t was admitted, in debate, in the House of Commons, in Mlo, that ten thousand American seamen were in the British naval service, f!i the war of 175t>. Four hundred armed vessels issued from their ports against the commerce of France and Spain. For these services and exertions, which are cited as evidence of their warm attachment of Great Britain, they received tardy thanks and slower remuneration. K is com- puted that they had a just claim upon the British government for i£3,000,000 more than the sums voted as indemnity. They bore, in fact, the burden of the conflict, by -which an immense territory was won for Great Britain, and a formida- ble rival finally discomfited. The return of the government for these services and sufferings w^ould have chilled the warmest affections. It had a strong effect, when subsequently mixed up with more direct aggressions, in alienating the feelings of the Colonists. The jealousy which had more than once been manifested in England, against the growth of the Colonies, provoked by their political intrepidit}-, was aggravated into settled prejudice by the strength and resources they had exhibited. Instead of gratitude for the zeal and bravery by which a peace so advantageous had been won, the peace itself had opposers, because it relieved the Colonies from French hos- tility, and thus lessened their dependence on Great Britain. While the negotiations were pending, a project was se- riously entertained, and defended in ministerial pamphlets, to restore Canada to France in exchange for some of her possessions elsewhere, lor the avowed purpose of keeping the Colonies in check by ;\n enemy. It was on this occasion that Dr. Franklin's celebrated Canada pamphlet was written to expose the injustice and illiberality of such a treaty. The royal proclamation which followed the peace, regulating the new conquests, contained a provision aimed against the further growth of tlie colonies westward. It forbade strictly AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 33 all settlements in the old colonies, beyond the heads of the rivers that run eastwardly into the Atlantic. Consistent with this same policy, selfish and ungrateful as it was, every discouragement and prohibition was opposed to the foimation of inland settlements, with the express design of confining the Colonies, as the Board of Trade, in a subsequent report, officially stated, "within reach of the trade and commerce of Great Britain." Such was the temper with which the war of 1756 waj concluded. Its commencement had been signalized by a similar line of policy, manifested in another mode. The history of the Albany plan of Union, projected in 1754, and which failed from the same unreasonable jealousy of Ame- rica, is worthy to be quoted here, both in pursuance of our plan of bringing together the principal provocations which led to American resistance, and the proximate causes which disturbed the harmony between the two countries, and as an interesting item of colonial history. War with France had become inevitable, although not de- clared. Orders were accordingly dispatched from England for the Colonies to hold themselves in readiness. These were ac- companied by a recommendation from the Board of Trade, to form a confederation for joint defence, and an alliance with the Indians. Governor Shirley, of Massachusetts, recommended a convention, Avhich was accordingly held at Albany, and a plan of union, drawn up by Benjamin Franklin, was adopted, and, singularly enough, signed on the 1th of July. It proposed to apply to parliament for an act to establish a general government in the Colonies, to be administered by a Presi- dent General, appointed by the king, to possess the whole ex- ecutive power, with a veto power on all laws, and be assisted by a Grand Council elected by the Colonies. They were to have the joint power of declaring war and making peace ; to conclude treaties with the Indian tribes, regulate trade with them, and purchase their lands either in the name of the Crown or of the Union ; to settle new colonies and make laws concerning them, until erected into separate govern ments ; to raise troops, build forts, fit out armed vessels, and use other means for national defence. For these purposes they were to be empowered to lay and collect taxes, &c. The Colonies undertook, if this plan were accepted, to defend themselves against the French, without any assistance from Great Britain. Connecticut dissented in convention 3-4 iiisronv iH' I'Mr from tlio plan, as dopriviiii; iho sopaiats- coloiiios of their taxiiicj power, and it was rejectoil by the kins; in council, as an attempt to establish too tnueh imlependeiico. The counter project, drawn u]> by the ministry, and transmitted for the consideration of the Cohmies, was artfully devised to obtain a general sanction by the Colonies themselves of tlie parlia- mentary right o\' taxation for revenue. It proposed a sort of congress of the governors and some members of tlie councils to act for all the Colonics, and to draw, in the first instance, for the expenditures on the British treasury, reimbursable by "a tax to be laid on the Colonies by act of parliament." This would have been an unqualitied surrender of the revenue power to the discretion of men, for the most part, appointed by the ministry: and it was ably ex})osed in Dr. Franklin's celebrated letter to Governor Shirley. He therein, after touching t!ie constitutional diiliculties, made a bold and convincing summary of the benefits enjoyed by Great Britain in her monopoly of American commerce and manufactures — benefits which he estimated to cost America more for the gain of J^ngland, than any fair proportion of the taxes of the United Kingdom. Public attention was keenly awakened by the discussion in that letter, which embodied, in a sententious manner, many argu- ments subsequently employed against British supremacy. The projected plan failed on both sides, and Great Britain, however reluctantly, was obliged to bring her own forces into the field, and bear some portion of the cost. Minor controversies between the royal and colonial autho- rities also constantly occurred during the war, that tended to irritate and renew old irritations. Though not of importance enough, considered separately, to have permanentlv atlected the relations of the two countries, yet taken in connexion with circumstances immediately preceding, and followed up by grosser aggravations, they were, in a subsequent review of the conduct of Great Britain, believed to be the fruits and tlie evidence of an inveterate prejudice against the Americans, and a settled hostility against their principles. The royal regulation concerning the relative rank of colonial otlicers and the regular troops, created great disgust and dissatisfaction, especially in Virginia, where, but for the magnanimity of tlie Virginia otlicers, it would have totally broken up the cam- paign ol' \7o(\, under Generals ^Vinslow, and Abercrombie, and the Earl of Loudon. In the subsequent year, a controversy AMERICAN KEVOLUTION. 35 of great asperity was carried on between the INIassaclmsetts general court and the British commander-in-cliief", Lord Loudon. He undertook to insist upon their providing; quar- ters for the British troops, pursuant to the acts of the British parliament. The demand was at first complied with, warily, and with the protestation that it was granted, not as a " matter of right," but as a free-will advance of money on the "national account." Upon a repetition of the claim, the magistrates refused compliance, and were sustained by the legislature, in the spirit and on the principles that afterwards produced the revolution. They told him that the magistrates were responsible to them, and bound only by the laws of the colony of Massachusetts, and that the acts of parliament, in question, were not binding in America. By their charter they claimed all civil power, the enjoyment of which privi- leges they told him "was their support under all burdens." The same year was distinguished by angry contests concern- ing the right of taxation, between the Governor and Assembly of Pennsylvania. The agent in England, who managed the controversy for the colony against the proprietaries, was Benjamin Franklin ; and in that field of inquiry, involving the principles of taxation and representation, his acute mind was trained for the noble part which he was afterwards called upon to sustain in the revolution. Other colonies were similarly vexed ; but the dispute in Massachusetts, in 1761, between the prerogative party, headed by Governor Bernard and Lieutenant Governor (then Chief Justice) Hutchinson, on the one side, and the people of Boston on the other, concerning writs of assistance, is deserving of more particular notice, by reason of the boldness of the doctrines advanced on the colonial side, and their influence on subsequent events. Opposition already existed to the revenue laws, as administered, and the custom-house officers, representing themselves to be obslrucled in the per- formance of their duties, applied for writs of assistance, according to the usage of the exchequer in England. The material question arose, whether the practice of the English Exchequer was obligatory on colonial courts, and thence the argument turned upon the character of the process prayed for. James Otis, who was Advocate General for the Admiralty, resigned his office, to appear in behalf of the citizens of Boston, in opposition to the claim. His speech has been quoted by Ex-President, the first Adams, as a masterly 36 HISTORY OF THE exposition of colonial rights, under the charters, and of human rights, independently of all charters, against all assumptions of unjust power in every form, whether by force of precedents, the usurpations of monarchy, or the decisions of legal tribunals against the principles of liberty. He went over the history of the charters, and those who founded the colony "by the sweat of their brows; at the hazard and sacrifice of their lives; without the smallest aid, assistance, or comfort from the government of England, or from England as a nation — On the contrary, meeting with constant jealousy, envy, and intrigue against their charter, their religion, and all their privileges," and " reproached the nation, parliament, and king with injustice, illiberality, ingratitude, and oppres- sion in their conduct." His courageous argument and spirited invective carried the point in favour of popular rights. The demand for the writ was in effect defeated. If granted by the court at all, which is an uncertain point, it never was formally announced, and they certainly were never used. Mr. Adams, who heard the oration of Otis, thought it the ablest he ever knew, and ranked it among the principal preparatory events to the revolution. He adds, "I do say, in the most solemn manner, that Mr. Otis' oration against writs of assistance breathed into this nation the breath of life." The records of those times furnish us with many similar instances which we might quote, of harshness and unkind- ness on the one side, and resentment and remonstrance on the other; of power occasionally assuming the port of tyranny, and resistance rising almost to independence. They may also be traced, fewer and less palpable in their effects, back through the whole colonial history. We cite them here partly as signs of the prevailing temper of the Colonies; but chiefly to mark the disposition of the mother country towards them, under circumstances calling for grateful indulgence and support. At the very time when Americans were pouring out their best blood in every part of the continent, for her glory and advantage, — in Canada, on the Ohio, in the West Indies ; fighting her battles and conquering for her, posses- sions larger in extent than the whole United Kingdom ; she was, without compunction, prosecuting, as fast as her own share of these dangers gave her leisure, a scheme to deprive them of rights earned by two centuries of patient industry and indomitable courage. We have seen that in the peace AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 37 of 17G3, she used the power that they had earned lor her, in a spirit of envy at their prosperity, and dread of their in- crease — that she was near sacrificing an important conquest to maintain in Canada an enemy to overawe them ; and that her first action in regulating these conquests, was designed to repress their growth, by confining their enterprise to the Atlantic coast, in the fear that they might else penetrate into the interior, beyond the reach of her taxing power. Dissatisfaction naturally prevailed, especially in the New England colonies, who had done and suffered most. Had a new system succeeded at that time, things might have relapsed into their old state, as in cases of former difficulty. Perhaps, if due honour had been paid to their miUtary exploits, and soothing expedients used to quiet the fears of parliamentary encroach- ment and British injustice, which had become general shortly after the close of the war, no immediate danger to their political connexion with England, would have followed. The recollection of common toils, achievements, and victories, during the war, added to the many other common sympathies which existed, might, under the influence of generous treat- ment, and with cautious forbearance, have quieted the dissa- fisfaction and preserved, for many years, a close but gradually relaxing connexion between England and America. Unhappily for Great Britain, other counsels were adopted. No pause was allowed in the prosecution of the design to break the spirit and subvert the rights of the Colonies. New and odious restrictions upon their commerce followed rapidly after the peace. Their minds, already ill-disposed by other vexations, were exasperated by the abuse of those powers over the regulation of their commerce, which they conceded to belong to the British parliament ; and in that temper a bold usurpation was attempted of the power to tax for revenue without their consent ; — thus to deprive them of their char- tered rights and reduce them to unconditional slavery. A historical and statistical view of the separate colonies does not come within the scope of this work. Up to the war of 1756, with the exception of the early New England Confederation, they had acted, in all cases, as distinct governments, united occasionally against a common enemy ; and communicating with each other on subjects of common interest, but without any political union. Each was in- dependent of the other, in fact — though, from the causes we have endeavoured to explain, all pursued nearly the same D 38 HISTORY OF THE career, formed nearly the same opinion^ social and political, and established a like national character. The Albany plan of Union first brought them together, to coixsult upon a joint administration of their affairs, for common objects ; and though that failed, the war which followed kept them united in feelings and identified them more closely together. Thence- forward, they were called to act and to think — to discuss, remonstrate, and finally to resist, by arms, together. From the war of 1756 to 1763, therefore, date, in point of fact, the first movements of the Colonies towards a more intimate union. We have dated, from the same period, their first movements towards independence. External violence and constitutional aggression impelled them, at once, to separate sovereignty and united councils. Libert}- and union sprang into being together. They have been hitherto co-existent and inseparable. Their mutual dependence is established by experience, as a law of their nature ; for while we have a warrant in the character of our people and the nature of their constitutions, that Union without liberty, which would be a frightful despotism, can never, exist under the watchful jealousy of the states ; we know that liberty without Union, would be a bye-word for anarchy and con- fusion — the forerunner of border warfare and sanguinary conflicts without number, to impoverish, degrade, corrupt, and finally enslave all. The Anglo-American Colonies were thirteen in number. The four New England provinces were Massachusetts, in- cluding Maine, New Hampshire, Connecticut, and Rhode Island. The other nine were New York, New Jersey, Penn- sylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia. The population was variously estimated. At the breaking out of the war in 1776, it was little less than three millions. In 1749, the whole white population is estimated, as nearly as possible, from authorities of the time, to have been one million and fixty-six thousand. No materials exist for a pre- cise census, at any one intervening period. Censuses of separate colonies were made at different times, and documents from various sources enable us to make an estimate ap- proaching to accuracy; that, at the beginning of the civil troubles, in 1764, the white inhabitants of the Colonies were not fewer in number than a million and three quarters, and the blacks, from three to four hundred thousand. AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 39 CHAPTER IV. The great accession of power and territory by Great Britain, by the peace of 1763, had not been gained without the usual concomitants of war — lavish expenditures of money, in- creased taxation, and a rapidly accumulating debt. Sinclair estimates the total charges of the war at more than om hundred and eleiJen millions sterling, beyond the ordinary charges of the peace establishment, which were about forty millions more. The clamours of the nation against the weight of the necessary taxes had had its effect in hastening the conclusion of peace, on terms which, however favourable in themselves, were affirmed by a party in England, at the head of which was the elder Pitt, to be less than the successes of the British arms entitled them to dfhiand. The Earl of Bute, as Prime Minister, had carried the war to its conclusion, and obtained a large majority in favour of the treaty, in the month of February. A few days afterwards, the supply bill for the year came up, and after vehement opposition, was also carried. On the 16th of April, Lord Bute unexpectedly resigned, and was succeeded by Mr. George Grenville. No other change of importance, either in the cabinet or its mea- sures took place. Parliament adjourned on the I 19th ; and on the death of the Earl of Egremont, | ?"■'•'• in the recess, the Earl of Sandwich was made principal Secretary of State, and the Earl of Hillsborough first Lord of Trade and of the Plantations, which included the duties of Secretary for the Colonies. The king's speech, on the adjournment of parliament, alluded plainly to the financial distresses of the nation, and lamented the necessity that had existed for anticipating the revenues, largely, and imposing new burdens upon the people. In this state of public affairs, the nation, loaded with debt, discontented with the burden, and looking to the new minister to lighten the pressure, it became the anxious study of Mr. Grenville to devise means for recruiting the Treasury, and removing, as far as practicable, the causes of popular dissatisfaction. The new and flourishing field for taxation in America, opened itself to his view. The war just ended, 40 HISTORY OF THE had been, according to the BbLmate put upon it by Englisl* writers, undertaken for American objects. The defence of the American frontier, and the repulse of an enemy who was invading the American provinces, were hastily assumed as merely colonial benefits, towards the cost of which 't was unjust that the Colonies should not pay their proportion in debt and taxes. No consideration was given to the reflection, that they had borne more than their proportion in the war, both of men and money — that they had no share in the large conquests of territory which were gained to the empire — that the defence of a frontier is the business of the whole nation, and that the immense profits of the colonial monopoly to British commerce were a tax, heavy in proportion to their ability, which they paid beyond the rest of the king's subjects. The necessities of the British government required relief, and its cupidity was tempted by the proofs they had given of what they wer^capable of doing, and by the reports of their wealth and enterprise ; and its pride was touched by the tone of independence, manifested in all their actions and habits. To Great Britain, therefore, the project of a revenue from America, was, in the highest degree, pleasing. There was the expectation of lucrative sources of revenue, and of immediate relief from their own burdens — there were also the pride of dominion the haughtiness and self-confi- dence of vast military triumphs, and the firm belief that thirteen disunited provinces, thinly spread over a great territory, without soldiery or fleets, and strong only in their industry and the energies of the individual inhabitants, would not dare to stand up, seriously, in opposition to a great and powerful nation, whose navies covered the seas ; whose armies had just discomfited the combined forces of France and Spain in both hemispheres, and were formidable to all Europe. To tax America, was therefore likely to be a popular measure, and although it did meet with opposition from a few, in the beginning, it is not to be questioned, that Mr. Grenville judged correctly of the sentiment of England in proposing it; and that the war undertaken to enforce it, was also, for a while, a popular measure there. With respect to America, however, it was a perilous experiment, as the event showed. The minister, as if unaware of its magnitude, projected and carried into operation, cotemporaneously with it, other revenue measures, ivhich exasperated the minds of the Colonists against English authority. Before bringing forward AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 41 his grand plan of taxation, he endeavoured to improve the state of the treasury, by enforcing the existing laws with greater rigor. Peremptory regulations were issued against smuggling, and for a vigorous execution of the navigation acts. These were extended to America and the West Indies, and they instantly roused the same excited feelings created by the celebrated controversy at Boston, in 1761, on the subject of writs of assistance. The acts laying duties on sugar and molasses, imported into the Colonies, had existed since 1733, in the reign of George II. The imposts, however, were so high as to amount, virtually, to a prohibition ; and in conse- quence they had been evaded or openly violated, with little interference by the British authorities. The trade was, in fact, beneficial to all parties, except in the single item of the revenue collected. We have already seen the consequences of former attempts to repress it, in 1761, accompanied by applications to the colonial court for extraordinary writs, in the nature of general search warrants, which were met by the spirited opposition of the colony, and the bold denuncia- tion of Otis and others. During the recess of parliament, in 1763, and the succeeding session, the Admiralty undertook to enforce the strict letter of the laws, and directed the com- manders of the public vessels, stationed on the coast, to act as revenue officers — to arrest, search, and confiscate aU vessels engaged in contraband commerce. The most deplorable effects followed. The naval com- manders, unaccustomed to the service, without definite instructions, and practically irresponsible, made seizures and confiscations of all vessels employed in trade with the West Indies ; and in effect annihilated it. They made the strictest possible construction of the acts of navigation ; and not only interrupted vexatiously and embarrassed all American trade, lawful and unlawful, with the French and Spanish islands and colonies, but nearly destroyed all intercourse with them. This intercourse had been extremely profitable, and the profits accrued to England no less than to America. Colonial produce and British manufactures were exchanged for gold and silver coin and bullion, cochineal, medicinal drugs, and live stock. The entire commercial business of the Colonies was thus threatened with sudden and disastrous confusion, and universal alarm and distress prevailed. Their internal currency was deranged by the stoppage of their supplies of the precious metals ; their means of remittance for British D2 42 HISTORY OF THE manufactures were diminished, and their debts to British merchants accumulated. These things were not submitted to without strong remonstrances and repeated appeals to the interest, no less than the justice, of Great Britain. Resolu- tions against the use of British manufactures became general, and a feeling of hostility to imported goods grew up rapidly. In the succeeding year, the amount of English merchandize imported into the single city of Boston, was diminished to the extent often thousand pounds sterling. A like decrease took place in other towns and provinces, affording a proof as well of the spirit of repugnance to the measures of the British government, as of the necessities of the Colonies, deprived of their customary business, and exhausted of their means of remittance. The session of 1764 produced a change, called for by the British merchants and manufacturers, by which a part of the traffic between the Colonies and the West Indies, that had been arbitrarily suppressed, was expressly autho- rized, but under such enormous duties, as made it impossible to be carried on to advantage. At the same time, the payment of the new duties was required to be made in specie, at the British Treasury. To aggravate this injustice, a bill was passed, nearly contemporaneously, suppressing the bills of credit that had formed the currency of the Colonies, and ordering them to be refused in payment for duties after a certain day. Penalties, incurred for breaches of these acts, were made recoverable in the courts of the particular colony, or any other admiralty court in the Colonies, at the option of the informer or prosecutor. By this tyrannical act, defendants might be carried, at the pleasure of the govern- ment agents, from one end of the continent to the other, to support their rights, and be deprived, according to the practice in the admiralty, of the benefits of a jury trial. Complaints and discontents of the Colonies against the general course of Great Britain towards them, constantly increased. At the same time that these commercial regulations, fol- lowing each other -with rapidity in a few months, were exasperating the Colonies, Mr. Grenville, as first commis- sioner of the treasury, was revolving in his mind his scheme for raising revenue directly from America, by internal taxa- tion. Looking, at this distance of time, upon his measures, they seem to have been destitute of common prudence and sagacity ; or to have been devised in the insolence of power, for the purpose of crushing the Colonies at once. By a AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 43 harassing and oppressive exercise of constitutional powers, never denied to the British government, he kept them in a state of exasperation, and disposed to watch, with eager scrutin}'-, every movement of parUament which related to them. The molasses and sugar act, re-enacted in 1764, contained in its preamble the first formal enactment, ever adopted, to raise revenue by taxation from America. That enactment con- nected the whole series of commercial restrictions and oppressions with the novel and already contested question of taxation. All the motives for complaint and resentment against Britain were thus united together. A grave consti- tutional argument was added to the subjects of controversy, and all the elements of opposition, in all parts of the con- tinent, brought, by the arrogance or unskilfulness of the minister, to bear together against him. To those abstract principles of liberty, which were cherished with such fer- vency among them, he had contrived, in a few months, to add all the provocations of anger and suffering — of passion and interest, — to quicken their impatient apprehensions of the new system of taxation he was about to impose upon them. The evils growing out of the treasury restrictions and the sugar act, were soon absorbed in the greater grievances and more dangerous consequences threatened by the stamp act, and the high-toned pretensions to absolute supremacy, set up by these various measures. The stamp-act project had been avowed some time before the other measures, though it was not carried into effect until some time afterwards. American taxation was an essential part of Mr. Grenville's financial plans, for the session of parliament, beginning on the 1.5th of November, 1763. It is plain that he had at first his doubts of the con- stitutional question, or of the policy of pressing so strong an expedient at once. Instead of imposing these taxes as a regular method of raising revenue, he first gave notice of his intention, then introduced declaratory resolu- tions upon the expediency, afterwards inserted it in the preamble of a commercial act — the sugar act — and finally, after eighteen months of this hesitating policy, made the enactment, in the celebrated stamp act, in jNIarch, 1765, reciting the preamble of the sugar act as authority. This policy shows, at once, the consciousness of Mr. Grenville, that he was undertaking a task of imj)ortance and diffi- culty, and his determination to persevere. About the 44 HISTORY OF THE close of the year 1763, he informed the Agents of the Colonies, in London, of his design of raising a revenue in America, and proposed to them to delay bringing forward any specific measure, in order to give the colonial legisla- tures the opportunity of proposing some plan acceptable to themselves. He ingeniously intimated, as a proof of his friendship to them, that by timely compliance with this hint, \hey might establish it as a precedent, that they should dlways be consulted on the subject of taxation. The propo- sition was artful, and had the alternative been accepted, would have obtained an explicit acknowledgment of the dis- puted right. He offered them no choice in the principle, but the right of taxation being assumed, he mentioned his prefer- ence for the stamps, leaving it to the Americans to select any other object for taxation, or mode of furnishing the sum required. It was promised, as an additional bait, that the sum raised should be expended in America — an indulgence which but little sagacity was necessary to perceive to be altogether illusory, since there could be no security, the taxing power once admitted, that future sums, raised in the same way, would not be disposed of at the pleasure of those who had the right to receive them ; and because there was no limit to the sums that might be expended in America for British objects, against the will and adverse to the wishes and principles of the Americans. The sum required by Mr. Grenville was one hundred thousand pounds, to be used in part, in the payment of ten thousand troops, to be quartered in America. This feature of the plan, by no means aided in reconciling the Americans to it, the presence of the regular troops having been always a cause of contention ; and the proposal to augment that force so largely in a time of peace, wearing the appearance of a design to over-awe them. History and the testimony of British writers has sinCe given as a further insight into the designs of the ministry of that day, which v/ere, unluckily for them, defeated by the prompt spirit of the colonies. A grand scheme is said to have been in agitation, for re-arranging the boundaries, and re-modeling the governments of the provinces; reducing them to nearly an equal size, and forming entirely new political institutions — to establish a standing force — increase the salaries of the governors and principal officers, and create new courts, officers, judges, &c., all to be appointed and paid by the crown, out of the proceeds of American taxation. An March, 1764. AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 45 American peerage is believed to have been part of this splendid scheme, well devised for perpetuating the power of a ministry, and enlarging the king's prerogative by the enormous mass of patronage which it offered. The first step was the power to tax, and the second, the raising of the troops, both of which met with resistance in the sturdy principles of America. When Mr. Grenville's proposal, with these modifications, was made to the agents in London, it did not appear to them in the odious light in which it was received by their consti- tuents at home. Some of them, in the first instance, waited upon the minister to return thanks for what seemed to them an indulgence. The}^ transmitted it to their several legisla- tures, where it met with universal and indignant rejection ; not one of them acceded to its principle, in any shape. Two offered to raise the proportion in the ancient way, and after the usage of their predecessors. In the mean time, friends of America in London, became active in labouring to avert the danger. Towards the close of the session, in March, 1764, the minister, in pursuance of his plan, as communicated to the agents, brought forward his budget of supplies for the year. The sugar bill was passed, avowing in the preamble, the expediency of levying taxes in America, for "defending, protecting, and securing the British colonies and plantations in America," — and the four- teenth resolution of the committee of ways and means, recited, that towards defraying the same expenses, "it might be proper to charge certain stamp duties in the said colonies and plantations." This was brought in on the 10th of March, and the execution postponed to the next session, with the express view of giving the colonies an opportunity of offering the substitute suggested. The popular and legislative movements, addresses, and remonstrances, hereinafter described or quoted, will explain sufficiently the constitutional grounds assumed in the colo- nies, in opposition to this claim of power, and resistance to the acts in which it was afterwards contained. A few historical items may be acceptable, to show how tenaciously the same rights had been insisted upon by them in the earliest times when they were too weak to resist oppression, and only strong in sagacity and love of liberty. The right of the British parliament to impose taxes for the regulation of trade, had never been altogether denied, though 46 HISTORY OF THE the use of the power had frequently produced murmurs and irritation. The line of distinction between the two powers was sometimes so indistinct, as frequently to give occasions for doubt as to what was the leading object, and to.unite apparently in the same enactments, revenue and regulation. Sometimes acts clearly commercial in their purport, were complained of heavily, as levying taxes, and therefore unconstitutional, because the Colonists were not represented in parliament. No act, avow^edly for revenue, had been ever passed ; and regulations, altogether legitim.ate, were rejected frequently because they were supposed to imply that right. Massachu- setts was the boldest in this controversy, and for a long series of years refused obedience to the navigation acts of 1651 and 1660, which make the commercial code of Great Britain. Her tenacious refusal to conform to these acts, under the special requisition of king Charles II., and her persevering re- jection of the king's collector, Randolph, through a series of years from 1677 to the revolution in 1688, form one of the noblest passages in her history. She instructed her agents to insist before the king, that "the acts of navigation were an invasion of the rights and privileges of the subjects of his majesty in that colony, they not being represented in parliament." The collector persisting, he was met with such fierce opposition, that he was recalled, at his own represent- ation, " that he was in danger of being put to death, by virtue of an ancient law, as a subverter of the constitution." Some years subsequent, when James II. was making his boldest approaches towards unlimited power in Europe and America, and his governor, Andross, was making laws and levying taxes at his pleasure, supported by the tyrannical example of his master, the inhabitants of several towns in Massachu- setts refused to levy rates or raise taxes ; and the selectmen of Ipswich, in spite of threatenings of fine and imprisonment, both of which were inflicted upon them for their disobedience, voted that " it is against the privilege of English subjects to have money raised without their ow^n consent in assembly or parliament." This tone never varied, down to the latest period of her colonial condition, in all circumstances and under all administrations. In 1761, about the time of the controversy about the writs of assistance, in Boston, Governor Bernard had undertaken to equip a vessel belonging to the colony, upon his own responsibility, for which he was AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 47 sharply reproved by the House of Assembly, in an address containing the following spirited passages. " Justice to ourselves and our constituents oblige us to remonstrate against the method of making or increasing establishments, by the governor and council. It is, in effect, taking from the House their most darling j^rivilege, the right of originating all taxes." "No necessity can be sufficient to justify a House of Representatives in giving up such a privilege ; for it would be of little consequence to the people, whether they were subject to George or Louis, the king of Great Britain or the French king, if both were arbitrary, as both would be, if both could levy taxes without parliament." It is worthy of mention, as an evidence of the kind of paternal affection entertained by England towards her children in the Colonies, when her interests were crossed by them, that Avhen Massachusetts refused to receive the royal collector, in 1661-2, it was determined by the king in council, that "no Mediterranean passes should be granted to New England, to protect its vessels against the Turks, till it is seen what dependence it will acknowledge in his majesty, and whether his custom-house officers are received as in other colonies." The acquiescence of Massachusetts, even in the navigation acts, was thus never cordial or perfect. From the beginning she suspected the taxing power, which was concealed in them, and resolutely protested against it. Other provinces were not less firm and strenuous in up holding the same privileges, in the most disheartening times. Virginia, in the seventeenth year of her settlement, adopted a set of laws, the oldest in colonial history, defining her rights and claiming the privilege of raising her own taxes by her own representation, as the birthright of Englishmen. Again, in 1651, when she surrendered to the fleet of Cromwell, one of the express stipulations in the articles of surrender was, that "Virginia shall be free from all taxes, customs, and impositions whatsoever; and none shall be imposed on them, without consent of the general assembly ; and neither forts nor castles be erected, or garrisons maintained without their own consent." Again, in 1676, she instructed her agents in England to maintain, as an admitted right belonging to all the Colonies, and an acknowledged historical fact, tha* " neither his majesty nor any of his ancestors or predecessors 18 HISTORY OF THE had ever offered to impose any tax upon this plantation, without the consent of their subjects; nor upon any other plantation, however so much less deserving or considerable to his crown." « In 1663, Rhode Island formally claimed it as one of her chartered privileges, that no tax should be imposed upon the colony but by the general assembly. In 1687 the revenue officer in South Carolina informed the Commissioners of the Customs, in England, that "he despaired of succeeding in enforcing the revenue acts, as the people denied the power of parliament to pass laws incon- sistent with their charter." In the session of 1691-2, New York passed her celebrated act of assembly, defining the right of representation, and numerous other rights and privileges, in the nature of a Declaration of Rights. It expressly enacted that no "aid, tax, or talliage, whatsoever," should be laid upon the inhabitants of the province, upon "any manner or pretence whatsoever," but " by the act and consent of the governor in council and representatives of the people in general assembly." Connecticut, on numerous occasions, especially in her resolutions in 1754, dissenting from the Albany plan of Union, contended for the exclusive power of levying her own taxes by her representatives, as a privilege by charter, and as a natural right. The original charter of Maryland vested expressly the whole taxing power in "the freemen of the province, or a majority of them," — and a law enacted in 1650, declared that "no subsidies, aids, customs, taxes, or impositions shall be laid, assessed, levied, or imposed upon the freemen of this province, their merchandize, goods, or chattels, without the consent of the freemen thereof, or a majority of them in general assembly." These are a few of the early assertions, by the Colonies, of the law, the practice under it, and the constitution, in virtue of which they claimed exemption from taxation, except in bodies wherein they were represented. Sometimes these assertions ascended to lofty vindications of natural rights, antecedent to all sanctions of human institution. No formal denial of them was ever made before the declaratory stamp resolutions and sugar act of 1764. Some of the laws and declarations which we have quoted, were annulled in England, but not upon the exclusive ground of their AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 49 repugnance in this respect to British rights. A general act of parliament was passed in 1696, annulHng all acts, laws, and usages of " the plantations," " repugnant to any law of the kingdom." But contemporary with it, the right of taxing America was peremptorily denied ; and we have the high authority of Lord Camden, in his speech, in April, 1766, in the British House of Lords, for the fact, that this doctrine was not then considered new, illegal, or derogatory to the rights of parliament. The colonial laws were annulled, not on a claim of unlimited supremacy, but because they were believed to interfere with commercial regulations. Some- times, as remarked before, the two objects — revenue and taxation — were in fact combined in one ; but in all cases, before 1764, the primary object, to which the other was a subordinate incident, was trade. Burke, in his speech on American taxation, in 1774, after an elaborate analysis of the acts of parliament, stated confidently, and he was sustained by Lords Chatham and Camden, in the assertion, that before 1764 " no act avowedly for the purpose of revenue, and with the ordinary title and recital, taken together, is to be found upon the statute book. All before stood on commercial regula- tions and restraints." Sir Robert Walpole entertained a similar view of the science of government, and. the interests of commerce, in the connexion between England and America, when he refused, in 1739, during the Spanish war, to try the experiment of taxing the Colonies. " I will leave that," said he, "to some one of my successors, who shall have more courage and less regard for commerce ihan I have. 1 have always, during my administration, thought it my duty to encourage the commerce of the American Colonies. I have chosen to wink at some irregularities in their traffic with Europe ; for in my opinion, if by trade with foreign nations they gain i6500,000 sterling, at the end of two years £-250,000 of it will have entered the royal coffers ; and that by the industry and productions of England, who sells them an immense quantity of manufactures. This is a mode of taxing them, more conformable to their constitution, and to our own." And Lord Chatham, in referring to the efforts to get up this taxing ques- tion, at an earlier day, when he was minister to George II., during the French wars, uses the following pithy expression : "There were not wanting some, when I had the honour E 50 HISTORY OF THE to serve his majesty, to propose to me to burn ?ny fingers with an American stamp-act." The theory of poUtical connexion with Great Britain, insisted on by the Colonies, as according with constitutional principles, was that they were integral governments, de- pendent upon a common executive head of the empire, the king of Great Britain, precisely as England itself; that their colonial legislatures held the same relation to the king as the English House of Commons, and were as absolute in all matters of revenue, within the provinces, as the Commons were for Great Britain. These rights were placed, first, on the general birthright of Englishmen, not to be taxed but by their representatives ; and secondly, on their chartered rights which confirmed these privileges to them. A third, and in fact the most powerful defence of this right, and which was working in every man's mind, though few spoke it out until oppression drove them from all faith in charters and constitutions, was that which James Otis employed with such boldness in his celebrated pamphlet, on the rights of the Colonies, published inl764, against the daring attempt at usurpation in the declaratory act preliminary to the stamp act; a defence which went back to the original rights of the settlers as men, independent of any grant from human power. " Two or three innocent colony charters," said he, "have been threatened with destruction a hundred and forty years past. A set of men in America, without honor or love to their country, have been long grasping at powers which they think unattainable, while these charters stand in their way. But they will meet with insurmountable obstacles to their project for enslaving the British Colonies, should these, arising from provincial charters, be removed. * * Should this ever be the case, there are, thank God, natural, inherent, and inseparable rights, as men and citizens, that would .remain, after the so much wished-for catastrophe, and which, whatever become of charters, can never be abolished, dejure, if de facto, until the general conflagration." One of these "natural, inherent, and inseparable" rights, was that of dis- posing of their own property, and assenting, personally or by their representatives, to all taxes levied upon them. " If," said the New Jersey colonists, about the year 1687, to the Commissioners of the Duke of York, " we are excluded from one English right of common assent to taxes, what security have we for any thing we pos^'*^^ ? We can call nothing our AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 51 own, but are tenants at will, not only for the soil, but for all our personal estates. This sort of conduct has destroyed governments, but never raised one to any true greatness." In theory, a general restraining power upon the Colonies was conceded to Great Britain, in all things except the subject of revenue. They contended that taxation was no part of the supreme executive or legislative power, but that taxes are a voluntary gift and grant of the people by their representa- tives. Sometimes, indeed, as in the case of Massachusetts, in her controversy with queen Anne's governors, the assertion was hazarded, that all the laws of parliament v\'ere boundea by the four seas, and did not reach America. This assertion was not, however, steadily sustained, and the supremacy of parliament, in all cases except the granting of money and laying of taxes, was in general conceded. But in no case was the revenue power admitted. The practice had also been invariably in accordance with this theory. All sums applied by the Colonies to their own political maintainance or the general service of the empire, had been voluntary grants, levied in the colonial assemblies. The king, through the governors, made his requisitions for money or troops, and the Colonies granted or v>'ithheld at pleasure. Their grants, however, were exceedingly liberal, so as to leave nogroundof complaint with the ancient system. The change was not made because there was any reason to believe that the Colonies would be deficient in zeal or ability to vote sufficient supplies. Their contributions to the common cause of the empire, had been acknowledged by repeated acts of parliament, returning them thanks and voting them remu- neration for the excess of their generous efforts. Mr. Burke, in his speech, before quoted, on American taxation, cited from the Journals of the House of Commons, thirteen differ- ent votes, acknowledging the merits of the Colonies in that particular — four of them within the year 1763, the very year in which the taxing scheme of Mr. tirenville was devised. It was, therefore, a naked assertion of power, without any pretence of necessity, and meant to establish a principle repugnant to the conscientious convictions of the Colonists, hostile to their rights, and destructive of their chartered privileges, — a principle which they affirmed would strip them of every privilege of freemen, and reduce them to the condi- tion of a conquered and enslaved country. The most specious argument on the side of Great Britain 52 HISTORY OF THE was, that deprived of the taxing power, she would be desti- tute of all means of equalizing the burdens of all parts of the empire ; and that while the United Kingdom was groaning under the weight of taxes and debts, no part of them would fall on the plantations abroad. They would thus enjoy all the benefits and protection of the British government, army, and navy, Avithout contributing to their support, or to any portion ofthe immense expenditures incurred in wars, carried on jointly for common objects. This complaint opened a dangerous question for British supremacy, because it pointed out the advantages of independence to the Colonies, and provoked a discussion of the merits of the commercial monopoly, enjoyed by Great Britain. The people of the Colonies insisted, that a sufficient equivalent for all these British burdens, was found in the burden of taxation for British benefit, imposed upon them by the navigation acts, and acts relating to trade and manufactures. They contended that their exemption from direct taxation was more than counterbalanced by the immense sums exacted from them in- directly, by the oj)eration of this commercial monopoly. They reasoned, in fine, just as Dr. Franklin, ten years before, fore- told that tliey would, should the attempt ever be made to tax them for revenue. The passage is to be found in his letter to Governor Shirley, in 1754, discussing the merits of the substitute offered by the ministry to the Albany plan of Union, and itis worth transcribing as part ofthe history ofthe question, and as a summary, by this sagacious statesman and wary politician, of the effects of this system upon the Colo- nies ; He said : "Besides the taxes necessary for the defence of the fron- tiers, the Colonies pay yearly great sums to the mother country, unnoticed ; for, 1. Taxes paid in Britain by the land holder or artificer, must enter into and increase the price of the produce of land and manufactures made of it, and a great part of this is paid by consumers in the Colonies, who thereby pay a considera- ble part of the British taxes. 2. We are restrained in our trade with foreign nations; and where we could be supplied with any manufacture cheaper from them, but must buy the same dearer from Britain, the difference of price is a clear tax to Britain. 3. We are obliged to carry a part of our produce directly to Great Britain; and when the duty laid upon it lessens its AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 53 price to the planter, or it sells for less than it would in foreign markets, the difference is a tax paid to Great Britain. 4. Some manufactures we could make, but are forbidden, and must take them of British merchants ; the whole price is a tax paid to Britain. 5. By our greatly increasing demand and consumption of British manufactures, their price is considerably raised of late years ; the advantage is a clear profit to Britain, and enables its people better to pay great taxes ; and much of it being paid by us, is clear tax to Great Britain. 6. In short, as we are not suffered to regulate our trade, and restrain tlie importation and consumption of British superfluities, as Britain can the consumption of foreign superfluities,, our whole wealth centres finally among the merchants and inhabitants of Great Britain ; and if we make them richer, and enable them better to pay their taxes, it is nearly the same as being taxed ourselves, and equally bene- ficial to the crown. " These kind of secondary taxes, however, we do not com- plain of, though we have no share in laying and disposing of them ; but to pay immoderate heavy taxes, in the laying, appropriation, and disposition of which we have no part, and which, perhaps, we may know to be as unnecessary as grievous, must seem a hard measure to Englishmen, who cannot conceive that by hazarding their lives and fortunes in subduing and settling new countries, extending the do- minion and increasing the commerce of the mother nation, they have forfeited the native rights of Britons, which they think ought to be given to them for such merits, if they had been before in a state of slavery." "These things," said Franklin, in 1754, "and such kinds of things as these, I apprehend, will be thought and said if the proposed alteration of the Albany Plan takes place." The event verified the ,sagacity of Frankhn. The princi- ples involved in the ministerial substitute, were, indeed, suspended for a v/hile j but were revived and put into practice in these contemporaneous measures of the Grenville ministry : the stamp act resolutions — the molasses act, and the regula- tions of trade. Ail that he had foreseen — and his characteristic prudence did not permit him to express fully all he foresaw — was "said and done" in the Colonies, in opposition to these measures. They were received with loud indignation, vehe- ment remonstrance, and instant denials of the right of parlia- ment to tax the Colonies without their consent, E2 54 HISTORY OF THE The news reached America soon after the adjournment ol parliament. Instead of yielding to the artful suggestion of the minister, and proposing another mode of apportioning the taxes required, they fearlessly denied the whole claim of power. Boston, where the first intelligence was received, took the lead. At a town meeting, held in May, the people, in a set of instructions to their repre- sentatives in the colonial legislature, drawn up by Samuel Adams, directed them in energetic language, "to use con- stantly" their "power and influence to maintain the invalu- able rights and privileges of the province, as well those which are derived by the royal charter," as those which, being prior to and independent of it, they hold "essentially as freeborn subjects of Great Britain." They affirm, in regard to the principle of these acts — " It annihilates our chartered right to govern and tax ourselves. It strikes at our British privileges, which, as we have never forfeited them, we hold in common with our fellow subjects, who are natives of Great Britain. If taxes are laid upon us in any shape, without our having a legal representation w^here they are laid, are we not reduced from the character of free subjects, to the miserable state of tributary slaves ?" They proceeded to re- commend communications wdth the other provinces, that " by the united application of all who are aggrieved, all may happily obtain redress." The House of Representatives responded to these move- ments of the people with a temper of equal promptness and decision. They drew up a strong set of instructions to their agent in London, who had offended them by not opposing these acts, — for which neglect he had assigned as a reason, that he had not been directed by them, on the subject, and took their silence for assent. They reproved him sharply for the inference, and told him that "the silence of the province should have been imputed to any cause, even to despair, |ilir|ii>hi« ill llliNIUff U iri\tii,' Mtiiil llin liiuiiiiiililii (],i'Mll('iimii, ' wnrn lliri niliitiioN tiiliHUfiiiult'ii i' Al wliiil liiiii', witv I ill iillHWtM', wmo lliny liiliilo wltivfui' 'riiit AiiUMirmid linvo linnii \vi'iiii(:;i'il - lluiy liuvit liiMHi liiiviMi II) iiiutlii(>Htj liy iiijiieilit't). Will yuii |iiin- hli ili«NiiiiUMl N|iii«irli, liy <'H|iirMNiiif( Mm iIiiUIumiiIo iuil^,iiii'iil, llllit Ilio tj|itlii|Mirl iiilp.lit "liiliH ii'|ii'alril, iiliinliili'l y , lnliilly, mill iiiiiiioiliitliily " Tho iliM'Imulnry ui'l wuh ruiiilly rmrioil m Ilir IIihini' nf ('oummiiw. liy u volo ul "^7/^ In 1(1/ — mid llio rt«|Kniliiiti, tut Ity i» vntti lit ','f>() 111 I'J'wV Htilli wt'ill III tlio lliillin< III l.nnls; idtil, iiltr^r vidiiMMiMil ilttlitilis wiMo liiiiilly I'miioil lluiuil llio i'iiltiuii\\('i nl tiii> Hiititili Ptu'liamcitt, won^ itiill Ullll \o rii(it vnul." t ,w /■,/•;', A -T ;■ r, 7'il.r,tt')!t. CWhVW.U V. ii,''-f.utt"i hi whif,\i II ii'iA Uf',t-ti \i,f fh*! ftfl ihh W/»i» j'Kf r',,iiitf; f/ff t//iiifrn.UiUii'i'rii, A';(otnitiif)y, ihti rtrl)f/,il W»is ' *J';f/f ;tf/ti^. Muth tw'hiiifih '/'/f^'l lift iU'^uiU'i U) fl»" U'lfiif, 0»' itH (it^tVm, kri'i Mr, llff — -'/jfcl the iiou^t-, /,i \)iit^p.r-fff '4 \/iti/hi'i'4, yxnih pi\ '/I. f/ill i'ff PtPtflh'^ % fii'/ifiiP, ♦// Hip, UiU'^, Uti'i fill t)hp.yipp,u uuM fitiiva in iipJmlt «/f AtfiPt'ii'M, )it ihp, \h't\nSi t>fitii'4Uipfii. (MiiPj pvtuiti, hf/wevt'r, I'/ffi p/titt\p<\ i\m w*rtti\h iftti thti mit^.pjYut^ }iffliu; f>f >/»/rj{«9^<» p'>?t1if'/ttpft IUp, \n'fip,(,i Ui'ipfifi'iipiy, TUp, \fAm'4.^p, (4 0.' '- ' ' ''iry tuA, fi'ittiuU'4iiP//iiMly w/(lli tim tP:\>p,'4yiti^ wi, w»«! . wnttihi^ \}ihi (itPMi m'likiu had (,ii\y t/,f,vi,^'") f//;> - -' ' lit iip,r war '/t'^miM AiiHitU/*ii ri0if», ill tf/'; Uff,',,' r '.'l ff,' ' ',\\ '^itptUtm io/zuffh ifpf, ^^M" M,'- ;/ti(if,n4p, '4'i'/i\u%S. v/iiifU Hipy Un4 f/fti- Uui'U'.'i *'/ : » iyt'4flflifft'i'' '■» Uy tiiP fi'/iiiip, '/nA wliitii n\i'/niiU/tiP,i\ lU p,uf'fT'A;u}p,iii i'ft iitp UiiiP,. TUp 'ntiffipjli/ifp, t\'su^pt '4 t/A- iWi',ti wH^i \f'/i.%'4%^A, m to 'iphvp ni'dtpj'mlf f'/r i>p^tpitt'4i fthn^rtt^i'toti, iiti<\ t\ip, liUpff^UUrti to trnt^i r^ %hf'At,fA, on 5»r»y fnfitm 'dipu-'.'' ---^ ^'^■■' rti'/ii t'sn'/ttAttu, 'T\m rtS' J,";.l ,':' if ■//:.■: ■■', , ;, hp thp, ''■■ , '^.'A, Ui'sAp, 'ltUf\>Ht'4t!iVti i'/t \>i;fli,>ii,' s,' "ih'jU'At'um, /M,w ■,,,-/ ItliHiPAU'dtA tlifMUtPM •npfp f/4U/,l',}'f'i to WPitUpjt ftft pitfjAn y^A ttttih^f, Ttiti /«-> ^tti(Air/t,it ' '' , '4fui tiip, ttp/4*uty tpyinV^H'ifftin, w*f» *f/JI ifi tor'A f4 nfUh'if'Atf fitiH tpJitttipA tiip'tf nxtfW/t' .■,,1t\'4.t '4Ul(/flf( thft '/fi '4'ytry tmU i 76 HISTORY OF THE were unrepealed. In addition to these latent sources ot dis- cord, the first acts of the royal authorities, in regard to the stamp act repeal, tended to revive one of those quarrels with the general assembly of Massachusetts, which had so powerful an influence on the colonial cause. The whole stamp act controversy, had sharpened the jealousy of the Americans against all British pretensions, and had enlightened the pub- lic mind by the ablest disquisitions in every branch of all the questions of constitutional, chartered, and original rights- Secretary Conway's circular letter to the Governor, dated March 31st, expressed the disposition of the government to forget and forgive the " unjustifiable marks of undutiful dis- position," which had been shown in the colonies ; and re- commended the colonial assemblies to make compensation to those who had suffered in New- York and Boston, during the disturbances of the preceding year. In laj'ing this communication before the assembly of Mas- sachusetts, Governor Bernard arrogantly styled it derequisition; and told them, that the authority by which it was introduced, should " preclude all disputation about it." The stern independence of the assembly, met at once this attempt to impose the recommendations of the king, as obligatory upon them ; and they returned him an answer to his speech, conceived in the very temper of the stamp act resistance. They delayed granting the compensation until December ; and then only granted it on terms highly offen- sive to the government. A declaratory resolution accompa- nied the act of relief, protesting that it was done from a grate- ful regard to the king's recommendation, and from deference* to the " opinion of the illustrious patrons ot the colonies in Great Britain," without any interpretation of the recommen- dation into a ' 7'enuisition' — " with full persuasion that the sufferers had no just claim or demand on the province ;" and that it should not be drawn into a precedent. The same act granted full " pardon, indemnity, and oblivion, to all offend- ers in the late times" — a proceeding which so displeased the ministry, that the whole act was disallowed. The compen- sation to the sufferers was, however, paid. New- York made provision for the same class of persons, but dissensions arose immediately both there, and in other colonies, especially Massachusetts, on the subject of furnish- ing supplies for the soldiery quartered among them. The demand was made upon them " in pursuance of the act of par' AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 77 liament," passed conteraporaneously with the stamp act, for more necessaries than had been usual under former requisi- tions. The extent of the claim, and the form in which it was made, revived the taxing question. New- York refused, peremptorily, to comply with the act — and one of the conse- quences was, a bill passed in the next session, for suspend- ing the legislative power of that assembly, until they should consent to carry the ' mutiny act,' as it was called, into effect. Some time previous to that event, and in the summer of 1766, the Rockinghajpi ministry had been dissolved, and a new cabinet brought in under Mr. Pitt., who was created Earl of Chatham. These changes took place in July. Lord Shelburne re-entered the administration as one of the Secre- taries of State with Gen. Conway — and Charles Townshend, a man of brilUant and versatile genius, but capricious and unstable, was made Chancellor of the Exchequer. The duke of Grafton was placed at the head'of the Treasury, and Lord Camden was made Lord Chancellor. This is the che- quered administration, afterwards so humorously described by Burke, in his review of the life and character of Chat- ham. The scheme of taxing America was, with some art- ful modifications, while Lord Chatham was confined by sick- ness in the country, revived under the influence of Mr. Town- shend, who had been goaded in some degree into the exper- iment, by the taunts of the ex-minister Grenville. Previous to this final measure, the new ministry were called upon to meet the state of affairs in the colonies, arising from the op- position to the act for quartering soldiers. The assembly of New York were punished for their refusal to comply with the act, by the suspension of their legislative | j . „ privileges ; which arbitrary measure, while it re- j duced New York to submission, roused a general feeling of resentment and alarm throughout America. It was well de- scribed by Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia, as 'a flaming sword,' hung over the heads of the other colonies. Another act, passed at the same time, was also regarded with similar dread and dislike. By it, a board of trade was established in the colonies, independent of colonial regula- tions, as a permanent body of administrators of the revenue, to administer such regulations as the king or council might make, as to American commerce. The sensitive jealousy of the people of Boston, saw in this new board, part of a system 78 HISTORY OF THE of embarrassment to their trade, and hostility to their prin- ciples. But the most important act, was that of Mr. Townshend, for imposing duties on glass, tea, paper, and painter's colors, imported from Great Britain into the colonies — which was passed with little opposition — to take effect on the 20th of Xovember. Professing, in the body of the act, and the form of the exaction, to be a regulation of commerce, it declared in the preamble, that it was " expedient to raise a revenue in America, and to make a more certain and adequate provision for defraying the charge of the administration of justice, and the support of the civil government of the provinces, and for defraying the expenses of defending, protecting, and secu- ring them." This Included, palpably, some of the most odi- ous designs with which the Grenville ministry had been charged — especially that of making a new civil list in the colonies, dependent upon ministerial patronage solely, and to be paid out of the proceeds of colonial taxation. These three acts all passed towards the close of the ses- sion — and were approved by the king on the same day. Be- JuiriTGT '^^^^ their effect could be known, their author, Mr. Septeni'r. Charles Townshend, died suddenly of a putrid fever, and was succeeded by Lord North. A new office was cre- ated of Secretary of State for the colonies ; and Lord Hills- borough, who had performed the duties as first Lord of Trade and Plantations under Mr. Grenville's ministry, was appointed to the place. The earl of Chatham continued unable to at- tend to business, and some months afterwards resigned his office, in which he was succeeded by the Earl of Bristol. The excitement in America, on the receipt of the intelli- gence of these bills, was scarcely less than on the passage of the stamp act, two years before. The whole effect of the repeal of that ill-judged measure, in quieting the public feel- ing, was totally destroyed. The colonial assemblies prompt- ly commenced another and equally spirited series of resolu- tions, memorials, remonstrances, petitions, and protests, against the powers set up, and the oppression practised. Sym- pathy for the persecuted state of the province of New York, overpowered any timid apprehensions of encountering the like arbitrary suspension of their functions; and they ac- cordingly expressed a generous zeal for her violated rights. The first popular measures, were the same that had been found so effective in the former contest. Resolutions against AMERICAN UE VOLUTION. 79 the use and importation of British fabrics, commenced at Boston in October, and were concurred in, shortly after- wards, by New York and Philadelphia, and most of the prin- cipal towns engaged in commerce. The terms of the agree- ment, were to encourage tjie growth and consumption of do- mestic articles, and to discourage the introduction into the country of any thing whatever from Great Britain, not abso- lutely necessary. Early in the next session of the general court, the house of representatives of Massachu- I , setts took the lead in protesting against all these | measures, including the yet unrepealed and offensive sugar act, which had been lost sight of, in the victory over the stamp act. The subtle distinction, by which the new duties had been made to differ from the stamp duties, in being external taxes combining regulations of trade with revenue, instead of internal duties solely for revenue, was met and exposed boldl3^ ' It is the glory,' said they, ' of this con- stitution, that it hath its foundation in the law of God and nature. It is an essential natural right, that a man shall quiet- ly enjoy, and have the sole disposal of his own property. This natural and constitutional right is so familiar to Ameri- can subjects, that it would be difficult, if possible, to convince them, that any necessity can render it just, equitable, and reasonable, in the nature of things, that parliament should impose duties, subsidies, talliage, and taxes, internal or ex- ternal, for the sole purpose of revenue.' They declared the act laying duty on tea, as well as the stamp act and the su- gar act, to be, both in form and substance, as much revenue acts, as the land tax, customs, and excises of England. They warmly reprobated the act establishing a permanent commis- sion of the customs of America, and stigmatized the suspen- sion of the New York Legislature as an alarming act to the rest of the colonies — from which ' political death and annihi- lation ' were to be apprehended. A circular was adopted to the other colonies, set- ting forth these views, and asking co-operation. ' ' ' * Pennsylvania had nearly, contemporaneously, passed simi- lar resolutions ; and on the receipt of the circular of Massa- chusetts, it was entered upon their minutes with great una- nimity. The house of burgesses, in Virginia, in particular, applauded the course of Massachusetts, and proclaimed the same principles and opinions in relation to all these acts, in language of determined boldness, as " replete with every 80 HISTORY OF THE mischief, and utterly subversive of all that is dear and valuable." In Great Britain, the circular, and other proceedings of Massachusetts, were received with alarm and resentment. They were viewed as preparatory to another congress, and a united opposition — and, in consequence, the earl of Hills- borough addressed a letter to Governor Bernard, directing him to 'require' of the house of representatives, in his ma- jesty's name, to rescind the resolution which gave birth to the circular letter of the speaker, and to declare their disap- probation of, and dissent to, that rash and hasty proceeding." He was further directed, if the house refused, to dissolve them, and report to the king, that measures might be taken for the future, to prevent "a conduct of so extraordinary and unconstitutional a nature." A circular was addressed, at the same time, to the governors of the other colonies, instruct- ing them to prevent the several assemblies from taking notice of the Massachusetts circular; or, if the assemblies proved refractory, to dissolve them. Governor Bernard laid the directions of the minister be- fore the house, at their meeting in June. Their spirit rose with the occasion ; and they passed a nearly unanimous vote, not to rescind, as they had been ordered ; and re-affirm- ed the same opinions in still more energetic language — add- ing, as another ground of complaint, the attempt to restrain their right of deliberation. They expressed their surprise, that they should be called upon to rescind a resolution of a former legislature — a resolution that had been executed, and consequently only existed, as a historical fact. But, they added, if by rescinding, the government required them to ex- press their disapprobation of that resolution, "we have only to inform you, that we have voted not to rescind ; and that on a division on the question, there were 93 nays and 17 yeas " — a piece of information, intended to reprove the let- ters he had written to England, charging the passage of the resolution to "unfair" practices. The governor dissolved them — but not before the same committee Avho had drawn up this reply, had drawn a petition to the king to recall the governor, which was adopted by the house. The ministerial circular to the other provinces, met a similar fate. The assembly of Maryland, in reply to Governor Sharpe's message, told him, with firmness, that they would not be de- terred from joining in constitutional measures for common AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 81 objects, with the legislatures of the other colonies. " We shall not be intimidated," say they, " by a few sounding expres- sions, from doing what we think to be right." Other colonies adopted similar resolutions. Virginia, in her memorial, protested that she would not " consent to anti-constitutional powers ;" and Georgia pronounced the Mas- sachusetts resolutions complained of, to be not of a danger- ous and factious tendency, as Lord Hillsborough had termed them — but, "on the contrary, tending to a justifiable union of subjects aggrieved, in lawful and laudable endeavors to obtain redress." New- York, in addition to language equally decided, appointed a committee of correspondence. In the mean time, the excitement in the town of Boston against the new board of customs, had risen to a great height, and produced a violent conflict between them, in the latter part of May. At the requisition of Governor Bernard, who complained of the refractory spirit of the Bostonians, it had been determined to station a military force among them; and, for that purpose. General Gage was ordered to quarter a regi- ment of the regular troops, in that town. Before they arriv- ed, however, the seizure of the sloop Liberty, belonging to .John Hancock, for a violation of the odious revenue laws, had produced a great ferment in the town, and resulted in riotous proceedings ; during Vv'hich, the collector, comptrol- ler, and inspector of the customs, were roughly handled by the populace, and their houses assaulted. They were final- ly compelled to take refuge, first on board of the Romney man-of-war, and then in Castle William. , The dissatisfac- tion of the people was increased, by the impressment of American seamen, by officers of the Romney. The disturb- ances in the city, together with the attacks upon the reve- nue officers, were brought before the legislature — who ex- pressed their disapprobation of the disorders, and directed prosecutions to be commenced against the persons principal- ly concerned in it. At the same time they denounced the conduct of the revenue officers as haughty, tyrannical, and insulting. The legislature being dissolved, the governor refused to convene another, without the express commands of the king. About the first of September, a rumor began to pre- vail of the expected arrival of troops, to compel the obedience of the town to the acts of parliament. The inhabitants im- mediately held a town meeting, and asked information of the 82 HISTORY OF THE governor of the truth of this rumor. Receiving an evasive answer, they passed resolutions, at "the peril of their lives and fortune," to maintain their rights — and, affecting to an- ticipate a French v.'ar, voted that all the inhabitants should observe the law of the province, which required them to be provided "with a well-finished fire-lock, musket, accoutre- ments, and ammunition " — a significant sign of their resolu- tion to be prepared for all extremities. On the refusal of the governor to summon a legislature, they voted to invite the rest of the towns to a convention, to be held in a few weeks afterwards, to consult upon measures "for his majesty's ser- vice, and the safety of the province." Ninety-six of the ninety-seven townships concurred, and the convention ac- cordingly met on the 2-id September. Their proceedings were marked by much moderation ; and after a session of five days, they adjourned, having disclaimed any legislative au- thority — made professions of loyalty — adopted petitions and remonstrances, in which they complained of being grievous- ly misrepresented to the king — and recommended forbear- ance, good order, and the preservation of the peace. A few days after their adjournment, the troops disembark- ed with great parade. The fleet of men-of-w^ar and frigates which brought them, drew up in w^arlike order; and two regiments, instead of one, were landed under cover of the guns, as if invading an enemy's country. The selectmen being applied to, to provide quarters for the sol- diers, peremptorily refused — and Fanueil Hall was, by order of the governor, opened to them. This building also contained the courts and public ofHces. It was immedi- ately put into the condition of a garrison. Two field-pieces were placed immediately in front. Guards were stationed at the door — soldiers were constantly marching and counter- marching — and the sentries challenged the inhabitants as they passed. The sabbath, so religiously observed in Mas- sachusetts, v>'as profaned by driUings and parades, the march- ing of troops, and the sound of martial music. The resent- ment of the people was, for a while, checked in its manifes- tations, by this display of force, and by the want of their house of representatives, which had been dissolved, and could not legally meet, except on the summons of the gov- ernor, until the next May. .iBut their indignation was only suppressed, not quelled. Bickerings and- collisions be- tween the soldiery and the populace occurred daily, to exas- AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 83 perate the temper of the colonies more keenly against, not only these measures of the British government, but against British authority altogether. Out of this military occupation of the town of Boston, sprang some of the most exciting and dangerous collisions that preceded the revolution. Before these proceedings were known in Great Britain, the Earl of Chatham, who had not, for a long time, been able to attend to business, had withdrawn from the ministry — and Lord Shelburne had given way to Lord Weymouth. When parliament met in November, American affairs were immediately brought before them ; and on the 15th of De- cember, the house of lords passed a number of resolutions, censuring the conduct of the legislature and people of Mas- sachusetts in the severest terms — approving the measures al- ready taken by the ministry to supjiress these attacks, upon the authority of his majesty — and praying his majesty to di- rect the governor of Massachusetts, "to take the most effec- tual methods for procuring the fullest information, towching all treasons or misprisions of treasons, committed within the government, since the 30M day of December 1767 ; and to transmit the same, together with the names of the persons who were most active in the commission of such offences, to one of the Secretaries of State, in order that his majesty might issue a special commission, for inquiring of, hearing and determining, the said offences within the realm of Great Britain, pursuant to the provisions of the statute of the 35th of King Henry the 8th." The house of commons concurred in these resolutions without opposition ; and thus the three branches of the Brit- ish government, solemnly approved of the whole ^^^ train of measures pursued by the ministry at home, and the royal governors in the colonies, to enforce the taxing power against every resistance and remonstrance. But, in the interim, the combinations in America against the importation of British merchandize, had produced the same effect in England as when they had been employed to defeat the stamp act. The trade, commerce, manufactures, navigation, and revenue of the kingdom, suffered materially ; and the bad policy of irritating the Americans, had become obvious to the authors of the mischief. To retreat from the stand, taken in favor of the British claims, was neither practi- cable, had they been so disposed, consistent with the tem- per of parliament and the state of parties — nor did it accord 84 HISTORY OF THE with their own feelings and doctrines. Few friends of Amer- ica, on the constitutional point, were yet to be found ; and most of those who opposed ministers, rested upon the inex- pediency of exercising these powers at that time, and in such a mode. The cabinet accordingly pursued nearly the same policy as had been adopted, with such little success, in the repeal of the stamp act. Accompanying the resolutions, so hostile to the colony of Massachusetts for her zeal in the cause of America, and so subversive of the liberties of all Americans, by making them subject to transportation to Eng- land for trial upon the king's suit, was a circular letter, en- gaging to make certain concessions and alterations in the acts complained of; which, it was thought, would make them more acceptable. A repeal of all the taxes, except that on tea, was offered. That tax, notwithstanding its trifling amount, was to be retained, in the nature of a declaratory act ; and, it was believed, that this union of rigor and concession, would vindicate the power of Great Britain, and secure the acquies- cence of the colonies. The expectation was totally disappointed. The conflicts of four years, against the principle of taxation, under such constantly reiterated assaults upon their liberties in other forms, had embittered the feelings of the colonists towards Great Britain, and imbued them with a thorough distrust of all the acts and policy of the British government. The con- ciliatory promise was altogether disregarded ; and the provi- sion for the trial of accused persons, under the act of Henry VIII. became a new subject for alarm, angry suspicion, remonstrance, and resentment. The Massachusetts legislature was not in session ; but the house of burgesses of Virginia, promptly led the way in de- nouncing the acts aimed against a sister colony, as an assault upon the common liberty. Early in May they re-asserted their sole and exclusive right to raise taxes; and declared that all trials for " treason, misprisions of treason, or for any felony or crime whatever, committed in the colony, ought to be before the courts of the colony ;" and that " sending them beyond the seas " to be tried, is "highly derogatory to the rights of British subjects." The governor. Lord Botetourt informed of these proceedings, and highly incensed, appear- ed unexpectedly in the house, on the next day, and ad- dressed them in these w^ords : "Mr. Speaker, and gentlemen of the house of representatives, I have heard of your resolves, AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 85 and augur ill of their effects ; you have made it my duty to dissolve you, and you are accordingly dissolved." The members instantly met in an unofficial capacity ; and choos- ing Peyton Randolph, the late speaker, moderator, entered into a written engagement not to import any of the taxed ar- ticles; and included in the prohibition other articles, the di- minution of the consumption of which might affect the inter- ests of Great Britain. Maryland, Delaware, and New- York, adopted similar resolutions ; and the assembly of the las* mentioned province ordered those of Virginia to be entered at large on the journals. Those of North Carolina were so strong, that Governor Tryon dissolved the assembly. South Carolina not only joined in these views, but openly disobeyed the act for quartering troops. The non-importation agreements became general — it might almost be said universal. Those signed by the Virginia bur- gesses, were rapidly circulated ; and signatures of a vast num- ber of individuals, were speedily obtained. A non-importa- fion confederacy was extended throughout the provinces, and committees organized for superintending and enforcing the execution of the compact. Georgia and Rhode Island, were the last to come into the league ; and such was the temper with which their refusal was regarded, that some places ol considerable magnitude — Charleston, in South Carolina, for example — discontinued all intercourse with them until they joined, Georgia in September, and Rhode Island in October. While the other colonies were thus generously and firmly espousing the cause of American rights, vitally assailed in the oppressive measures put in force against Massachusetts, that undaunted commonwealth was gallantly waging a direct controversy with the royal governor, backed by a British fleet and army. When the general court met in Ma}', their first measure was to demand from the governor the immedi- ate removal of the land forces out of the city, and sea forces from the port, during the session of the assembly; for the reason, as they expressed it, that "an armament by sea and land, investing, the metropolis, and a military guard, with cannon pointed at the door of the state house, are inconsist- ent with that dignity and freedom, with which they had a right to deliberate, consult, and determine." Upon his re- fusal, they peremptorily refused to proceed to business, until he adjourned them to Cambridge. Notwithstanding their re- peated denials of his power to adjourn them to any place out October. 86 HISTORY OF THE of Boston, they proceeded to discuss the subject of their rights ; and, concurring in the Virginia resolutions, with respect to the transporting of Americans to Great Britain for trial, they added an energetic declaration, that the establish' mentof ''a standing army in the colony in time of peace, without the consent of the general assembly, is an invasion of the natural rights of the people," as well as those which they claimed by " magna charta, the bill of rights, and the charter of the province." Towards the close of the session, the governor made a re- quisition upon them, to provide funds for paying for the quartering of the troops. After repeated demands on his part, they passed some high-toned resolves ; concluding with resolving, that they ^ never ' would make any such provision as he asked for ; as they could not do it consistently with their ' own honor,' or their ' duty to their constituents.' The gov- , , ernor accordingly prorogued them to the 10th of the * next January; and on the 1st August, he sailed for Europe, having been ordered home by the ministry ; and was succeeded in the government of the province by lieuten- ant governor Hutchinson. Shortly afterwards, the people of Boston, at a town meeting, took into consideration the circular letter of Lord Hillsborough, of which mention has been be- fore made in this chapter, offering a repeal of all the duties in dispute, under the last revenue act, except the tea duty. They resolved that such a measure " would not be satisfacto- ry ; that it would not relieve trade from its burdens, much less remove the grounds of discontent, which prevailed throughout the continent, upon higher PRmciPLES." " In short," they continued, "the grievances which lie heavy upon us we shall never think redressed, till every act passed by the British parliament, for the express purpose of raising a revenue upon us without our consent, is repealed — till the American Board of Commissioners of the Customs is dissolved ; the troops recalled ; and things are restored to the state they were in before the late extraordinary measures of adminis- tration took place." The letter of the merchants of Philadelphia, to their cor- respondents in London, dated 25th of November, 1769, de- scribes most faithfully and strongly the temper of the times, and the points in dispute. Some extracts follow : '■' We are very sensible that the prosperity of the colonies AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 87 depends upon their union and connexion with Great Britain. In this sentiment all the Americans concur; yet they cannot bring themselves to think, that for this reason they ought to be divested of liberty and property. Yet this must be the case, if the parUament can make lavi's to bind the colonies in all cases whatever — can levy taxes upon them without their consent, dispose of the revenues thus raised without their consent, multiply officers at pleasure, and assign them fees to be paid without, nay contrary to and in direct violation of acts of assembly regularly passed by the colonies and approv ed by the crown ; can enlarge the power of admiralty courts, divert the usual channels of justice, deprive the colonists ol trials by jury of their own countrymen ; in short, break down the barriers which their forefathers have erected against arbi- trary power, and enforce their edicts by fleets and armies. To such a system of government the Americans cannot tame- ly submit ; not from an impatience of subordination, a spirit of independence, or want of loyalty to their king ; for in a quiet submission to just government, in zeal, affection, and attachment to their king, the people of the colonies dare to vie with any of the best of their fellow subjects ; but from an innate love of liberty and the British constitution." * * * "For this reason we think ourselves obliged to inform you, that though the merchants have confined their agreements to the repeal of the act laying a duty on tea, paper, glass, &c. yet nothing less than a repeal of all the revenue acts, and putting things on the same footing they were before the late innovations, can or v/ill satisfy the minds of the people. The fleets and armies may overawe our tov/ns ; admiralty courts and boards of commissions, with their swarms of underlings, may, by a rigorous execution of severe unconstitutional acts, ruin our commerce, and render America of little use to the people of Britain ; but while every farmer is a freeholder, the spirit of liberty will prevail ; and every attempt to divest them of the privileges of freemen, must be attended with conse- quences injurious to the colonies and the mother country." On the other hand, the British government were actuated by a most unwise policy in determining obstinately to adhere to the principle of taxation, and not to remove any of the other causes of discontent. Deceived by the representations of their agents and officers in America, they thought the dis- orders which had taken place, were the work of a feAV fac- tious leaders ; and that relief from the burden of taxation, 88 HISTORY OV THK would quiet Uic groat mass of the people, leaving the promi* nent agitators to l)e dealt with bv the law. Accordingly, on the meeting of parliament in January, this imbecile plan was carried into etlect. The duke ol Gral'ton, having resigned his otUce oi' fust lord of the treasu- ry, Lord North, chancellor of the exchequer, succeeded him. and became the head of the administration. | ■.,— 1 Lord Chatham, who had unexpectedly recovered I his health, in part, attended in the house of "lords, and made several inellectual ellbrts, in conjunction with the marquis ot Rockingham, to have all the grievances of America taken into consideration, and redressed. He admitted the excesses that liad been committed there : "but,"' said he, ''such is my partiality to America, that I am disposed to make allowance even for these excesses. Tiie discontents of tliree millions of people, deserve consideration : the foundation of those discontents ought to be removed."' Lord North was obsti- nate : and a large majority of parliament sustained him. A partial measure oi' redress, totally inadequate to the clainis of the colonies, was introduced on the oth of March, the very day on which the Boston nuissacre took place in another hemi- sphere ; and was adopted in April. The duties imposed by the act of 17(>7 were all takei\ oif, except the insignificant duty on tea, let\ to maintain the doctrine of supremacy. No permanent elfect favorable to the interests of Great Britain, was produced by this measure. Lord North, in sup- porting it, hail declared, that to temporize with the right was to yield it; and that ''a total repeal "could not be thought of, until America was "prostrate at the feet" oi' the British par- liament. So the Americans estimated it very generally : and the retention of the tea duty, met with no less spirited oppo- sition from the colonial legislatures, than the whole act had done before. The non-imjiortation agreements were in part relinquished, chietly from the defection of the province ol New York; but the combination against the purchase and use of tea, was continued. Before the knowledge oi' the repeal reached America, a riot of an alarming nature had occurred in the town ot Bos- ton ; in which the soldiery had tired on and killed some of the citizens. On the -id oi' March, a slight athay h.id taken place between some oi' the regular troops and some rope- makers, in which the soldiers were worsted. Party feeling was roused ; and on the evening of the 5th, a crowd of citizens AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 89 attacked the city guard, and pelted them with stones and snow balls, till the word was given to " fire " in return ; when eight j)icces were discharged ; three citizens were killed, and several severely wounded. The crowd immediately dispersed in all directions to raise the city ; the bells were rung, alarm spread everywhere, drums beat, and the cry " to arms," was raised. Thcexcitement soon brought an immense crowd together, who menaced the soldiers with destruction, and were with dilliculty appeased by the promises of Govcrnof Hutchinson, that justice should be done in the morning. They accordingly re-assembled under the lead of Samuel Adams and Royal Tyler, to the number of many thousands; and a lorfg and angry conference was held with the gover- nor. They insisted upon the instant removal of the troops from the town ; and, for twenty hours, they bore with the prevarications and evasions of the governor, who denied his power over the military, and declined giving the order for removal, even when the commanding ollicer expressed his willingness to acquiesce in the wishes of the people. The stern resolution and persevering boldness of Samuel Adams, who warned tlije governor of the consequences of the refusal, and put them entirely upon his responsibility, succeeded in extorting the order without violence, and the troops were removed. Captain Preston and his company were arrested, and tried for murder, by the colonial courts. It is one of the finest traits of revolutionary virtue, love of justice and order, and obedience to the law, that these soldiers, tried in the midst of a community so exasperated against the military in general, and provoked by daily insults and conflicts, were zealously and eloquently defended on universal princi- ples of law and equity, by John Adams and Josiah Quincy, two of the most eminent American patriots ; and six of them acquitted by a conscientious, unprejudiced, and magnanimous jury. Two of the soldiers were convicted o( manslauffhtef. The lioston massncrc, as it continues to be called, produced a great sensation throughout the colonies, and nearly pro- duced similar riots with the military in other places. The slain were buried together, with much public soleii|^ty ; and annual orations were delivered, to commemorate the disas' trous event. Although it resulted in the acquittal of the chief per- sons accused, it served to aggravate the hostility of the H2 90 HISTORY OF THE people towards the military ; of which numerous proofs were given almost daily. Not long afterwards, Governor Hutchinson, who had taken no measures to relieve the alarm t)f the people in respect to the tragical affair, sent a special message to complain of some petty obstructions to the custom- house officers at Gloucester. The answer of the house was in the loftiest strain of indignant eloquence. "The in- stance," said they, "which your honor recommends to our attention, admitting it to be true, cannot be more threatening to government, than those enormities which have been known to be committed by the soldiery of late, and have strangely escaped punishment, though repeated in defiance of the laws and authority of government. A military force, posted among the people without their express consent, is itself one of the greatest grievances, and threatens the total subversion of a free constitution; much more, if designed to execute a system of corrupt and arbitrary power, and even to exterminate the liberties of the country. The bill of rights, passed immediately after the revolution of 1688, expressly de- clares, that the keeping of a standing army within the king- dom, in time of peace, without the consent of the parliament, is against law ; and we take this occasion to say, that the keep- ing of a standing army within this province, in a time of peace, without the consent of the general assembly, is against law." "Such a standing army must be designed to subjugate the people to arbitrary measures. It is a most violent infraction of their natural and constitutional rights. It is an unlawful ASSEMBLY — of all others the most dangerous and alarming — and every instance of its restraining the liberty of any indi- vidual, is a crime which infinitely exceeds what the law in- tends by a riot. Surely, then, your honor cannot think that this house can descend to a consideration of matters compa- ratively trifling, while the capital of the province has so lately Deen in a state of actual imprisonment, and the government is under duress." After tracing the disorders and dissensions to "unconstitu- tional acts," and the sentence of the laws under the terror of arms, lifey conclude : " We yet entertain a hope, that the military power, so grievous to the people, will soon be removed from the pro- vince. Till then, we have nothing to expect, but that tyran- ny and confusion will prevail, in defiance of the laws of the land, and the just and constitutional authority of government.' . AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 91 These quotations are made more at large, because for the next two years the chief permanent sources of collision be- tween the royal authorities and the colonists, arose from these military occupations, which the Americans insisted upon were tyrannical and unconstitutional. Out of them grew perpetual conflicts and quarrels between the citizens and the soldiery. The Massachusetts assembly had a constant dispute with the governor, concerning their place of meeting — he having convened them at Cambridge — wiiile they reso- lutely insisted upon their constitutional right to meet at Bos- ton ; and yielded only from the necessities of public business. No tax bill was passed during the year 1771 ; the governor having informed theni that he had his majesty's command, " not to give his assent to any act subjecting the commission- ers of the customs and other officers of the crown, to be taxed by the usual assessors, for the profits of their commis- sions — and that they must therefore so qualify their tax bill." The house in reply told him, " they knew of no commis- sioners of his majesty's customs, nor of any revenue /a'^ majesty had a right to establish in North America. We know and feel (said they,) a tribute levied and extorted from those, who, if they have property, have a right to the absolute dis- posal' of it." Throughout the colonies, the non-imjwrtation agreements were continued ; and were the only measures of opposition to the British claims, emplo3^ed during the year 1771. Angry complaints, increasing bitterness of feeling, and a more general sentiment of repugnance to Great Britain, were the chief results of the weak and tyrannical policy of Great Britain. In 1772, .a new grievance was imposed upon the colony of Massachusetts, by a royal regulation, making pro- vision for the support of the governor, independent of the colonial assembly ; which the house of representatives, con- vened for the first time since their removal to Cambridge, at Boston, resolved to be an "infraction of the rights of the inhabitants, granted by the royal charter." This was con- sidered so alarming a measure — so fraught with danger to the liberties of the people, by making their executive and judi- cial officers dependent entirely upon the crown, | and beyond the reach of the people — that it led, j under the active exertions of Samuel Adams, and Joseph Warren, to the formation of committees of correspondence 92 HISTORY OF THE in most of the towns of the colony — which plan formed the germ of that continental union of counsels, Avhich carried the colonies forward together to the declaration of Independence. The appointment of these committees, created a long ana able controversy between the Governor and the House of Representatives ; in which it was plainly to be seen, that the coercive measures of the British government, so far from breaking the spirit, or lessening the demands of the Ameri- cans, had only served to elevate both. The House of Repre- sentatives unhesitatingly concluded, that parliament had no claim to bind the colonies in any case whatsoever. " If," said they, "there have been any late instances of submission to acts of parliament, it has been, in our opinion, rather from luconsideration, or reluctance at the idea of contending with the parent state, than from a conviction or acknowledgment of the supreme legislative authority of parliament." In June of that same year, the opposition of Rhode Island to the revenue acts was manifested in a daring manner. The British armed schooner Gaspee in pursuing a packet sloop that had refused to lower her coloi-s as a salute, run aground. A party of the citizens of Providence, headed by John Brown, a wealthy merchant, boarded the schooner at night, and burnt her, with all her stores. The British government offered a reward of tive hundred pounds sterling for the per- petrators, and appointed a commissioner to try them, but no .evidence could be obtained. Another tyrannical act was the consequence. Burning the royal stores was made felony, for which the culprit could be tried in ani/ couniy in Great Britain. Active resistance and remonstrance for the years 177 1 and I77"3 were confined to New England, and chietly to Massachusetts. The ill-omened presence of the troops quartered there, and the particular sutTerings of a commercial people under the restrictions upon trade, threw them in advance of the other colonies during that time, in the great struggle of rights. The spring of 1773 was signalized by a union of interests and action in all the colonies by the establishment of standing committees of correspondence. The plan was formed, and proposed, nearly at the same time in Virginia and [Massachusetts, by Richard Henry Lee and Samuel Adams. The resolutions of Virginia were introduced on the I-2th of March, 1773, by Dabney Carr, a . arci. ... j^-,pp,^ber of the Virginia House of Burgesses. AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 03 After reciting the prevalence of rumors of proceedings tending to deprive them of their "ancient, legal and consti- tutional rights;" — and reciting farther, that the affairs of Virginia, were verj' iVequently connected with those of Great Britain and the other colonies, rendering a " communication of sentiment" necessary to " remove the uneasiness and quiet the minds of the people," they appointed a committee of eleven to obtain intelligence of alt proceedings in England relative to America, and maintain a communication with the other provinces concerning th.em : and particularly to inquire into the recent act constituting the court of inquiry in Rhode Island, with power to transport Americans to Great Britain for trial. Tiiese were accompanied by a proposition to the other colonies, to join in the same measure. So nearly contemporaneous were the resolutions of Massa- chusetts tliat, in the opinion of Mr. Jeilerson, the messengers who carried the intelligence crossed each other on the road. Thence forward the proceedings of the colonists assumed a con- sistency and uniformity of activity eminently favourable to success, and highly instrumental in producing the revolution. Occasions were not w^antlng for calling these committees into immediate duty. The first subject after the organization was a contested question between the assembly of Massachusetts and the governor, concerning the salaries of the judges — he refusing to approve a grant they had made for that purpose, on the allegation that the king had taken tlie support of the colonial judiciary into his own hands. The assembly remon- strated, and four of the judges disclaimed the governor's views ; the fifth, however, adliered, and they voted to impeach him, which the governor refused to sanction, and the impeachment accordingly failed — but the controversy formed an agitating subject of discussion throughout the country. The attempt to make the judges dependent upon the ministry was considered a violent assault upon the liber- ties of the colony. But another circumstance occurred shortly after, which carried the hostility of the people of Massachusetts against the governor, to a height of greater exasperation. This was the publication of certain private letters, written by him and lieutenant-governor Oliver, to England, during the years 1768 and 1769, on the subject of American aflairs. They recommended violent measures to reduce the colonies, especially Massachusetts, to subjection, and represented the 94 HISTORV OF THE views and characters of the patriots in the blackest colors Their advice seems to have been powerful in England ; and many of the measures adopted there, hostile to the colonies, were in accordance with their suggestions. They went even farther than the ministry had yet gone, in urging alterations or suspensions of the charters — the institution of a privileged order of nobility — the enactment of severe penal laws, and the execution of some of the "principal incendiaries." These letters were obtained in England by Dr. Franklin, and confidentially transmitted to some of his friends at Boston for their information. They were of so alarming a tenor that they were brought before the House of Repre- sentatives, sitting with closed doors, by Samuel Adams, and afterwards ordered, by them, to be published in self-defence. When they were read in secret session, the House unanimously voted that their tendency was " to over- throw the constitution of this government, and to introduce arbitrary power into the province." They next adopted a petition to the king, " to remove the governor Hutchinson, and the lieutenant-governor Oliver /or «;er from the govern- ment of the province." In favor of this petition, there were eighty-two out of ninety -four voices. Dr. Franklin was instructed to present this petition to Lord Dartmouth, who had succeeded Lord Hillsborough as secre- tary to the colonies, in the autumn of the preceding year. By hir^. it was laid before the king in council, where Dr. FrankliR was summoned to support it. It was on that occa- sion that Mr. Wedderburn — afterwards Lord Loughborough — as counsel in opposition to the petition, poured out that memorable volley of insult and vituperation, upon Dr. Franklin, as the alledged author of the disturbances in Ame- rica. The philosophic patience with which this was borne by the venerable Franklin, is reported to have given way in but one significant whisper to the attorney general, " I will make your master a little king for this." The petition was dismissed, and the odious officers left in command of the discontented province. At this critical juncture, the British ministry, with the aid of the East India Company, undertook to effect, by policy, what had in the stamp act, and other acts of that nature, been previously attempted b}'^ open measures, accompanied by coercion. The tea duty had been reserved as a mere assertion of supremacy — being too trifling in amount to be AMERICAN REVOLUTION 95 regarded for the sake of revenue. The Americans had, nowever, by their non-importation agreements, effectually resisted its collection for several years. It was now con- trived, by concert between the British government and the Directory of the East India Company, that tea should be introduced into America, at very low prices, by a relaxation of the duties in England, still retaining the duty on importa- tion into America. A naked question of principle, on tax- ation, was thus presented — and it remained to be seen, whether the colonies would, without the allegation of oppres- sive taxation, encounter the whole force of the mother country. It was an insidious plan ; but the virtue and energy of the Americans foiled it most signally. Three pence a pound upon tea, accompanied with drawbacks of duty at the place of exportation more than compensating for the tax, was in itself insignificant as a burden ; but the principle of tyranny was strong in it, and resistance was as instantaneous and unyielding, as though it had been an act of confiscation. The non-importation agreements, so faithfully observed, had deprived the East India Company of an extensive market for their tea. The exports from Great-Britain had diminished, until it was computed that at least seventeen millions of pounds of tea had accumulated in the company's warehouses. Anxious to reduce this quantity, and secure some portion of their commercial profits, the company at first urged the repeal of the tea duty, levied in America. This being refused, a compromise was agreed upon, by which they were authorized to export their tea from England duty free paying the tax in the colonies ; by which means the price would have been lower in America than on the repeal of the American duty, without the drawback at home. Vast quan- tities were accordingly freighted to America, and agents appointed to dispose of it, on the faith that no obstruction would be offered. The shipments were principally to New York, Philr-^^-clphia, Charleston, and Boston. There was not, however, a moment's hesitation in Ame- rica, on the question. The first tidings of the scheme pro- duced a universal determination to defeat it. The com- mittees of correspondence became active, and mutual pledges were soon obtained from every port, that the tea should not be' landed. These were easily redeemed in Philadelphia and New York, at which places the consignees were intimidated, and the sale of the tea prevented, or the ships com- 96 HISTOUV OF THE jielled to return without breaking bulk — " and they sailed up the Thames," in the language of John Adams, "to proclaim to all the nation that New York and Penn- sylvania would not be enslaved." In Chaileston it was landed, indeed, but the agents were not permitted to offer it for sale, and it was in consequence stored in cellars, where it finally perished. In Boston, however, the inveterate obstinacy of Governor Hutchinson, and of the board of cus- toms under his direction, prevented so peaceable a termina- tion of the aifair. The courage of the town-people was more than equal to his obstinacy ; and town-meeting afler town meeting was held to reiterate their tirm resolution that the tea should not be landed, nor duty paid, and that they would maintain this position at the " risk of life and property." Still the authorities refused to give clearances, and Admiral Montague, who commanded on the station, was directed to prevent all vessels, except coasters, from passing out, without a written permit from the governor. Night after night the Bostonians kept guard upon the wharves, to obstruct any attempt to land privately ; and in this state of excitement the controversy continued till the middle of December. The patriot leaders, the Adamses, Otis and Quincy, and the rest, were indefatigable in stimulating the people to perseverance, and finally urged the daring feat of destroying the tea. On the 19th of that month, all things were prepared, and a messenger Vv'as despatched to the governor for his final reply. During his absence, Josiah Quincy warned them of the consequences of the contem- plated act, while he roused their courage in the following nervous style : — "It is not," said he, "Mr. Moderator, the spirit that vapours within these walls that must stand us in stead. The exertions of this day will call forth events, Avhich will make a very different spirit necessary for our salvation. Whoever supposes, that shouts and hosannas will terminate the trials of the day, entertains a childish fancy. We must be grossly ignorant of the importance and value of the prize for which we contend ; we must be equally ignorant of the poAver of those who have combined agairst us; we must be blind to that malice, inveteracy, and insatiable revenge, which actu- ate our enemies, public and private, abroad and in our bosom, to hope that we shall end this controversy without the sharpest — the sharpest conflicts — to flatter ourselves Doc. 1773. AMERICAN REVOL'JTIO.V. 97 that popular resolves, popular harangues, popular acclama- tions, and popular vapour, will vanquish our foes. Let us consider the issue. Let us look to the end. Let us weigh and consider, before we advance to those measures Avhich must bring on the most trying and terrible struggle this coun- try ever saw." Their actions answered promptly this spirit-stirring appeal. When it was announced that the governor had refused the pass, they dissolved the meeting, and shortly afterwards, several parties of men, some of them disguised as Mohawk Indians, boarded the ships, in the presence of thousands of spectators who lined the wharves, broke open the chests of tea, and emptied their contents into the bay. They then dispersed, peaceably, to their homQs. The destruction of the tea, formed a new and momentous crisis in the relations between America and Great Britain. It was the first open exercise of popular force against the authority of acts of parliament ; a bold step towards resistance by force of arms to the British claims of supremacy. The timid were struck with dismay at theeffects they anticipated , and few knew how to look steadily upon the future. Indepen- dence did not, as yet torm any consistent part of the designs, even of the leading patriots, and with the vast majority the return to a peaceful enjoyment of their rights under the British constitution, as they construed it to apply to America, was the most of their hopes. Not to submit to anything less, was the general determination ; and the ardor of the mass, and the confident zeal of heroic leaders, hurried the whole people onward to joint resolution, common objects, and finally to one single aim — that of complete emancipation from unrelenting tyranny. The events which followed in rapid succession, soon leit no alternative, but unyielding resistance or unlimited submission. I March 7,1774. 98 msTORy or thb CHAPTER VI. Parliament met in January, but American affairs were not mentioned in the King's speech at the opening of the session. A special message was laid before both Houses in March, informing them " of the unwarrantable practices carried on in North America, and particularly of the violent and outrageous proceedings at Boston, with a view of obstructing the commerce of the kingdom, and upon grounds and pretences, immediately subversive of its constitution." In presenting these papers, the minister spoke vehemently of inflicting "punishment" on this "daring and criminal conduct," and vindicating the " dignity of the crown;" — threats which were re-echoed by the addresses of both Houses. The measures which followed, showed the vindic- tive temper of parliament, and their determination to remove every obstruction of law, constitutions, charters, natura^ and vested rights, and common equity, in order to punish the audacity of the Bostonians, and the offending colony. Three bills were introduced, and carried with little show of opposition — almost by acclamation. The First — known in history as the Boston Port Bill, pro- vided — "for the immediate removal of the officers con- cerned in the collection of customs from Boston, and to dis- continue the landing and discharging, lading and shipping of goods, wares, and meivhandize, at Boston, or within the narbour thereof, " after the ensuing first T-j^e :— to continue during his Majesty's pleasure. It also levied a fine, for the indemnification of the East India Company, and all others who had been injured in the "late riots." The board of customs was removed to the town of Salem. The Second — subverted the whole constitution and charter of the province, that all power out of the hands of the peo- ple, to vest it absolutely in the crown — deprived the lower house of their agency in the selection of counsellors, and ot the privilege of appointing sheriffs, judges, and magistrates, both which it gave to the governor: and further suppressed all town-meetings, not sanctioned by his permission. The Third Bill — "for the impartial administration of jus- AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 99 tice, in Massachusetts Bay ;" authorized the removal to Eng- land, for trial, of any person indicted for murder, in the colonies, on the allegation that the act was committed in aid- ing the civil authorities in the execution of the laws ; a pro- vision designed for the protection of soldiers, whom it might be found necessary to employ in shooting the Americans. Protests against these acts were entered on the journals of the House of Lords by eleven peers, as dangerous, unjust, and unconstitutional. The Earl of Chatham was unable to attend the House until they had been passed, but took occa- sion to raise a warning voice against them, on a subsequent agitation of the matter. " I condemn," said he, " in the severest manjier, the tur- bulent and unwarrantable conduct of the Americans, in some instances, particularly in the late riots at Boston ; but, my lords, the mode which has been pursued to bring them back to a sense of their duty, is so diametrically opposite to every principle of sound policy, as to excite my utmost astonishment. You have involved the guilty and the inno- cent in one common punishment, and avenge the crime of a few lawless depredators upon the whole body of the inhabitants."' " My lords, it has always been my fixed and unalterable opinion, and I will carry it with me to the grave, that this country had no right under heaven, to tax America. It is contrary to all the principles of justice and civil policy : it is contrary to that essential, unalterable right in nature, ingrafted into the British Constitution as a fundamental law, that what a man has honestly acquired is absolutely his own, which he may freely give, but which cannot be taken away from him, without his consent. Pass, then, my lords, instead of these harsh and severe edicts, an amnesty over their errors : by measures of lenity and affection allure them to their duty ; act the part of a generous and forgiving parent. A period may arrive, when this parent may stand in need of every assistance she can receive from a grateful and affectionate offspring." Colonel Barre failed not to enforce the same views, but in vain. The ministry were doomed to slight every counsel in which safety for British interests could have been found. The Port Bill passed in March, the other bills in May ; and in the latter month. General Gage, the commander-in- chief of the royal forces in North America, arrived in Bos- 100 HISTORY OF THE ton, ■with a commission to supersede Mr. Hutchinson as governor of the province. He was received personally with courtesy, by the people; but the measures he was appointed to enforce, were met by untlinchiug opposition. A meeting was instantly held, to consider the Port Bill, tlien the only one received, at which it was " Resolved, That it is the opinion of this town, that if the other colonies come into a joint resolution to stop all importa- tion from and exportation to Great Britain, and every part of the West Indies, till the act be repealed, the same will prove the salvation of North America and her liberties ; and that the impolicy, injustice, inhumanity, and cruelty of the act, exceed all our powers of expression. We therefore leave it to the just censure of others, and appeal to God and the world." \ irginia again nobly came to the succor of Massachusetts in her adversity. The house of burgesses appointed the 1st of June, the day on which the Port Bill was to go into effect, as a day of '• tasting, humiliation, and prayer," in consideration of the '• hostile invasion of the city of Boston, in our sister colony of Massachusetts" — " devoutly to implore the divine interposi- tion for averting the heavy calamity which threatens destruc- tion to our civil rights, and the evils of civil war; to give us one heart and one mind, firmly to oppose, by all just and proper means, every injury to American rights." Governor Dunmore resenting this proceeding, dissolved the assembly, who instantly reassembled to the number of eighty-nine, and formed themselves into a non-importing association, including in their agreements, one not to use any East India productions whatever except spices and salt-petre, until the wrongs of America were redressed. The Port Bill they pronounced a "most dangerous attempt to destroy the liberty and rights of all North America." They concluded with proposing a " general Congress" of the colonies, "to deliberate on those general measures which the united inter- ests of America mav, from time to time, require." The Massachusetts assembly, which met by aajournment at Salem, on the 7th of June, voted to send deputies to a general Congress, at Philadelphia, on the first Monday of Septem- ber ; and by degrees, the same measure was adopted in every colony except Georgia. 'When Governor Gage learned what the House of Representatives were doinj on this occasion, M.'.v 2T. AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 101 he sent to dissolve them ; but they, with equal alertness, being informed of his design, closed their doors. Samuel Adams secured the key ; and they finished their proceedings, while the proclamation of dissolution was read upon the stairs. Every where in assenting to these movements, the live- liest sympathy was expressed for the dangers and distresses of the devoted people of Boston, and the suffering colony of Massachusetts. Pennsylvania, in addition, resolved ' to break off all commercial intercourse whatever with every town, city, colony, or individual,' which should fail to go thoroughly with the cause of liberty. The several assemblies and con- ventions of the colonics were instructed by popular meetings, and in every form by which the public will could be ex- pressed, to go to the last extremity in support of Massa- chusetts. The day on which the Port Bill was appointed to go into operation was observed, generally, according to the recom- mendation of Virginia, as a day of fasting and prayer. Busi- ness was arrested, houses were closed, and a deep sorrow manifested everywhere, for the sufferings of the patriotic Bostonians, and the threatened subversion of colonial liber- ties. The character of that atrocious bill cannot be more jriefly described than it was by Josiah Quincy, in his cele- irated essay. We copy the passage as one illustrating the common estimation of the act which pervaded the resolutions and addresses with whicli the whole continent abounded. "The Boston Port Bill, condemns a whole town unheard, nay, uncited to answer; involves thousands in ruin and misery, without the suggestion of any crime by them com- mitted ; and it is so constituted, that enormous pains and penalties must ensue, notwithstanding the most perfect obedience to its injunction. The destruction of the tea, which took place without any illegal procedure of the town, i? the only alleged ground, consigning thousands of its inhabit- ants to ruin, misery, and despair. Those charged with the most aggravated crimes, are not punishable till arraigned before disinterested judges; heard in their own defence, and found guilty of the charge. But here a whole people are accused, prosecuted by, they know not whom; tried, they know not where ; proved guiltv, they know not how ; and sentenced to suffer inevitable ruin. Their hard fate cannot be avoided by the most servile submission, the most implicit obedience to the statute. The first intimation of it was oq I 3 10:2 HISTORY OF THE the 10th of May, and it took place on the 1st of June ; thence to continue in full force, till it shall sufficiently appear to his majesty, that full satistaction has been made, Sec. So short •a space is given for staying the torrent of threatened evils, that the subject, although exerting his utmost energy, must be overwhelmed, and driven to madness, by terms of deli- verance, which donv relief till his ruin is inevitable." This description of the ellects upon the city thus inhumanly condemned to ruin, was not exaggerated. The deepest distress pervaded all classes. Cajiital could no longer be used, and labor had no more employment. The common necessaries of life were hardh' within the reach of the opulent, and the poor became suddenly destitute almost of food. Animated by the spirit of liberty, they, however, bore these inflictions with inflex- ible constancy. Contributions for their relief soon poured in from all parts. Corporate bodies, town-meetings, popular assemblages, individual charity and sympathy sent them aid, encouragement, and applause. The inhabitants of JNIarble- head tendered the Boston merchants the use of their harbor, wharves, warehouses, and their own personal attendance, free of charge ; and tlie people of Salem, whither it had been thought that the course of trade would turn, magnanimously refused to accept the boon, and concluded a generous remon- strance, with the protestation, — " We must be dead to every idea of justice, lost to all feelings of humanity, could we indulge one thought to seize on wealth, and raise our for- tunes on the ruins of our sutlering neighbours.' The evils of the Port Bill extended themselves through- out the colony, spreading general distress upon a large and populous province, in punishment of an untried offence, which amounted, in the worst sense, to an act of trespass against the property of the East India Company, by some unknown oilendei-s. One great benefit to the general cause, however, sprung out of it, which counterbalanced the partial evils, intense as they were in their eflects. The feelings of all America were aroused to a pitch of uncontrollable resentment, and they perceived the futility of expecting any relenting in the course of British oppression, unless extorted by the united esistance of the colonies. Just after the dissolution of the INIassachusetts Assembly, 3ie two additional acts, for "the better regulating the go- vernment of Massachusetts Bay," and for the "impartial *.J5EUICAN REVOLUTION. 103 administration of justice ;" reached America, and added new fuel to the flame of discontent. Additional force arrived, and was quartered in the town ; and Governor Gage pro- ceeded, against the remonstrances and protests of the people and authorities of the town, to fortify Boston jfcck, the only entrance into the city, since the suspension of all access by water, under the infamous Port act. On the 5th of September, the first Congress of the united colonies met at Philadelphia. A more august assemblage in the weight of character of the members, the ex- „ ,„^ citmg causes, and momentous questions wriich brought them together, the subsequent distinction acquired by the leading men who composed it, — a distinction unsur- passed by that of any other names in history, — and in the vast consequences to America and to the world, which flowed from their wisdom, virtue, and courage, never met before or since, in any country or nation. Thirteen colonies were repre- sented. Their names, and those of their delegates, follow: Massachusetts — Thomas Gushing, .lames Bowdoin, Robert Tjj|at Paine, Samuel Adams, and John Adams. New Hampshire — John Sullivan, and Nathaniel Folsom. Connecticut — Eliphalet Dyer, Roger Sherman, and Silas i)eane. ,,/} 'Rhode Island — Stephen Hopkins and Samuel Ward. New York — Isaac Low, John Alsop, John Jay, James Du ane, William Floyd, Henry Weisner, and Samuel Bocrum. Pennsylvania — John Dickinson, Thomas Mifflin, Joseph Galloway, Charles Humphreys, Edward Blddle, John Mor- ton, and George Ross. New Jersey — James Kinscy, WlUlam Livingston, Stephen Crane, and Richard Smith. Delaware — Ceesar Rodney, Thomas M'Kean, and George Bead. Maryland — Matthew Tilghman, Thomas Johnson, William Paca, and Samuel Chase- Virginia — Peyton Randolpli, Richard Henry Lee, George Washington, Patrick Henry, Rlch_anl Bland, Benjamin Har- rison, and Edward Pendleton. North Carolina — William Hooper, Joseph Hewes, and R. Caswell. South Carolina — Henry Mlddleton, Thomas Lynch, Chris- topher Gadsden, John Rutledge, and Edward Rutledge. The Congress organized themselves by the appointment of 164 HISTORY OF THE Peyton Randolph, of Virginia, as President, and Charles Thompson, of Pennsj'lvania, Secretary- The leading orators were Patrick Henry and Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia, and John Adams, of Massachusetts. The business vas opened by Patrick Henry, Avho had already acquired a repu- tation co-extensive with the continent, for extraordinary eloquence, great courage, ability, and energy, and invincible patriotism. It was settled that each colony should have only one vote In determining questions, and committees were appointed to state the rights of the colonies, and the wrongs they had suffered, b}' the acts of parliament since 1763 ; to prepare petitions to the king, to the people of Great Britain, to the people of Canada, and to the several colonies. Resolutions, which had been adopted by the people of Suffolk county, in Massachusetts, remarkable for energy and boldness, were taken up at an early day, and unanimously approved. Among those resolutions was one recommending all collectors of taxes, and other officers having public moneys in their hands, to retain the same until the civil government of the provfflce should be placed on a " constitutional foundation," or it should be otherwise ordered by a "Provincial Congress." Congress, among the first of their acts, "thoroughly" com- mended these resolves, as the counsels of "wisdom and for- titude." On the 8th of October, resolutions were adopted still more explicitly commending the course of Massachusetts, and pledging the rest of the provinces to adhere to her, through- out, in her conflict with "wicked ministers." Two ofthe.se were in the following terms: Resolved, That this Congress do approve of the opposition made by the inhabitants of the Massachusetts Bay, to the execution of the late acts of Parhamcnt; and if the same shall be attempted to be carried into execution by force, in such case all America ought to support them in their oppo- sition. Resolved, unanimouslt/, That every person or persons who- soever, who shall take, accept, or act under any commission or authority, in any wise derived from the act passed in the last session of Parliament, chanu-ins: the form of government and violating the charter of the province of Massachusetts Bay, might to be held in detestation and abhorrence by all good amJ:rican revolution. 105 men, and considered as the wicked tools of that despotism, which is preparing to destroy those rights, which God, nature, and compact have given to America." On the 14th, a declaration of rights was adopted, asserting the liberties and privileges of the colonics, by nature, com- pact, and under the British constitution ; and reciting the several acts of the British parliament, which were considered as infringing them. They were those which we have endea- vored to trace succinctly in this volume — the acts of 1764-5-6, and '7, for imposing duties for revenue, beginning with the molasses act, and ending with the tea tax; for extending the power of the admiralty courts, and for suspending the trial by jury ; the act of 1772, arising out of the Gaspee affair, creating a new criminal offence, and depriving American citizens of the right of trial by a jury of the vicinage, and making them liable to transportation to any part of Great Britain for trial; and the three acts passed at the preceding session (of 1774) ; — the Boston port bill, the bill for altering the charter of Massachusetts, and the bill for the administra- tion of justice. The Quebec act passed at the same time, which was designed to repress the growth of the colonies, by extending the limits of Canada, and setting up adverse insti- tutions and interests there, was included in the list; as was also the act for quartering soldiers in America. A distinct reso- lution was passed, that " the keeping of a standing army in several of these colonies in time of peace, without the con- sent of the legislature of the colony in which such army was kept, is against law.'' I As the most effectual means of enforcing the attention ' of the people of Great Britain to these demands, the Congress i entered into a general non-importation agreement for them- I selves and their constituents. By this they bound them- j selves, and those whom they represented, to cease, after the I ensuing December, all importations whatsoever from Great ] Britain or Ireland, directly or indirectly ; all East India tea from any part of the world ; most of the productions of the I West Indian islands, and other numerous articles from places ; through which Great Britain might be benefited. To thir J was added an agreement, to take effect instantly, not to use ' any goods upon which duties were claimed, or had been, or I should be, paid; and a third to export nothing whatever I to Great Britain, Ireland, or the West Indies, after the 10th j of September, 1775, in case the acts complained of should 106 HISTORY OF THE not be repealed before that date. Efficient measures wera taken for organizing committees in every county, city, and town, to see that this agreement was enforced, by every species of popular influence. The addresses which accompanied these measures cannot be read without the highest admiration of the courage, genius, patriotism, and eloquence of the authors. They are documents from which to extract is to mutilate, and of Avhich no detached fragment can give an adequate idea. They should be read and studied by Americans in all generations, as models of elevated style, dignity of remonstrance, and lofty purity of principle. When they were brought before the British House of Lords, Lord Chatham passed upon them this noble eulogium — "For myself, I must declare and avow, that in all my reading and observation — and history has been my favorite study — I have read Thucydides and have studied and admired the master states of the world— that for solidity of reasoning, force of sagacity, and wisdom of conclusion, no nation, or body of men, can stand in pre- ference to the general congress at Philadelphia." The address to the people of Great Britain contamed the following announcement of the alternatives to which the colonies looked. " If you are determined that your minis- ters shall wantonly sport with the rights of mankind; if neither the voice of justice, the dictates of law, the princi- ples of the constitution, nor the suggestions of humanity, can restrain your hands from shedding human blood, in such an impious cause, we must then tell you that we will never submit to be hewers of wood, or drawers of water, for any ministry or nation in the world." " Place us in the same circumstances in which we were at the close of the late war, and our former harmony will be restored. " But lest the same supineness, and the same inattention to our common interest, which you have for several years hown, should continue, we think it necessary to anticipate the consequences." In the address to the "people of the colonies," they advise them to be prepared for the ' worst,' and for 'every contingency.' After a session of eight weeks. Congress dissolved them- selves, having previously given it as their opinion, that another Congress should be held on the 10th of the next AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 107 May, unless previous redress should have been obtained; and recommending to all, the colonies to choose deputies as soon as possible to be prepared for every event. A majority of the members of this Congres« believed that these measures, especially the non-importation, and non- exportation agreements, would procure them a peaceable redress. Patrick Henry was, however, of a different opinion, and boldly avowed that force must finally be resorted to to defend the rights of America; and prophesied that, with the aid of France and Spain, America would finally triumph. The legislatures, or their substitutes the provincial con- ventions, which had in the mean time sprung into authority, very generally, throughout the colonies, approved of these proceedings. New York, which had fallen under the influ- ence of the Tories, was alone excepted. The people every- where sanctioned and obeyed their recommendations with as much order as though clothed with all the sanctions of regular government. The general court of Massachusetts had been convoked by GovernorGage, for the 4th ofoctober, and was dissolved by proclamation on the 5th. They met, however, organ- ized themselves into a Provincial Convention, and elected John Hancock president. After adjournment, in defiance of the governor, they met again at Cambridge on the 17th, and appointed committees of " Safety," and of " Supplies;" the first of which, was to call out the militia of the province for its defence. They voted to raise 12,000 militia — enlist one-fourth of the militia, to be ready at a moment's warning, thence called minute men ; and appointed three general offi- cers — Jedediah Preble, Artemas Ward, and Colonel Pome- roy. They gave information to the other New England colonies, asking their aid, to make up an army of 20,000 men. They were emboldened to these measures b}^ the alacrity with which the people had risen spontaneously, on a rumor, circulated in September, that the governor had ordered an attack upon Boston, and that the fleet was actually bombarding the tov.'n. Within two days, .30,000 volunteers were in arms, on their Avay to Boston, before it was ascertained that the rumor was unfounded. 1 Similar preparations were made in other colonies, with a like spirit, but less in extent. 108 HISTORY OF THE In the mean time, a new parliament had met in Great Britain. The king's speech was threatening towards America, avowing his determination to sustain " the supreme authority of the legislature, over all the dominions of the crown." The American papers were laid before Parlia- ment, in January. Mr. Quincy, of Massachusetts, then in London, after several interviews with the minis- Jan y 17/0. ^^.^^ became convinced that none other than coercive measures would be adopted, and wrote home — "I look to my countrymen with the feelings of one who verily believes that they must yet seal their faith and constancy to their liberties with blood." Events soon confirmed his judgment. Lord Chatham magnanimously took the lead in opposition to the ministers, and moved an address to the king, for the removal of the troops from Boston. In one of the fine pas- sages with which his speech abounded, he told the ministry : " Resistance to your acts was necessary, and therefore ^ws^ ; and your vain declarations of the omnipotence of Parliament, and your imperious doctrines of the necessity of submission, will be equally impotent to convince or enslave America." " You may, no doubt," said he, " destroy their cities ; you may cut them off from the superfluities, perhaps the con- veniences of life ; but, my lords, they will still despise your power, for they have yet remaining their woods and their liberty." The motion was lost by a considerable majority, as was a subsequent bill which he introduced, with the view of settling the general question. The petition of Congress was, after debate, refused a Iiearing, as proceeding from an illegal assembly, and on the 9th of February the Houses joined in an address e ruary. ^^ ^.^^ majesty, declaring that rebellion actually existed in the colony of Massachusetts, requesting him to use every means to enforce obedience ; and pledging hira their support, with their lives and property. The address was followed by a ministerial act, which soon passed; restraining the trade of the four New England colonies, as the most ' obstinate and refractory,' with Great Britain, Ire- land, and the British West Indies, and totally prohibiting their fisheries. These provisions were afterwards extended to all the colonies represented in the Congress, except New York and North Carolina. An addition to the kinsc's AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 109 forces, by sea and land, was demanded ; in the midst of which, Lord North unexpectedly brought forth a series of propositions for conciliation, induced, probably, by ^^^ the petitions of the British merchants, upon whom the suspension of trade in America had fallen heavily. The scheme was substantially a stipulation, that if the colo- nies would consent to tax themselves to the amount required, disposable by Parliament, and engage to support, besides, their own civil administrations. Parliament would forbear, diuing the time of such agreement, to exercise the taxing power, except for the regulation of commerce. Plans of conciliation were offered by Mr. Burke, and Mr. Hartley, both of which failed, and Lord North's proposition v.as finally adopted by a large vote, against the wishes of some of his friends, who were obstinate enough to think it too indulgent. Parliament soon after adjourned, and several bhips of the line, and ten thousand troops, were dispatched to aid in repressing the rebellion apprehended. h\ America, the approaching conflict became daily more evident. Boston, as the head-quarters of the army, was par- licularly exposed to collisions with them ; and in anticipation, ever}' exertion was made to procure arms and ammunition. Cannon, cannon balls, powder, muskets, and military stores, uere constantly introduced into the city by every artifice, and in every disguise. In New Hampshire, a number of armed people seized on the powder in the royal castle of William and Mary. Colonel Leslie, who had been dis- patched by Governor Gage, to seize some cannon at Salem, was obstructed by the citizens, until the cannon were removed beyond his reach, and he returned without succeed- ing in his object ; and, in New York, a riotous combat took place between the populace and the troops, in which the latter were beaten. In Virginia, the convention adopted spirited resolutions, for arming and disciplining the militia, and procuring the necessary supplies. In March, the Massachusetts Congress met at Concord, where the committees of 'Safety' and 'Supplies' had collected a large quantity of stores and ammunition A part of their stores had been seized at Boston Neck ; and in April, the Governor, having received intelligence of the proceedings of Parliament, made an effort to seize the whole stock — an attempt which produced the battle of Concord, the first bloodshed of the revolutionary v.-ar, where the K 110 HISTORT OF THE king's troops were openly opposed by the colonists. It id the first of a new stage of events, in which resistance by arms, against unconstitutional oppression, took the place of remonstrances, petitions, and protests ; but still without renunciation of allegiance to the British crown. A party of men, under the command of Lieutenant Colo- nel Smith, and Major Pitcairn, were dispatched, by General Gage, on this expedition. The reported object '"' "' was the seizure of Samuel Adams and John Hancock, whose active labors in the patriotic cause had made them peculiarly odious to the British party ; but the real object was understood. At Lexington, on the road, they found a party of about seventy militia, commanded by Captain Parker, on parade, with a number of spectators of the village, on the green. Notwithstanding the precau- tions of the British oflicers to prevent the spread of the intelligence, the march of the troops had been made known by expresses, signal guns, and the ringing of church bells. They reached Lexington about five o'clock in the morn- ing, when Major Pitcairn, seeing the militia gathered, rode up, with drawn sword, calling out — "Disperse, ye rebels; throw down your arms and disperse." They hesitated, upon which he discharged his pistol, and ordered his corps, the advanced guard of the detachment, to fire. They gave a general discharge, by which eight Americans were killed, and several wounded. The rest dispersed ; but the soldiery kept up their fire, when some of the militia returned it. Thence the party proceeded to Concord ; and the militia, who had assembled there, being too few to oppose them, retired. A great part of the stores; had been removed, and the detachment executed their orders by destroying what remain- ed, including a riumber of barrels of flour. The militia had, in themean time reassembled; and on a movement made by them with apparent design to cross the bridge, into the town, then in possession of the British, they were fired on, and two Ame- ricans killed. The fire was promptly returned, and the troops repulsed, with loss of several killed, wounded, and prisoners. The whole country was up in arms instantly, and the British forces, on commencing their retreat, found themselves attacked on every side, by straggling shooters, and parties of volunteers. Every wall, fence, house, and tree, contri- buted to shelter some exasperated New Englander; and a perpetual fire was kept up in this manner, until the AMERICAN REVOLUTION, 111 detachment reached Lexington. A reinforcement, headed by Lord Percy, amounting to nine hundred men, with two pieces of artillery, there met them, and the united forces moved rapidly towards Boston, harassed by the provincial fire, and committing devastation along their route ; burning houses, shooting unarmed countrymen, and destroying stock. After a march of forty miles they encamped at Bunker Hill, for the night, under the protection of the men-of-war, and the next day passed over to Boston. In these actions, the loss of the British was two hundred and ninety-three ; and of the provincials, only ninety-three. The results Avere of the greatest moment. The blow had been struck, by which open war was commenced, under cir- cumstances that roused the universal indignation of the Ame- ricans, while the issue invigorated their spirits. They had rallied in great numbers at the signal of strife, and driven in the regulars with loss, after baffling the object of their expe- dition. Wherever the tidings of the battle were carried, enthusiasm rose, addresses, pledges, congratulations, and triumph, overpowered all apprehensions of the consequences, and the whole continent was animated with one spirit of determination. The Provincial Congress of Massachusetts took instant measures, both to arm the" province for defence, and to justify the conduct of the militia, to the authorities of Great Britain. They dispatched to England an account of the battle of Lexington, with depositions to prove the aggres- sions committed by the troops. With it they sent an address to the people of Great Britain, which, after assuring them of continued loyalty to the king, avowed a determina- tion "not tamely to submit to the persecution and tyranny of his evil ministry." They added, emphatically — " Appeal- ing to heaven for the justice of our cause, we determine to die or be free." Dr. Franklin was the agent sent to Great Britain. The House proceeded to put the colony in a state of defence. They resolved to raise an army of thirteen thousand men, and requested the neighboring colo- nies to make the amount up to thirty thousand. They directed the treasurer to borrow £100,000 for the use of the province, and declared the citizens absolved from their obli- tjations of obedience to Governor Gage. Volunteers offered themselves in such numbers, that they could not be received for want of means to subsist them ; llri HISTORY OF THE ^^H j and in a sliort time, the king's forces, amountiiii; to nearly^ ten thousand men, were hemmed in by a superior force of provincials. General Ward was appointed commander-in- chief, and Heath, Prescott, Thomas, and Putnam, generals. Putnam was at Ids plough wlien the account of the battle was brought him ; and without tinishing the furrow, or re- entering his house, put himself at the head of a party of his neighboi-s, and started for the army. Arnold, subsequently so infamous in his treachery, was among the first to reach Boston, having raised a company in New Haven, and forced a march to the spot of action witliin ten days after the fight at Lexington. The example of Gage, in endeavoring to seize the colo- nial stores, was improved by the Americans, in numerous places. The New Jersey people seized upon the royal treasury ; and the people of Baltimore and Charleston possessed themselves of the stands of arms belonging to the troops. At Williamsburg, in Virginia, Governor Dunmore had seized upon a quantity of powder in the magazine ; and when the return was demanded, gave evasive answers. Patrick Henry, not trusting to his faith, summoned the people to arms ; and, at the head of five tliousand volunteers, extorted payment from his excellency, and was in return, proclaimed as an outlaw — an idle ceremony which only made the governor's weakness more conspicuous. A party of Connecticut and New Hampshire militia promptly formed the plan of seizing the important tbrtresses of Ticonderoga and Crown Point. They were commanded by Colonels Ethan Allen, and Benedict Arnold. By forced marches they surprised Ticonderoga : and the two officers entering abreast, at day-break, demanded of the astonished commander the surrender of the fort. " By whose autho- rity:" demanded he. "In the nam.e of the great Jehovah, and of the Continental Congress,"' was the prompt answer of Allen, and the fort was surrendered unconditionally. Crown Point was also secured without the loss of a man. Generals Howe, Burgoyne, and Clinton, arrived in Bos- ton, from England, with reinforcements, in the latter part of May ; and General Gage, emboldened by their aid, pro- claimed martial law throughout the province, and issued a proclamation, oil'ering free pardon to all who should lay down their arms, and return to the duties t>f peacable subjects, except Samuel Ad.vms and JoH.t AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 113 Hancock, " whose ofTences are of too flagitious a nature to admit of any other consideration than that of condign punish ment." This proclamation only strengthened the union of the colonists, and elevated these proscribed patriots to a liigher position in the confidence of their countrymen. The prf>udest peer in Europe might exult in a patent for ances- tral honors, so honorable in the eyes of posterity as this tes- timony from the enemy, of the unflinching public virtue of Hancock and Adams. Adams, in particular, was the object of special dread to the adherents of Great Britain. "This man," said Mr. Gallo- way, one of the Tories, who joined the enemy and went to Britain, and afterwards published a work there: — "this man cats little, drinks little, sleeps little, thinks much, and is most indefatigable in the pursuit of his object. It was he who, by superior application, managed at once the factions in Congress at Philadelphia, and the factions in New Eng- land." AVhen Governor Hutchinson, in the beginuing of these disturbances, was asked why he did not quiet Adams by the use of hispatronage, he answered — "Such is the obstinacy and inflexible disposition of this man, that he never can be con- ciliated by any oflices or gift whatever." Under Governor Gage, the attempt was renewed through a certain Colonel Fenton, just after the military occupation of Boston, to detach him from the American cause, by large oflers, and with apparently friendly solicitation and advice to reconcile himself to the king. His answer is a noble specimen of revolutionary patriotism and intrepidity. " I trust I have long since made my peace with the King of kings. No personal consideration shall induce me to abandon the righteous cause of my country. Tell Governor Gage, it is the advice of Samuel Adams to Jiim, no longer to insult the feelings of an exasperated people." In the mean time the general Congress had met at Philadelphia, on the 10th of May. The members were, with few exceptions, the same as in the first Congress; but under the exigencies of the times, they had been, by the instmictions of their constituents, invested with larger powers, and they soon assumed, without any express direc- tion, but with full consent of the people, most of the attributes of delegated sovereignty. On the exception of John Hancock, by Governor Gage, out of his proclamation- K 2 114 HISTORY OF THE of amnesty, the Congress manifested their disregard of the menace, and their confidence in the man, by electing him president, in the place of Mr. Randolph, who was called home on business. The Congress opened its labors by proposing and sending addresses and appeals to the king and people of Great Britain, and then proceeded to prepare for every alterna- tive, by organizing the defence of the colonies. They voted to raise an army of twenty thousand men — appointed the general oilicers, and emitted bills of credit to the amount ot three millions of dollars, pledging the twelve united colo- VIES, Georgia not having yet joined the confederation, for the redemption of the debt. On the 5lh of June, on motion ot Mr. Johnson, of Maryland, George Washington wa? unanimously appointed commander-in-chief, and accepted the appointment in the following address, marked with tha" unaffected modesty, which clothed with such a gentle grace his great qualities and unrivalled virtues. " Though I am truly sensible of the high honor done m*^ in this appointment, yet I feel great distress, from a consci- ousness, that my abilities and military experience may not be equal to the extensive and important trust. However, as the Congress desire it, I will enter upon the momentous duty, and exert every power I possess in their service, and for the support of the glorious cause. I beg they will accept my most cordial thanks for this distinguished testimony of their approbation. But, lest some unlucky event should happen unfavorable to my reputation, I beg it may be remembered by every gentleman in the room, that I this day declare, with the utmost sincerit}'. I do not think myself equal to the command I am honored with. I beg leave. Sir, to assure the Congress, that as no pecuniary consideration could have tempted me to accept this arduous employment, at the expense of my domestic ease and happiness, I do not wish to make any profit from it. I will keep an exact account of my expenses — those, I doubt not, they will dis- charge, and that is all I desire." At the same time, Artemas Ward, Charles Lee, Phihp Schuyler, and Israel Putnam, were appointed majors-gene- ral; and Horatio Gates, adjutant-general. Two days afterwards, in another quarter, was fought the memorable battle of Bunker Hill ; a battle, the memory of which is dear to the hearts of Americans, as one of the first AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 115 and most glorious among those early conflicts in which the strength of a young and untried people, struggling for liberty, was measured with the veteran and disciplined forces of a gigantic and insolent oppressor. The arrival of the British generals, Howe, Clinton, and Burgoyne, led the Americans, at Boston, to believe that strong offensive demonstrations would soon be made again. t them. In order to command the access to the city, they determined to make entrenchments, and station a force upon Bunker Hill, a large eminence, just at the entrance of the peninsula of Charlestown, and so situated as to command the entrance to both rivers. On the night of the 16th of June, a detachment of a thousand men, under Major Prescott, and accompanied b)' General Putnam, was dispatched to occupy the hill, and throw up the necessary works. By some error. Breed's Hill, another eminence nearer the town, and overlooking it within cannon shot, was marked out, and the provincials labored with such silence and diligence, that by dawn of day, to the astonishment of the British fleet, which lay in sight, they had thrown up a redoubt nearly eight rods square. They continued to labor at it, notwithstanding an incessant fire from the ships of war, and a battery of six guns, on Copp's Hill, until they had erected a breast-work from the redoubt to the bottom of the Hill, towards the Mystic. Without stopping to return a single gun, and with- out being relieved by the American army, they persevered, under a murderous discharge from the sea and from the hill, until their defences were completed. In the course of the day, they were reinforced by a detachment of five hundred men, under Stark, Warren, and Pomeroy, and orders were given to extend the works, so as to protect the flank, on the side of the Mystic river; which was done by running two parallel lines of rail fences, filling the intervals with hay. Orders were given, by the British general, to drive them from this position, and Generals Howe and Pigot, with a force of infantry and grenadiers, amounting to ihree thousand men, with a powerful park of artillery, advanced in two lines — the former to attack the flank, and the latter the redoubt in front. The attack was begun by a heavy cannonading, and the troops marched slowly to observe its eflects. At the same time, the barbarous order was given to set fire to Charlestown, containing four hundred houses, which was quickly in flames ; and thus a small force 116 HISTORY OP THE of young and untrained soldiers Avere waiting, under the fire of a tremendous battery of guns, illuminated by the glare of a burning village, the approach of a veteian force of double their number. Their coolness was-i .imirable. The order of Putnam, not to fire till they could distin- guish the whites cf the eyes of the advancing force, was scru- pulously obeyed ; and the enemy were permitted to approach Avithin about sixty j-ards, when a deadly fire of small arms was opened upon them with such effect, that whole ranks were mowed down ; and the line, wavering for a moment, oroke and gave way, falling precipitately back to the land- ing place. They rallied, and again advanced, and were again beaten back by the same destructive and incessant stream of fire. General Clinton, who had come to the aid of his brother generals, rallied them again, and led them a third time to the charge, which at length proved successful. Powder began to fail in the redoubt, and the cannon from the fleet had taken a position which raked it through and through. Under the fire from ships, batteries, and field artillery, and attacked by a superior force on three sides at once, at the j^oint of the bayonet, and without bayonets or powder themselves, the provincials slowly evacuated the fort, not without obstinate resistance, some of them persist- ing to fight with the butts of their guns. The attempt to take the position in flank, was met in the same way, and with the same undaunted spirit. The Ame- ricans maintained their position, under every disadvantage, covering the retreat of the main body, and then made their own retreat over Charlestown Neck, with inconsiderable loss, though exposed to the fire of the Glasgow man-of-war, aiui several floating batteries. The Americans entrenched themselves on Prospect Hill, a few miles farther on the way to Cambridge, and still maintained their command of the entrance to Boston. The British loss was one thousand and fifty-four — the Americans, four hundred andfifty-three. Among these, was the lamented Joseph Warren, who had been one of the earliest, ablest, most zealous, and energetic friends'of liberty, and whose virtues and talents had given him the highest rank as a patriot in the estimation of his countrymen. Every honor which affectionate gratitude and regret could devise was paid to his memory. . . . The general result of the battle, in a nilitary point, o**- AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 117 view, was disastrous to the British forces. The continental troops were inspirited by the proofs of courage, and capacity to cope with the regulars, which had been shown by a raw and undi." i'llined mihtia, and drew up a line of force, which completely nemmed the British army within the town of Boston. On the 3d of .luly. General Washington arrived at Cambridge from Philadelphia, to take command. On his way, he had been received everywhere with honors and congratulations, to v.'hich he gave replies, expressing his earnest desire to bring the controversy with Great Britain to a speedy and amicable conclusion. The force which he found amounted to about fourteen thousand men, which was soon after augmented to about fifteen thousand five hundred, by the arrival of some rifle regiments from the south. They were re-arranged, and divided into three commands ; the right under General Ward, at Roxbury ; the left under General Lee, at Prospect Hill ; and the centre at Cambridge, under the commander- in-chief The lines of communication by posts extended over a space of more than ten miles, and parties were sta- tioned in small towns in the neighborhood. Commissions, granted by Congress, to eight brigadiers, were issued. They were Pomeroy, Heath, and John Thomas, of Massachusetts ; Montgomery, of New York; Wooster and Spencer, of Con- necticut ; Sullivan, of New Hampshire ; and Greeiie, of Rhode Island. The army thus organized, had little else to rely upon for success than the enthusiasm which brought them together. The task of bringing them into the forms of discipline was one of great difficulty, and occupiad the whole time and anxious attention of the commander-in-chief Their zeal, and independence of habits, rendered them better fitted to partizan expeditions, requiring gallantry and enterprise, than to the orderly and obedient duties of regular forces, engaged in one common object, under a single commander. They were, moreover insufficiently armed, and without the necessary tools and experience to erect properly the necessary fortifications. Their powder was very deficient in quantity — so much so, that at one time there was not enough in the whole camp to have enabled them to repel an assault. This immediate want was soon supplied by a quantity sent from Elizabethtown, in New Jersey. Add to these embarrassments the total want of preparation, both 118 ttlsfoRT OF THE with regard to money, provisions, and clothing, and the nndefined and conflicting nature of the powers exercised under colonial authority, and by the direction of Congress, and it will readily be seen that the position of the com- mander-in-chief, as well as that of his army, was by no means encouraging. When the heat of immediate ex- citement passed off, and all the privations and difficulties, growing out of these deficiencies pressed upon them fully; the effects were, for a while, dispiriting, particularly as they had looked for a short campaign, and a speedy settlement of the controversy. For a season, however, keen resent- ment, and a resolute determination to expel the British army from the province, kept these raw, undisciplined, and unprovided soldiers together, so strongly, as to overawe the forces of General Gage. Those forces amounted to about eight thousand men ; which, with the aid of the shipping, might be concentred at any point of the 'American lines. The attempt, however, was not made; and, during the autumn, the blockading forces continued to make approaches nearer to the British line. Arms and ammunition were provided, with great industry and perseverance, and voy- ages, made for that purpose, with great success, even to the coast of Africa. Privateers were commissioned, and Cap- tain Manly, the first naval officer created by Congress, in the privateer Lee, captured a British ordnance ship, laden with miUtary stores, singularly adapted to the precise wants of the American army. Other ships similarly laden, soon after fell into the hands of the colonial privateers. Following the advice of Congress, the colonies had assumed a practical independence of British authority, and either formed provisional conventions for administering their political affairs ; or, as in the cases of Connecticut and Rhode Island, acted on the same principles under their ancient forms and charters. Everywhere the tidings of the battles of Lexington and Bunker Hill, stirred up a like determination to resist and annoy where they could not expel the British authorities.— The militia were enrolled and armed in Maryland, Virginia, and the two Carolinas. In July, Georgia had finally acceded to the confederation, which then took the name of " the Thirteen United Colonies," and resistance became populai there. The south proper, sent several companies of riflemen, at once, to the army at Boston, and Pennsylvania and New AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 1 19 Jersey contributed numerous recruits. In New York, a party of patriots seized and carried away the cannon liora the battery, notwithstanding repeated broadsides fired upon them by the Asia, a seventy-four gun ship, and soon after broke into the printing-office of the notorious tory newspa- per, published by Rivington, and destroyed the press. A vo- lunteer party of twelve men fitted out a vessel from Charles- ton, South Carolina, to obtain a supply of powder, and near St. Augustine, in Florida, met with a British vessel, manned by twelve grenadiers, which they captured, and found in it fifteen thousand pounds of powder, which they landed safely at Beaufort. In Virginia, such were the mani- festations of public excitement, that the governor, Lord Dunmore, took refuge, with his family, on board the Fowey man-of-war, near Yorktown. He summoned the House of Burgesses to attend him there ; but instead of obeying, they considered his movements as an abdication of the govern- ment, appointed committees of safety, made ordinances for regulating the militia, raised a force of two regiments, and appointed Patrick Henry commander-in-chief. A predatory warfare was thereupon commenced by Lord Dunmore, with the ships and boats under his command, along the James and York rivers. In one of these, a tender of the Otter sloop-of-war was burned by the provincials, in revenge for which Lord Dunmore proclaimed martial law, and declared all the slaves who should join his majesty's standard to be free. Collecting a force of regulars, and runaway slaves, to the number of about seven hundred, he ordered an attempt to surprise the Virginia forces, collected for defence, at Great Bridge, under the command of Colonel Woodford. The governor's party v/as routed in the conflict, and hastily retired to Iheir shipping. At the close of the year. Lord Dunmore finished his barbarous career there by burning the town of Norfolk. The people of Delaware sunk Chevauxde Prize, in their river, to obstruct the approach cf an enemy. At Gloucester, in New England, the militia seized upon tliree boats and their crews, belonging to the Falcon sloop- of-war, which had been sent out to capture an American schooner. The town was bombarded, in retaliation, by the frigate, and in company with another frigate, the Rose, and two armed schooners, she ravaged the whole coast, cannon- ading unprotected villages, and wantonly destroying the houses and property of the inhabitants. Bristol, in Rhode 120 HISTORY OF THE Island, and Falmouth, (now Portland) in Maine, wer« totally burnt. Thus, in a few weeks after the battle of Bunker Hill, the resentments, upon both sides, had broken out into open hostilities ; war, in fact, existed in most of the colonies, and blood had been shed in many conflicts. The design of complete independence was, however, not yet avowed in any place of authority or influence. Public meetings, and provincialconventions, congresses and committees, continued to profess attachment to the British constitution, and deny all intention of dissolving their political connexion with Great Britain. They avowed only a desire to be restored to the same state, in regard to the mother country, in which they were before the year 1763. The people of Mecklen- burg county, in North Carolina, were a remarkable excep- tion to this general accordance on a topic which could not, even at that day, have been absent from the thoughts of many of the public men in the colonies. Delegates from the militia companies in that county met in May, 1775, Defore the battle of Bunker Hill ; and after reciting the ' inhuman ' shedding of ' innocent blood ' of American patriots at Lexington, voted to absolve themselves from all allegiance to the British crown, and 'abjure all political connexion, contract, or association with a nation which had wantonly trampled on their rights and liberties.' The fol- lowing was the concluding resolution : Resolved, That we do hereby declare ourselves a free and independent people, are and of right ought to be a sovereign and self-governing association, under the control of no power other than that of God and the General Congress ; to the maintenance of which independence we solemnly pledge to each other, our mutual co-operation, our lives, our for- tunes, and our most sacred honor. This bold declaration met with no general response at that period, and the people generally, while they were deter- mined to resist, by arms, the execution of the tyrannical acts, looked forward to a final repeal of them by the British parliament, and a disavowal of the power. These were popular movements, and occurred at different periods, within the summer and autumn of 1775. The Continental Congress, in the mean time, was efliciently engaged, in endeavoring to combine the forces and senti- ments of all into a united resistance to Great Britain in the dl AMERICAN UEVOLUXION. 121 execution of her acts, and a united effort to get them recalled. In addition tp the peaceful measures already mentioned, they resolved that "exportation to aU parts of British America which had not adopted their association, should immediately cease ;" that "no bill of exchange, draught, or order," of any British officer should be receiveid or nego- tiated, no money supplied them, and no vessel be permitted to carry any military stores for British use, to any part of North America. These resolutions were retaliatory for the British acts restraining American trade. They established a General Post Office Department, and appointed Dr. Franklin postmaster-general, an office which he had held under the crown. Finally, on the 6th of July they adopted a de- I _ claration, setting forth, in the form of a manifesto, | " ^ "- • the causes of their taking up arms, the extent of their demands, their own injuries, and the tyrannical and uncon- stitutional methods taken by the ministry to reduce them to obedience. It was a paper drawn up with signal modera- tion, firmness, and ability. After giving a historical account of the successive pretensions set up by the parliament to supremacy over the colonies, after the peace of 1763, the declaration alleges — " Parliament, assuming a new power over them, have in the course of eleven years, given such decisive specimens of the spirit and consequences attending this power, as to leave no doubts concerning the effects of acquiescence under it. They have undertaken to give and grant our money without our consent, though we have ever exercised an exclusive right to dispose of our own property. Statutes have been passed for extending the jurisdiction of Courts of Admiralty and Vice-Admiralty beyond their ancient limits, for depriving us of the accustomed and ines- timable privilege of trial by jury, in cases affecting both life and property ; for suspending the legislature of one of the colonies ; for interdicting all commerce of another ; and for altering fundamentally the form of government established by charter, and secured by acts of its own legislature, solemnly confirmed by the crown ; for exempting the ' mur- derers ' of colonists from legal trial, and in effect, from punishment ; for erecting in a neighboring province, acquired by the joint arms of Great Britain and America, a despotism dangerous to our very existence ; and for quartering soldiers Li 122 HISTORY OP THE upon the colonists in times of profound peace. It has also been resolved in parliament, that colonists, charged with committing certain offences, shall be transported to England to be tried. "But should we enumerate our injuries in detail? — By one statute it is declared that parliament can ' of right make laws to bind us in all cases whatever.' — What is to defend us against so enormous, so unlimited a power ?" The declaration next recounts the fruitless petitions, appeals, and remonstrances of the colonies, the inhuman oiiirages, and slaughters committed on the inhabitants of Massachusetts, under the orders of Governor Gage, by the royal forces, his proclamation of martial law, the burning of Charlestown, &c., and concludes thus : — " We are reduced to the alternative of choosing an uncon- ditional submission to the tyranny of irritated ministers, or resistance by force. The latter is our choice. We have counted the cost of this contest, and find nothing so dreadful as voluntary slavery. Honour, justice, and humanity forbid us tamely to surrender that freedom, which we received from our gallant ancestors, and which our innocent posterity have a right to receive from us. We cannot endure the infamy and guilt of resigning succeeding generations to that wretch- edness which inevitably awaits them, if we basely entail hereditary bondage upon them. " Our cause is just: our union is perfect: our internal resources are great, and if necessary, foreign assistance is undoubtedly attainable. We gratefully acknowledge, as signal instances of the divine favor towards us, that his pro- vidence would not permit us to be called into this severe con- troversy, until we were grown up into our present strength, had been previously exercised in warlike operations, and possessed the means of defending ourselves. With hearts fortified with these animating reflections, we most solemnly before God and the world declare, that, exerting the utmost energy of those powers which our beneficent Creator has graciously bestowed upon us, the arms we have been com- pelled by our enemies to assume, we will, in defiance of every hazard, with unabated firmness and perseverance, employ for the preservation of our liberties, being with one mind resolved to die freemen rather than live Hke slaves. "Lest this declaration should disquiet the minds of our friends and fellow-subjects in any par* of the empire, we AMEHICAN REVOLUTION. 123 assure them, that we mean not to dissolve the union, which has so long and so happily subsisted between us, and which we sincerely wish to see restored. Necessity has not yet driven us into that desperate measure, or induced to excite any other nation to war against them. We have not raised armies with ambitious designs of separating from Great Britain, and establishing independent states. We fight not for glory or for conquest. We exhibit to mankind the remarkable spectacle of a people attacked by unprovoked enemies, without any imputation or suspicion of offence. They boast of their privileges and civilization, and yet proffer no milder condition than servitude or death. "In our own native land, in defence of the freedom that is our birth-right, and which we ever enjoyed until the late violation of it, for the protection of our property, acquired solely by the honest industry of our forefathers and our- selves ; against violence actually offered, we have taken up arms. We shall lay them down when hostilities shall cease on the part of our aggressors, and all danger of their being renewed shall be removed, and not before. " With an humble confidence in the mercies of the supreme and impartial Ruler of the universe, we most devoutly implore his divine goodness to conduct us happily through this great conflict, to dispose our adversaries to reconciliation on reasonable terms, and thereby to relieve the empire from the calamities of civil war." The proposition of Lord North, for conciliation, was taken into consideration, and rejected with great unanimity, as ^ illusory in all its promises, and " altogether unsatisfactory ;" because it proposed only a "suspension of the mode, not a renunciation of the pretended right to tax;" because it did " not repeal the several acts of parliament for restraining the trade and altering the form of government of one of the colonies;" and because it did not explicitly "renounce" the power of suspending the colonial legislatures, and that of legislating " in all cases whatever." The Committee, consisting of Dr. Franklin, Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, and Richard Henry Lee, concluded their report by invoking the reflection of the whole world, upon the cruel and deceit- ful character of the British plan. " When," say they, "these things are laid together and attentively considered, can the world be deceived into an opinion, that we are unreasonable, or can it hesitate to believe us that nothing but our own IS'l HISTORY OF THE exertions may defeat the ministerial sentence of death, or . abject submission ?" A second petition to the king, and addresses to the inhabit- ants of Great Britain, to the Irish people, and to the au- thorities of Jamaica, were also adopted. Addresses were also made to the Indians. Congress then adjourned to meet again in September. The petition to the king was intrusted to the care of Mr. Penn and Arthur Lee, who presented it to Lord Dartmouth on the 1st of September. After a few days delay, they were coldly informed that no answer would be given; an insulting treatment of the humble remonstrances of United America, which served to convince the most timid of the necessity of persevering in their preparations to decide the controversy by arms, if they would not submit to unlimited tyranny. Congress re-assembled in September, and a few weeks afterwards. General Gage sailed for England, leaving the com- mand of the British forces to General Howe. More and more vigorous measures were constantly re- quired, till by degrees Congress were compelled to assume all the functions of a regular government, which were, in general, acquiesced in from the necessity of the case, or by express enactirlent of the several provincial conventions acting in behalf of the individual colonies. It was found necessary to take strong measures against domestic enemies, and Congress authorized the arrest of such persons " going at large, who might endanger the safety of the colonies, or the liberties of America." They determined to carry on their own deliberations in secret, denouncing expulsion, with the stigma of being an enemy to the liberties of America, upon every person who should violate the order. The main army of the Americans continued to blockade the royal forces in the town of Boston. Congress had, how- ever, unfortunately adopted the plan of short enlistments; and a few months of inactivity in camp, under circumstan- ces of want and comparative privation, had diminished the miUtary ardor of new levies. A task of great difficulty was before the new commander-in-chief. His appeals, address- es, remonstrances, and invocations, addressed to the interests, feelings, and patriotism of Congress, were earnest and unre- mitting. Few of those whose time had already expired had re- enlisted in October, and the term of none extended beyond AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 125 the 1st of January following. Congress made liberal offers, ind General Washington summoned the neighbouring colonies to send their militia to the aid of the general cause, which requisitions were complied with readily. The new troops arrived in considerable numbers, and the army was gradu- ally re-modelled ; but not to any efficient extent, until the month of February 1776. With all these efforts, on the last day of December, the whole force enlisted did no' amount to ten thousand men. The lines were sometimes in a state almost defenceless, but fortunately no attack was made upon them by the enemy. No sufficient reason has been assigned for this neglect of General Howe, which was of the highest importance to the American cause. " It is not," said General Washington in his communications to Congress, " in the page of history to furnish a case like ours. To maintain a post, within iiiusket-shot of the enemy for six months together, without ammunition, and at the same ' time disband one army and recruit another, within that dis- tance of twenty odd British regiments, is more, probably, than ever was attempted.'" The policy of short enlistments, which produced so much difficulty here, and was the occasion of infinite mischief during the whole war, was partly forced upon Congress by necessity, and partly the result of a jealous dread of the expense and danger of a permanent standing army. They did not at first calculate upon a protracted contest, and were destitute of means for future payments; and a confidence was entertained that draughts upon the militia would be readily answered, to any extent required for the defence of colonial liberty. How frequently these calculations were disappointed, will be seen in the subsequent events of the war. Such as v."e have described, was, at the end of the year, the condition of affairs in Massachusetts, and especially in the neighbourhood of Boston. General Washington was. em- ployed with indefatigable industry in keeping his forces to- gether and bringing them into a state of discipline and preparation , in-order to make a successful attack upon the town. General Howe with the English troops, was cooped up within the town ; and by the activity of the American cruisers, au- thorized by Congress, his supplies, as well of subsistence as of military stores, were diminished until his situation became one of great difficulty. Neither army felt the disposition, nor made any demonstration, towards an attack upon the other. L ^ 126 HISTORY OF THE Connected with these operations of the main army was the expedition against Canada, ordered by Congress in September. It was a bold step of hostility against the mother country, which was considered at the time, by some of the fast friends of American rights, to be a departure from the legitimate objects for which they had taken up arms, and an aggression upon the territories of Great Britain, not war- ranted by the state of the controversy. The defence of the measure is, the universal conviction, that General Carleton, who commanded in Canada, was instructed by the British government, and provided with ample means, to prepare an expedition to co-operate with the forces of General Howe, in subduing the colonies. They were informed that munitions of war, money, and troops, were to be concentrated there for an invasion of the Anglo-American colonies ; and they knew that large and unusual powers had been conferred upon the new governor. His talents and popularity were great, and they had reason to fear his influence in reconciling the Ca- nadians to the measures of the British government, with some of which they had been discontented, as well as to dread the military strength he could bring against them.« The cap- ture of Ticonderoga and Crown Point, already mentioned, opened the way for an expedition ; and Colonel Arnold, who, with Colonel Ethan Allen, had seized upon those posts, was earnest in pressing upon Congress the policy of invading Canada. They finally acquiesced ; and late in the season two detachments were dispatched on this duty, one under the command of Generals Schuyler and Montgomery, by the customary route through Lake Champlain, to the St. Lawrence, and the other under Colonel Arnold by the river Kennebec in Maine, and by forced marches through the wilderness. The first detachment, consisting of a body of New England iroops, about 1100 in number, arrived at Ticonderoga, and proceeded down the lake, early in September. General Schuyler, who had been left at Albany, to negotiate with the Mohawk Indians, in order to secure the rear of the march, joined them at Cape la Motte. From that place they moved to the Isle aux Noix, from which place they issued a proc- g^ ^ lamation to the Canadians, and soon after effect- ed a landing at St. John's, the first British post, 115 miles North of Ticonderoga. After a slight skirmish yith the Indians, the fort was found too strong for assault, AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 127 and it was resolved in n. council of war, to retreat twelve miles to the Isle aux jYois, erect fortifications and sink chevaux-de-frise, to interrupt the navigation of the river Sorel in which the fort was situated, and to prevent the com- munication with the shipping which Governor Carleton had prepared. General Schuyler soon after returned to Albany, and General Montgomery was left in the sole command, to prosecute the siege of the fort. This was much retarded from want of ammunition. By the reduction of Fort Cham- bly, at a distance of six miles from St. Johns, he obtained a large supply of powder, and Governor Carleton, being repuls- ed in his attempts to cross the river lo relieve the fort, it surrendered on the 3d of November. During this siege, Col. Ethan Allen, with extraordinary rashness, and in diso- bedience of orders, forced iiis way to Montreal, with only eighty men, was surroun i<.'d, defeated, captured, and sent to England in irons. After the reduction of St. Johns, the American forces occupied and fortified the mouth of the Sorel, and advanced rapidly on Montreal. The British forces, incapable of defend- ing the town, repaired on board the shipping, and endea- voured to escape down the river. They were stopped and captured at the point of the Sorel, and General Prescott, and many other officers and eleven sail of vessels, with ammu- nition, provisions, &c. fell into the hands of the victors. Montreal was soon occupied by General Montgomery, whose conduct on the occasion was distinguished bv the r> J Nov 13 utmost dignity, courtesy and humanity. Governor Carleton escaped in a boat, by an unfrequented way through Trois Rivieres, and arrived in Quebec. Montgomery, after leaving some troops to keep possession of Montreal, pushed on to Quebec, before which he arrived on the 1st of December. The other detachment, under the command of Colonel Arnold, consisting originally of about twelve hundred men, had, with amazing difficulty and the severest toils and hard- ships, penetrated through the province of Maine, a distance oi five hundred miles, by a route totally unexplored before, through a forest wilderness. Part of the troops turned back, discouraged by the want of provisions, and those who con- tinued, to the number of seven hundred, encountered terri- ble fatigues and privations, being reduced to eat their shoes and baggage-leather. On the eighth of November, they arrived on the River St. Lawrence, opposite to Quebec, to 128 HISTORY OF THE the great dismay of the citizens, to whom the si|»ht of an enemy in that direction was totally unexpected. Arnold, by reason of the treachery of his scouts, was disappointed in the means of crossing the river, and thus lost all the ad vantages of the panic which his first arrival had created. The presence of Governor Carleton re-assured the inhabit- ants, and solid preparatrons for defence Avere made, which it was not in the power of the invaders to interrupt. After vainly summoning the town to surrender, to which no an- swer was returned, Arnold was compelled to wait for the arrival of the forces under Montgomery. Early in December, the whole American force assembled before Quebec, but under circumstances materially altered. Their fortune had changed, dissensions broke out among the officers, their money failed, provisions were difficult to be obtained, the winter set in with extreme severity, and their numbers had been reduced to about half that of those that garrisoned the town. Eight hundred men Avere all that he could muster fit for duty, while General Carleton's forces exceeded fifteen hundred, 450 of whom were seamen be- longing to the king's ships, and the merchant vessels in the harbor. Under these disadvantages they maintained the siege with occasional bombardments, until the 31st of De- cember, on the morning of which, a general assault was made, in which the American forces" were repulsed, and Genl. Montgomery killed. This ill-starred "attack was planned, by General Montgom- ery, to take place in four different places, two of which, under the command of Colonel Livingston and Major Brown, were to be made against St. John's Gate, and Cape Dia- mond, respectively, as feints to distract the enemy, while himself and Colonel Arnold conducted the principal attacks against the lower town. The assault commenced during a neavy snow-storm, but by mistake in giving the signal, the garrison was alarmed, and prepared to receive them. Mont- gomery carried the first barrier, and was advancing at the head of his troops towards the second, when a discharge of grape-shot from a cannon, cut him down, with many officers and soldiers around him. The men were so dispirited with the fall of their gallant and beloved commander, that the second in command,Colonel Campbell, thought proper to order a retreat. Arnold, on his side, carried a two gun battery, in which action he was wounded, and compelled to retire from the AMERICAN REVOLUtlOI^. 129 field. His men pushed on and carried a second barrier, when, unsupported by the other detachments, and hemmed in by superior numbers, they were compelled to surrender. The issue was, in consequence, a total defeat of the assail- ants. Their loss, independent of their heroic chief, one of the severest losses which America sustained during the cam- paign, was about one hundred men killed, and three hun- dred prisoners. It is an honorable trait, to be recorded of Genl. Carleton, that he emulated the noble conduct of his deceased antagonist, in using his triumph generously, and treating his prisoners with courtesy and indulgence. Arnold drew off the remainder of his troops, and retired about three miles from the city. He entrenched himself in quarters for the winter, fortifying himself with his gallant little army, in such a manner, that the enemy did not un- dertake to molest him. Having thus brought the narrative of civil and military affairs in America, to the close of the year 1775, it is neces- sary, in order to understand their relations to Great Britain, at that period, to revert to the course of the British Parlia- ment, on the inteUigence of the proceedings of the first session of the Continental Congress, of that year. 130 HISTORY OF THE CHAPTER VII. The session of parliament commenced about the close of the month of October. The king's speech gave the situa- tion of American affairs, as the reason for convoking the House at so early a day. The conduct of the Americans was stigmatized as "treason, revolt, and rebellion;" their opinions were pronounced to be " repugnant to the true con- stitution of the colonies," and to their "subordinate relation to Great Britain;" they were accused of "aiming at estab- lishing an independent empire ;" and a determination was expressed " to put a speedy end to these disorders, by the most decisive exertions." He added, that " the most friendly offers of foreign service had been made." The whole speech was warlike in tone, breathing nothing but vengeance against America. The answers of both houses contained the same sentiments, and avowed the same determinations, notwithstanding the vehement oppo- sition of some of the most able and upright statesmen. The project of employing foreign troops to subdue the colonies, was especially reprobated, as sanguinary, vindictive and unconstitutional. The Duke of Richmond, with nineteen other peers, made a protest upon the journal of the House of Lords. General Conway and the Duke of Grafton, sece- ded from the administration, and Lord George Sackville Germaine was made secretary for the colonies in place of Lord Dartmouth. Propositions were made, and repeated in various forms, for opening the way to a conciliation with America, and all voted down by large ministerial majorities. Mr. Penn was, on motion of the duke of Richmond, ex- amined at the bar of the House in regard to the dispositions and views of the Americans. On the conclusion of the examination, the duke moved that the petition of the continental congress, the same to which the king had refused an answer, was "ground for a concihation of the unhappy differences subsisting between Great Britain and America." This was negatived by a large majority. A subsequent motion by the duke of Grafton, shared a like Nov. 1(1, AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 131 fate. Mr. Burke brought forward a scheme of conciliation, and supported it eloquently, but unavailingly, in an elaborate speech. Mr. Fox failed in a like effort. Mr. Hartley intro- duced a series of resolutions, for a suspension of hostilities, to restore the charter of Massachusetts, and to repeal all the laws complained of, enacted since 1763. They were reject- ed without debate. By these repeated defeats of every sug- gestion, tending towards concession, it was established be- yond question, that the ruling party were determined on subjugating the colonies by force of arms. The means pro- vided, were conceived in a similar spirit of resolute and unflinching hostility to America. The first step was d^ prohibitory law, interdicting all trade and intercourse with the Thirteen United Colonies. By it all Property of Americans, whether of ships or goods on the igh seas, or in harbor, was declared forfeited to captors, being of his majesty's ships of war, and the crews were to be impressed on board of the ships of war. An exception was made, in favor of such colonies, and parts of colonies, as should return to a state of obedience, and a commission was authorized for determining the claims of applicants for this relaxation of rigor. This tyrannical and inhuman law, was followed by ener- getic measures to prosecute the war of conquest to extinguish the rebellion. The king laid before parliament, treaties which he had already negotiated with the land- I ^ grave of Hesse Cassel, the Duke of Brunswick, | and the hereditary prince of Hesse Cassel, for the hiring of foreign mercenaries to carry on the American war. The debates to which the discussion of this Hessian treaty gave rise, necessarily took a wide and exciting range. Among the arguments which were used to show the impolicy and inhumanity of employing these foreign mercenaries, it was contended that it would be counselling the Colonies to enter into foreign alliances ; because they might, instead of hiring foreign troops, obtain upon better terms the assistance of those European powers from which Great Britain had most to fear. On the other hand, the treaties were strenuously defended by the ministers on the strong plea of necessity. They spoke lightly of the expenses which Avould attend the employment of these troops, as they did not doubt that the war with America would be finished in one campaign, or at most in two. The idea that the war would be prolonged 13^ * HISTORY OF THE to a more distant period, they thought " so totally improba- ble as not to merit consideration." Such were the sanguine' calculations of those who directed the public affairs of Great Britain. Seventeen thousand troops were engaged by these treaties, and nearly a million sterling voted to defray the ex- traordinary military expenses of the year. Twenty-five thousand English troops were also ordered on the same ser- vice, and a large fleet stationed on the coast to co-operate. These, with the troops already in America, and reinforce- ments from Canada, would, it was estimated, amount to 55,000 men, abundantly supplied with munitions, provisions, arms, and ammunition, a force, strong enough, in the opin- ion of the ministry, to crush America at a blow. One more effort/' to make reconciliation still possible, was made, by the opposition. The duke of Grafton moved for an address to the king, praying that his majesty I would be pleased to issue a proclamation, de- | ' " *^ ' daring that "if the Colonies, before or after the arrival of the troops destined for America, shall present a petition to the commander-in-chief, or to the commissioners to be appoint- ed under the late act, setting forth what they consider to be their just rights and real grievances, that in such case his majesty Avill consent to a suspension of arms ; and that he has authority from his parliament to assure them that their petition shall be received, considered, and answered." This failed, and parliament, soon after, adjourned. The two brothers, Admiral and General Howe, were ap- pointed commissioners under the prohibitory act, with power to grant pardons arid re-establish peace upon submission. Sir Peter Parker and Lord Cornwallis had already embarked, with part of the corps designed for American service, and Admiral Hotham and Generals Burgoyne and Phillips, soon after followed. War on an extensive scale, and with an apparently irre- sistible force, now threatened the devoted colonies. The ar- mies and fleets that kept Europe in awe, and had in a recent war humbled the joint power of France and Spain in both hemispheres, were directed against a few plantations, with- out revenues, soldiery, military experience, fortresses, or ships ; Avithout a common government to concentrate, with the sanctions of legitimate authority, the strength and re- sources which they actually possessed, embarassed by their anomalous relations towards their assailants, acknowledging AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 133 the general authority of Great Britain while they were re- sisting her with arms, and perplexed by contrariety of opin- ions and uncertainty of aim among themselves. The con- test was apparently so unequal, that the British ministry may be excused for their error of judgment, in expecting an immediate subjugation of their refractory subjects. They could not anticipate the strength of the spirit of liberty which actuated the mass of the American people, and which made them bear up under such obstacles and perils against over- whelming odds, until defeats, disasters, and sufferings, taught them the way to victory. Tidings of the king's speech, at the opening of the ses- sion, and of the immediate proceedings in relation to the peti- tion of Congress, were received in America with deep re- sentment. The army before Boston was particularly exas- perated, and the feeling was improved by the officers, and i)y congress, to stimulate them to more vigorous measures against the town of Boston before the arrival of the expect- ed reinforcements to th-e British army. The speech was publicly burned in the camp, and the flag which had pre- viously been plain red, was changed to thirteen stripes, em- 'tlematic of the union of the colonies. Differences of opin- ion had prevailed between General Washington, and the council of officers, on the subject of making a general assault arising out of the deficiency of powder, and the unsettlen condition of the troops. On the 14th of February, his pro- posal to risk the attack, was overruled; but the new levies having arrived shortly after, with a large force of New Eng- land militia, and a supply of ammunition, it was determined to take advantage of the enthusiasm and resentment of the soldiers, to expel the enemy from Boston. The first object was to get possession of Dorchester Heights, which commanded the town and the harbor. Two days be- fore the main attempt was made, a brisk cannon- ading was opened upon Phipps Farm, in another direction, to divert the attention of the British from the real object. The feint succeeded, and on the evening of the 4th of March, a party of 2000 Americans under the command of General Thomas, provided with the necessary boats, crossed over to the heights, in silence, and worked with such secrecy and expedition, that on the morning of the 5th, they had erected breastworks sufficient for theii .■)wn defence, in prosecuting their labours, and had already M 134 HISTORY OF THE mounted a battery of bombs and 2'1-pounders. The British admiral announced to General Howe, that the fleet could not remain in the harbor, unless the Americans were dis- lodged from the heights. An expedition was planned, and three thousand men detailed for the purpose. A violent storm rose, which prevented their embarkation during the day, and scattered the boats, and on the next morning it was found that the provincials had worked so diligently in extending and strengthening their works, as to make the attempt to force them hopeless. Their position commanded the whole town and harbour, and no resource was left to General Howe, but immediate evacuation. An informal nego- tiation was opened with General Washington, through the selectmen of the town, but without the signature of General Howe, proposing, that if the retreat of the British army were unmolested, they would retire without injury to the town. The propositionwas not positively acceded to, but the engage- ment was tacitly complied with by the American forces All firing upon the town ceased. Accordingly on the 17th h 17 I ^^^ British troops, amounting to more than seven I thousand soldiers and a large accompan3'ing mul- titude, in one hundred and fifty vessels of various sizes and descriptions, evacuated the town, which was immediately occupied by the triumphant provincials. Ten days had been employed in the embarkation, and numerous riots and disorders occurred among the citizens, as well as with the soldiery. Houses were pillaged, and violence and robbery were common, notwithstanding the efforts of the general to prevent them. Fifteen hundred families, adhe- rents to Great Britain, accompanied the retreat, and added greatly to the confusion and distress of the scene. The embarkation was hastened by the erection of fortifications in several prominent positions, which threatened to hem in the British forces beyond the possibility of escape. When they at last sailed out of the harbor, they were in a strait- ened condition for the necessaries of life, food, fuel, and clothing for such a multitude. They were compelled to leave behind a considerable quantity of military stores. They demolished the fortifications of Castle William, and spiked the guns, and after being detained by contrary winds for some days in the roads, sailed for Halifax, where they waited for the reinforcements from England. A naval force was left on the station to warn the expected British store ves- AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 135 sels of the evacuation of the city, and protect them. Seve- ral of them however, fell into the hands of the Americans. As a measure of precaution, General Washington directed General Sullivan at New York, to be on his guard, apprehend- ing that General Howe might direct his course to that city, which was in a defenceless state. General Clinton had already been detached by General Howe, to operate in the south, and Washington, uncertain of the precise plan of operations of the enemy, and apprehending New York to be the point of destination, had sent General Charles Lee to counteract the movement. As soon as Howe's forces left Boston, he sent additional forces to New York. The entry of the provincial army into Boston, was hailed with great triumphs and rejoicing there and throughout the colonies. Congress passed a vote of public thanks to the commander-in-chief and the soldiery, and ordered a gold medal to be struck in honor of the achievement. The loyalists who had adhered to the enem}' were prose- cuted, and their property confiscated and sold for the bene- fit of the Treasury. The town was put into a state of de- fence, and garrisoned, and a few weeks afterwards, the commander-in-chief, with the main body of the army, marched for New York, where they arriv- ''" ' ed on the 1st of April. General Lee, with a force of Con- necticut miUtia, amounting to twelve hundred men, had succeeded in reaching that city, just at the moment when the fleet, with the forces of Clinton, appeared off Sandy Hook. The British plan was thus frustrated, and Clinton sailed for the south. The occupation of the city by Lee, met with violent opposition and remonstrance from the royalists there, who were strong in numbers and influence. The committee of safety sent to urge him not to enter, because the enemy had threatened that the ships of war would fire the town. " Tell them," was the answer of Lee, " that if they set one house on fire in consequence of my coming, I will chain a hundred of their friends by the neck, and make the house their funeral pile," a threat which brought down the arro- gant tone of the king's party, and the patriots were left un- molested. Lee, after putting up works for defending the city, until the arrival of Washington, and administering, with characteristic energy and decision, a test oath to the citizens, set off with his forces, to follow the southern progress of Clinton. Soon after, the commander-in-chief established 136 HISTORY OF THE his head-quarters in New York, with the greater part of th army, from Boston, strengthened by recruits of the militia of New York and New Jersey. Before tracing the momentous civil and political events, which followed shortly after, it is proper, for a true under- standing of the whole position, resources, and prospects of the colonies, at the moment when they hazarded the Decla- ration of Independence, to follow the fortune of the contem poraneous military expeditions, in Canada by the Americans and against the southern colonics by the British. Arnold, with his diminished and suffering troops, amount- ing to about seven hundred men, had, after the death of Montgomery, successfully maintained himself, and cut off the communications of the garrison of Quebec, until rein- forced by detachments under the command of Generals Wooster and Thomas from Boston. The whole force in May, amounted, nominally, to three thousand men, but the small- pox prevailed among them with great violence, and reduced their effective strength to less than one thousand. An at- tempt was made to fire the town, with the design of storm- ing it in the midst of the confusion ; but it miscarried, and the American forces, weakened by sickness, which con- stantly increased among them, and exhausted by toils in the midst of an enemy's country, were farther dispirited by intelligence of the near approach of a considerable body of English troops, to relieve the town. The progress of the war had not encouraged the Canadians or Indians to take part with the colonies, and the arrival of a very superior force threatened to place the besieging army in a very criti- cal position. Early in May the van of the British troops arrlvi d, consist- ^ ing of two companies of regulars, and a large "^ "*' body of marines. The vessels that brought them had forced their way with great difficulty through the ice'. Governor Carleton, with eight hundred men, belonging t the garrison, having formed a junction with the reinforce- ment, marched iustantl}^ to attack the American camp; but the Americans had anticipated the movement, and com- menced a precipitate retreat the day before, leaving behind them their stores, part of their baggage and some of the sick. These latter were treated with great kindness and humanity ; proclamation was made, promising protection and aid to such of them, as might be concealed through Ihe Ji AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 137 fear, and all were generously fed and clothed, and sent safely home — a line of policy which strengthened very much the British interests in Canada. In a few weeks the British forces were augmented by successive arrivals of English, and some Brunswick troops, to the number of thirteen thou- sand men, under Generals Burgoyne, Phillips, and Reidesel. The Americans had retreated, without stoi)ping, to the Sorel, where they were reinforced by several battaUons, intrench- ed themselves, and threw up works for defence. General Thomas died there of the small-pox, and the command devolved fust upon Arnold, and then upon General Sullivan. After an inetrcctual attempt to sur[)rise the main body of the enemy at Trois Rivieres, it Avas found necessary to evacu- ate the whole province of Canada. The pursuit was divided into two columns ; but the retreating army, though inferior in numbers, and under such serious disadvantages, baffled their pursuers com})letely. Sullivan retreated by the Sorel, and Arnold evacuated Montreal twenty-four hours before the enemy entered it. The army re-united at St. Johns, under the command of Sullivan, and having burnt the magazine, barracks, and batteaux, retired under the cannon of Crown Point, whither the enemy were unable to follow. The re- treat was considered a masterly effort of military genius, and Congress voted their thanks to General Sullivan and his army, for their courage, fortitude, and skill. Gen. Gates was soon after appointed to the northern com- mand : and having collected a force of twelve thousand men, took up a position at Ticonderoga, which he fortified, and with the naval command of Lake Champlain, was able to check the immediate advance of the enemy in that direction. The disasters of the Canada campaign were compensa- ted, in part, to the general cause of the colonies, by the more fortunate issue of their defences in the southern colonies. In North Carolina, the royal governor, Martin, who had been obliged, at the beginning of the year, like Lord Dun- more of Virginia, to abandon the province, and take refuge on board of a man-of-war, continued to exercise his office, and encourage the assembling of soldiers, in behalf of the loyal cause. A large number, from sixteen to seventeen hundred, principally Scotch emigrants, collected under the command of one McDonald, expecting the arrival of the British forces under Lord Cornwallis, and Sir Peter Parker, designed for the southern campaign, and of General Clinton^ M2 138 HISTORY OF THE who was on his way south from Boston. The provincial governor, Moore, collected some militia to oppose them, and stationed them, to the number of a thousand men, at Moore's Creek Bridge. The royalists hastily attacked them at that post, and as hastily retreated, with the loss of their arms amounting to yj/Zfcn /?»«(//•«/ rifles, several hundred muskets, numerous waggons, a quantity of ammunition, and about seventy men killed. The Americans had but two men wound- ed. The attack was rash, and the fliglit a cowardly rout; the results were, the total loss of the province to the roy- alists, and the defeat of that portion of the British plan of the campaign. General Clinton arrived about the same time, in the Cape Fear, and Governor Martin embarked, with others of the royal adherents in North Carolina, to share in the enterprise against Charleston, now the main object of attack. A junction of the British forces was made at that point ; the fleet under the command of Sir Peter Parker, consisted of two fifty gun ships, four frigates of twenty-eight guns each, two armed vessels of twenty and twenty-two guns, a sloop and gunboat. The land forces were :^oOO, in number. This arma- ment crossed Charleston bar on the Ith of June, and anchored about three miles from Sullivan's Island, upon which fortifications had been erected, commanding the channel leading to the town. The fort was built of Palmetto wood, mounted twenty-six guns, 3'i's and 16's, and was garrisoned by a regiment of 375 regulars and a few militia, under the command of Colonel William IMoultrie. Long Island, separated on the east from Sullivan's Island, was protected by a party of militia, to prevent the landing of the British troops to assault the fort on the land side. The militia of the colony had obe3'^ed the summons of the pro- vincial authorities, and about six thousand of them garri- soned the city. Every preparation within the power of the colonies had been made, to meet the expected attack. Lee, who had so promptly met Clinton in New York, had pushed on with extraordinary celerit}^ and again anticipated him at Charleston. The fleet experienced considerable dilhculty and damage in crossing the bar, and on the eighteenth of June, after vainly summoning by proclamation the people to return to their allegiance to the British crown, and offer- ing them pardon on submission, the attempt was made to reduce the fort. The two fifty gun ships, the Bristol and the Experiment, with two frigates, formed a line, and coni« June, 1776. AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 139 fiienced a tremendous fire upon the works. The other three vessels were stranded and could not come into action, and me of them, the Acteon, was lost, and burnt on the succeed- ing morning. The fire of the ships was returned with amazing spirit and intrepidity by the Americans, and with such great effect, that the Bristol was soon very nearly dis- abled, and dreadful slaughter was made in all the attacking vessels. The shot from the fort struck with a precision, which excited the admiration even of the enemy, and was kept up until their whole ammunition was expended. The British thought the fort silenced, but a supply of powder was soon furnished from the town, and the fire hotly maintained during the whole day, and until nine o'clock in the evening, when darkness put an end to the combat on both sides. During the night the British ships, excepting the Acteon, which was ashore, slipped their cables and dropped two miles down the river. They had been severely handled; the total loss of men killed and wounded was 22-5, including Admiral Parker, slightly, and Lord William Campbell, recent governor, mortally v/ounded. The Americans lost only ten men killed, and twenty-hoo v.'ounded. During the hottest of the fight, the flag of the fort was carried away by a shot, v/hen Serjeant Jasper leaped down to the beach, in the face of the cannonading, and after re- covering the flag, climbed up and fixed it again on the battle- ment. For this heroic actioH, he afterwards received a sword from Governor Rutledge, which he gratefully ac- cepted, and the offer of a commission which he modestly declined. No serious attempt was made by the British to attack the fort on the land side. A few troops were disembarked, on Long Island, but beingopposcd by Colonel Thompson's corps, they remained inactive. Not long afterwards, the fleet abandoned the expedition, and returned to New York, to wait the arrival of General Howe, from Halifax. Congress and the people, expressed the highest admira- tion of the defence of Charleston, especiallv that of the fort, which has ever since borne the name of its intrepid llefender, and is called Fort IMoultric. Congress passed a special vote of thanks to General Lee, and Colonels Moul- trie and Thompson, for their gallant and successful defence. 140 HISTORY OF THE Its permanent effects were, the entire derangement of the British military plans, and the security of the whole Southern States from invasion for more than two years. Its present influence was highly encouraging to the spirit of the colonies, affording them just cause for triumph over an adversary of superior force, and as a victory counterbalanc- ing the loss of their previous conquests in Canada. General Howe, having waited for nearly two months, at Halifax, with the troops he had withdrawn from Boston, in expectation of the arrival of his brother, and the addi- tional troops from England, at last sailed Avithout them, and arrived in the latter part of June, off Sandy Hook. Admi- ral Howe soon followed with a large part of the reinforce- ment, and a powerful force was thus concentrated upon New York, then in the possession of Washington. The city, and Long and Staten Islands, were found fortified and defended with artillery. General Howe was joined by Tryon, late governor of the province, and a small number of refu- gees. On Staten Island a regiment of the inhabitants was embodied as a royal militia, and the British general was led to believe, that a large part of the people would readily join the royal standard. Additional troops arrived soon after, and a well appointed and numerous fleet and army collected before the city, the possession of which was considered a most important point for the subjugation of the middle colonies. The gathering of these formidable armaments did, how- ever, only precipitate the final measure, which consummated the Revolution. In the constitution of human nature, the political separation of the two countries must have happened at some period not very remote ; but violent measures were required to break asunder suddenly and completely the nu- merous ties of affection, kindred, and interest, of common ancestry, common language, the same literature, learning, and the arts, which would have retained a mutual depend- ence and relation, long after all political necessity for union, had ceased. The arbitrary pretensions of the Parliament had now for twelve 3'^ears, alarmed the colonists for the safety of their most essential rights, and taught them to look with jealousy and distrust upon all the constituted au- thorities of the mother country. Of late years these pre- tensions had been enforced with a haughty obstinacy and insulting disregard of the feelings and opinions of Ameri- AMERICAN REVOLtJTION. 141 cans, which could not fail to wound deeply the pride, and exasperate the sensibilities of a people, remarkable for ele- vation and independence of character; and the actual means employed for that purpose, had been marked by atrocious brutahty, by the most wanton disregard of laws, constitu- tions, the plainest dictates of justice and the claims of ordinary humanity, and by an evident determination to crush, with the strong arm of military power, the complaints, as well as the rights and privileges of America. To this had now succeeded twelve months of open hostilities, a state of notorious war in which the king's troops were resisted at all points, his officers deposed and driven out of the country, his fortresses taken, his ships captured, and every energy exerted to subvert altogether his power in America, as too tyrannical to be endured. At this point. Independence had become a fact, which needed only a declaration by compe- tent authority, to be universally admitted among the colo- nies. To continue further professions of obedience to a king against whom they were defending their dearest rights, at the hazard of every thing, would have been not only a gross hypocrisy, inconsistent with manliness of character, and firmness of principle, but would have been a political blunder, decidedly injurious to their prospects of success, and their hopes of aid in the struggle before them'. They saw that a return to a cordial union with Great Britain, had become impossible under any circumstances; that violence, injustice, and wantonness of power on the one hand, and long continued dread, jealousy, anger, and finally hatred on the other, had made it vain to expect that harmony could ever be restored permanently, even with the most unlimited concessions by Great Britain. The recent acts of Parha- ment, and the concentration in America of such a vast force of English troops and foreign mercenaries, convinced them that no terms could be obtained short of submission without condition to foreign conquest, and a surrender of all they had been contending for as most precious, into the hands of triumphant conquerors. Nothing therefore remained but to assume in the eyes of the world, that Independence, which their position in the controversy seemed so imperiijv^sly to require as a measure of honor and safety, and which existed in fact, in every colony that had subverted the king's powers, and assumed the functions of government. It was moreover considered 142 HISTORY OF THE indispensable, in order to secure the aid of other European nations, in the struggle against England. The general dis- like of continental Europe to the predominance of the power of Great Britain, gave just ground to anticipate their co-operation, sooner or later, in a war to deprive her of such immense possessions. Besides these merely political views, looking to the humbling of a powerful and dreaded rival, it was considered that commercial considerations would influ- ence them to the same course. The great and growing trade of the American colonies, that had been monopolized by Great Britain, was a prize to the mercantile interests of other states, for which large clForts and sacrifices would be made. Those calculations could not, however, be made in favor of dependent provinces, struggling in rebellion against acknowledged authority. Treaties could be entered into, and aid, of men or money, asked for sufficient to give force and dignity to the contest, only as independent states ; and hence tlie policy of severing at once, by a formal act, all dependence upon Great Britain, and assuming an attitude of sovereignty. Reasonings of this nature, gradually ripened the minds of the colonics, to the great revolutionary measure of inde- pendence. The course of events brought it on by a moral and political necessity. As the non-importation agreements of 1773- i, w'ere followed by the assumption of arms in 1775, so the commencement of hostilities produced the declaration of independence. The public mind, under the constant excitement of wrongs and sufferings from the unnatural mother country, and heated and at the same time enlightened by the acute discussions, and impassioned appeals of able men in behalf of liberty and resistance, was prepared to take the final step. During the winter and spring of 1776, the press teemed with gazettes, pamphlets, and judicial charges, enforcing the necessity and urging the wisdom of indepen- dence. Eminent individuals in all the colonies, devoted their time and talents to the dissemination of the same prin- ciples. The pamphlet of Thomas Paine, entitled " Common Sense," had a wonderful effect, in diffusing plain and prac- tical views of the question, expressed in a sententious and popular style. The charge of Judge Wm. H. Drayton of South Carolina, was remarkable for its boldness and effect. After drawing a contrast between the British government, and such a one as the colonists could erect for themselves. AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 143 and portraying in indignant terms the tyranny of Great Britian, he summed up thus emphatically : — " In short I think it my duty to declare in the awful scat of justice and before Almighty God, that in my opinion, the Americans can have no safety but by the Divine favour, their own virtue, and their being so prudent as not to leave it in the power of the British rulers to injure them. Indeed, the ruinous and deadly injuries received on our side; and the jealousies 'entertained and which, in the nature of things, must daily increase against us, on the other; demonstrate to a mind, in the least given to reflection upon the rise and fall of empires, that true reconcilement never can exist between Great Britain and America, the latter being in sub- jection to the former. The Almighty created America to be independent of Britain. Let us beware of the impiety of being backward to act as instruments in the Almighty hand, now extended to accomplish his purpose ; and by the com- pletion of which alone America, in the nature of human affairs, can be secure against the craft and insidious designs of her enemies, who think her prosperity and power already by far too great. In a word, our piety and political safety are so blended, that to refuse our labors in this divine work, is to refuse to be a great, a free, a pious, and a happy people ! Soon after the prohibitory act reached America, congress made still further advances towards independence, by grant- ing letters of marque and reprisal against the ships and goods of the inhabitants of Great Britain, and opening the ports to all the. world, except those of Great Britain. In the same month, Silas Deane was sent as se- cret agent to the court of France, with instructions to ascer- tain the disposition of that court; "whether if the colonies should be forced to form themselves into an independent state, France would probably acknowledge them as such, receive their ambassadors, enter into any treaty or alliance with them for commerce, or defence, or both?" A few weeks later, they took a preliminary step of great importance, which plainly showed the design of a speedy declaration. In examining the advance of congress in this matter, it must be borne in mind that they acted by the implied con- sent of the colonies, ana with authority which had no sane- lion but the acquiescence of the provincial conventions, or legislatures, many of which existed by the same tacit suf- 144 HISTORY OF THE ferance without formal organization. The colonies wer© integral communities, independent of each other, and con- sequently, in all matters concerning their political exist- ence, and formsof government and relations with each other or foreign nations. Congress only acted by the consent of each, express or implied. Its functions were in eilect only advisory, though they had been universally recognized, under the emergencies of the times, as binding upon the good faith of the several provinces. In a step of such an extraordina- ry kind, as the assumption of independence, it is obvious that their power extended no further than the declaration of a fact, that each of those who joined in the assertion of the independence of all. was at the time absolutely independent in itself. Congress had on several occasions been applied to for advice, in regard to the internal administration of the separate colonies. In the full of 1775, on the subversion of the royal governments, several of the provincial conventions, following the example of Massachusetts, had asked the coun- sel of congress as to the form of government proper to be adopted, and had received directions recommending popular representation and elective administrations; "during the continuance of the dispute with the parent country." At that time a considerable portion of the country, and some leading members of congress, thought even this limited as- sumption of the functions of government, too openly hostile to British authority, and prematurely leading to revolution. With scarcely an exception during the summer and autumn of that year, the provincial assemblies and conventions, disclaimed for themselves and for their constituents, the design of separa- ting from Great Britain. Great 'changes of opinion, and infi- nitely more zeal and boldness in the avowal of opinions pre- viously entertained, were brought about by the course of affairs during the parliamentary session of 1776 in Great Britain, and the campaigns arrayed against America for the same year, to conquer and enslave British colonies with the aid of hired soldiery from Germany. In INIay, 177i>, congress, following the advance of public opinion, recommended, without opposition of any moment, an indefinite extension of the same power in the "^ provincial governments, the suggestion of which provisionally and for an interim, hadonly six months before alarmed the loyalty of the colonists. They advised the peo- ple not to consider themselves any longer as holding or AMERICAN REVOLUTION'. 145 exercising any powers from Great Britain, but " to adopt such government as should in the opinion of the representatives of the people, best conduce to the happiness and safety of their constituents in particular, and of America in general." By the preamble to this resolution, finally adopted five days afterwards, it was declared " irreconcilable with I reason and good conscience" for the colonists to j ' "^ take the oaths for the support of government under the crown of Great Britain. They proclaimed the necessity of suppressing " the exercise of every kind of authority under the crown," and all power should be exerted "under the authority of the people of the colonies, for the preservation of internal peace, virtue, and good order, as well as for the defence of their lives, liberties, and properties, against the hostile invasions and cruel depredations of their enemies." About the same time, the colonial assemblies began to move in the great question, and give official sanction to what had become the general sentiment of America. North Carolina, on the 22d of April, made the first public act of any colonial assembly in favour of the measure, by instruct- ing her delegates in congress " to concur with those ifi the other colonies in declaring independency " — a phrase which implies a general agitation of the question, and the expec* tation that it would shortly be brought before congress. On the 14th of May, the general assembly of Massachu- setts desired the people at the ensuing election of represen- tatives, to give them instructions on the subject of indepen- dence ; and on the 23d, the inhabitants of Boston, whose opinions reflect those of the whole colony, instructed their representatives that their delegates in congress be advised that the inhabitants of that colony '• with their lives and the remnants of their fortunes, would most cheerfully support them in the measure " of declaring independence. On the 15th of May, the provincial convention of Vir- ginia unanimously instructed their delegates in congress, to propose to that body, to declare the United Colonies, " free and independent states ; absolved from all allegiance or depen- dence upon the crown, or parliament of Great Britain," At the same time, without waiting for the declaration, they as- sumed the independence of Virginia, and appointed a com- mittee to draw up a bill of rights, and form a constitution. The assembly of Rhode Island, in the same month, adopt- ed an oath of allegiance to the colony, and instructed their N 146 HISTORY OF THE m delegates in congress to join in all measures which might be agreed on in congress, for the advancement of the interests, safety, and dignity of the colonies. South Carolina and Georgia, with the colonies just men- tioned, had taken active measures to procure a declaration of independence, before it was brought forward formally in that body. Pennsylvania and Maryland had declared against it, and the other delegates were without instructions ; when, on the 7th of June, Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia, offered a resolution, declaring that " the United Colonies are, and ought to be, free and mdependent States ; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown, and that all political connexion between them, and the state of Great Britain, is, and ought to be, totally dissolved." This resolution, so mighty in its character, and the vast importance of all its bearings, was debated for several days tvith extraordinary earnestness, eloquence, and ability. Mr. Lee, and John Adams, were the most distinguished in sup- porting the motion, and Mr. John Dickinson of Pennsylva- nia in opposing it. These were among the most able and eminent men the revolution had produced, and the full strength of their faculties was brought forth on so solemn and momentous an occasion. On the 10th the resolution was adopted in a committee by a bare majority of the colo- nies, and the final consideration was postponed to the first of July, to give time for greater deliberation, and for instruc- tions from the colonial legislatures. A committee was ap- pointed to draw up the declaration, consisting of Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, Dr. Franklin, Roger Sherman, and Robert R. Livingston. In the interim, the friends of independence were ardent and indefatigable in their labours to procure tlie co-opera- tion of such colonies as had not yet taken measures to ex- press their concurrence, and to procure the assent of the colonies that hesitated or had refused. On the 8th, the New York delegates wrote for instruc- tions, but the provincial assembly not feeling themselves authorized to act, referred them in reply, to the people, who were desired to give instructions, at the election of legis- lators. On the 15th, the New Hampshire assembly unanimously instructed their delegates to concur, and on the same day, a similar instruction was given by the Connecticut assembly AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 147 who had specially convened for the purpose. On the 21st, new delegates were chosen from New Jersey, and instructed if they should deem it expedient, " to join in declaring the United Colonies independent." In the same month the assembly of Pennsylvania with- drew their former instructions against independence, but did not expressly authorize concurrence. They took measures for obtaining an expression of the opinion of the people of the province ; and a convention composed of committees from the counties, met at Philadelphia, on the 24th of June. This convention, without binding the delegates to a vote in favour of independence, voted to allow them a discretion, and expressed their own willingness to concur with the other colonies. The delegates from Maryland had voted against Mr. Lee's motion, on instructions, and against their own personal wishes. They made strenuous efforts to procure a reversal of their instructions, and chiefly through the perseverance of Sam- uel Chase, a new convention was held on the 28th of June, and resolutions adopted empowering their representatives to concur with the other colonies, in the proposed declaration. These were sent express to Philadelphia, and reached there on the day appointed for the final determination of the question. On the 1st of July, the debate was resumed, and contin- ued for three days, and after deliberate discussion, was assent- ed to by all the colonies, except Delaware and Pennsylva- nia. Thomas M'Kean and George Read were the del- egates from Delaware present, and they were divided, M'Kean in favour of the declaration, and Read against it. The third delegate, Mr. Rodney, was absent during the dis- cussion, but Avas sent for express, by his colleague M'Kean, a distance of eighty miles. He obeyed the call with such alacrity as to reach Philadelphia in time to determine the vote of Delaware on the side of independence. His haste, and the disordered condition in which he appeared in con- gress to give his vote, gave rise to the revolutionary toast of " Rodney in Boots ;" which became popular among the whigs of the day. Several delegates were present from Pennsylvania, four of whom voted against the resolution, and three in its favour. On the final vote, however, two of the opponents, Morris and Dickinson, withdrew, and the three affirmative votes, 148 HISTORY OF THE Franklin, Wilson, and Morton, formed a majority against the remaining negatives, Willing and Humphrey, and turned the vote of the province. These happy changes having been effected, the declara- juiy 4, I tion prepared by the special committee, came 1776. j up (^J^• flnal disposition, and on the 4th of July, received the assent of every colon}-. The committee ap- pointed on the 11th to prepare a declaration, had agreed to make separate drafts, in order that all might be com- pared together, and a final declaration drawn up from them by the whole committee. That prepared by Mr. Jefferson, the chairman, was first read, and received with such admiration, that the other members declined producing their own, and unanimously adopted it, with but trifling verbal alterations. On the FOURTH, it received the assent of the thirteen colo- nies, in congress assembled after a few amendments : — in the following words: — " A Declaration by the Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled. " When in the course of human events, it becomes neces- sary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and nature's God ontitle them, a de- cent respect to the opinions of mankind requires, that they should declare the cause which compel them to the sepa- ration. " We hold these truths to be self-evident : — that all men aie created equal ; that they are endowed b_v their Creator with certain unalienable rights ; that among these are life, libert)-, and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed ; that whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to insti- tute a new government, laying its foundation on such prin- ciples, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their- safety and happiness. Prudence indeed will dictate, that 2:overuments long estab- lished, should not be changed for light and transient causes ; and accordingly, all experien<"e halh shown, that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to ri^ht themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are ■ AMERICAN REVOLUTION. l49 accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpa- tions, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty to throw off such government, and to provide new guard.! for their future security. Such has been the patient sufierancc of these Colonies, and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter"their former sys- tems of government. The history of the present King ol Great Britain, is a history of repeated injuries and usur- pations ; all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these states : to prove this, let facts be exhibited to a candid world. "He has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome and necessary for the public good. " He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immedi- ate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their ope- rations till his assent should be obtained; and when so sus- pended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them. " He has refused to pass other laws, for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relin- quish the right of representation in the legislature ; a right inestimable to them, and formidable to tyrants only. " He has called together legislative bodies at places unusu- al, uncomfortable, and distant from the depositories of their public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures. "He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly, for opposing, with manly firmness, his invasions on the right of the people. " He has refused, for a long time after such dissolution, to cause others to be elected ; whereby the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at large for their exercise, — the state remaining in the mean time, exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within. " Ho, has endeavoured to prevent the population of these states; for that purpose, obstructing the laws for naturaliza- tion of foreigners, refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations liither, and raising the conditions of new appro- priations of lands. "He has obstructed tlie administration of justice, by re- fusing his assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers. " He has made judges dependent on his will alone, for the N2 150 HISTORY OF THE (enure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries. " He ha-! erected a multitude ol' new ollices, and sent hither swarms of otficer^, to harass our people and eat out their substance. "He has kept amonsr us, in times of peace, standing armies, without the consent of our legislatures. " He has atfected to render the military independent of and superior to, the civil power. " He ha.« combined with others, to subject us to a jurisdic- tion foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws, giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation : " For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us : " For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment for any murders which they should commit on the inhabit- ants of these states : " For cutting off our trade, with all parts of the world: " For imposing taxes on us without our consent : " For depriving us in many cases, of the benefits of ti'ial by jury : " For transporting us beyond seas, to be tried for pretended offences : " For abolishing the free system of English laws in a neigh- bouring Province, establishing therein an arbitrary govern- ment, and enlarging its boundaries, so as to render it at once an example and tit instrument for introducing the same abso- lute rule into these colonies : " For taking away our charters, abolishing our most valua- ble laws, and altering fundamentall}' the forms of our gov- ernments : "For suspending our own legislatures, and declaring themselves invested in power to legislate for us, in all cases whatsoever. " He has abdicated government here, by declaring us out of his protection, and waging war against us. " He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people. "He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries, to complete the Avorks of ^eath, desolution and tyranny, already begun with circumstances of cruelty and perfidy, scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the head of a civilized nation. " He has constrained our fellow-citizens, taken captive on AMERICAN REVOLUTION. l5l the high seas, to bear arms against their country, to become the executioners of their friends a#id brethren, or to fall them- selves by their hands. " He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavoured to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers the merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of warfare is, an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes, and con- ditions. " In every stage of these oppressions, we have petitioned for redress, in the most humble terms : our repeated petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. A prince, whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people. "Nor have we been wanting in attentions to our British brethren. We have warned them from time to time, of at- tempts, by their legislature, to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us ; we have reminded them of the cir- cumstances of our emigration and settlement here ; we have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity ; and we have conjured them, by the ties of our common kindred, to disavow these usurpations, which would inevitably interrupt our connexions and correspondence. They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and consanguinity. We must therefore acquiesce in the necessity which denounces our seperation^and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind — enemies in war, in peace friends. " We, therefore, the representatives of the United States of America, in general Congress assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our inten- tions, do, in the name and by the authority of the good people of these colonies, solemnly publish and declare, that these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, Free and Independent States ; that they are absolved from all alle- giance to the British Crown ; and that all political con- nexion between them and the state of Great Britain, is and ought to be totally dissolved ; and that, as free and inde- pendent statfs, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent states may of right do. And for the support of this declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually K ledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred onour." 152 HISTORY OF THE Copies of this declaration were immediately transmitted to all the states, and received with enthusiasm, and pro- claimed with every demonstration of joy. Five days after its adoption, the legislature of New Yorlf, that had not pre- viously acted, unanimously resolved, that the reasons of Congress for declaring Independence, were " cogent and unanswerable." At Philadelphia, when it was solemnly promulgated on the eighth, the artillery fired salutes, the bells rang a peal of triumph, and bonfires blazed all over the city. At New York it was on the eleventh, by order of General Washington, read to the head of every brigade in the arm}^, amidst universal acclamations. The leaden statue of king George the Third, that had stood before the govern- ment house, was torn down, dragged through the streets, and converted into musket-balls. In Baltimore the like enthusiasm prevailed, and the populace marched an effigy of the king through the streets, and then burnt it. In Boston the most extravagant demonstrations were made, of almost delirious exultation. Salutes of thirteen guns were fired fi-om every place, and by every company that possessed the means. All the authorities, civil and military, with a vast concourse of people, were collected together in King-street, and the Declaration read from the balcony of the State House, amidst deafening shouts and the roar of artillery. The name of King-street was changed to State-street, on the spot, and in the evening, the royal emblems throughout the town, crowns, sceptres, lions, &c. were torn down and burnt in triumph. In Virginia the like ardor prevailed ; and the whole country hailed the Declaration as an act of liberation from slavery, and a victory over the institutions of despotism. We cannot better illustrate these feelings than by an extract from a private letter, written on the morning after the vote in favour of Independence, by John Jldams, to his wife, published many years afterwards. It shows the warmth of temperament which pervaded the patriot bosoms of that day ; the sagacity with which coming evils were foreseen', and courageous confidence with which they were defied. " The day is past. The fourth day of July, 1776, will be a memorable epocha in the history of America. I am apt to believe that it will be celebrated by succeeding generations, as the great Anniversary Festival. It ought to be commem- orated, as the day of deliverance, by solemn acts of devotion to God Almighty. It ought to be solemnized with pomp, AMERICAN REVOLUTION, 153 shows, games, sports, guns, bells, bonfires and illuminations, from one end of the continent to the other, from this time forward for ever. " You will think me transported with enthusiasm ; but I am not. I am well aware of the toil, and blood, and treasure, that it will cost us to maintain this declaration, and support and defend these states. Yet, through all the gloom, I can see the rays of light and glory ; I can see that the end is more than worth all the means, and that posterity will triumph, although you and I may rue, which I hope we shall not." It was not, however, possible, in the nature of human affairs, that so complete a revolution could be made with perfect unanimity. Many individuals, from various reasons refused to acquiesce in the decision of the mass of the. people, and continued to acknowledge and adhere to British authority. Persons of this description were called Tories and enemies to their country ; and were so unpopular, that in many instances they were illegally siezed and violently abused by the people. Before the declaration of independ- ence, Congress had been compelled to interfere in their behalf, and pass resolutions to protect them from disturb- ances, except when taken in an overt-act of hostility to American liberty, or under circumstances of strong pre- sumption. The resolution, already alluded to, declaring the Americans absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown, passed in June, recognised the obligation of allegiance to the separate colonies, from all persons residing within the same ; and therefore liable only to the colonial tribunals for violations of this duty. On the 21th, these principles were followed up more specifically by a declaration that " all persons abiding within any of the United Colonies, and deriving protection from the laws of the same, owed alle- giance to the said laws, and were members of said colon3^' And further, that all persons, members of any colony, who should levy war against any of the said colonies, or adhere to its enemies, " loUhin, the same,'^ were "guilty of treason against such colony." It was further recommended to the legislatures of the several colonies, to provide laws for the punishment cf such " treasons.'''' No more explicit avowal of the separate sovereignty of the individual colonies, in fact, before the joint declaration, could be advanced. After the declaration, the states, or most of them, on the same or 164 HISTORY OF THK similar suijgeslions. confiscatoil the ostatos of Toiios, and adherents to Great l>rltain, and passed special laws indicting severe punishments on all acts ot" hostility, and the punish- ment ot" death tor treason. Tlie disasters to the arms of An\erlca, which tollowed the declaration of independence, increaseil the number of mal- contents, and weakened the t'orce of the country. The mass of the inhabitants, however, stood tirm in the cause ; and the consistency and courajje o( Cow^rci^s, with the unequalled virtues of the Commander-in-chief", who held the ilestinies of the country in his hand tor a louij and critical period, sustained and inviijorated the popidar determination to a final triumph over foroiirn and domestic enemies. In its proper place, hereatter, we shall trace the history of the Co/iffthniikm among the colonies, which took its rise out of the new state of separate sovereignty, in which the declaration of independence placed them. So obvious w'as the necessity of some such compact, that on the l"ith of June, the next day after that in which the resolution in favour of indejiendence passed the committee oi' the whole, Congress determined to appoint a committee to prepare and digest a form o( Confederation ; ami iMi the I'Jth the com- mittee was selected, consisting of j\lr. l^artlett, of New Hampshire. Samuel Adams, of INIassachusetts, Stephen Hopkins, of Rhode Island. Koger Sherman, oi' Connecticut, R. R. Livingston, of New York. John Dickinson, of Penn- sylvania, Thomas iMKean. of Delaware. JMercer. of Mary- land. Nelson, of Virginia, Hewes. of North Carolina, Rut- ledge, of South Carolina, and Crwinnett, of Ceorgia. This committee reported a plan of Confederacy on the I'ith of July. After discussions and amendments, an amended drati was reported late in August, and the whole subject then laid over until April oi' the next year, and was not finally adopted vmtil November, 1777, under which date, a review of its progress and details more properly belongs. AMF-RfCA.V UKVOf.OTIO.V. IW ClIAl'TKR VIJI. 'J'liK position of American affair.;, at tfic (Jatc f^f tfic fiecla- ration of \n(\<'[)(:ii(\(tn(i<;, was not cncouraj^in;^. 'J'fif; n;pul<;f of Clintf>n frorrj Cfiarlenton was a j^ailant action, fjut did not f:ountf;rfialancf; the reverses in Canada. A very powerful force \>y sea and land was concentrating^ on the city of \ew Yorfc, where the means for defence were very inadequate. Admiral ilowe joined his brother at Staten Island on the I'>ith Jiily. About the same time, (icncfdl Clinton arrived with the troops whicli had attacked Charleston, and Admiral llotham with a stronj^ reinforcement under liis escort. The arrny, in a short time, am*;unted to ;il,000 of the f;est troops in Europe, to whom several rej^irnents of Hessian infantry were expectf;d to bo added ; rnakinj^ the a{^;^regate not les» than :iO,()00 men. To oppose these, the American General had a force, con- Kistinj^ chiefly of undisciplined and badly provided militia, arnountinf^ in number to about .seventeen thousand men. Deducting for invalids and those without means for i^o'in'^ into active service, the effective force, at no time previous to the battle of f^onr^ Island, was {greater than fourteen thou- sand. These were necessarily divided info detachments and parties on New York, Lonj^ and Governor's Islands, and I'aulus Hook, upon the Jersey shore of the Hudson, opposite the city, — a sjjace extendinf^ over fifteen miles. While waitinf^ for reinforcements. Admiral and (General Howe, who were commissioners under the late act of the Hriti.'^^h parliament, undertook, in their civil capacity, to open nej^otiations for a re-union between the countries. Thf declaration of independence probably hastened their anxiety to improve what they thou;^ht woiild be the alarms of the timid, on the first prornul;^ation of so bold a measure. In the month of .lune, while on the coast of Massachusetts, Loid Howe had issued circulars to the royal governors of the provinces for distribution, explaininj^ the commission with which he and his collear^ues were c}iar;^ed. Thes( were to j^rant "general or particular pardons to all those who, though they had deviated from their allegiance, wore 150 HISTORY OV THK willing to retiiiu to tlioir duly." Congress, on the receipt of these and subst'(]ucnt documents ot" a like character, look the bold step of orilering them to he published and circulated for tho pu'-pose of showing the insulting nature of the powers and the a)isence of all concession to the rights that had been so strenuously claimed. The reason assigned in ihe resolu- tion for publication was, that the good ])eoplc of the United States " might see the terms, with the expectation of which the insidious court of Great Britain had endeavoured to amuse and disarm them;" and that "the few, who still remained suspended by a hope founded either in the justice or moderation of their late king, might now at length be convinced that the valor alone of their country could save its liberties." A more direct attempt at negotiation was made on the I 14th, by a flag of truce, which brought a letter I from General Howe, addressed simply to George Washington, Esq. without oilicial designation. This was refused, not, as General Washington informed Congress, upon a mere point of personal punctilio, but because, in a " pub- lic point of view," it was due to his " country and appoint- ment," to insist upon respect to the Commander-in-chief of the American lorces. Congress applauded his course, and directed by resolution, that no letter nor communication from the enemy should be received by any ollicer whatever, unless directed to him ])roperly in his otlicial capacity. A second letter, brought by Adjutant-general Patterson, addressed to " George Washington, &c. &c. Sec." was in like manner declined. To the remark that these et ccieras implied every thing, and were not liable to the previous objection, Washington replied, that they also implied any thing; and he should in consequence retuse to receive all communica- tion not explicitly acknowledging his public capacity. Gen. Patterson concluded a long conference, managed on both sides with great dignity and courtesy, by remarking, that the commissioners had " great powers," and Avould be happy to effect an accommodation. "Their powers," rejoined Washington, " are only to grant pardons. They who have committed no fault, want no pardon." This peremptory rejection of the views Avith which the royal commissioners camo charged, closed their attempts to negotiate upon the ground of pardon. A correspondence was afterwards opened between the two 2;enerals, with regard to the treatment of AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 157 prisoners, on both sides, in which the proper direction was scrupulously given, according to the claims made by General Washington. The British forces were in the mean time by no means idle. On the l"2th, two of their ships had forced their way up the Hudson, and taken a position near Tarrytown. The military in the counties along the shore, were directed to oppose them, under the command of the American General CUnlon. An attempt was made to dislodge them, with some American ships and gallies, but witjiout success. The con- tinual arrival of fresh troops strengthened the invading force ; and on the close of the attempt at negotiation, it was resolved to make a bold, and it was hoped, final movement against the American position. Within the camp of Washington, the difficulties and (embarrassments were of the most distressing and sometimes threatening nature. The militia, upon which he was com- pf.'Ued to rely, had not learnt the necessary habits of military subordination : they were sometimes exceedingly turbulent, and generally very ill provided with arms, ammu- nition, food ; and for a while, a feud of an alarming character, laged between the eastern troops on the one side, and the southern and middle troops on the other, which required all the firmness and sagacity of the general to appease. A plot was detected, the scat of which was in the interior of New York, for betraying the patriots to the British, which was quelled by the exertions of General Schuyler. Dissensions sprung up between the officers, about precedence of rank; and, to crown all the evils of necessity, insubordination, disaffection, and want, which afflicted the raw recruits — pes- tilence was added. The small-pox attacked them virulently, and before the 1st of August, one-third of the army was on the sick list. The reinforcements called for by the general, at the time, came in slowly and with all the same deficien- cies. The exertions of Washington, aided by Congress, were most persevering, indefatigable, and sagacious. With such means, he contrived to keep the enemy in check for more than a month; and, for a while, baffled the plans of a force three times his own in magnitude, of well disciplined an'd well supplied soldiery. On the 22d of July, Congress authorized an exchange of prisoners, rank for rank; at the same time recognising the right of each state to make exchanges for itself, of prisoners taken under its own authority : and on the 158 HISTORY OF THE same day voted to cmity?re millions of dollars in bills of credit. On the 9th of August, resolutions were adopted for encou- raging the Hessians and other foreigners in the British ser- vice to desert, in the phrase adopted, "to quit that iniquitous service." Being in daily expectation of an attack from the English forces, General Washington had been anxiously preparing for it at every point, by which it Vv'as thought they would approach. The charge of the Am.erican defences on Long Island had been given oiiginally to General Greene, one of the best othcers in the service, and v.ho distinguished himself so highly in the course of the war. Upon his falling sick, the command devolved upon General Sullivan. The attack which was made on the 27th, was directed against the works constructed under the direction of General Greene, enclosing the village of Brooklyn, which is on the side of Long Island opposite the city of New York. They extended from the Wallabout Bay, on the left,* above the city, across the penin- sula, to the Red H9ok, below the city, where the passage called the Narrows communicates between the Bay of New York and the ocean. Within the Narrows lies Governor's Island, which was also fortified. The village of Brooklyn, lying within these lines, was occupied by the American force under General Sullivan. Between them and the opposite parts of the Island, where the enemy could land, was a range of hills, commencing St the Narrows, and extending easteiTy for about six miles, and terminating near Jamaica. These hills were thickly wooded. Three roads passed through them, accessible to soldiery : one near the Narrows, a second by the village of Flatbush, and a third called the Bedford road. Another road from the south side of the. Island avoided the hills entirely, by passing around the eastern extremity, called the Jamaica road. The passes through the hills had been carefully guarded by corps of eight hundred men each, and Colonel Miles, with a battalion of riflemen, was stationed to watch the Jamaica road, and keep open a communication between the passes. The British forces had landed on the 22d, and on the evening of the 26th of August, the Hessians, under command of Gen. De Hiester, occupied the village of Flatbush. This formed the centre of the British force in the battle of the next day. General Grant commanded the left, towards the NaiTOws, and General Clinton, with Lords AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 159 Cornwallis and Percy, led the right, which was the main point of attack, along the Jamaica road. The British plan was to make brisk attacks with their left and centre, upop the opposing American lines, to direct their attention frorr the chief object, which was to turn the American left, and take their whole force in flank by surprise. The plan suc- ceeded. General Grant, who commanded the British left advanced upon the American forces, who instantly fled; and a few of them were with difficulty rallied until Lord Sterling had collected about fifteen hundred men, with whom he made a stand, about two miles from the camp. About daylight, the Hessians from Flatbush advanced, simulta- neously, with Gen. Grant's division, and the whole American forces were soon hotly and resolutely engaged with them. General Washington had reinforced the troops at Brooklyn, and given the command there to General Putnam, who, under the persuasion that the body of the enemy were advancing by these routes, sent succors to Lord Sterling and Gen. Sullivan. General Clinton and his force had in the mean time gained their object. In the preceding night he had marched for the Jamaica defile, and before day surprised the Americans, who were stationed to Avait the approach of the enemy, seized the pass, and having occupied the heights, descended in the morning into the plains on the side of Brooklyn Having thus turned the American position two miles in the rear of the detachment of Colonel Miles, he fell upon their left, which was engaged with the Hessians, The sound of the cannon was the first intelligence they had of this fatal disaster, and they immediately broke and endeavoured to reach the camp. In this they were intercepted by General Clinton, and driven back upon the Hessians ; and thus several times they were charged with great fury on both sides, and finally hemmed in by the English and Hessians, advancing in opposite directions. Some regiments, concen- trating themselves, made a desperate charge, and cutting Iheir way through the enemy with great loss, reached the camp. The broken troops still maintained some skirmishing fights, along the hills and ravines, but the American left and centre were totally routed. The right under Lord Sterling continued to maintain a yesolute conflict with the British left, for six hours, until the victorious troops under Clinton had traversed their rear and surrounded them. A gallant charge was made by Sterling, 160 HISTORY OF THE in person, at the head of the Maryland regiment, which behaved with extraordinary courage, and were nearly all cut to pieces. The charge had nearly svicceeded in routing Cornwallis in person, when overwhelming succors arrived, and the brave detachment were either cut to pieces or made prisoners. A retreat had been ordered, and this spirited assault gave opportunity for a large proportion of the troops to escape. The loss was however great; many were drowned in attempting to cross the creek in their rear, and not a few were stitled in the mud. In the heat of the action, Washington passed over to Brooklyn, to aid in rallying the soldiers, but the defeat w^as irreparable. He was compelled to witness the slaughter of his best troops, without the possibilit}^ of saving them, or remedying the disasters of the day. The enemy pursued the routed Americ'.ns to the lines at Brooklyn, but did not attempt an assault. On the nejit day, determining to carry the w'orks by regular approaches, ground was broke \\ ithin a few hundred yards of a redoubt.' General Washington was anxious for an assault upon his entrenchments by the British. The greater part of his troops had been trans'ported to the Island, and he knew how much better they could be depended upon for the repulse of an assault, and the defence of fortifications, than for manoeuvres in the open field. But he was no less sensible that his position could not be kept against a regular siege by an enemy so superior in numbers, and well provided with all the mate- I'ials and tools. Heavy rains continued to fall, and his men were without tents and shelter. The fleet of the enemy too, had made movements indicating a design to force a passage up the East river, and thus cut off the communication with the city of New York. Had such a plan succeeded, the situation of the army would have been desperate. An im- mediate retreat from the Island was thereupon determined on, and was accordingly executed on the evening of the 29th, with extraordinary secrecy and celerity, and complete success. The embarcation commenced soon after dark, at two points, under the direction of Gen. INl'Dougal and Col. Knox. The precise object of the expedition was carefully concealed from the troops themselves : and in the space of thirteen hours, an army of nine thousand men, with ail their field artillery, tents, baggage, and camp equipage, were conveyed over the East river to the city of New York, Aug. 29. AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 161 a river nearly a mile wide, without the knowledge or suspi- cion of the British, who were at work not more than five hundred yards distant. The commencement of the embar- cation had been unpropitious : the state of the tide and the prevalence of a strong northeast wind, made their sail-boatb useless, and the number of row-boats was totally inadequate About eleven o'clock, with the change of tide, the v/ino changed to the southeast, which made the communication easy and rapid. Very luckily, towards morning, a thick fog, an unus'ual appearance, sprung up and covered the shores, under the protection of which, the retreat was carried on undiscovered by the enemy, for some hours after the dawn of day. By a mistake in the transmission of orders, the American lines were totally evacuated for three quarters of an hour before the embarcation was complete ; but the British, though actually at work at a short distance, did not perceive it; and General Mifilin returned and re-occupied them until every thing except some heavy pieces of ord- nance was removed, and then got off safe with his own detachment. When the fog finally cleared off, the last boat- load of the rear guard were seen crossing the river, out of the reach of the enemy's fire. ' The consequences of the battle of Long Island, and the retreat, were veiy dispiriting to the American general, and cast a most gloomy cloud over American affairs. The troops lost confidence in themselves and distrusted their officers. They became desponding, intractable — sometimes almost mutinous, and deserted in great numbers. Whole companies and sometimes regiments abandoned the army en masse. General Washington became early impressed with the con- viction that the city could not be maintained, and the move- ments of the enemy strengthened him daily in this belief. They were making approaches by their ships up both rivers and it was doubtful whether their intention was to assault the lines, or to land at Kingsbridge, where the island of New York is connected with the main land, and thus en- close the Americans. To guard against the imminent danger, the stores, not of pressing necessity, were removed to Dobbs' Ferry, beyond Kingsbridge, and about twenty-six miles from New York ; and on the 7th of September, a council of war was held to deliberate upon the expediency I of the retreat. A majority decided against that | ^^ ' ' measure, and voted to carry on a war of posts, in order, if 03 l6:2 History of the possible, to detain the enemy durinp^ the remainder of the campaign, in the struggle to possess York Island. The ques- tion was seriously agitated, whether, if compelled to abandon the city, it would not be proper to burn it, in order to deprive the enemy of all advantage in possessing it. On the I2th, a second council of war determined in favour of im mediate evacuation. This was hastened by the landing of a considerable force at Kipp's Bay, a day or two afterwards, and a defeat which the Americans sustained there. General Howe landed a detachment, under cover of seve- ral men-of-war, on the east side of New York Island, on the 15th September, about three miles above the city, between South Bay and Kipp's Bay. Works had been erected to oppose them, and troops stationed there sufficient to oppose the land- ing, until reinforcements could arrive ; but at the first ap- proach of the British, the works were shamefully abandoned without the firing of a single gun in defence. Two brigades had been sent to support them ; and Washington followed in person, to retrieve the disasters and animate the troops. His efforts were in vain — he met the whole party in precipitate and cowardly flight from an inconsiderable number of the enemy; and neither exhortations, entreaties, menaces, nor violence, could induce them to rally. He threatened and expostulated ; and, with an excitement unusual in his steady and well- tempered mind, attempted to cut down some of the most eager in flight; and finally, losing his self-possession, hazarded his own person in front of the pursuing enemy, and was scarcely restrained from rashly throwing away his own life in a desperate attempt to check the dastardly flight of his soldiers. He was led unwillingly off of the field by his aids and confidential friends, in great distress of mind. On this only occasion, in his whole public career, did he ^ufFer his feelings to overcome the firmness of his temper. In consequence of this failure, the evacuation of the city was made in haste. It was accomplished with little loss of men ; but most of the heavy artillery and some stores were I unavoidably left behind, and the city was immc- I diately occupied by General Howe. The forces which had retreated from Kipp's Bay, took up their position at HarliEm, where the rear guard, under General Putnam, joined them, from the city, having eluded the British by avoiding the main road, and directing their march along the banks of the North river. The new British position extended AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 163 across the island, at Bloomingdale, about five miles north of the city. The encampment was flanked on each extreme by the North and East rivers, and covered by ships of wa" The Americans were posted in their greatest strength at Kingsbrido-e, which secured tlieir communications w^ith the country. M'Gowan's Pass and Morris Heights were alsc fortified ; and a camp fortified and garrisoned at Harljen Heights, within a mile and a half of the enemy. The day after the retreat from New York, a skirmish took place between advanced parties of the armies, in which the Ame ricans behaved with great intrepidity, and gained a decided advantage over the enemy. The troops engaged were rangers under the command of Colonel Knov»^lton, of Connecticut, and three Virginia companies under IMajor Leitch. Both of these officers fell mortally wounded ; but their soldiers gal- lantly continued the attack, and drove a superior force of the enemy from their position, with considerable loss. The benefit of this affair was great in inspiriting the army, and reviving their confidence in themselves. The royal commissioners. Admiral and General How( foiled in their attempt at negotiation with the authoritie: of the new States, commenced addressing themselves directl} to the people, promising in behalf of the king, a revisioi. of all the regulations in trade, and a general reconside ration of all acts by which the Americans might think themselves aggrieved. Under two successive proclamations of this kind, a number of timid citizens of New York, impelled perhaps by the gloomy state of the affairs of Independence, signed declarations of allegiance, and pre- sented petitions praying to be received into his majesty's peace and protection. Congress, to counteract this tendency, established an American Oath of Allegiance, requiring of every officer to acknowledge the thirteen United States as "free, independent, and sovereign States, and to abjure all allegiance or obedience to the king of Great Britain." Other royal proclamations followed, charging and command- ing all persons assembled in arms against his majesty's government to disperse, and return to their dwellings; and ordering all conventions and congresses to desist from their treasonable proceedings, and relinquish their " usurped au- thority." Full pardons were promised to all who should subscribe the declaration of allegiance within thirty da)''s, under advantage of which manv Americans, in the imme- 164 HISTORY OP TMfi cllate vicinity of the British troops, and amontj them Galloway and Allen, who were members of congress in 1771, abandoned their country and joined the British standard. Counter proc- lamations were Issueil by AVashlngton, under the directions of Congress, granting liberty to those who preferred "the interest and protection of Great Britain to the freedom and happiness o( their country," to withdraw within the enemy's lines, but demanding the surrender of all l?rltlsh protections within tlilrty days, at head quarters, under penalty of being considered ''common enemies of the American states." The line was most rigidly drawn between the friends and epemies of Independence: and the determination of Con- gress and the Commander-in-chief grew more resolute as Mie war grew more adverse. The two armies continued without change of position for .some weeks : from the loth of September, when the city was occupied by the British, till the middle of October. The ardu- ous and embarrassing duties of the field were not the most trying of the ditlicultles which engaged the time and attention of Washington. The deplorable situation of the ai'mv, which was constantly on the point of dissolution from defect of organization, and want of almost every necessary. was a distressing subject of representation to Congress in his daily letters and remonstrances. The time for which enlist- ments had been made, was rapidly passing, and the mis- fortunes of the camjiaign had discouraged many even of the most ardent. The imprudence with which Congress had relied upon the enthusiasm of the people, to re-fill the ranks at short periods, combined with the expectation of a speedy end to the conllict, — an expectation which was now weakened if not totally destroyed, — had left them the prospect of being deserted by the army precisely at the moment when ailalrs were most gloomv, and a united effort was most necessary. The mischiefs of this temjiorizlng plan at last forced the con- viction upon Congress, that the cause of American liberty must be despaired of unless a permanent force could be depended upon, till the end of the war. At last, on the IGth of September, they passed a resolution lor the formation of a regular army, to be enlisted to serve during the war. This was afterwards modified so as to admit of engagements for three years or during the war. The inadequacy of the pay and emoluments, which had formed an anxious subject of representation by ^Vashington, was taken into consideration, AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 165 and a scale adopted more likely to give the service an honor- able and efficient character. A bounty of twenty dollars to privates and non-comnriissioned officers was agreed upon; and grants of land to officers and soldiers who served out the whole enlistment, promised in the following proportions: — • Five hundred acres to a Colonel; four hundred and fifty to a Lieutenant Colonel; four hundred to a Major; three hun- dred to a Captain ; two hundred to a Lieutenant; one hun- dred and fifty to an Ensign ; and one hundred to non-com- missioned officers and privates. The appointment of all, except general officers, and the filling of vacancies was left to the state governments. Each state was to provide arms, and clothing, and every necessary for its quota, to be deducted from the pay of the soldiers. The army was to consist of eighty-eight battalions, furnished thus: — New Hamp- shire, three battalions ; Massachusetts Bay, fifteen ; Rhode Lsland, two; Connecticut, eight; New York, four; New Jersey, four ; Pennsylvania, twelve ; Delaware, one ; Mary- land, eight; Virginia, fifteen; North Carolina, nine; South Carolina, six ;. Georgia, one. These vigorous measures were, in the end, of material advantage ; but the effect could not be immediate. They were not adopted till late in the year, and in the interval the deepest distress prevailed in every department of public service. The winter was approaching, and the few necessaries and clothing of the soldiery w'ere not only meager in quantity and kind, but totally unfitted for the rigors of the season. The dignity and firmness of Congress, under these adverse circumstances, was equally sustained in a contemporary cor respondence with Lord How'e, on the subject of an accommo dation of the difficulties, opened by him immediately after the battle of Long Island. General Sullivan, who had been taken prisoner, was paroled by the British general, and entrusted with a verbal message to Congress to the effect, that he could not treat with them in that character then ; that he was extremely anxious to come to some accommodation speedily, while, as yet, no decisive advantage had been gained by either party, and it could not be said that either had been conquered into acquiescence or submission ; that he would hold a conference with any of their members as private gen- tlemen ; that he was, with the admiral, fully authorized to settle all differences in an honorable manner; that, were they to treat, many things which the Americans had not yet asked, 166 HISTORY OF THE might and ought to be granted ; and if upon a conference there appeared any probable ground of accommodation, that the authority of Congress -would be afterwards acknowledged to render the treaty complete. General Sullivan communicated this message to Congress, on the 2d of September, and was directed to reduce it to writing. At the same lime, tidings of the disastrous result of the battle and the retreat of the arrfiy were officially communicated: but Congress stood fast ^ J. I in their determination. Three days afterwards they j directed General Sullivan to communicate to Lord Howe their reply — that " Congress, being the representatives of the free and independent states of America, they cannot with propriety send any of their members to confer with his lordship in their private characters ; but that, ever desirous of establishing a peace on reasonable terms, they will send a committee of their body to know whether he has any autho- rity to treat with persons authorized by Congress, for that purpose, in behalf of America, and v>'hat that authority is ; and to hear such propositions as he shall think fit to make concerning the same." Doctor Franklin, John Adams, and Edward Rutledge, were appointed the commissioners, and they accordingly met Lord Howe by appointment, at Staten Island, a few days after. The conference was conducted with perfect courtesy and dignity by both parties, and ended, as was expected, by the American envoys, without any approach to an accommodation. In their report to Con- gress they stated, that it did not appear that his lordship's commission contained any other authority than that contain- ed in the act of parliament, which was merely a power to grant pardons and offer amnesty on submission. They concluded with expressing the opinion, that " any expecta- tion from the effort of such a power would have been too uncertain and precarious to be relied upon by America, even had she continued in her state of dependence." Howe put an end to the conference by expressing a regard for the Ameri- cans, and the extreme pain he should suffer, in being compel-" led to inflict upon them the calamities of war. Doctor Frank- lin replied by thanking him for his civility, and promising him in return, " that the Americans would show their gratitude by endeavoring to lessen, as much as possible, all the pain he might feel on their account, by exerting their utmost abilities to take good care of themselves." Congress approved Sept. 11. AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 167 of the conduct and language of their delegates ; and the issue of the conference, was beneficial to the general cause. The firmness of the leaders of the revolution was tried and found immovable. The final concessions of the British were made, and instantly rejected, as totally inadequate to the universal demands of the country in the most disheart- ening circumstances. The magnanimous determination, not to negotiate for worse terms after defeat, than had been de- manded before the battle, raised the moral character of the contest and of the actors, and infused a loftier spirit into the public councils. In the month of October, the military affairs of the States assumed a still more gloomy aspect, from the increase of the British force, by the arrival of the additional Hessian regiments. The army of Howe then amounted to about thirty- seven thousand men, and he soon after resolved upon more active measures to compel the Americans to abandon their fortified camp. He prudently determined not to try an as- sault upon their position ; but having by means of his fleet, and his great superiority in numbers, the command of both rivers, he adopted the plan of transporting part of his army above Kingsbridge and forming an encampment in the rear of the American lines. Had this plan succeeded, Wash- ington would have been completely cut off from all com- munication with the country, and forced to fight a general battle at an immense disadvantage. Having fortified Gow- an's hill, and left a strong force, consisting of English and Hessian troops, under the comman<3 of Lord Percy, for the defence of New York, Howe dispatched three frigates up the North river, to interrupt the American communications with New Jersey. They forced their way without much injury, past the American forts Lee and Washington, and without im- pediment from the cheveaux-de-frise that had been sunk in the river. The great body of his troops were then embarked in flat bottom boats, on the East river, and passing throug-h 'loo Oct 1'^ •Hurlgate were landed at Throgg's Neck, in West- chester county, near the village of Westchester. He delayed there till the 18th, in recruiting his troops, and repairing the roads and bridges, which had been broken up b}' the Americans. This movement produced an immediate change in the position of the American army. General Lee had arrived in the camp, and at a council of Avar, held on the 16th, he urged the evac- uation of the whole island at once, and the retreat of the 168 HISTORY OF THE army to Westchester. Lee also advised the evacuation of Fort Washington, and Washington was inclined to the same opinion ; but the advice of General Greene prevailed, and it was determined to leave that garrison, consisting of three thousand men, to withstand and retard the operations of the enemy, and aid, in conjunction with Fort Lee, on the Jersey side, in keeping the navigation of the river open for the transportation of supplies. With the exception of these forts, the whole force Avas accordingly withdrawn from the island of New York, and extended along the North river, towards White Plains, its left always reaching beyond the British right. During this change, Washington continually presented a front to the enemy, who had commenced their advance towards New Rochelle, on the 18th, thus protecting his rear, along which the sick, the baggage, cannon, ammu- nition, and stores, were transported in comparative safety. His line then presented a chain of small, entrenched and unconnected camps, occupying successively every height and rising ground, from Valentine's Hill, about a mile from Kingsbridge, on the right, extending almost to White Plains on the left. Numerous skirmishes took place, between small parties of the troops, until the 25th, on which day General Howe advanced his whole force, taking a strong position on the river Bronx, and made demonstrations of a design to attack the American camp. He threw forward a large corps of JEnglish and Hessians under Gene- ral Leslie, and Colonels Donop, and Rahl, to drive a force of sixteen hundred men under General McDougal, from a commanding eminence on the opposite side of the river, and thus open a way for an assault on the centre and right of the main body. The defence was maintained with great spirit, but finally the American were overpowered and driven in with great loss. The day was however so far spent in the struggle, that General Howe could not follow up the attack. He kept his army under arms in front of the Amer- ican lines, ready to renew the fight in the morning. Dur- ing the night Washington changed his front, his left keep- ing their post, while the right fell back, and entrenched themselves on a range of hills, in a position too strong to be assailed. The British general thought it necessary to wait for a reinforcement from New York, before he prosecuted his march, and drew off his forces towards Dobb's Ferry. Oct. 2tl. jl£l£aiCA:\' KEVOLUTIOX. 169 A heavy rain which fell a day or two afterwards, further postponed his designs. On the first of November, he had made his preparations for an attack, aiming evidently to secure the high grounds in the American rear. But the night previous, Washington, who had anticipated this movement, secured his baggage and stores, and suddenly changed his camp again, taking up a very strong ground at North Castle, about five miles from White Plains. On ihe following morning the English took possession of the Amer- ican camp ; and finding it impossible to force the Amiericans to fight a general battle, except upon the most unequal terms, General Howe, a few days afterwards, discontinued his pur- suit, and turned his forces against the fortressess still in the occupation of the Americans in the neighbourhood of New York. The principal of these was Fort Washington, on the New York side of the North river, against which the first efforts were directed. The fate of this post was looked to with great anxiety by General Washington. To General Greene, to whom the command of that portion of the army had been committed, he gave discretionary powers, advising him to evacuate the fort in case he should find it not in a situation to sustain an assault. Greene thought the fort tena- ble, and retreat to the opposite bank of the river, to Fort Lee, practicable, in case of extremity, and determined to sustain the attack. The anxiety of Washington increased, and leav- ing General Lee in command of the eastern militia, on the left bank of the Hudson, and securing the strong positions at Peekskill and on Croton river, he crossed to New Jersey with the main body of the army, and went to join the camp of General Greene at Fort Lee. He called upon the gover- nor of New Jersey to hold the militia in readiness, and directed the removal of the stores and heavy baggage to a safe distance. These precautions were hardly taken, before the English army was concentrated towards the fort, and on the 15th, it was invested, and the garrison, under the com- mand of Colonel Magaw, summoned to surrender. On his refusal, with a declaration of his resolution to | resist to the "last extremity, the besiegers proceed- j ed to the assault in four divisions. The first in the north was commanded by General Kniphausen, and was composed of Hessians ; the second, on the eastern side, was made by two battalions of guards, supported by Lord Cornwallis, with a body of grenadiers and the thirty-third regiment. These P 170 HISTORY OF THE two parties crossed Hccrleni creek, in boats, and landed on the American ri|;ht. The third attack, meant as a feint, was conducted by Lieutenant Colonel Stirling;, witli the forty second. The fourth division was under Lord Percy, with his reinforcements from the south of the island. Each party was supi)orted by a i)owerful and well served artillery. Soon after daybreak the next morninj:; the fh'ing com- menced, and continued during; a great part of the day. The Hessian division, moving down from Kingsbridge, penetrated in two columns, the fust of which ascended the hill circuit- ously, and having forced the American outworks, formed within a hundred yards of (he covered way in front. The other column climbed the hill in a direct line, through a wood, occupied by Colonel Rawling's regiment of rillemcn, and after hard lighting and some severe repulses, drove in the American defenders into the fort. Lord Percy assaulted the works on the south, and while he was engaged with the first line of defence, the third division had succeeded in forcing a landing against a heavy cannonading, and pene- trated with great dilliculty against an obstinate defence, into the second line, thus intercepting the American force, and making numerous jirisoncrs. On all sides the American out- works were forced, and the whole garrison driven within the walls of the fort, or under the guns. The British general again summoned Colonel IMagaw to surrender. Finding the post no longer tenable against such a superior force, he sur- rendered himself and the garrison prisoners of war, and gave up the Fort. The number of prisoners was stated by Wash- ington in his oifical account at 2000. The British account made it '2G00. The dilFerence is accounted for on the sup- position that Washington only included the regular troops. Much censure was cast upon the Commandant for his mode of defence, and his precipitation in yielding. Notice was sent him by \Vashington to hold out until evening, when measures would be taken to bring him olf, but the negotia- tions had proceeded too far to allow of retracting, had the situation of the garrison rendered it possible. The Ameri- can general has also been censured, for not ordering the eva- cuation of the Fort, as soon as it had been rendered useless by the occupation of the country above by the enemy. The error in Washington was not in misunderstanding the proper military movements, but in allowing his own judg- ment to be overruled by others. He was opposed to the AMERICAN REVOLUTIOJf. 171 plan of maintaining^ the foil, recommended to the council of war, and carried by Greene, but yielded to the majority. The immediate abandonment of Fort Lee became neces- sary, and orders were issued for the removal of the stores and ammunition. But Lord Cornwallis crossed the river above so promptly with a large force amounting to GOOO I men, that an instant retreat was ordered, with the j ^ *"^' loss of stores, ammunition, tents, and camp equipage, to a very large amount. The Americans retired precipitately behind the Hackensack river, with daily diminishing forces. The losses at Forts Washingloh and Lee had had a most disheartening effect, and the troops deserted or abandoned their commander, in large numbers daily. Not more than three thousand could be mustered on commencing the re- treat through Jersey, and they were miserably clothed, des- titute of provisions, pay, tents, ammunition, and of the greater number the term of service was nearly up, and no persua- sions could prevail upon them to re-enlist. The troops of the Northern army under General Schuyler were ordered to join, but the term of service expired before they reached the encampment, and few remained. Earnest calls were made on the States for quotas of militia, but ineffectually. General Armstrong was dispatched to the interior of Pennsyl- vania, General Mifflin to Philadelphia, and Colonel Read to the interior of New Jersey, to procure reinforcements, and per- emptory and repeated orders were dispatched to Gen. Lee, who had been left in New York, to cross the Hudson and join Washington with his troops. He delayed obeying, and at last, after entering New Jersey, carelessly taking up his quarters at a distance from his soldiers, he was surprised and taken prisoner by a party of British dragoons. This how- ever did not take place till the 13th of December, after Washington had crossed the Delaw^are, where General Sulli- van led the detachment to join the Commander-in-chief The retreat through the Jerseys to the crossing of the Delaware was the most disastrous period of the v/ar. A scanty, destitute, desponding and diminishing force, scarcely amounting to three thousand at the highest, was pushed by a triumphant, well disciplined, and abundantly supplied army of thirty thousand. As the British advanced, the Ameri- cans retreated towards the Delaware, occasionally making a stand to show a front to the enemy and retard his advance. It frequently happened, that as the rear of the Americans 172 HISTORY OF THE left a village on one side, the advance guard of the British entered it at the other. The last proclamation of the Howes appeared during this gloomy retreat, and produced consid- erable defection on the line of march. To add to the em- barrassments of the American general, an insurrection broke out in Monmouth count}^ which required the aid of a party of his troops to repress it. The only encouraging circum- stance, in the distressing time, was the arrival of some rein- forcements from Philadelphia, with which he kept the Brit- ish in check for a short time, and pressed forward upon Princeton, to give an opportunity for conveying his sick, stores, and baggage, such as were left him, across the Dela- ware- Affairs prospered no better with the Americans in other quarters. On the very day that Washington crossed the Delaware, General Chnton, with two brigades of British and two of Hessian troops, an