THE PLAY MOVEMENT IN THE UNITED STATES THE UNIVERSITY OP CHICAGO PRESS CHICAGO, ILLINOIS THE BAKER & TAYLOR COMPANY NEW YORK THE CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS LONDON THE MARUZEN-KABUSTTTKT -KAISHA TOKYO, OSAKA, KYOTO, FUKUOKA, SENDAI THE MISSION BOOK COMPANY SHANGHAI Js- THE PLAY MOVEMENT IN THE UNITED STATES A STUDY OF COMMUNITY RECREATION BY CLARENCE E. RAINWATER, Ph.D. Assistant Professor of Sociology, University of Southern California; formerly Instructor in Playground Admin- istration, University of Chicago, and Director of Hamilton Park Playground and Recreation Center, South Park System, Chicago. THE UNIVERSITY OP CHICAGO PRESS? CHICAGO, ILLINOIS Copyright 1922 by The University of Chicago All Rights Reserved Published January 1922 JAN 27 1922 ©IJ.A654403 /, PREFACE Every period of social advance has been accompanied by the spirit of play. The contem- porary generation in our own country is no exception to that rule. Industrial developments, immigration, the growth of the democratic spirit in education and in economics as well as in gov- ernment have not characterized the present age more than have amateur spprts, commercialized amusements, and socialized art. Eighty thousand people have witnessed a single football contest, ninety thousand a prize fight, while baseball has become "the American game" and athletics a recognized feature of both high school and col- lege life. Few cities are now without municipal bands, orchestras, or auditoriums, as well as swimming pools and public golf links. The mu- nicipal pier of Chicago extends into the lake three- quarters of a mile and terminates in a magnifi- cent auditorium seating five thousand and dedi- cated to amateur dramatic and musical expres- sion. Transcontinental automobile routes out- number the railroads, the motion picture industry is fifth in the United States, while it is estimated that the population of our second largest city alone expends two hundred fifty million dollars annually in leisure-time pursuits. Festivals, pageants, tournaments, fairs, and expositions vi PREFACE have also engaged their thousands of partici- pants as well as hundreds of thousands of spec- tators. The pageant and masque of St. Louis, given in 1914, involved seven thousand actors and one hundred twenty-five thousand specta- tors at each performance. These events suggest many more, among which, and involving in some instances either their creation or incorporation, may be mentioned "the play movement," also known as the playground and recreation move- ment. This volume is an analysis of the play move- ment in the United States. It is the first attempt to produce a complete and authentic report of the structure and concept of function of that movement. It comprises more than a description of sand gardens or playgrounds for children, since the term "play" is used to embrace most of the activities occurring in social and commun- ity centers, in community music, drama, and pageantry, and in community service and organ- ization. This study, moreover, is not merely a composite of the statements of previous writers on the play movement, but an attempt to recon- struct a view of the events in question based upon primary rather than secondary sources, such as pictures, programs, published reports, and personal experiences and observations of the present writer. The sections containing the greatest contribution to a knowledge of the sub- ject, as well as being of the most significance to PREFACE vii both the practical administrator and the general reader, are doubtless those on the "stages" and the "transitions." Those chapters define the present structure and concept of function by the aid of a comparison of contemporary methods with those pursued in previous periods of its development. It will be seen, upon examination of those portions of the text, that an elaborate technique containing many interesting mechan- isms has evolved. This technique is the structure and the concept of the function of the play move- ment in the United States today. It may be fully understood only by a knowledge of how it came to be. Among those who have helped materially to gain access to the sources of information, espe- cially concerning the origin and earlier stages of the movement, are Miss Ellen M. Tower, of Lex- ington, Mass., who loaned me pictures and other valuable material, and the Library of the City of Boston which loaned rare copies of annual re- ports of societies conducting playgrounds. For a decade the present writer was actively engaged in the work of administering play, being director of Hamilton Park Recreation Center, South Park System, Chicago, from 1910 to 1917, and in teaching normal classes in play and recrea- tional administration since 1913, in the University of Chicago, the American College of Physical Education, the University of Southern California, and others. In these associations he has been viii PREFACE permitted to make many observations and test many suggestions in the laboratory of practical experience on the field and in the class room. It is hoped that this volume may serve as a text- book in normal classes, a book of reference to the general reader, and a guide to the prac- tical director of play. It has been ten years in the making, and is the first of a series now in prepara- tion which includes further studies in the " theory,' ' the " history,' ' the "direction," and the "administration" of play and recreation. While I am indebted to many for the ideas incorporated in this study, and wish to convey in this manner my gratitude to all with whom I have been associated in the past, for the as- sistance that contact with them afforded me, I wish especially to thank Professors E. W. Bur- gess and R. E. Park of the University of Chi- cago, for their constructive criticisms of the manuscript which has been accepted in partial ful- filment of the requirements for the degree of doctor of philosophy in the Department of So- ciology of that institution; and to express my indebtedness to my wife who was associated with me throughout my practical and teaching experi- ences and who gave invaluable aid in gathering the materials, reading the proofs, making the index, and without whose encouragement this book would doubtless remain as yet unfinished. Clarence E. Rainwater Chicago, Illinois, September 1, 1921 TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER PAG8 I. Introduction A. The concept of a ''movement" . . 1 B. The use of the term "play" ... 4 C. The use of the term "play movement" 8 D. The problem of this investigation . 11 II. The Origin of the Play Movement . . 13 A. Incidents mentioned as the origin of the movement 13 B. Influence of the "sand gardens" within Boston 27 C. Influence of Boston upon other cities 36 D. The conclusions 43 III. The Stages of the Play Movement . . 45 A. The "sand garden" stage .... 46 B. The "model playground" stage . . 55 C. The "small park" stage .... 70 D. The "recreation" center stage . . 91 E. The "civic art and welfare" stage . 118 F. The " neighborhood organization " stage 135 G. The "community service" stage . . 178 IV. The Transitions in the Play Movement . 191 A. Provision for all ages 192 B. All-year provision for play . . . 200 C. Equipment for both indoor and out- door facilities 209 D. Congested urban districts and rural communities 218 E. Philanthropic and community support and control 226 F. Free and directed play with correlated schedules 239 ix x THE PLAY MOVEMENT CHAPTER PAGJS G. Simple and complex field of activities 263 H. Provision of facilities and definition of standards 273 I. Individual interests and group and community activities 288 V. The Trend op the Play Movement . . 308 /^A. Group sanction of proposed adjust- ments 313 B. The production of physical embodi- ments 315 k>C. Increasing historical continuity . . 317 D. The development of organization . 318 E. Relative permanency of structure and concept of function 320 VI. Conclusion 327 Appendices A. Sources of information for chapter ii 332 B. Athletic organization for recreation system 334 C. Weekly schedule indoor men's gym- nasium 339' D. Weekly schedule indoor women's gym- nasium 340 E. Weekly schedule of clubhouse . . . 341 P. Weekly schedule of fieldhouse . . . 342 G. Yearly calendar of recreation center . 344 H. Yearly calendar of recreation system . 347 I. Merit system of scoring in basket-ball . 352 J. Merit system of scoring in baseball . 354 Bibliography 356 Index 367 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS PACING rAGE Early Sand Garden in Boston 22 Early Schoolyard Playground, Boston .... 22 Highly Organized Sand Garden, " Model Play- ground" Stage, Boston 56 Tennis Players, Washington Park, Chicago . . 72 New Trier Township High School, Kenilworth, Illinois 116 Midwinter Gymnastic Exhibition, Hamilton Park Neighborhood Center, Chicago 150 Children's Singing Games, Hamilton Park Indoor Gymnasium, Chicago 192 Wooden Shoe Dance, Women's Gymnasium, Ham- ilton Park 192 Girls' Indoor Gymnasium Class, Hamilton Park Fieldhouse 218 Branch Public Library, Hamilton Park Field- house 218 A Self-governing and Self-supporting Social Dance, Hamilton Park 238 A Community Supported and Governed Junior Dramatic Cast, ' ' House of the Heart, ' ' Hamil- ton Park 238 World Building," Hamilton Park, Chicago, A Rural Scene, A Suburban View, A City by the Sea 266 Cinderella." Story-playing, using the dramatic, pantomime, dancing, choral and pageantry arts, 135 children in cast, Hamilton Park . 296 xi t i u n\ I. INTRODUCTION A. The concept of a movement. A discussion of the subject of this investigation is incomplete if the use of the concept "movement' ' is not made clear. An explanation, then, of the sense in which it is here employed is in place at the outset of this report. The word itself is a popular equivalent to certain types of social change that are unilateral and progressive and eventuate in institutions when not disapproved by the group. A " movement " is a mode of collective behavior occasioned by social disorganization or contacts, involving intercommunication of desires, and manifested by an organization of social activities intended to accomplish a common object. These activities consist of adjustments to the given social situation. 1 There are four characteristics common to movements: (1) a series of events involving ad- justments to a social situation; (2) an exten- sion of this series in time and space; (3) an object to be realized by means of the adjustments in- volved; and (4) a tendency toward the attainment of that object, disclosed by stages in its develop- ment and transitions in its policy and activities. A series of events in the sense peculiar to a movement, however, comprises more than a num- a Cf. Robert E. Park and Ernest W. Burgess, Introduction to the Science of Sociology, University of Chicago Press, 1921, pp. 54-55. 1 2 THE PLAY MOVEMENT ber of incidents of similar or identical content and motive, occurring at different times and in various places, having a common object and in- volving adjustments to a social situation. A cause and effect relation between the incidents of the series is an essential element of a movement. Later events are incited by motives received from earlier ones as in a mathematical series in which each of the terms is derived from one or more of the preceding ones or an electrical series by which the parts of a circuit are connected successively from end to end to form a single path for the current. Incidents that are unaffected by this relation are not components of a movement. They are sporadic and usually antedate it. A consideration of this fact is paramount in deter- mining the inception of a given movement. 2 The events of a series, however, are not always identical in structure. The concept of the function of a movement does not remain changeless throughout its history. Modifications occur with extension in time and space. Differ- ences in structure result from changes in the concept of its function, and these, in turn, are occasioned by new adjustments to the social sit- uation. These adjustments indicate the evolution of a movement and are disclosed by stages, transi- tions, and tendencies in its history. 2 This Is true of the inception of the play movement in the United States, as will be shown in Part I of this report. No less than seven dates have been assigned, ranging from 1634 to 1898. INTRODUCTION 3 A movement, furthermore, is transitory, be- coming in time transformed into an institution when its program of adjustment to a social situa- tion is established, or disintegrating with the passing of the social situation or the illusion con- cerning the same that incited it. Movements, then, differ comparatively in both the efficacy and the ethics of their programs. Some are negative, seeking the destruction of an institution; others are positive, making new adjustments by the or- ganization of social activities. Movements are incidental to social interaction. They are essen- tial in certain phases of social evolution, as when they incite a group consciousness of maladjust- ments within the existing social situation and arouse popular interest in some scheme of read- justment, while at other times, as in certain forms of fashion imitation, they may result in merely a transitory diversion of public attention. A movement, then, as the concept is employed in this report, is a series of events involving ad- justments to a social situation; connected by a cause and effect relation ; possessing an extension in time and space; and disclosing stages, transi- tions, tendencies, that are correlative with a changing concept of its function and indicative of its evolution. Many movements have arisen in the United States during the last forty years. They have attempted to make adjustments to a social situa- tion which in most instances developed from con- 4 THE PLAY MOVEMENT ditions produced by urbanization, immigration, and specialization in industry, and of whose exist- ence, philanthropists and others did not become aware until during or since the last quarter of the nineteenth century. The first of the recent move- ments, and one that came with the awakening of a new social spirit following the Civil War, was a sanitary one. 3 It sought to enforce cleanliness, and secure better light and purer air in the homes of immigrants who formed a large percentage of the wage earners in urban communities. As ur- banization and immigration continued, attempts to make adjustments to other social situations gave rise to additional movements. One of these was the "play movement." An explanation of the sense in which the terms "play" and "play movement" are used in this investigation will now be made. 4 B. The use of the term "play." In the lan- guage of Dewey, "play" describes "those activi- ties which are not consciously performed for the sake of any reward beyond themselves." 5 Ac- cording to Patrick, it involves "not merely chil- dren's play and grown-ups' sports .... but 3 It is significant in this connection that a hygiene society, the Massachusetts Emergency and Hygiene Association of Boston, was involved in the inception of the play movement. 4 For an analysis of the scientific attempts to define the nature and function of play, consult The Meaning of Play by C. E. Rainwater, University of Chicago Press, 1915. 5 John Dewey, "play," in Cyclopedia of Education, Paul Monroe, 1914. INTRODUCTION 5 many forms of so-called work. ' ' G While according to Blackmar and Gillin, "only in groups does it get its compelling and socially useful intensity/' 7 thus confirming another point made by Dewey, that "the stimuli become more social as intelli- gence develops." "Play" is generic to maturity as well as to immaturity, to some forms of "work" as well as to "leisure pursuits." Its origin lies in the active processes in which life manifests itself. Its varie- ties of organization arise from the interaction of agent and stimuli as the responsive activity returns upon the stimulus, maintaining it, varying it, awakening a sense of satisfaction in the con- sciousness of the subject performing it, and sup- plying the stimuli for keeping up more action which becomes more social as intelligence devel- ops, evolving in many instances "an attitude of mind" 8 by which much that is called "work," such as scientific inquiry for its own sake, is insensibly transformed into "play." In any case the starting point is the active processes in vrhich life manifests itself. The moving spool draws the organic response of the kitten to itself; this response con- tinues to gives the spool the kind of movements which con- tinue to excite organic reactions The stimuli be- come more social as intelligence develops. The interests and occupations of adults are the points of departure and the directing clues of children's actions C G. T. W. Patrick, "The Psychology of Relaxation," Atlantic Monthly, June, 1914. 7 F. W. Blackmar and J. L. Gillin, Outlines of Sociology, p. 296. 8 Dewey, supra. 6 THE PLAY MOVEMENT It is also desirable to distinguish an attitude of mind . . . . distinguishable from inability to enjoy intellectual activity upon a subject except in the interest of some pre- conceived theory or some practical utility Unless play takes this intellectual form, the full spirit of scientific inquiry is never realized; much, if not all, of what is termed the love of truth for truth's sake in scientific inquiry repre- sents the attitude of play carried over into enjoyment of the activities of inquiry for its own sake. 9 "Play," furthermore, is not a given type of activity, such as, "sports," "games," "recrea- tions," or "relaxations"; nor is it the "motor habits and spirits of the past of the race, persist- ing in the present" (Hall), 10 although it fre- quently does exercise "those nerve centers that are old in the race" (Patrick). 11 It does not con- sume merely the "surplus energy" of the "indi- vidual" by "superfluous and useless exercises of faculties that have been quiescent" for a time (Spencer), 12 but on the contrary, since "a person is a center of conscious impulses which realize themselves in full only in realizing a society" (Small), 13 it frequently happens that "all the energy is expended in play" (Patrick) in response to group stimulation. "Play is the most im- portant method," most likely "of realization of the social instincts" (Baldwin). 14 It does not simply "prepare for the necessary duties of ma- 9 Dewey, supra. 10 G. Stanley Hall, Adolescence, Vol. II, 206-36. 1X G. T. W. Patrick, supra. 12 Herbert Spencer, Principles of Psychology, p. 628. 13 A. W. Small, General Sociology, p. 476. 14 J. M. Baldwin, Social and Ethical Interpretations, pp. 148-56. INTRODUCTION 7 ture life" (Groos), 15 for it is common to maturity as well as immaturity, involving " those activities which are not consciously performed for the sake of any reward beyond themselves' ' (Dewey) 16 dur- ing any age period of personal experience and in any portion of a given day, in working hours as well as in leisure time, since play is "an attitude of mind" (Dewey) 17 that anyone may attain in any situation "in which interest is self -develop- ing' ' (Patrick). 18 It is pleasurable, relatively spontaneous, a motive force which finds expres- sion in art and in certain types of work, as in the "instinct of workmanship, ' ' but when balked may take the form of anti-social behavior. 19 The variety of playful activities that may take place in a given community is virtually unlimited because "play" is generic to all periods of per- sonal experience, is determined by the response of inherited and acquired capacities of persons to the social situation, and is intrinsically related to what ethnologists describe as the culture of the group. Dewey implied it with respect to child- hood by noting that "the interests and occupa- tions of adults are the points of departure and the directing clues of children's actions," 20 while 15 K. Groos, The Play of Man. 16 J. Dewey, supra. 17 Ibid. 18 G. T. W. Patrick, supra. 19 Luther H. Gulick, "Play and Democracy," Charities and the Commons, Aug. 3, 1907. 20 John Dewey, supra. 8 THE PLAY MOVEMENT Patrick stated it concretely with respect to adults as well as children as follows : 21 Play will thus include practically all the activities of children and the larger share of those of adults, such for in- stance, as baseball, football, tennis, golf, polo, billiards, and countless other games and sports ; diversions such as traveling, hunting, fishing, yachting, motoring, flying, dancing, vacation outings, games, races, spectacles, fairs, tournaments, and ex- positions; the theatre, opera, moving pictures, lectures, and entertainments ; the enjoyment of music, painting, poetry, and other arts; the daily paper, the magazine, the short story, and the novel. "Play," then, as the concept is used in this report, is a mode of human behavior, either indi- vidual or collective, involving pleasurable activity of any kind not undertaken for the sake of a re- ward beyond itself and performed during any age period of the individual, the particular action being determined at 'a given time by the somatic structure and social attitudes of the agent in con- junction with the life of the group or groups of which he is a member. Thus the child does not behave as the adult at play; nor the savage as the civilized. C. The use of the term "play movement." Until the latter half of the nineteenth century, as pointed out by Newell, 22 the children of the United States possessed a richer play tradition than those of any other civilized nation. This fact was due first, to our inheritance of play from Elizabethan 21 G. T. W. Patrick, The Psychology of Relaxation, Hough- ton Mifflin & Co., 1916, p. 47. —William Wells Newell, Games and Songs of American Children, Harper and Brothers, N. Y., 1911, pp. 3 ff. INTRODUCTION 9 England, and second, to two centuries of compara- tive isolation from events that might have im- paired its traditional forms of expression. And play traditions were as strong, says Lee, 23 in Puri- tan New England as in the South or the Middle States. But the laissez faire attitude of the public toward child play, the restrictions placed upon space in which to play as urbanization increased, and the differences between the languages and the games of the children of many nationalities mingled in the cities, resulted in a rapid disorgani- zation of child play in urban communities, while isolation in rural districts wrought a similar effect upon the play of the children of that element of the population. 24 The same forces that caused disintegration of the play traditions of children were largely instru- mental in disorganizing many recreational activi- ties of adults. The creation of American folk music, folk dances, 25 and folk games ceased with the decline of village social life. The gathering of May baskets, the singing of Christmas carols, the husking-bees, spelling-matches, and singing- schools, alike were discontinued with the growth 23 Joseph Lee, "American Play Traditions and Our Rela- tions to Them," The Playground, 1913, pp. 148-59. 24 Ioid, p. 148. "We are at present in imminent danger of losing a large part of the precious tradition. The danger, like so many others that threaten our social life, arises largely from the crowding of our cities and the increasing loneliness of our country districts Immigration is the other cause." 25 E. B. Mero, American Playgrounds, Baker & Taylor Co., pp. 108, 119. 10 THE PLAY MOVEMENT of population in urban communities and of isola- tion in rural districts. 26 In the cities, where a con- sciousness of the social situation first arose, the behavior of children, youths, and adults during their leisure hours and holidays frequently be- came delinquent conduct, play became crime, 27 while leisure pursuits became commercialized to an extent without precedent. 28 Whereas formerly both children and adults had participated in play and recreation, now they became spectators. The motion picture accelerated this tendency; but it had begun long before the invention of the cinema- tograph. With the shifting of population from small communities, in which play and recreational traditions that were centuries old still survived, had begun long before the invention of the cine- matograph. With the shifting of population from the community, alike lost their former significance in the recreational life of the people. The social situation was fundamentally changed. Adjust- ments were necessary. The people did not partic- ipate in recreation because they could not under existing conditions since they lacked both the physical facilities and the social organization for doing so. The " first pathetic expression,' ' said Robinson, 29 of a consciousness of this fact, and the 26 E. J. Ward, The Social Center, D. Appleton & Co., N. Y. ; 1913, p. 306. 27 John Collier and Edw. M. Barrows, The City Where Crime Is Play, Peoples Institute, New York, 1916. 28 M. M. Davis, The Exploitation of Pleasure, Russell Sage Foundation, 1910. 29 Charles Mulford Robinson, "Improvement of City Life," Atlantic Monthly, April 1899, p. 534. INTRODUCTION 11 first effort to make an adjustment to the changed social situation, came with the sand gardens for little children. Subsequent adjustments made provision for youths and adults, respectively, while the initial forms of each have been altered by more recent changes, especially in the last decade, in both the structure and the concept of the function of the "play movement." These various attempts to bring about an adjustment of both the play life of children and the recreational activities of youths and adults to the social situa- tion in both urban and rural communities, in so far as they form a series of related events, consti- tute the "play movement" in the United States as the term is employed in this report. The "play movement' ' is a positive movement rather than a negative one. It seeks to bring about adjustments through the organization of social activities. Among these have appeared the sand gardens and the model playgrounds; the recre- ation center, the social center, and the community center; community music, community drama, and pageantry, municipal theatres, piers, bands and orchestras; community service and community organization. D. The problem of this investigation. A pre- liminary survey of the evolution of the play move- ment in the United States raised five questions which will be answered in as many sections: (1) What was the origin of the movement? (2) What have been its stages! (3) What transitions have 12 THE PLAY MOVEMENT occurred in its policy and activities? (4) What is its trend? And (5) should not all the facts rela- tive to the evolution of the play movement be brought together in a unified whole with reference to the changed social situation? The facts de- rived from a study of (a) the origin, (b) the stages, (c) the transitions, and (d) the trend, will be summarized and presented in defense of the proposition that there has been an evolution in the structure and the concept of the function of the play movement in the United States in adjust- ment to the modern social situation. II. THE ORIGIN OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT 1 In accordance with the concept of a movement formulated in the preceding section, there are but two tests to be applied to an event to determine whether or not it marks the origin of a move- ment : First, was it a conscious provision for the ' object of the movement in question? second, Was it the first of a series of events bearing a cause-and- effect relation toward one another and performed with that purpose in mind which characterized the movement? Notwithstanding the simplicity of this method, there is a difference of opinion concerning the event which marked the beginning of the play movement in the United States. No less than seven incidents are mentioned by various authors as designating that fact. Since the estab- lishment of the date, place, and action marking its origination is essential to a study of its stages, the facts relative to the origin of the play move- ment will now be analyzed. A. Incidents mentioned as the origin of the movement. The earliest action that has been sug- gested as the beginning of the play movement in the United States is the provision of the New Eng- land town commons which dates from the early part of the seventeenth century, 2 the Boston com- a See Appendix A for list of sources consulted in the study of the origin of the play movement. !See Appendix A for list of sources consulted in the study The Macmillan Co., 1902, p. 123. 13 14 THE PLAY MOVEMENT mon having been established in 1634. There is abundant evidence that these commons have been used for play by each succeeding generation of boys since colonial times; and seventeen of these spaces are now incorporated in the~ metropolitan park district of Boston alone. They fail, however, , to meet both tests mentioned above, since their original provision was for pasturage, while their recent utilization in municipal recreation came later than other events that meet with the first requirement. During 1821-30 outdoor gymnasiums were con- structed for the first time in the United States 3 and in connection with the schools and colleges of New England and New York City. The Salem Latin School opened an outdoor gymnasium in 1821, equipped with crude apparatus but without supervision. The Round Hill School at North- ampton, Massachusetts, opened another in 1825, equipped with German gymnasium apparatus and supervised by a former pupil of Jahn. A third was conducted for a year in Washington Garden, Boston, also under the supervision of a pupil of Jahn, attendance falling from four hundred the first season to four the second because "the nov- elty had ceased, and some of the gymnasts had been caricatured in the print shops. " Similar gymnasiums were established at Harvard, and Yale in 1826, at Williams, Brown, and Amherst 3 Cf. P. E. Leonard, Pioneers of Modern Physical Training; E. B. Mero, American Playgrounds, Baker & Taylor Co., 1908, pp. 244-45; Phillips, A Short History of Amherst College. THE ORIGIN OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT 15 in 1827, and at the New York High School the following year. By 1830, however, interest had subsided, owing chiefly to the return to Germany of those political exiles whose presence in America had led to a temporary enthusiasm for play and organized physical exercise. Subsequent devel- opments in college athletics did not appear until thirty years later and were due to impulses from another source: namely, the sanitary movement following the Civil War. Thus these early college and school gymnasiums were not the first of a series of events now understood as the play move- ment in the United States. In 1868 an outdoor children's playground was established under the auspices of the old First Church of Boston 4 in the yard of a public school near Copley Square and in connection with a va- cation school maintained at that place. While this event was a definite provision for play, it received little, if any, attention at the time and was conducted for only one reason. There is no evidence that it was related to subsequent devel- opments in that city or elsewhere. It was, at most, but a sporadic expression of the conscious- ness of a need that did not gain lasting recogni- tion until fully twenty years later. The fourth incident that has been mentioned as the beginning of the play movement was the purchase of two tracts of land to be used for play 4 Cf. The Playground, "A Brief History of the Playground Movement in America," April, 1915, pp. 1 ff.; Charities and the Commons, "Vacation Schools," Sept. 6, 1902. 16 THE PLAY MOVEMENT activities by vote of a town meeting of Brook- line, 5 Massachusetts, on April 10, 1872. Concern- ing this act the following statement is made in the Town Records of Brookline, published in 1887 : Twenty-first Article taken up: To see if the town will approve and confirm the deeds taken of the lands bought for commons or playgrounds, and the action of the Selectmen thereon. The following preamble and vote were passed; viz.: WHEREAS, at a legal meeting of the inhabitants of Brookline, holden May 2, 1871, for the purpose of acting, among other matters, upon the report of the committee ap- pointed at the last annual meeting, upon the subject of pro- curing land for public commons or playgrounds, the town, pursuant to said report, voted to buy for said purpose two lots of lands described in said vote; and whereas the Select- men, upon the seventeenth day of May, in the year 1871, in behalf of the town, and in pursuance of its votes, accepted a deed to the town from Col. Thomas Aspinwall of the lot of land on Brookline Avenue, bought as aforesaid, and upon the twenty-second day of May accepted a deed to the town from William B. Craft, James Murray Howe, and Samuel Clark of the lots of land on Cyprus and other streets, bought as aforesaid, and have paid in behalf of the town to said grant- ors the consideration named in said deeds according to said votes: now it is hereby VOTED, to confirm, ratify and approve the said deeds, and to approve, ratify and confirm the doings of the Select- men in the premises as set forth in their report to the town. While this act by the town of Brookline was a conscious provision for play, as were the events of 1868 and 1821-30 discussed above, there were no immediate acts, either in that village or else- where, that are known to have resulted from it. 5 Cf. Joseph Lee, op. Git., p. 163; E. B. Mero, op. cit., p. 242. THE ORIGIN OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT 17 The next city to acquire land for play uses was Boston in 1894, more than twenty years later; and there was no causal relation between these municipal acts, the latter being only an incident in the general development of provision for play in Boston which began in 1885. The action of Brookline is noteworthy simply as being the first instance of public provision of space for play in the United States. It was sporadic, however, local interest quickly subsiding, while apparatus and supervision were never provided. A motion for their provision was "laid on the table, indef- initely" on December 15, 1874. The opening of the "meadow" in Washington Park, Chicago, for team games, in 1876, has been mentioned by various writers 6 as a possible date for the origin of the play movement. An examina- tion of the annual reports of the South Park Com- missioners, however, disclosed the fact that no games were played in Washington Park until 1886, when two tennis courts were first provided at the north end of this tract. That year two other courts were placed in Jackson Park, where permission was also given to play baseball. In 1887, four additional tennis courts were added in Jackson Park and two baseball diamonds laid out and clayed; while the following year the number of courts and diamonds remained unchanged, with 165 acres turfed in Jackson Park and 15 acres in Washington Park, the latter containing two G Cf. Joseph Lee, o'p. cit., p. 159; E. B. Mere-, op. cit., p. 242. 18 THE PLAY MOVEMENT tennis courts but no baseball diamonds, although the privilege of playing ball was granted. Fifteen years were required to drain the ground and build up the soil so as to permit its being turfed. Two hay crops were harvested annually from the drier portions in these parks, hence the significance of the term " meadow.' ' Originally great swails and marshes covered the central areas of Washing- ton and Jackson Parks and the Midway which now connects them, and during stormy weather the waters of Lake Michigan were driven into these lowlands. Hence the great expense and time required to provide a playing surface. Aside from the error in date and the fact that the event in question was a conscious provision for play, the opening of the " meadow' ' in both Washington and Jackson Parks was not dynam- ically related to subsequent developments in provision for play in Chicago or elsewhere. In Chicago, for instance, the initiative of the recrea- tion-center development that later made famous the South Park System came from sources outside the park commission and contemporary with the work of the special park commission formed in 1899. These sources may be designated as the early efforts by settlements and the associated charities of the west side of the city to provide play facilities for children during 1894 and 1897. where it was pointed out that children in the con- gested sections had no suitable space in which to play and did not make long trips to the large THE ORIGIN OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT 19 parks or the lake. The slogan of the small parks movement, therefore, came to be, ' ' Take the parks to the people, if they can not come to the parks ' ' ; hence the " small parks"' constructed in 1903-5. The Washington Park playfield of 1886 also fails to meet the second criteria of the origin of the play movement. Another date for the beginning of the move- ment mentioned by a well-known writer on play- ground activities is "1898, when New York City opened some 31 playgrounds under the Board of Education. ' ' 7 The reasons given in the context in support of the statement are two: (1) that it "re- ceived abundant notice in the New York dailies"; and, (2) that "a number of cities took up the movement immediately afterwards." While ful- filling the first criteria that it was a conscious pro- vision for play, this event fails of the second if it cannot be proven that it was the first of a series of related events that are now recognized as the play movement, the developments in other cities beginning subsequently if not * ' immediately after- wards" as asserted. In order either to establish or refute the claim, two questions must be an- swered: (1) What are the dates of the beginning of provision for play in the respective cities of the United States? (2) Do they indicate that many began "immediately" after 1898? 7 H. S. Curtis, The Play Movement and Its Significance, The Macmillan Co., 1917. The correct date, however, for the open- ing of the thirty-one schoolyard playgrounds was 1899, not 1898. Cf. Lee, Zueblin et alia. Twenty playgrounds were 20 THE PLAY MOVEMENT Inasmuch as the advocate of the New York experiment as the beginning of the play move- ment did not support his assertion by a statement of the facts relative to provision by cities both before and after the year 1898, the writer has arranged Table I after a careful analysis of the whole period of playground history. 8 TABLE I Number of Cities in the United States, Reporting Super- vised Playgrounds Established for the First Time, By Years Date No. Date No. Date No. Date No. Date No. 1885 1 1897 2 1902 2 1907. 6 1912 43 1889 2 1898 4 1903 2 1908 13 1913 70 1893 1 1899 1 1904 5 1909 35 1915 116 1894 2 1900.... 7 1905 4 1910 35 1916 43 1896 1 1901 5 1906 9 1911 43 1917 52 Grand Total tor the Period 504 An analysis of Table I discloses three facts that have an important relation to the origin of the play movement: (1) There were thirteen cities 9 that had provided supervised play facilities prior to 1899, the correct date for the opening of the thirty-one schoolyard playgrounds in New 8 The Playground and Recreation Association of America, upon whose published statistics the writer relied for the data contained relative to developments since its organization, did not furnish a report for 1914; that for 1915 represents two years of progress. 9 The names of these cities with their respective dates of beginning the play movement are as follows: Boston, 1885; New York, and Brooklyn, 1889 (these playgrounds were spo- radic and of short duration, the permanent establishment com- ing in Brooklyn in 1897, and in New York in 1899); Chicago, 1894 (sporadic in 1894, permanent in 1898-1899); Philadelphia, 1893; Providence, 1894; Pittsburgh, 1896; Baltimore and Mil- waukee, 1897; San Francisco (sporadic), Cleveland, Minne- apolis and Denver, 1898. The first playground in Louisville, 1899, was planned by the same landscape architect who de- signed the Charlesbank outdoor gymnasium in Boston, in 1889. THE ORIGIN OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT 21 York City. (2) Between 1899 and 1906, the date of the organization of the Playground Association of America, there were twenty-five cities that pro- vided for play, while between 1906 and 1910 there were fifty-five, the first great increase coming after the organization of the playground associa- tion rather than * ' immediately after ' ' the opening of schoolyard playgrounds in New York City. (3) During 1910, the first year that field secretaries were sent out by the playground association, and during each year since that time, the number of cities providing playgrounds for the first time was greater than that for the whole period be- tween 1899 and 1906. In so far as these three facts are related to the origin of the play movement they indicate that the number of cities making provi- sion for the first time slowly but steadily in- creased between 1885 and 1899, and that the greatest period of increase came after the organi- zation of the national playground association, and not as the result of any publicity that certain newspapers of New York City may have given to the movement during the summer of 1899. Since Boston is the city referred to by the earliest date of the table, 1885, the facts relative to events there and their influence upon the play movement will now be analyzed in connection with the study of the last date that has been frequently mentioned as marking the origin of the move- ment, the provision of sand gardens in Boston in 1885. 22 THE PLAY MOVEMENT The one provision for play which has been most frequently designated as the origin of the movement is the establishment of sand gardens in Boston. 10 Dr. Marie E. Zakrsewska, while vis- iting in Berlin during the summer in 1885, ob- served heaps of sand in the public parks in which the children of both the rich and the poor were permitted to play under supervision of the police. As a result of her report by letter to Mrs. Kate Gannet Wells, chairman of the executive commit- tee of the Massachusetts Emergency and Hygiene Association, a large heap of sand was placed in the yards of the Parmenter Street Chapel and the West End Nursery. The latter experiment was unsuccessful since "the children there were hardly two years old and cared little for it, ' m but at the former an average of fifteen children con- nected with the chapel attended three days in the week during July and August, 1885, and, under the guidance of a lady living in the neighborhood, dug in the sand with their little wooden shovels and made countless sand pies, which were re-made the next day with undismayed alacrity. They sang their songs and marched in their small processions, and when weary, were gathered in the motherly arms of the matron. 12 10 Cf. Joseph Lee, op. cit., p. 125; E. B. Mero, op. cit., p. 240; S. V. Tsanoff, "Children's Playgrounds," Municipal Affairs, 1898, p. 293; C. M. Robinson, "Improvement of City Life," Atlantic Monthly, April, 1899, pp. 533-36; Sadie American, "The Movement for Small Playgrounds," American Journal of Sociology, Sept., 1898, pp. 159-76. ^Annual Report Massachusetts Emergency and Hygiene Association, 1885. EARLY SAND GARDEN IN BOSTON [COURTESY MISS ELLEN M. TOVEr] EARLY SCHOOLYARD PLAYGROUND, BOSTON [rOI'RTKRV MIKS I I.I.I s M. TOVKr] THE ORIGIN OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT 23 During the summer of 1886 " three piles of yellow sand were placed in the yards of the Chil- dren's Mission, Parmenter Street Chapel and AVarrenton Street Chapel," as a result of the success of the preceding season. These sand piles were provided for children under twelve years of age. During the first years there was no su- pervision except that given voluntarily by inter- ested mothers or other women living in the re- spective neighborhoods. Matrons were employed, however, during the summer of 1887, when the number of sand gardens was increased to ten, of which one was in a school yard, while most of the others were located in the courts of tenement houses. The method of supervision by matrons was followed until 1893, when a superintendent of all sand gardens with assistants, kindergart- ners, located at each, were employed. Digging instruments and building blocks were furnished, games played, and " occupation work" encour- aged. By 1899 the number of playgrounds of this type, conducted by the Association in Boston, had increased to twenty-one, of which all but one were on schoolyards. During this year, the city council appropriated $3,000 toward their support. Table II summarizes the first sixteen years of history of the playground activities of the Association by years, showing the number of sand gardens maintained, the cost of their sup- port, the number of hours per day and the num- ber of days per week during which they were 24 THE PLAY MOVEMENT TABLE The Development of Playgrounds by Massachusetts Year No. Cost of Mainte- nance* Operation per Week Period Location 1885 2 Service donated 3 hours on 3 days 6 weeks, July and August Mission yard and nursery 1886 3 Service donated 3 hours on 3 days 6 weeks, July and August Mission yards 1887 10 Toys $9.00; matrons employed 3 hours on 3 days 6 weeks, July and August Mission yards 1888. . . , lot Matrons employed 3 hours on 4 days 6 weeks, July and August 7 schoolyards ; 2 courts ; 1 vacant lot 1889 . , , 11$ $928.04 3 hours on 4 days 6 weeks, July and August One lot 'added to above 1890 17§ Expenses ? 3 hours on 4 days 6 weeks, July and August Mostly school- yards 1891, io Expenses ? 3 hours on 4 days 6 weeks, July and August Mostly school- yards 1892.. , 10 Expenses ? 3 hours on 4 days 36 days in July and August Mostly school- yards 1893 10 $1,407.71 3 hrs. every dayex.Sun. 36 days in July and August 9 school- yards; 1 on lot 1894 . , 10 $1,395.00 3 hrs. every dayex.Sun. 50 days in July and August All on schoolyards 1895. . , 10 $1,526.38 3 hrs. every dayex.Sun. 10 weeks All on schoolyards 1896 10 $1,688.00 3 hrs. every dayex.Sun. 10 weeks All on schoolyards 1897, 10 $1,480.32 3 hrs. every dayex.Sun. 10 weeks All on schoolyards 1898 12 $'1,849.00 3 hrs. every dayex.Sun. All oil 10 weeks schoolyards 1899 21 $4,313.77 3 hrs. every dayex.Sun. 10 weeks All on schoolyards 1900 21 1 3hrs. every $4,200.00 dayex.Sun. 10 weeks All on schoolyards *Sand was donated in every case. tSand pails and shovels were sent to eight different localities in addition to these ten playgrounds. THE ORIGIN OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT 25 II. Emergency and Hygiene Association, from 1885 to 1900 Public Subsidy Supervision Average Daily Attendance Play Room Experiment Voluntary by mothers in vicinity Average of 15 daily Voluntary by mothers in vicinity Not given None Employed ma- trons Not given None Employed ma- trons 400, all play- grounds $1,000 and Charlesbank opened for men Employed ma- trons 1,000 for all First opened 16 weeks 12-9 p. m. after Jan.l Charlesbank Outdoor Gym. for men. Employed ma- trons Not given 16 weeks 12-9 p. m. after Jan. 1 Charlesbank Out- door Gym. for men and women. Employed ma- trons Not given 16 weeks 12-9 p. m. after Jan. 1 Charlesbank Out- door Gym. for men and women. Employed ma- trons 1,210 daily; seasonal 43,560 Playroom taken over by Nat. Ed. Union Charlesbank Out- door Gym. for men and women. Supt. with kindergarten assistants 1,400 daily Charlesbank Out- door Gym. for men and women. Supt. with kindergarten assistants 1,588 daily; seasonal 79,400 Franklin Field Supt. with 22 assistants 1,804 daily; seasonall28,240 added Brighton play- ground pur- chased Supt. with 22 assistants 1,802 daily Charlesbank, Franklin Supt. with 22 assistants 1,827 daily Field, Brighton 20 playgrounds Supt. with 22 assistants 2,080 daily added $3,000 by city Supt. with 66 supervisors 4,000 daily council || $3,000 by city Supt. with 64 supervisors 4,300 daily council!! tOne of these was in Brookline, Mass.. outside city limits. §Two in Brookline, -one in Charlestown. two in South Boston, two in Roxbury. while the remaining ten were in Boston. || Added for sand gardens. 26 THE PLAY MOVEMENT open, the months of the year and the total num- ber of days of operation, the nature of their respective sites, the dates and extent of public subsidy, the method of supervision and number and type of supervisors, the record of attendance giving the average per day for each season and the total for the respective summers, and the history of the play room experiment, that is, the conduct of indoor play for a given, brief period during the winter. This table is compiled from the state- ments published in the annual reports of the Massachusetts Emergency and Hygiene Associa- tion from 1885 to 1901 inclusive. Analysis of this table discloses, (1) an in- crease from two to twenty-one playgrounds; (2) a transition from support and service through do- nations of materials or time to an annual budget of $4,200 with a maximum of $4,313.77 in one of the later years; (3) from three days to six days per week; (4) from 18 to 60 days per season, dur- ing July and August; (5) from mission yards and tenement courts to schoolyards and parks; (6) from support entirely by philanthropic subscrip- tions to public subsidy of $3,000 annually; (7) from volunteer and untrained supervision to paid and trained supervisors under the direction of a superintendent; (8) from an average attendance of 15 per day at one playground to 4,300 per day on twenty-one playgrounds; (9) the development of indoor play provision which after three years of experimentation was taken over by another THE ORIGIN OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT 27 association in the city; and (10) the actual con- duct of sand gardens in three cities other than Boston. Two questions arise which, if answered in the affirmative, will establish the beginning of the play movement in the United States with the sand piles of Boston in 1885. First, Did the devel- opment of similar facilities in other cities come subsequently and through impulses received from them? and second, Did the incorporation in the play movement of facilities for adolescents and adults result from the sand gardens which were designed in Boston for the play of children? That each of these questions must be answered in the affirmative is established by the following two groups of facts: (1) those relative to develop- ments within Boston, and (2) the influence of these events upon developments in other cities. B. Influence of the "sand gardens" within Boston: Relative to early developments in pro- vision for play in Boston, there is conclusive evi- dence that pioneer work in both the parks and the schoolyards, leading from philanthropic to pub- lic support, resulted from the sand pile experi- ment of 1885 and the unbroken series of sub- sequent summer provisions made by the Massa- chusetts Emergency and Hygiene Association from that date until 1899, when their play- grounds, which at that time had increased in num- ber to twenty-one, were supported in part by an appropriation made by the School Committee of 28 THE PLAY MOVEMENT the City of Boston. Table II calls attention to eight events which indicate a relationship between contemporaneous developments in providing for playgrounds in Boston and the work of the Asso- ciation. The first of these events growing immediately out of the influence of the sand gardens was the appropriation by the park department in 1889 of $1,000 to grade and grass a vacant plot for play- ground uses, the management being left to the Association. 13 The second and third events per- tained to the construction and operation respect- ively of the Charlesbank Outdoor Gymnasium in 1889-91. The construction of this playground was undertaken by the Park Department, in response to an appeal by the "playground committee,' ' appointed by the Association in 1887, for aid in providing playgrounds. They converted a ten- acre tract along the Charles Eiver in a congested section of the city into an open-air gymnasium for boys and men in 1889, and for girls and women in 1891. This playground, known as the Charlesbank Outdoor Gymnasium, was fenced, parked, equipped with swings, ladders, see-saws, a one-fifth mile running track, a sand garden, and provided with wading, rowing, and bathing facil- ities, all free to the public. Land and equipment were contributed by the park department, opera- tion by private associations, that of the children's and women's division being entrusted to the 13 Cf. Annual Report of Massachusetts Emergency and Hy- giene Association for 1890. THE ORIGIN OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT 29 Massachusetts Emergency and Hygiene Associa- tion. In confirmation of the foregoing are the fol- lowing three statements: The sand pile work having been started so successfully, the park commissioners of Boston investigated the matter and decided to use some of the city parks for similar purposes. They also fitted up the Charlesbank open air gymnasium. 14 The success of the sand heaps led the park commis- sioners to place the women's division of Charlesbank under the control of the Massachusetts Emergency and Hygiene Association. 15 The new work of the Association this past year has been the management of the Women's Division of Charlesbank, the name by which that portion of the Park System of Boston, is designated that lies along the Charles River between Cambridge and Craigie Street Bridges. 16 The fourth, fifth, and sixth events indicative of the influence of the experience and activity of the Association were related to other park devel- opments of Boston and the surrounding environ- ment. These were, respectively, (1) the incorpo- ration of the plan of providing "numerous small squares, playgrounds, and parks in the midst of the dense populations ' ' in the program of the Metropolitan Park Commission of Boston organ- ized in 1892; (2) the purchase of Franklin Field by the park department of the city of Boston in 1894 as an initial step in that direction, a recogni- 14 H. H. Buxton, in unpublished thesis of 1899, from which sections are quoted in E. B. Mero, American Playgrounds, pp. 243-52. 15 Charles Mulford Robinson, "Improvement of City Life," Atlantic Monthly, 1899, pp. 533-36. 1Q Annual Report Massachusetts Emergency and Hygiene Association, 1892. 30 THE PLAY MOVEMENT tion of the popular interest in playgrounds that prevailed in Boston at that time, and a step far in advance of other cities; and (3) the purchase of land for the Brighton playground in 1895 at the cost of $25,000. The incorporation of play- grounds in the plans of the Metropolitan Park Commission was made by Mr. Charles Eliot, one of the most active individuals in the work of creating the commission and a member of it, on October 6, 1892, when he outlined the work of the Commission as follows: 17 As I conceive it, the scientific "park system' ' for a dis- trict such as ours would include (1) spaces on the ocean front, (2) as much as possible of the shores and islands of the bay, (3) the courses of the larger tidal estuaries, .... (4) two or three larger areas of wild forest on the outer rim of the inhabited area, (5) numerous small squares, play- grounds, and parks in the midst of the dense populations. The first annual report of the Metropolitan Park Commission of Boston, 18 under whose juris- diction were placed the parking authorities of eleven cities and twenty-five towns, devotes four- teen pages to a discussion of plans for small parks or playgrounds, beginning with : The subject of smaller open spaces for local playgrounds or "breathing spaces' ' as they are appropriately called, is one so different in its nature as to require a special con- sideration. Then follow maps of Charlesbank and other parked playgrounds in Boston and vicinity, some 17 Zueblin, American Municipal Proaress, The Macmillan Co., 1916, p. 285. ^Annual Report Metropolitan Park Commission of Boston, 1893; pp. 67-81. THE ORIGIN OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT 31 of which had already been constructed while others were only proposed, showing that the idea of a small area equipped for play and located near the homes of the people had obtained at that time a definite place in the plans of the park de- partment. Charlesbank had demonstrated the value of these facilities, and the sand gardens had first shown the need for them. The seventh event indicative of the influence of the sand gardens upon subsequent provisions for play in Boston was the development of public support and control of the schoolyard play- grounds. Since 1888 the Massachusetts Emer- gency and Hygiene Association had conducted seven or more playgrounds of the sand-garden type on schoolyards, and by the summer of 1898, the number had increased to twelve. During that summer Mayor Quincy of Boston opened twenty schoolyard playgrounds. This experiment was not successful because of lack of leadership, the grounds being placed under the supervision of caretakers. As one boy expressed it, " there was nothin' to do and no discipline. ' ' In a fortnight these playgrounds were almost deserted. The fol- lowing summer, 1899, at the suggestion of the mayor, the school committee appropriated $3,000 toward the support of certain schoolyard play- grounds, the funds to be spent under the direc- tion of the Massachusetts Emergency and Hygiene Association. Twenty-one playgrounds in all were conducted by this arrangement 32 THE PLAY MOVEMENT between the school committee and the association, sixty supervisors were employed, $4,313.77 ex- pended for materials and supervision, and 4,000 children attended them daily on the average. During the summer of 1900 the experiment was repeated with the result that sixty-four super- visors were employed, $4,200 expended, while the average daily attendance was 4,300. In the sum- mer of 1901, the transition from philanthropic to public control, as well as support, was effected by the withdrawal from the Association of finan- cial assistance on the part of the school commit- tee, and the establishment, under their own administration, of "four vacation schools and three playgrounds ' ' for which $5,000 were appro- priated. During the summer of 1902, $7,500 were appropriated and "seven schools and five play- grounds' ' were maintained. The Massachusetts Emergency and Hygiene Association, however, continued to conduct playgrounds as they did before public support was added; twelve for the summer of 1901, with an average daily attendance of 3,479, for which $2,462.33 were expended from voluntary contributions. Admission by the school committee of its dependence upon the Association and confirma- tion of the statements concerning the beginnings of public support of schoolyard playgrounds is con- tained in their annual report of 1902, as follows : In May, 1900, an appropriation of $3,000 was made for the maintenance of vacation schools The success of THE ORIGIN OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT 3a these schools was »such that an appropriation of $5,000 was made for their support during the summer of 1901, and foui schools and three playgrounds were established for a term of six weeks beginning J'uly 8 For the further con- tinuance of vacation schools and playgrounds during the summer of 1902, the school committee appropriated $7,500, and seven schools and five playgrounds were conducted .... for a term beginning July 7 and closing August 15. In addition to the school playgrounds maintained by the city, the Massachusetts Emergency and Hygiene Association (which for many years has been interested in and supported playgrounds in various schoolyards), the Massachusetts Civic League, the Brighthelmston Club, the Women's Educational and Industrial Club, and other associations and individuals were allowed to use the various school premises To the public spirited and kindly women (the Massachusetts Emer- gency and Hygiene Association) who have personally inter- ested themselves in this work is due a debt of gratitude for their unselfish concern in the happiness of little children during the long and unoccupied summer months. 19 In the paper entitled * ' Play Grounds and Sand Gardens," read before the Montreal Local Council of Women, in April, 1902, by Miss Ellen M. Tower, Chairman of the Playground Commit- tee of the Massachusetts Emergency and Hygiene Association, the following statement of the rela- tion of the work of that association to the devel- opment of the • first publically administered schoolyard playgrounds in Boston was made : In 1899 .... municipal aid was rendered to the play- grounds when, at the suggestion of Mayor Quincy, the School Committee appropriated $3,000 for expenses connected with 19 Annual Report School Committee, Boston, 1902, pp. 25-28, also Public- School Document. No. 14, on Vacation Schools, 1902. 34 THE PLAY MOVEMENT the opening of certain schoolhouse yards during the summer vacation, to be spent under the direction of the Massachusetts Emergency and Hygiene Association. This experiment was sufficiently successful to warrant continuing in 1900, when the school committee again appro- priated $3,000 to be spent by our Association. , , . . In 1901 the School Committee, thinking that the time draws near when play will be, or should be, considered an integral part of education, and that therefore the playgrounds and vacation schools should be alike under the care of their own Board, declined to bestow money upon the Emergency Association, but established .... sand gardens under their own supervision They paid the Association the implied compliment of adopting its methods and asking its advice. This seeming reverse is, in fact, our greatest triumph. We have been doing as amateurs, and, as a temporary expedient for helping the children, what the educational branches of our Government should do professionally and systematically. Next season we hope to be driven still further afield, and may conclude that our mission is accomplished. The eighth event indicative further of the relation of the work of the Massachusetts Emer- gency and Hygiene Association to that of other philanthropic societies making similar provision for play in Boston was that of the construction of a playground by the Massachusetts Civic League in 1901, after the plan of those previously conducted by the Association. Direct confirma- tion of this fact is presented in the report of the League for that year. We have a children's corner modeled upon the work of the Emergency and Hygiene Association. Indeed the loca- tion was chosen and the principal apparatus got under the advice of Miss Ellen M. Tower, Chairman of the Playgrounds THE ORIGIN OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT 35 Committee of the Association, who has had so large a part in carrying on this branch of the work of that Association. 20 The direct influence of the sand gardens of Boston, first conducted in 1885 and permanently established in 1887, upon the provision of both philanthropic and public play facilities in that city, is shown by the analysis above. It has been found that, while the earliest efforts on the part of the Emergency Association were in behalf of pre-adole scent children, later activities included the provision of facilities for youth and maturity. The first of these events was the influence which the Association exerted upon the park depart- ment which resulted in the building of Charles- bank Outdoor Gymnasium, the section for men being finished in 1889, and that for women in 1891. A second event was the incorporation of the idea of constructing i i small squares and play- grounds" in the plan of the Metropolitan Park Commission of Boston in 1893. A third event was the opening of Franklin Field, of which forty acres were devoted to team games and athletics, in 1894. The fourth event was the provision for Brighton Playground in 1895. A fifth connection was made in 1899, when, with the aid of the School Committee, twenty-one playgrounds were main- tained that summer, of which three were designed particularly for boys between twelve and fifteen years of age. Concerning this provision, Miss Tower said: 2Q Annual Report. of Massachusetts Civic League, 1901. 36 THE PLAY MOVEMENT Eighteen sand gardens were devoted to the little children and to all the larger boys who wished to play with the little ones, to aid the matrons, or to sit quietly by and sew or read or play checkers. The other three, as an experiment, were provided with a limited outfit of gymnastic apparatus, and, under the care of young men trained in the art of physical culture, were designed especially for boys from twelve to fifteen years of age. This experiment was sufficiently suc- cessful to warrant continuing in 1900. 21 In 1901 the School Committee decided to administer playgrounds on their own account but "they paid the Association the implied compli- ment of adopting its methods and asking its advice.' ' In that year, also, the Massachusetts Civic League opened its first playground, a "model playground, ' ' containing a "children's corner" and a "big boy's playground" as well as a space for the older girls ; and in planning it, the advice of Miss Tower of the Association was followed. Thus the question whether the incorporation in the play movement of facilities for adolescents and adults resulted from the sand gardens experiment is answered in the affirma- tive. C. Influence of Boston upon other cities. The facts relative to the second question raised above, Did the development of initial play pro- vision in other cities come subsequently and through impulses derived from the early expe- rience of conducting sand gardens in Boston? will now be analyzed. There are five types of sources 21 Ellen M. Tower, "Play Grounds and Sand Gardens/' World Wide, April 2, 1902. THE ORIGIN OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT 37 of information: (1) the opinions of contemporary writers on play and playgrounds; (2) the asser- tions by the Massachusetts Emergency and Hygiene Association that other cities consulted them before inaugurating playgrounds; (3) the admissions of these organizers of playgrounds in other cities than Boston; (4) the visit of Miss Ellen M. Tower, chairman of the playground committee of the Association, to Baltimore, to deliver a lecture upon playgrounds at the request of a committee in that city, which had the subject under advisement; and (5) the structure and con- cept of the function of the early playgrounds in all cities. Among the comments made by those who wrote contemporaneously with the genetic stage of the movement is that of H. H. Buxton, a grad- uate student in the International Training School of the Young Men's Christian Association at Springfield, Massachusetts, in his Master's thesis, an unpublished manuscript, in 1899. Con- cerning the relation of the sand gardens of Bos- ton in 1885 to the development of playgrounds in other cities up to 1899, he made the sweeping declaration : This was the starting point of the present playground movement in America. Buxton did not present any facts in support of his claim other than that Miss Tower, chair- man of the playgrounds committee that was in charge of the sand gardens in Boston, lectured in 38 THE PLAY MOVEMENT Baltimore at the invitation of the committee there that was considering the provision of play- grounds. He wrote so near to the time of the events which he was studying that the relation probably seemed too obvious to necessitate analysis or support. Another statement of the influence of Boston on the beginnings of provision for play by other' cities is the following by Charles Mulf ord Robin- son, later a playground architect and adviser, written also in 1899 : In Boston, which was the pioneer, the municipal sand piles of 1887 were the first pathetic expression of a need of a playground and of an effort to satisfy it. Their success has led to their adoption in many large cities. . The word municipal is here used in a very loose sense, not meaning public support and con- trol; and the date is slightly erroneous owing to the fact that the permanent establishment of the sand gardens did not occur until 1887, although the initial experiment was made two years prior to that date. The reports of the Massachusetts Emergency and Hygiene Association give 1887 as the date of permanent establishment, a state- ment that was somewhat arbitrary since there was no change in structure or concept of function at that date except the employment of matrons to supervise the children who used the gardens. A third declaration made contemporaneously with the early stages of the play movement was that by Joseph Lee who was associated with the THE ORIGIN OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT 39 development of the movement in Boston, being for several years chairman of the playground committee of the Massachusetts Civic League, and who made a careful study of published re- ports of societies conducting playgrounds before 1900, in the preparation of his volume entitled Constructive and Preventive Philanthropy. After describing the origin of the Boston sand gardens, he sets out to relate the developments in other cities by the following sentence : The first city, so far as I can ascertain, to follow the example of Boston was Philadelphia, in which, in 1893, two summer playgrounds were started by philanthropic people. In 1895 the City Council, in response to a petition from the Civic Club and a large number of other organizations, opened the available schoolyards, four of which were equipped as sand gardens, and appropriated $1,000 to carry on these latter. While there is no analysis of the facts per- taining to the influence of Boston upon Philadel- phia, his statement represents an opinion based upon a study of the history of the period. Before 1900, no statement was made, as far as the writer is aware, to the contrary of the opinion expressed by the three authors quoted above. The consensus of view seems to have been in favor of Boston as the pioneer in the play movement. Contemporary confirmation of the above opin- ions was made by the Massachusetts Emergency and Hygiene Association in its annual reports for 1892, 1897, and 1898, respectively, as follows : Boston playground ideas have been carried to New York City, and to Providence, R. I. 40 THE PLAY MOVEMENT The people who have started playgrounds in New York, Philadelphia, and Providence have consulted and in a measure followed the methods of the Massachusetts Emergency and Hygiene Association. The sand gardens have been much written about in magazines and journals and many inquiries have been made in regard to their management. New York, Philadelphia, and Providence long since established playgrounds unques- tionably better than ours, but in the beginning they came to Boston for suggestions and advice. In 1897, the United Women of Maryland asked that some one might be sent to Baltimore to talk to them on the subject, and the. chairman of your committee went. Brooklyn, N. Y., Newark, Provi- dence, and Worcester sent representatives to study our work, and this Spring Chicago, Portland, and Manchester, England, have written for information. The experiment seems hopeful to all interested, if we may judge by the reports that reach us. The foregoing declarations indicate that the nine cities beside Boston that took initial steps or were contemplating provision prior to 1898 (namely, Philadelphia, New York, Providence, Brooklyn, Baltimore, Newark, Worcester, Chi- cago, and Portland) came to Boston for sugges- tions and advice. Ostensibly here was a cause- and-effect relationship characteristic of a series of events common to movements. Confirmation of the claims expressed by the Massachusetts Emergency and Hygiene Associa- tion is made in the annual reports of two societies providing playgrounds before 1900. In that of the Union for Practical Progress which initiated the movement in Providence, for the year 1897, occurs the following frank admission of a con- THE ORIGIN OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT 41 scions effort to copy methods followed in Boston, the particular references being to the sand gar- dens and the Charlesbank Outdoor Gymnasium: Their growth (referring to the playgrounds of Provi- dence) has been quite as rapid and encouraging as was that of Boston during the early years of the movement One phase of development lies along the lines of the open-air gymnasium, with apparatus and grassy playground. The success of this institution in Boston should be called to the attention of public spirited citizens, that reservations of lawns may be made in needy parts of the city. 22 Regarding the origin of the movement in Brooklyn, in 1897, two references to Boston as the prototype are made in the annual report of the department of parks for that year. The first was that by the committee which had charge of a small initial playground in City Park during the summer of 1897, while the second was by the secretary of the park department. Both disclose a conscious dependence upon Boston: So far as we are aware, the City Park playground is the first one to have been established in Brooklyn. Other cities have for several years made similar provision for the children either through private enterprise or through some one of the municipal departments. For ten years playgrounds have been opened during the summer in Boston. Private individuals furnish the funds and the board of education grants the use of the grounds. 23 The Department was petitioned, in the latter part of the summer, to start open air gymnasiums in the parks. The 22 Fourth Annual Report of Joint Committee on Summer Playgrounds, Providence, 1897. 23 Annual Report of Dept. of Parks, Brooklyn, 1887, p. 45. 42 THE PLAY MOVEMENT subject was taken into consideration, and investigation of the work in Boston was made. 24 Secondary statements derived from those who had charge of the initial work of providing for play in Baltimore and Providence are made by Buxton. To the United Women of Maryland is due the credit of starting the playground movement through inspiration that came from Boston, largely through an address given in Balti- more by Miss Ellen M. Tower, chairman of the Comittee on Playgrounds of the Massachusetts Emergency and Hygiene Association. 25 The Union for Practical Progress started the playground movement in Providence, R. I., in 1893, after investigating what was done in Boston. 26 Two references have previously been made to the fact that Miss Ellen M. Tower, for many years chairman of the playground committee of the Association conducting the sand gardens in Boston, visited Baltimore in 1897 at the request of the United Women of Maryland, and delivered an address on sand gardens. 27 This address is eloquent evidence of the influence of Boston upon other cities during the early stages of the move- ment. 28 Mute evidence of a relationship, were this testimony necessary, is present in the very struc- 24 Annual Report of Dept. of Parks, Brooklyn, 1887, p. 25. 25 H. H. Buxton, "History of the Playground Movement," in Mero's American Playgrounds (written in 1899), p. 248. 2Q Ibid. 27 Ellen M. Tower, Annual Report Massachusetts Emer- gency and Hygiene Association, 1898. 2S It is also significant in this connection to note that Miss Tower delivered a similar address in Montreal, Canada, in 1902. THE ORIGIN OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT 43 ture of the playgrounds themselves ; in every city the sand garden type was followed. If they were not modeled after Boston, then the coincidence is phenomenal. In the third part of this inves- tigation the writer has chosen to designate the first stage through which the play movement has passed as the "sand garden" stage in recognition of the nature and uniformity of structure and concept of function that prevailed. The descrip- tions of these playgrounds will also be presented there. D. The conclusions — The evidence studied is unmistakably in support of the view that the initial action in provision for play in Philadel- phia, Providence, Brooklyn, Baltimore, Chicago, Newark, Worcester, Portland, and New York was the result of an impulse derived from the experi- ence of Boston. In the absence of any evidence to the contrary, it is reasonable to infer that these were the "many large cities' ' referred to by Rob- inson, and also the explanation of the expression of Lee, "the first city, so far as I can ascertain, to follow the example of Boston." Provision in Bos- ton preceded that in thirteen cities, as shown by Table I, by a lapse of time sufficient to permit in- formation to have reached them before 1899 con- cerning the action of both philanthropic and pub- lic agencies of Boston, while in each of these cities the initial provision was identical in structure and function with that of Boston. In each of the thirteen cities, as in Boston, provision for chil- 44 THE PLAY MOVEMENT dren under twelve years of age preceded that for older boys and girls and adults, as has been shown by Lee. 29 A universal and distinctive fea- ture of equipment in each of them, as in Boston, was the sand pile; and in every instance, philan- thropic maintenance preceded public support and control. The facts relative to the origin of the play movement have thus been analyzed. The incep- tion of the movement has been traced to the sand piles of Boston, in 1885. It has been disclosed: j (1) that the play movement in Boston dated from the sand gardens conducted by the Massachusetts Emergency and Hygiene Association and was aided and directed by both their example and the personnel in charge of them; (2) that the devel- opment of similar facilities in other cities came subsequently and through motives received from the Boston sand gardens experiments; and (3) that the incorporation in the movement of facili- ties for adolescents and adults were logical attempts to make an adjustment to a social situa- tion with respect to which the sand piles of Bos- ton of 1885 were the first of a connected series of provisions for play that passed ^from philan- thropic to public support through action by both park and school boards, and were later repeated in other cities. In the following section, the respective stages through which the play move- ment has since passed will be analyzed. 29 Joseph Lee, Constructive and Preventive Philanthropy, pp. 123 ff. III. THE STAGES OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT A survey of the history of the play movement discloses seven periods in its evolution that are characterized by the incorporation of particular features in its structure correlative with an emphasis upon given changes in the concept of its function. These periods of emphasis upon given features of structure and function may be defined as " stages" in its evolution; the term " stage" signifying a period in a development or a degree of advancement in a process. It is not understood, however, that these "stages" were mutually exclusive, that is, that their essen- tial traits did not retain a permanent place in the movement, neither is it meant that the distin- guishing features of a given "stage" were pres- ent in all contemporaneous provisions for play, nor that they represented the average provision at a specified time. The "stages," as the term is here used, were more or less clearly defined peri- ods of emphasis by the leaders of the movement upon certain phases of its structure and the con- cept of its function correlative with their incor- poration by a portion, if not all, of the societies and communities making contemporary provision for play. The titles chosen by the present writer to designate the ' ' stages ' ' of the play movement and the dates that roughly approximate the periods 45 46 THE PLAY MOVEMENT of their respective manifestations are as follows : (1) the "sand garden' ' stage, dominant during 1885-95; (2) the "model playground' ' stage, about 1895-1900; (3) the "small park" stage, about 1900-5; (4) the "recreation center" stage, 1905-12; (5) the "civic art and welfare" stage, 1912-15; (6) the "neighborhood organization" stage, 1915-18; and (7) the "community service" stage, since about 1918. The facts relative to the particular features of structure and concept of function that received emphasis during these respective periods or "stages" will now be ana- lyzed from the standpoint of the evidence, if any, that they contain concerning the evolution of the play movement in the United States. A. The "sand garden" stage, 1885-95. The term "sand garden" 1 designates that form of provision which consisted of a sand heap or sand box with or without other apparatus such as swings and see-saws. The sand garden was located out of doors, in settlement yards, tene- ment courts, school yards, or in parks, and was designed for the use of children under twelve years of age. With the single exception of the Charlesbank Outdoor Gymnasium of 1889-91, which also included a sand garden in its equip- ment, it was the universal provision for play dur- ing the first decade of the movement. # As disclosed in the discussion above of the origin of the play movement, the two earliest sand a Other names for this type of provision are: sand piles, sand heaps, sand bins, sand boxes, sand courts. THE STAGES OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT 47 gardens were placed on mission chapel and nursery yards in Boston in 1885. Ten, in all, were located in chapel yards, tenement courts, and schoolyards in 1887 ; one in a park in 1889 ; with a transfer of all but one to schoolyards by 1894, when ten were maintained by the Massachusetts Emergency and Hygiene Association in Boston. A description of these sand gardens, given by the chairman of the committee of the Association in charge, is as follows: The place is the shady side of a school yard. It must be shaded, as it is impossible to play on hot bricks in summer with the burning sun overhead. The time, therefore, is regu- lated by the falling of the shadows. In the shadow stands a wooden box with a heavy cover, padlocked tightly at either end. In the box is the sand, and in the basement of the school building are the toys and ma- terials for work or play. If the kindly shadows fall in the morning the gate is swung open at nine, and long before the hour a crowd of little boys and girls has gathered on the sidewalk, or if in the afternoon, the children do not assemble until two o'clock. At fifteen minutes before the hour of opening, the matrons enter the yard and admit some of the larger children who, under their direction, must sweep and gather up the litter in the- yard, consign it to the waste bar- rel, bring out from the basement of the building the seats, pails, and shovels, lift the cover from the sand box, and arrange the toys in different parts of the yard that the children may go to the spot, where for instance the blocks are placed, if they wish to play with blocks. This done, the key is turned and the waiting crowd let in as the clock strikes. To open and close punctually lends an air of seri- ousness and importance, and the children enjoy and respect a certain amount of discipline. 48 THE PLAY MOVEMENT When once in the yard, the babies flock to the sand box, their elders seek for toys or books, one monitor distributes horse reins, another skipping ropes or toy brooms, and there is a rush for the seats. Nothing adds so much to the com- fort of children and mothers as plenty of movable benches. Sometimes there is marching to the sound of a drum, and the waving of numberless flags. On two days in the week sewing cards and bright worsteds are the chief attraction, on two other days brilliantly colored soldiers, animals, rough riders, or hospital nurses are distributed to be "cut out. , ' There are, perhaps, seven or eight pairs of scissors in a yard, each pair hung upon a red string to pass over the head of the urchin using it. This fortunate youngster sits comfortably and prolongs his pleasure, as opposite him against the wall stands a wriggling line of his comrades awaiting their turn. They are much more excited and interested than they would be if there were scissors enough for all. The express carts run continually, two boys or girls pulling, two babies riding inside. Fifteen minutes is the usual time allowed for a trip. Kindergarten songs and games form an important part of every day's amusement, and under the guise of play an earnest effort is made to teach the brief creed .... "to play fair, keep clean, and speak the truth. ' ' As the closing hours approach the children gather the toys together, bring them to the matrons, aid in putting them away, and then form a line or a ring and file out of the gate one by one. The parents are frequently visitors. 2 Similar provision was made in New York City in 1889, through the initiative of two philan- thropic women, at 50th Street and the North Eiver; and again in 1891, at 99th Street and Sec- ond Avenue, under the auspices of the New York Society for Parks and Playgrounds. This play- 2 Ellen M. Tower, "Play Grounds and Sand Gardens," in World Wide, April 26, 1902. THE STAGES OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT 49 ground covering sixteen city lots, an area equiv- alent to about an acre, in a tenement district, was supervised by a caretaker and equipped with "apparatus for exercise, play, and comfort," consisting of "swings, see-saws, small wagons, wheelbarrows, shovels, footballs, flags, drums, banners, and a sand pile." Three additional playgrounds were opened by this society. 3 Two others were provided by settlements; one "under a wisteria vine in the back yard of the Nurses' Settlement on Henry Street in 1895"; the other, somewhat larger, in the yard of the Union Settle- ment on South 104th Street, in 1896. A sand garden type of playground was opened at Hull-House, Chicago, in 1894, on land donated by William Kent; in Philadelphia in 1893, when two playgrounds were opened, but without supervision, by philanthropic people, and again, through the co-operation of several soci- eties including the Civic Club, the Culture Exten- sion League, the College Settlement, and the City 3 With the opening of the first playground by this society, the movement in New York City received much loca) atten- tion. "On Saturday, November 21, 1891, twenty-seven promi- nent Jewish Rabbis spoke before their congregations on the need of playgrounds for children, and the next day one hun- dred clergymen preached on the same theme." A certain newspaper cast discredit upon the work of this society, how- ever, by claiming the movement as its own, endeavoring to make capital of it; and only three additional playgrounds were opened by it. Progress in New York was consequently slower than that in Boston, Chicago, and Philadelphia during the remainder of the last decade of the nineteenth century. A revival of city-wide interest began in 1897 with the ap- pointment of Mayor Strong's committer. The details of this awakening of interest will bo presented under the discussion of the "model play ; ~r*ound" stage. 50 THE PLAY MOVEMENT Park Association in 1893-94 ; 4 and in Providence, R. L, in 1894, under the auspices of the Union for Practical Progress and the Provident Free Kindergarten Association, after investigating what was done in Boston. These five cities (Boston, New York, Chicago,, Providence, and Philadelphia) are the only ones in which authentic reports 5 show provision for play to have been made during the period from* 1885 to 1895 ; and in each instance the sand gar- concerning the beginnings of permanent provision for play in Philadelphia, H. H. Buxton says: (Cf. E. B. Mero, American Playgrounds, p. 248) "The first meeting to con- sider the advisability of establishing playgrounds for chil- dren in the crowded districts was held in the winter of 1893 under the auspices of the City Park Association. The matter was kept before the public through the newspapers preceding a large meeting May 25, 1894. The City Park Association opened a playground that summer. "June 12, 1894, the Woman's Christian Temperance Union petitioned the board of education to keep open public school playgrounds during the summer months. A similar petition was communicated to the board in February of the following year by the people wiio had been advocating playgrounds. Further efforts were made to get the board of education to favor the movement. The favor was finally secured and four grounds were opened during July and August, 1895, as an experiment. The result was favorable so that for the year 1897 the appropriation was increased from $1,000 to $3,000. thus insuring the growth and efficiency of the movement. In 1898 twenty-five playgrounds were maintained by the board of education with the aid of the Civic Club." 5 According to statements published by the Playground and Recreation Association (Cf. The Playground, April, 1915, pp. 1 ff.), provision of an unspecified kind was made in Brooklyn in 1889 by the Brooklyn Society for Parks and Playgrounds, "on land donated for the purpose" and entailing for an uncer- tain time as much as "from $2,000 to $3,000, including the salary of a chief supervisor"; and in Golden Gate Park, San Francisco, in 1898. This latter provision did not include supervision, and the length of time during which it was main- tained is not mentioned. After fruitless efforts, the writer is unable to verify either of these stated provisions. If they occurred, they must have been sporadic. The events in Brook- THE STAGES OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT 51 den type was followed. This form of playground was also constructed in Pittsburgh in 1896; in Brooklyn, Baltimore, and Milwaukee in 1897 ; and in Cleveland, Minneapolis, and Denver in 1898. In the cities in which the movement began before 1895, it passed during these years into the sec- ond stage of its development. An analysis of the structure and function of the play movement during the first stage of its development, as indicated by Table III, discloses the following characteristics: (1) provision only for children of pre-adolescent age; (2) main- tenance during the vacation period, or July and August; (3) operation for only a portion of the day in three of the iive cities involved in the movement at that time; (4) equipment for out- door uses only, thus restricting service to that part of the year during which climatic conditions were favorable to outdoor play in sand and swings or upon see-saws; (5) location in densely populated sections of the city and on tenement courts, settlement or school yards, and parks in one city, while on vacant lots and school and set- tlement yards in the other four; (6) support by philanthropic societies and individuals, although using public land in four cities; (7) activities in- cluding both free and directed play, the latter being chiefly manual or folk and singing games lyn seem to have occurred after 1897, since the committee con- ducting the City Park Playground in that year stated, "So far as we are aware, the City Park Playground is the first one to have been established in Brooklyn." — Cf. Park Department Annual Report, 1897. 52 THE PLAY MOVEMENT > O To keep children off street and out of mischief and vice To keep children off street and out of mischief and vice To keep children off street and out of mischief and vice To keep children off street and out of mischief and vice To keep children off street and out of mischief and vice CO DO bo 2 S3 ■O !? d ^ O b oa bo 2 a 2 — ° a ce beg £2 02 co bo 2 a 5 ° a g oo os . gb ® 3 j+- *5 a* p g e a it tag £S 02 00 a a 2 2 3 mH— rt og c2? "3 art g g g a a bog £2 02 oa bo 2 a •qS — ° p 2 °o* 2 S b 03 a ^r-*- w 03 — rj £H 03 p P. g„ c g J5 C5 MS ^^ 02 o p. p. a 02 ■8 3 © (8 3 >-, O) w "2 . 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Recreation Commissions Recreation Surveys School Gardens Social Centers State Park Commission Sunday Recreation S .2 GO O 10 ~5 10 2 4 6 4 11 1 1 1 19 1 1 An analysis of the preceding evidence relative to the " civic art and welfare" stage discloses three objectives which shaped developments: (1) the desire to incorporate the dramatic, musical, 66 R. H. Edwards, Popular Amusements, p. 176. 132 THE PLAY MOVEMENT and dancing arts in the field of public provision for play and recreation in order to counteract the deleterious influences of the commercialized theatre and motion picture; (2) the impulse to regulate, not destroy, commercial amusements so as to conserve the social values potential in them ; (3) the belief in the efficacy of city-wide organi- zation for the promotion of art and welfare through activities conducted on a larger scale and open to promiscuous attendance, but inspected and chaperoned by public officials, in the place of the preceding smaller efforts in localities where attendance was limited to neighborhood groups. The first two objectives remained as a permanent contribution to the concept of the function of the movement, but the third was transitory and the disillusionment which followed it gave rise to the distinguishing features of the "neighborhood organization ' ' stage of the movement. The first of the three outstanding features of the "civic art and welfare" stage was the recog- nition of the legitimate desire of the people for drama, music, and dancing, on the one hand, and on the other, of the exploitation of that normal desire by commercialized amusements which "debased art for profit,' ' as Percy MacKaye 67 pointed out, while the philanthropic and religious societies generally "ignored art" although seek- ing to benefit society. 67 Percy MacKaye, The Civic Theatre in Its Relation to the Redemption of Leisure, 1912, p. 31. THE STAGES OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT 133 Now in organized leisure certain facts are to be noted. First, our leisure, where organized for amusement, recognizes art, but debases it for private profit. This is true of our commercial theatres, vaudeville houses, moving-picture shows, dance halls, etc. Secondly, our leisure, where organized for "education or religion," ignores art entirely while seeking to uplift the public without it. This is true of our public schools, universities, churches, libraries, etc. The notable exceptions are the playground associations, institutions for public music, and our sporadic festivals and pageants. The second characteristic of the period was the increase in knowledge, by communities, of conditions which prevailed in the leisure pur- suits of the public as set forth by private studies, such as that by M. M. Davis, Jr., 68 in New York City, and public investigations such as the recrea- tional surveys conducted in Kansas City, Milwau- kee, Cleveland, and elsewhere. These disclosures led directly to the injection of both restrictive and constructive measures designed to promote more wholesome conditions and a keener appreciation by the people of the true values in recreational activities. Consequently inspections increased, ordinances were passed by city councils, agitation for state recreational legislation made, and lec- tures, exhibits, and moving pictures introduced in increasing numbers into the existing recreation centers. The third distinctive feature was the imme- diate reaction to the situation disclosed by the 68 M. M. Davis, Jr., The Exploitation of Pleasure, Russell Sage Foundation. 134 THE PLAY MOVEMENT preceding two. The local centers were neither sufficient in number nor generally equipped with leadership and financial resources necessary to promote art or conserve the recreational values of the city at large. The existing facilities and organization were supplemented by city-wide ac- tion both restrictive and constructive. City and county festivals and pageants were presented, municipal dances were conducted, state and city ordinances regulating commercialized amusements or providing public recreations were passed, pub- lic welfare bureaus incorporating the provision of play facilities or the inspection of existing recreations as one of their functions were organ- ized, and municipal theatres and auditoriums were erected. But the populations concerned were too large, the situation too complex, for so simple a solution. The majority of provisions were ex- amples of recreation for the people rather than that of and by them as prevailed in both the pre- ceding and the subsequent stages. It became more and more apparent that men live in groups and must play in groups, as Gulick 69 pointed out, and that a reorganization of the method of adminis- tering the local recreation centers, instead of a city-wide attack upon the recreation problem in- dependent of them, was necessary. Its develop- ment constitutes the history of the subsequent stage. 69 L. H. Gulick and others, Minority Report, Memorandum on Recreation to New York Board of Estimate and Apportion- ment, 1913. THE STAGES OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT 135 F. The "neighborhood organization" stage , 1915-18. A sequel to the " civic art and welfare" stage of the play movement was that of "neigh- borhood organization." The methods of the for- mer in manifestation of the growing interest in community welfare, as exemplified on ^the one hand by municipal dances, civic music, commu- nity drama, and pageantry, and on the other by recreational legislation and the regulation and supervision of commercialized amusements, met with only moderate success as measures for the conservation of leisure in adjustment of the con- temporary social situation. The city-wide method of control and provision of recreational activities came far from yielding all that was expected of it. Among the restrictive measures, for example, the public inspection of commercial dance halls and the chaperonage of " municipal dances" was soon declared an ineffectual scheme for solving the "dance problem." The supervision of dance halls tends to establish public confidence in these places. Supervision only gives the halls a " surface' ' decency, and no kind of supervision can reach the evil influence of mixing unknown bad characters with those who are seeking innocent amusement. 70 Commercial recreation has signally failed to meet the demands of the people during the leisure period. Public recreation consciously aiming at the things agreed as best in our social organism, we feel, must take its place. Commercial recreation is charged with: debasing the tastes of the people; offering passive recreation only; anti- social tendencies . in breaking up the family groups seeking 70 Fourth Annual Report Department Public Welfare, Kan- sas City, Mo., 1913, p. 329. 136 THE PLAY MOVEMENT pleasure; consorting with vice; levying a terrific tax — perhaps over a hundred and fifty million a year in Chicago; never attempting developmental or educational programs. 71 Not only on the restrictive side, but with respect also to the constructive features of the "civic art and welfare " stage, were the attain- ments disappointing. The groups involved were too large and the events too infrequent. Grad- ually the inadequacy of the scheme was discerned and a decentralized plan of organization con- ceived. This plan was regional as well as func- tional. Its dynamic was the idea of locality ; and the neighborhood in place of the city, as in the former stage, was chosen as the unit of popula- tion and area upon which effort should be centered. The residents of the respective neigh- borhoods, corresponding in both area and popu- lation to the school districts of city and country, were asked to participate in both the control and the support of the scheme of provision for play undertaken in the vicinity of their homes. Ad- ministration of the recreation of the community was thereby decentralized, localized geographic- ally, and made democratic. By this adjustment, it was hoped, a general participation by adults as well as youths and children would result, and a greater number of centers, a more flexible pro- gram, and more frequent activities become pos- sible on account of the aid secured in leadership and financial support. 71 J. R. Richards, Superintendent of Playgrounds, South Park Commissioners, Chicago, in unpublished general letter to Park Directors, Dec. 9, 1914. THE STAGES OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT 137 The following is a contemporary statement of the concept of the function of " self -supporting' ' and " self-governing ' ' recreation centers: The leisure of our people has been handed over to com- merce. This has broken up the family circle. The father finds his happiness in the saloon; the boy seeks his pleasure in the poolroom, or with the gang; the daughter succumbs to the lure of glittering dance halls. The only force that will rebind the disintegrated family ties, insure the integrity of the home, concentrate domestic interests, is the school center The centers reach an average total of fifty thousand people per night (in New York). A small portion of the entire population of the city is thus served at the present time. If recreation is to be augmented so that it will reach ten times as many as it does now, it would cost the city in the neighborhood of $500,000 a year A close analysis of the operation of the recreation cen- ters discloses the fact that the greater part of the monetary appropriation is divided between the cost of supervision and the cost of equipment ' * Self-government ' ' may partly replace expert supervision, and " self-support ' ' may partly supply the financial sinews for the operating expenses. 72 The sense in which the terms " self -govern- ment' ' and "self-support" were used requires explanation at this point since neither was taken literally. Each was applied in a limited manner ; thus, in the financial support of public education and recreation the original cost of both school buildings, parks, and playgrounds was met through taxation, as was the expense of heating, lighting, cleaning, and maintenance of properties. 72 E. C. Gibney, Twentieth Annual Report of Superintend- ent of Schools, New York City, 1918, pp. 58-59. 138 THE PLAY MOVEMENT In the government or administration, likewise, public officials, both on general boards of control I and in local centers as expert leaders, exercised the right of veto of any action taken by a local group when the same was believed to be dele- terious to the larger welfare. As one observer 73 expressed it when speaking of city neighborhood organizations : Self-government and self-support cannot be absolute. There must be an official body that is responsible for public properties, which formulates salient policies, which stimulates local interest, which standardizes the mechanical aspects of the system through reports, permits, etc. In the "neighborhood organization ' ' stage of the play movement there was a revival of the underlying concept of the "recreation center/ ' but there was added to that instrument a new meaning and a more efficient method of operation. While making use of the same physical plant, the small park fieldhouse or the public-school build- ing, it utilized the principle of participation by all the residents of the locality in the support and control of the center as a "single, all-inclu- sive, organized society" 74 for deliberation and action upon all questions relative to their common life, play being one. The contribution of ' ' neigh- borhood organization' ' to the ' ' recreation center was nowhere more clearly stated than by Ward 7 who consistently used the term "social center' ' 73 E. C. Gibney, Twentieth Annual Report of Superintend- ent of Schools, New York City, p. 74. 74 E. J. Ward, The Social Center, p. 253. 75 Ibid. 175 THE STAGES OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT 139 to describe the type of organized neighborhood that was receiving attention at this time. In America, where the basic essential of society is its democratic sovereignty, the term "social" center is properly used only of an institution built upon a foundation of demo- cratic expression. The social center of any community is the place where the members of that community have their headquarters of expression as a single, all-inclusive, organ- ized society The polling place is the center, and all the center there is, in most communities. When the school- house is made the headquarters of the community organiza- tion, either for voting or for deliberation, or both, then, and only then, does it become the social center. While the schoolhouse used as merely a recreation center is not immoral, as the privately run pleasure resort is likely to be, neither is it positively moral. It is a negatively good institution. In order to be positively good, in order to be constructively moral, it must be democratic, for positive moral development comes only with self-expression under self-restraint, that is, with democracy. So extensively was the plan of " self-govern- ment " and " self-support' ' of recreation through "neighborhood organization ' ' applied that the prevailing plan of " public' ' administration was altered as "over-head" organization developed in the form of advisory committees represen- tative of the respective local centers. These committees co-operated with the public officials appointed by government to administer play- grounds, parks, or school plants, and devised ways and means for a more efficient financial assistance on the part of the respective "neigh- borhood associations." Here for the first time 140 THE PLAY MOVEMENT in the history of the play movement did the pro- vision of facilities and the organization of activ- ities come from the people, "from the bottom np instead of from the top down," as one writer expressed it. 76 The first of these overhead organ- izations to be effected was that of the Commnnity Center Conference of Chicago, established in April, 1916, while the most complete was probably that of the League of Neighborhood School Cen- ters of New York, formed in February, 1917. 77 The outstanding feature of this stage, how- ever, was the "neighborhood council' ' or, as it came to be known later, the "community coun- cil,' ' in connection with "neighborhood associa- tions" at first and "community organization" in the end. Local societies and institutions were correlated in the "councils." Both departments of government, as those of health, recreation, public welfare, police, etc., and city, state, and national voluntary associations of a philanthropic character, co-operated to mutual advantage. As a result of these connections, the field of activities of the ' ' recreation centers ' ' was greatly widened. Among the types that were newly organized or greatly extended were the "community forum," the "town meeting," the "community press," the "welfare exhibits," lectures on civic themes, motion pictures, "social surveys," "co-operative stores," "co-operative banks," and "community days." 76 E. C. Gibney, Cf. 20th Annual Report of Superintendent of Schools, New York City, 1918, pp. 72, 79. 77 Ibid. THE STAGES OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT 141 The origin of the concept of the structure and function of the "neighborhood organization" stage may be traced to two sources: the one, theoretical; the other, practical. These sources furnished the explanations and the types of activi- ties, respectively, of this stage of the movement and brought it into a functional union with scien- tific study of the problem of community organi- zation on the one side and with the traditional community institutions and heritages of Ameri- can life on the other. The former pertained to the re-valuation of the neighborhood by students of political and social science, the latter to the revival of the neighborhood relation under the changed social situation. As the nineteenth cen- tury had wrought a deterioration of the neigh- borhood, so the twentieth was to work out its reconstruction. The neighborhood, it was pointed out, could no longer be disregarded by either the politician or the social worker. Its function in the complicated society of today was held to be comparable 78 to that which it performed in the evo- lution of society, and welfare movements includ- 78 Cf. Robert A. Woods, "The Neighborhood in Social Re- construction," Proceedings and Papers of the American Socio- logical Society, 1913. "It is, I believe, one of the most important, and one of the most slighted, considerations affect- ing all the social sciences, that the neighborhood relation has a function in the maintenance and progress of our vast and infinitely complicated society today which is not wholly beneath comparison with the function which it exercised in the creative evolution of that society. But there are today signs of a wholly new emphasis, both theoretical and practical, upon the function of the neighborhood as affecting the whole contemporary social process." 142 THE PLAY MOVEMENT ing that of play and recreation must work from it as well as toward it, by it as well a§ for it. The process by which this end was to be attained was designated "neighborhood organization" or " neighborhood reconstruction ' ' at the outset and, "community organization' ' after the plan of adjustment was perfected. The organization of the residents in the respective local districts was known variously as the "neighborhood associa- tion, ' ' the ' ' neighborhood ' ' or " community coun- cil/' or the "organized community.' ' Among the theoretical contributions involving a re-valuation of the neighborhood by students of social science was that of Cooley, 79 in 1909, who designated the neighborhood as a "primary group" instrumental both in producing human nature and in molding institutions. Another widely read monograph was that of Wilcox, 80 in 1911, in which the deterioration of the "local cen- ters ' ' of social organization in urban communities was deplored and their reconstruction, recom- mended. In 1911, also, Woodrow Wilson, 81 in a 79 C. H. Cooley, Social Organization, Chas. Scribners and Sons, pp. 23 ff. 80 Delos F. Wilcox, The American City, The Macmillan Co., chaps, i, viii. 81 Woodrow Wilson, "The Social Center, A Means' of Com-^ mon Understanding," University of Wisconsin Extension Divi- sion, Bulletin. "It is necessary that simple means should be found by which .... we may get together .... bring all men into common counsel and so discover what is the common interest. That is the problem of modern life which is so specialized that it is almost devitalized, so disconnected that the tides of life will not flow. There is no sovereignty of the people if the several sections of the people are at loggerheads with one another. Sovereignty comes with co-operation." THE STAGES OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT 143 paper read before the first national "social cen- ter" conference at Madison, Wisconsin, pointed out the necessity of bringing "all men into com- mon counsel and so discovering what is the com- mon interest ' ' ; while Gulick, 82 that year, declared in New York, that "the people themselves through the effort of organized voluntary groups, shall make their own recreation, govern it, and pay for it," in their uses of public playgrounds and school plants. In 1913, Ward 83 stated that it was "of the greatest importance to point out the truth that without a basis in self-government, there is no positive moral training in the recrea- tional use" of public facilities provided for that purpose, but it remained for Woods, S4 December, 82 Luther H. Gulick, "Memorandum on Recreation Ad- dressed to the New York Board of Estimate and Apportion- ment, by its Sub-committee," The Survey, August 23, 1913. "Those men and women who are members of private clubs insist on being allowed to spend their social hours with their own group, among people who want what they want in the way they want it. The great mass of people, who have no private clubs, are entitled to these same privileges. They too are entitled to pay for their own recreation, to govern their own recreation, and to spend their leisure hours with their own social group. The social center, whether it be on school property, park property, or other property, is such by reason of the very fact that it gives this kind of right to the average man, woman, or child The aim of the social center is that public money shall provide simply the basic physical op- portunity for recreation, while the people themselves, through the effort of organized voluntary groups, shall make their own recreation, govern it, and pay for it. The social center is not a form of paternalism, for it merely provides the channels through which the social life can flow, just as the street pro- vides the channel through which the physical city is able to move." 83 E. J. Ward, The Social Center, Appleton, 1913, pp. 252 ff. 84 Robert A. Woods, "The Neighborhood in Social Recon- struction," Proceedings of the American Sociological Society, 1913. First read before the meeting of the American Socio- 144 THE PLAY MOVEMENT 1913, to indicate precisely the concept of the function of the neighborhood in the recreational provision of the community. The neighborhood is large enough to include in essence all the problems of the city, the state, and the nation On the other hand, it is small enough to be a comprehensible and manageable community unit. It is in fact the only one that is comprehensible and manageable; the true reason why city administration breaks down is that the conception of the city breaks down. The neighborhood is concretely conceiv- able; the city is not, and will not be except as it is organic- ally integrated through its neighborhoods. Among the practical sources of the origin of the concept of "neighborhood organization" were the many manifestations of community spirit and the collective capacity of the common people in the history of America. The foremost example was probably the New England ' ' town meeting. ' ' This institution was often cited as the prototype of the self-governing and self-supporting plan of admin- istration of recreation. An instance follows : Americans are growing too prone to participate in na- tional affairs only during political campaigns. The passing of the old town meeting has created a crying need for some vehicle by which the static citizen may be converted into the dynamic citizen by constant participation in public affairs. 85 logical Society at Minneapolis, December 27, 1913, but given also before the City Club of Chicago, December 31, following. At this meeting a number of recreation administrators were present, and Mr. E. B. DeGroot, Secretary of the Playground Association of Chicago, and formerly Superintendent of Play- grounds and Sports of the South Park Commissioners, pre- sided. Here was a point of contact between the scientific and the practical groups. 85 Eugene C. Gibney, 20th Annual Report, Superintendent of Schools, New York, 1918. THE STAGES OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT 145 Even the term "town meeting" was used by some to describe the conduct of an organized neighborhood in conjunction with a school or park recreation center. Another prototype was the neighborhood rec- reational gatherings of the nineteenth century which had become less frequent and in some com- munities abandoned entirely: It is generally agreed that there are fewer opportunities for the people of the country to get together and have a gen- eral good time than there used to be. There used to be the husking bees, the barn raisings, the threshing days, even the log rollings. There used to be the apple cuttings, the bean stringings, the sugar makings. There used to be the spelling bees, the old-time ' ' literaries, ' ' the ' ' heated ' ' debates. There are not so many of these "diversions" today. In many communities all of these have been entirely abandoned. Nothing has taken their places. 86 The attention of play leaders was directed to the schoolhouse as the more universally accessible facility that might serve as the stage of action for collective recreational pursuits and its place in the neighborhood life of the former generation was recalled. 87 The public libraries were also cited as examples of what could be done by col- lective effort, 88 while among the more recent at- tempts were the "Hesperia movement,' ' the 86 L. J. Hanifan, Community Social Gatherings, 1914, p. 6. 87 E. J. Ward, Songs of the Neighborhood (mimeographed collection for use in recreational centers and neighborhood associations). 88 "The library in almost every instance has grown up as the spontaneous expression of the ideals of the people and of their characteristic -determination to realize them." — Joseph Lee, Constructive and Preventive Philanthropy, p. 11. 146 THE PLAY MOVEMENT " grange,' ' the "consolidated school,' ' and the 11 co-operative buying and marketing" enterprises. These movements and institutions were studied by practical workers in the field of playground and recreation administration as types of col- lective enterprises that offered suggestions for either the content or method of " neighborhood organization. ' ' While it is quite impossible to measure the influence of each of the authors and prototypes cited above upon the development of " neighbor- hood organization," that both were instrumental is a fact. During the years between 1910 and 1917, in which the present writer was associa- ted with the development of neighborhood and community organization in connection with the play and recreation centers of Chicago, the ideas of these authors and the examples of community effort presented above were discussed at both the local meetings and the national conferences of play directors. Among the latter, special men- tion may be made of the annual conventions of the Playground and Eecreation Association of America; at New York, in 1915, the general sub- ject being, "The Awakening of Neighborhood Life in America ' ' ; and at Grand Eapids, in 1916, "Community Building through Play." In this connection, also, attention should be called to three other series of annual conferences, namely, (1) the National Conference on Community Centers, at New York in 1916 and at Chicago in 1917; THE STAGES OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT 147 (2) the National Conference of Social Work; 89 (3) the meetings of the National Social Unit Organization at New York, during the same period. The personnel of each of these groups of conferences was much the same, including many recreational administrators, and their pro- grams voiced the prevailing sentiment of the play movement between 1915 and 1918. Among the urban communities in which "neighborhood organization ' ' was attempted as a method of administering play facilities, Chicago and New York City lead, seconded by Philadel- phia and Cincinnati. Progress in recreational provision in these four cities will now be analyzed, and a survey made of similar developments in rural communities during the same period. In this survey special reference will be made to Wis- consin, Massachusetts, West Virginia, Illinois, and Kansas. 89 Among the papers read at the National Conferences of Social Work held during the period from 1915 to 1918 are the following: 1915, Hanmer, "Organizing the Neighborhood for Recreation." 1916, Harrison, "Community Action Through Surveys." 1916, Burns, "Organization of Community Forces." 1916, DeLong, "The School as a Community Center." 1917, Woods, "The City and Its Local Community Life." 1917, Todd, "Reconstruction of Existing Rural Agencies." 1917, Lindemann, "Boys' and Girls' Clubs as Community Builders." 1918, Bellamy, "A Community Recreation Program for Juve- niles." 1918, Burchard, "Community Councils and Community Cen- ters." 1918, Elliott, "A Community Store in a Neighborhood House." 1918, Ingram, "A Community Kitchen in a Neighborhood House." 1918, Wilson, "Rural Centers of Community Activity." 148 THE PLAY MOVEMENT In Chicago, the development of organized neighborhoods or " little communities'' was ef- fected in connection with the "small park recre- ation centers" and the "community centers' ' in the public schools. The nature of the structure and concept of the former is disclosed by the fol- lowing general letter of the superintendent of the South Park Playgrounds to directors of the "small parks," under date of December 9, 1914, setting forth the policy of administration for the coming year: 90 Recreation is a word descriptive of all that is done during the leisure period of the people. It is not one activ- ity, nor a term applicable to one part of the community; it is so comprehensive that it includes all of the people and all their recreation, all the time It is the aim of each park to establish this year (1915) a permanently progressive and constructive policy of efficient service to all the com- ponent groups of its community. To do this definite organ- ization is necessary, comprehensive and flexible, but precise enough to accomplish results. The better articulation with the community is the plan, and the hearty co-operation with and from the community is asked. Perhaps we must plead, we must cajole to get it — but we must get it. The three fundamental and generic purposes to be se- cured are: (1) preservation of health, (2) raising of civic and industrial standards, (3) increasing industrial efficiency. To accomplish, or to begin, the above program the organ- ization of the four, more or less, distinctive groups of the community is to be made. Group I. The mature men and women, who are inter- ested in the essential things and are carrying the responsi- 90 J. R. Richards, General Letter (unpublished) to Direc- tors of Parks, December 9, 1914, "Statement of the Construc- tive Plan of Community Work to be Established at Each Park." THE STAGES OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT 149 bilities and paying the taxes; the parents of the children and others. This group must furnish advice and aid in making possible this plan of efficient service. They should be counseled on the way to do a thing and called in to help. They will not furnish ideas or a program at first, but will be impressed with and aid this scheme, if it is put to them rightly. Group II. Younger men and women, those interested very largely in social pleasures, dancing, etc. This group may be reached by co-ordinating the different social organ- izations now existing at each park. Organize a senate from their delegates and many things may be accomplished. From them should come dramatic, literary, and musical recruits. They can be educated into real social intercourse and not allowed to dissipate all their energies on the dance. Group III. The members of gymnasium classes and boys and girls competing in local park athletics. An association with self-governing features and efficient co-operation will be formed. A plan to reward worth, and not winners alone, will be put into operation. Group IV. Little children. A modified junior city is to be tried, with ideals of mutual helpfulness and self-govern- ment. A savings bank is planned to develop thrift and responsibility. While the organization of the community had been made by one park 91 before the formulation of the policy outlined in the above letter, by the close of the year 1915, seven of the existing eleven all-year centers of the South Park Commissioners had either completed, or were in, the process of organization. 92 During the subsequent two years, ei The Hamilton Park Neighborhood Council was organized October-December, 1914. 92 Cf. Annual Report South Park Commissioners, 1915, p. 68. "With a view of articulating the parks with the neighbor- hood and securing a Conscious community spirit and collective effort in solving community problems, we have been busy the 150 THE PLAY MOVEMENT practically all of the twenty-five park recreation centers in the city developed some form of " neighborhood organization. ' ' The term chosen by all to designate the organization of each cen- ter was "community council." The form of organization of the respective "park community councils" differed in details. In some the parents of the children formed the nucleus of the community organization; in others, representatives of the existing local socie- ties and institutions constituted the "community council;" while in still others, membership in the "council" was open to the entire neighborhood, including in its ' ' executive committee ' ' some indi- viduals who were representatives of local organi- zations and others who were not members of neighborhood societies. The "standing commit- tees" or "departments" of the respective "coun- cils" differed in number and name. Those of the Hamilton Park Neighborhood Council were the following: membership, publicity, ways and past year in organizing the various communities of our dis- trict. Participation was the keynote of the whole plan as it is with all effective training. Weekly meetings of directors were held and plans thoroughly discussed. Many problems presented themselves, such as the necessity of creating a com- munity sentiment in the park locality before real community effort could be undertaken, and the best way to secure neigh- borhood counsellors and workers. Of course, directors were not equally responsible, and better work has been done in some parks than others. Progress, however, has been made and organizations of neighborhoods are in existence at Palmer Park, Bessemer Park, Russell Square, and Hamilton Park, and have been started at Davis Square and Mark White Square. Armour Square is getting in shape to begin and the other parks will follow soon." THE STAGES OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT 151 means, program, vigilance, welfare, improvement, home and markets, education, civics, athletics, social, musical, dramatic, literary, arts and crafts, and outdoor life. 93 The pioneer work of " neigh- borhood organization" attempted at the " small parks" encountered many difficulties: (1) The population of each "district" was too large. (2) The boundaries of the respective districts were not definitely fixed. (3) The greater number of the parks were arbitrarily located and the re- spective districts surrounding them possessed, therefore, no natural unity due to geography, in- dustry, or demography. (4) The park commis- sioners rigidly enforced an antiquated ordinance forbidding political meetings. (5) Another rule prohibited any individual or group to charge admission fees, solicit funds, or sell articles for any purpose, philanthropic, community, or other- wise, while using park facilities. This last named restriction limited the financial resources to mem- bership dues and voluntary subscriptions and proved a great handicap to the work of the " coun- cils." Table XI discloses the plan of organization of the Hamilton Park Neighborhood Council, typi- cal of those of the South Parks during 1915-18. On the left hand side is a list of the societies and institutions in the neighborhood, and on the 93 For description of the duties of these committees and full constitution of this particular "council," cf. "Community Organization," C. E. Rainwater, Sociological Monograph No. 15, Southern California Sociological Society, 1920. 152 THE PLAY MOVEMENT ID N 1 I K > < k o S K^ W t » kj $ K fp ll ^ ^i a w un $ s kj u 5 THE STAGES OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT 155 right hand side are the departments of city gov- ernment and societies outside the neighborhood, that were correlated with the "council. " In the center is the executive committee composed of the regular officers and the chairman and mem- bers of the "board of directors,' ' or chairman of the standing committees. The director of the Park was elected annually to the office of chair- man of the board of directors. The committees were of three types: (1) those having to do with the maintenance of the " council ;" (2) those directly at work on problems of social welfare; (3) those popularly regarded as having "recrea- tional" functions. "Neighborhood organization" in the public schools of Chicago enjoyed greater resources in securing financial support than were permitted in the parks ; but this advantage was offset by other facts, notably the character of the school plants which in comparison with the ' ' small parks ' ' were ill-adapted to community organization purposes. Notwithstanding this handicap there were thirty- nine "community centers," the official name by which the neighborhood organizations were known, conducted in schoolhouses during 1916, the mid-year of the "neighborhood organization" stage. Twelve were opened that season. The number of evenings per week during which the respective "centers" were conducted was two, and the maximum number of evenings for a sin- gle "center" was forty-five. Of the twelve new L^ 154 THE PLAY MOVEMENT " centers,' ' four were " self-supporting. ' ' These were Brentano, Lane, Sabin, and Norwood Park. 94 The Armstrong, the oldest school com- munity center in the city schools, was already self- supporting. In these the Board of Education bore the expense of opening the building, involv- ing heat, light, janitor service, and salary of the 94 The structure and concept of the school "community centers" is disclosed by the description given of two in the Annual Report of the Superintendent of Schools, Chicago, for 1916. Brentano. — The Brentano Neighborhood Association was formed with annual dues of one dollar per year for the mem- bers, the proceeds of the memberships to be used to finance the center. The neighborhood is one in which the same facil- ities persist from one generation to another. One man was principal of the school for nearly thirty years, and was prin- cipal when the center started. The possibilities were in the neighborhood. A leader was found, capable, willing, and able to give the time. He appointed chairmen of the various com- mittees who were enthusiastic and willing to work The programs for the two evenings (during which the center was conducted each week) were different: Monday night for work, and Friday night for play The only persons paid were the orchestra and the gymnasium instruc- tor; all others contributed their services. The attendance of young children was discouraged. Sabin. — In March, at the suggestion of the district super- intendent in charge, the principal tried to organize the com- munity for community center purposes. The neighborhood had not asked for the center; consequently it was necessary to get people together who were interested in such movements. From the head resident of Association House oh West North Avenue the names were secured of persons who might help. .... Several meetings were called at the school, and among those who attended were representatives of Association House, the Juvenile Protective Association, the Eleanor Clubs, the Fifteenth Ward Civic League, the Jewish Educational Alli- ance, the Y. M. C. A., and the Northwestern Settlement. A free entertainment was planned at which a prominent judge made an address explaining the purposes in view. The assemblage thereupon formed a permanent organization called the Sabin Community Council, with a president, secretary, several vice-presidents, and a treasurer All the helpers were volunteers. i THE STAGES OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT 155 principal, together with a small amount for games and other material, while all other expenses were met by the people participating. The aver- age expense to the school board in these centers was about $16.00 for each night on which they were conducted. In the centers that were not organized for " self-support' ' and in which the school board met all expenses, the cost was about $28.00 per night. Thus the " self -supporting' ' centers bore 57% of their expenditures. 95 Com- menting on the progress made toward self-govern- ment and support, and indicating the significance attached to this feature of the community centers, the superintendent of schools 96 said: One of the most encouraging features which have at- tended the work is that of local organization and neighbor- 95 Financial Report, Brentano Neighborhood Association, from January 1, 1916, to July 1, 1916. RECEIPTS Prom membership dues— 580 at $1.00 $580.00 For advertising ads 22.00 Benefit concert ticket sale 61.65 1438 admission fees for dancing classes, 15c.... 215.70 Total $879.35 EXPENSES Gymnasium instructors $102.50 Music for dances and gymnasium 176.00 Rents to Board of Education* 110.00 Paid lectures 57.25 Printing 194.45 Miscellaneous 194.10 Total $834.30 Balance on hand Juiy i, 1916 $ 45.05 ♦This center used the school building on many evenings in addition to the two per week given free by the Board of Education. 86 John D. Shoop, 62nd Annual Report Superintendent of Schools, Chicago, 1916, p. 1. 156 THE PLAY MOVEMENT hood assistance. Many of these centers are managed largely by officials who have been selected by the citizens of the community at large. Local autonomy is recognized as one of the important features of the community center management, and out of this plan of organization an enthusiasm has grown that augurs well for the future use of school buildings as a point at which the interests of the community will center. The development of the concept of ' ' neighbor- hood organization ' ' in Chicago led to that of the i function of an " overhead' ' organization as an indispensable adjunct to the local "councils" and " centers,' ' evolving in connection with park field- houses and schools. Such an instrument, it was thought, would facilitate mutual aid between "neighborhood organizations,' ' as in the provi- sion of speakers for forums, of talent for enter- tainments, and the exchange of experiences, and build up a functional relationship between the ' ' councils ' ' and the respective departments of city government and voluntary agencies immediately related to the organized neighborhoods; as for example, the department of health, or the asso- ciated charities, as well as the school and park boards. During the previous year many adjust- ments had become obviously necessary if the effi- cacy of the organized neighborhoods was to be realized and the scheme of democratic adminis- tration of the recreational institutions made successful. Consequently, in April, 1916, repre- sentatives of all the organized neighborhoods in Chicago met at the City Club and formed the Com- THE STAGES OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT 157 munity Centers Conference. The function of this conference as denned in its constitution was : 97 The discussion of community center organization, admin- istration and maintenance ; mutual aid in arranging programs and entertainments; recommendations to public and private agencies upon community center matters, and whatever else may be deemed advisable. This was the first attempt, as far as the writer is aware, to correlate both officials and private citizens, experts and laymen, in an " overhead' ' organization, with advisory rather than disciplin- ary power, designed to promote self-government and self-support through collective neighborhood effort as a method of procedure in the adminis- tration of play and recreation. It remained active until the war, when the community councils dis- placed it. In New York, the development of " neighbor- hood organization ' ' as a decentralized and demo- cratic scheme of administration of play was organically related to the "recreation center' ' stage and made in connection with the small park and public school "social centers, ' ,98 of which there were about sixty in 1914. The connecting link between the two stages of development was the Social Center Committee formed in 1912 as a result of the national conference on social centers 97 Unpublished manuscript of the Constitution of the Com- munity Center Conference, Chicago. 98 The term "social center," as employed in New York at that time, designated a juvenile recreation center rather than "a single, all-inclusive organized society" as defined by Ward. Cf. above. 158 THE PLAY MOVEMENT 99 that met in Madison, Wisconsin, in October, 1911. The intermediary steps that led to the concept of structure and function characterizing the "neighborhood organization ' ' stage included the following eight: (1) the conduct of self-sustain- ing public forums in some of the schools of Brook- lyn; (2) the attempt to demonstrate a complete "social center," "self -governing" and "self- supporting, ' ' at the McKinley School, Manhattan ; (3) the organization of "neighborhood associa- tions' ' in connection with the school social cen- ters as a method of promoting self-government and self-support, these "associations" being given the privilege of charging admission fees to entertainments held under their auspices and of raising money in other prescribed ways, such as, membership dues and the sale of articles at fairs, bazaars, etc.; (4) the holding of a "neighborhood "The situation in New York at this time is described by John Collier in a monograph entitled "Community Organiza- tion and the Great Decision," which appeared in July, 1919, in the Seward Park Community Center Magazine. "Eight years ago (1911), New York possessed social settlements, half a dozen forums, two neighborhood betterment societies, and fifty-five public school recreation centers for boys and girls. This practically measured the extent of conscious community organization in a population of five million people. There was political organization; there were reform societies; there was organized labor, just becoming conscious of its world power and its community obligations; there were churches, benefit societies, secret societies, racial groups. There was an expen- diture of one hundred million dollars a year by New York City in educating, healing, and otherwise modifying human beings. New York was a labyrinth of labyrinths of special, exclusive, partial, non-social human organization. The great impersonal, economic process of factory, and bank, and store did give a certain unity to the people's life, but it was an unconscious unity, a unity of cogs, of braces and fly-wheels in an uncon- scious machine." THE STAGES OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT 159 workers institute" at the New York School of Philanthropy in June, 1914, 100 of a seminary in "community center work" under the auspices of the New York Social Center Committee, in the spring of 1915, and the organization of the New York Training School for Community Workers with Luther H. Gulick as President, through the promotion of the People 's Institute in the autumn of 1915 ; 101 (5) the appointment by the board of education of a "director of community centers" in the public schools; 102 (6) the creation of 1 i health districts ' ' in connection with the ' ' neigh- borhood associations" in the schools, where a representative of the health department of the city co-operated with the neighborhood society in looThis institute was conducted for "secretaries of neigh- borhood associations, leaders of school social centers and others." Among the topics discussed were "programs for clubs and classes and the general problem of neighborhood organ- ization .... and their relation to a city social program." This institute was "endorsed by the officers of the National Federation of Settlements and conducted in co-operation with the New York Association of Neighborhood Workers." Cf. Bulletin of New York School of Philanthropy (now the New York School of Social Work) for 1914-16, General Announce- ment, pp. 38-39. ioiThe names of the consultants and lecturers for the second year included among others: Carol Aronovici, Edw. M. Barrows (Associate Director), John Collier (Director), M. M. Davis, Mrs. J. Gilmore Drayton (Ex. Secretary), Luther H. Gulick, Shelby Harrison, Joseph Lee, Percy MacKaye, C. A. Perry, Edw. F. Sanderson (Director People's Institute) and Mrs. V. G. Simkhovitch. The first year's attendance was lim- ited to 36, of whom 25 received diplomas, and 17 held posi- tions through the school year in neighborhood organization and related fields. — The New York Training School for Com- munity Workers, General Announcement, 1916-17, p. 2. 102 This officer was Eugene C. Gibney, formerly a director of one of the public school recreation centers and an alumnus of the Training School for Community Workers. 160 THE PLAY MOVEMENT adapting the machinery of the department to their needs; (7) the organization of "community clear- ing houses ' ' in connection with the school centers, where a citizen of the neighborhood might obtain any information concerning the municipal or phil- anthropic agencies accessible to him in solving a personal or group problem and to which he, too, might bring his own resources in some undertak- ing of common interest; 103 (8) the organization of "community councils/ ' first on a "personal" and later a "group unit" basis. 104 About 1915 the term "community center" came into use, in New York, when referring to the agency or instrument through which "neighbor- hood organization" was being effected. During that year sixteen "community centers" were be- ing developed in schoolhouses alone, but within three years the number had increased to eighty- five, the work having been greatly propagated by the People's Institute. The concept of "neigh- borhood organization ' ' as formulated at the begin- 103 The community clearing house developed out of the research conducted by Mildred Taylor for the committee on the unadjusted child. It constituted a stepping stone between the community center and the community council, and was referred to by local workers as "the neighborhood gateway to all the resources of New York." "Here any citizen could find out how to get whatever he needed and how to offer his serv- ices for anything he wanted done. At this headquarters any agent of government or of private welfare work could call into service any other agent whose help was needed in any task of discovering and meeting human need. Thirteen city depart- ments joined in a quasi-official way to make effective the work of the community clearing house." — John Collier, supra. 104 For a definition of the sense in which the terms "per- sonal" and "group" unit are here used, cf. p. 163. THE STAGES OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT 161 ning* of this period is indicated by the following : 10a The neighborhood spirit finds expression through the community center. In general a community center is a place where the people of a locality may unite in their own way for the expression and enjoyment of whatever interests they have in common. It is founded on the schoolhouse, as this is apt to be the only effective building owned by the people together. It leads to the establishment .... of every human expression of a neighborhood 's interest in behalf of its people. The vital characteristic of a community center is its absolute democracy. Cities, or schools, or park boards, or private enterprise may evolve elaborate systems for benefiting the people, but these systems are developed externally and applied from the outside, while the community center reflects the spontaneous desires of the people of a neighborhood, is developed by the people themselves, and is maintained through their own leaders in their own way. It does not belong within the field of this report to write a complete history of community cen- ters in New York City ; 106 the references here made 105 New York Training School for Community Workers, Announcement for 1916-17. 106 If the reader is interested in this line of investigation, he is referred to the following sources as being among the most valuable: (a) Community Councils of New York City, State- ment of Work and Problems, prepared for the conference held at the home of Mrs. Frank A. Vanderlip at Scarborough-on- Hudson, July 12, 1919; (b) "Community Organization and the Great Decision," John Collier, Seward Park Community Center Magazine, July, 1919; (c) Twentieth Annual Report of the Superintendent of Schools of New York, 1918; (d) "Community Centers in Social Education," Papers and Proceedings, Ameri- can Sociological Society, Vol. XIII, pp. 111-16; (e) "Community Councils," Conference of Social Work, John Collier; (f) TJie Community Center, magazine of the National Community Cen- ter Association; (g) The Community Clearing House, Mildred Taylor, 1917, a pamphlet published at 227 East 22nd St., New York City; (h) "Why Community Organization," by John Collier, and his discussion of another paper by John L. Elliott on "Some Neighborhood Needs" at the National Social Unit Conference, Cincinnati, October 23-25, 1919. 162 THE PLAY MOVEMENT to them are limited to their relation to the play movement, that is, to the fact of the development within the play movement of a "community cen- ter' ' or "neighborhood organization ' ' stage, and to the community center as a phase of the play movement. A reciprocal relation existed between the two, and the field which they occupied in com- mon was that of "neighborhood organization' ' for the administration of play. The object here is, thus, merely to define the structure and the concept of the function of the "neighborhood organization" stage as it was manifested in New York between about 1915 and 1918. The facts of greatest importance in the discussion here are, accordingly, those relative to the method of pro- cedure followed in organizing neighborhoods for the administration of play. These involve (1) "neighborhood associations," (2) "community councils," (3) the "overhead" organization of the ' ' councils. ' ' While the ' ' community centers ' ' and "councils" had a greater significance than merely that of serving as a medium for the administration of play, in the sense in which the term is used in this study, 107 it remains true that they also had that meaning and were originated in play centers. An analysis of the development of the method or technique of "neighborhood organization" in New York City shows that the first attempts to organize neighborhoods consisted of the forma- 107 Cf. pp. 4-8 above. THE STAGES OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT 163 tion of a number of "neighborhood associations. ' ' These societies were "homogeneous groups" 108 whose membership comprised persons, living in the vicinity of the schoolhouse in which the "asso- ciation" was organized, who participated volun- tarily and independently of any connection that they may have had with a local institution or society. There was, thus, no functional union of the "neighborhood association" with local groups; no members were approved delegates of organizations already existing in the neighbor- hood or out of it. Now these "associations," it was observed, tended to disintegrate after the original enthusiasm that gave rise to them had ceased. A realization of this fact led in time to a reorganization of the "associations," whereby their control was vested in a "council" composed in part of delegates from each of the functional groups of the locality and the respective social agencies and departments of government active in that vicinity, and in part from the member- ship of the association at large. The functional groups were usually those interested in music, dramatics, games, athletics, dances, or labor union activities, while the social agencies embraced the philanthropic societies and the departments of government, those of health, education, correc- tion, and recreation. This was the origin of the "community councils;" and it is clear from the 108 John Collier, in discusion of paper, "Some Neighbor- hood Needs," read at National Social Unit Conference, Cincin- nati, October, 1919. 164 THE PLAY MOVEMENT nature of the groups correlated with the " neigh- borhood organization" that the function of the " councils" was predominantly recreational. The "councils" were, primarily, instruments used in the decentralized and democratic administra- tion of play. They were "self-governing" as far as it was possible for an organization using public property to be so, and "self-supporting" as far as the additional expenses necessitated by their use of the schoolhouse were involved. Membership dues, admission fees, and the sale of commodities were the principal sources of their financial income, no public appropriations being made for their maintenance after the second year. The application of the method of "self-gov- ernment" and "self-support" of "community councils," as the neighborhood organizations were then called, logically led, in New York as it had done previously in Chicago, to a sequence of attempts in ' * overhead ' ' organization for the pro- motion of greater efficiency in the work of the local "councils." Service, not control, was the object, and the correlation of programs and money getting activities was the method of the "overhead" organization experiments. The first step in this direction was the formation of the "League of Neighborhood School Centers" after a series of meetings beginning on February 8, 1917. The objects of this league, as outlined in its constitution were as follows: (a) To form a closer union between Recreation and Com- munity Centers, (b) To make the school the People's Club. THE STAGES OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT 165 (c) To develop the Neighborhood School Centers to their maximum of service and efficiency by co-operative treatment of the following: (1) community choruses, orchestras, and concerts, (2) motion pictures, (3) dramatic performances, (4) athletics, (5) forums, (6) clubs, (7) dances, (8) game and reading rooms, (9) such other activities as may develop. (d) To arrange for co-operation between the centers in the following manner: (1) by arranging co-operative money raising activities, (2) by gathering information regarding availability of talent and arranging for the interchange of same, (3) by arranging athletic meets, (4) by arranging for the interchange of equipment, (5) by the publication of a periodical, and arranging for any other desirable publicity. (e) To co-operate with the Council of Community Center workers to the end of securing their advice and assistance. 109 Subsequently, "district co-operative leagues" were formed, the chairmen of the respective dis- trict leagues constituting the executive committee of the League of Neighborhood School Centers. Each local center was represented by a delegate in the district league, of which there were eleven in 1918. 110 On July 1, 1919, "A City Parliament of Councils " was formed, a further elaboration of " overhead'' organization. 111 109 Twentieth Annual Report of Superintendent of Schools. New York City, 1918, p. 79. ^Ibid. m As stated above, by 1918 the term "community council" had displaced that of "community center" as the name by which the organized neighborhood was known. Consequently, as a result of both that change and the development of "com- munity councils" throughout the nation during the second year of the participation of the United States in the Great War, the method of "overhead" organization was further elaborated. The work of the "councils" organized in response to the appeal of the Council of National Defense (of which there were 180,000 developing by the time the war ceased) 166 THE PLAY MOVEMENT These are the essential facts relative to the development of " neighborhood organization'' as a method of administering play in New York City that received greatest emphasis about 1915-18. In Philadelphia, "advisory councils' ' were de- veloped in connection with the ' ' recreation parks ' ' that offered all-year facilities for play. These "councils" were composed of adults, either dele- gates or officers of the respective neighborhood clubs using the indoor recreation centers. They were identical in structure with those in the school centers in New York, although not as large, being composed of representatives of the func- tional groups of the neighborhoods about the parks. No "overhead" organization was at- tempted by them, and their self-supporting activi- ties were limited as were the councils organized in connection with the Chicago parks analyzed above, yet they were designed to provide "local self-government" 112 in the administration of play. was primarily that necessitated by certain war emergencies, and for this work special "overhead" organization had been provided. After the war, peace conditions necessitated a re- organization, and on July 1, 1919, "A City Parliament of Com- munity Councils" with a co-ordinate group of advisory com- mittees was organized. The objects of the "parliament" were similar to those of the "league," and the committees were those on health, recreation, education, and industrial relations. 112 In the annual report of the Board of Recreation of Philadelphia for 1913, on p. 26, the following statement is made concerning these "councils": The Board of Recreation is anixous to provide in the evening for those who work by day in factory, workshop, and office. The shower baths and swim- ming pool are more used by adults at night. The grounds are electric lighted and many daylight games are played at night. THE STAGES OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT 167 In Cincinnati, the most unique experiment in self-government and self -support of play facili-. ties was made in connection with the work of the National Social Unit Organization in the Mo- hawk-Brighton District, during 1916-19. 113 A statement of the details of this experiment ^ is beyond the purpose of this report, but it is sig- nificant that one of the seven groups represented by elected delegates in the " occupational coun- cil" was that of the " recreational workers" of the district in which the experiment was under- taken. Self-support and self-government were among the distinctive traits of the " social unit" plan. In rural communities, there was a growing consciousness, about 1915, "that people must work together in these local groups if they seek the best results." 114 In some respects, indeed, provision for play, in both the open country and the village, was from the first more democratic than that of the cities ; that is, more self-govern- Among older patrons, the club motive is strong. The officers of each club form a Playground Council which prom- ises to be a governing body of importance. In the report of 1914, p. 29, is inserted a full page picture of one of the "advisory councils" in session. ii3p r further information concerning the National Social Unit Organization, its structure, history, and function, con- sult their Bulletins, Nos. 1, 2, 2a, 3, 4, and the papers read at the National Social Unit Conference, Cincinnati, October ZS-Zb, 1919. ii^Kenyon L Butterfield, in his Introduction to Mobiliz- ing the Rural Community, by E. L. Morgan, Massachusetts Agricultural College Bulletin, No. 23, September, 1918. 168 THE PLAY MOVEMENT ing and self-sustaining. 115 There were fewer insti- tutions that attempted to give service to the peo- ple, and more that worked with them. The i i rural life" movement, for example, universally inaug- urated activities to be undertaken by the people, such as "community drama" and "community music" developed conspicuously in Wisconsin, North Dakota, and Kansas. 116 Similar events oc- cured in West Virginia during 1913-15, when at the suggestion of the state superintendent of schools, one thousand rural teachers volunteered to undertake the organization of "social centers" of a democratic type in their school buildings. The assistant superintendent prepared a hand- book for their use in that work. 117 But these earlier attempts to provide for play in rural communities were, with possibly only one exception, 118 of the "homogeneous group" type like the early "neighborhood associations" formed in New York, 119 that is, a voluntary society 115 C. J. Galpin, "Rural Social Centers in Wisconsin," Uni- versity of Wisconsin Agricultural Experiment Station Bulletin, No. 234; and State Superintendent of Schools, Wisconsin, Re- port of the Sub-Committee of the Committee of Fifteen. Bulle- tin No. 18. 116 Cf. Peter W. Dykema, "The Spread of the Community Music Idea," The Annals, 1916, pp. 218-23; and "Community Music and Drama," University of Wisconsin, Extension Divi- sion Bulletin, General Series. No. 638, 1917. 117 L. J. Hanifan, Community Social Gatherings at Rural Schoolhotises. 118 The West Newbury Federation for Rural Progress, West Newbury, Essex County, Mass., organized in the spring of 1909. "It was composed of representatives of some dozen or- ganizations and agencies of the town, including the church, the school committee, and two granges." Cf. E. L. Morgan, Mobilizing the Rural Community, p. 7. 119 Cf. John Collier, supra. THE STAGES OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT 169 performing a definite and limited function, as a "school improvement club" or a "community house association," or an institution that under- took a new service, as a rural church organizing community music, or a township building a com- munity house. An intermediate step in the devel- opment of the concept of "neighborhood organi- zation" in rural districts was the formation of a more complex organization with an executive committee consisting of the president, secretary, treasurer, and chairman of the respective stand- ing committees. This bridged the distance be- tween the simple homogeneous group formed for a single purpose and the heterogeneous one com- posed of representatives of existing institutions who formed a "community council." The clear- est anaylsis of this transitional type of rural or- ganization was possibly that of Carver, 120 who proposed an executive committee as described, and two groups of standing committees; the one "business," and the other, "social." The former comprised "farm production," "marketing," "farm supplies," "credit," and "communica- tion," that is, roads and telephones; the latter, "education," "sanitation," "recreation," "beau- tification," and "home economics." Concerning this scheme, however, he said: No single plan of organization will suit all communities. .... The plan here presented is intended only as a general 120 Cf. T. N. Carver, "The Organization of a Rural Com- munity," U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Yearbook for 19J4, PP. 89-138. 170 THE PLAY MOVEMENT guide, to be followed so far as it seems to meet the needs of any community which is studying the problem of organiza- tion It is not a plan for the " uplifting' ' of the farmer. The farmers are quite capable of taking care of themselves, but they have not yet taken up the work of organized self-help as completely as could be desired. The function of the " recreation" committee in this plan of rural organization was outlined as follows : To promote wholesome sports adapted to rural communi- ties, such as swimming, horseback riding, "hiking" games, for old and young, neighborhood fairs. To promote rural festivities combining threshing, husk- ing, cotton picking, and other seasonal work with social rec- reation. To promote neighborhood choral clubs, annual musical events by township, county, and state. To promote playgrounds, parks, and neighborhood cen- ters. During the two or three years preceding 1918, a limited number of ' ' community councils ' ' were formed in country-side and "town" districts. These "councils" consisted of a small member- ship of delegates, usually less than a score, chosen by their respective institutions and societies which generally included the church, the grange, the county Y. M. C. A., the parent-teacher asso- ciation, the boy scouts, the camp fire girls. These "joint-committees," as they were also called, usually made a more or less thorough survey of their community and outlined a program of devel- opment extending over a period of from three to THE STAGES OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT 171 five years. Provision for play was always a fea- ture of the work of the " councils" and one which occupied much of its attention. Massachusetts was one of the first states in which this plan was adopted on a wide scale. 121 In support of it, a community advisor wrote, after six years of ex- perience with " councils : ,n22 It has seemed better to unite existing groups for work than to bring about something new which would be an addi- tional burden to an already overloaded community. The council leads community committees in a thorough study of the town, and in the working out of a three to five year plan or program of town 123 development, made up of special projects in farm production, farm business, conservation, boys' and girls' interests, and community life, that is, education, the home, public health, civic affairs, recreation, transportation, etc. The carrying out of this program is done by the local organizations co-operating through the council. A natural outgrowth of "neighborhood organi- zation' ' in many rural communities was the acqui- sition of a building, a "community house," for recreational and other collective uses. These in- door community plants were usually obtained by the purchase and remodeling of existing struc- tures, but in some instances by construction, as in Kansas where a state law permitted town- ships to vote bonds not to exceed five thousand dollars for that purpose. 124 A few were donated. 121 E. L. Morgan, Mobilizing a Rural Community, Massa- chusetts Agricultural College Bulletin, No. 23. 122 Ibid. 123 The word "town" as here used is equivalent to "com- munity," meaning the New England "town" or township. 124 W. C. Nason and C. W. Thompson, "Rural Community Buildings in the United States," United States Department of Agriculture, Bulletin No. 825, p. 29. 172 THE PLAY MOVEMENT The finances necessary for either purchase or construction, when not procured by donation or a bond issue, were raised by the formation of stock companies, by subscriptions, by admission fees to entertainments, and by membership fees, and in part by rentals after the operation of the plant had begun. By 1918 community buildings had been provided in one or more rural districts in forty-one states. During 1915-18, ninety buildings such as these were acquired either by purchase or construction, an average of thirty per year. The simplest of these buildings, often found in the open country, contained an auditorium with movable seats so that it might be transformed into a dining room, a gymnasium, or dance hall, a stage, and a kitchen, each equipped with the usual apparatus. In the smaller towns there were often in addition to these facilities, a library, a reading room, a game room, a woman's rest room, and clubrooms; in county seats and the larger towns, often an office, cafe, gymnasium, billiard room, agriculture exhibit room, and headquarters for the agricultural agent, visiting nurse, and sec- retary of the commercial club. From an analysis of the structure of these plants, it is clear that their use was largely that of play. These buildings have become the centers of their com- munities for recreational, gymnastic, athletic, social, and wel- fare work, and often for political, co-operative business, and religious work. 125 125 W. C. Nason and C. W. Thompson, op. cit., p. 5. THE STAGES OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT ITS In some rural communities, efforts toward " neighborhood organization" resulted in the crea- tion of a new public office: the "community sec- retary." 120 The first one was elected in Osseo, Wisconsin, June 20, 1914, when the school princi- pal was chosen to be "civic secretary" 127 as well as school head, with an increase of one-third of his former salary. Sauk City and Neillsville, both in Wisconsin, soon followed the example of Osseo. Later several rural communities in Massachusetts adopted the plan, although not making use of the heads of the local schools in all cases. Under the personal leadership of the "community secre- taries," the local institutions and associations were correlated into a functional and dynamic whole. The control and support of play was a phase of the task of the "community secretary," constituting at least fifty per cent of his work, and involving the management of the social cen- ter and the public forum, the making out of a calendar of local meetings and events, the direct- ing of community surveys, and the charting of community needs. The employment of the "community secre- tary" in the plan of rural organization was a development rather than a disavowal of the con- 126 Various titles were employed in designating the office. "Civic secretary," "chairman of the board of directors," "com- munity advisor," and "community secretary" were all in use at first, but the last title finally displaced the others. 127 E. J. Ward, "The Greatest Office in Any Community," LaFollette'8 Magazine, September 5, 1914; and Graham Taylor, "A Community Secretary," National Municipal Review, April, 1915. 174 THE PLAY MOVEMENT cept of "neighborhood organization. ' ' It was followed as readily by local communities in which "councils" were already active as by others, for it had become evident that someone must give a considerable amount of time and thought to a given enterprise undertaken by any community if it were to terminate successfully. As stated by an experienced worker, a com- munity adviser, himself: 128 In the past we have held to the idea that one of the greatest needs was to discover and train local people to assume local responsibilities. While our belief on this point has not changed, still it has become apparent that the aver- age farmer will not continue to give time to matters of busi- ness routine or organization detail which belong to the entire community. The future is going to see our communities do- ing collectively a good many things that they have never done before. This will come merely because it is the most efficient way of getting those things done which we have in common. This need, which is everywhere apparent, leads to the sug- gestion that someone be officially designated and maintained by taxation as community secretary. The work he could do would be no mean task. While no form of "overhead" organization of "rural councils" or "neighborhood associations" was developed by the initiative of these groups, an equivalent aid in their administration was pro- vided by both federal and state agencies. Ex- amples of the former were the U. S. Departments of Agriculture and the Interior; of the latter, the state superintendents of instruction, the ex- tension departments of state universities, the 128 E. L. Morgan, supra. THE STAGES OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT 175 state boards of agriculture, the agricultural and normal schools. In some instances county-wide organization through the "county farm adviser" or the county Y. M. C. A. was effected. 129 A fre- quent method of extending assistance and ex- changing counsel was by way of a "conference." The "A. B. C. Conferences ' mo of Illinois, were typical examples. The first was a state conven- tion, held at the State University, June 20-22, 1916. Later, district and local conferences were held. Play and recreation was always a topic for discussion at these meetings, and their function was twofold: to define the method of community organization, and to interest communities in accepting the responsibility of solving their local problems. The question was not whether the peo- ple could be entrusted with power, but how they could be induced to take it, to accept responsibility for the local welfare. The "neighborhood organi- zation' ' stage of the play movement, then, was never, in city or in country, an expression of unrest in rebellion to constituted authority; on the contrary, it was from the first a method of supplementing governmental organization. In the language of one of the earliest "civic secre- taries, ' ' in 1914, when speaking of the function of his office: 131 129 0p. cit., cf. pp. 48-54 for an extensive list of sources of aid to local councils, classified according to the respective projects. 130 The letters "A. B. C." signify "A Better Community." 131 N. T. Buqkley, elected at Sauk City, Wisconsin, June, 1914. Cf. Charles Zueblin, American Municipal Progress, 1916, pp. 226-27. 176 THE PLAY MOVEMENT With this work recognized and remunerated as public service ; with its administration organized and centered in the State Superintendent's office in the Capitol; and with the Bureau of Social Center Development and the other Bureaus of the Extension Division as ready sources of suggestions, material for discussion, speakers, and motion picture films, I prophesy that the people of Wisconsin will be equipped to get three times the value they have been getting out of their investment in educational equipment — and incidentally will have in their hands the machinery for that genuine home rule which is democracy. And in the words of another, who developed one of the first successful community centers in New York, the organized neighborhood "is a microcosm of democratic society: 132 In developing self -governed clubs under the supervision of qualified leaders we are developing two of the essential attributes of citizenship, respect for authority and obedience to the law The boy or girl that is affiliated afterwards grows to manhood and womanhood as a member of a political club, a civic club, or a neighborhood association with a defi- nite purpose of benefiting the community. It is the difference between the solitary and the social. The former becomes an adult lacking interest in public affairs, the latter emerges into citizenship with a keen desire to be a dynamic and loyal mem- ber of the nation. The "neighborhood organization ' ' stage of the play movement has now been analyzed. It has been found that its distinctive features were: (1) an emphasis upon "self-government" and "self-support" of play activities in a decentral- ized scheme of administration in order that the economic resources of government might be made 132 Eugene C. Gibney, Tiventieth Annual Report of Superin- tendent of Schools, New York, 1918, pp. 12-13. THE STAGES OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT 177 sufficient for adequate provision of facilities in all communities; (2) the selection of the "neigh- borhood" or "local community " in the place of city or county as the field of decentralized con- trol and support of the play activities of the peo- ple; (3) the development first of "neighborhood associations ' ' designed to carry out given projects of common interest, and second of "community councils" to correlate local institutions into a dynamic whole, functionally related to both phil- anthropic agencies and departments of govern- ment; (4) the utilization of the energies of the residents of local communities in the control and support of definite projects under the leadership of trained persons, "community secretaries,' ' elected and employed by the people involved; (5) the designation of schoolhouses, fieldhouses, and "community houses," designed especially for play uses, as meeting places or "centers" of the common interest of which neighborhoods and "little communities" were becoming conscious; (6) the grant to neighborhood groups using pub- lic property of the right to charge admission, col- lect dues, and solicit funds for the support of community projects; (7) the evolution in some localities of elaborate schemes of "overhead" organization for securing co-operation between ' i councils ' ' and ' ' associations ' ' in handling money getting devices, exchange of talent, and control of athletic and literary competitions, and in other districts, of extensive efforts on the part of gov- 178 THE PLAY MOVEMENT ernment and philanthropy to encourage local autonomy in the solution of community problems ; (9) the incorporation in the field of activities of the play movement of certain phases of the "com- munity center," " country life," and similar movements, involving given projects of common interest to the neighborhood group; (10) the co- operation of social workers and students of social science in defining the concept of the function and the structure of the play movement, resulting in the acceptance of less sentimental and more " socio-rational ' ' objectives, as the substitution of autonomy for philanthropy, both public and pri- vate, in the support and control of facilities for play. G. The "community service" stage, since about 1918. The mobilization of the military and naval forces of the United States at the beginning of our participation in the Great War gave rise to a changed social situation with respect to play. New problems arose in every community adjacent to army cantonments or naval bases and training stations, and in those industrial centers in which war supplies were being produced on an extensive scale. In some of these industrial districts the population increased 50 to 100 per cent in a few weeks, and consequently living conditions were so abnormal for many new arrivals that the labor turnover amounted for a time to 50 per cent per month ; while in the towns and cities near the can- tonments the presence of large numbers of sol- THE STAGES OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT 179 diers, sailors, and marines flocking in ' ' on leave ' 9 created a demand for larger and more appro- priate facilities for leisure time activities than existed in any community, even New York. Com- mercialized amusements seized the opportunity for exploitation, but they were soon opposed by a new adjustment provided by the play movement, the organization of wholesome recreation under the leadership of what was first called both * ' war camp" and "war workers' " community service. The Playground and Eecreation Association of America proposed to the Council of National De- fense that their experience of twelve years and the thousands of trained play leaders engaged in administering facilities in other communities be recruited for service in making an adjustment to the social situation in the "war camp" and "war worker' ' communities. The suggestion was accepted; the Army and Navy Departments ap- proved and "W. C. C. S." 133 was organized. The president and the secretary of the Playground and Recreation Association of America became corresponding officers in "War Camp Community Service. ' ' The method of procedure employed by War Camp Community Service was essentially. that of the "neighborhood organization" stage of the play movement, but through the emotional 133 "W. C. C. S." were the letters generally used during 1918 to designate War Camp Community Service. Its func- tion was related to recreation in communities near the camps and training stations, as that of the Y. M. C. A. to the recrea- tional events inside the camps. 180 THE PLAY MOVEMENT intensity of the war emergency that medium was raised to the nth power of efficiency. As stated by one writer: 134 As War Camp Community Service conceived the prob- lem, it could not be solved by any outside agency, no matter how great or how well organized. It had to be met by the communities themselves. W. C. C. S. could only give the benefit of its advice, could only point the way. The work had to be done through the proper co-ordination of the latent recreational facilities of each camp town and the develop- ment by the citizens themselves of new facilities where, as in nearly every case, the existing facilities were inadequate. It was, as W. C. C. S. visioned it, a problem of neigh- borliness. That's what they (the soldiers and sailors) got, in so far as the earnest effort of thousands and thousands of hos- pitable people in the camp towns all over the United States could see that they got such home welcomes. There was no coddling, no charity, no philanthropy in the formal sense, no institutional feeling. The idea was that these folks were entertaining the neighbors' boys. Before the signing of the armistice "War Camp Community Service' ' had organized the social and recreational resources of six hundred and four communities near the cantonments for the benefit of the military and naval forces of the nation; and about fifty districts in which war industries were being carried on, of which Bethle- hem, Chester, and Erie, Pennsylvania, were typi- cal examples. A force of 2,700 trained workers was employed and a volunteer staff of 60,000 addi- 134 John R. Colter, "The Town That Found Itself," Com- munity Service (Incorporated), Bulletin No. 7, 1919, pp. 13-14. THE STAGES OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT 181 tional leaders of given activities and committee- men besides those who received soldiers and sailors in their homes. 135 The field of activities involved practically all the types of play that had been previously developed by the play movement and many new games and stunts arranged to enable large numbers to participate at one time, "mass games," 136 as well as a number of occu- pations for convalescents in hospitals. Among the distinctive types of activities were community singing, pageants, dances, block parties, athletic meets, motion pictures, artist recitals, game rooms, and home hospitality. Thus "War Camp Community Service ' ' was developed during 1918 137 as a means of conserving the health and morale of the fighting forces of the nation. In the attempt to extend hospitality to the armed forces of the nation, the respective com- munities in which "War Camp Community Serv- ice" operated for the brief season of actual hostilities and the shorter period of demobilization became conscious, for the first time in many in- stances, of the function of organized recreation administered by a self-governing and self-support- ing method. While seeking to serve others they 135 "Comniunity Service," Community Service (Incor- porated), Bulletin No. 2, p. 3, 1919. 136 Cf. Edna Geister, Ice Breakers (a book of games and stunts for social gatherings), Women's Press; Community Recreation, International Com. Y. M. C. A., compiled by Geo. C. Draper; and Neva L. Boyd, Hospital and Bedside Games, Chicago School of Civics and Philanthropy. 137 "W. C. C. S.— Its First Year," The Playground, Vol. XII, pp. 273 ff. 182 THE PLAY MOVEMENT had gained something new for themselves, for many of these communities had not yet adopted the plan of "neighborhood organization" worked out during the preceding three years. Hence, the popular demand was made that * * community service ' ' be continued with the return of peace, adapting its spirit and technique to con- ditions of the reconstruction period. In addition to this request other factors emphasized the value of an agency such as "community service' ' in peace as well as war: (1) there was the need of Americanization, and "community service" was a valuable method for achieving it; (2) the greater demand for rural recreation, since many of the soldiers and sailors were returning to rural homes ; (3) the large place left vacant in the social life of many communities by the abolition of the saloon; (4) the increase in leisure time as a result of "daylight saving" and shorter working hours in industry; (5) the necessity for greater attention to the physical development of the peo- ple as disclosed by the high percentages of rejec- tions for physical unfitness by draft boards. 138 To aid communities, both urban and rural, in solv- ing these five problems during the reconstruction period, ' ' Community Service, Incorporated, ' ' was organized in 1919, with general offices at 1 Madi- son Avenue, New York City. 139 A fund of two 138 Community Service (Incorporated), Bulletin No. 2, p. 2, 1919. 139 Cf. Community Service (Incorporated), Bulletin No. 1, 1919, for statement of names of officers, committees, board of directors, and members of the "corporation." THE STAGES OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT 183 million dollars was secured with which to start the work as soon as possible in about four hun- dred communities, selected chiefly from those in which "War Camp Community Service' ' had operated. 140 Thus, " Community Service, Incor- porated,' ' is the successor to "War Camp Com- munity Service' ' as it in turn was an outgrowth of the Playground and Recreation Association of America. The personnel of the central office remains practically unchanged. 141 An excellent formulation of the concept of the structure and the function of "community service" is contained in the following sentence from one of their bulle- tins : Community Service is the medium through which the residents of a community get together and truly become mem- bers of the community, with a consequent real interest in community welfare, prosperity, and stability. According to this statement, the "community service" stage of the play movement has much in common with that of "neighborhood organiza- tion." In many instances the application of the former involves the latter, as indicated by the following : The neighborhood has been recognized as an essential social unit not only through the school centers and local clubs, but by block parties, which are being made a specialty in Philadelphia and elsewhere. 140 Cf. op. cit., for statement of budget of Community Serv- ice (Incorporated), for the first year, 1919. 141 Joseph Lee and Howard S. Braucher remain president and secretary, respectively, of both the Playground and Recre- ational Association of America, and Community Service, Incor- porated. 184 THE PLAY MOVEMENT But, while directed from a national headquar- ters and standpoint, the details of its application remain optional with the local communities and involve some form of group organization of the leisure pursuits of the people of those communi- ties. To quote from their own literature again. 142 Community Service operates nationally, applies itself locally, and thinks in terms of leisure time. The method of procedure followed by "Com- munity Service' ' is democratic and constructive. The fund of two million dollars was designed only for use in self-supporting and self-governing "community recreation " in about four hundred localities, allowing about $5,000 to each for the first year. And it was expected that for every dollar thus expended, at least ten would be spent by the local communities in support of the work thus inaugurated. 143 As outlined in 1919: The method of work will be to send to each city a com- munity organizer to form a representative committee of citi- zens and start the work. In some cases a song leader or some other specialist may also be provided to start a special activity, but always the aim will be to make the people feel that the problem is their own problem and to hand the work over to them as soon as possible. A constant feature will be the training of volunteers to act as song leaders, as teachers of dramatics, or directors of playgrounds or school centers, as chaperones at dances, or to help in other kinds of work 142 W. F. Edwards, "Community Service, A Positive Force in Reconstruction," Community Service (Incorporated), Bulle- tin No. 1, p. 4, 1919. 143 Cf. Community Service (Incorporated), Bulletin No. 2, p. 7, 1919. THE STAGES OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT 185 The appeal in each community is made to all the people, not as rich or poor, as native or of foreign origin, but as citizens The aim .... will be not to impose a cut-and-dried program from without, but to draw out the strength that is in the people and to make them conscious and efficient direc- tors of their own affairs. The field of activities promoted by "com- munity service" comprises an extensive list of wholesome leisure pursuits 144 with emphasis upon the following types : Physical: aquatics, athletics, basket-ball, boat- ing, boxing, camping, field-days, folk-dancing, games, hikes, meets, skating, soccer, street play, stunts, tournaments. Social: banquets, block parties, candy pulls, clubs, community centers, dances, game rooms, home hospitality, motion pictures, spelling-bees. Aesthetic: concerts, choruses, dramatics, festi- vals, oratorios, pageants, recitals, " sings.' ' Constructive: gardening, pets, sand modeling, sloyd, sewing. Civic: Americanization, community councils, community days, community Christmas trees, co- operative enterprises, "dry saloons,' ' forums, mass meetings, night schools, lectures, surveys, welfare exhibits, vacation homes for working girls. The degree of success attained to date is indi- cated by the following events of the past two years. On May 1, 1920, the report of the first year of "Community Service, Incorporated, ' ' 144 Cf. Community Recreational Activities, pamphlet by Playground and Recreation Association of America, 1920. 186 THE PLAY MOVEMENT showed that sixty-five cities had raised a local budget and had started work, the total amount subscribed during the six months preceding being $700,000, while, since the armistice $27,521,000 has been raTsed or pledged for "memorial com- munity buildings.' ' At the present writing 129 cities have raised local budgets for the support of " community service.' ' These figures by no means represent the total expenditures of the play movement during the past two years. The empha- sis upon the community function greatly aided public appropriations for play facilities and "community service" was in turn benefited by them. 145 The war has had its effect on recreation, not only through emphasizing the community values involved, but also in the development of the municipal recreation movement which for years has slowly but surely been gaining ground in American communities and which Community Service, Incorporated, seeks to strengthen and enlarge. Some of the more conspicuous examples of an advance in public provision for play in correlation with community recreation are the following: (1) that the total number of playgrounds and recrea- tion centers publicly maintained decreased only 1.8 per cent during the year 1918 in spite of the war demands, while during that same period the number of year-round workers increased 174 per cent; (2) that a $10,000,000 bond issue was author- ized by Detroit, and $500,000 by Portland for 145 Abbie Condit, "Recreation," American Yearbook, for 1920. THE STAGES OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT 187 small parks and playgrounds; (3) that public appropriations for play were doubled by Memphis, Milwaukee, Newton, Mass., and Sacramento, Cali- fornia; (4) that many gifts were made to public recreation, such as the $2,500,000 Hannan Memo- rial Hall for music in Detroit, a $10,000 memorial playground in Sacramento, a forty-acre park in Cleveland, and a seventeen-acre tract in Kala- mazoo, Michigan; (5) that state legislation was enacted in behalf of both public and community recreation, as the Pennsylvania law which requires boards of education throughout the state to make their school plants available for recreational use upon petition by a given per cent of the adult residents of the community, and the Michigan law known as "An Act Creating a Community Coun- cil Commission, County Community Boards and Community Councils' ' by which an attempt is made to promote the play and community inter- ests of the state by a board of 26 to whom the county commissions and local councils are responsible. The Michigan law was an outgrowth of the work of the Councils of National Defense organized during the war and parallels the work of "community service." The concept of the structure and function of the play movement at the present time, the "com- munity service" stage, involves emphasis upon the following features: (1) great enthusiasm for neighborliness, an after-glow of the war spirit; (2) financial support for propaganda, in the form 188 THE PLAY MOVEMENT of a huge budget; (3) great confidence on the part of the public in the practicality of its method as a result of the success achieved in six hundred communities during the war; (4) the equivalent of a voluntary national "overhead organization ' ' in the function of the national office of "Com- munity Service, Incorporated ;" (5) an effectual correlation of the " neighborhood' ' with the " community' ' in the control and support of a democratic plan of administration of play, as ex- emplified in "music weeks," "community days," "holiday celebrations," "community singing," "community drama" and "pageantry;" (6) facilities for educating the public in the use of leisure, as provided by the local office of "com- munity service" whose staff is more engaged in the work of co-operating with existing institutions and agencies, in training play leaders, in discov- ering unused resources and developing facilities where none exists than in merely administering more efficiently given plants, such as school or park "recreation centers;" (7) the formation of "advisory councils," in the place of the former type of "local overhead organization," composed of representatives of all institutions and organi- zations attempting social work in the local com- munity, such as the Knights of Columbus, Council of Defense, Y. M. C. A. and Y. W. C. A., Boy Scouts, Camp Fire Girls, Council of Churches, Playground Association or Department, "Women's Clubs, W. C. T. XL, Parent-Teacher Association, THE STAGES OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT 189 and Industrial Welfare Employment Depart- ments; (8) the conduct of intensive training courses for community recreation leaders under the initiative of the local organization of "com- munity service' ' in co-operation with existing institutions, such as a musical college or dramatic league, the first one being offered in Washington, D. C, during 1918 ; 146 (9) the aiding of financial campaigns, the voting of bond issues, and the authorization of public appropriations for the pur- chase and equipment of sites for play uses; (10) the development of unutilized opportunities for .wholesome play by all ages and throughout the year, as noon-hour " sings' ' in factories, street play, holiday celebrations. In other respects the * ' community service ' ' stage utilizes whatever may be thought appropriate to the local situation from the technique of the six preceding stages of the play movement. With this survey of the recent and current emphasis upon "community service" in the administration of play, the present analysis of the respective stages of the play movement in the 146 Concerning the school at Washington, D. C, Bulletin No. 2 of Community Service (Incorporated), states: This is a school for recreation leaders. Here are taught as quickly as possible the rudiments of physical recreation, social recrea- tion, community drama, and community singing. The students learn not only how to present plays, operas, and pageants, but are trained in the making of costumes, the painting of scenery, and even the making of dyes At present, the courses are designed to train leaders for social and recreational activi- ties for the government departments, but as the girls give up their work in Washington and return to their home states they will be qualified to teach in community centers all over the United States. 190 THE PLAY MOVEMENT •United States is completed. It has been showi that there have been seven stages, each one more or less sharply denned by the incorporation of certain features of structure correlative with emphasis upon given changes in the concept of function. These facts both indicate an evolution and imply the presence of " transitions. ' ' The following section presents an analysis of these " transitions.' ' IV. THE TRANSITIONS IN THE POLICY AND ACTIVITIES OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT A further analysis of the play movement dis- closes changes in its method of procedure that are fundamental to its " stages' ' but are not coter- minous with them ; changes that in some instances extend cumulatively through several periods giv- ing rise to various "stages"; changes that bear a longitudinal relation to the movement as the ' ' stages ' ' hold a latitudinal position. These alter- ations are here denominated " transitions, ' ' sig- nifying passages from one condition or action to another. A "transition" is, thus, distinguishable from a "stage," as the concepts are employed in this investigation, in that it is an alteration in a process while the latter is a period or degree in a development; that is to say, a " transition ' ' is a modification of the method of procedure, while a "stage" is a state of progress in a process at a given time. The former is dynamic and func- tional; the latter, static and structural. An analysis of the "transitions" of a movement forms the basis for an explanation of the origin of its "stages" and a definition of the "trend" of the action as a whole. The "transitions'' of the play movement, then, are the changes in the methods of procedure which effected an evolution in its structure and the concept of function giving 191 192 THE PLAY MOVEMENT rise to the respective "stages" analyzed in the preceding section, and indicating, in part at least, the ' ' trend ' ' of the movement which will be studied in the subsequent section of this report. The "transitions" of the play movement are nine in number, as follows: (1) from provision for little children to that for all ages of people; (2) from facilities operated during the summer only to those maintained throughout the year; (3) from outdoor equipment and activities only, to both outdoor and indoor facilities and events; (4) from congested urban districts to both urban and rural communities; (5) from philanthropic to community support and control; (6) from "free" play and miscellaneous events to "directed" play with organized activities and correlated sched- ules ; (7) from a simple to a complex field of activi- ties including manual, physical, aesthetic, social, and civic projects; (8) from the provision of facilities to the definition of standards for the use of leisure time; (9) from "individual" in- terests to "group" and community activities. A. From provision for little children to that for all ages of people. Accepting the establish- ment of the sand gardens in Boston in 1885 as the beginning of the play movement in the United States, the earliest facilities were provided exclu- sively for the use of little children, specifically those of pre-school and primary-grade ages. As was shown above in the analysis of the "sand garden" stage, the same age group was provided CHILDREN'S SINGING GAMES, HAMILTON PARK INDOOR GYMNASIUM, CHICAGO 'WOODEN SHOE" DANCE. WOMEN'S GYMNASIUM, HAMILTON PARK TRANSITIONS IN THE PLAY MOVEMENT 193 for in each of the five cities conducting play- grounds during 1885-95. In Baltimore, the society inaugurating the movement there was called the "Children's Playground Association" as late as 1897. This title was characteristic of similar societies elsewhere, 1 and was indicative of the structure and the concept of the function of the play movement during its first stage. Following the initial adjustments made in behalf of little children came a recognition of the need of play facilities for those of the interme- diate and grammar grades. The older brothers and sisters of the little children playing in the sand gardens "gathered about in mute appeal. ,,2 And in response, the sand gardens of Boston were cautiously opened to them when they signi- fied their desire, as the chairman of the com- mittee in charge explained it, "to play with the little ones, to aid the matrons, or to sit quietly by and sew or read or play checkers." In New York, however, less discrimination was made from the first, as indicated by the sporadic playground opened in 1890 under the auspices of the New York Society for Parks and Playgrounds. This provision was designed for boyhood and girl- hood as well as for little children. It was about 1 Among these were: The Brooklyn Society for Parks and Playgrounds, incorporated in 1889; the New York Society for Parks and Playgrounds, 1890; The Providence Free Kinder- garten Association, 1893; and the law of New York of 1888 authorizing the incorporation of "societies for providing parks and playgrounds for children in the cities, towns, and vil- lages." 2 Joseph Lee, Constructive and Preventive Philanthropy, 1902, chapter on "Playgrounds for Big Boys." 194 THE PLAY MOVEMENT an acre in size, located at 99th Street and 2nd Avenue, and was equipped with apparatus for "exercise, play, and comfort," 3 consisting of see- saws, swings, wheelbarrows, small wagons, foot- balls, flags, shovels, drums, banners, and a sand pile. Recognition of the necessity for making pro- visions for the play of youths, "playgrounds for big boys" as Joseph Lee called them, 4 was the third step in the lengthening of the age of the group with whom the play movement is con- cerned. This type of provision was a distinctive feature of the "model playgrounds ' ' as shown above, although in New York it was also a part of the general anti-slum agitation as has been interestingly told by Jacob Eiis. 5 There was no separation there, at the time, between the two movements. In 1899 the Massachusetts Emer- gency and Hygiene Association opened three sum- mer playgrounds in Boston designed especially for boys between twelve and fifteen years of age. They were equipped with a limited amount of gymnastic apparatus and supervised by young men with some training in physical education. This experiment was sufficiently successful to war- rant its repetition the following year, after which the school committee took over the playgrounds conducted by the Association. 6 Pioneering work 3 Joseph Lee, op. cit. *Ibid. 5 Cf. Jacob Riis, "A Ten Years' War." 6 Cf. Ellen M. Tower, "Playgrounds and Sand Gardens," in World Wide, Montreal, April 26, 1902. Paper read before the Montreal Local Council of Women. TRANSITIONS IN THE PLAY MOVEMENT 195 had been done, however, by the park department of Boston, when it opened Charlesbank Outdoor Gymnasium in 1889-91 and Franklin Field in 1894. The most extensive provisions for the play of adolescents were made during the "small park" and "recreation center" stages, of which that by the South Park Commissioners, Chicago, was the most elaborate. After the first year of the opera- tion of the South Park "recreation centers," the opinion of the commissioners on their function in the life of the youths of the city was as follows : 7 Playground movements in most cities have been confined almost entirely to the interests of school children, and to a short period of the year. In Chicago more than two-thirds of our children leave school to go to work before, or when, the eighth grade is reached. Since the dominant interest in the life of a youth is play and not work, and since the best growth and development at this age comes from play and not from work, it seems that more attention should be given to an all-year playground service and that it should take into consideration the young working boys and girls quite as much as the children in school. The incorporation of facilities for adult play and recreation in the structure and concept of the function of the play movement followed that for youths and children. The beginnings of adequate provision of this type were made in connection with the "small park" and "recreation center" stages, but the social organization of adult play did not develop until the "civic art and welfare" and the "neighborhood organization" stages of the movement. In the latter, play was considered ''Annual Report South Park Commissioners, 1906, p. 57. ]96 THE PLAY MOVEMENT a community function to the extent that its admin- istration could be made efficient only through the operation of facilities that united the family and the neighborhood group of families in common activities for at least a part of the time; that is, the provision for either children or adults involved some activities in which both participated simul- taneously. The pageant, festival, neighborhood social dances, entertainments, gymnastic exhibi- tions, track meets, holiday celebrations, welfare exhibits, community councils, community days, and picnics were examples of attempts to unite the family and the neighboring families in whole- some uses of leisure time. It should not be overlooked, however, that during the earlier stages of the movement adults were often beneficiaries of provisions primarily intended for youths and that a few sporadic pro- visions were made in their behalf. There were, for example, the evening recreation centers in the New York Schools, 1895-97, and the city recrea- tion piers in New York, Philadelphia, and Boston, 1897-99. There were the bathing beaches of Bos- ton and a few other cities, in the nineties, during the summer and skating on park lagoons and small flooded areas in many cities in winter, first in the New England and North Atlantic states, and later in the Middle West. There were, also, the ball fields and the athletic grounds in public parks. But the more conscious attempts to incor- porate facilities for adults came with the ' * recrea- TRANSITIONS IN THE PLAY MOVEMENT 197 tion center' ' stage in 1905, although it was a decade before their utilization was fully devel- oped. The tennis courts, baseball diamonds, foot- ball gridirons, swimming pools, and outdoor gym- nasiums completely equipped and supervised by trained instructors distinguished the outdoor facilities. But ample and beautiful as were these open air features, the fieldhouse erected in each of these new parks was a more dramatic event in provision for mature members of the com- munity. Each building contained an assembly hall, two to four clubrooms, a library or reading room, a lunchroom, a men's and a women's gym- nasium with appropriate shower-bath and locker- room facilities. Each gymnasium was in charge of a trained instructor who organized formal classes for all ages as well as arranged interpark team-game competition, while the free use of assembly hall and clubrooms, as well as free admission to all gymnasium classes, stimulated activities in any wholesome manner that might appeal to maturity. Eelgious sectarianism, politi- cal partisanism, advertising commodities, smok- ing, and card-playing were prohibited. Los An- geles, Philadelphia, Boston, and New York were first to follow the example of Chicago, and since then, facilities for adult relaxation have been an essential feature of the play movement. The " wider use of the school plant" 8 has been the plan of adult provision for play generally 8 Cf. Clarence A. Perry, The Wider Use of the School Plant, 1910, and Community Center Activities, 1916. 198 THE PLAY MOVEMENT adopted and involves the opening of the building and grounds after school hours, principally dur- ing the evening, for lectures, night school, gym- nastics, and dramatic, musical, and civic clubs. Among the latter uses are the "community coun- cils/ ? John Dewey forcibly advocated the wider use of the schoolhouse at the meeting of the Na- tional Educational Association at Minneapolis, 1902. 9 It was dramatically tried out on a large scale for the first time in Eochester, New York, during 1907-9, under the personal direction of E. J. Ward and supported by an appropriation of $5,000 by the school board, 10 while during the winter of 1910-11, thirty-one cities reported that their schoolhouses were used as "recreation cen- ters/ ? Twenty-seven contained 201 centers. In a special statement relative to the progress of the play movement during the year 1910, the secretary of the Playground Association of America, speaking of contemporary developments indicated by reports sent in to his office, said i 11 More and more the municipal play center is providing for the recreation of the adult members of the community as well as for the children. So strong was this tendency that in the follow- ing year the name of the Association was changed to that of the Playground and Recreation Asso- ciation of America, so as to be more in accord 9 Cf. The Playground, May, 1915, p. 42. 10 Cf. Rochester Social and Civic Clubs, 1909. n H. S. Braucher, "Developments and Opportunities in the Field of Public Recreation," publication of the Playground Association of America, 1910. TRANSITIONS IN THE PLAY MOVEMENT 199 with the transition taking place in the structure and the concept of the function of the movement. In 1912, Percy Wallace MacKaye in a widely read volume on "the civic theatre" 12 advocated an extension of provision for the leisure-time pur- suits of adults ; in 1913, the Committee on School Inquiry of New York 13 reported that there was greater necessity for an organization of adult leisure than ever before on account of certain changes in the industrial order; while in 1914, the Eecreational Inquiry Committee of the state of California, 1 * after a survey of the play facili- ties of the state, declared itself in favor of an extension of those designed to conserve the leisure time of adults. By 1915, as disclosed in the analysis of the "neighborhood organization' ' stage above, the technique for the conservation of adult leisure was carefully elaborated in the "community council," a self-governing and self- supporting organization of neighborhood recrea- tional resources. During 1918-19 "community service" was established as a modification of the neighborhood organization plan for conserving the leisure of all ages of people in the community. Thus the play movement evolved in its struc- ture and concept of function from an agency for 12 P. W. MacKaye, The Civic Theatre in Its Relation to the Redemption of Leisure, 1912, p. 30. 13 Cf. Report on the Economic Utilization of the Public School Plant for Educational and Recreational Purposes, of the Committee on School Inquiry of the Board of Estimates and Apportionment of the City of New York, 1913, pp. 409-10. u Report of the Recreational Inquiry Committee of the state of California, September 28, 1914. 200 THE PLAY MOVEMENT conserving the play of children to a medium for the exercise of the play activities by all ages of people. B. From summer to annual provision for play. The first playgrounds were operated only during the summer. This fact applied to those of both the "sand garden' ' and the "model playground " stages and was true also of most provisions made during the "small park" stage of the movement. Beside the sand gardens conducted by the Massa- chusetts Emergency and Hygiene Association between 1885 and 1902, other examples of sum- mer-time provision were the Charlesbank Outdoor Gymnasium, Boston, 1889-91; Boone Park, Louisville, Kentucky, 1892; the first two playgrounds opened in Philadelphia, by phil- anthropy, in 1893; the first half-dozen New York City playgrounds including the one in 1895 carried on "under a wisteria vine" 15 in the backyard of the Nurses' settlement; the opening of certain schoolyards in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, in 1896, at the request of the edu- cational department of the Civic Club of that city; 16 the nine schoolyard playgrounds opened at Providence, R. L, in 1897, under the supervision of the Free Kindergarten Association, the season extending from July 7 to September 8; 17 the first playground opened by the Children's Playground 15 Josepli Lee, Constructive and Preventive Philanthropy, p. 127. 1G Annual Report Pittsburgh Playground Association, 1908. 17 Annual Report Free Kindergarten Association, Provi- dence, 1898. TRANSITIONS IN THE PLAY MOVEMENT 20.1 Association in Baltimore, 18 July 1, 1897, as well as the five additional ones conducted the follow- ing year; and many others throughout the coun- try maintained by philanthropic effort. Not only were the first philanthropic efforts in providing playgrounds limited to summer periods, but the first municipal appropriations also were for the maintenance of vacation play- grounds. In 1895 the city councils of Philadel- phia appropriated $1,000 for the equipment of schoolyard summer playgrounds, of which four were sand gardens. The next year the appro- priation was made $3,000, remaining at that fig- ure for the next seven years. These playgrounds were maintained during the months of July and August. By 1898 the number had increased to twenty-five. The record of beginnings of munici- pal appropriations for play in New York par- allels that of Philadelphia. In 1897 Mayor Strong's committee on small parks, of which Jacob A. Riis was secretary, reported, "New York has not yet a single municipal playground, and not yet a school playground worthy of the name." 19 As a result of the publicity growing out of this report, the school board at a meeting on June 13, 1898, approved a measure that eighteen school yards be "used for purposes of recreation during the vacation months, the ex- penditures necessary to be paid from the funds 18 Annual Report Children's Playground Association, Balti- more, 1898. 19 Cf. Joseph Lee, op. cit. 202 THE PLAY MOVEMENT now at the disposal of the board. ' ' 20 The vacation months referred to in the measure were July and August. The following year there were thirty- one "school play centers" of which ten were devoted in the mornings to vacation school pur- poses. The school board also had charge of "five open-air gymnasiums, five ' kindergarten tents/ six recreation piers, three sand gardens with kin- dergarten games in Central Park, seven roof gar- dens, ten swimming baths, and six evening play centers." 21 Chicago, in like manner, appropri- ated, by action of the city Council, in 1898, $1,000 for "temporary small parks.' ' The money was entrusted to the vacation school committee of the Women's Clubs 22 of that city. The Board of Edu- cation granted the use of six schoolyards, and the Turnvereins loaned portable gymnastic appa- ratus. Playgrounds were conducted during the summer vacation months only. In Milwaukee, the city park commissioners in 1897 established a playground in West Park as an experiment. And for the next decade the general plan devel- oped by the cities mentioned above was pursued almost literally by all communities making pro- vision for play. Slowly did the cities adopt the plan of all- year provision for play. For years the custom 20 Annual Report Board of Education, New York, 1898. 21 Annual Report, New York City School Board, 1899, pp. 28-32. 22 'Annual Report Vacation School Committee, Chicago Women's Clubs, 1898. TRANSITIONS IN THE PLAY MOVEMENT 203 of opening playgrounds only during the school vacation period was adhered to by even the more progressive communities, while the joy of the open schoolyards of summer made eloquent appeal in contrast with the closed yards of the remaining ten months of the year — closed by an iron fence, a locked gate, and an irate janitor, "for fear, ap- parently/ ' as Joseph Lee, writing at the time, ironically remarked, "they may be of some use." And as he further explained: The reason usually alleged is that the children will do mischief if they are allowed inside; but it has not yet been shown either that children can use a playground to advantage if they are not allowed inside or that they wholly abstain from mischief when they have no playground. The real rea- son appears to be that the janitors do not like the trouble involved in having the yards opened; and, as everybody knows, the function of the school janitor is to direct the school committee. Some cities have gone so far as to build schoolhouses without any yards at all. 23 The public parks are to be credited with show- ing the way to all-year provision, which later was adopted generally by school boards. The development of the "new park service," as it was contemporaneously called, rested on the custom of playing baseball in spring and mid- summer and football in the autumn. The first step was taken when skating was not only per- mitted but provided for by park commissions both on lagoons, ponds, and rivers, and on artificially flooded areas, from the surface of which the snow and fine ice-cuttings caused by extensive use were 23 Joseph Lee, "Constructive and Preventive Philanthropy." 204 THE PLAY MOVEMENT nightly swept, and a new and perfect surface provided the next morning by reflooding and freezing during the night, after the skaters had departed. While sporadic attempts were made in a few places, as in Boston in 1892, for example, when two acres in the Charlesbank Outdoor Gym- nasium were flooded by the park department, the movement reached general practice about 1900. At that time many of the northern cities made regular provision of this kind. Boston pos- sessed fourteen municipal skating-places, nine being artificially flooded and ten regularly swept off by a horse-drawn device for the purpose; in all about 130 acres containing seven ice-hockey fields. Chicago had fifteen acres flooded and swept, in addition to nearly a hundred vacant lots with a total of nearly three hundred acres flooded by the fire department but cared for by the people of the vicinity. St. Paul provided five acres; Milwaukee, seven; and Detroit, twelve. Cleveland, New York, Minneapolis, and six other cities, fourteen in all, reported skating 24 provided by their respective park systems. Coasting 25 and tobogganing were also allowed in many cities. 24 Skating is a close competitor with bathing for the first place in popularity and value among municipal provisions for play and exercise. The ponds in the middle of a city, even those whose surface is planed every morning, are often worn by afternoon or evening until their surface is a mixture of gravel and soft snow; and with their crowds of skaters they look, from a little height, like flypaper at a summer hotel. — J. Lee, Constructive and Preventive Philanthropy, p. 233. 25 "Coasting is allowed in Boston on certain streets and on one of the hills on the common, sometimes on other parts of it. There was a time in Mayor Prince's administration when some TRANSITIONS IN THE PLAY MOVEMENT 206 The second step taken by the park departments toward all-year provision of play and recreational facilities was the creation of the "small parks.' ' New York City opened the William H. Seward Park in 1902-3, which contained a building mak- ing possible the use of the grounds throughout the year. 20 But the most dramatic event look- ing toward all-year provision of recreational equipment and activities was the construction of ten small parks containing a heretofore unseen type of public recreational facility, the "field house," by the South Park Commissioners, Chi- cago, in 1903-5. In these fieldhouses, not only was indoor space heated and lighted and freely offered to neighborhood groups for play, but a definite program of events was established in each indoor gymnasium, led by the same indi- viduals who directed the summer outdoor play- grounds and gymnasiums located in these institutions. Thus, contact by way of leadership as well as physical equipment was here first main- tained on a large scale with the neighborhoods of public play centers. 27 Although the method of of the principal walks were iced by the city and bridges built across them which the solid men of Boston had to climb on their way to business and back, but one or two fatalities resulted in the giving up of the experiment." — Ibid. 20 A description of this building will be found below, where the transition of the play movement from outdoor to indoor activities is discussed. It is significant here that such a pro- posal was entertained for the purpose of providing some form of more adequate facilities throughout the year. 27 The further significance of this fact will be shown below under section F. 206 THE PLAY MOVEMENT leadership in these small parks was greatly altered after five years of experience, and further developed after another like period, nevertheless the ten small parks in question revolutionized municipal provision for leisure-time activities. They remain today unique in the history of the movement, although other cities have modeled after them. Los Angeles was first, opening an all-year playground containing a club house in 1905, and with the West Chicago Park Commis- sioners, the Philadelphia Board of Recreation, and the Boston municipal gymnasiums later, was one of the more perfect examples of an adoption of the South Park plan. TABLE XII Development of All-Year Provision for Play in Cities of the United States* Year No. of Cities Reporting All -Year Provision No. of Workers Employed All Year Percentage of Cities Making All-Year Provision 1909 32 68 36 12 1910 37 1911 377 14 1912 63 655 22 1913 68 337 20 1915 111 1053 25.7 1916 108 675 29 1917 140 1454 29.3 1918 128 1630 34.3 •Compiled from statistics published In the Yearbooks of the Playground and Recreation Association of America. Table XII gives the increase in number of cities providing all-year facilities for play by years, for a period of nine years following 1909, the first year in which statistics on the subject were available. There was an increase from 32 TRANSITIONS IN THE PLAY MOVEMENT 207 to 128 cities representing respectively 12 and 34.3 per cent of all cities reporting provision during those years. The year 1918 showed 12 cities less than during 1917, on account of the partici- pation of the United States in the Great War, yet the total number of workers that year increased 176 in spite of the demands upon them for "war camp community service.' ' The transition from provision during the sum- mer only to that throughout the year was accom- panied by the following six disclosures in the evolution of the structure and concept of the play movement: (1) that facilities for play are popular in all seasons of the year; (2) that from the hygienic standpoint organized play is more bene- ficial in winter than in summer because of the greater amount of time spent out of doors during the latter; (3) that it is impossible to administer play with the greatest efficiency by employing different persons as leaders in the same play- ground for each vacation period; (4) that effi- cient play leaders cannot be secured summer after summer unless similar employment is furnished them during the remainder of the year; (5) that the efficiency of play-leadership is further in- creased by continuous employment of a given person in the same community for a period of years; and in like manner, (6) the maintenance of an all-year play center providing activities appropriate to each season on the same site is equally advantageous. Only as this plan is 208 THE PLAY MOVEMENT adhered to, is it possible to achieve "neighbor- hood organization" or "community service." Play is a group function. It remains while per- sons pass away, and that form of adjustment is best suited to the provision of facilities which is permanent, continued, complete, and unified in one agency, such as a community center in school or fieldhouse. From the days of the "sand garden" stage, administrators of playgrounds and recrea- tion centers have observed the fact that a new play center is more difficult to discipline and organize than one that has long been established. 28 With the passing of time, a routine, a variety of customs and traditions, a structure of social activites, and a concept of function is built up in 28 Cf. Ellen M. Tower, "Play-Grounds and Sand-Gardens," World Wide, April 26, 1902. "The civilizing influences of the sand garden are apparent on the first day of a session — in an old yard the children enter quietly, welcome the teacher with joy, apply themselves at once to their play and occupation, and there is little excitement. For an account of a new yard, may I quote from the report of 1899. In an experience of twelve years we have encountered nothing worse than the systematized depravity of this, to us, new neighborhood. The children were fairly interested with the toys and books, games, gymnastics, songs, and flowers, but the thing that roused the keenest joy, that brought a shout of delight from almost every lip, that left the yard empty in a twinkling, was a street fight among their mothers. The men hung about the sidewalk and egged the boys on to mischief and rebellion and paid them sometimes to carry out their evil suggestions. The women fought with the children, blow for blow, and one day a fierce creature rushed through the gate with a hammer in her hand after a small boy who had, she thought, struck her child. "Nearly all the sand gardens have been opened with like turbulence, although few quarters of the city are as depraved as the one here mentioned. At Hancock school there was last summer a daily average attendance of 456 children, and only once was there, to use the slang of the day, a 'scrap.' Then the guilty one was a boy of defective mind, who should have been sent to an asylum." TRANSITIONS IN THE PLAY MOVEMENT 209 a play center that is continuously operated, espe- cially under the administration of the same per- sons when they are reasonably efficient. 29 The transition from summer to annual provision for play, therefore, is related in general to the quality as well as the quantity of the service rendered by the movement. C. From outdoor equipment to both indoor and outdoor facilities. Correlative with the development of all-year operation in the place of summertime provision, came the construction of indoor as well as outdoor facilities. This change in the structure and the concept of the function of the play movement constituted a third transition in its evolution; and since a complete analysis involves a consideration of many events previ- ously mentioned in the discussion of the second transition, the study made here may be somewhat 29 While the present writer was engaged in the administra- tion of Hamilton Park Community Center, Chicago, during 1910-17, he had occasion to observe the influence of continuous all-year provision in one center: groups would assemble daily for the "organized" games and play for hours without supervi- sion or altercations; members of clubs that had disbanded for the summer would re-unite for winter meetings in the field- house; attendants at the gymnasium classes would stand in line by the hundred on the opening day for indoor classes each autumn; numberless people would make inquiries concerning the coming "Flag-day program," or "Fourth of July celebra- tion," or "mid-winter" gymnastic exhibition or "Spring fes- tival," or similar special event weeks before time, and interest such as that facilitates their organization. A certain stand- ard of decorum was also maintained by the group conscious- ness relative to the behavior of persons making use of the dance hall, the ball field, the library, etc. The park teams adopted "yells," ".colors," "uniforms," and other insignia to express their attitude toward the community of interest that abounded. 210 THE PLAY MOVEMENT briefer than would have been possible had it been presented in advance of the foregoing analysis of the second transition. But while the second and third transitions have much in common, their development was not identical in time nor coter- minous in structure. The idea of making provi- sion for play throughout the year did not involve at first the construction of indoor facilities as in the "sand garden,' ' "model playground, ' ' and "small park" stages, when, with the exception of shelters, that might be temporarily converted into " playrooms' ' on rainy or chilly days, as in Phila- delphia, there was no concept of the ' ' indoor gym- nasium,' ' the "assembly hall," the "clubrooms," the "branch library," or the "school social cen- ter" which characterized the "recreation center" and subsequent stages of the movement. Thus the construction of indoor facilities for play began after the idea of all-year provision had gained considerable ground, although the full develop- ment and widest application of the two ideas were made simultaneously and in mutual correlation. During the "sand garden" stage, as shown by Table III above, 30 the only equipment actually constructed was that for outdoor uses only, although in Boston and Providence permission to use the toilets and the basement of the school buildings on rainy days, was granted by the school committees. Similar facilities were also acces- sible to those using settlement yards. But the 30 Cf. Miss Towers' description of "sand gardens" above. TRANSITIONS IN THE PLAY MOVEMENT 211 apparatus provided primarily for play consisted of sand piles, sand bins, swings, teeters, and in some instances, as in Brooklyn, a tent to shelter from the heat of the sun, although in Boston the "sand garden" was conducted on the shady side of the schoolhouse. During this stage, also, the various attempts to make an adjustment to the play-life of the children were all undertaken by philanthropic people or societies so that the funds were limited and the equipment more or less temporary, the site often changing from summer to summer. In the "model playground " stage, also, the support and control still remained under philan- thropic management, although as shown by Table IV, 31 the playgrounds in four of the five cities conducting "model" examples were located on public property; in three cities the playgrounds were open throughout the year, being used pri- marily for skating during the winter months by flooding the grounds; while four provided appa- ratus for youth as well as little children, of which the sand pile was a universal feature. In three cities the "model" playgrounds made use of school buildings as did the ' ' sand gardens ' ' before them, but in only one instance was an indoor equipment of any kind contemplated 32 and this was essentially a shelter which was to be used for play only on days of inclement weather when the outdoor equipment was inaccessible. The 31 Cf. page 68 above. ^Philadelphia. 212 THE PLAY MOVEMENT concept of constructing indoor facilities primarily as a play provision was not exemplified even in this case. The recreation piers opened in New York in 1897 and the roof gardens agitated at about the same time were both outdoor facilities, although possessing in some instances shelter from sun and rain. While the object of the Outdoor Recreation League, whose very title is significant, and whose influence upon the movement in New York was responsible for the " model play- grounds " and the form in which the "small parks ' ' were finally developed, being composed of a federation of nineteen societies, was, in part, to obtain recognition of the necessity for restoration and physical exercise as fundamental to the moral and physical welfare of the people; to secure the establishment through the city of New York of proper and sufficient exercise in recreation places, playgrounds, and open air gymnasiums for the people. 33 During the "small park" stage, likewise, the concept of the structure and the function of the play movement involved outdoor activities and facilities primarily, and indoor equipment only as a secondary and auxiliary feature. As shown above in Table V, one of the motives that gave rise to "small parks" was the desire for greater utility of existing parked spaces; a second, an increase in the number of open spaces in the con- gested sections of cities; and a third, the beauti- fication of play spaces by "parking" or the use of 33 Cf. Constitution of the Outdoor Recreation League of New York, 1899. TRANSITIONS LN THE PLAY MOVEMENT 213 lawn, shrubbery, trees, and flowers in their con- struction. And as stated in Table VI, the struc- ture and organization of the " small parks' ' in the seven cities studied involved open air facili- ties, such as (1) spaces for athletics in six cities, (2) aesthetic treatment of the site in six, and (3) a wading pool in one; while the only indoor equipment comprised a Afield" or " shelter' ' house in each of the seven cities with shower baths in two, while both features were auxiliary to the primary purpose of the "small parks." The term " fieldhouse ' ' at that time did not con- note what it does today, for the South Park " field- houses,' ' the most complete in the country, had not yet been erected. The earliest "fieldhouse" was merely a box in which to store apparatus. 34 Next it became a shelter for the patrons of the playground 35 and finally with the construction of the Chicago and Los Angeles types in 1905, an elaborate indoor recreational plant. From that date the "fieldhouse" has been regarded as an integral part of provision, being of value pri- marily on acount of the facilities for play which were added by it rather than because of an aux- iliary function which it performed in relation to the outdoor equipment, as was the concept of shelters and shower baths during the first three stages of the movement. 34 An example of this type was given by the sand gardens of Boston. 35 An example of this type was found in Brooklyn in 1897, and in general throughout the "model playgrounds" and "small parks." 214 THE PLAY MOVEMENT The dividing line between the two concepts of the function of "indoor" equipment in connec- tion with provision for play marks the inception of the ' ' recreation center ' ' stage of the movement. The growth of the new concept passed through four phases: (1) the park "fieldhouse" period, (2) the "social centers" in public school build- ings, (3) the remodeled school plant designed for both "play" and "school" uses, and (4) the use of library, courthouse, armory, and other public buildings for play, as in the "community service" stage. The most significant contribution to the indoor play equipment was the construction of the "field- house" by the South Park Commissioners, Chi- cago, in 1905, fully described above under the analysis of the "recreation center" stage. This plan was later found to be uneconomical since it involved the expense of constructing and main- taining a dual system of provision for "play" and "education" with no commensurate gains. Where this plan is followed the "fieldhouse" remains idle during the daytime while the school- house is in use, and conversely, the schoolhouse is unoccupied while the "fieldhouse" is in use. The recognition of this fact led to the utilization of the schoolhouse as a "social center," first in Rochester, New York, in 1907-9, as a means of providing indoor facili- ties for play throughout the year. The "com- munity centers" in Chicago and New York TRANSITIONS IN THE PLAY MOVEMENT 215 during 1916-18 were further elaborations of "the wider use of the school plant' ' which was well begun in 1910, five years after the opening of the South Park "fieldhouse" in Chicago. Table VII above shows that thirty-one cities used their schoolhouses as evening "recreation centers' ' for the first time in 1910 while during each of the next six years the number was much larger, that of 1913 being 152 and that of 1917, 113, while the total number of centers provided in city schools between 1913 and 1917 was 2,622. The utilization of school buildings as "recrea- tion centers" led to fundamental changes in school architecture. Those designed for class room instruction were found to be poorly adapted to the function of community centers. A room with fixed seats ' ' gave a f ormable and stiff appear- ance" 36 and was suitable only for singing clubs, choruses, debating and literary programs, lec- tures for small groups, and library and night elass uses. The first modifications consisted of attaching the desks to strips so that they could be easily moved either to one side or out of the room and thus give sufficient space for folk and social dancing, games, gymnastic classes, wres- tling, and many other activities. In later build- ings two rooms were sometimes divided by a folding partition which could be pushed aside to form a small hall for social gatherings, dancing, and gymnastic classes, the desks being removable 9 *Annual Report, Superintendent of Schools, Chicago, 1916, p. 24. 216 THE PLAY MOVEMENT as before. Next gymnasiums were included and used both for gymnasium and assembly hall pur- poses, but this arrangement was not entirely satis- factory since the demand often developed con- flicts between groups who sought to use the room at the same time but for different ends. After much experimentation it was found 37 that An ideal building is one which in addition to the ordi- nary school rooms and domestic science rooms, library, etc., provides one or more large floor space for social dancing, so that the young people may feel that their wants are provided for and at the same time furnishes a gymnasium for physical recreation, and leaves the assembly hall for neighborhood gatherings, lectures, and entertainments, and for use as a public forum. Practically all of the "social centers" con- ducted in 1905-12 were obliged to curtail one or more activities each evening on account of the absence of some essential features in the design of the school plant. The Froebel school, of Gary, Indiana, was perhaps the first example of "an ideal building" for recreational and social uses. It was located on a twelve-acre site with about seven acres constituting a parked foreground and the remainder devoted to athletics, games, sand pile, and gardening uses, while two swimming pools, two gymnasiums, an assembly hall with a stage about eighty feet in width and convertible into a gymnasium as well as adaptable to dra- matics and pageantry and other entertainment uses, beside the library, domestic science, and 37 Annual Report, Superintendent of Schools, Chicago, 1916, p. 25. TRANSITIONS IN THE PLAY MOVEMENT 217 shop equipment constituted the facilities for play indoors. A suggestive plant was that of the New Trier Township High School, Kenilworth, Illi- nois. 38 In these and similar plans is disclosed the idea of equipment for community center purposes that prevailed prior to the Great War ; a combina- tion of facilities for "play" and "education" with distinctive features of the "small parks" added. Since ' ' war camp community service, ' ' the con- struction of "memorial buildings" and the use of all public buildings, such as armories, libraries, and courthouses in small communities, has devel- oped in addition to the utilization of the school plant as a community center. Memorial build- ings have been erected more extensively in rural communities than elsewhere, and exist, or are in process of construction, in five hundred rural com- munities today. "Township halls," as in Kan- sas, 39 "community high-school districts" with additions to the school plants that make them more adaptable to the play function, as in Illi- nois, and consolidated grade schools in many states are other forms of adjustment being ap- plied in rural communities. Thus, briefly, has the play movement evolved in structure and the con- cept of function from an adjustment that utilized outdoor equipment only to that which comprises both indoor and outdoor facilities. 38 Cf. Annual Catalogue of the New Trier Township High School, 1916. 39 Cf. Rural Community Buildings, Department of Agri- culture, Bulletin No. 825, p. 29. 218 THE PLAY MOVEMENT D. From congested urban districts to both urban and rural communities. The first adjust- ments attempted by the play movement were made in those districts of our larger cities in which the greatest congestion of population pre- vailed. Boston, Philadelphia, Providence, Chi- cago, and New York were those to which the movement was confined during the "sand gar- den' ' stage of its history. These were also the cities in which "model playgrounds ' ' were estab- lished, although sand gardens were being intro- duced contemporaneously in Brooklyn, Pitts- burgh, Baltimore, Milwaukee, San Francisco, Cleveland, Minneapolis, Denver, and Louisville. During the "small park" stage likewise, the movement was restricted to cities and in particu- lar to the effort to extend parks and playgrounds into the older and more thickly populated dis- tricts. As disclosed above in the analysis of that stage, those in New York were developed in con- junction with the anti-slum agitation, being the final solution of that problem as exemplified by the history of Mulberry Bend Park and the Hamilton Fish, DeWitt Clinton, Thomas Jefferson, and William H. Seward parks. 40 In Louisville, the site of one of the earliest ' ' small parks ' ' was in a section of the city occupied by its foreign popula- tion and popularly known as "the Cabbage Patch." 41 In Philadelphia, the first two "small 40 Cf. pages 73-79. 4 *Cf. page 80. CTRL* INDOOR OYMNASTUM CLASS. HAMILTON FIELDHOUSE, CHICAGO \RK BRANCH PTRLIC LIBRARY, HAMILTON DARK FIELDHOUSE, CHICAOn TRANSITIONS IN THE PLAY MOVEMENT 219 parks' ' were constructed in similar sections, Ger- mantown and Starr Garden. 42 In Boston Charles- bank Outdoor Gymnasium was originally a narrow strip of unsightly river bank, bordered on the land side by a slum section. 43 While in Chicago, the first of the three declared purposes of the " small park" commission appointed by the mayor to in- vestigate the situation in that city, was to establish municipal playgrounds in the congested sections of the city as rapidly as finances permitted. 44 In the "recreation center" stage, even, the function of the playground in congested districts of urban communities was still more clearly con- ceived than that in other districts, although it was during this stage that the beginning of the transi- tion occurred. Thus the progress of the play movement in San Francisco, as in many other communities, was retarded by the report of a com- mittee that the great number of vacant lots made it unnecessary to make municipal provision since there was ample space upon which the children could play. 45 This sentiment was paralleled by the attitude prevailing until about 1910 with re- spect to playgrounds in connection with rural schools. It was thought, thus, that the large schoolyards and the open country surrounding them made it unnecessary to equip and direct rural schoolyard playgrounds. In some instances, in fact, the recess periods were abolished, so that 42 Cf. page 82. 43 Cf. page 72. «Cf. page 84. ^Proceedings of the Playground Association. 1900. 220 THE PLAY MOVEMENT the children as well as the teacher could go home one-half hour earlier than was otherwise possible. In conjunction with the idea that play facilities were more necessary in crowded districts was the belief that the children of the poor required pro- vision more than did those of the rich, a point of view overlooking the essential fact that play is natural to all normal children irrespective of economic status or geographical location. But gradually, however, the social aspect of the nature and function of play came to be more clearly understood, and consequently (1) that children in comfortable homes may lack opportunities for normal association with playmates of their own age; (2) that all children learn games through membership in a group — through social inheri- tance not biological heredity; and (3) that plays and games must be taught wherever the channels of communication between persons and groups are not open to normal functioning. 46 As Newell had pointed out in 1911, the children of America had the richest play heritage of any nation of the civil- ized world until about the last quarter of the nineteenth century. Then our traditions of play began a rapid decline and, unless some adjustment is not quickly made, may be permanently lost because of the isolation in rural districts and the congestion and immigration in urban communi- ties. 47 The function of the play movement, as it 46 Cf. G. E. Johnson, "Why Teach a Child to Play?" Pro- ceedings of the Playground Association, 1909. 47 Cf. page 9 above. TRANSITIONS IN THE PLAY MOVEMENT 221 is conceived with respect to children, is to revive the heritage of play in all communities where it is passing away. As the social function of play both in childhood and maturity came to be more clearly discerned, the necessity for some adjustment in both the rural districts and the exclusive residential section of the cities as well as the over-populated areas of urban communities became increasingly evident. And, contemporaneously, that adjustment came to be regarded as a community function. Conse- quently, in the cities the play facilities were dis- tributed in keeping with a plan to place them within reach of every one, irrespective of the economic or social status by which a given dis- trict might be characterized. This fact is dis- closed by an examination of the playground map of any city today, showing both the location of new spaces devoted to playgrounds and the con- struction of play facilities in the older parks to be frequently surrounded by the more expensive residences. While in addition to this, as play came to be more generally used in the educational process, schoolyards in both urban and rural communities were equipped and supervised for play during recess and after-school hours. The leading events indicative of the fact of a transition from crowded sections of cities to all communities throughout the nation comprise the following, all occurring during or after 1906 : 4S 48 Sporadic attempts that deserve passing attention in this connection were the New York Law of 1895 requiring play- 222 THE PLAY MOVEMENT On April 10-12, 1906, the Playground Associa- ciation of America was organized in Washington, D. C, to extend the movement throughout the United States and Canada. In June of that year there was held the first annual field-day and play- picnic of the county schools of Ulster County, New York. This event served as a model and source of inspiration to later rural recreational experi- ments throughout the country; a subsequent one being the first county fair and field-day in Camp- bell County, Virginia, 1908. 49 By 1911 twenty- five counties of that state were holding similar events. On June 10, 1910, a rural pageant was held at Ripon, Wisconsin. 50 And in the same year, the Board of Land Commissioners of Colo- rado, 51 at the request of the state superintendent of public instruction, passed a resolution granting from two to five acres of land for playground purposes to district school boards when the dis- trict board shall agree to expend an amount satisfactory to the state superintendent of pub- lic instruction for playground apparatus and equipment. Thus many rural schools in Colo- rado were permitted to secure playgrounds at slight expense and without respect to economic grounds in lower New York City adjacent to or used in con- nection with each schoolhouse to be erected thereafter; and the statute of New Jersey, of 1902, authorizing the provision of parks and playgrounds by county action. Cf. Chapter 338, New York State Laws of 1895, and chapter 227, New Jersey State Laws of 1902. 49 The Playground, VI, 261-62. soibid., VII, 240-49. ^Ibid., IX, 44-45. TRANSITIONS IN THE PLAY MOVEMENT 223 conditions of the population affected, nor con- gestion, nor the fact of the existence of large expanses of open territory surrounding school property. The subject of play for rural communities occupied considerable attention at the fifth annual meeting of the Playground and Becrea- tion Association of America, in 1911. Among the impressive addresses on the theme was that by Liberty H. Bailey who presented the possi- bilities contained in recreation for rural happi- ness and the awakening of a more highly organized country life. In that year, also, Ham- ilton County, Tennessee, and Johnson County, North Carolina, each engaged a supervisor-of- play to direct play activities in all of the schools of the county, while Pierce County, Washington, erected play apparatus and play sheds, construct- ing a $3,000 gymnasium in District 74. Efforts to organize juvenile play in rural communities frequently took the form of "corn clubs,' ' "calf clubs" or "pig clubs,' ' respectively, with prizes given to the best product exhibited in competition. During 1912, thirteen hundred "corn clubs" with a total membership of twenty- five thousand were organized in Oklahoma. Since then similar clubs have become common throughout the Middle West. The provision of facilities in rural communi- ties was not long confined to the play interests of children; adult activities were organized in 224 THE PLAY MOVEMENT the country as soon as, if not before, they were given commensurate consideration in the cities. In this manner rural life shared with urban com- munities in the development of social centers in schoolhouses. The first "social center' ' confer- ence in America, it is interesting to note in this connection, was called by a farmers' periodical and attended very largely by agricultural people. 52 This meeting was held at Dallas, Texas, February 17, 1911, eight months prior to the national social center conference at Madi- son, Wisconsin. In harmony with this gathering, as stated above in the analysis of the "neighbor- hood organization" stage, the state superintend- ent of West Virginia during the summer of 1913, called for one thousand volunteers from among the seven thousand rural teachers in the state to organize their respective neighborhoods into social centers "for the purpose of social, recreational, and intellectual benefits." More than a thousand teachers responded. In 1916, a National Conference on Community Centers met in New York, and again in 1917, in Chicago. These meetings were attended by people from practically every large city and many rural com- munities. One of the most interesting addresses at the latter conference was made by the teacher of a one-room rural school in Missouri, telling what had been accomplished by her neighborhood 52 Cf. Social Centers in the Southwest, Holman and Murphy, 1912. TRANSITIONS IN THE PLAY MOVEMENT 225 in organized play. 53 During 1918, attention was centered on the leisure problems of the war camp and war industry communities; but since that year efforts have become general again attempt- ing to make adjustments in all communities through municipal and county playgrounds and community centers, through "play in education" in both rural and urban schools, and through "community service " and "community organi- zation" emphasizing self-governing and self-sup- porting play as a group function and irrespective of social or industrial features of particular communities. From the above survey of developments since 1906, it may be inferred that provision for play is no longer considered a necessity merely in con- gested sections of urban communities. It is now conceived to be a national problem occasioned by the social maladjustments arising from conges- tion and immigration in the city and isolation in the country, and culminating in attempts to make adjustments to the changed social situation every- where. In the words of Joseph Lee, 54 play is an antidote to modern civilization, whether urban or rural, which he conceives may be characterized by the banishment of ideals through the perfecting of means which could be valuable only in service of them, the cultiva- 53 Cf. H. S. Curtis, Play and Recreation for the Open Country, Ginn & Co., 1914, for specific examples of what has been accomplished in rural recreation. "Joseph Lee, "Play as an Antidote to Civilization," The Playground, 1911, pp. 110-26. 226 THE PLAY MOVEMENT tion of utilities at the expense of ultimates, a national disease to be remedied by more opportunity to live as we go along. And in the words of Eobert A. Woods : 55 The social recreation of young people is in every sort of community a problem of anxious significance. While Professor T. N. Carver 56 has asserted: it is now clear that the economic prosperity of the farmer instead of making him and his family satisfied to remain on the farm, only the sooner leads them to move to a town or city. Neighborhood cultural organization in the open coun- try thus appears to be not merely a matter of sentimental interest but of the most substantial concern. E. From philanthropic to community sup- port and control. An analysis of the methods by which the movement has derived financial sup- port and exercised local control of facilities for play discloses a transition from "philanthropic" to "community" administration in which tran- sitory emphasis was placed upon "public" con- trol and support. The "philanthropic" method of administration, as the term is here used, sig- nifies that by which both the original cost of construction and equipment and the subsequent expenditures for operation of facilities are met by funds secured entirely by donations or sub- scriptions and without subsidy either from the public treasury or by admission fees, member- ship dues, or other finances paid by those patronizing the facilities. It further implies 55 R. A. Woods, "The Neighborhood in Social Reconstruc- tion," American Sociological Society Papers and Proceedings, 1913. 56 T. N. Carver, "Rural Community Organization," V. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Yearbook, 1914, pp. 89-113. TRANSITIONS IN THE PLAY MOVEMENT 227 that both the disbursement of the funds and the leadership of activities is made by an authority other than that of the government and of the people who participate in those activities. The earliest adjustments undertaken by the move- ment were "philanthropic." This method pre- vailed exclusively throughout the "sand garden" and "model playground" stages. 57 In Boston, as shown in the analysis of the origin of the movement above, the sand gardens were operated by the Masachusetts Emergency and Hygiene Association, the sand itself being donated by a certain firm in that city, while the sites were mission chapel and nursery yards ex- clusively during the first three years. Brooklyn did pioneering work in 1889 when its society for Parks and Playgrounds was incor- porated under a statute of New York. The first playground established in one of its parks was conducted during the summer of 1897 by a group of philanthropic people. New York Society for Parks and Playgrounds opened the first play- ground in that city in 1890. In 1895 a small summer playground was opened by philan- thropists," 58 in the back yard of the Nurses 57 The only possible exceptions to philanthropic provision during the first two stages of the movement were: (a) the construction of the Charlesbank Outdoor Gymnasium in Bos- ton in 1889-91; (b) the purchase of Franklin Field, Boston, in 1894; (c) the acquirement of land for "small parks" in New York, 1895-9; (d) the equipment of a playground in a park in Louisville, in 1899. But each of these facilities were supervised, if at all, by philanthropy. 58 Cf. Joseph Lee, Constructive and Preventive Philan- thropy, p. 125. 228 THE PLAY MOVEMENT Settlement, while on May 1, 1896, Miss Grace Dodge equipped another at the corner of Seventh Avenue and Thirty-seventh Street. About this time the Union Settlement maintained a play- ground on South One-hundred-and-fourth street. The number of playgrounds in New York, until 1898, was limited to a half-dozen similar at- tempts, including those made by the Association for Improving the Condition of the Poor, in con- nection with their vacation schools. That year the board of education took charge of the vaca- tion schools and established twenty playgrounds in connection with them. That year, also, the Outdoor Recreation League, comprising nineteen societies, was organized in New York. 59 During its first year the league conducted the Hudson Bank playground at Fifty-third Street and Elev- enth Avenue, while during its second it con- structed the "model playground" at Seward Park. In Philadelphia and Providence the first play- grounds were established by philanthropic per- sons and societies. In the former, one was provided by two people in 1893, while during the following winter the City Park Association, assisted by the Civic Club, the Culture Extension League, and the College Settlement, agitated the question, opening a playground the following summer. In the latter city, the first playground was conducted in 1894 by the Union for Practical Progress assisted by the Provident Free Kinder- 59 Cf. Constitution of the Outdoor Recreation League. TRANSITIONS IN THE PLAY MOVEMENT 229 garten Association. Playgrounds were main- tained by these two societies until 1897, when, upon the disbanding of the Union, the work was continued for several years by the Association. Chicago established a playground in 1894 on land donated by a philanthropist and under the auspices of Hull-House. A similar provision was made by the Northwestern University Settle- ment in 1896, through the generosity of a small group of interested persons and the University of Chicago Settlement in 1898. During the sum- mer of 1897, the West End District of the Asso- ciated Charities maintained a playground in the yard of the Washington Street school, and during the following five years, another on a vacant lot near Hull-House. Pittsburgh opened its first playgrounds in 1896 under the auspices of the Civic Club of that city and supported by dona- tions. Baltimore began in 1897 through efforts of the Children's Playground Association, a department of the United Women of Maryland. Sand gardens or playgrounds for older children were conducted by Women's clubs in Cleveland, Minneapolis, Denver, and San Francisco in 1898. The concept of public provision for play received emphasis about 1900, but it was a decade before one-half of the cities maintaining facili- ties did so either wholly or in part by public funds and management, while in 1915 the extent of public provision had reached only 57 per cent ; yet from the " model playground' ' to the " neigh- 230 THE PLAY MOVEMENT borhood organization" stage, the promoters of the movement urged governmental administration. "Public" provision involves the construction and administration of facilities for play exclusively from finances derived by public taxation and without additional revenue obtained through philanthropic or other sources. It implies super- vision by public officials whether elected, appointed, or selected by civil service. This method of provision has included six types of application: (1) the equipment and supervision of schoolyards by boards of education; (2) the construction of both outdoor and indoor facilities in public parks; (3) the formation of " boards of recreation," or equivalent bodies, to develop new facilities and correlate existing agencies into a functional whole; (4) the wider use of the school plant; (5) the regulation of commercial dance halls and the provision of " municipal" dances; (6) recreational legislation. Permission to construct playgrounds on schoolyards was given by the school committee of Boston as early as 1888, and $1,000 was appro- priated by the city council of Philadelphia for the construction and maintenance of four sand gar- dens on public schoolyards in 1895, yet in 1897 a committee appointed by Mayor Strong of New York 60 reported: New York has as yet not a single municipal playground, and not yet a school playground worthy of the name. 60 Abram S. Hewitt was chairman and Jacob Riis, secre- tary. TRANSITIONS IN THE PLAY MOVEMENT 231 The following year the board of education took over all of the playgrounds conducted on school- yards and established others so as to bring the total up to twenty. The next year they increased the number to thirty-one, and in 1900 there were reported to be some seventy facilities of all types, open air gymnasiums, sand gardens, recreation piers, roof gardens, swimming pools, evening play centers. This was the most extensive pub- lic provision by any community at that time. In the construction of both indoor and out- door facilities for play in the public parks, Boston 61 and New York 62 did pioneering work, but Chicago established the standard concept of public support and control, when, in 1903, the voters of the South Park District approved a $5,000,000 bond issue for the purchase of four- teen tracts of ten to sixty acres each to be equipped as all-year play centers for all ages of people. In 1907 the first outdoor play festival in connection with a modern play center was held in Ogden Park, Chicago, on the closing day of the first convention of the Playground Asso- ciation of America. This event attracted con- siderable attention to the South Park method of provision as indicated by the following state- ment. 63 61 Reference is here made to Charlesbank and Franklin Field, Boston. 62 New York possessed sites for four small parks in 1902, cf. the analysis of the "small park" stage, above. 63 Annual Report of South Park Commissioners, 1909, p. 13. 232 THE PLAY MOVEMENT The possession of so many splendid plants equipped for social service has imposed a leadership on the South Park Commissioners, and as a consequence, they are frequently called upon for advice and information as to the methods of operation, and for plans and statistics that will inform and arouse the public in other cities. The South Park field- houses, it may be said, are regarded as the laboratories for the whole country; and they are, in consequence, serving in a patriotic way the nation, and not the South Park District alone. Next to the Playground Association of Amer- ica, the South Parks have been the greatest force in molding opinion concerning public responsi- bility for play. The following statement of their superintendent of recreation, written eight years after the first small park was completed, is indic- ative of the concept of " public' ' control and support that was being emphasized during the "recreation center' ' stage: 64 Municipal expenditure of money is largely traditional. Large public buildings, sums for conventional improvements such as streets, etc., are accepted as proper even though no idea of the return is general among the citizens. The public furnishes educational institutions, books, and teachers for a few hours of the minor's day, but is not yet familiar with the needs of the longer period of the life of every individual in the community. Recreation is a function of municipal government, and many municipalities are intelligently attack- ing the need. The third type of application of the concept of the "public* ' method of providing for play, the formation of special commissions to correlate existing agencies as well as provide new ones, 64 J. R. Richards, Annual Report South Park Commission- ers, 1913, p. 45. TRANSITIONS IN THE PLAY MOVEMENT 233 was first made in Los Angeles when a playground commission was created in September, 1904. A board of recreation was appointed in Philadel- phia in 1909 and another in New York in 1914. Table XIII gives the number of cities, by years, conducting play centers under a special commis- sion responsible to municipal government. TABLE XIII* The Number of Cities Conducting Playgrounds by Play- ground Commissions from 1910 to 1915 Year 1909 1910 1911 1912 1913 1915f Total reporting. . . 15 89 17 184 31 257 33 285 31 342 55 432 ♦These statistics represent only the number of cities re- sponding - to requests for information sent out by the Associa- tion and in which supervised playgrounds were being main- tained. fThe report for 1915 includes that for 1914 also. The fourth type of application, the wider use of the school plant, was incorporated in the con- cept of " public' ' control and support after the development of the "social and civic' ' centers in the schoolhouses of Rochester, 65 N. Y., in 1907-9, and the discussion of the "schoolhouse as a social center' ' at the meeting of the Playground Asso- ciation of America in 1909, while perhaps the most highly organized examples are those of New York. 66 During the school year, 1912-13, one hundred twenty-six cities reported the provision by boards of education of heat, light, and janitor 65 Cf. discussion of the "recreation center" stage above, for analysis of the Rochester experiment. 66 Cf. discussion of the "neighborhood organization" stage above. 234 THE PLAY MOVEMENT service incidental to the evening nse of school buildings as play centers, while seventy-one reported nearly twenty-one hundred paid work- ers. Over five hundred schoolhouses were used as polling places, nearly as many for political meetings, more than three hundred for exhibits, and over six hundred for motion pictures. 67 In 1915 the field secretaries of the Playground and Recreation Association of America aided in the establishment of play centers in the public school- houses of Milwaukee, and in 1917 the Association met in that city. In 1916 the "social" centers in schools and the outdoor playgrounds of Grand Rapids were placed under one superintendent. The fifth type of application, the inspection of commercialized recreational institutions and the provision of "municipal" dances, gained greatest popularity about 1912-14; while about the same time, the sixth, that of legislation, also developed. Both were indicative of the "pub- lic" method of support and control as analysed in the discussion above of the ' l civic art and wel- fare" stage. 68 Table XIV summarizes the devel- opment of "public" administration from 1910, the first year concerning which complete statis- tics are available, to 1915, and discloses an advance from 34 to 57.8 per cent of the total num- ber of cities reporting supervised playgrounds during those five years. 87 Cf. C. A. Perry, Social Centers of 1912-18, Russell Sage Foundation, Department of Recreation, pamphlet No. R, 135. ° 8 Cf. pp. 125-29 above. TRANSITIONS IN THE PLAY MOVEMENT 235 The earliest " public' ' provisions were made free of all charges to persons utilizing their respective opportunities. This fact was one of the distinctive features of the method of admin- istration of the South Park recreation centers in which baths, lockers, gymnasium classes, club TABLE XIV The Progress of "Public" Support and Control in the Plat Movement Year Total No. of cities report- ing supervised play No. of cities with "public" provision wholly or in part No. with provision entirely by the "public" method. . No. with "public" provision only in part Percentage of cities with "public" provision wholly 1910 1911 1912 1913 | 184 257 285 342 121 152 193 226 62 88 99 111 59 72 94 115 34 34.2 34.7 34.4 432 312 182 130 57.8 ♦No renort was published for 1914. meetings, band concerts, tennis courts, ball fields, and the privilege of reserving the assembly hall were available without either rentals or admis- sion fees. It is only within the last three years that small fees are required for the use of given facilities, and these in the large parks not the small ones. Boston charged two cents for a towel and bath in the " public' ' gymnasiums; Chicago, ten cents for a suit, locker, and towel at the municipal beaches. In other cities, small fees were asked for the use of the schoolhouse and other public halls. This modification of the " public' ' method led to the concept of " commun- ity' ' support and control. This plan retains 236 THE PLAY MOVEMENT "public' ' 'Construction, ownership, and general management of facilities, but permits both finan- cial assistance and supervision of activities by- local groups, such as " neighborhood associa- tions' • and "community councils' ' organized in the respective play centers, whose membership is usually based upon residence in the vicinity rather than upon the payment of a fee, and whose objects are non-sectarian, non-partisan, non-com- mercial. These groups are permitted by the body in general charge of the centers to receive admission fees to certain programs presented under their auspices, to collect membership dues and solicit funds for community purposes, and to decide to what use the money procured by their efforts may be devoted. "Self-support" and "self-government," as these terms were defined above in the analysis of the "neighborhood or- ganization" stage, are the two distinctive traits of the "community" method. The explanations given by the advocates of this method, as stated above, were two: justice to other neighborhoods in the city in which no "public" provision may as yet have been made, and the supplementation of the resources of the city so as to make possible adequate "public" provision in all neighbor- hoods. 69 The "community" method was first advo- cated by M. M. Davis, in 1910, after an investi- 69 It was estimated by Gulick in 1913, that the "public" facilities for play in New York were adequate for only 5 per cent of the population. TRANSITIONS IN THE PLAY MOVEMENT 237 gation of play and commercialized amusements in New York under the auspices of the Russell Sage Foundation. 70 Two features characterized the concept as he formulated it: self-government under the general supervision of municipal offi- cials, and financial contribution in rentals toward the maintenance of the "public" property whose facilities organized groups made use of. The following year a committee of play leaders in New York 71 declared the "community' ' method to be the only satisfactory solution of the leisure problem, since the sum required for "public" provision sufficient for the city was beyond the resources of taxation, however much philan- thropy might aid it, because other demands upon the tax-budget were many and increasing; and 70 Cf. M. M. Davis, The Exploitation of Pleasure, Russell Sage Foundation pamphlet, 1910, p. 60. "The administra- tion of the few regular meeting places which have thus far been provided in New York has rarely been such as to render them acceptable to adults. Managing meeting-rooms in the school-building is one thing when they are to be occupied by boys and girls of seventeen, as in the recreation centers; quite another thing when the tenants are men of twenty-five. Here appears a clear line of division between two policies: "First: In dealing with children and adolescents, where the thought behind the work is educational, the facilities of- fered should be free, and positive supervision should be exer- cised ; "Second: In dealing with adults, unless the advantages offered are avowedly educational, like lectures, or classes in English for foreigners, the people should be treated as re- sponsible citizens of a democracy; a rental should be charged for rooms furnished, and only negative supervision exercised (that is responsible city employees always in the building, accessible at need). Deposits in advance should be required when necessary to ensure responsibility." 71 Memorandum on Recreation, addressed to the New York Board of Estimate and Apportionment by its sub-committee. 238 THE PLAY MOVEMENT since the people were entitled to opportunities for the creation, government, and support of play beyond those furnished by "public" provision at any time. But the recommendation of this committee was not approved until the "neighbor- hood organization" stage of the movement. The Playground and Eecreation Association of America continued advocacy of "public" admin- istration of play as it had since its organization in 1906, but at the National Community Centers Conference in New York in 1916, and again at the annual convention of the Association in Grand Eapids, Michigan, that autumn, the ques- tion of "community" support and control was the dominant one. 72 Since the development of "community service," the method of "commun- ity" support and control has been followed in cities almost as extensively as in rural districts, as shown above in the analysis of the "neighbor- hood organization" and "community service" stages. At present, the leading city is New York. Thus it has been shown that the "philanthropic" method characterized the "sand garden" and "model playground" stages; the "public," that of the "small park," "recreation center," and 72 Cf. The Community Center, magazine, Feb. 3, 1917, for reprint of papers read at both tbe New York and Grand Rapids conferences including: (a) Jean Hamilton, "Self-Governing Working Girls' Clubs"; (o) Pauline Witherspoon, "How the Louisville Community Centers Grew"; (c) L. H. Gulick, "The Opportunity of the Community Center" and "Freedom Through Self-Support"; (d) Edward M. Barrows, "The Meaning of Self- Support." Also consult, The Playground, June, 1916, articles by H. S. Braucher, and J. R. Richards. A "SELF-SUPPORTING AND SELF-GOVERNING" SOCIAL DANCE, HAMILTON PARK. CHICAGO A COMMUNITY SUPPORTED AND GOVERNED JUNIOR DRAMATIC HAMILTON PARK CAST, "HOUSE OF THE HEART" TRANSITIONS IN THE PLAY MOVEMENT 239 " civic art and welfare"; and the "community," that of the " neighborhood organization" and 1 ' community service. ' ' F. From "free play" and miscellaneous activities to "directed play" and correlated schedules. The earliest adjustments made by the play movement consisted of unsupervised spaces, equipped with simple apparatus, such as sand piles, buckets, shovels, swings, teeters, and designed for ' ' free play ' ' ; or that which is unor- ganized by a leader other than a member of the group involved, although it may be groupal as well as individualistic, taking the form of a game, that is, having certain rules and leading to a con- clusion. In this sense of the term, the sand gar- dens during their first two years provided opportunities only for "free play," each garden being in charge of a woman "to keep watch and ward. ' ,73 One, a poor little creature, who confessed to having an unsatisfactory husband, and was therefore eager for distrac- tion, gave her whole attention to the care of the children ; the others were kindly neighbors, who brought their sewing to their windows and looked out occasionally to utter a reproof when a quarrel was on. During the summer of 1887, women were em- ployed, for the first time, to supervise the gardens. They were given the title of "matron" because that of "teacher" in Boston at that time signified a person with sufficient pedagogical 73 Ellen M. Tower, "Sand Gardens and Playgrounds," World Wide, April 26, 1902. 240 THE PLAY MOVEMENT training to merit a certificate from the school committee. 74 In 1893 a superintendent and corps of assistants with some kindergarten training were employed. Digging in the sand and playing games were the first entertainments offered. Then kindergarten plays and occu- pations seemed possible in the open air, and a kindergartner was engaged for each yard; not necessarily as head matron, for that position requires more than education. It demands tact, patience, love of children, a sense of justice, and the force of character necessary to make these qualities felt, and to command the obedience of the children. 75 As late as 1902 the title " matron' ' was given to those persons in charge of the sand gardens, although it no longer described their function. We designate the caretakers as matrons .... but it is an inappropriate title, as many of them are young and charm- ing girls, graduates of State Normal Schools, or of Normal Kindergarten classes, or of Schools of Physical Culture, or Gymnastics. Others are teachers who need money, or who become weary of idleness in the long vacation. 76 The maximum development of the concept of 1 l supervised' ' or "directed play" attained dur- ing the "sand garden" stage is indicated by the following description of "one yard in partic- ular": It would be difficult to find a prettier picture than it pre- sented with its two sunny-haired matrons, one wearing a soft grey gown and quaint muslin cap, the other hatless, her head bared to sun and wind, surrounded by their busy, happy chil- dren — the cool shadows from the precious trees falling: about them. Not far away, a visitor who came regularly every 74 Ellen M. Tower, loc. cit. ™IMd. ™IMd. TRANSITIONS IN THE PLAY MOVEMENT 241 week, one of Boston's high-born daughters, sitting in the center of a ring of not too clean boys and girls, singing to them and with them, and then listening and watching while they sang their street songs, or some precocious infant did a cake walk. 77 The early playgrounds for older children, with the exception of the "model" ones, and the "small parks," like the first "sand gardens" were inadequately supervised. Many of these were unsuccessful, as the twenty schoolyard play- grounds opened by Mayor Quincy of Boston during the summer of 1898, and some were closed upon complaint of the neighbors because of anti- social situations created by them, 78 as in Phila- delphia, Denver , Indianapolis, and St. Paul. The first explanations given for the failure of the unsupervised playgrounds were such as those of Lee, first, that the more orderly boys were at work during the day, and second, that the num- ber of playgrounds was insufficient ; 79 while the "Op. cit. 78 Cf. Joseph Lee, Constructive and Preventive Philan- thropy;' A. and L. Leland, Playground Technique and Play- craft. 79 Cf. Joseph Lee, Constructive and, Preventive Philan- thropy, pp. 171-2. "The better class of big boys are at work during the day, leaving the less desirable class, made up of those youths of elegant leisure who live on their mother's washing, to act the part of the petty tyrants of the local play- ground, stealing the little boys' bats and balls, breaking up their games, threatening them with dire penalties if they come there again, and enforcing these penalties when their commands are disobeyed. Possibly another reason why the unsupervised playgrounds in crowded districts are so little used may be because the demand is so far in excess of the supply. Boys interfere with each other, find organized games impossible, and get discouraged. It may be something like trying to fill a tumbler with a fire-engine hose.'' 242 THE PLAY MOVEMENT opposition to "directed play" was based on the belief that it was i i autocratic, ' ' "upopular," "less beneficial, ' ,so and "unnecessary," since "children do not need to be taught how to play." 81 With increased experience, it was discovered that "free play" alone did not make possible the most socially productive use of the playground since the children had lost much of the play heritage of preceding generations, 82 while "directed play" was more popular, equally beneficial to those par- ticipating in it, and the only method of restoring the passing heritage and of preserving democ- racy on the playground. 83 The third annual meeting of the Playground Association of Amer- ica, 1909, was largely devoted to a discussion of the function of "directed play." An outline of a normal training course for play leaders was presented by one of the committees of the con- ference and recommended by the convention to both schools and playground departments. Since that date, attention has been given more and more to leadership instead of equipment in the concept of the structure and function of the movement, resulting in the development during the "neighborhood organization" and subsequent stage, of a technique for directing play. 80 Cf. H. S. Curtis, The Playground, p. 8, December, 1907. 81 George E. Johnson, "Why Teach a Child to Play," and L. H. Gulick, "The Doctrine of Hands Off in Play," Proceedings of the Playground Association of America, III, pp. 289-65, 357-65. 82 Cf. statement by Newell, on p. 8. 83 Cf. ibid, and L. H. Gulick, "Play and Democracy," paper read at the first meeting of the Playground Association, 1907. TRANSITIONS IN THE PLAY MOVEMENT 243 1. One phase of this development comprised the classification of all persons participating in the activities of the playground. The separation of the sexes in given activities has been followed since the " model playground " stage. While the 1 ' sand gardens ' ' were provided for both boys and girls under ten years of age, in the " model play- ground' ' and subsequent stages the sexes above that age were separated in physical activities and apparatus and leadership provided appropriate to each. But in social, aesthetic, manual, and civic activities both sexes frequently participate in the same event. Classification according to age has involved four methods of grouping those who participate in play: earliest, and briefest, that by Lee, 81 as shown by Table XV, and second, TABLE xv Age Periods of Play According to Lee Periods Characteristics Two to six years . . . ("Dramatic Age") Six to eleven ("Big Injun Age") Eleven and over ("Age of Loyalty") Imitative plays and games based upon the occupations of their eld- ers. Self-assertive activities; individual- istic games and competitive play. Co-operative play; gang life; team games; with "combination . . . . as a part of the game itself." that by Johnson, presented by Table XVI. In the former, three groups are made, while in the latter there are five, yet both involve persons under fifteen years of age, and each classification 84 Joseph Lee, "Play as Medicine," Charities and Correc- tions, August 3, 1907. 244 THE PLAY MOVEMENT is familiar to all who have engaged in the direc- tion of playgrounds. That of Lee has been re- printed as a pamphlet and subsequently incor- porated in his volume, Play in Education; while Johnson's Education through Plays and Games is perhaps the best known book in the library of the movement. In a handbook published by the Playground and Recreation Association of Amer- ica, in 1919, these classifications have been reprinted, and playleaders referred to the vol- umes of both Lee and Johnson. TABLE XVI Age Pebiods of Play According to Johnson Periods Characteristics Under three years Three to six years Seven to nine years... Ten to twelve years Thirteen to fifteen years Motor activity and sensory play. Plays of imitation and imagination. Individual and competitive games; "it" games. Group games, competitive, lowly or- ganized. Co-operative play; group competi- tion; teams. Since the age periods of both Lee and Johnson do not involve persons above the fif- teenth year, while the play movement during the "recreation center' ' and later stages has in- cluded groups of older persons, two classifica- tions have, therefore, been made of all persons attending the recreation centers. That of the school board of New York roughly separates those under seventeen from those over that age, providing "junior recreation centers' 9 for the 85 Cf. Twentieth Annual Report Superintendent of Schools, New York, 1918. TRANSITIONS IN THE PLAY MOVEMENT 246 former, and "senior" for the latter. 85 That by the South Parks, Chicago, makes four age groups of those attending the neighborhood centers, eight of those attending the gymnasium classes, and two of those participating in other activities, junior and senior, respectively. 86 TABLE XVII The Four Age Groups of Persons Attending Neighborhood Centers, According to the South Park Classification Group one, Group two. Group three . Group four. Little children under ten years of age. Those between eleven and fifteen years, at- tending indoor gymnasium classes and participating in athletics. Those between fifteen and twenty-five, chiefly attending social, aesthetic, and physical activities. The men and women of the neighborhood, some of whom attend gymnasium, but most of whom are interested in social aesthetic and civic activities. For each of the four groups a separate sched- ule of activities is arranged by the South Park plan of administration of recreation centers. Table XVIII gives the age divisions made of those attending the indoor gymnasium classes conducted from October to May. An analysis of Table XVIII shows an attempt to place children below seven years under the in- structor in the women's gymnasium, to group older children of both sexes approximately ac- cording to the same age divisions, and separation of the younger from the older adults because of the ability of the former for more vigorous games. Classification according to weight of persons attending the playgrounds is made so as to insure 86 Cf. Unpublished handbook for directors and instructors of the South Parks playgrounds, 1917. 246 THE PLAY MOVEMENT competition between those of like development and ability. The weights that are employed in the standard competitions are as follows : in bas- ket ball, 95 pounds grammar school, 95, 105, 115, 125, 135, and unlimited closed, and unlimited open; in soccer, 90, 110, and 125 closed; in play- ground ball, 75, 90, 110, and 135 closed; in track TABLE XVIII Age Grouping of Persons Attending South Park Indoor Gymnasiums Men's Gymnasium Women's Gymnasium Boys 7 to 9 years old. Boys 9 to 11 years old. Boys 12 to 15 years old. Boys 16 to 18 years of age. Employed boys of 16 to 18. Younger business men. Older business men. Boys and Girls, 4 to 7 years old. Girls 7 to 9 years of age. Girls 9 to 11 years of age. Girls 11 to 13 years of age. Girls 13 to 15 years of age. Employed girls of 16 to 18. Younger women (unmarried). Older women (married). and field athletics, 105, and unlimited closed, and unlimited open; and in wrestling, 105, 115, 125, 135, 145, 156, and unlimited closed divisions. The term "closed division" signifies that competition to which only those who are registered in the given playground league and have not competed elsewhere at any time are eligible ; that of ' ' open division" signifies that to which those who may have competed in a high school, a Y. M. C. A. or other league are eligible. This is a fourth classi- fication of those participating in playground activities; while a fifth divides them into two groups, the "novice" and the "classified"; and, a sixth into the "amateur" and the "profes- sional." A "novice" is one who has not won a TRANSITIONS IN THE PLAY MOVEMENT 247 first, second, or third place in any event; a "classified" person is one who has done so. An "amateur" is one who has never competed for a money prize, nor under a false name nor with professionals, nor where gate money was charged, nor served as a teacher of athletics with salary paid directly or indirectly, while a "professional" is any person who competes under one or more of these five conditions. A seventh classification is that by height, sometimes applied to volley- ball competition by girls, the division being made at ^ve feet. 2. The classification of play leaders, as well as those attending the centers, disclosed a further development of "directed play." Table XIX shows four types of supervisors of play and their respective titles, qualifications, and functions, that apply in all communities in which a system of play centers is maintained by park or school boards, or by a recreation commission or depart- ment of municipal government, or where "com- munity service" is established. 3. The training of play supervisors, a prom- inent feature of the "community service" stage, has nevertheless been practiced by city play- ground departments and school boards since the publication of the outlines for a normal course of study for play leaders by the Playground Asso- ciation of America in 1909. Baltimore has trained all its leaders, except its superintendents, in that manner. Sixty-three cities offered normal courses 248 THE PLAY MOVEMENT TABLE XIX Classification of Play Leaders According to Type, Title, Qualifications and Responsibilities Type General supervisory capacity. Local super- v i s o ry ca- pacity. Detailed leadership. Class A. Detailed leadership. Class B. Title Superintendent of Recreation or Recreation Secretary. Director of Playground, Park, or Rec- reation Center. Instructor i n Outdoor Play- ground or, In- d o o r Gymna- sium, entirely resp o n s i b 1 e for section of play center. Coach, Teach- er, Instructor, or Soc i al Worker. R e - sponsible for given activity. Qualifications 25 years of age, college education, ad- ministr a t i v e experience and executive abil- ity, equal to superintendent of schools. 21 years of age, of college education, executive abil- ity. Open to men and women. 21 years of age, of high school or col- lege education, including tech- n i c a 1 knowl- edge of games and athletics. Open to men and women. 21 years of age, possessing technical skill i n particular subject taught. Responsibilities Chief executive' and administra- tor for a play' or recreation sys- tem, provided by a school or park board, or depart- ment or commis- sion of recreation for a city. Head, promoter, and guide to all activities of a single playground or recreation cen- ter; collector of statistics of uses of local center. Leader and coach in all games, cal- isthenics, athletic competition; fre- quently also in story telling, story playing, and dramatics. Coach or director of dramatic club, chorus; or teacher of domestic sci- ence, social danc- ing, or other spe- cial types of play. during the winter of 1910-11. Cleveland en- rolled over three hundred in evening classes in 1913. The most elaborate scheme of normal train- ing was developed in Pittsburgh, in 1915, through the co-operation of the local playground associa- TRANSITIONS IN THE PLAY MOVEMENT 249 tion and the University of Pittsburgh. Since the Washington, D. C, school for "community service" workers in 1918, practically all cities in which "community service" has been organized have conducted classes in community singing, community drama and pageantry, or other activi- ties. Courses of study have also been organized in a great number of colleges, normal schools, kin- dergarten training schools, and schools of physi- cal education, and of social work, while a few private schools have been organized for the train- ing of play directors. During 1910, seventeen schools and colleges reported the use of the "normal course in play" prepared by the Asso- ciation. 4. The organization of amateur athletic and team game competition is another phase of the development of "directed play." This field of activities involves contests between teams from the various playgrounds and recreation centers of a city, or park department, or public school system. City championship series are often played. Baseball, indoor-ball, soccer, hockey, tennis, cricket, swimming meets, track meets, wrestling, and apparatus work are the usual events included. It was in conjunction with this phase of developments in supervised play that the classification of competitors as "novice" or "classified," "open" or "closed," and as "ama- teur" or "professional" was made, as defined above. 87 87 Cf. Appendix B for a statement of the method by which athletics are organized in a given recreation system, the South 250 THE PLAY MOVEMENT 5. The "efficiency test" 88 was another device employed in the direction of play. It comprised a given number of events in which the boy or girl, for it is designed for both sexes of adolescent age, is required to compete against a given ' ' standard ' ' rather than against other contest- ants. It was designed to stimulate a more edu- cational use of the common playground facilities than that of unorganized or "free" play upon them. Its list of events, therefore, are "stunts" on the apparatus frame, "dashes" on the track, and jumping. The "standards" denned for each event are of three types, arranged in an ascend- ing order of difficulty in performance so as to accommodate the scheme to the changing ability of the group for whom it was designed. A "badge" or token of some kind is awarded each contestant who successfully meets the require- ments of each event in one or the other of the three groups of "standards"; that is, he must meet the requirements of each event of a given group before receiving a reward of any kind, not- withstanding any special ability he may have in performing some one of the "standards" in any other group. While the particular play- ground or system of recreation may differ in its choice of events as in its requirements for each, Parks, Chicago, also Appendix H gives athletic calendar fol- lowed in interpark competition. 88 0ther terms by which this test is known locally are: "badge test," "button test," "individual test," "athletic test." TRANSITIONS IN THE PLAY MOVEMENT 251 the Playground and Recreation Association in 1913 adopted a standard test as follows: 89 STANDARD EFFICIENCY TEST FOR BOYS First Test : Pull Up (chinning the bar) 4 times Standing Broad Jump 5 ft. 9 in. 60- Yard Dash 8 3-5 seconds Second Test: Pull Up 6 times Standing Broad Jump 6 ft. 6 in. 60-Yard Dash 8 seconds Or 100-Yard Dash 14 seconds Third Test: Pull Up 9 times Running High Jump 4 ft. 4 in. 220- Yard Run 28 seconds STANDARD EFFICIENCY TEST FOR GIRLS First Test: All Up Indian Club Race 30 seconds Basket-Ball Throwing Two goals in 2 minutes Balancing 24 feet in two trials Second Test: All Up Indian Club Race 28 seconds Basket-Ball Throwing. . . .Three goals in 2 minutes Balancing Beam, bag on head. .24 feet in two trials A badge was designed by the Association for each of the three tests for the boys and for each of the tests for the girls, to be awarded upon cer- tification by the local playground authorities that a given test was satisfactorily met, providing the winner paid for the badge "as a young man or woman at college elected to Phi Beta Kappa pays 89 Cf. The Playground, Vol. VII, pp. 58-59, and X. pp. 165- 71, for revised test for girls. 252 THE PLAY MOVEMENT for the key awarded." All badges are of bronze and thus of little intrinsic value to emphasize that for which they stand. 6. The teaching of swimming and life-saving and the organization of aquatic competition, in the place of mere "playing at will" in the water, is another evidence of a transition from "free" to "directed play." Periodic instruction given in swimming pools, excursions to beaches under the chaperonage of play leaders, and aquatic "meets" conducted in both indoor and outdoor pools are among the forms which this type of direction has taken. The swimming meets are open to both sexes and all ages. The more common events are : the 50-, 100-, and 220-yard swims; the 50-yard ^breast stroke, and swim on back ; and diving. The individual or team obtaining the greater number of points is declared the winner. 90 60 Among the diving events are the following: iy 2 back jack-knife 15 points Double corkscrew (2 full twists) 15 " iy 2 back somersault with front twist 14 " iy 2 gainer 14 " iy 2 back somersault 13 " Standing corkscrew 12 " Hand stand dive with front somersault 12 " y 2 gainer with y> twist 12 Standing iy> somersault 12 " V 2 gainer 10 Running corkscrew 10 " Front jack-knife % Dack twist 10 " Running iy 2 somersault 10 " Back hand stand 8 " Standing back dive with front twist 8 " Plain back 7 " Back jack-knife 7 " Front hand stand 6 " Plain front 6 Front jack-knife 6 " TRANSITIONS IN THE PLAY MOVEMENT 253 7. The supervision of " passive' ' as well as " active" play is a sixth phase of the transition from ' l free ' ' to " directed ' ' play. After the ' ' sand garden' ' and until the "recreation center" stage, attention was given to vigorous, motor play. "Outdoor gymnasium" is a term synonymous with playground throughout the United States, while both the equipment and the organization of activities suggested vigorous rather than quiet, "active" instead of "passive," play. Adminis- trators of play facilities have prepared many sta- tistical tables and made glowing comments upon the energetic uses of their apparatus as they have heaped criticism upon sedentary amuse- ments. If young folks can be involved in active rather than passive recreation, the tide has, in nearly every case, been turned from vicious pastimes to constructive pleasures. 91 Thus the needs of children physically handi- capped and of youth engaged in physical occupa- tions during the day were overlooked by many directors of play before the "recreation center" stage. Beginning then, and developed subse- quently, "passive" recreation has been organized for those physically or socially handicapped. It has also been observed that sustained "active" play is physically deleterious even to normal persons. Especially is the heart of the growing individual affected by vigorous activity if performed for long periods at a time. Therefore "marathon 91 E. B. DeGroot, Annual Report South Park Commissioners, Chicago, 1909, p. 111. 254 THE PLAY MOVEMENT races ' ' have been tabooed from the track meet of the playground, and "girls' rules' ' have been arranged for basket-ball and other team-games while the "dashes" in which girls are permitted to participate are of shorter distance than those designed for boys. No longer is the whole day devoted to "physical" activities. Periods of "active" and vigorous play are alternated with "passive" and quiescent occupation. Increased attention to the role of "passive" play in the life of normal as well as subnormal persons has been given ever since the World War, first sug- gested by the needs of convalescent and handi- capped soldiers and sailors. New York perhaps leads in the organization of "passive" activities on the playground and in the recreation center. Generally the concept of the function of "pas- sive" play involves the following five ends: (1) to promote restful play; (2) to develop concen- tration; (3) to instill an element of quietude for the weaker child; (4) to provide safe play diver- sions; (5) to make the individual more than a mere spectator. 92 The activities involved in the direction of quiet play include : the story hour, story building, story playing; table games, such as checkers, caroms and carom pool; declamatory, debating, dramatic and musical entertainments ; bean bag, ring toss, and box-ball games; phonographic concerts; mo- tion pictures ; reading room and branch libraries ; 92 Cf. Twentieth Annual Report Superintendent of Schools, New York, p. 201. TRANSITIONS IN THE PLAY MOVEMENT 255 lectures and forums; construction "work," such as paper and cardboard folding and cutting, raf- fia and reed craft, weaving and sewing, book binding, leather work, printing, photography, sketching, stenciling, drawing, making herbar- iums, sloyd, toy making, playing with dolls, building with blocks, "biogeography"; and mod- eling and ceramics. 8. Co-operation between play centers for other purposes than that of athletic competition is an eighth feature in the transition from ' ' free ' ' to "directed play." This aspect of supervision was analyzed above in the study of the "neigh- borhood organization "stage of the movement, the league of neighborhood school centers being the most complete example. The two common purposes of co-operation between centers is the stimulation of interest in given activities in the less highly organized centers and the promotion of self-support in all through the collective treat- ment of money-getting devices. 9. The formulation of schedules of events, for the class period in the indoor gymnasium, the day in both the indoor gymnasium and the out- door playground, the week in both the indoor and outdoor gymnasium and the entire play center, and the annual calendar emphasizing the celebra- tion of holidays and the organization of festivals and sports belonging to the respective seasons. The sequence of activities incorporated in the schedule of a class period in the indoor gymna- 256 THE PLAY MOVEMENT sium involves three types, as shown by Table XX. The "progressive exercises" comprise twenty-five per cent of the period for men and thirty-five, for women; the "play group," thirty-five for men and forty, for women; while "competitive games" consume forty per cent for men and twenty-five, for women. 93 TABLE XX The Sequence of Activities in the Class Peeiod Indoor Gymnasium in a Recreation Center OF AN Progressive Exercise Play Group Competitive Games 1. Free exercises. 1. Free play by 1. Basket-ball. 2. Light apparatus. graded groups. 2. Volley-ball. (a) Dumb-bells. 2. Games : 3. Indoor baseball. (b) Indian clubs. (a) Singing. 4. Wrestling. (c) Wands. (b) Low organi- 5. Indoor track 3. Heavy apparatus: (a) Buck. (b) Horse. zation, (c) Home and yard. athletics. (c) Booms. 3. Social dancing: (d) Bars: (a) Women alone. (1) Parallel. (b) Men alone. (2) Horizontal. 4. Children's parties. 4. Tumbling. (a) Doll. 5. Folk-dancing. (b) Stories. 6. Gymnastic (c) Table. dancing. 5. Socials (Informal good times, for boys and girls together). During the school vacation, a " daily sequence" of activities is arranged. It is based upon two facts: the temperature changes, and the groups attending the playground. With respect to the former, the day is divided into four periods: (a) the early morning hours prior to eleven o'clock; (b) the mid-day and early afternoon, the 93 Cf. Annual Report South Park Commissioners, 1905, and the book of instructions to employees, 1917. TRANSITIONS IN THE PLAY MOVEMENT 257 time of highest temperature, from eleven until four; (c) the later afternoon, between four and six; and (d) the evening period, from seven until closing time, which is nine-thirty or ten o'clock. The group attending the playground during the first period is predominately that of little chil- dren; during the second and third, children and youths who are not employed ; and during the last period the working boys and girls, and adults. There is some difference between the events of the men's and the women's gymnasiums, as the Tables XXI and XXII show. An analysis of these TABLE XXI Typical Daily Sequence in Men's Outdoor Playground, Attended by Boys Above Ten Years of Age, Showing Characteristic Events in Each Period 8:30 to 11 a. m. 11 to 4 p. m. 4 to 6 p. m. 7 to 10 p. m. 1. Individual 1. Apparatus 1. Team 1. Team instruction work coaching: corching: on apparatus 2. Badge test a, Track Track 2. Games of training &, Play- 2. Games low organi- 3. Swimming ground ?,. Social zation pool ball hours 3. Stunts 4. Storytelling c, Baseball 4. Apparatus 4. Tennis 5. Lunch days 2. Apparatus 5. Baseball 6. Games work 3. Games charts discloses a progression from vigorous games of both low and high organization in the first period to less strenuous events during the second, with a return to vigorous activities dur- ing the third and fourth as the temperature falls and older groups attend the playgrounds. The "weekly sequence' ' was arranged in both the outdoor playground and the indoor gymna- 258 THE PLAY MOVEMENT sium to furnish greater variety to the activities from day to day. In the former, a typical sequence of this kind, involves vigorous activities every day, although the form may vary from team- games to track athletics, while features such as story telling, dramatics, picnics, social hours, TABLE XXII Typical Daily Sequence in Women's Outdoor Playground, Attended Also by Boys Under Ten Years of Age 8:30 to 11 a. m. 11 to 4 p. m. 4 to 6 p. m. 7 to 10 p. m. 1. Swings and 1. Swings: 1. Badge test 1. Personal see-saws a, Rope training talks on 2. Individual b, Lawn 2. Training getting ac- instruction 2. Storytelling for teams: quainted on apparatus 3. Wading pool, Play- 2. Running 3. Sand court boats, etc. ground ball games work 4. Swimming 3. Vigorous 3. Apparatus 4. Tennis pool games 4. Social 5. Games for 5. Quiet games 4. Apparatus nights little 6. Park picnics work children Lunch days badge tests, instruction in swimming, sand pile contests, and apparatus work are provided peri- odically. This does not mean that certain of these events may not occur daily, for the facilities are there and no one is forbidden to use them, but rather that instruction and direction are of- fered only at stated intervals. The weekly sequence of the indoor gymnasium is character- ized by two features : first, the members are classi- fied according to age and formed into seven or eight groups to insure fair competition between them and to enable the instructor to adapt the exercises to the psychic stage and physical ability of each group; and second, the use of a limited TRANSITIONS IN THE PLAY MOVEMENT 259 a bfl p. a 0) (i o tH 3 o -'-' .d O o 02 a s a s | -s as u a u ft ° Oh O h a a 13 „ a co «* Pi » 2 55 ii J ft 0) •s -s & s S s g ■*# a 03 g s >> a a » 2 2 * S S a o H H CU *< O < to 2 g a § d • ^ d 00 •h* IB 5 o o *l a CO £ W> a to S b .£ ^h ^ +j OJ T3 d CO a o oj -^ rt oq rH o3 OS £ w ft -w d o3 lH a A < cq CQ -*-» o o rH 3 d tH -t-J u CQ -*i CO O CO d d 23 -t-> H+J a 73 d o3 aj o3 CO o CO oo T3 ■l-H i— i § B3g a g H U £ U CQ H CQ • • >» ; • • ; ►» cd T3 : •§ £ : * : >» co ,2 • co .. 03 «■ *g >» T3 £' d S ® 43 *-. co S o S Eh ^ H fa CQ CQ T3 d 03 n to ►» 2 ^i2 03 ft -t-j i— i d o3 t- d oj O d co 03 '-. 03 a 03 a o 60 « a o3 60 ra 60 5 a CQ B CQ tf <^ O CO 8 bO -4-> Wi m d Q) -l-l +J o3 u o> d bfl Q* T3 a el << pq CO +-> o3 Ih o3 v^ ft 60 a fl 03 a ^ Jh o3 a § 03 P T3 a >» 03 jb3 60 a M i o —I 4-' a) o3 "a >> d O 73 ■i-j CQ CO . Q. a> d ^ — . o ^ a ft as a d -rn > "*-^ c3 CQ ^ co d 3 I 2 to CO d) d CQ O -t_> d 03 OS d o CQ H 03 £ O GQ o3 CO ft 0) o3 d d J3 03 ^ CO o bo d .a ^ PS Ph Xfl T3 d ed OQ bO d o d CO d .5 ~ § ^ -'111 K> T3 03 5 rt 03 £ CQ co s 03 O d o o d *5 bO to a .a 5 Sit: o3 o a s § to 2 is y a -s a d SJ rj 9> Bl CD ^ EH CQ cd d o 03 CQ d H t3 co d t3 o3 T3 . 5>» . u to d ^ H fa CQ CQ ♦"* 5 03 d 260 THE PLAY MOVEMENT number of periods by inter-group and inter- playground team-game competition, at which spectators are admitted. Each class or group, furthermore, meets two or three times per week, although members of these groups may also par- ticipate in league games held at other periods, as on Wednesday and Saturday evenings. Also, the hours between 5:30 and 7:30 each day are fre- quently devoted in the men's gymnasium to prac- tice games, while the corresponding periods are sometimes used by the women for the rehearsal of dancing and dramatic numbers on coming pro- grams. 94 The necessity for a sequence in the gymna- siums, both indoor and outdoor, however, was found to be no greater than that of the recreation center as a whole. When a schoolhouse is being used as an evening recreation center, or a play- ground or fieldhouse has more than one room and its field of activities includes more events than a single play leader may direct in person, it has been found desirable to arrange the time for the meeting of the gymnasium classes for boys and girls of the same age at the identical hour of the day in order that these groups may thus be per- mitted to engage in another activity, such as a dramatic club, a mixed chorus, or a dance. This plan is known as the "correlated schedule" of the play center. It is prepared through the co- 94 Consult Appendices C and D for typical weekly schedules in the indoor men's and women's gymnasiums, South Park Commissioners, Chicago. TRANSITIONS IN THE PLAY MOVEMENT 2G1 operation of the director of the center, the in- structors in each gymnasium, the coaches and teachers of special classes, and the leaders of the neighborhood groups. Its function is the social utilization of the leisure of those persons who attend gymnasium classes or other activities twice or three times a week, and who at other times are likely to develop a habit of loafing about the prem- ises when the classes to which they belong are not in session, thus nullifying the moral gains through organized play in which they participate. By such an arrangement as the ' i correlated schedule ' ' each person frequenting the play center may be brought into contact with supervised play, and thus the efficacy of the playground or recreation center may be greatly increased. 95 As the " daily schedule'' led to the "weekly sequence, ' ' so the ' ' correlated schedule ' ' led to the "annual calendar' ' by which definite objectives were conceived for each month and season of the year. 96 The first feature of this scheme was the division of the year into two periods: the "indoor season' ' from October to April; and the "out- door season" from May to September inclusive. During the former, activities are organized in the indoor gymnasiums, the assembly halls, and the clubrooms. Gymnasium classes are regis- tered, clubs for the study of music, dramatics, 95 Cf. Appendices E and F for typical weekly schedules for entire play center. 9C Cf.. Appendices G and H for annual calendars for a single center in 1915-16, and of the entire South Park system for 1920-21. 262 THE PLAY MOVEMENT and dancing are organized, and social and civic events promoted. With the return of spring, the plan is reversed; indoor activities and organiza- tions are disbanded and outdoor sports are re- sumed. Certain facilities remain open through- out the year, such as the branch library, the locker and shower rooms, and the clubrooms and assembly hall for special social or civic activities. The second trait of the ' ' annual calendar ' ' of play is the emphasis which it gives to the celebration of holidays and the establishment of neighborhood festival customs, repeating given programs year by year until they become social heritages of the community. In time the neighboring population comes to look forward with joy to the possibility of participation in seasonal events and their or- ganization is thus facilitated. Kepetition is essen- tial to success in community recreation, for by this means only may social standards be established and community attitudes maintained. Among the activities organized in a well supervised com- munity center are the mid- winter gymnastic exhi- bition, the spring festival, the Independence Day, and Labor Day, and Christmas celebrations, com- munity days, band concerts, community sings, indoor artist recitals, and lectures. The incorporation in the structure and the con- cept of the function of the play movement of attempts to group participants according to sex, age, weight, and as open or closed division, or novice or classified, or amateur or professional; TRANSITIONS IN THE PLAY MOVEMENT 263 to classify the supervisors of play according to their functions; to train these supervisors in the technique of directing play; to organize athletic competition between persons, teams within the local playground, and groups representing differ- ent playgrounds ; to develop co-operation between play centers for the exchange of talent and other functions of mutual benefit ; and to regulate activi- ties by the establishment of schedules for the class period, the day, the week, and the year, discloses a transition from "free play" involv- ing miscellaneous activities to "directed play" utilizing correlated schedules. G. From a simple to a complex field of activi- ties, involving manual, physical, aesthetic, social, and civic events. A comparison of the sand gar- dens with the structure and function of the play movement as conceived in its subsequent stages discloses a transition from a simple to a com- plex field of activities. In this development, em- phasis has been placed successively upon "man- ual," "physical," "aesthetic," "social," and "civic" events. The result, however, has been a cumulative one, in that each of the five types of activity is incorporated in the present structure and concept of the function of the movement. The meaning of each type and the history of its incor- poration in the field of activities is as follows. At the inception of the "sand garden" stage, the occupation of the groups attending the play- grounds was exclusively "manual," that is, a type 1 264 THE PLAY MOVEMENT of play in which the distinctive feature was handi- craft, such as molding the sand, digging in it with little shovels, filling little buckets with sand and emptying them again, cutting and folding paper, j and sewing. The explanation for this restriction is indicated by the following quotation from the chairman of the committee then in charge of the sand gardens of Boston, in which frank acknowl- edgement is made of an attempt to imitate the provisions for the play of little children in Ber- lin, the prototype of the first adjustments in this country. 97 There .... princeling and peasant dug together in the sand heaps under the kindly care of policemen. And ten years later one of the five reasons given by the committee for supporting the work of conducting sand gardens was this sentence : They [children] are taught, in the guise of play, to use their hands and brains. Kindergarten games, involving "physical" and " aesthetic' ' characteristics, and story-telling were added about 1893, when kindergartners were employed to assist in supervising the children, but even then the greater portion of the time and attention of the children was given to " manual" play. The structure of the sand gardens was suited to the concept of their function : the space was small, thus limiting the variety of events that might occur simultaneously ; the time of operation was short, usually one-half day, thus preventing the succession of a number of occupations; and ■ 97 Ellen M. Tower, supra. TRANSITIONS IN THE PLAY MOVEMENT 265 the equipment invited sedentary activities, such as molding, cutting, sewing, since each yard was pro- vided with movable benches, toy brooms, buckets and shovels, and six pairs of scissors. On two days each week, in Boston, sewing and bright worsteds were the chief attraction; on two other days, brilliantly colored soldiers, animals, and other pictures were distributed to be cut out by the children. In the remaining four cities studied in the analysis of the "sand garden " stage above, similar situations prevailed; in Providence whit- tling classes were conducted twice a week. At that time, the promoters of the movement did not have a definite concept of the field of activities. Their idea of the function of the playgrounds was, as stated above, 98 to keep the children off the streets and thus away from certain physical and moral dangers by inducting them into safer places for play, a social situation in which a con- structive use of materials and social forces was made for the development of personal and group life. During the "model playground" and "small park" stages, " physical " activities were empha- sized. These activities comprised the various active or motor plays and games; the "tag" games, "team" games, " field" sports, and track events. The "model playgrounds" furnished space and apparatus for older boys and girls as well as little children, for the sand garden was 98 Cf. pp. 53-55. 266 THE PLAY MOVEMENT located in k 'the children's corner"; the " small parks" for all ages, with ample facilities for field sports and track events. The Charlesbank Out- door Gymnasium was the prototype of this concept of structure and function, and the recreation cen- ters of the South Parks, Chicago, the most com- plete embodiment. At that time, the conservation of health through the promotion of ' ' active ' ' rather than "passive" play, that is, vigorous games, gymnastics, and athletics instead of the sedentary occupations of the sand gardens and the commer- cialized amusements." The efficiency test and "amateur athletics" represent the highest devel- opment of this phase of the movement and are closely followed by the indoor gymnasium, the swimming pool, and the camp. But these facilities appealed only to those who were of comparatively rugged physique. Continuity of interest depended upon one's showing in the contest, the winners being regular in attendance while the losers tended to drift into the ranks of the spectators, and a demand for the development of quiet games and other pursuits beyond the limits of the occu- pations of the sand gardens was perceived. In response, three types of activities were added: "aesthetic," "social," and "civic," in the order named. The "aesthetic" provisions included such as the story-hour, story-playing, junior dramatics, festivals, and pageantry. These events were "Cf. p. 253 above. A SURAL SCENE ji J ^ * """"^ "^hB ^P*^ A SUBURBAN VIEW A CITY BY THE SEA "WORLD BUILDING," HAMILTON PARK PLAYGROUND. CHICAGO TRANSITIONS IN THE PLAY MOVEMENT 267 usually led by the instructors in the women's gymnasiums and children's playgrounds, although in some communities special organizers were provided. Especially was this true of the festi- vals and pageants, although many playground in- structors composed, and directed with credit, festival and pageantry programs of a modest nature. 100 The period of greatest emphasis upon this phase of play was between 1912 and 1915, or dur- ing the " civic art and welfare" stage. The con- cept of the function of the play movement at this point of its evolution was somewhat reversionary, "individual" rather than "group," namely the 100 A typical playground pageant was that of Palmer Park, Chicago South Parks, given at 2:00 p.m., Labor Day, 1913. It was entitled "A Pageant of Chicago," and comprised the fol- lowing ten episodes: I — Naming the River. The Indians seek a western hunt- ing ground by means of an unknown river. It dwindles into two small branches. They name it Chi Cagou (Alas! It is nothing). Legendary times. II— The White Stranger. Father Marquette, 1673. Ill — The First Citizen. Jean, the trader, 1779. IV — Buying Chicago. Americans buy Chi-cagou of In- dians, 1796. V — Fort Dearborn. The massacre of 1812. Interlude: Lament of the Spirit of the Lake. VI— A Day in Early Chicago. About the time of 1837. VII— The Rail Splitter. Chicago's part in the Civil War, 1860-65. VIII — The Great Fire. Flames attack sleeping city in 1871. IX — The World's Fair. Chicago presents the nations to Columbia, 1892. X — The New City. The months present the dance of the future. Labor and capital meet; and join hands to free the city of the future. Soldiers of the past enter and give place to soldiers of peace. Eugene Field, Chicago's Children's Poet, appears with his dream children. The future citizens give the dance of youth. The builders of the past pay tribute to the new city. Processional. 268 THE PLAY MOVEMENT satisfaction of personal desires through the exer- cise of the imagination in the dramatic, dancing, and musical arts. The next addition to the field of activities, chronologically, was "social" events, that is, dances, parties, stunt-nights, table-games. This phase attained greatest popularity about 1914 in the "municipal dances" previously described, but has continued to occupy a place in the schedules of gymnasiums as well as fieldhouse and public school "recreation centers." The concept of the function of the "social" events was quite the opposite of that of the "aesthetic" activities in at least one respect, since it provided concourse with real persons rather than imaginary ones, but it resembled them in seeking to provide a con- structive social environment. It utilized the sim- ple expressions of gregariousness in an effort to counteract the commercialized dance halls out- side the play centers and the loafing inside them during the periods between gymnasium classes or other activities and at all times by some people who found no other events sufficiently to their liking to cause them to enroll in any organized activities. The group not enrolled, in all com- munities, greatly outnumbered those registered in the more highly organized associations; and while the conduct of "social" activities was at first but an expedient preliminary to an attempt to induce them to participate in either the ' ' physi- cal" or "aesthetic" activities, in the end, "so- TRANSITIONS IN THE PLAY MOVEMENT 269 cial" events were incorporated in the regular schedules of the recreation centers because of the particular function which they exercised in open- ing channels of social intercourse through which group life might flow more freely. A fourth permanent realm was thereby added to the field of activities of the play movement. During the "community service" stage, this phase found ex- pression in "block parties," "street dances," "community days," "stunt-nights," "spelling bees," and free motion pictures presented out-of- doors in public parks. A fifth addition to the field of activities of the play movement was that of "civic" enter- prises, efforts toward the exercise of the rights and duties of citizens in ways that were volun- tary and pleasurable. For adults, the most highly organized activities were the ''community coun- cils" and the "community forums" developed in connection with fieldhouses and public schools dur- ing 1915-18, and "community service" since that date; while for juveniles, there were the boy scouts and campfire girls, "junior republics, cities, and councils," and Red Cross associations. An analysis of Table XXIV discloses an in- crease both in the variety of activities, when com- pared with the initial provisions made for play, and in the number of cities reporting these re- spective features from year to year. Rearran- ging them according to types, 7 and S are manual; 6, 7, 16, 19, 20, 21, and 22 are physical; 4, 5, 6, 270 THE PLAY MOVEMENT 9, 13, 15, and 18 are aesthetic; 5, 12, and 17 are social; while 1, 2, 3, 5, 7, 10, 11, and 14 are civic in nature. Tims the statement that the field of activities of the play movement has evolved from a simple to a complex form is abundantly sup- ported, notwithstanding the fact that the reports are incomplete both with respect to the number TABLE XXIV Selected List of Particular Activities and the Number of Cities in Whose Provision for Play They Were In- corporated During 1911-1916, Inclusive Activities 1911 1912 1913 1915 1916 Boy Scouts Campfire Girls Debating Dramatics Evening Entertain- ments 6. Folk-dancing 7. Gardening 8. Industrial Work . . 9. Instrumental Music. 10. Lectures 11. Libraries 12. Moving Pictures . . . Pageants Self-Government . . . 15. Singing 16. Skating 17. Social Dancing 18. Story Telling 19. Summer Camps . . . 20. Swimming 21. Tramping 22. Wading 13. 14. 55 37 43 120 52 100 27 27 49 41 44 78 148 26 75 69 56 21 15 37 53 132 67 112 38 36 56 35 44 52 84 *42 143 27 83 74 75 77 63 30 61 84 178 79 138 51 67 71 48 52 55 95 55 65 196 65 138 115 91 98 85 42 93 119 273 105 191 69 89 106 67 102 65 150 88 100 259 62 188 164 127 160 134 56 110 131 229* 133 180* 85 106 122 55* 151 102 108 243* 160 55* 197 *The report under 1916 for folk-dancing-, industrial work, self-government, story telling, and swimming are not to be taken, necessarily, as indications of a reduction in the number of cities providing them for that year, since the whole table is compiled from voluntary reports submitted by the recrea- tional authorities of the cities, the number varying from year to year. Often a city in which facilities have been in operation for some time will fail to submit a report, while one in which the work is new seldom does so. While thus the figures for each year are incomplete they are indicative of the tendency. TRANSITIONS IN THE PLAY MOVEMENT 271 of activities mentioned and the number of cities reporting. Table XXV shows the addition of ten new types of activity to a significant number of cities during the year of 1917. While most of these had appeared before and many had long been incor- porated in municipal organizations of recreation, TABLE xxv Activities Added During 1917, With Numbeb of Cities Reporting the Same* Activities Cities 1. Americanization 30 2. Canning 87 3. Domestic Science 67 4. First Aid 101 5. Hiking 102 6. Junior Red Cross 60 7. Knitting 184 8. Military Drill 100 9. Sewing for War Relief 106 10. War Garden Clubs 119 *The record of this year is significant for two reasons: (a) it confirms the tendency in question; and (&) it occurred during the first year of the participation of the United States in the Great War. the fact that many cities reported their inaugura- tion for the first time that year indicates their concept of the field of activities as including more than manual events, for physical and civic receive great consideration. Thus 2, 3, 7, 9, and 10 are manual; 4, 5, 8, and 10 are physical; 1 and 6 are civic. The absence of the aesthetic and social is probably due to the fact that war interests dominated developments, and during its early days at least, those activities that seemed to be more directly related to that undertaking were given 272 THE PLAY MOVEMENT preference over other events such as music, dra- matics, social pleasures, whose values in war were not as readily surmised. A classification of the activities promoted at the present time by the play movement comprises the following five groups : Manual activities: bio-geography; book-bind- ing; cardboard work; designing; drawing; kite tournaments; knot-tieing; kodak clubs; leather- work; mumble the peg; nature study, gardening, caring for pets, and making herbaria; paper- work, cutting and folding; photography; print- ing; raffia and reed weaving; sand modeling; sloyd; sketching; stenciling; sewing; toy-making; world-building. Physical activities: athletics, aquatics, badge tests, calisthenics, camping, dancing, excursions, exhibitions, field-days, games, gymnastics, hikes, marching, plays, sports, stunts, tournaments. Aesthetic activities: concerts by band, chorus, or orchestra; dramatics, both adults' and chil- dren's; debating; declamations; essay- writing ; festivals; literaries; musical societies; modeling; newspaper-making; opera and operetta; min- strels ; pageants ; public speaking ; recitals ; sings ; scenario writing ; story-building, -playing, -telling, and -writing. Social activities: amateur nights; banquets; clubs ; dances ; dinners ; game rooms ; legerdemain ; motion pictures; musical stories; mock-funerals, -trials, -weddings; open road evenings; block, TRANSITIONS IN THE PLAY MOVEMENT 273 children's, doll, fiction, fad, hobby, juvenile, lawn, and national costume parties ; parlor games ; parlor magic; parlor track and field meets; "phunites"; pet shows; receptions; shadow- graphs; socials; spelling bees; stunt-nights; tab- leaux; trained animal acts; vaudeville enter- tainments; young men's and young women's nights. Civic activities: Americanization work; bar- becues; community councils, -dramas, -forums, -gardens, -music, -kitchens, -organization, -service ; Christmas trees; co-operative enterprises, involv- ing banks, loan associations, stores; mass meet- ings; night schools; lectures; political meetings; safety first surveys; thrift town meetings; wel- fare exhibits ; vigilance committee meetings. A comparison of the field of activities indicated by the above classification with that of the "sand garden ' ' stage of the movement discloses a transi- tion from simplicity to complexity, homogeneity to heterogeneity, of concept of function. H. From the provision of facilities to the definition of standards. The equipment of sites for play characterized the concept of the function of the movement at the time of its inception. Thus the "sand gardens" during the first two years of their history were nothing more than selected spaces furnished with equipment suitable to the play of little children. These facilities were without supervision, except that volunteered by kindly neighbors, and offered no scheme of organic 274 THE PLAY MOVEMENT zation designed either to direct the play of the children attending the grounds or to correlate their activities with the social organization of the neighborhoods in which they were located. Later playgrounds, also, both of the sand garden and other types within and without the city of Boston, were similarly provided. When supervision was first incorporated, as exemplified by the later "sand gardens" and the "model playgrounds, ' ' the concept of the structure and the function of the movement still remained unchanged with re- spect to the relation which facilities for play were believed to sustain to the social organization of the communities in which they were situated. Likewise during the "small park" and " recreation center' ' stages, no alteration was made in the theory of the adjustments proposed. This theory has been stated by Thomas 101 to be one of several fallacies that may be pointed out in legislation, education, and reform measures in general; namely, the belief that persons will develop spon- taneously, that is, without external influence, "tendencies which enable them to profit in a full and uniform way from given conditions, and that therefore it is sufficient to create favorable or remove unfavorable conditions in order to give birth to or suppress given tendencies. ,, The "sand garden," the "model playground, ' ' the "small park," and the "recreation center" were each constructed and operated on that basis. 101 W. I. Thomas and Florian Znaniecki, The Polish Peasant in Europe and America, Vol. I, p. 12. TRANSITIONS IN THE PLAY MOVEMENT 275 During those stages of the movement, conse- quently, efforts looking toward an adjustment to the social situation with respect to play were con- fined to the provision of facilities, rather than to some scheme that would have included an incor- poration of psychological aspects as well, in its structure and concept of function. While pre- senting children, first, and youths and adults, sub- sequently, with the opportunity for play — spaces equipped and later supervised, thus constituting "favorable conditions" to wholesome play — the movement failed to take into account the necessity for a correlation of these conditions with the organized life of the community, by which "standard" uses of these facilities and of leisure time in general might be made by all the mem- bers of the community. During the "civic art and welfare" stage, however, the beginning was made of the application of this concept to the structure of the movement. Fuller use was made in the "neighborhood organization" stage, and a more extensive utilization of the principle during War Camp Community Service, and subsequently. This feature may be described as an attempt to 1 ' define standards ' ' for the use of leisure time by all the members of the community in activities performed both within and without the facilities provided specially for play. It involves the edu- cation of the public in the use of spare-time, resulting in the gradual development, through the co-operation of the people, of traditions, 276 THE PLAY MOVEMENT sentiments, opinions regarding play that shall pro- voke behavior harmonizing with the consensus of the group concerning community welfare ; in short, ''social attitudes,'' or tendencies to act toward social values, the social value, in this case, being the wholesome use of leisure, or play in the sense denned at the outset of this report. Prior to the fact of this transition, the movement was virtu- ally a "playground movement" rather than a "play movement," although there were some leaders who held slightly different concepts of its function and structure 102 as there were instances of its application. But it was "war camp com- munity service," during 1918-19, that completed the transition from the provision of facilities to the "definition of standards" for the use of leisure. In this concept of the function of the movement, the provision of facilities was still an integral part of the plan of adjustment, that is, there was no abatement of campaigns for more playgrounds, recreation centers, or the like, but facilities such as these were considered as aids in 102 Consult: L. H. Gulick, "Play and Democracy," paper read at first annual meeting of the Playground Association of America, 1907, and published in Charities and the Com- mons, August 3, 1907; Allan T. Burns, The Relation of the Small Parks of Chicago to Juvenile Delinquency, Russell Sage Foundation publications; Edward B. DeGroot, in Annual Re- port of South Park Commissioners, Chicago, 1910. These ar- ticles, however, did not contain points of view identical with the concept of the transition as formulated in this investiga- tion, as will be seen below, since they held that the estab- lishment of standards would follow as a result of the operation of well equipped and supervised facilities rather than that the definitions of standards should be attempted directly as a con- scious objective of the movement. TRANSITIONS IN THE PLAY MOVEMENT 277 the larger work of defining and diffusing certain ideas and norms, 103 so to speak, concerning the use which anyone may make of his leisure time. The transition from the provision of facilities to the "definition of standards' ' involved a num- ber of changes in the concept of the function of the movement, each one adding an integral part of the present structure. The principal steps included the following: First the attempts to make adjustments to the social situation with respect to all ages of people as a means of conserving certain types of behavior regarded as beneficial to community welfare, in the place of continued efforts in behalf of children and youths alone. Thus, during the earlier stages of the movement, it was assumed that adult be- havior would follow the interests awakened in childhood, if those interests were transformed into social attitudes and habits during the expe- rience of the child on the playground. Toward adult recreation, a laissez faire attitude was main- tained until the "recreation center' ' stage, while all attention was focused upon the problem of making some adjustment of the play of children 103 Thomas, in the work cited above, criticizes the estab- lishment of "norms" at the present time on the ground that such an action is an expression of "common sense" and not "science." Yet while his point is true, as far as ultimate method is concerned, the fact of life is here, now, and its problems must be met somehow, as he also points out, and hence there have sprung up "rules of behavior, by which the group tends to mafntain and make more general the corre- sponding type of action among its members." These rules include our customs, beliefs, legal and educational methods, and institutions. 278 THE PLAY MOVEMENT to the current social situation. A good statement of this viewpoint is the following : 104 Democracy must provide not only a seat and instruction for every child, in school, but also play and good play tradi- tions for every child in a playground. Without the develop- ment of these social instincts, without the growing of the social consciousness — which has its roots in the early activ- ities of the playground — we cannot expect adults to possess those higher feelings which rest upon the earlier social virtues developed during childhood. The sandpile for the small child, the playground for the middle-sized child, the athletic field for the boy, folk-dancing and social ceremonial life for the boy and the girl in the teens, wholesome means of social relationships during these periods, are fundamental condi- tions without which democracy cannot continue, because upon them rests the development of that self-control which is related to an appreciation of the needs of the rest of the group and of the corporate conscience, which is rendered necessary by the complex interdependence of modern life. Here was an expression of the relation of personal behavior to group influence as far as juveniles are concerned, but the range of vision did not include the dependence of adult sentiment and opinion upon the "social organization" of the group or community. The adult, as truly as the child, belongs to the group functionally and spa- tially, that is, shares in its * ' consensus ' ' as well as resides within its territory. And for the normal action of play, in any community, it is necessary, therefore, that there be both adequate facilities and functional organization for both maturity and 104 Luther H. Gulick, "Play in Democracy," Charities and the Commons, August, 1903. TRANSITIONS IN THE PLAY MOVEMENT 279 immaturity to participate in wholesome uses of leisure time. 105 But for some time the play move- ment seems to have failed to observe that both facilities and organization for adult play did not exist, nor was the behavior of adults all that it should have been during night leisure and holiday vacations. It may be more than a mere coinci- dence, therefore, that contemporaneously with the stages of the play movement prior to that of " civic art and welfare," commercialized amuse- ments developed and multiplied exceedingly, as sports and other wholesome recreations by adults declined. The concept of the situation that became distressing to the leaders of the move- ment during its recent stages was based at first, however, upon the desire to make the provisions for children more effective, rather than a consid- eration of the pleasure of adults, since it was observed that anti-social behavior by adults during their leisure inhibited to some extent the control of juveniles By the community. Thus pro- vision for maturity, which came, first, with the provision of benches for mothers and fathers to sit on while watching their children play in the "model playgrounds, ' ' second, with the develop- ment of "small parks" in which adults were not forbidden, but not encouraged, to participate in games, skating, etc., and, third, in the construction of ' l recreation centers ' ' for all ages and operated throughout the year, was made imperceptibly with 105 Cf. E. S. Bogardus, Introduction to Sociology, pp. 130-34. 280 THE PLAY MOVEMENT that for youths and children. Not until the pres- ence of adults had become general at the facilities provided originally for younger persons, did con- scious efforts in their behalf become a part of the history of the movement. Since the development from provision for children to that for all ages of people was a transition in itself and has been analyzed above, the object of this reference to it is merely to indicate its influence upon the tran- sition now under consideration, its causal relation to the attempt to "define standards'' for the use of leisure by all the members of the community. The two transitions were thus involved, the pres- ent one being somewhat of a sequel to that which widened the age-group with which the movement was concerned. A second step in the development of the tran- sition from provision of facilities to the * ' definition of standards" was that of municipal and state legislation concerning both the control of existing recreational institutions and activities and the con- struction of public and community facilities. The facts relative to this phase of the movement were fully analyzed above under the discussion of the "civic art and welfare" stage. Thus, in many communities, where there was no interest on the part of the majority of the people in providing facilities for play, the enactment of state legisla- tion of a mandatory character opened the way for the formation of a new concept by presenting a problem to the community. TRANSITIONS IN THE PLAY MOVEMENT 281 A third step in the transition was the revival of festivals. The first conspicuous example was that held in connection with the first annual meet- ing of the Playground Association of America, in Chicago, June, 1907. In this open-air perform- ance, hundreds of children, youths and adults participated, groups from nearly all of the play- grounds and small park recreation centers en- tered. Many of the folk-dances were performed by immigrants dressed in the national costume appropriate to the dance. Subsequently an open- air festival, consisting of folk-dancing and gym- nastic events, became an annual event in the history of the movement in Chicago, and in other cities and rural districts. At the third meeting of the association, a committee on festivals reported with gratification increasing signs of the growth of the fes- tival spirit in America in dance festivals, play festivals, and national festivals; in pageant and drama; in procession and commemorative ceremonial. The committee is impressed, however, by the need of some expert guidance and help in the arrangement and con- duct of some of these festivals. Some of them lack expres- siveness because there is no central and co-ordinating idea. Some are ill adapted to actual conditions The aim of these festivals should be to involve the people in self-amusement and self-expression. The festival should be the greatest and most characteristic form of demo- cratic art. It should interpret the ideals of the people to themselves. It should stimulate the creative energies of the people, and bring forth the latent imagination and poetry which is in them. 100 ^Proceedings of the Playground Association of America, Vol. Ill, p. 442. 282 THE PLAY MOVEMENT During the following decade considerable prog- ress was made in the standardization of festivals by the incorporation of dramatic and musical activities as well as dancing, games, and athletics in the plan of organization, and by a unifica- tion of the program through the use of a ' i theme f ' or story and a loose plot in the place of the former sequence of miscellaneous numbers that characterized the earlier programs. The themes chosen were "group" rather than "personal," and the plot, interrupted action on many inci- dents rather than connected action in a single situation, the distinction thus between a pageant and a play. The action is, furthermore, both symbolical and realistic. When the latter is fol- lowed, the folk-customs — dances, songs, merry- making — are re-enacted; while in the use of the former either traditional legends or original masques are presented. In every program of this type the common gymnastic activities, such as running, wrestling, "stunts," and "feats of strength or skill," are incorporated. A typical program of a festival of this type is the one below, which was given at Fuller Park, Chicago, in May, 1914; the prelude is symbolical, while the remainder is realistic." Prelude: The elves and fairies dance to celebrate the coming of Maytime. I. King Richard surprises Robin Hood in Sherwood Forest. They become reconciled and together at- tend the May Festivities at Nottingham. II. The Queen and her ladies join them. TRANSITIONS IN THE PLAY MOVEMENT 283 III. The children play upon the green. ' ' Garden Dance, ' ' "Little Mother, " "The Little Girl's Dance,' ' "Here We Come Over the Green Grass," "Roman Soldiers." IV. Robin Hood 's Men compete in archery contests. V. The Queen's Ladies dance. VI. The boys race and tumble on the green. VII. With song and dance the May Pole is brought in. "Today's the First of May," "How Do You Do!" VIII. The May Queen is selected and the May Pole wound. IX. King Richard then calls for his Jesters. X. The Morris Men dance: "The Blue-Eyed Stranger," "Figure of Eight, " " Country Gardens. ' ' XL They are joined by the Villagers and the Queen's Ladies: "The English Tempest," "Brighton Tempest. ' ' XII. The young men wrestle and perform feats of strength. XIII. Rewards are given the victors by the King. XIV. The King and Queen leave escorted by the throng. The prelude of this festival program was de- signed for little children; numbers III and VII for pre-adolescent boys and girls ; IV and VI for boys in early adolescence; XII and XIII, boys in middle or later adolescence; VIII, adolescent girls; I, IX and X, adult men; II and V, adult women, and XI and XIV, all ages of participants. While programs of this character are often pre- sented entirely by children and adolescents, and frequently by girls alone, they are given at other times by neighborhood groups including all ages of people as in this case. Thus the "play festival,' ' as these events were popularly known, contributed directly to the ' l defi- nition of standards" for the use of leisure time. 284 THE PLAY MOVEMENT It was probably the most widely used instrument and the most potent influence, with the possible exception of "community service,' ' in bringing the play movement to its present concept of func- tion, as far as the definition of standards is involved. The fourth step, the awarding of victory in team game contests to the side making the highest record in sportsmanship, is another phase of the transition from facilities toward the ' ' definition of standards.' ' The earlier method of determining the winner in an athletic contest was by the num- ber of "goals," or "strikes," or "points" made, the score, while the only effort to suppress "foul play" was by certain penalizations as defined in the rules of the game. Under that policy of supervising athletic competition, groups were fre- quently quite willing to permit a weaker player to commit "personal fouls" against a stronger member of the opposing team; for should the offender be excluded from the game, as was rarely done in fact, nevertheless he was regarded as having been "heroically sacrificed" in the "melee" which disabled the "star" on the oppo- site team, and thus his team was in a position to make the higher score by virtue of the physical handicap under which the better players of the opposing side were working, while the moral value of competitive sport was thereby nullified. The first recreation system to devise a scheme to pre- vent such unsportsmanlike behavior, common in TRANSITIONS IN THE PLAY MOVEMENT 285 spirited contests such as " championship ' ' games, was the South Park Commissioners, Chicago, in 1914 ; since then a number of playground systems have followed it. This plan as it was originally formulated involved the rating of all teams on a percentage basis : 35 per cent for sportsmanship ; 25 per cent for reliability, and 40 per cent for winning the highest score, the number of points or goals. 107 Thus it is possible for a team making the lower score to win the contest by securing a higher rating in sportsmanship and reliability. Sportsmanship as here used signifies the omission of personal fouls, unnecessary roughness, im- proper language, and the prompt and courteous acceptance of official decisions. Reliability des- ignates the prompt appearance at the game, cor- rectness in weight and batting order, where used. A fifth event involved in the transition was that of the supervision of street play. Whereas the play movement attempted, in its earlier stages, to "keep the children off the street," now it seeks to organize and direct the play of children and adults upon certain streets in sections of cities in which the population is congested and other facilities for outdoor activities are lacking. This was an attempt to define the standards of "free play" by providing "copies," or "suggestions," for groups to imitate in their play outside of playgrounds and recreation centers. A play leader was thus sent into certain streets at 107 Cf. Appendices I and J for a statement of the plan as it was later developed by the South Parks. 286 THE PLAY MOVEMENT regular periods to direct the children or mature members of the block or neighborhood in their use of the street as a playground. Special games and other activities were selected or developed with the nature of the space in mind. The use of streets for purposes such as this was termed 1 'zoning' ' them, and that portion of a street, be- tween two other intersecting streets so used, was known as a "play zone." It could not be used for other purposes, except by the fire or police departments, during the time in which it was designated as a "play zone." The play move- ment resorted to this method of directing play as a result of a consciousness that all play did not, could not, and should not take place on a playground or in a recreation center, because facilities such as these were, first, too few, and, second, too limited in resources. A sixth factor in the transition, namely, the provision of camps outside of the city limits but under municipal control and support, came from a consciousness of the inadaptation of the play- ground and recreation center to the changing con- cept of the function of the movement. While in most instances these camps were open during the summer only, in others, as in Los Angeles, the camps have been open during the year, but used only week ends, Saturday and Sunday, during the school year. A seventh step in the transition is seen in the employment of play leaders throughout the year TRANSITIONS IN THE PLAY MOVEMENT 287 in some cities in which all-year facilities had not yet been opened. The object of this action was to arouse interest in the wholesome use of leisure time, by the organization of pursuits off the play- ground, the development of co-operation between philanthropic and public agencies supervising play, and the formation of a public opinion con- cerning play. In these communities ' ' standards ' ' as well as ' * facilities ' ' were thus emphasized from the first. A variation of this last method was made by the appointment first of " recreation secre- taries" and later of "community secretaries, ,, whose function was the conduct of educa- tional propaganda relative to community organ- ization of leisure. These offices differed in function from that of "superintendent of recre- ation" or "playgrounds" in that the responsi- bility of the latter was the administration of a given system of playgrounds and recreation cen- ters maintained either by a playground com- mission or department of municipal government or by a park or school board. An eighth feature of the transition from facil- ities to "standards" was that of "community organization, ' ' first undertaken in connection with recreation centers in Chicago and New York during 1914-15, and fully described and analyzed above in the discussion of the "neighborhood organization" stage of the movement. The dis- tinctive features of this scheme of recreation were the "community council," the "public forum," 288 THE PLAY MOVEMENT the " civic pageant," and the "play festival.' ' These activities have been either developed or multiplied by community organization. But while the play movement did accumulate considerable information and did also perfect a technique for "defining standards" for the use of leisure time prior to 1917, it was during the Great War that this concept of function was dif- fused. ' ' Community service, ' ' first in war camps and industrial centers, and in cities generally, since the signing of the armistice is the instru- ment now being employed to emphasize this point of view. 108 During the past three years, more than ever before, the play movement has been endeavoring to "define standards" rather than simply "provide facilities" for play. I. From "individual" interests to "group" and "community" activities. Further analysis of the play movement discloses a transition from provision for the fulfilment of "individual" 109 wishes and desires to that for the development first of "group" and later of "community" ac- tivities. The "individual" interests involved in the adjustments made during the earlier stages of the movement may be described as having con- sisted of opportunities to fulfil the wish for "new experience" and for "recognition," both of which were provided in some measure by the "sand 108 Abbie Condit, "Recreation," American Yearbook, 1920. 109 Cf. A. W. Small, "Sociology," article in Encyclopedia Americana, edition of 1919, for discussion of the term "indi- vidual." TRANSITIONS IN THE PLAY MOVEMENT 289 garden," the "model playground," the "small park,"' the "recreation center," and the "civic art and welfare" stages. In these respective facilities many "new experiences" were available to the "individual," such as molding in sand, listening to stories at the "story-hour," wading or swimming in the pool, running a "dash" or a ' ' mile race, ' ' doing the many ' ' stunts ' ' performed upon the apparatus which involved considerable courage as well as skill, "hiking," and numerous other activities. 110 Likewise many opportunities to gain "recognition" also were presented to the "individual," if he "won the race," or could do the most daring "stunt" on the apparatus, or jump the farthest or highest, or "pitch" the best game of ball. There were opportunities to some extent for "response," as in the formation of friendships and the association of members of the same "team" in the inter-playground con- tests, but conscious effort was not made to fulfil this wish directly during the earlier stages of the movement. Everything organized or suggested was primarily to give "new experience" or "recognition" to the "individual" conceived as a more or less particular, separate, and discrete being. A ' ' common sense ' ' and ' ' naive ' ' assump- tion that play was a "natural" expression and 110 Cf. R. E. Park and H. A. Miller, "Old World Traits Transplanted," and W. I. Thomas and F. Znaniecki, "The Polish Peasant in Europe and America" for discussion of "the four wishes," namely, (1) new experience, (2) security, (3) recognition, (4) response. 290 THE PLAY MOVEMENT should be utilized in the education of the ^indi- vidual" prevailed, and colored the entire scheme of provision proposed by the movement, during its first five stages. It amounted to saying that the child would become a good citizen, that is, a valuable member of society in mature life, if given an opportunity during childhood and youth to exercise his natural responses, without a correl- ative development of some kind of a "life organi- zation," as Thomas calls it, whereby he might develop a personality that would be a phase of social reality rather than an independent entity. 111 As a practical measure for the control of ' ' in- dividuals," and thus, the expedition of the effi- cacy of the playground or recreation center, and apparently without any scientific understanding of the full significance of the action, the indi- vidualistic concept of structure and function came to be supplanted by an emphasis upon the social aspect, the group relation of play. The object here was to harmonize personal ideals with social welfare, and thus bring to pass an automatic regulation of the behavior of the persons engaged in playground or recreation center activities. Thus certain activities were organized for the promo- tion of group rather than personal ends, except as the two ends were conceived as one, as coinci- dent with each other. The "individual" did not participate in the game merely that he might experience the feeling of winning, but rather that ln Cf. E. S. Bogardus, Social Psychology, pp. 1-4, 81-90. TRANSITIONS IN THE PLAY MOVEMENT 291 he might also share with the other members of the team a consciousness of group superiority, which applied not only to his teammates but to his playground or school or neighborhood as well, for all members of these groups aided, by cheer- ing or personal encouragement of some other kind, the effort toward victory. 112 The concept " group' ' here designates a small or large number of persons related to each other by accommodation and co-operation and involved frequently in competition with similar bodies of persons. The words "social" and "community" are marginal concepts ; the former being general, the latter, territorial. The word "crowd" is a marginal term. In the play movement it describes a class in school, the daily attendance on the play- ground, or a similar aggregate of persons, includ- ing both spectators and actors, as in a holiday celebration. The group is a "primary" associa- tion, as denned by Cooley, 113 ' ' a face to face meet- ing"; but on the playground the group relation is less rigid and dominant, that is, one does not attain status merely "as a member of the group, ' ,114 as is true of the immigrant groups and primitive societies, but one 's status is elevated by the transitory success of the group, the team or class or school. The "play group" does not "maintain the security of the whole community 112 A "song" which the present writer has often heard at competitive games contains the following phrase, "You do your best, boys; we'll do the rest, boys; fight on to victory." 113 C. H. Cooley, Social Organization, p. 23. lu Park and Miller, op. cit., p. 39. 292 THE PLAY MOVEMENT at the sacriiice of the wishes of its individual •members," 115 as is the case with primary groups in the earlier stages of social evolution, except for transitory periods and in limited ways. Yet in so far as the members of the team accommo- date themselves to the demands of the captain or coach that they play in certain positions, that they make "sacrifice hits" as in baseball, that they play the role of fool or villain in the drama, and in like instances, there is a transitory period dur- ing which the individual feels himself a person "to the degree that he is incorporated in an organization." 116 The "community" is spatial as well as func- tional. It is removed but a step at most from the "group," and often involved in it; the "group" in many instances being a "community," that is, including all persons within a given area in a functional relationship. In the play movement the full development and utilization of the ' ' com- munity" concept came subsequently to that of the ' ' group. ' ' It did not supplant the group rela- tion but extended it, modified its application so as to involve a more democratic, heterogeneous, "free" relation between the members. That is, the "community" grants greater "liberty" to its members, more variety in life organization, and consequently, a higher degree of personality, as the term applies to the "neighborhood organi- zation" and "community service" stages of the 115 Park and Miller, op. cit., p. 38. ™Ibid. TRANSITIONS IN THE PLAY MOVEMENT 293 play movement. The ' ' community, ' ' here, then is less dominant and binding than in primitive socie- ties and the elementary stages of civilized social organization. This fact is due, doubtless, to the presence of the " state,' ' the "nation," the "city," and the ' i public, ' ' all of which are marginal terms with respect to the "community," and all tend to weaken the power of the "community" over the "individual" in his quest for the fulfilment of "the four wishes." The "community" activities are less spontaneous than those of the "crowd" or the "group" in the history of the play move- ment. The development of its function has involved a great amount of rationalizing, of con- scious effort, as a result of the disorganizing in- fluences present in the modern social situation, especially in the cities where "secondary organi- zation" frequently prevails. Quite unconsciously, therefore, play has been treated by the promoters of the movement as a mode of collective behavior. Evidence of this fact is furnished by an analysis of the organiza- tion of activities for the development of "group" and "community" attitudes. Relative to this feature there are six devices that have been em- ployed: (1) the "group test" in athletic compe- tition; (2) the awarding of "trophies" to teams rather than to persons; (3) the method of de- termining "athletic supremacy" for a given playground or school; (4) the development of self- supporting and self-governing clubs; (5) the 294 THE PLAY MOVEMENT control of dancing by "group" or " neighbor- hood " associations in place of attempts to " in- spect" or "supervise" commercial halls and "public" dances; (6) the organization of com- munities for the aid that they thus may render the administration of play facilities. 1. The "group test" is a form of competition, either on apparatus or in other exercises, in which the average attainment of one group such as a class in school, or a transitory classification made for the purposes of the contest, is compared with that of another group to determine the victor. Here each contestant competes against a "stand- ard" and a record of the results of each attempt is kept until each member of a given group has taken part in like manner, then the average for the group is figured out and compared with a similar average of another or any number of groups. Thus class may compete against class, or a school or playground against another insti- tution. This plan of competitive athletics per- mits every member to participate and to count equally in determining the final result. It differs greatly from the older form of athletics wherein each winner gains at the expense of some other or possibly several opponents. If ten boys compete in a foot race, only one may be declared the win- ner, while in the "group test" the effort of each is satisfactorily rewarded. Taking the same ten boys again, if the same one continues to win in each race, the other members will eventually de- TRANSITIONS IN THE PLAY MOVEMENT 295 cline to compete with him, or if second, and third places are given, as is generally done in this type of athletics, then seven of the ten will soon lose interest in the race. The " group test" was de- signed to induce universal participation for the hygienic and moral benefits that were believed to accrue from it, in the place of the tendency toward professionalization which inevitably results from the traditional method of inviting an indiscrim- inate number to enter the contest and then an- nouncing only the winner of first, second, and third places in each event. 2. The awarding of trophies to teams rather than to persons is another plan for emphasizing the "group" versus the "individual." Here some inexpensive evidence of having won a place, either first, second, or third, in a competitive event, such as a ribbon of appropriate color, blue for first, red for second, and white for third, is given each successful contestant, while the greater prize, usually a "loving cup," is awarded the team, or rather the playground, park, or school which the winning team represents. The name of the institution to which the team winning the contest belongs and the names of the members of the winning team are usually inscribed upon the cup or other prize that is awarded in this manner. Loyalty to the group and to the community alike is developed in; all who can compete in athletics, declamation, or debate, or in any other form of competition in which this method of award is 296 THE PLAY MOVEMENT followed. A social attitude is fostered, a social consciousness engendered, by this form of sport. 3. Another plan for emphasizing the " group' ' versus the "individual" in competition is that known as "athletic supremacy" for the month and year, by which a count is made of all con- testants entered from each play center in an inter- center contest and one point allowed each team for each event in which a contestant from that team participates whether he "places" or not, except that the number of points that any team may win in this manner is definitely limited before- time on the basis of the probable average number entering from each center. This is placing num- bers against skill; the mass against the "star" performer. 4. A fourth method of recognition of the "group" is the development of self-supporting clubs, especially among people between seventeen and twenty-five years of age. These organiza- tions were of three types : for young men only, for young women only, and for both sexes. Their objects were either primarily for study or for sociability, but in either case a certain amount of "social" activity, in the sense defined above un- der transition Gr, always developed. One of the most frequent forms of this type of occupation was dancing. 5. The control of dancing, however, consti- tutes a fifth method by which "group" interests assumed ascendency over "individual" activities. -W^Ht *3L.* Wi .. dfiff . - ; vfll I 4 •' $/$JM^& 4?" v "i«u T? ■ . 41 ^ *' -, - 1 ■ ■ ■■• - I CINDERELLA." STORY-PLAYING. USING THE DRAMATIC, PANTOMIME, DANCING, CHORAL AND PAGEANTRY ARTS, 135 CHILDREN IN CAST, HAMILTON PARK, CHICAGO. TRANSITIONS IN THE PLAY MOVEMENT 297 The principal sources of anti-social behavior in conjunction with commercialized dance halls have undoubtedly been due, as play leaders have come to believe, not to the lack of chaperonage nor of wholesome personal beliefs of many attending them, but to promiscuity of admissions and alco- holic liquors sold or distributed at the dance. The "municipal dances" described above in the discussion of the "civic art and welfare" stage, and similar activities conducted under the auspices of War Camp Community Service, cor- rected the latter of these two sources of* miscon- duct, but failed to obviate the former. And it is where promiscuity is permitted, especially in our cities, that the normal restraining influence of the "group" breaks down; any one, especially if immature, behaves differently while among strangers from what he does while among neigh- bors or friends. Also there is no way of super- vising a crowd in a dance hall if evil persons are admitted along with others seeking innocent amusement, as pointed out by Halbert after con- siderable experience in supervising and inspect- ing dance halls in Kansas City. 117 In some communities, therefore, dancing in public play cen- ters has been restricted to neighborhood associa- tions or smaller groups who reserve the hall and invite guests, each of whom is known and vouched for by some member of the club or crowd conduct- ing the dance. The best example of this method 117 Cf. discussion above of the "Civic Art and Welfare" stage. 298 THE PLAY MOVEMENT of conducting dancing is probably that offered by the South Park Commissioners, Chicago, who in their sixteen years of experience have never per- mitted a promiscuous crowd at a fieldhouse dance, although the number of dancing parties averages fifty per week during the winter. In every in- stance, the assembly hall or other room of the fieldhouse is "reserved" by a club, or a person representing a definite although unorganized group, no admissions are charged at the door or elsewhere, and no one is admitted except with the approval of the person or club reserving the room in which the dance is being held. All groups are required to provide their own chaperones, door- men, and wardrobe attendants, although the di- rector of the fieldhouse is always present in the building and a patrolman, regularly detailed to the park, is within call to aid, if necessary, the group reserving the hall in carrying out its agree- ment to exclude "loafers," "hangers-on," and the like from admission to the dance. The police never enter the hall for the purpose of chaperon- ing the dance. Here is a clear example of an attempt to exercise social control by the instru- mentality of self-governing groups. 6. An elaboration of the "group" concept of the structure and function of the play movement led to that of "community" organization and service and completed the transition from "indi- vidualistic" interests. This phase of the transi- tion came last as a natural consequence of the TRANSITIONS IN THE PLAY MOVEMENT 299 fact that the earlier stages of the movement were concerned with adjustments that involved juven- iles rather than adults. When the concept of the structure and function of the movement involved provisions for persons of all ages in all whole- some uses of leisure time, as it did during and since the "recreation center' ' stage, a far more complicated situation faced its administrators. The problem, then, was how to develop self-con- trol and self-support of leisure pursuits in har- mony with the public welfare, in order that provision for play in all communities might be adequate to the demands of the changed social situation of modern times. " Community organi- zation "asa form of ' ' community service ' ' repre- sents the solution of this problem proposed by the movement. The history of this solution was presented, above, in the analysis of the last two stages of the movement. It is unnecessary to re- state here the facts involved in its development. A further analysis of the concept of " community organization ' ' as a method of administering play is necessary, however, to establish the fact of a transition from " individual ' ' to "community" activities. Three aspects of that theory may be briefly mentioned in this connection : First, it came to be the consensus of the pro- moters of the play movement, that a community may and therefore should do for itself many things that external forces alone are unable to do for it. It was pointed out that in the cities in 300 THE PLAY MOVEMENT particular, there were many neighborhoods or ' ' little communities ' ' in which large sums of money were spent annually by various social wel- fare agencies, that continued to yield the usual harvest of poverty, crime, misery, because the population of these districts did not co-operate collectively rather than individually with the agencies at work in their vicinity. Philanthropic and governmental agencies, it was said, were working on the analogy of machine industry, 118 on the assumption that we human beings, that the material we are dealing with through our ministrations, is passive material, like iron ore or cotton thread, which can be taken and put in a machine and hammered or woven and put through specialized processes and turned out at the end a finished product. But people, it was pointed out, are not things ; character is not a product, the result of an ex- ternal application to their nature while they re- main passive in the process, but an achievement and a collective achievement which was previously described by A. W. Small, 119 who defines a person as "a center of conscious impulses which realize themselves in full only in realizing a society.' ' Persons then are phases of social reality; they live in groups and, as shown by Cooley, 120 in these group relations, ' * everywhere, human nature comes into existence. Man does not have it at birth ; he n *John Collier, "Community Organization and the Great Decision," reprinted from the Seivard Park Community Center Magazine. New York, 1919. 119 A. W. Small, General Sociology, p. 476. 120 C. H. Cooley, Social Organization, p. 23. TRANSITIONS IN THE PLAY MOVEMENT 301 cannot acquire it except through fellowship; and it decays in isolation. ' ' Both play groups and neighborhood groups are primary, that is, universal and fundamental, and in primitive societies concentric, the latter being marginal to the former. But in our present stage of social organization this face-to-face group is frequently disorganized, and play among many other types of behavior is treated " indi- vidually" and by a machine-like process, in which even families are divided in their recreation. Most of the types of commercialized recreations are of this character. The social situation is lacking, in such instances, in the factor essential to achievement. Play cannot be purchased, neither can it be given away. It can only be created, and it attains its most intense and highly developed form in co-operative, collective, life of the group. A group, a neighborhood, therefore, can do for itself, with respect to play as in cer- tain other activities, what other forces cannot do for it. It must create its own play if its leisure is to yield all it may. ' ' Community organization ' ' was conceived as a device for mobilizing the re- sources of neighborhoods in adjustment to the changed social situation, in which face-to-face meetings had largely disintegrated, so as to make possible self-selection, support, and government of leisure pursuits in harmony with public welfare. A second aspect of the theory that underlay 1 * community organization" was the belief on the 302 THE PLAY MOVEMENT part of play leaders that communities may be over-organized, 121 that is, may contain territori- ally more societies than they can support or util- ize. Whatever may be the truth of that belief, it is history that the idea was held by many and that it served as a spur to the work of attempting not to add another organization but to correlate those already existing into a more or less unified whole. The "community council" was said to be an organization of the community, not an organi- zation in the community. It was believed not to add another organization but more organiza- tion. It was designed to be comprehensive and to correlate all useful agencies, strengthening the weaker but essential ones, preventing duplicating ones from forming, and exposing those that ex- ploit to the fresh air of public opinion. It sought to "put first things first, and second things sec- ond,' n22 by its allegiance to the good of the whole community. It would be presumptuous, of course, for an "organized community" to set up a claim to such a utopian function as the advocates of the "community movement" described "community organization ' ' to be, but in many communities the movement doubtless did tend to give greater cohe- sion and unity to neighborhood life, to restore in part the instrument of social contact previous generations had found useful, the "face to face meeting" of the community. 121 Henry E. Jackson, A Community Center, The Macmlllan Co., 1918. TRANSITIONS IN THE PLAY MOVEMENT 303 The third element in the philosophy of the " community organization' ' movement, one di- rectly related to the support and control of whole- some leisure pursuits, was the concept of the relation of the neighborhood to the perpetuity and efficiency of self-government, especially in munici- pal administration and national policies. The organized neighborhood was described as"a little democracy," 123 and was said to be generically and dynamically related to the larger democracy of city, state, and nation. Past failures by the latter were attributed to the absence of the former. i i Community organization ' ' was roughly denned as a medium through which responsibility for efficient government in all of its phases could be made real and personal to the members of the community. 124 The leisure period, it was pointed out, was a fertile field for either commercial ex- ploitation and anti-social behavior leading to political and cultural disintegration, or for be- havior of quite the opposite kind. The determin- ing factor, it was held, was the character of the 11 social organization" of the group. It should involve, it was said, the "little democracy," the "face to face" association small enough to permit personal acquaintance and full communication, but large enough to enable every member to visualize 123 Mrs. Ida Clyde Clark, The Little Democracy, D. Apple- ton & Co., New Yo'rk, 1918. This volume was prepared as a textbook on Community Organization. 124 John Collier, "Community Councils, What They Have Done and What Is Their Function," National Conference of Social Work, 1919. 304 THE PLAY MOVEMENT the whole of society. 125 "Community organiza- tion' ' seemed to many to meet these specific re- quirements. It was a leisure-time activity. Its action would make possible collective play, again, as in the more elementary stages of social evo- lution, with this difference, however, that in mod- ern times greater variation and freedom of personality would prevail owing to the influence of the state and nation upon local organization. Thus, in the sequence of stages and transitions in the play movement, ' i community organization ' ' as a form of "community service' ' was conceived as a process for the conservation of leisure and the development of play as a mode of collective behavior. "Community organization" may be regarded as a scheme of "community service' ' and the scheme of community recreation today. Wherever it is utilized a play center becomes a community center, and play contributes directly to community interests instead of merely satis- fying "individual" wishes as characterized the adjustment established during the earlier stages of the play movement. 125 R. A. Woods, "The Neighborhood in Social Reconstruc- tion," American Sociological Society Papers and Proceedings, 1913, pp. 14-28. V. THE TREND OF THE STAGES AND THE TRANSITIONS IN THE PLAY MOVEMENT An analysis of a movement is incomplete if its tendencies are not disclosed. As stated in the introduction to this report, movements are transi- tory, becoming in time either transformed into institutions or disintegrated. In the former case, their plans of adjustment to the changed social situation are adopted by society and made a part •of its "more or less connected and harmonious "system of rules of behavior. ' n In the latter case, their schemes are discarded with the passing away of the particular feature in the social situation, or the illusion concerning the same, which incited them. This phase of a movement may be denom- inated its " trend." It is manifested by the sum of its "stages" and "transitions." It indicates the probable success or failure. It is a test of the efficacy and a criterion of the achievement, at a given time, since it marks the degree of attain- ment of the object for which the movement was inaugurated. A definition of the "trend" of a movement involves the formulation of a concept of the process as a whole, unifying the facts of its history, and establishing a basis upon which to evaluate it. A statement of the "trend" of the play move- ment in the United States may be deduced from 1 W. I. Thomas and P. Znaniecki, The Polish Peasant in Europe and America, VoL I, pp. 31-33. 305 306 THE PLAY MOVEMENT the foregoing analysis of its respective " stages' ' and ' ' transitions ' ' ; and, consequently, the defense of the following formulation rests in part upon the accuracy of the classifications and explana- tions of the data examined in chapters iii and iv above. If these inductions were correct, then the " trend' ' of the play movement is toward an integration, rather than a dissolution, of an ade- quate scheme of adjustment to the social situa- tion which it has perfected from time to time as changes in the concept of its function and struc- ture have been made, and incidentally, toward institutionalization. Any discussion of the "trend" of a movement must, as a matter of course, consider its relation to the possibility of its institutionalization; for every movement tends either toward the proba- bility or improbability of such a termination of its activities, whatever else may be true of its "trend." With respect to the play movement, however, two groups of tendencies seem to char- acterize its "trend": the one, toward an evo- lution in the concept of its function correlative with changes in its structure which has been re- peatedly indicated in the discussion of the "stages" and "transitions" above and will be clearly disclosed in the paragraphs that follow; and the other, toward the institutionalization of many phases of its changing and growing scheme of adjustments to the modern social situation. THE TREND OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT 307 These two aspects of the "trend" of the play movement may, for the sake of convenience and economy of effort, be considered somewhat to- gether in the following analysis, since they involve the same groups of facts with emphasis now on their significance for institutionalization and now for the evolution in structure and con- cept of function, as parts of a unified whole. Before undertaking an analysis of the " trend' ' of this movement, however, the characteristics and genesis of institutions in general should be explained for the sake of a mutual understanding between the writer and the reader — since the term institution is carelessly used by some writers — and particular attention given to the process of transformation of a movement into an institution as was asserted in the introduction above to be a frequent occurrence in social evolution. An insti- tution 2 may be defined as a rule of behavior or in- strument for accomplishing human purposes that has been rationally established ; that is, approved 2 Among the more careful formulations are the following: "An institution is simply a definite and established phase of the public mind, not different in its ultimate nature from public opinion, though often seeming, on account of its per- manence and the visible customs and symbols in which it is clothed, to have a somewhat distinct and independent exis- tence." — C. H. Cooley, Social Organization, p. 313. "The rules of behavior, and the actions viewed as con- forming or not conformiag to these rules, constitute with regard to their objective significance a certain number of more or less connected and harmonious systems which can be generally called social institutions." — W. I. Thomas and F. Znaniecki, The polish Peasant in Europe and America, Vol. I, pp. 32-33. "An institution is a section of corporate human nature plus the machinery and the instrumentalities through which 308 THE PLAY MOVEMENT by the mind of the group and adopted by some kind of public action as a result of the formula- tion of public opinion and sentiment concerning the issue which it raised at the time of its estab- lishment. An institution differs from a custom essentially by its origin; having arisen in some more or less clearly defined crisis in the life of the group in which a period of disorganization, 3 that human nature operates." — Robert E. Park, "The City," American Journal of Sociology, March, 1915, p. 577. "An institution is a social relation that is established by adequate and rightful authority." — F. H. Giddings, Elements of Sociology, p. 175. "An institution is a set of activities which a society adopts as its deliberately accepted method of attaining a deliberately approved end." — E. C. Hayes, Introduction to Soci- ology, p. 405. "First of all, in attempting a classification of the forms of association, we come upon the distinction between the sanctioned and unsanctioned forms. The sanctioned forms are types of relationships between individuals which have been reflected upon by the mass of the group in which they occur, and agreed to. These sanctioned forms are, then, as we have already said, synonymous with human institutions, because social sanction can rise only after self-consciousness has appeared. They are not found in the social groups below man. The tendency is manifest in all advanced stages of social evolution to institutionalize all forms of association. Nevertheless, in even the most advanced groups which we know, there are many unsanctioned forms or groups. These are the spontaneous, unreflected types of relationship between individuals. They especially characterize animal societies and the lower human groups, but in the form of the gang, the mob, factions, amusements, and conflicts, they characterize also the most advanced human groups. It is, of course, fre- quently very difficult to decide whether any particular form Of association belongs to the sanctioned or the unsanctioned class. There might, for example, be some difference of opinion as to whether the saloon and the brothel were institutions in western civilization or not." — C. A. Ellwood, Sociology in Its Psychological Aspects. 3 Cf. Robert A. Park and Ernest W. Burgess, Introduction to the Science of Sociology, University of Chicago Press, 1921, p. 55. THE TREND OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT 309 such as that caused by disease, war, accelerated mobility, unrest, was followed by a more or less rational plan of adjustment to the changed social situation occasioned by the crisis, that ultimately attained group approval. A custom, on the other hand, is an unsanctioned but powerful force which arose without rational adjustment to a passed social situation. While a custom is in vogue, however, the members of the group must adhere rigidly to its practice, group condemnation falling upon any one who deviates, even a crisis may be provoked whereby the custom is made an institution. The characteristics of an institution, then, are five: (1) group approval based upon a belief in the value of its function in the life of the group; (2) physical accompaniment or em- bodiment in the form of a personnel, symbols, charters, constitutions, and the like; (3) histori- cal continuity, indicated by traditions, beliefs, sentiments, and even customs in the course of time, which accrue as habit displaces thought in the functioning of the institution; (4) organiza- tion for specialization and differentiation of func- tion; (5) relative permanency involving the estab- lishment of a given adjustment as a feature of the social organization of the group, and often a tend- ency toward self-perpetuation after the passing of the social situation in which it first took form. The process by which adjustments are formu- lated is a social movement. It originates during a period of disorganization of social life and 310 THE PLAY MOVEMENT leads the group either forward, or backward, to a stage of reorganization of association with respect to the given issue to which it is related. Movements, thus, are not only transitory, as has been stated but also indispensable operations in social evolution. They may be said to have be- come institutions when their plans of adjustment to the social situation in which they arose have been approved and adopted by the deliberate action of the group so that they become recog- nized features of the established system of regulative or operative arrangements in the organization of society at a given time and place. Social institutions, then, are created by positive movements and dissolved by nega- tive ones; 4 the former organizing a pro- posed adjustment, the latter disorganizing an established arrangement, as determined by the consensus of the group involved, whether com- munity, city, state, or nation, or even a group of nations, as in the case of treaties and inter- national law. In the transformation of a move- ment into an institution, the arrangement ap- proved and enforced by society may be of a regu- lative or an operative type. In the former instance, it is a " mould to which the relations, attitudes, or behavior of individuals are required to conform .... a channel in which activity must flow." 5 In the latter case, it is an instru- ment for accomplishing a given purpose, "when *Cf. p. 2 above. 5 E. A. Ross, Principles of Sociology, 1920, p. 485. THE TREND OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT 311 society is intent on obtaining a service rather than canalizing individual conduct, a special or- ganized personnel working under an authority, charter, or constitution and provided with con- tinuous support. Whether the support comes from taxes, gifts, or fees makes no difference. The essential thing is that the institution is bound to render what is believed to be a service of public importance. ' * If this discrimination be- tween regulative and operative types of institu- tion is a real one, then the play movement has given rise primarily to one of the latter type, that is, to an adjustment to the current social situation that renders service of public importance by the sanction and support of the community. Attend- ance at all facilities established by the play move- ment is voluntary not compulsory. These facilities are operated in behalf of the common welfare according to the belief and desire of the group, and not for pecuniary profit to some mem- ber or coterie of members of the community while public opinion is indifferent or tolerant, as is the case with the motion picture, for example, in most American communities at the present time. If the question of the policy, the method of con- trol and support, of the motion picture industry in the United States were to come to the atten- tion of the public so as to make possible the for- mation of a public opinion concerning its administration, one that would require that films •Ross, op. at. 312 THE PLAY MOVEMENT be produced and exhibited primarily for social rather than individual ends, for the common wel- fare instead of pecuniary profit to given persons engaged in it as a business, and under the super- vision of some branch of constituted authority, governmental or otherwise — as the elementary and high schools, the majority of our religious societies, the Y.M.C.A. and Y.W.C.A., the Boy Scouts and Campfire Girls, not to include the court, the police, the fire, the street cleaning, gar- bage and sewage disposal departments, boards of health, and many more — then the motion picture would be institutionalized as the "playground" and similar phases of the play movement have recently come to be. Until recently the play of children was in no wise a community concern, but a private and domestic concern. Now, however, the provision for play has been institutional- ized by the establishment of the public supervised play- ground, equipped with all needful apparatus, where children frolic under the expert direction of trained adult play leaders. 7 The transformation of the play movement into an institution, however, has not been as simple nor as complete as the above statement may im- ply. While it is true that facilities for the play of children are almost universally approved and provided by either public or community means in connection with parks and schoolyards in the re- spective cities and rural districts throughout the country, there are phases of the concept of the 7 Ross, op. cit. THE TREND OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT 313 function and structure that have not yet been sanctioned by group or public action, although other adjustments than that of the "children's playground" have been adopted through public approval. An analysis of the "stages" and the "transi- tions ' ' in the play movement from the standpoint of its tendencies discloses five types of devel- opment in its structure and in the concept of its function which constitute its "trend." The first, is that of group sanction, by the approval and adoption of certain adjustments worked out by the movement. This tendency has not reached the extent of its probable development, but sig- nificant progress has been made since the "model playground" stage when the question of "munici- pal" support and control was first agitated, and also since the "small park" stage when its appli- cation on a fairly large scale was first made. During the "recreation center" and "civic art and welfare" stages the concept of public re- sponsibility for the construction and administra- tion of suitable and sufficient recreation facilities for all ages of persons was clearly presented to the public mind. The issue, as the problem was then formulated, was whether or not the people through their government should support and con- trol adequate and suitable facilities for the recrea- tion of young people and adults as well as for the play of children. That public approval was par- tially and incompletely given to the proposition 314 THE PLAY MOVEMENT is attested by the policy followed during those stages and the succeeding ones. Thus, during the " civic art and welfare" stage, although com- mercialized amusements were "inspected" and required to conform to specified regulations con- cerning hygienic and moral conditions, they were nevertheless permitted to be operated primarily for individual pecuniary profit rather than for social welfare; they were not institutionalized. During the "neighborhood organization" stage, likewise, the principal factor emphasized was that of community control and support, that is, insti- tutionalization of given opportunities for leisure- time occupations. Still the commercialized amusements remained outside the plan of adjust- ment. In so far as "self-support" and "self- control," as those terms were defined and used above, 8 have since been attained, the movement may be said to have become an institution. Since, however, this method of administration has not as yet been applied to more than a very small percentage of the leisure-time functions of any community — in New York City, for example, only five per cent of the recreational activities are administered in this manner — the play movement as a whole can not be regarded, at present, as an institution; it retains in certain respects the features of a movement. And the daily activities of the Playground and Eecreation Association of America, and Community Service, Incorporated, 8 Cf. chapter iv, transition E. THE TREND OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT 315 each with field secretaries and monthly publica- tions carrying on propaganda for public admin- istration of leisure-time pursuits of the people, indicate the present incomplete social sanction as they both suggest and indicate the probable con- summation of that fact at some future date. The whole field of commercialized amusements, how- ever, has scarcely been affected by the movement. The theatre, the motion-picture house, the com- mercial dance hall and skating rink, the shooting gallery, the private club, the summer and winter resorts, and many more, may be said to lie out- side the sphere of its influence at present, and this notwithstanding the many efforts made to "define standards" of leisure-time activities. Group sanction of the adjustments proposed by the movement is, then, partial and incomplete, but gradually extending its field of approval and adoption. The concept has been formulated, but its social significance has not gotten the attention of the public mind. The channel of influence in that direction, at present, is "community service.' ' A second type of development, indicative of the nature of the " trend' ' of the play movement, is that of the physical accompaniments which have been produced, and in which its concept of function and structure have been embodied or by which they are now symbolized. These features are both regulative and operative, although for the most part of the latter type. Among the former are the "sand garden," the "playground" 316 THE PLAY MOVEMENT in parks and schoolyards, the ' ' athletic field, ' ' the " outdoor- and indoor-gymnasium, ' ' the " small park," the "swimming pool," the "bathing beach," the "fieldhouse," the "community cen- ter," the "branch library," the "public forum," and the "community council." Among the latter are "recreational legislation," "amateur athlet- ics" with its implements such as balls, bats, gloves, bases, spiked shoes, costumes, nets, jump- ing standards, hurdles, horses, bucks, beams, play-fields, goal-posts, pennants, yells, proces- sions and serpentines and the like, "efficiency tests," with their respective gold, silver, and bronze badges, buttons, or pins, the "schedules for the day and week," the nine thousand "play-lead- ers," the "group test," the "play festival," "street play," "block parties," "community sings," "self-supporting and self-governing clubs," and "community organization." Each of these respective adjustments has been either cre- ated or developed by the play movement ; and each one has since been approved and established by community opinion and constituted authority, either governmental or otherwise. They give evidence of both an evolution in structure and concept of function and of progress toward insti- tutionalization. They may be regarded, in fact, as being institutions themselves, although from another concept of the movement they may be more accurately described as phases of the devel- opment of an institutionalization of play. THE TREND OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT 317 A third type of development distinguishing the "trend" of the play movement, is that of increasing historical continuity as shown in the accumulation of beliefs, traditions, sentiments, and to some extent customs, by which the public gains a better idea of its function in the life of the community. These characteristics disclose, also, certain developments in structure and changes in the concept of function, as well as inci- dents in the development of an institutionaliza- tion of play. They add the force of sentiment to the plan of adjustment evolved by the move- ment, and thus hasten the development of insti- tutionalization. Among the facts involved are those analyzed above in the study of: (1) transi- tion F, from "free play" and miscellaneous events to "directed play" and "correlated sched- ules," such as the classification of patrons and play leaders, the organization of amateur ath- letic competition in track, field, and aquatic sports, the "efficiency tests," and the organiza- tion of "passive" as well as "active play"; (2) transition H, that is, from the provision of facilities to the definition of standards, especially "recreational legislation," "play festivals," the rewarding of "sportsmanship," "street play," and annual provision of facilities; and (3) tran- sition I, that from individual interests to com- munity activities, involving the "group test," the awarding of trophies to the "institution" instead of giving prizes to the individuals 318 THE PLAY MOVEMENT composing a track, field, tennis, baseball, or gym- nastic team, the "neighborhood dance/ ' and "community organization ' ' for the control and support of recreational facilities. Some of the common phrases formulated to express the senti- ments of the movement are "fair play," and "good loser, " in athletic competition; "take turns," in the use of the gymnastic apparatus; and "each for all and all for each," in the self- governing and self-supporting associations. Among the customs that have arisen are: "the return game"; the "home team acting as hostess to the visiting team," especially in girls' com- petition; the "yells" by the winning group for the losing team after the contest, and the asso- ciation of "formal activities" with the indoor gymnasium and of "informal events" with the outdoor gymnasium. A fourth aspect of the "trend" is that of increasing organization, involving specialization and differentiation in function. This trait was disclosed above by the study, in chapter iv, of transitions A, B, C, E, F, and G, respectively. Transition A showed an increase in organization with respect to the age groups involved; B, with respect to the length of time during the year in which the facilities were operated, thus increasing the organization of the schedule and the person- nel in order to meet the differences in play due to the respective seasons ; C, concerning the place, whether indoors or outdoors, and consequently THE TREND OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT 319 the types of activities; E, the method of control and support, whether philanthropic, public, or community, the last method being much more complicated and difficult of execution, although permitting a more diversified and complete pro- vision than either of the former; F, was con- fined almost exclusively to the evidence of in- creasing organization, since the facts which it contained related to the classification of both patrons and leaders of the play center, the organ- ization of athletic competition, " efficiency tests," and the posting of "schedules" or sequences of events for the class period, the day, the week, and the year ; and G, from a simple to a complex field of activities, involving greater variety and thus specialization and differentiation, since all attend- ing the play center would not, of course, partici- pate in all of the activities taking place at the same time, such a fact would be a physical impos- sibility as well as a psychological undesirability on their part. Yet by the presence of a complex field under specialized leadership and grouping, the interest of a greater number of persons is obtained and their participation in play activities made more regular and of greater social value. This is the function of organization in the play center and in the community. Under "commu- nity service" this principle is being extended to activities outside of the center in connection with efforts toward a definition of standards for the use of leisure time, as shown in transition H. 320 THE PLAY MOVEMENT A fifth aspect of the " trend" of the play movement is also one indicative of growth in structure and change in idea of function as well as progress toward institutionalization, namely, the relative permanency of the adjustments exe- cuted. The play movement is now thirty-six years old; the Playground and Recreation Asso- ciation is now in its fifteenth year. It is of interest, therefore, in closing the present analysis of its " trend,' ' to determine to what extent the original adjustments are now being advocated and whether or not they dominate the current idea of function so as to impair the efficacy of the movement; that is, whether the original pat- tern by which they were organized has prevented the development of others, correlative with them, as experience accumulated. This is what is meant by " relative permanency' ' of the adjust- ments proposed. Some of the original ones still survive, but, as has been disclosed above, they have not prevented the development of others. The concept of the structure and function of the movement has been relatively permanent and not inflexible, changeless, throughout its history. In fact, some of the later structures are receiving greater attention than the earlier ones. Thus, among the early adjustments that still survive, are: the "sand garden" and the "playground," which date from the original stage of the move- ment and have since become institutions ; and the idea of leadership of play, of schedules of events, THE TREND OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT 321 and of public support, which date from the second stage of its history, and are also institutions. While these original or early features are still utilized, it seems that they have interfered in no way with the development of others, some of which have been established, and whose nature has been described above under the head of phys- ical accompaniment. Their repetition is there- fore unnecessary here. But the fact that they are retained and have appeared successively is the point to be noted in this connection. That fact discloses an evolution in structure and con- cept of function as well as a degree of institu- tionalization of play. As to the future, it is not within the limits of this study to predict, but, if it resembles the past, it will involve a continua- tion of the process described above for at least an indefinite period of time, that is, new struc- tures and ideas of function will appear in the effort to make a more perfect adjustment. There is nothing that indicates even a remote possi- bility, however, of the discontinuance of such features of the movement as provision: (1) for all ages of people; (2) throughout the year; (3) by both indoor and outdoor activities; (4) in all communities, whether urban or rural, whether populated by the poor or the rich; (5) with directed, as well as free, play involving correlated schedules and the classification of both patrons and leaders; (6) by community support and con- trol as well as subsidy from the public treasury 322 THE PLAY MOVEMENT and philanthropy; (7) including opportunities for all manner of wholesome use of leisure time, such as manual, physical, aesthetic, social, and civic interests; (8) emphasizing standards of sports- manship and behavior believed to be conducive to the public welfare by all persons, whether in the play center or elsewhere; (9) with increasing insistence upon group rather than individual pur- poses, thus magnifying co-operation and correla- tion rather than competition and displacement of individuals through conflict. These facts are clearly defined in the minds of those promoting the movement and have been sanctioned, also, by most communities in one degree or another. The tendency and the history is toward their exten- sion rather than their restriction. The " trend" of the play movement, there- fore, is unquestionably toward an elaboration of structure with correlative changes in concept of function, involving institutionalization, with much already made a fact. The full development of public opinion on all the phases of the concept of the structure and function of the movement, however, has not yet been reached. Among the adjustments that have rarely or never received group approval today are: the supervision of passive play, the conduct of community play- ground camps, the substitution of "neighborhood dances" for the commercialized dance hall and academy, the awarding of victory in athletic com- petition to sportsmanship rather than for the THE TREND OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT 323 higher score, the conduct of inter-playground dec- lamation contests, street-play under trained lead- ership, inter-community center devices for raising money to support self -maintenance of leisure-time activities, community presses and thoroughly democratic public forums for the discussion of local, national, and international questions of public policy, and the whole field of commercial- ized amusements which are now maintained for private profit while the community is indifferent as it was formerly toward the problems of child play, and the many other adjustments discussed in the preceding pages. While it is true, as Ellwood has pointed out, that there are many relationships between the members of an advanced society that are not and may never become institutionalized, and while he would doubtless include many types of play among such relationships, yet, as he also said, it is the tendency of all advanced societies to extend institutionalization. The probable limits of an elaboration in structure and concept of function and of the institutionalization of play have not been reached in the present age of more or less disorganization, characterized, on the one hand, by social isolation, unrest, crowd phenomena, dis- eases of degeneration, alien immigration, and the breaking down of the neighborhood or local com- munity relation between members of the same vicinity, and, on the other hand, by the growth of the democratic spirit and of co-operation in 324 THE PLAY MOVEMENT industry. Shall play escape the influences of the expanding collectivism? Will not a future gen- eration discern, what is believed by the leaders of the current play movement, the inconsistency of the present attitude of the public mind toward the problem of play whereby millions are being expended in the maintenance of public facilities, for the use of leisure, that are socially productive as far as they succeed in attracting the pleasure seeking groups, that in our largest city, and the one most generous in public support of recrea- tional opportunities, meet only five per cent of the need, while unscrupulous persons commer- cialize the play of the people for private gain, exploiting a legitimate desire of the public and debasing the social sense, as was forcibly stated above in a quotation from J. R. Richards in the discussion of the "neighborhood organization ' ' stage, but which may well deserve a repetition here: Commercial recreation has signally failed to meet the demands of the people during the leisure period. Public (i. e., socially institutionalized) recreation consciously aiming at the things agreed, as best in our social organism, we feel, must take its place. Commercial recreation is charged with: debasing the tastes of the people; offering passive (i. e., spectatorship) recreation only; anti-social tendencies in breaking up the family groups seeking pleasure ; consorting with vice ; levying a terrible tax — perhaps over a hundred and fifty million a year in Chicago; never attempting developmental or educa- tional programs. THE TREND OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT 325 Shall the public, rather than given individuals, enter the field of "commercialized" play by own- ing and operating all recreational agencies as it now does most of the bathing beaches by requir- ing a small fee for their utilization, 9 or by some other less collectivistic plan, perhaps one similar to the United States railroad administration, or the United States telegraph control, and the like during the Great War? The financial difficulties are perhaps the least doubtful ones, since, as Zueblin 10 has figured it out, the cities of the United States of over one hundred thousand population expended, during the year 1912, $110,000,000 for public education, while five years earlier, the private street railways of those same vicinities netted a profit of $138,000,000; the inference being, of course, that if the cities had owned the street car systems operating within their borders and, as Zueblin ironically remarked, had operated them no less efficiently, they could have reduced their school tax by the con- siderable amount of $28,000,000, or 25.4 per cent, or could have applied that significant sum to the cost of providing wholesome opportunities for the social use of leisure. It is not the public supervision of the play of the school children, comprising only 20 per cent of the population, 9 The first year the Clarendon Beach of Chicago was open, the operating expenses amounted to $40,000, while the number of adult patrons was 400,000; thus at 10 cents each the beach was self-supporting. 10 Charles Zueblin, American Municipal Progress, 1916, p. 32. 326 THE PLAY MOVEMENT that is the most significant fact in the scheme of socialized recreation, important and necessary as that may be, bnt it is rather the control of the remaining 80 per cent of the population during the sixty-four hours per week in which even the laboring element is at leisure. (Figured on the basis of an eight-hour day six days per week and without deducting for the national holidays, the stormy days, nor the periods of unemployment and convalescence.) As Jane Addams 11 has said, the city utilizes the labor of these people during the day and wrings from them their meager earn- ings when night comes, for the problem of play in America, as MacKaye 12 has pointed out, is essentially the problem of ' i the night leisure. ' ' It is toward the formulation of adjustments that shall ensure the social utilization of all lei- sure through the organization of opportunities for participation in behavior that is both person- ally developmental and socially constructive, the upbuilding of personality, that the play move- ment seems to be tending. In play now, as never before, may the majority of our population find opportunities for "new experiences" and "recog- nition ,, ; work is too specialized and monotonous to afford the fulfilment of those "wishes" except for a very few. 11 Jane Addams, The Spirit of Youth and the City Streets, 1909, p. 8. 12 Percy MacKaye, The Civic Theatre in Its Relation to the Redemption of Leisure, 1912, p. 35. VI. CONCLUSION The facts involved in the history of the play movement in the United States have now been analyzed. It has been fonnd that there has been an evolution both in its structure and in its con- cept of function in adjustment to the modern social situation. The original scheme of adjust- ment has not served as the pattern of action throughout its history. Both the idea and its physical and social embodiments have changed from time to time as experience altered what was believed ought to be done in order to effect a more acceptable adjustment to the current social' situa- tion with respect to play. The analysis of events reported above has shown that the play movement originated with the "sand gardens" in Boston in 1885, since that event, while not the first conscious provision for play in the United States, was the first of the connected series which is known as "the play movement,' ' also sometimes referred to as "the playground movement," or "the playground and recreation movement." This fact was estab- lished by the evidence related to the influence of these "sand gardens" upon the development of provision for play, first, for little children and progressively later for youths and adults, in the City of Boston; and, second, the leadership of Boston during the early stages of the movement. 327 328 THE PLAY MOVEMENT It was shown that there is a great difference between the structure and the concept of the function of the movement during the first decade and that at the present time. The "sand gar- dens" were provided for little children, were operated only during a short summer vacation period, were unsupervised and maintained by- philanthropic support, were equipped with out- door facilities and located in the most congested sections of the city, and permitted only manual play based on an individualistic point of view; but, today, the play movement endeavors to make provision for all ages of people, throughout the year; in both indoor and outdoor activities, in rural and suburban communities as well as in the crowded urban districts, by the use of directed play, as well as unorganized activities, involving correlated schedules, trained play leaders, and the classification of patrons ; by including oppor- tunities for all kinds of wholesome uses of leisure time, such as physical, aesthetic, social, and civic, in addition to the manual play of the first sand gardens; by emphasizing standards of sports- manship believed to be conducive to the public welfare and to be followed by all persons during their leisure time, whether within or without the specially provided play centers ; and, with a com- munity rather than an individualistic purpose in view. The details of the origin of the movement were presented in chapter ii above, those of the struc- CONCLUSION 329 ture and concept of function that prevailed during the first stage, were given in division A of chap- ter iii, while the facts relative to the changes that have taken place in the concept of function were told in the respective transitions A to I, in chapter iv, and those that had reference to the development of structure were related in the dis- cussion of the last six stages, chapter iii. The tendencies were disclosed in chapter v, and sum- marized at the close of that portion of the report. The difference between the structure and idea of function which characterized the movement at the time of its inception, and that which distin- guishes it at present, has come about by an orderly and progressive development, a growth from simplicity to complexity in the scheme of adjustment — an evolution. This evolution was characterized, in the first place, by seven more or less clearly defined periods of emphasis upon cer- tain features in the concept of its function which were correlative with the incorporation of par- ticular changes in structure. These periods con- stituted the sand garden, model playground, small park, recreation center, neighborhood or- ganization, civic art and welfare, and community service stages. The evolution of the movement was distinguished, in the second place, by nine changes in its policy and activities that were fun- damental to its stages, but not coterminous with them, and that were designated above as transi- tions. These transitions were: from provision 330 THE PLAY MOVEMENT for little children to that for all ages of people; from facilities operated during the summer only to those maintained throughout the year; from outdoor equipment and activities only to both outdoor and indoor facilities and events; from congested urban districts to both urban and rural communities; from philanthropic to community support and control; from free play and miscel- laneous events to directed play with organized activities and correlated schedules; from a sim- ple to a complex field of activities including man- ual, physical, aesthetic, social, and civic projects ; from the provision of facilities to the definition of standards for the use of leisure time; and from individualistic interests to community activ- ities. In the third place, the development of the play movement, as analyzed above, disclosed a definite trend toward an integration rather than a dissolution of its scheme of adjustment, which, incidentally, tends toward institutionalization. This trend comprises : the public sanctioning of many plans of adjustment proposed by the move- ment ; the creation of certain physical accompani- ments, which have come to embo'dy certain aspects of its structure and function ; the development of historical continuity shown in the gradual accu- mulation of beliefs, tradition, sentiments, and, to a limited extent, customs ; the increase in organi- zation involving specialization and differentiation in function with a greater complexity of the field of activities; and the fact of relative per- CONCLUSION 331 manency, by which certain features of the origi- nal pattern of adjustment are still retained but do not dominate the concept of function sufficiently to preclude the addition of others as experience indicates, from time to time, their expediency. Thus there has been an evolution in the struc- ture and the concept of the function of the play movement in the United States as the result of numerous attempts to bring about an adjustment to the modern social situation with respect to play. This evolution has involved a series of conscious attempts designed to bring about the social util- ization of all leisure through the provision of opportunities for participation by all ages of people in behavior that is both personally devel- opmental and socially constructive. The probable summit of achievement in the development of a technique for the control of leisure has not been attained by the movement; it will most likely continue to develop for many years to come ; but this fact does not dim the truth of the statement that there has already been an evolution in that direction. Many instances of an institutionaliza- tion of play have been cited above, and some application of science has been made in the for- mulations of its plans of adjustment. And, if the present writer were attempting to state what ought to be, instead of what is and how it came about, he would advise an extension of the pres- ent scheme until science gives us more light upon the nature and function of play. APPENDIX A The sources consulted in arranging the account here given of the origin of the play movement include the fol- lowing : Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Sci- ence, March, 1910; relating to developments in Chicago and Philadelphia. Annual Reports, Boston Park Commissioners, especially 1888. Annual Report, Brooklyn Park Commissioners, especially 1897. Annual Reports, Brooklyn Society for Parks and Playgrounds, Brooklyn. Annual Reports, Children's Playground Association of Balti- more, Baltimore. Annual Report, Department of Parks, New York City, 1902, pp. 35-45. Annual Reports, Massachusetts Emergency and Hygiene Asso- ciation, Boston, for 1885-1901. Annual Reports, New York Society for Parks and Playgrounds, New York City. Annual Reports of Pittsburgh Playground Association, Pitts- burgh, especially for 1908, which contains chronology of events in that city. Annual Reports of the Philadelphia City Open Park Associa- tion, for later events in Philadelphia. Annual Reports, Provident Free Kindergarten Association, Providence, especially 1894-97. Annual Reports, Union for Practical Progress, Providence, R. I., for beginnings in Providence. Annual Report, United States Bureau of Education, 1903, con- taining an article on playground developments in the United States. Annual Reports, South Park Commissioners, Chicago. American, Sadie, "The Movement for Small Playgrounds," American Journal of Sociology, September, 1898, pp. 159-76. Betts, Lillian N., "Tenement House Life and Recreation," Municipal Affairs, March, 1899, pp. 164-5. Curtis, H. S., The Play Movement and Its Significance, The Macmillan Co., 1917. 332 APPENDIX 333 Hull-House Papers, Chicago, 1895. Lee, Joseph, Constructive and Preventive Philanthropy, The Macmillan Co., 1902. Chapter xvl, "Public Recreation." League of Social Service, "Recreation Plus Education," Munic- ipal Affairs, September, 1898, pp. 433-38. Origin of vacation schools in New York City. Mero, E. B., American Playgrounds. Baker & Taylor Co., 1908, New York. Valuable because it contains extracts from an unpublished thesis by H. H. Buxton, prepared while a student at the Y. M. C. A. Training School, Springfield, Mass. O'Brien, E. C, "Recreation Piers," Municipal Affairs, Septem- ber, 1897, pp. 509-14. Playground, The, "A Brief History of the Playground Move- ment in America." April, and May, 1915. A statement of facts gathered by the association, no author, dates quite inaccurate. Proceedings of the Playground Association of America, Vol. Ill, for outline of early history of movement. "Public Playgrounds for Children," Nineteenth Century Maga- zine, 1893, pp. 267-71. Riis, Jacob A., A Ten Years' War, Houghton, Mifflin & Co., 1900. Refers to developments in New York City. Riis, Jacob A., "Small Parks and Public Playgrounds," Harper's Weekly, September 11, 1897. Robinson, Charles Mulford, "Improvement of City Life," Atlan- tic Monthly, April, 1899, pp. 533-36. Relates early develop- ments in general. Tolman, William H., "Vacation Schools in New York," Review of Reviews, August, 1897. Tsanoff, Stoyan Vasil, "Children's Playgrounds," Municipal Affairs, 1898, p. 578. "Vacation Schools," editorial, Charities, September 6, 1902. Origin of vacation schools with classification in four groups, playground, workshop, experimental laboratory, and annex to public school. Wharton, G. W. "Municipal Playgrounds," Gardens and Forests, December 16, 1898. Wharton, G. W., "Playgrounds for City Schools," Harpers, LXVIII. 334 THE PLAY MOVEMENT Zueblin, Charles, American Municipal Progress, The Macmillan Co., 1916, chapter xvi, "Public Recreation." Zueblin, Charles, "Municipal Playgrounds in Chicago," Amer- ican Journal of Sociology, September, 1898, pp. 145-58. APPENDIX B Classification, Registration, and Eligibility of Athletes in the South Park Recreation System, Chicago. 1 These classifications are to serve in all South Park Sports, such as track athletics, basket-ball, swimming, wres- tling, baseball or any other sport that may be adopted from time to time for interpark contests and tournaments. These classifications pertain only to the sport in which the man is involved as a competitor. He may be a closed division track man, but an open division wrestler or basket-ball player. CLOSED DIVISION A closed division man is one who has not, since the opening of the park he represents, competed "unattached" or for any club other than the South Park. This means that a man who has competed on a high-school team, col- lege team, Y. M. C. A. team, athletic club team, Bible-class team, or any other team, or as an individual in "open com- petition," is not eligible to compete in closed division sports. Competing in school (high school or college) as a mem- ber of a class team against another class team or teams, in the same school would not make a man ineligible for closed division competition. Competing within one separate and distinct institution of any character will affect a man's eligibility as defined in the above paragraph on "competing in school," etc. OPEN DIVISION An open division man is one who may have competed for a high school, college, Y. M. C. A., athletic club, or dif- 1 Annual Report of South Park Commissioners, 1910, pp. 43 f. APPENDIX 335 ferent clubs, or "unattached," but who at the time of com- petition in South Park meets is not registered "unattached" or for any other club than the South Park. This means that any man registered "unattached" or for a club of any kind, except for South Park, is ineligible. To be eligible, the man must either not be registered in other clubs, or be registered for South Park. A man may not resign his regis- tration in any organization and thus become eligible to com- pete in open division sports. NOVICE (CLOSED DIVISION) A novice is one who has not won a first, second, or third place in any event in a South Park meet or in open com- petition. CLASSIFIED (CLOSED DIVISION) A classified man is one who has won a first, second, or third place in a South Park closed division meet, South Park open division meet, or in open competition. NOVICE (OPEN DIVISION) A novice is one who has not won a first, second, or third place in open competition or in a meet of two or more clubs or institutions of the same or different character. CLASSIFIED (OPEN DIVISION) A classified man is one who has won a first, second, or third place in open competition or in a meet open to two or more clubs or institutions of the same or different character. RELAY RACES Relay races in South Park meets will not be taken into consideration when classifying men "novice" or "unclassi- fied." Relay races in "open competition" will be regarded as other events are regarded for purposes of classification. AMATEUR Only those who observe the best amateur standards in sport will be alldwed to compete in interpark contests and tournaments. An amateur is a person who has: (1) never 336 THE PLAY MOVEMENT competed for a money prize: 2 never competed under a false name; (3) never knowingly competed with a profes- sional for a prize; (4) never knowingly competed with a professional where gate mon^ charged: [5) never pur- sued, worked at. or assisted in. any branches of athlet: gymnastics, or aquatics as a teacher or ins:r..:::r. for a salary paid directly or indirectly for sueh service. ■BCISTRATIOX No one may compete in any :i.:erpark contest unless reg- rred with the park he rep resents at least thirty days prior to day of competition. ~:r further information concerning classifications and registration see the instructor. Membership on one of the teams, classification, and right to compete as a representative in any park is secured by filling out and forwarding to the administrative office the following form: • Front) BOOTH PARK COMMISSIONERS DEPARTMENT OF FIELDHOUSES AND PLAYGROUNDS Application foe Athletic Registration Date Name (Print your name.) Address p^k DMsion {ciEU: ::::::::: Are you under suspension by any athletic governing body?. . . . What athletic organizations have you represented at any time? What organization did you last represent?. When? What event?. , APPENDIX 337 I hereby give my word of honor that I have not violated, nor will I violate, any of the amateur clauses set forth on the reverse side of this form, I also agree to abide by the spirit as well as the letter of amateur sport as set forth from time to time in the rules and regulations issued by the South Park authorities. In attaching my signature below, I certify that I have read and that I understand the terms of my registration, as set forth on either side of this form. Signed. As soon as the athlete has been classified he is given the following membership card: (Front) south park com : : : s 5 : : ; z r s DEPARTMENT OF FIELDHOUSES AND PLAYGROUNDS Athletic Membership Caed This Certifies that of i ta red as (Park) Division athlete, and is entitled to compete in any sport pro- moted by the above park on and after. Number Expires. This card will be recalled if any of the rules governing athletic competition in the South Park system are violated by the person holding the same. The rules printed on the reverse side of this card must be strictly observed. (Back) 1. This card is not transferable, 2. Must be shown when requested. 3. Is valid only as long as bearer is a member of and represents park named on other side. 4. No individual may hold a registration card for more than one park. 5. Is not valid unless signed by athlete whose name is on oppoalls side. Sign here 338 THE PLAY MOVEMENT In order to insure fair play in all of the dual and interpark contests, the names of athletes who compose the teams are forwarded from park to park or to the main administrative office on the following form: SOUTH PARK COMMISSIONERS DEPARTMENT OF FIELDHOUSES AND PLAYGROUNDS Certificate of Eligibility Park Date 19 To This is to certify that the contestants named below are bona fide members of (Park) and are registered in the Department of Fieldhouses and Play- grounds as amateurs and are in every way qualified to repre- sent this park in the at Date 19 Instructor must sign on the line below the last contestant's name. APPENDIX 339 to 03 O „ CO fe CO • CO* Co .. -p ..h rt .. 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-5 1-5 O • 1—1 d cp CQ cp cp CP CP a a u u CP CP d CP o3 •1-1 CP ^ a d 5 3 d t-3t-?»5 CP CQ OQ O PQ o CO OQ >> O PQ o CO OQ OQ >> >> o o wpq o o CO CO o o d OX) CP ^^2 « d a MUO>-i °^ bJO OQ d _ >> d » PQ^S iG OQ OQ CQ .^OOO OPQPQ CQ O O o o CO CO co CO CM ^ CO t>" o o CO CO CN t- 0000 00 CO CO CO CO OO CM ^ IO t~ CM 00 o3 Q o3 -a d o >> 03 73 0Q CP >> o3 0Q CP d -a CP 03 T3 CQ Pi d ,d o3 T3 Pi fa o3 Pt d o3 CQ 342 THE PLAY MOVEMENT APPENDIX F Weekly Schedule,* Hamilton Park Fieldhouse, 1915-16 The following table of fieldhouse activities that are open to the public during the indoor season expresses the scheme of administration in operation during 1915-16. It was arranged by the present writer while director of Hamil- ton Park and was published without his knowledge in The Playground, June, 1916. REGULAR AFTERNOON ACTIVITIES Monday — Gymnasium: Girls, 9-10 years, 3:30; 13 and over, 4:30. Gymnasium : Boys, 9-10 years, 3:30; high school boys, 4 : 30. Table Games: Boys and girls, 4:00-5:00. Tuesday — Gymnasium: Girls, 7-8 years, 3:30; 11-12 years, 4:30. Gymnasium: Boys, 7-9 years, 3:30; 12-13 years, 4:30. Children's Chorus : Boys and girls, 3 : 30-4 : 30. Kindergarten: Boys and girls, 4:00-5:00. Minerva Women's Club: First and third Tuesdays, 2:00. Gymnasium: Women's class, 2:00-3:00. Civic League, 32nd Ward: First Tuesday, 2:00-4:00. Wednesday — Gymnasium: Children, under 7 years, 3:30; girls' team, game practice and rehearsals, 4:30-6:00. Gymnasium: Boys, 10-12 years, 3:30; matched practice games, 4:30-5:00. Table Games: Boys and girls, 4:00-5:30. Dramatics: Junior, Sections A and B, 4:00-5:00. Thursday — Gymnasium : Girls, 9-10 years, 3:30; 13 years and over, 4 : 30. Gymnasium: Boys, 9-10 years, 3:30; high school boys, 4 : 30. Story Hour: Children, under 10 years, 4:00; over 10, 4:30. Friday — Gymnasium: Girls, 7-8 years, 3:30; 11-12 years, 4:30. Gymnasium: Boys, 7-9 years, 3:30; 10-12 years, 4:30. ♦The above list of activities is not complete. It does not include the regular meetings of private clubs, classes, dances, parties, receptions, concerts, recitals, etc., that are held daily in the fieldhouse. The following facilities should also be added: the Library, a branch of the Chicago Public Library, open on week days from 1:00-9:00 P. M. and on Sundays from 1:00-6:00; the Shower Baths, open dally from 13:00-9:30 P. M« APPENDIX 343 Children's Chorus: Boys and girls, 4:30-5:30. Gymnasium: Girls, plays and games, 1:30-3:00; class, 3:00-4:00. Gymnasium: Boys, 85 Id., team practice, 1:30-2:30; team organization, 2:30-3:30; Hamilton Park Gym. Team, 4:15-5:30. Saturday — Grammar School Social Dancing Class, 2:00-3:00. Doll Club, children, 2:00-3:00. Table Games, 3:00-5:00. Interpretive Dancing, 2:00-3:00. Sunday — Gymnasium: Girls, directed plays and games, 1:30-6:00. Gymnasium: Boys, under 15, 1:30-3:30; over 15, 3:30- 4:30; matched games, 4:30-6:00. Pleasant Hour: October-December and March-April, 3:30. Civic Music Concerts: January and February at 3:30. REGULAR EVENING ACTIVITIES Monday — Colonial Class : Folk-dances, alternate Mondays, 8 : 30-10 : 30. Community Dancing Class: Sec. A, alternate Mondays, 8:30-10:30. Civic Music Chorus: 8:15-10:30. Boy Scouts' Drill: 7:30-8:30. Gymnasium: Women beginning, 7:30; advanced, 8:30- 9:30. Gymnasium: Employed boys, 7:30; business men, 8:30- 10:00; wrestling, 8:00-10:00. Tuesday — Hamilton Park Neighborhood Council: Second Tuesday, 8:00-10:00. Gresham Treble Clef Club: First and third Tuesdays, 8:00-10:00. Gymnasium: Women's advanced, 7:30-8:30, 8:30-9:15. Gymnasium: Young men's class, 7:30-9:30. Ladies' Modern Social Dancing Class (private): 8:00-9:00. Wednesday — Adults' Social Dancing Class (private): 7:30-9:30. Gymnasium: Advanced girls, 7:30-9:30. Gymnasium: Men's matched games, 7:30-10:00. 344 THE PLAY MOVEMENT Thursday — Ladies* Modern Dancing Class: 7:30-8:30. Community Dancing Class, Sec. B: Alternate Thursdays, 8:30. Gymnasium : Women beginning, 7:30; advanced, 8 : 30-9 : 30. High School Modern Social Dancing Class: Alternate Thurs- days, 8:30-9:30. Friday — Boy Scout Drill: 7:30-9:30. Parent-Teachers' Association: 2nd Friday, 8:00-10:00. Gymnasium: Advanced Women, 7:30-8:30; 8:30-9:30. Gymnasium: Young Men's Class, 7:30-8:30. Young Peoples' Dramatic Club: 8:00-10:00. Saturday — Special Adults' Modern Social Dancing Class: 7:30-8:30. Gymnasium: Men's, Matched Games, 7:30-10:00. Gymnasium: Women's, Advanced Girls, 7:30-9:30. APPENDIX G Palmer Park Yearly Calendar,* 1915 Data concerning activities of the groups which the park is promoting and with which the park is co-operating. INDOOR SEASON, OCTOBER TO END OF MAY October — 1. Gymnasium: Formal opening and registration for classes. 2. Choral Society: Beginning of rehearsals for winter season. 3. Soccer Football: Teams playing every Saturday. 4. Rugby Football: Games Saturday and Sunday. November — 1. Plays: Palmer Players. 2. Civics Club: Initiation of new members (from the 8th grade). 3. Soccer Football League: Championship games. 4. Rugby Football: Continues until Thanksgiving. •This calendar does not include all uses of the recreation center facilities but only those established by the adminis- tration or organized by neighborhood organizations for com- munity purposes; thus numerous dances, parties, club meetings, rehearsals, etc., are omitted. APPENDIX 345 December — 1. Concerts: Choral Society. 2. Plays: Palmer Players; Christmas plays by Children's Dramatics. 3. Christmas Parties: United Charities for poor children; Girls' Gymnasium classes. January — 1. Pleasant Hour Series: Beginning second Sunday in January and continuing every Sunday until May. 2. Skating: Three acres of ice is provided during freezing weather. 3. Recitals: Local teachers and conservatories. 4. Celebration: Annual "Burns" celebration by Scottish Club. February — 1. Pleasant Hours Series: Sundays at 3:30. • 2. Plays: Palmer Players. 3. Basket-ball: Match games and tournaments, Wednesdays and Saturday evenings. 4. Volley-ball: Tournaments for girls held Saturday even- ings and afternoons. 5. Recitals: Given by local teachers and conservatories. 6. Lincoln's Birthday: Celebration by Veterans and Daughters of Veterans. March — 1. Pleasant Hours Series: Sundays at 3:30. 2. Concerts: Palmer Park Musical Society. 3. Exhibit: Chicago Tuberculosis Institute during first two weeks. Programs every afternoon and evening. Lectures, entertainments, plays, recitals, moving pictures, etc. 4. Artists' Fete: Annual banquet and dance of members and friends of Art Club. 5. Plays: Junior Dramatic Club, and Palmer Players. April — 1. Pleasant Hour Series: Sundays at 3:30. 2. Exhibition: Annual gymnastic exhibition by girls' and boys' gymnasium classes. 3. Plays: Palmer Players, and Children's Dramatic Club. 4. Annual Exhibit of Art Classes. 346 THE PLAY MOVEMENT May — 1. Concerts: Palmer Park Musical Society. 2. Plays: Palmer Players. 3. Gymnasium: Closing of indoor work and opening of outdoor gymnasiums. 4. Baseball: Inter-grammar school league; other match games played Saturdays and Sundays. 5. Recitals: Graduations of conservatories and teachers of music. 6. Memorial Service: Regular service on Memorial Day by G. A. R. OUTDOOR SEASON, JUNE TO END OF SEPTEMBER June — 1. Swimming: Pool opened (suit and towel furnished). Hours, 10:00 a. m. to 10:00 p. m. Girls' days, Tuesday and Friday. Boys' days, Monday, Wednesday forenoon, Thursday, Saturday, Sunday afternoon. 2. Play Festival: Afternoon program furnished by grade schools, Park, and Turners. Evening by Park, high schools and Turners. 3. Cricket: Cricket team starts regular practice. 4. Tennis: Tournaments. 5. Baseball: Match games Saturdays and Sundays. July — 1. July Fourth: Water circus in swiming pool. 2. Concerts: Community chorus of 500 gives annual out- door concert. Band concerts every two weeks. 3. Activities: Daily, swimming, tennis, baseball, and out- door gymnasiums. August — 1. Concerts: Band concerts every other week. 2. Activities: Daily, swimming, baseball, tennis and out- door gymnasium. 3. Meets: Track meets and athletic tests in outdoor gym- nasiums. September — 1. Pageant: Program supplied on Labor Day in Play Field. 2. Activities: Regular outdoor work continued. APPENDIX 347 B w 02 H . S o - Ph < 02 §£ > 2 Be 3 Ph° H P O 5 & Ph t^ B m M < K s r— I i •° 02 •a a> O a o u Ph ,d +* * ?! tH qj ° Q Ph o 3 Q O fl sl'oa Pi o 5 *-• ^ ^2 00 r-t K_ ^ g s ^« t* cS w O o3 «.' * +j © oo 5° fl d) t 5 +■» If 35 a > u 9. 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O ^ s-d c a d o ^ frt "^ *d CD "^ -d • o d ^ S H o d dd9-2 3-3 8* d ^ ° 02 CD d o O d •l-H A P. s CQ a5 CD 02 CD a 03 « CD +j .-^ C -d £i c3 bfi • • *s hZ o w 03 . »C5 03 CD i— i i~ Wop 03 fn ►_- cd ,d «m d,CQ m o* CD i-H ^d " ^a -<-> p EC ^3 fn-O 2 C oo^.S aa fo as.* ~ CD •d 02 03 -!§ d fn e8 CD,J ft bfiH d * d 03 o3 a«3 CD 03 •l-H a fH CD X m CD CD CD ^3 CD -h CD +■> ^H -J >» CD qj" •«-> W d CD , CD M M i-i m CD bfl . rttJ >»« d CD a 4-> fH c<3 CD Q 03 d* fed b£l o CdpL, Ph d d +- H-> CD d CD JO fH CD o CD o . CQ fn _ <° s « id GQ CQ,« . fH OCQ APPENDIX 351 Community Bicycle Trip. Roosevelt Anniversary. Home Gardens Contests. Home Arts Exhibit. Community Nights. Hoop Rolling Tournament. Pleasant Sunday Afternoons. Nutrition & Dietetics Courses. Forum. Movies. Home Nursing Course. Columbus Day Celebration. Citizenship Week. Home Decoration Institute. Model Glider Tournament. Model Airplane Tournament. Story-telling Contests. Amateurs' Nights. Pleasant Sunday Afternoons. Community Nights. Home Nursing Course. Nutrition & Dietetics Courses. Forum. Movies. Thanksgiving Day Celebra- tion. Lecture Courses. Winter Foods Institute. Declamation Contests. Debating Contests. Loan Art Exhibit. Pleasant Sunday Afternoons. Community Nights. Movies. Forum. Lectures. Pushmobile Preliminaries. Halloween Parade: Novel, Amusing, and Artistic Costumes. a o . OS *! CD a O w a ■aG d CD •i-H la Christmas Celebration. Community Tree. Community Caroling, etc. Soccer, cont. Pushmobile Tournament. Tricycle Races. P. S. A. L.: Grammar School Soccer, Boys' Grammar School Volley-ball, Girls*. Soccer, cont. P. S. A. L.: Girls' Volley-ball, cont. Boys' Soccer, cont. P. S. A. L.: Girls' Volley-ball, cont. Boys' Soccer, cont. October 05 g g o as i | c i i 352 THE PLAY MOVEMENT APPENDIX I SOUTH PARK MERIT SYSTEM OF SCORING Basket-baxl League, 1920-21. The Grammar School League consists of Chicago Public Grammar School and Parochial Schools in the South Park district. Each scheduled game will be scored on a Sports- manship basis, as follows: Sportsmanship 60 points Reliability 10 " Winning 30 " SPORTSMANSHIP Sportsmanship to include: (1) fouls and infractions of the rules, charged to a team; (2) prompt acceptance of the official's decisions; (3) language and conduct of players during the contest; (4) conduct of spectators and partisans of a team during the game; (5) conduct of team and fol- lowers, to and from game. RELIABILITY Reliability to include: (1) promptly appearing for play at scheduled hour and date; (2) faithfully carrying out all rules as to eligibility; (3) captain's having line-up ready for scorers (this rule is to punish trickery of any kind). WINNING The team that wins will be credited with 30 points. SPORTSMANSHIP MARKINGS Sportsmanship, in all games, will be marked as indicated below : Personal Fouls. For each personal foul made by a player, 2 points will be deducted from the sportsmanship mark of his team, except where the foul is of a flagrant nature; then the penalty will be from 3 to 20 points, as decided by the referee. APPENDIX 353 Player Expelled from Game. If a player is expelled from the game for unnecessary roughness, 25 points will be deducted from the mark of the team to which the player belongs. Spectators and Partisans at Game. The spectators and partisans of a team, guilty of bad sportsmanship, though in no way chargeable to their team, will cause their team to lose 40 points. Conduct of Players and Folloicers, to and from Game. Unsportsmanlike conduct of a team and its followers, to or from a game, will cause that team to lose from 20 to 60 points, as decided by the Administration Office, or Board of Control. Captain Addressing Official. A request on the part of a captain of a team for explana- tion of a rule, will not be charged against his team, if such request is to get information as to the meaning of a rule, and not to question the official's judgment. Such request, however, must be made in a courteous manner. Language and Conduct of Players. Lanuage and conduct of players refers to such things as swearing, losing temper, calling names, and other acts of rowdyism. Both Teams Receive Sportsmanship Mark. Both teams will receive a mark for sportsmanship and reliability. Should both teams exhibit good sportsmanship, and meet all rules as to reliability, both will receive credit for same. CHAMPIONSHIP, HOW AWARDED The championship will be awarded the team that has the greatest number of points after all scheduled games have been played, all games being scored on the point basis. 354 THE PLAY MOVEMENT APPENDIX J SOUTH PARK MERIT SYSTEM OF SCORING Base-ball League, 1920-1921. The Grammar Schools League consists of Chicago Pub- lic Grammar Schools and Parochial Schools in the South Park district. Each scheduled game will be scored on the Merit System, as follows: Sportsmanship 50 points Reliability 20 " Winning 30 " SPORTSMANSHIP Sportsmanship to include: (1) fouls and infractions of the rules, charged to a team; (2) prompt acceptance of the official's decisions; (3) language and conduct of players during the contest; (4) conduct of spectators and parti- sans of a team during the game; (5) conduct of team and followers, to and from game. RELIABILITY Reliability to include: (1) prompt appearing for play at scheduled hour and date. This does not mean that a team will be penalized for postponing a game on account of bad weather, in accordance with the rules of the league; (2) faithfully carrying out all rules as to eligibility, before the game is called; (3) captain's having batting order ready for scorer before the game is called. WINNING The team that wins will be credited with 30 points. SPORTSMANSHIP MARKINGS Conduct and Language of Players. Sportsmanship will be marked on the conduct and lan- guage of the players during the game, special attention being paid to blocking or attempting to bock a runner who APPENDIX 355 is trying to make a base and the prompt acceptance of the official's decision at all times. For each block or attempt to block, a team shall be charged from 3 to 20 points, as decided by the umpire. Failure to accept the umpire's decision promptly shall cause a team to lose from 5 to 50 points, as decided by the umpire. Language and conduct of players refers to such things as swearing, losing temper, calling names, and other acts of rowdyism. Spectators and Followers of a Team. Spectators and followers of a team, guilty of bad sportsmanship, though in no way chargeable to their team, will cause their team to lose from 10 to 40 points from the sportsmanship mark of the team. Conduct of Players and Followers to and from Game. Unsportsmanlike conduct of a team and its followers, to or from a game, will cause that team to lose from 20 to 50 points, as decided by the Board of Control. Captain Addressing Official. A request on the part of a captain of a team for explan- ation of a rule, will not be charged against his team, if such request is to get information as to the meaning of a rule, and not to question the official's judgment. Such request, however, must be made in a courteous manner. Both Teams Receive a Sportmanship Mark. Should both teams exhibit good sportsmanship, both will receive credit for same. CHAMPIONSHIP, HOW AWARDED The championship will be awarded the team that has the greatest number of points after all scheduled games have been played, all games being scored on the point basis. A SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 1 I. INTRODUCTION A. Containing Bibliographies Angell, Emmett D., Play, Comprising Games for the Kinder- garten, Playground, Schoolroom, and College. Little, 1910. Bancroft, Jessie D., Games for the Playground, Home, School, and Gymnasium. Macmillan, 1909. Barnes, H. E., "Social and Reform Movements," Encyclopedia Americana, 1919. "Book Reviews" and "Bibliographies," in The Playground, Vols. I-XVI. "Community Service in Periodical Literature," War Camp Community Service, 1920. A bibliography of thirty-eight pages. Edwards, Richard Henry, Popular Amusements, Association Press, 1915. Annotated bibliographies at close of chapters. Hanmer, Lee F. and Knight, Howard R., Sources of Informa- tion on Play and Recreation, Russell Sage Foundation, 1915. Thirty-six pages, classified according to subjects. Mero, Evert B., American Playgrounds, The Baker & Taylor Co., 1908. Zueblin, Charles, American Municipal Progress, Macmillan, 1916. B. The Concept of a Movement 2 Park, R. E. and Burgess, E. W., Introduction to the Science of Sociology, University of Chicago Press, 1921, pp. 54-55, and chap. xii. Thomas, Edward, Industry, Emotion and Unrest, Harcourt, Brace and Howe, 1920, pp. 252 ff. Zimand, Savel, Modern Social Movements, New York Bureau of Municipal Research, 1921. x This bibliography is not intended to be a comprehensive one, neither does it include all the sources consulted in the preparation of the report above. It is a selected list of the more accessible of the important references, suitable for collateral reading. 2 The references here are chosen because of their sum- maries and bibliographies. They are suggestive only. The best way in which to formulate a concept of a movement is by studying particular movements; many are indicated in the references given here. 356 BIBLIOGRAPHY 357 C. Definition of the Term "Play" Appleton, M. Estelle, A Comparative Study of The Play of Adult Savages and Civilized Children, University of Chi- cago Press, 1910. Exposition of social and biological aspects of play. Baldwin, J. Mark, Social and Ethical Interpretations in Mental Development, Macmillan, 1902. Social and educational aspects of child play. Dewey, John, "Play," Encyclopedia of Education. Ed. by Paul Monroe, 1914. A psychological explanation of play. Gillin, John L., "The Sociology of Play," American Journal of Sociology, 1914, pp. 826-33. Emphasizes group aspect of play. Groos, Karl, The Play of Man, Appleton, 1901. Exposition of the practice theory of play. Hall, G. Stanley, Adolescence, Vol. II, pp. 206-36. Statement of the recapitulation theory of play. Interesting analogy but has become a moot question in science today. McDougall, William, Social Psychology, 1908, pp. 107-15, and 345-47. Reviews theories of Schiller, Spencer, Bradley and Groos. Suggests interesting revision of Groos' theory. Patrick, G. T. W., The Psychology of Relaxation, Houghton Mifflin Co., 1916, pp. 47 ff. Explanation of nature of play from the "genetic" standpoint. Requires correction. Patton, Simon, N., Product and Climax, Huebsch, 1909. Dis- cussion of the relation of play to work. Spencer, Herbert, Principles of Psychology, Appleton, 1896, pp. 628 ff. Conceives play to be the expression of surplus energy. D. The Scope of the Play Movement Addams, Jane, The Spirit of Youth and the City Streets, Macmillan, 1909. Aronovici, Carol, "Organized Leisure as a Factor in Conserva- tion," American Journal of Sociology, Vol. XXIV, pp. 373 ff. Collier, John, "Leisure Time, the Last Problem of Conserva- tion," The Playground, Vol. VI, pp. 93-106. Curtis, Henry S., The Play Movement and Its Significance, Macmillan, 1917. Davis, M. M., The Exploitation of Pleasure, Russell Sage Foun- dation, 1910. Edwards, R. H., "Public Recreation," Bulletin, Extension Di- vision, Universfty of Wisconsin. 358 THE PLAY MOVEMENT Gulick, Luther H., "Play and Democracy," Charities and the Commons, Aug. 3, 1907. Reprinted in A Philosophy of Play, 1920. Johnson, George E., "Education Through Recreation," Russell Sage Foundation, 1916. Portion of Cleveland, O., survey. Lee, Joseph, "American Play Traditions and Our Relations to Them," The Playground, 1913, pp. 148-59. Lee, Joseph, "Restoring Their Play Inheritance to Our City Children," The Craftsman, Vol. XXV, pp. 545-55. Mero, E. B., American Playgrounds, Baker and Taylor Co., 1909, pp. 68-119. Perry, C. A., Community Center Activities, Russell Sage Foun- dation, 1916. Richards, John R., "Chicago's Recreation Problem in Relation to a City-Wide Plan of Administration," The American City, December, 1915. Report of the Recreational Inquiry Committee of the State of California, September 28, 1914. Scott, Temple, Use of Leisure, Huebsch, 1913. II. THE ORIGIN OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT For bibliography cf. Appendix A., pp. 332-34 above. III. THE STAGES OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT A. The Sand Garden Stage, 1885-95 Annual Reports of Massachusetts Emergency and Hygiene Association, 1885-1895. Annual Report Metropolitan Park Commissioners of Boston, 1893, pp. 67-81. Lee, Joseph, Constructive and Preventive Philanthropy, Macmillan, 1902. Cf. chapter on "Playgrounds for Small Children." McGough, Frances J., "The Sand Pile, Its Use and Care," The Playground, 1915, pp. 160-64. B. The Model Playground Stage, 1895-1900 Annual Report of Massachusetts Civic League, 1901. Lee, Joseph, Constructive . and Preventive Philanthropy, Macmillan, 1902, pp. 127, 164-67, 172, 175 ff. Tsanoff, Stoyan Vasil, "Children's Playgrounds," Municipal Affairs, 1898, pp. 578 ff. Zueblin, Charles, American Municipal Progress, Macmillan, 1916, pp. 298-300. BIBLIOGRAPHY 359 C. The Small Park Stage, 1900-5 De Groot, Edward B., "Recreation Facilities in Public Parks," The American City, Vol. X, pp. 9-15. Leland, A., and L., Playground Technique and Play Craft, Doubleday Page & Co., 1913, pp. 54-59. Riis, Jacob, A Ten Years' War, Houghton Mifflin, 1900. Story of first small parks in New York City. Robinson, Charles Mulford, "Landscape Gardening for Play- grounds," Proceedings of the Playground Association of America, 1908. Robinson, Charles Mulford, Improvement of Towns and Cities, Putnam, 1901. D. The Recreation Center Stage, 1905-12 Annual Reports of Bath Department of Boston, since 1904. Annual Reports of the Board of Recreation, Philadelphia, since 1913. Annual Reports of Pittsburgh Playground Association, since 1912. Annual Reports of South Park Commissioners, Chicago, since 1905. Annual Reports of West Chicago Park Commissioners, since 1908. Foreman, Henry G., "Chicago's New Park Service," Century Magazine, February, 1903, pp. 610-20. Perry, Clarence A., The Wider Use of the School Plant, Russell Sage Foundation, 1910. Raycroft, Joseph E., "Construction and Administration of Swimming Pools," The Playground, Vol. VII, pp. 417-33. "Rochester Social and Civic Centers," Report of the Civic League, Rochester, N. Y., 1909. Stoddart, Bessie D., "Recreative Centers of Los Angeles," The Annals, March, 1910, pp. 427 ff. Taylor, Graham Romeyn, "Recent Development in Chicago's Parks," The Annals, March, 1910. Ward, E. J., The Social Center, Appleton, 1913. E. The Civic Art and Welfare Stage, 1912-14 Annual Reports of the Board of Public Welfare, Kansas City, Mo., since 1911. Davol, Ralph, Handbook of American Pageantry, Davol Pub. Co., 1914. 360 THE PLAY MOVEMENT Dykema, Peter W., "The Spread of the Community Music Idea," The Annals, 1916, pp. 218-23. Dykema, Peter W., "Community Music and Drama," University of Wisconsin Extension Division Bulletin, Gen. Series No. 638, 1917. Farwell, A., "Community Music and Drama," The Craftsman, Vol. XXVI, pp. 418-22. Gordon, Edgar B., "Community Music and Drama," University of Wisconsin, Bulletin, 1916. Hanmer, L. F., and Bruner, A. H., Recreation Legislation, .: Russell Sage Foundation, Pamphlet No. 106, 1913. MacKaye, Percy W., The Civic Theatre in Its Relation to the Redemption of Leisure, M. Kennerley, 1912. Taintor, J. F., "Rural Pageant, Ripon, Wisconsin," The Play- ground, Vol. VII, pp. 240-56. F. The Neighborhood Organization Stage, 1915-18 Carver, T. N., "The Organization of a Rural Community," U. S. Department of Agriculture, Yearbook, for 1914, pp. 89-138. Collier, John, "Community Organization and the Great De- cision," Seward Park Community Center Magazine, New York, July, 1919. Gibney, E. C, Twentieth Annual Report of Superintendent of Schools. New York City, 1918, pp. 1-104. Hannifan, L. J., The Community Center, Silver Burdett Co., 1920. Hanmer, Lee F., "Organizing the Neighborhood for Recrea- tion," National Conference of Social Work, 1915, pp. 70-77. Morgan, E. L., "Mobilizing the Rural Community," Massachu- setts Agriculture College Bulletin, No. 23, 1918. Nason, W. C. and Thompson, C. W., "Rural Community Build- ings in the U. S.," U. 8. Department of Agriculture, Bulle- tin No. 825. National Conference of Social Work, 1915-18. Cf. footnote 89, p. 147 above. Rainwater, C. E., Community Organization, Southern Cali- fornia Sociological Society, 1920. Woods, R. A., "The Neighborhood in Social Reconstruction," Proceedings and Papers of the American Sociological Society, 1913. BIBLIOGRAPHY 361 G. The Community Service Stage, since 1918 Colter, John R., "The Town That Found Itself," Community Service, Incorporated, Bulletin, No. 7, 1919. "Community Service," Community Service, Incorporated, Bulle- tin, No. 2. Condit, Abbie, "Recreation," The American Yearbook, 1920. Draper, George, Community Recreation, Internat. Com. Y. M. C. A., 1918. Edwards, W. F., "Community Service, a Positive Force in Reconstruction," Community Service, Incorporated, Bulle- tin, No. 1. "War Camp Community Service, Its First Year," The Play- ground, Vol. XII, pp. 273 ff. IV. THE TRANSITIONS IN THE PLAY MOVEMENT A. Provision for All Ages of People. "Adult Recreation," The Playground, Vol. XIII, pp. 414-24. Burchenal, Elizabeth, "Folk Dancing as Social Recreation for Adults," The Playground, Vol. XIV, pp. 404-16. Follett, Mary P., "Aims of Adult Recreation," The Playground, Vol. VII, pp. 261-68. Johnson, George E., Education by Plays and Games, Ginn and Co., 1906. Johnson, George E., "Games Which Young Men and Young Women Can Play Together," The Playground, Vol. X, pp. 396-97. Perry, C. A., Community Center Activities, Russell Sage Foun- dation, 1916. Report of the Recreational Inquiry Committee of the State of California, Sept. 28, 1914. Report of Committee at Recreation Conference, 1916, "Educa- tion Through Plays and Games," The Playground, Vol. X, pp. 445-55. Ross, E. A., "Adult Recreation as a Social Problem," The Playground, Vol. XII, pp. 376-85. B. Provision Throughout the Year "A Catalogue of Play Equipment," The Playground, Vol. XIII, pp. 538-47. Annual Report Pittsburgh Playground Association, 1908. Annual Report, New York City School Board, 1899, pp. 28-32. 362 THE PLAY MOVEMENT Condit, Abbie, "What Constitutes a Year Around Recreation System," The Playground, Vol. XI, pp. 198-201. "What One Community Has Done to Develop a Year Around Recreation System," The Playground, Vol. XI, pp. 196-98. C. Outdoor and Indoor Equipment Annual Reports Board of Recreation of Philadelphia, 1913-15. Annual Reports, South Park Commissioners, Chicago, 1904-5, 1912, 1915. DeGroot, Edward B., "A Practical Talk on Playground Equip- ment," The Playground, Vol. VI, pp. 145-60. "Layout and Equipment of Playgrounds," Playground and Recreation Association of America, 1921, p. 60. Leland, A. and L., Playground Technique and Play Craft, Doubleday Page & Co., 1913. Mero, E. B., American Playgrounds, The Baker & Taylor Co., 1909. Nason, W. C. and Thompson, C. W., "Rural Community Build- ings in the United States," U. S. Department of Agricul- ture, Bulletin, No. 825. "Report of the Committee on Recreation Buildings," Recrea- tion Conference, 1916, The Playground, Vol. XI, pp. 33-41. D. In Uroan and Rural Communities Lee, Joseph, "Play as an Antidote to Civilization," The Play- ground, Vol. VI, pp. 110-26. MacKay, Constance D., "Imaginative Recreation in Rural Dis- tricts," The Playground, Vol. XIV, pp. 30-37, 83-96, 151-57, 229-35, 307-18, 373-86, 417-28, 559-72. "Report of the Committee on Rural Recreation," Recreation Conference, 1916, The Playground, Vol. XI, pp. 152-60. Tate, W. K., "Rural Recreation," National Conference of Social Work, 1915, pp. 65-70. "Rural and Small Community Recreation," Community Serv- ice, Incorporated, 1921, p. 152. E. Philanthropic and Community Administration Addams, Jane, "Recreation as a Public Function in Urban Communities," American Journal of Sociology, March, 1912, pp. 615-19. Baker, Newton D., "Why Recreation Centers Should Be Sup- ported by Public Taxation," The Playground, Vol. VI, pp. 183 ff. BIBLIOGRAPHY 363 Barrows, Edward M., "The Meaning of Self-Support," The Community Center Magazine, Feb. 3, 1917. Braucher, Howard S'., "Why I Believe That Community and Neighborhood Centers, Schools and Parks Should Be Un- der Government Direction and Support," The Playground, Vol. X, pp. 83-96. "Community Recreation," Playground and Recreation Associa- tion of America, 1919. Gulick, Luther H., "Freedom Through Self-Support," The Com- munity Center Magazine, Feb. 3, 1917. Mallery, Otto T., "Which Municipal Body Can Best Conduct Public Recreation," The Playground, Vol. VI, pp. 86 ff. Richards, John R., "The Aim and Scope of the Recreation Movement," The Playground, Vol. X, pp. 377-81. F. Free and Directed Play Angell, Emmett D„ Play, Comprising Games for the Kinder- garten, Playground, Schoolroom, and College, Little, 1910. Bancroft, Jessie H., Games for the Playground, Home, School, and Gymnasium, Macmillan, 1909. Bowen, W. P., The Teaching of Play, F. A. Bassette Co., 1913. Dickie, George E,, "Aids in the Practical Conduct of Play- grounds," The Playground, Vol. IX, pp. 46-51, 153-59. Gibney, E. C, Twentieth Annual Report of Superintendent of Schools, New York City, 1918, pp. 174-237. Gulick, L. H., "The Doctrine of Hands Off in Play," Proceed- ings of Playground Association of America, 1909. Hanmer, L. F., "Athletic Badge Tests for Girls," The Play- ground, 1916, pp. 165-71. Holeman, Genevieve Turner, "What We Did on a Summer Playground in Chicago," The Playground, Vol. XIV, pp. 157-63, 245-50, 298-305. Johnson, George E., "Why Teach a Child to Play?" Proceed- ings of Playground Association, Vol. III. Report of Committee on Games, Recreation Conference, 1916, The Playground, Vol. X, pp. 445-55. G. Simple and Complex Fields of Activities Bates, E. W. and Orr, Pageants and Pageantry, Ginn & Co., 1912. Braucher, Mrs. H. S., "Making Children's Dramatics Worth While," The Playground, Vol. IX, pp. 116-20. Bryant, Sara Cone, How to Tell Stories to Children,'' Hough- ton Mifflin, 1906. 364 THE PLAY MOVEMENT Chesley, A. M., Social Activities, Association Press, 1910. Corsan, George H., At Home in the Water, Association Press, 1914. Ferris, Helen, Producing Amateur Entertainments, E. P. Dutton, 1921. Geister, Edna, Ice Breakers, Women's Press, 1918. Gulick, L. H., The Healthful Art of Dancing, Doubleday Page & Co., 1910. Hall, A. Neely, The Boy Craftsman, Shepardson, 1905. Hart, W. R., "Corn Clubs," The Playground, Vol. VI, pp. 285 ff. Langdon, William C, Celebrating the Fourth of July oy Means of Pageantry, Russell Sage Foundation, 1902. Mackay, Constance D., How to Produce Children's Plays, Holy, 1915. Mero, E. B., American Playgrounds, The Baker & Taylor Co., 1909. Parsons, Henry G., Children's Gardens for Pleasure, Health, and Education, Sturgis, 1910. H. Facilities and Definition of Standards Collier, John, "Leisure Time, the Last Problem of Conserva- tion," The Playground, Vol. VI, pp. 93-110. Lee, Joseph, "What Are the Best Games for Boys in Crowded Cities?" The Playground, Vol. VI, pp. 373-75. "Recreation for Industrial Communities," The Playground, Vol. XIV, pp. 278-82, 356-67, 429-46, 475-80, 554-59, 616-21. Rumbold, Charlotte, "Games for Girls in Large Cities," The Playground, Vol. VI, pp. 375-77. Ryan, Orson, "The Kind of School Athletics That Are Really Worth While," The Playground, Vol. IX, pp. 164-67. Storrow, Mrs. James J., "Folk Dancing as a Means of Family Recreation in the Home," The Playground, Vol. VI, pp. 159 ff. "Street Play," The Playground, Vol. IX, pp. 168-71. I. Individual and Group Activities Braucher, H. S., "What a Neighborhood Play Center Ought to Be," The Playground, Vol. IX, pp. 338-4€. Efficiency Tests for Boys, Playground Association of America, Pamphlet, 1913. Gillin, John L., "Socialized Recreation," chapter in Poverty and Dependency, Century, 1921. BIBLIOGRAPHY 365 Jerome, Mrs. Amalie Hofer, "The Playground as a Social Center," The Annals, March, 1910. Lee, Joseph, "The Community, Home of Lost Talents," The Playground, Vol. XIII, pp. 171-76. McDowell, Mary E., "Recreation a Fundamental Element of Democracy," The Playground, Vol. VII, pp. 189 ff. Mero, E. B., "The Holiday as a Builder of Citizenship," The Playground, Vol. VIII, pp. 101 ff. Stern, Renee B., "Neighborhood Entertainments," Sturgis & Walton, 1910. "The Recreation Center as a Neighborhood Institution," The Playground, Vol. VII, pp. 188 ff. Von Borosinl, Victor, "Our Recreation Facilities and the Immigrant," The Annals, March, 1910, pp. 141-51. V. THE TREND OF THE PLAY MOVEMENT Condit, Abbie, "Comrades in Play," The Playground, Vol. XIII, pp. 463-75, 522-33, 586-600. Reprinted as a pamphlet. Devine, Edward T., "How Fundamental Is the Play Move- ment?" The Playground, Vol. VIII, pp. 422-24. Johnson, G. E., "The Renaissance of Play," The Playground, Vol. VI, pp. 85-98. Mackay, Constance D., "The Need for Imaginative Recreation in the Reconstruction Period," The Playground, Vol. XII, pp. 494-505. Richards, John R,, "The Aim and Scope of the Recreation Movement," The Playground, Vol. X, pp. 377-81. "Three Years' Work of the Playground and Recreation Associa- tion of America, December 1, 1916, to November 30, 1919," The Playground, Vol. XIV, pp. 11-28. "Recreation Surveys," Sources of Information on Play and Recreation, Russell Sage Foundation, 1915, pp. 30-31. A bibliography. Stewart, Herbert L., "The Ethics of Luxury and Leisure," American Journal of Sociology, Vol. XXIV, pp. 241 ff. "Yearbooks of the Playground and Recreation Association of America," Proceedings of Association, Vols. I— III, and The Playground, Vols. IV-XV. INDEX A.B.C. Conferences, 175 Active play, 101, 253 Addams, Jane, 326 Administration of play: all- year provision, 286; annual calendar, 261; advisory coun- cils, 166; charging admis- sion, 101; community center conference, 140; community councils, 150, 160, 163, 170; community service, 184; co- operation, 255; decentraliza- tion, 98, 136, 164; instructors, 99; in Grand Rapids, 234; in league of neighborhood school centers, 140; local centers, 134; matrons, 23, 239; organization, 148; over- head organization, 139, 188; in Philadelphia, 110; public, 235; recreation center staff, 99; schedules, 255; South Parks, 101; street play, 285; support and control, 137, 143, 235; supervision, 107, 135, 223 Adolescents, provision for, 195 Adult recreation, 196, 224, 279 Advertising, 101, 197 Advisory councils. 166 Aesthetic activities, 266 Age periods of play: by John- son, 244; by Lee, 243 Amateur athletics, 246 Annual calendar, 261 Architecture of school build- ings, 116, 215 Armour Square, 100 Association, for Improving the Condition of the Poor, 64, 228; neighborhood, 163 Athletic supremacy, 293, 296 Badge tests, 250 Bailey, L. H. f 223 Baker, N. W., mayor of Cleve- land, 126 Baldwin, J. M., 6 Baltimore, sand gardens, 42, 51 Baxter Square, 81 Blackmar, F. W., 5 Boone Park, 73 Boston: early playgrounds, 21; indoor gymnasiums, 111; in- fluence on movement, 36; model playgrounds, 55, 65; purchase of Franklin Field, 29; small parks, 82 Branch libraries, Chicago. 96; Los Angeles, 108 Brentano community center, 154 Brookline, 16 Brooklyn, 41, 51, 91 Buxton, H. H., 37 Cabbage patch, 218 Calf clubs, 223 Camps, municipal, 222 Campbell County, fair, 222 Canandaigua, 78, 88 Carver. T. N., 169, 226 Central Park, 80 Charlesbank, 28, 29, 72 Chicago: civic music, 120; de- pendence upon Boston, 43, 110; drama league, 122; leadership, 109; municipal dances, 127; model play- ground, 55, 57; neighborhood organization, 147; recreation center, 93; sand gardens, 49, 50; small parks, 87, 88; spe- cial park commission, 84 Child play heritages, 220 Cincinnati, 147 City Park Association, 81 City parliament of councils, 165 Civic art and welfare stage: characteristics of, 118; civic activities, 269; civic music, 120; community singing, 121; community dramatics, 122; municipal dances, 125; mu- nicipal orchestras, 120; ob- jectives of, 132; origin of, 118; pageantry, 123; play festivals, 123 Classification of activities, 272 Classification of patrons: by age, 243; by "divisions," 246; by height, 247; by sex, 246; by weight, 246 367 366 THE PLAY MOVEMENT Classification of play leaders, 247 Cleveland: municipal dances, 126; training classes, 248 Clubhouse, 106 Coasting, 204 College athletics, 15 Colorado, rural school play- ground, 222 Commercialized amusements, 93. 135, 179 Commons, New England town, 13 Community, 292; centers, 161; clearing house, 160; confer- ence of Chicago, 140, 156; councils, 150. 160, 170; drama, 168; houses, 171, 216; music, 121, 168; organization, 287, 298; secretary, 173; service, 179, 182, 185, 188, 196, 299; support and control, 226, 236 Cooley, C. H.. 142, 291, 300 Competitive games, 256 Co-operation: between play centers, 255; in buying and marketing, 146 Corn clubs, 223 Correlated schedules, 262 Dancing, 296 Davis, M. M-. 133 Decentralized administration, 98 De Groot, E. B., 162 Democracy in recreation. 113 Denver, 241 Dewey, John, 7 Dickinson Square, 58 Direction of play, 98, 99 Director of fieldhouse, 98 District co-operative leagues, 165 Dodge, Miss Grace, 228 Drama League, 122 Dvorak Park, 103 Eckhart Park, 103 Edwards, R. H., 131 Efficiency tests: boys, 251; def- inition of, 250; girls, 251; group, 293 Elliot, Charles, 30 Ellwood, C. A., 323 Evolution of play movement, 331 Pairs and field days, 222 Fancy diving, 252 Festivals, 281 Field of activities, 107 Fieldhouses: comparison to school social centers, 214; director of, 98; history of, 213; idea, 95; in Chicago, 205; Los Angeles, 106; Minneap- olis, 111; Philadelphia, 110; play sheds, 223 Foreman, H. G., 94 Gary schools, 116, 216 Germantown, 219 Gillin, J. L., 5 Grand Rapids, 234, 238 Groos, Karl, 7 Group: concept of, 291; re- wards, 295; sanction of, 313; tests, 293 Gulick, L. H.. 134, 143, 159 Hall, G. Stanley, 6 Hamilton Park, 75, 150 Hannan Memorial Hall, 187 Harrison, C. H, Mayor of Chi- cago, 84, 127 Henry Street Settlement, 49 Heritages of play, 220 Hesperia movement, 145 Hewitt, A. S., Mayor of New York, 61 Holstein Park, 103 Homogeneous group, 163 Howell, Helen P., 50 Hudson Bank playground, 228 Indianapolis, 241 Indoor equipment, 91, 92, 106, 216, 223 Indoor gymnasiums: in Boston, 92; in Chicago, 91 Inspection of commercialized amusements, 128 Institution: characteristics of, 309; definition of, 307; rela- tion to movements, 310; types, 311 Instruction in play, 99 Jahn, 14 Jefferson, Thomas. 76 Johnson, G. E-, 243 Juvenile play, 223 INDEX 369 Kansas City, Board of Public Welfare. 128, 297 Kansas state law, 171 Kent, William, 49 Laissez faire attitude toward play, 9, 227 League of Neighborhood School Centers, 140, 164, 165 Lee, Joseph, 60. 194, 203, 225, 243 Legislation: municipal, 130, 280; New York state, 61. 74; regarding commercialized amusements, 119: South Park District, 93; West Chicago Park District, 102 Leisure, 10 Library, branch of, 99 Los Angeles: activities of playgrounds. 107: clubhouses, 106, 108; recreation centers, 105, 107 Louisville. 73, 88 Mackave. Percy W., 132, 326 Manual play. 263 Massachusetts Civic League, 34, 65. 67 Massachusetts Emergency and Hyeriene Association, 22, 23, 24. 25. 33. 39 Matrons. 23, 239 Memorial buildings, 217 Metropolitan Park Commis- sion of Boston, 29, 30. 83 Metropolitan Public Gardens Association of Philadelphia, 81 Michigan law, 187 Milwaukee. 84, 111, 202 Missouri, 224 Model playground, 56, 67. 211 Mohawk-Brighton district, 167 Movements: characteristics of. »1: concent of, 1; evolution of. 2: negative. 3: origin of. 13: play movement. 8: posi- tive. 11: relation to institu- tions. 310: structure and function. 11 Mulberry Bend Park. 61 Mnnioir>n1. danros, 12K. 297; orrh extras. 120: Darks. 71; traditions of 'expenditures, 232 Municipal Science Club, 84 National Conference: of Com- munity Centers, 146, 224; of Social Work, 147 National Social Unit Organi- zation, 167 Neighborhood: associations, 163; centers, 95; councils, 140; organization. 98; in play, 144 Neighborhood organization stage: A.B.C. conferences, 175; community houses, 171; community secretary, 173; definition of, 141; district co-operative leagues, 165; councils, 140; in Chicago schools, 153; in New York City, 157; league of neigh- borhood centers, 164; neigh- borhood associations, 163; origin of, 162, 141; parlia- ment of councils, 165; prac- tical sources, 144; relation to recreation center stage, •138; rural organization, 167. 170; structure and function of, 148, 176; theoretical sources, 142 New England commons, 13, 14 New park service, 203 New Trier Township High School, 116, 217 New York: community support and control, 238; influence from Boston, 43; model play- grounds, 55, 60; sand gar- dens, 47, 50; school play- grounds, 19; small parks, 75. 81; Society for Parks and Playgrounds, 193 Newell, W. W., 8 Northwestern University Set- tlement, 57 Novice, definition of, 246 Oklahoma, 223 Old First Church, Boston. 15 Origin of play movement, 13, 44 Outdoor gymnasium, 14, 96 Outdoor recreation league, 60, 63. 212, 228 Overhead organization, 188; Chicago, 156; New York, 164, 165; origin of, 139 Pageants, 222, 267 Park service, 253 Passive play, 101, 253 Peoples' Institute, 159 Phi Beta Kappa, 251 370 THE PLAY MOVEMENT Philadelphia, 241; model play- ground, 50, 55; neighborhood organization. 147; recreation centers, 109; sand garden stage, 39, 43; small parks, 78, 81 Philanthropic support and control, 226 Physical play, 265 Pig clubs, 223 Pittsburgh: recreation cen- ters, 109; sand gardens, 51; training school, 248 Play: active, 253; activities classified, 272; by adults, 5; definition of, 8; festivals, 123, 281; field, 97; passive, 253; picnics, 222; sheds, 223; supervisors of counties, 223; variety of activities, 7 Playground: camps, 286; groups, 291; schedules, 255, 258, 261 Playground and Recreation Association of America, 183, 199, 222 Police, 98, 99 Political meetings, 100. 115, 197 Primary groups, 142 Professionalism, 246 Progressive exercises, 256 Providence: free kindergarten association, 50; model play- grounds, 50, 55, 59; sand gardens, 42, 43 Public baths, 84 Public provision: definition of, 230; South Park expendi- tures, 100 •n ): j ! : («-M!M Quincy, mayor of Boston, 31, 33 Recreation buildings, 58 ; piers, 212 Recreation centers: activities, 100; adult provision, 197; idea, 93; in New York, 111; in schools, 215; in South Parks, 93; significance of, 92 Recreation center stage: aims, 65; characteristics of, 117; cost, 100; definition of, 139; in Los Angeles. 104, 106, 108; in Rochester, 112; staff, 99; supervision, 98; swimming, 98 Religious meetings. 100, 197, 115 Richards, J. R., 324 Riis, Jacob, 60, 71, 194, 201 Ripon pageant, 222 Robinson, C M., 38 Rochester: activities, 115; con- tribution to movement, 113; League of Civic Clubs, 113; origin of recreation centers, 114; small parks, 78, 88; so- cial centers, 92, 112, 198 Roosevelt, Theodore, 93 Rural: recreation, 167; coun- cils, 170; houses, 171; need of, 219; organization. 167, 168; overhead organization, 174; secretary, 173; standing committees, 69 Russell Sage Foundation, 237 Sabin Community Center, 154 St. Paul, 78, 88, 241 Sand gardens: activities, 48; concept of function, 53; def- inition of. 46; description of, 47, 240; first efforts, 11; his- tory, 22, 24, 27, 46, 47. 48; influence on movement, 35; stage of, 210; structure of, 51 Sauk City, 173 Schedules, 257 Seidel, Mayor of Milwaukee, 125 Self-government and self-sup- port: concept of, 137; in Chi- cago, 155; importance of, 143, 188, 293. 296 Seward Park, 62, 76 Sherman Park, 100 Skating, 204 Small, A. W., 6, 300 Small parks: association, 81; definition of, 70; idea, 72; motives of, 88, 90; staff, 98, 99; slogan, 19; stage, 70 Special park commission, 18, 84, 95 Spencer, Herbert, 6 Social centers, 91; architec- ture of, 215; conference of, 143; definition of, 138; in schools, 198, 215; Rochester, 115 Social play, 268 South Parks: addition of small parks, 87; classifica- tion of patrons, 245; com- munity councils, 150; cost of recreation centers. 100; dis- trict, 93; interpark competi- tion, 100; neighborhood cen- INDEX 371 ters, 95; organization, 94 recreation centers, 96, 100 religious prohibitions, 100. restrictions, 101; swimming pools, 98 Sportsmanship, 284 Stages of the play movement definition of, 45; civic art 118; community service, 178 model playground, 55 neighborhood organization 135; recreation center, 91. sand garden, 45; small park, 70 Starr Garden, 110, 219 Stoddart, Bessie D., 106 Street play, 285 Strong, Mayor of New York, 54, 201, 230 Sunday baseball, 100 Supervisor of play for coun- ties, 223 Support and control, 99 Swimming, events, 252; pools, 98; South Parks, 99 Team games, 249 Tenement House Commission, 61, 74 Thomas, W. I., 274, 290 Torpedo sand. 97 Tower, Miss Ellen M., 33, 37 Town Meeting, 140, 144, 145 Training play leaders, 247, 248, 249 Transitions in the play move- ment: children to all ages, 192; facilities to standards, 273; free and directed play, 239; individual and group' interests, 288; outdoor and indoor activities, 209; phil- anthropic and community support, 226; simple and complex fields, 263; summer and annual provision, 200; urban and rural communi- ties, 218 Trend of the play movement: definition of, 305; group sanction, 313; historical con- tinuity, 317; increasing or- ganization, 318; physical ac- companiments, 315; relative permanency, 320 Triangle Park, 79 Tsanoff, S. V., 59 Ulster County play picnic, 222 Union for Practical Progress, 40 University of Chicago Settle- ment, 57 Violet Street Playground, 108 Virginia, fairs, 222 Voting in recreation center, 109 W.C.C.S., extent of, 180; organ- ization of, 179 Ward, E. J., 113, 138, 143 Washington, D. C, training school, 249 Washington Park meadow, 17 West Chicago Park Commis- sioners, 102, 103 West Virginia, 224 Wider use of school plant, 91, 233 Wilcox, D. F., 142 Wilson, Woodrow, 142 Woods, R. A., 143, 226 Zakrsewska, Dr. Marie E-, 22 Zoning, for play. 286 Zueblin, Charles, 325 PKINTtD IN U.S.A. 3477 5 9 605 159 4