■^s I 
 
 Price, 30 Cents. |^ 
 
 FflCIAL BIFOBI 
 
 Gen. John O'Neill, 
 
 PEESIDENT OP THE PENIAH EP.OTHEEHOOB, 
 
 TIIR ATTEMPT TO INVADE CANADA 
 
 May 26, f870. 
 
 THE PREPARATIONS THEREFOP. AND THE CAUSE OF ITS 
 
 FAILURE, WITH A SKETCH OF HIS CONNECTION WITH 
 
 THE ORGANIZATION. AND 1 HE MOTIVES 
 
 WHICH LED HIM TO JOIN IT ; 
 
 A Report of the Battle of Ridgeway, 
 
 leto Ml : 
 
 PUBLISHED BY JOHN J. FOSTER, 512 BROAD^VAY. 
 
 A 18 7 0. 
 
^. 'I 
 
OFFICIAL REPORT 
 
 r 
 
 GEN. JOHN O'NEILL, i8'*"« 
 
 PRESIDENT OF THE FENIAN BEOTHERHOOD ; 
 
 ON THE ATTEMPT TO INVADE CANADA, 
 
 MAY 25th, 1870. 
 
 The preparations therefor, and the cause of its failure, Twith a sketch 
 "^ of his connection -with the Organization, and the motives 
 -which led him to join it : 
 
 A BEPOET OP 
 
 THE BATTLE OF RIDGEWAY, CANADA WEST, 
 
 rouGHT JUNE 2nd, 1866, by coloneij bookek, commanding the qijeen's 
 
 OWN, AND OTHEE CANADIAN TKOOPS, AND COIiONEL JOHN 
 O'NEniL, COMMANDING THE FENIANS. 
 
 NEW YORK: 
 
 PUBLISHED BY JOHN J. FOSTER, 
 
 512 Bboadwat. 
 
 1870. 
 
 UB 
 
0-^ 
 
 4 
 
 Entered according to act of Congress in the year 1870, by 
 
 JOHN J. FOSTEB, 
 
 In tlie office of the Librarian of Congress at Washington. 
 
 V 
 
 
 
 i^ 
 
 V^ 
 
 /^ • 
 
REPORT OF GENERAL JOHN O'NEILL, 
 
 PKESIDENT OF THE FENIAN BKOTHERHOOD, 
 
 On the attempt to invade Canada, 3Iay 25th, 1870, the 'prepara- 
 tions therefor, and the cause of its failure, ivith a sketch of 
 his connection toith tJie Organization, and the motives which 
 led him to join it. 
 
 In Jail at Bublington, "Vt., yune 2$iA, 1870. 
 To the officers and members 0/ the Fenian Brotherhood, and the friends of Irishllib- 
 erly generally : 
 Gentlemen :— Since I last had the honor to address you, an important event 
 in the history of the Organization has occurred : and judging from the general 
 tenor of newspaper reports, the man whom you then most trusted, has, for the 
 time, lost your confidence. "While I may be grieved at this, still, conscious of 
 having performed my whole duty as far as in me lay, I have nothing to regret 
 in the past, excepting that those whose co-operation I had looked for, so utterly 
 failed to keep their solemn pledges. "Whatever I have done in connection with 
 the Fenian Brotherhood, was done for Ireland, from conviction, and not to 
 please any particular class of persons. If, under similar circumstances, an- 
 other leader would have done better, I have only to regret that I, and not he, 
 had been selected. You are well aware that far from seeking official position 
 in the Brotherhood, it was thrust upon me in violence to my wishes. Having 
 often received j'our applause for an act possessing little intrinsic merit, perhaps 
 it is not strange that my acts of real merit should be misunderstood and con- 
 demned. Of this, however, you may be assured, I labored arduously and suc- 
 cessfully in preparing the Organization for the field, had the arms and war 
 material in the proper place at the proper time, and if the men were not on 
 hand to do the fighting, the fault was not mine. Success or failure is not a fair 
 criterion on which to form one's judgment, and yet you must own that it is 
 thus you have formed your unfavorable opinion of me in relation to the late at- 
 tempted invasion of Canada. 
 
 : A firm believer in steel as the cure of Irish grievances, I was attracted to the 
 ranks of the Organization for no other reason than it proposed such a remedy. 
 It was not, however, until the plan of invading Canada was adopted, that I 
 
4 Official Eeport of 
 
 became a member, for I considered the direct invasion of Ireland ■wholly im- 
 practicable, while England remained at peace with her neighbors. Canada 
 once gained, would serve as an excellent base of operations against the enemy ; 
 and its acquisition did not seem too great an undertaking, from the number, 
 strength, and resources of our people on the American Continent. There was, 
 too, an army of veteran Irish soldiers but just disbanded by the close of civil 
 conflict in the United States, that were ready and anxious to be led to battle for 
 their country. As to the propriety of invading Canada, I have always had but 
 one opinion : Canada is a province of Great Britain ; the EngUsh flag floats 
 over it and Enghsh soldiers protect it, and, I think, wherever the English flag 
 and English soldiers are found, Irishmen have a right to attack. In striking at 
 England through Canada we attempted no more than was done by the Ameri- 
 can Kepublic in the war of the Bevolution. • 
 
 The movement of 1866, for two causes, either one of which had been sufficient, 
 resulted disastrously. The men failed to be on the ground in available num- 
 bers at the appointed time, and those who did arrive were unprovided with arms 
 and ammunition ; various reasons were assigned for these two grave mishaps, 
 some correct, others incorrect, but nearly aU reflecting on the capacity and 
 management of the then commanding general, T. W. Sweeny. The charges 
 then made against General Sweeny have since been repeated, but with more 
 bitterness, against myself. In a movement like ours, if unsuccessful, it seems 
 inevitable that some one has to be made the victim. Disappointed patriots 
 then fail to remember that the leader can only issue orders and instructions, 
 and that prompt comphance therewith becomes their duty. Though the at- 
 tempt be foiled by their neglect to carry out his orders, they are none the less 
 quick to heap ignominy on his head, forgetful of the fact that thej' themselves 
 were the chief authors of disaster by their criminal inactivity. In the move- 
 ment of 1866 I occupied a subordinate position, whose duties I performed to 
 the best of my ability. On the failure of the general plan of campaign I re- 
 turned, as soon as released by the Federal authorities, to my home in Nash- 
 ville, Tennessee. Then, and for some time afterwards, I labored quietly in the 
 ranks to prepare another effort, without a thought of official connection with 
 the Brotherhood. On the 1st of January, 1868, Col. W. E. Roberts resigned. 
 At the earnest solicitation of P. J. Meehan and the other leading men of the 
 Organization, and on their representations to me that the very existence of the 
 Fenian Brotherhood depended on my action, I was induced to become its 
 president, not, however, before I had exacted from the Senate of F. B. (fifteen 
 in number,) a solemn promise that they would lanite -w-ith me in preparing for 
 a fight that year. My labors during the spring and summer of 1868 in address- 
 ing private and public meetings throughout the countrj' and in attending at 
 State Conventions from Maine to Minnesota, are well known to you. I was ably 
 seconded in this work by the organizing corps, and also received some assist- 
 ance from the then vice president of the F. B., James Gibbons — a man whose 
 enthusiastic temperament and lack of judgment often bcti-ayed him into mak- 
 ing promises of a speedy fight wholly unwarranted by the state of our prepara- 
 tions. This gentleman has since, however, grown profoundly wise, and under 
 the guidance of P. J. Meehan, the evil genius of Feniauism, was greatly instru- 
 mental in bringing about the recent failure — rule or 7-uin being the motto of 
 himself and his master. Others of the Senators, instead of giving me the 
 
The Attempted Invasion op Canada. 5 
 
 assistance promised, made use of their official position in the Organization to 
 advance themselves politically, and are now occupying lucrative political offices 
 ■which they could never have otherwise obtained. To such parties it was quite 
 convenient to continue patriotic Fenians for an indefinite period. Before at- 
 taining office they were enthusiastic for an early movement against the enemy, 
 but, this point gained, they suddenly changed their tactics and grew hot advo- 
 cates of slow and cautious measures. Without the honesty or manhood to 
 leave the Organization and openly denounce its schemes as impracticable, they 
 remained apparently faithful to the cause, but at the same time knew how to 
 sow the seeds of dissension and distrust, and to vihfy those who had embarked 
 their whole fortunes in the undertaking. This they did, to paralyze the efforts 
 of earnest men and to keep the Brotherhood as a mere machine to help them 
 in working out their own political plans and purposes. The liberation of 
 Ireland through an invasion of Canada had not me for its author ; and I very 
 much question if its originators had not lost all faith in it after the failure of 
 the movement of 1866. Be that as it may, it was the plan given me to execute 
 by these men ; and believing in its feasibiUty, I devoted my entire energies 
 to rendering it successful For this, two things seemed to me absolutely 
 necessary, viz. , a sufficient quantity of war material secretly deposited at the 
 several strategic points near the border, and a sufficient number of men to 
 take that war material across the border before the Federal authorities could 
 interfere. 
 
 The movement once inaugurated on Canadian soil, I felt that thousands 
 of Irishmen would rush to our aid ; and hence, that it was my duty to prepare 
 to strike the fii-st blow successfully, and confide in the patriotism of my coun- 
 trymen to do the rest. Two years and a half of my hfe were devoted to this 
 preparation. Having but one object in view in becoming a Fenian or accepting 
 official position in the Organization, and, as far as my personal interests were 
 concerned, with every tiling to lose and nothing to gain, I was determined to 
 test the practicabihty of the movement, for at best it was but an experiment. 
 I was painfully aware that the longer we waited, the less confidence would the 
 Organization and the Irish people generally have in our abihty to succeed : 
 and besides, the thousands of our countrymen who.participated in the late war, 
 ■were fast settling down in life, and if we deferred matters much longer, it 
 would be almost impossible to secure a sufficient number of veteran soldiers for 
 the^proper inauguration of the movement. 
 
 The Senate, or rather the master spirit of that body, P. J. Meehan, finding 
 that I was really in earnest, went to work in his own peculiar style to foil my 
 efforts by seeking to destroy my influence ■with the Organization and ruining 
 my character. No Irishman in America is better qualified for such honorahle 
 work ; and no one had better facilities, having his o-wn organ, the Irish Ameri- 
 can, with the United Irishman and the Irish Eepublic to support his mahgnant 
 assaults. In this attack upon me, he found willing tools in many of his 
 confreres in the Senate. They threw every obstacle in the way of the move- 
 ment that might retard it, while they sought to fix on me aU the responsibility 
 of delay, and thus hurt my character and bring the Organization to look on them 
 as the only parties worthy its confidence. 
 
 I -will here state that my first caU for a Congress to meet in New York, April 
 19th, 1870, and some of the subsequent circulars were intended to deceive the 
 
6 Official Report of 
 
 Ajnerican and Canadian governments as to our real intentions. I intended to 
 nmke a move before the convening of the above Congress, but could not make 
 that fact known to all the members of the Senate, as I had reason to fear that 
 some of them would betray the secret. Richard McCloud, one of these political 
 Senators, happened to learn my purpose, and, as it served his interest to delay 
 matters, forthwith communicated the affair to the newspapers — hence the scare 
 across the border in April last. At every step in my preparations I had to en- 
 counter the most stubborn and persistent opposition from Mr. Meehau and his 
 fiiends, who, while clamoring for a forward movement and passing resolu- 
 tions to that effect — (see resolutions sent to circles by the Senate duiing the 
 past two years)— were privately doing all in their power to frustrate the efforts 
 made by me in the direction of a fight. During the past winter months com- 
 petent and reliable men, Colonels Henry Le Caron and WiUiam Clingen were 
 employed in locating our arms, etc. , at convenient points along the border, and 
 when everything was on the eve of completion, I called a Congress of the 
 Brotherhood to meet in New York, March 8th, 1870. In this call I had to in- 
 dicate too clearly the object of the previous call. The time for assembhng the 
 General Congress, in accordance ■with the Constitution, had been suffered to 
 pass, as it was the opinion of P. J. Meehan, James Gibbons, myself, and such 
 others of the Senators as I could advise with, that, instead of.convening the 
 regular Congress, we should go on with our preparations. Besides, the re- 
 moval of the munitions of war which was then proceeding, required a degree of 
 secrecy that would have been endangered by the open discussion of delegates ; and 
 no subsequent Congress could be brought together in strict accordance with the 
 Constitution of the F. B. It was my intention to lay a full and complete state- 
 ment of the condition and resources of the Organization before the delegates, 
 and appeal'to them to furnish the means necessary to perfect our arrangements 
 • — breech-loading ammunition being the principal article needed. Mr. Meehan 
 & Co. were, however, determined, if possible, to prevent the assembhng of the 
 delegates, as they quite well knew^ that the Congress would furnish all that 
 the Senate had previously declared to be necessary for the inauguration of the 
 movement. Letters received from every side fuUy indicated that the approach- 
 ing Fenian Congress would be far the largest ever gathered together, and would 
 by its decided action remove every pretext for further delay in taking the field. 
 At a meeting of the Senate held in Februai-y last, it was therefore resolved to 
 forbid the assembhng of the delegates, and orders to that efiect were issued on 
 the 28th of that month, with the information added, that they would soon call a 
 Congress of their own. They had previously carried off the books of the Broth- 
 erhood to the apartment of llichard SlcCloud, where their session was held on 
 Sunday, the 27th of February, under pretence of vacating their rooms at head- 
 quarters for the use of the military officers of the district ; but in reality to get 
 possession of said books and papers preparatory to breaking up the Organiza- 
 tion and estflbhshing one of their own. Their scheme wivs to have a Congress 
 got together in some far-oft' Western city, whither the circles in the Eastern 
 States would be unwilling, on account of expense, to send delegates, and where 
 they might have a sufficient number of adherents to carry out their projects, or, 
 faihng in that, effectually destroy and disrupt the Organizittion. It is quite 
 evident that all the Senators were not aware of the designs of Mr. Meehan, and 
 it is no easy matter to measure the man accurately, iw no one can play the hy- 
 
The Attempted Invasion op Canada. 7 
 
 pocrite -with more taking simplicity. The insane attempt on the life of ]VIr. 
 Meehan occurring the same evening on which he and his satellites determined 
 to forbid the attendance of the delegates at the approaching Congress, and to 
 call one of their own instead — an attempt regretted by none more than myself, 
 in spite of the lying insiauations of Meehan and his friends — placed me in an 
 extremely embarrassing position. It was then a generally well known fact 
 that, since the Philadelphia Congress of November, 1868, the greater portion of 
 the funds of the Organization had passed through the hands of Mr. Meehan, as 
 he had entire control of the factory and of the payments made for the altera- 
 tions of arms. The amount of money so expended was a cause of great dis- 
 satisfaction in the Organization, as it reached a sum nearly double that re- 
 ported by Mr. Meehan, as necessary at the PhOadelphia Congress. Under 
 such circumstances, I felt it would not be'just to the latter to have a Congress 
 meet and pass upon his accounts, while he was, for'aught we knew to the con- 
 trary, on his death-bed. Up to that hour, I had received no written report 
 from Mr. Meehan, and his verbal reports had been loose and unsatisfactory. 
 Subsequently, the clerk of the Senate sent me a copy of what purported to be 
 a partial report, which had probably been approved by that body. I will ven- 
 ture the assertion, however, that there is not a business man in the country 
 who would accept it, as in any sense a satisfactory report for the expenditure of so 
 much money. It is a little strange that a man who has set himself up as a mo- 
 del patriot, the guardian of the hard earned money of our people, and the strict 
 accountant of every cent of Fenian money that passed through the hands of 
 others, should be so lax in dealing with himself. Mr. Meehan's accounts and 
 vouchers for the expenditure of over sixty thousand dollars of this same hard- 
 earned'money, have not, as yet, to my knowledge, been subjected to an exam- 
 ination. Will the white-washing committee that reported on this matter at the 
 Convention held in Chicago last. April, have the hardihood to assert that they 
 examined a single one of Mr. Meehan's vouchers ? and, if they did not, wiU 
 they be kind enough to inform the Fenian Brotherhood what documents, or 
 evidence of any kind, were submitted to them that will go to justify 
 them in the report they made ? But I forget ; Messrs. Hynes and 
 McCloud were there ; it would be queer if evidence should be wanting, 
 with their inventive fancy to call on. It is curious, however, that none of the 
 numerous Financial Committees of the Senate examined his accounts. Mr. 
 Meehan stated that he had the vouchers, or, at least, the greater portion of 
 them, in his possession when the Congress met in New York, but, being handed 
 into that body shortly before its adjournment, they were referred to the Execu- 
 tive Committee of the F. B. , and, as they never afterwards met, no action was 
 ever taken with regard to those vouchers. I would now respectfully suggest 
 that the Finance Committee of the next Congress investigate this matter, and 
 that Mr. E. A. Cole, the foreman of the factory, and J. P. B ***** , the as- 
 sistant secretary of the treasury and book-keeper during most of the time that 
 Mr. Meehan was drawing money, be called upon to assist them in their labors. 
 I have no doubt but that Mr. Meehan can submit a rety plausible report, since 
 he is quite as expert in white-washing as in defansation ; still, it will do no 
 harm to have his vouchers examined, that it may be known to whom and for 
 what purposes so much money was paid out. As one who labored unweariedly 
 
8 Official Eepokt of 
 
 night and day in collecting most of this money, I may be pardoned the de- 
 sire to find out how it was expended. 
 
 But to return. The Senate had now in its possession the important books 
 and papers of the organization, and were, as I knew, determined to retain 
 them. The unfortunate attempt on the life of ilr. Meehan would serve them 
 as a pretext to refuse attendance on the Congress called by me. Under all the - 
 circumstances of the case I deemed it most expedient to imite with the Senate 
 in the call for a Congress to be held at Chicago, Ills., April 11th, 1870, being 
 under the'impression that the Senate, in comphance with the professed desire 
 of Mr. Meehan, would act in accord with me in carrying out the oft-declared 
 mission of the Brotherhood. No sooner, however, had I joined in the caU, 
 (which was written by one of themselves, P. "W. Dunne, and contained a ful- 
 some eulogium on Mr. Meehan,) than the friends of the latter commenced a 
 bitter and vindictive assault upon my character, which he and they have con- 
 tinued to this day. This display of petty mahce proved to me at once that far 
 from aiding, they would thi'ow every obstacle in the way of a fight. I then 
 decided, after receiving assui-ances of assistance from parties, who subse- 
 quently, however, grew less zealous, to cany out the original plan of invading 
 Canada before the 19th of April, and, in the meantime, to deceive enemies and 
 traitors alike, kept up a show of preparing for the Congress already called. 
 Unfortunately, few of our people will bestir themselves imtil they are fully let 
 into the secret ; and, on the present occasion, to procure the needed help, I 
 had to make known my plans to so many that the enemy got wind of what I 
 was about. I was thus compelled to abandon for a time a forward movement, 
 and was forced into the Congress held at New York, April 19th, 1870. As I 
 expected to be in quite a different quarter when this Congress should convene, 
 I had made no preparations for it, and had, in fact, prevented many circles 
 from sending on delegates. Though the attendance was thus not so large as it 
 might have been, the Organization was quite fairly represented. Nearly all the 
 letters then received, indicated that the Organization demanded and would sus- 
 tain an immediate movement . The Senate party had previously met in Chicago. 
 That honorable body, or, at least, the portion of it present, to wit, James Gib- 
 bous, Wm. J. HjTies, Kichard McCloud, and P. W. Dunne, true to their nat- 
 ru-al instincts, and ambitious to excel their master, exhausted the calendar of 
 crimes in their effort to bring disgi-ace on the President of the Fenian Brother- 
 hood, and cloak their own treason. It is hardly necessary for me to say that the 
 charges preferred, and the evidence adduced to estabhsh them, are pure fabrica- 
 tions. In spite of the great ado made in the newspapers, very few of- the 
 circles attached to the organization sent delegates to Chicago. Now, however, 
 the men there elected to official position, very modestly claim to be the sole and 
 only representatives of the Brotherhood. They profess to have broken up the 
 old Organization and built a new one out of the ruins. 'After forming a Gov- 
 erning Council of nine, they appointed a special committee of three to attend 
 the Congress called by me in New York, and insisted that the Constitution 
 adopted by them in Chicago, should be accepted by us without the least mod- 
 ification or change. This insulting proposition was, of course, rejected. My 
 re-election to the Presidency of the F. B., then followed, which I accepted on 
 the express understanding that I should go on perfectly fi-ee and untramelled 
 in the work of preparing the Organization for a fight. The Financial Commit- 
 
The Attempted Invasion op Canada. 9 
 
 tee of the Congress recommended that thirty thousand dollars be collected 
 within seven days to meet contingent expenses, and complete our preparations. 
 About two thousand dollars of this sum was paid into the treasury before I left 
 New York. I did not deem it necessary to wait the collection of the full 
 amount, as I was satisfied, as soon as we advanced across the border and took 
 up a position there, all the money needed for breech-loading ammunition, the 
 principal deficiency, would be forthcoming. All the necessary arrangements 
 had been made for the delivery of ammunition according as it was purchased. 
 About this time Gen. John H. Gleeson, of Virginia, came to see me, as he said, 
 to make inquiries about the Organization, and to ascertain if we meant to fight ; 
 and on learning that such was our purpose, and that the only thing particularly 
 deficient was breech-loading ammunition, offered on the spot to advance ten 
 thousand dollars, and soon after, at a meeting of the officers of the District of 
 Manhattan, renewed the offer, and added five thousand more, but after a 
 few days during which he claimed to be negotiating his farm in Virginia for 
 New York property, he, to the surprise of some few, changed his mind as to 
 the donation. I must now regard his offer as a piece of braggadocio quite in 
 keeping with his subsequent conduct along the border, where he and his 
 "staff" and "detectives," figured quite prominently during the excitement. 
 
 Some time before the movement was actually inaugurated, the efforts of the 
 Senate to demoralize the Organization in sowing the seeds of dissension, had 
 begun to have effect. Some of the men who had previously expressed the 
 greatest impatience for a fight, now that it was at hand, were most active in 
 their opposition. These worthies, though they had boasted often and loud 
 of their desire to die batthng for Ireland, as the hour approached to realize 
 their boast, showed a manifest inchnation to .snuff the battle afar off, and 
 anxiously looked for an excuse to cover up their cowardice. The action of the 
 Senate furnished them with that excuse. "We hope they are satisfied with 
 themselves ; they can now, at least, talk away to their hearts' content of their 
 valorous impulses without any fear of having them soon brought to a test in a 
 fight for Ireland. 
 
 The military men who were ordered to put themselves in readiness to move 
 previous to the sitting of the Congress, were now becoming very impatient, 
 especially those in New York, Brooklyn, and Boston. This was not to -be 
 wondered at, as many of them had given up their occupations, while the civil 
 members of the two former cities had fallen away greatly from the zeal and 
 activity displayed by them during the Congress. Much of the discontent and 
 apathy which prevailed in New York and Brooklyn, is to be attributed to the 
 constitutional fault-finding of a miserable feUow just elected to the post of 
 Vice President of the Fenian -Brotherhood. His sole ambition seemed to be, 
 ,t;o,^have matters so arranged as to have himself recognized the head and front 
 .^f Fenianism in my absence. Unhappily, it has occurred but too frequently 
 mthe Organization, that members were willing to sacrifice the cause to advance 
 "peir own interests. To satisfy his petty ambition and stop his slanderous talk, 
 l..^maiaed in New York for two weeks previous to the movement, when my 
 presence elsewhere was absolutely needed, to get the men in readiness and 
 complete our arrangements. As a consequence, many points which Gen. Don- 
 nelly and myself intended visiting personally, and on which we depended for 
 men to inaugurate the movement, could not be reached ; heace the failure of 
 
10 Official Eepoet of 
 
 those men to arrive in time, and, in a great measure, the failure of the move- 
 ment. Matters were in such a condition when I finally had it in my power to 
 leave New York, that an advance became at once imperative. Thus I was 
 compelled to relinquish my intention of visitiug the West publicly and then 
 quietly return after having seen all the of&cers in whom I confided for eff'ective 
 aid at the outset. The author of this mischievous delay was elected Vice Pres- 
 ident solely because he was thought friendly to myself, and his harmonious 
 co-operation would free me from the obstacles previously thrown in the way of 
 perfecting my arrangements. His duphcity during the sitting of the Congress 
 favored this opinion. Had the Congress the least reason to think otherwise, 
 his election would never have occurred. I had aheady, however, learned to 
 appreciate the man and would never have consented to act as President, with 
 him as my next superior officer, had I not anticipated taking the field at an early 
 day. Once the advance in the field, the mission of the Fenian Brotherhood 
 was ended. All the branches of the F. B. combined, could not keep twenty 
 thousand men in the field thirty days. Whoever opines to the contrary, merely 
 shows his profound ignorance of the resources required to support an army in 
 active service. The supremely wise statesmen of the Senate, with a few others, 
 imagined, no doubt, that they were the only persons fitted to express an opinion 
 on this subject. As for myseK, I looked to Irishmen and friends of Irish lib- 
 erty all over the world, for the aid that would enable us to cope with any degree 
 of success against the great power of England. Men of means and influence 
 there are in great abundance, who have never touched Fenianism, yet sympa- 
 thize deeply with Irish freedom ; these, once effective action was begun, would 
 be the foremost among the active allies of beUigerent Ireland. The efforts 
 that have been made to contract Fenianism, and keep it within the complete 
 control of a few pretended patriots, have proved its greatest weakness. 
 
 The following resolutions of the Senate of the Fenian Brotherhood, on the 
 subject of a fight, adopted at the various meetings of that body, are copied 
 from the proceedings of the Senate. 
 
 The names of the Senators elected at the Cleveland Congress, September, 
 1868, are as follows : 
 
 Thomas Lavan, Cleveland, Ohio ; James Gibbons, Philadelphia, Pa. ; T. J. 
 Quinn, Albany. N. Y. : Miles D. Sweeney, San Francisco, Cal. ; John Carlton, 
 Bordentown, N. J. ; Frank B. Gallagher, Buffalo, N. Y. ; P. W. Dunne, Peoria, 
 lUinois ; Edward L. Carey, New York City ; Patrick J. Mechan, Hobokeu, N.J. ; 
 Peter Cunningham, Utica, N. Y. ; Michael Finuegan, Haughton, Michigan ; 
 J. C. O'Brien, Eochester, N. Y. ; William Fleming, Troy, N. Y. ; James W. 
 Fitzgerald, Cincinnati, Ohio ; John O'NicU, Washington, D. C. John O'Niell 
 succeeded Col. W. K. Roberts, as President, January 1st, 1868. Thomas Lavan 
 resigned July, 1808. Patrick Bannon, of Louisville, Ky., and Patrick Sweeney, 
 of Lawrence, Mass., were appointed in July, 1868, to the positions vacated by 
 O'Niell and Lavan. 
 
The Attempted Invasion of Canada. 11 
 
 SENATE BESOLTTTIOMS. 
 
 "A^eio York, January 1, 1868. 
 
 ******** 
 
 "Mr. P. J. Meehan offered the following resolution : 
 
 "Resolved, That this Senate hereby pledge themselves to the members of the 
 Fenian Brotherhood, and to each other, to go to work at once to put the national 
 organization on a war footing ; that they will spare no personal effort or exertion 
 that can be made to that end ; and that as soon as the military organization 
 can be put on an effective footing, the fight for the freedom of Ireland shall be 
 commenced without delay. Motion seconded by E. L. Carey and earned. 
 
 "It was moved and carried that the absent members of the Senate, and all 
 Organizers and Circles be informed of the above resolution, and invited to co- 
 operate therein." 
 
 * * * * * * *.* 
 
 Senators present — James Gibbons, P. J. Meehan, Frank B. Gallagher, John 
 Carlton, Michael Cunningham, WiUiam Fleming, J. C. O'Brien, Edward L. 
 Carey, all of whom voted for the resolutio 
 
 " New York, January 4, 1868. 
 
 "Besolved, That should John Savage, Esq., refuse to fulfill the agreement 
 with the President and Senate of the F. B., entered into on the 13th of Decem- 
 ber, 1867, it is the sense of this Senate, that a vigorous prosecution of the war 
 poHcy adopted by them on the 1st of January, 1868, affords the best guarantee 
 of a real union of Irish nationaUsts, and to that end they pledge themselves 
 anew to carry out that poUcy, and to sustain the President of the F. B. in his 
 efforts to give it practical effect." 
 
 The ayes and nays were called for, and the following vote taken : Ayes, 
 Senators Gallagher, Cunningham, Carey, Carlton, Quinn, O'Brien, Meehan, 
 and Gibbons. Nays, none. 
 
 "New York, January 5, 1868. 
 
 "Mr. J. C. O'Brien offered the following resolution : 
 
 "Resolved, That the members of the Senate, with the President of the P. B., 
 on and after the 25th of January, 1868, go out and publicly and privately, 
 appeal to our people for the aid necessary to put an army in the field. That 
 where practicable, a senator be accompanied by an organizer, and that they.- 
 make an especial effort to procure from citizens of the various localities, meana.- 
 to transport to the front, the men raised in each locality." 
 
 " The resolution was seconded and unanimously adopted." 
 
 ******** 
 
 Senators present— Gibbons, Grallagher, Cunningham, Meehan, Carey, Carlton, 
 Quinn, and O'Brien. Jas. "W. Fitzgerald, P. W. Dunne, and Thomas Lavan, 
 who were not present when the foregoing resolutions passed the Senate, sub- 
 sequently pledged themselves to sustain them, and assist in carrying them out^ 
 
12 Official Repoet of 
 
 Buffalo, N. Y., July 23, 1868. 
 
 •' The following preamble and resolutions were presented and seconded : 
 
 " Wiereas, the Senate of the Fenian Brotherhood at the session of their body 
 on the first of January, 1868, adopted a resolution expressing their determina- 
 tion to put the Military Organization on an effective war footing as speedily as 
 possible, and, that as soon as this should be accomplished, the fight for the 
 independence of Ireland should commence ; and. Whereas, with a view to ac- 
 compUsh this end, conventions of the Brotherhood have been called in all the 
 States in which such assemblies were possible, at which the delegates of the 
 circles there represented, pledged themselves in the name of their several cir- 
 cles, to raise, and forward to head-quarters before the 15th of July, the means 
 necessary to place an army in the field, but from the financial report now be- 
 fore the Senate, it appears that only one fourth of the amount so promised had 
 been received u]d to the 10th of July, and as money is absolutely necessary to 
 complete the preparations on which success depends : therefore, 
 
 "Resolved, That the Senate being decidedly in favor of the immediate* com- 
 mencement of the fight for the liberation of Ireland, pledge themselves indivi- 
 dually to go out amongst the members of the Organization, and those who sympa- 
 thize with the cause of Ireland, and use all their influence and every possible ef- 
 fort to raise the balance of the money required to make a forward movement, and 
 that they further pledge themselves to the Organization, that as soon as the ne- 
 cessary means are placed in their hands, an army shall be marched into the ene- 
 my's country under the green flag of Ireland, and military preparations shall 
 not be delayed a single day. 
 
 "Resolved, That the Executive Committee of the Senate, in connection with 
 the President of the Fenian Brotherhood, be empowered and directed to cor- 
 respond and negotiate with as many of the military men who were engaged on 
 either side of the late war, together with such other parties as they may think 
 proper, to the end that their military services or pecuniary aid may be procured, 
 to render an immediate forward movement practicable, and if, in the judg- 
 ment of said committee and president, the military services and pecuniary aid 
 required, are forthcoming to their satisfaction, then they are hereby empow- 
 ered and du-ected to make such necessary arrangements on behalf of the Senate 
 as to direct and aid the x:)resident in taking the i^relimiuary steps for said move- 
 ment, and further, that, if said time be considered propitious, then the presi- 
 dent is hereby requested to call a meeting of the Senate as soon as practicable, 
 after any definite time of action may be settled upon by said committee, and 
 that said committee be empowered to select any member of the Senate to aid 
 in carrying into efi'ect the spirit of this resolution. 
 
 "Resolved, That in the event of the efi"orts being made to raise the means 
 wherewith to commence a forward movement should prove unsuccessful within 
 the next four months, then it is hereby declared that, from the encouraging re- 
 ports made by the pi-esident and Executive Committee on the subject of certain 
 negotiations with prominent military men of this couutrj', and their promise to 
 render valuable personal assistance within a given time, this, together with the 
 legitimate resources to be derived from the various circles of the Fenian 
 Brotherhood, justify the Senate in their settled determination, to attack the ene- 
 my with an organized force, at as early a day next spring as the weather will 
 
The Attempted Invasion of Canada. 13 
 
 permit, and to this end, said Executive Committee, in connection witli the pres- 
 ident of the F. B. be, and they are hereby empowered to take any and all ne- 
 cessary steps towards placing the Organization in a position to take the field 
 at the time above indicated. " 
 
 The resolutions were unanimously adopted. 
 
 ^ * H- * .=f= ^ * ^ 
 
 Senators present — Gibbons, Carlton, Finnegan, Gallagher, Flemming, Carey, 
 Meehan, Cunningham, O'Brien, and Fitzgerald. 
 
 At the General Congress held in Philadelphia, November, 1868, nine Senators 
 were elected, who, with the six holding over, made the Senate consist of the 
 following gentlemen : 
 
 F. B. Gallagher, Buffalo, N. Y. ; E. L. Carey, New York ; T. J. Quinn, 
 Albany, N. Y. ; James Gibbons, Philadelphia, Pa. ; P. W. Dunne, Peoria, HI. ; 
 M. D. Sweeney, San Francisco, Cal. ; J. W. Fitzgerald, Cincinnati, Ohio ; 
 T. McKinley, Nashville, Tenn. ; K. McCloud, Norwich, Ct. ; J. E. Downey, 
 Providence, R. I. ; P. Bannon, LouisviUe, Ky. ; "William J. Hynes, Washing- 
 ton, D. C, ; P. J. Meehan, Hoboken, N. J. ; John O'Neill, Dubuque, Iowa ; 
 J. C. O'Brien, Rochester, N. Y. 
 
 John O'NeiU resigned August, 1869, and Wm. J. Davis, of Brooklyn, N. Y., 
 was appointed to fill his place. 
 
 RESOLUTIONS PASSED SUBSEQUENT TO THE PHUiADELPHIA CONGBESS. 
 
 PUtsburgh, Pa., July 1st, 1869. 
 
 "On motion, the following resolutions were adopted : 
 
 " Resolved, That in accordance with the plan of action, and policy determined 
 on by the Senate in secret session, the President and Ex. Com. are hereby 
 instructed to take immediate steps to insure the harmonious and united action 
 of the Irish people , both in America and Ii-eland, and wherever our people 
 are to be found throughout the Dominion of England, and that all details in 
 reference to these matters be referred to the President, and Ex. Com. tiU the 
 next meeting of the Senate. 
 
 Resolved, That an address be issued by the Senate to the members of the 
 F. B., urging on them to go to work at once, and help to carry out the policy 
 determined on, and which, if vigorously sustained and prosecuted, cannot faU 
 to give freedom and national standing to the Irish race." 
 
 I was informed that the " plan of action and policy determined on in secret 
 session " was to inaugurate the movement that faU, and each of the Senators 
 present again pledged himself to go out in his respective locality, and raise 
 the necessary means to complete our preparations, and to meet in New York on 
 the 10th of the following month, to make final arrangements, and remain in ses- 
 sion until the army took the field. Senators present — Gibbons, Gallagher, 
 Quinn, Carey, McCloud, Meehan, Dunne, and McKinley. 
 
14 • Official Eeport of 
 
 New York, Aug., 19, 1869. 
 
 "On motion of J. W. Fitzgerald, as much of the proceedings in Ex. session 
 as are embraced in the following resolutions, "were ordered to be placed on re- 
 cord : 
 
 " Besolved, as the sense of the Senate F. B., that we commence mihtary op- 
 erations at the earliest day practicable, upon the receipt of twenty-five thousand 
 dollars, upon the basis of resolution adopted in Executive session, at the meet- 
 ing of the Senate at Pittsburg, Pa., and that the members of the Senate apply 
 themselves at once to the raising of said amount in their respective districts." 
 
 Senators present — Gibbons, Meehan, Fitzgerald, McCloud, Downey, Carey, 
 Hynes, O'Brien, Quinn, and Davis. 
 
 IMMEDIATE PEEPAEATIONS BEFOEE TAKING THE FIELD. 
 
 Awake of how important it was for our ultimate success, that, by a secret 
 and simultaneous movement, our men should be thrown across the border in 
 numbers su£&cient to take and hold certain strategic points, before either gov- 
 ernment was apprised of our design, or at least, before they could interfere with 
 effect, I had the preparations for taking the field conducted with the greatest 
 silence and secrecy, using every possible precaution to throw them off" their 
 guard. About three weeks previous to the movement, I issued a general 
 order, a co-pj of which was sent to each circle and to the proper 
 military officers, instructing them to hold their men in readiness to move 
 at a moment's notice, and ten days before going to the border, I sent & 
 letter to the military officers, ordering them to provide at once the means of 
 transportation for their men, as final orders would be forwarded them in a few 
 days. Several days after, a communication was directed to the mihtary officers 
 and such of the circles as had reported within the year to head-quarters, to send 
 on their men Monday night, May 23rd, to Malone or St. Albans, as either 
 point happened to be more convenient. This latter communication was mailed 
 in time to have it reach the circles from twelve to forty-eight hours before the 
 ^ime appointed for starting. The circles in the large cities, where the facilities 
 for receiving communications and concentrating men were best, and where, also 
 the chances of having our plans discovered were gi-eatest, received the shortest 
 notice. I desired to give a longer notice, but the danger of having our efforts 
 nipped in the bud through the indiscreet remarks of officers and men, were too 
 great ; besides, the notices pre^^ously sent were, in my judgment, amply suffi- 
 cient. All were ordered to leave home the same night — those near the border aa 
 well as those at a distance — for the evident reason that the raikoads near the ' 
 line (with which I did not dare to make arrangements for fear of discovery) 
 would not otherwise be able to accommodate our men if they came in the 
 numbers expected. Besides, the moment those of our men who hved at dis- 
 tant points left for the front, our intention would no longer be a secret to 
 either government, as the fact would be telegi-aphed at once all over the coun- 
 try. The time of departure for our men in the extreme Western States and 
 
The Attempted Invasion of Canada. 15 
 
 territories, who were to operate against the Red River Expedition, was left with 
 the oflficers in charge. 
 
 Apart from the provisions made, as stated, to secure a sufficient body of 
 troops to begin the campaign, I relied chiefly on the men from Massachusetts, 
 Rhode Island, Vermont, and Northeastern New York. Gen. J. J. Donnelly, 
 speaking in behalf of the Organization in the two former States, assured me 
 that he would have from ten to twelve hundred men at, or near St. Albans, 
 on the morning of Tuesday, May 24th ; Col. E. C. Lewis, on behalf of the 
 latter, gave me a hke assurance of six hundred men at the place and time indi- 
 cated. These were to be followed up by an equal force within twenty-four hours. 
 These officers had been specially assigned to organize in their respectivelocali- 
 ties, and viewed in this light, the truth of their assertions was not to be doubted ; 
 with these forces increased by considerable bodies which were expected from 
 other quarters, I would have under my command in this section on W^ed- 
 nesday morning upwards of four thousand men. If all, or even half of these 
 had arrived in time, the result would have been quite different. From a thou- 
 sand to fifteen hundred men were in the meantime to assemble at Malone. 
 
 I arrived in the vicinity of St. Albans Sunday morning, May 22d, while 
 nearly every newspaper in the country had me on my way to Chicago, to con- 
 sult with Riel's agent from the Red River settlement. Their information in 
 this particular was about as correct as that from which were made up their re- 
 ports of the affair at Eccles Hill, and the manner of my arrest. From personal 
 inspection, I found that the arrangements for getting the arms and ammuni- 
 tion up in proper time were complete. Similar arrangments had been made at 
 Malone. 
 
 PLAN OF CAMPAIGN. 
 
 To capture St. Johns, on the Richelieu River, twenty-one miies from the line 
 and twenty-two miles from Montreal, and Richmond in Richmond Co., where 
 that branch of the Grand Trunk R. R., from Portland, Me., connects with 
 the main road, seventy-six miles from Montreal and ninety-six miles from 
 Quebec. 
 
 It was my intention to have sent Gen. J. J. Donnelly, with some five hun- 
 dred men, armed with breech-loaders, and a good supply of ammunition, 
 which was aU ready, through on the train Tuesday morning from St. Albans to 
 Rouse's Point, and there seize the train from St. Johns, having previously 
 made arrangements to have one or two rails taken up, so as to prevent its es- 
 cape, and, if possible, to run into, and capture St. Johns, which at that time 
 was entirely undefended, and contained a considerable amount of arms, etc. 
 If, by any accident, the train could not be seized or used for the purpose in- 
 tended, then they were to proceed on foot as rapidly as possible, and if they 
 could not capture, they could, at least, threaten the town, and, falling back a 
 short distance, await reinforcements. At the same time a detachment of two 
 hundred men from Rhode Island and other points, were to proceed by way of 
 Island Pond to Richmond, and capture it. 
 
■ 16 Official Keport of 
 
 I intended taking the balance of the men (from ten to thirteen hundred) to 
 Franklin, Vt., some 14 miles from St. Albans, and cross the line at Eccles Hill, 
 and proceed toward St. Johns, on the east side of Kicheheu Eiver as rapidly 
 as possible, while the men who were ordered to assemble at or near Malone, 
 N. Y. , were to proceed to St. Johns by the most direct route on the west side 
 of the river, throwing out a small force of cavalry in the direction of Mon treaJ 
 so as to threaten it. The men coming up all the time, would be in a position 
 to protect the rear. We had hoped to be able to mount a few hundred men 
 immediately on crossing the line. "With St. Johns and Richmond ia our pos- 
 session, a partial destruction of railroad communication would have rendered 
 it very difficult for the enemy to concentrate a force sufficient to drive us back, 
 before the thousands who, we believed, would come to our assistance, could 
 reach us. In a further advance, we would, of course have to be guided by the 
 number of the reinforcements that might arrive, and by the number and dispo- 
 sition of the enemy. If we did not succeed in taking and holding Richmond, 
 we could, with a few cavalry, destroy the railroad sufficiently to prevent any force 
 coming from Quebec, at least for a short time, and if we did not succeed in 
 taking either Richmond or St. Johns, we intended to get as far into the country at 
 first, as possible, delay the advance of the enemy, and fall back on our own 
 forces comirig up, and when we felt justified in* offering or accepting battle, to 
 do so. A small force was ordered to cross at Detroit, Mich. , mount themselves, 
 and make a raid through the country, for the purpose of calling attention from 
 other points. At the same time a force was ordered from the extreme Western 
 States and territories, to harass and annoy the Red River expedition on its 
 march, and, if President Riel would fight, to assist him'in resisting it, both on 
 the march and on its arrival in the Winnepeg coxmtry. It was my intention to 
 order crossings in small detachments at various other points, simply for the 
 purpose of distracting the enemy, and preventing him from concentrating his 
 forces at the main points. 
 
 THE FAILTJBE OF THE MEN TO COME UP. 
 
 The faUure of the men to come up in anything like the numbers promised and 
 expected, disarranged all my plans. I was in St. Albans Tuesday morning, May 
 24th, when the 6 o'clock train from the south arrived, bringing, instead of 
 from ten to twelve hundred men promised by Massachusetts, about twenty- 
 five or thirty, including CoL H. Sulhvan. He and most of the men he had 
 with him would have served the cause by remaining at home. In lieu ol six 
 hundred men promised by Veiinont and N. E. New York, about eighty or 
 ninety in charge of Major J. J. Mouaghan, arrived on the train. A company 
 of sixty-five men from Burlington, Vt., under command of Capts. WilUam Cro- 
 nin and Thos. Murphy, had arrived the previous evening, and were sent to 
 Franklin, about 14 miles northeast of St. Albans, and two miles from the 
 Canadian line. I had of course to abandon the idea of taking St. Johns by 
 surprise, which could have been easily done, as up to the last moment the 
 enemy had no Icnowledge of oiu" movements, so secretly had everything been 
 managed. However, as I expected the arrival of reinforcements that evening 
 from all the New England States, and a portion of the States of New York and 
 New Jersey, (including New York city and Brooklyn,) to the number of fifteen 
 hundred or two thousand men, (the newspaper and telegraphic reports of the 
 
The Attempted Invasion of Canada. 17 
 
 number of men on the rpad, confirming tliis expectation, ) I decided to concen- 
 trate all the force I could collect, at or near Franklin, cross the hne and take 
 up a ijosition at once. I sent an officer to Malone with instructions to the 
 ranking ofScer there, to move out, when he got his men ready, in the direction 
 of St. Johns. By appearing to move on St. Johns from these two points, Ma- 
 lone and Franklin, I hoped to divide the enemy's forces, believing that he 
 would move with the larger force to meet the column from Malone, so as to 
 more effeclsually cover St. Johns and Montreal. I left General Donnelly at 
 St. Albans with instructions to stop all our men going through on their way to 
 Malone, and send them with those who had beeai ordered to St. Albans, direct 
 to Franklin, and proceeded there myself by way of Fairfield Centre, where I 
 arrived at 3 o'clock in the afternoon. I took this circuitous route to Franklin 
 in order to keep the enemy in ignorance of my whereabouts. Here I found a 
 few of the Burlington men in charge of a small portion of arms, etc., and 
 about half way between this town and the border, on the roadside, at a place 
 called Hubbard's Corner, the balance of the men with the greater portion of 
 the arms, etc. These arms, etc., had been hauled to the above points by citi- 
 zens of the neighborhood, friendly to the cause, all of whom will please accept 
 my thanks on behalf of the Brotherhood, for their unpaid and untiring exer- 
 tions on this and on other occasions. I would hke to mention names, but fear 
 that it might not be to their interest to do so. 
 
 At this time the enemy had no force near the line to oppose us, and I made 
 all necessary arrangements to cross over during the night or early the next 
 morning, taking up a position on Eccles HiU, which I knew to be an admirable 
 one for defence, and one from which the enemy could not dislodge us without, 
 artillery, unless, indeed, he had a much superior force. I also intended occu- 
 pying Cook's Corner, two miles beyond. I was very anxious to get the arms, 
 etc., and a sufficient number of men to protect them on the other side be- 
 yond the reach of the United States authorities, whom I desired to evade. 
 
 I knew that if we had a good position on the other side of the line, our own 
 men would find their way to us by some means or other. I had intended send- 
 ing Gen. Donnelly to Malone on "Wednesday, to command the troops advancing 
 from that point, with instructions to go as far into the country in the direction 
 of St. Johns as he deemed safe, leaving the principal portion of the arms, etc., 
 behind him, close to the hne, and, if pressed by the enemy, to fall back fight- 
 ing, so as to delay him as long as possible, whilst I should attack with the su- 
 perior numbers which I supposed would come up to my aid, whatever force 
 might be sent against myself. I felt fully satisfied that the occupation of Cana- 
 dian territory with any considerable force, would have brought to our assistance 
 all the men and material needed. It is idle now to talk of what we coiild have 
 done on the other side if we had got a respectable force across, but I am in- 
 cUned to the opinion that, had such been the case, the Canadian volunteers 
 would not have quite so much to boast of to-day. I might here mention that 
 there were many military officers outside of the Organization and a few in it, of 
 acknowledged abihty, who were waiting orders, and who would have been with 
 us in a few days had we been at all successful — amongst the latter, the best and 
 ablest was Gen. M. Kerwin. Apart from those, however, there were some of 
 the first military men of America, who had from time to time promised to assist 
 us once we commenced the work. But we had talked so much, and boasted so 
 
18 Official Eepoet of 
 
 loudly, in the past, and had really accomplished so little that they ■would have 
 nothing to do with us until we gave them some practical evidence of our sin- 
 cerity. Some men, calling themselves officers; came of their own accord ; 
 they would have served the cause by remaining at home and attending to their 
 own business, if they had any. Many of those boasting military titles would 
 have found themselves in the ranks had we got on the other side. Late in the 
 afternoon, the greater portion of the men who left St. Albans in the morning, 
 arrived in camp at Hubbard's Corner. I sent CoL Henry Le Caron, Adjt.-Gen. 
 of the F. B., to St. Albans, to hurry on the men who amved on the 6 o'clock 
 evening train, so that I might be able to cross the line with a respectable force, 
 either that night or early the next morning. I stopped in Franklin for the night. 
 At 2 o'clock the next morning, Gen. Donnelly — who had been caiitioned against 
 remaining in St. Albans any longer, as the U. S. Marshal began to suspect 
 who he was, and might order his arrest — reached town, and reported that be- 
 tween four and five hundred of our men had arrived at St. Albans on the train 
 of the previous evening, and were then but a few hoiirs' march from Franklin. 
 Previous to his arrival, I had received many conflicting reports, aU of them ex- 
 aggerated, of the number of men who were on the way from St. Albans to join 
 us. Gen. Donnelly's report I considered reliable ; hq, however, was mistaken, 
 as not over two hundred and thirty or forty men arrive-l on the train ; about six- 
 ty or seventy of that number under Maj. Danl. Murphy, of Connecticut, arrived 
 at 5 o'clock in the morning, having lost the. right road during the night. They 
 ti-a veiled some seven miles out of their way. A few men under Capt. Kenally of 
 Marlboro, Mass. , also arrived. The balance of the men.under Col. John Leddy, 
 of New York, taking another road, had to march nineteen miles, and did not 
 get to camp until one o'clock, except two men who arrived before I started to 
 cross the line. This delay, under the cii'cumstances, is inexcusable. 
 
 General Donnelly also reported to me, that the telegraphic dispatches re- 
 ceived at St. Albans before he left, announced that one thousand men were on 
 the road from the South, and were expected in St. Albans on the 6 o'clock train 
 in the morning. He left an order with a reliable man at St. Albans, instruct- 
 ing them to get off at St. Albans and march to Franklin at once. The fact was 
 that there were only about sixty of our men on the train, and they kept on to 
 Malone. On hearing that there were so many of our men so near at hand, I 
 determined to defer the crossing until later in the morning, so as to allow at 
 least a portion of those said to be on the road, time to arrive. I permitted Gen. 
 DonneUy to remain with me that morning and take part in the contemplated 
 crossing, after which I intended sending him on to Malone. 
 
 PREPABATIONS FOR CROSSING. • 
 
 About 10.30 o'clock on Wednesday morning, Gen, Geo. P. Foster, Qnited 
 States Marshal, with his deputy, Thos. Failey, accompanied by a number of 
 citizens, came to camp. I at once had iiy men formed into line with the 
 intention of resisting arrest in case the marshal attempted it, and, in fact, in- 
 tended arresting himself and his deputy and taking them along if they under- 
 took to interfere with us. The marshal, in his carriage, was stopped by the guard 
 juat as he came up to our men. I sent Gen. Donnelly to him, to inform him 
 that it would be useless for him to attempt to make any aiTests, as we were 
 
The Attempted Invasion of Canada. 19 
 
 prepared to resist it. Gen. Donnelly, however, surmised that the marshal 
 realized the situation, and did not care to interfere with us just then. 
 
 I was subsequently informed that he telegraphed to Washington, informing 
 the authorities there, that he was powerless to make any arrests. After some 
 conversation, the marshal expressed a desire to read the President's proclama- 
 tion, to which Gen. Donnelly objected, and at the same time informed him that 
 we had already seen it ; he then requested that the road, being a public high- 
 way, be kept clear, so that citizens could pass and repass, which request was at 
 once complied with. I might here mention that a number of citizens were 
 hanging around us, and several buggies, carriages, etc., were continually pass- 
 ing and repassing to the Canadian side, and of course ca.rrying information to 
 the enemy ; no doubt several officers came across ; this we could not very well 
 avoid without arresting them, which we did not \vish to do on American soil. 
 
 The marshal came into camp, and Gen. Donnelly informed me that he, the 
 marshal, had no intention of making any arrests, as he had no force with him, 
 and suggested that I had better see him. This I had no objection to, as I was 
 standing in front of some of my men who were drawn up in line under arms. 
 At lirst, I apprehended that the marshal might have arranged with the citizens 
 to assist him in making arrests, and I desired, if possible, to avoid any diffi- 
 culty on this side the Une. I would not, under any circumstances, permit my- 
 self to be arrested while I had means to resist it. The principal conversation 
 I had with the marshal, which occupied perhaps three minutes, was on the 
 subject of keeping the road clear for the passage of citizens. I also told him 
 that I would soon be out of his way. I had nearly two hundred men in or 
 near camp at this time. The marshal then drove across the line to the point 
 where the enemy's forces were in position. When we were advancing we met 
 him returning, and I supposed he kept on to Franklin. 
 
 The presence of the United States marshal in camp, with the report that 
 United States soldiers were on their way and close at hand to assist him, to- 
 gether with the fact that I knew the enemy would use every effort to bring up 
 reinforcements to defend the admirable jiosition which by this time he had ta- 
 ken on Eccles Hill, just across the line, caused me to determine on feeling his 
 position at once, and ascertaining more correctly his strength, and, if possible, 
 drive him from the hill. At this time there were many conflicting reports as 
 to his numbers, varying from thirty to three hundred men. Most of the reports, 
 however, agreed in placing his numbers at less than one hundred. We moved 
 out about 11.30 o'clock, A.M., 176 men. A few were left with the war material 
 in camp and in Franklin, and also a few men from Connecticut refused to leave 
 camp. Soon after moving out. Col. Le Caron drove up and informed me that 
 the New York men were close at hand. I sent him back with orders to hurry 
 them up at once. Our advance soon reached Alvah Richard's house, about 
 twenty or thirty rods south of the line dividing Canada from the United States, 
 and nearly half a mile from the enemy. Here I had the men, who were march- 
 ing in column of fours, to halt, and after addressing a few words to the first 
 company, numbering 32 men, under Capts. Cronin and Murphy, ordered them 
 to advance as skirmishers, at the same time putting Col. John H. Brown , of 
 Lawrence, Mass., in charge of the skirmish hne. The enemy occupied a splen- 
 did position on the crest of a wooded hill, (Eccles Hill,) a little to the west of 
 the road, which runs due north past Eichards's house. On the American side, 
 
20 Ofpicial Eepokt of 
 
 directly opposite the enemy, there was a corresponding wooded hill ; a small 
 valley with a brook running through it, intervened. The bridge crossing the 
 brook was about eight or ten rods from the line. The men were ordered by 
 Col. Brown to deploy as skirmishers immediately after crossing it ; they might 
 have been dejjloyed before they got to the bridge, but the distance was so short 
 and the ground not being advantageous. Col. Brown did not deem it necessary. 
 
 On the Canadian side of the line, for about four hundred yards, the ground is 
 flat, and then rises abruptly into a steep rocky hill on which the enemy were 
 posted — some of them behind large rocks nearer than was at first supposed. 
 Just as the first of our men reached the bridge, the enemy oj)ened a heavy fire 
 on them. Almost at the first discharge, John Eowe, of Burlington, Vt., was 
 shot through the heart, and fell dead on the centre of the road, and one other 
 man was wounded. Only a few crossed the bridge. Our men returned the 
 fire for a short time, but without effect, as the enemy were covered, and then 
 scattered and sought shelter under the bridge, behind a fence, and a tannery 
 close by. Some few came back to Bichards's house. I remained at Eichards's 
 house with twenty-five men, with whom I intended sujpporting the skirmish 
 line, but it fell back so suddenly there was no chance to support it. I had now as- 
 certained all that I wanted, namely, that the enemy intended to defend the hill 
 
 I had no intention whatever of chargijig up it. If the men had been old sol- 
 diers, such men as I had at Bidgeway in 1866, I would have attempted a flank 
 movement as soon as the skirmish line retreated ; but many of them were mere 
 boys, who had never been in a fight before, and showed evident signs of waver- 
 ing at the first fire of the enemy. 
 
 Soon after the firing commenced, I ordered the men in the rear across an 
 open field, some one hundred and twenty-five yards up the hill to our left, 
 which was covered with timber, and afforded an excellent shelter. While they 
 were crossing the field, the enemy kept up a heavy fire on them, and killed one 
 man, M. O'Brien of Moriah, N. Y., and wounded two others. The men had to 
 cross a stone fence. On leaving the road, and in ascending the hill under the 
 the enemy's fire, they were neither regular in their gait, precise in their step, 
 nor did they keep a straight line, or observe the prescribed distance of " thirteen 
 inches from breast to back." This was the only occasion in which there was 
 any opportunity for the officers to display tactical kno\yledge, the absence of 
 which has been so severely animadverted on by profound military critics, 
 (profound asses,) not one of whom could handle a corporaVs guard either on or 
 off the field. As to lack of generalship, if there had been men to command, there 
 would have been some opportunity for judging whether it was lacking or not ; 
 as it was, there was not more than a captain's command present. 
 
 The large number of citizen spectators, who advanced with us, some of them 
 ahead and some along side of the men, started for the rear as soon as the ene- 
 my commenced filing, and in doing so, created a good deal of confusion, which 
 had a demoraUzing effect on the men. Many of them had taken possession of 
 the hill to our left, supjjosing they would have a good view and be perfectly 
 safe from the enemy's bullets. Amongst them was a correspondent of the New 
 York Herald, who made good time to the rear, leaving his horse behind. I left 
 the men at Eichards's house, in charge of Gen. Donnelly, and ascended the 
 hill, on foot, under fire of the enemy. J. Boyle 0"Eiley, reporter for the Boston 
 Pilot, did the same thing, inider my instructions, a few moments previous. 
 
The Attempted Invasion op Canada. 21 
 
 As I ascended fhe hill, I noticed some of the men making for the rear, while 
 those who remained were firipg indiscriminately without judgment, and e-^'i- 
 dently doing the enemy no harm. When I got up the hill I tried to induce 
 them to move forward to a more advantageous position, where they would have 
 a fair view of the enemy, and be able to use their fire to some effect. But for 
 the first time in my life I failed in rallying men or getting them to follow where 
 I was willing to lead. J. Boyle O'Biley, Major Danl. Murphy, Capt. John Fitz- 
 patrick, and other officers and men, whose names I do not know, acted very 
 gallantly in trying to get the men forward, but with no result. Only a few 
 were willing to venture forward. I fear that some of them had but a veiy im- 
 perfect idea of the duties incumbent upon them, or the responsibihty they 
 assumed, in swearing allegiance to the Irish Bepublican Army. They seemed 
 to have a very erroneous idea as to the number of the enemy, (there were not a 
 hundred of them, and volunteers at that, ) which was confirmed to some extent 
 by the rapidity of his fire. I believe he was armed with Spencer rifles ; I have 
 been in many engagements, but never before heard so much firing where there 
 was so little execution. Finding that I could not accomplish anything practical 
 with these men, I had them to fall back a short distance out of range of the 
 enemy's • bullets, to await the arrival of the men from New York, under Col. 
 Leddy, whom I looked for eveiy moment. It was then I made the following 
 remarks to the men : 
 
 ' ' Men of Ireland I am ashamed of you ! You have acted disgracefully 
 to-day ; but you will have another chance of showing whether you are cravens 
 or not. Comrades, we must not, we dare not go back with the stain of coward- 
 ice on us. Comrades, I will lead you again, and if you will not follow me, I 
 ■will go with my officers and die in your front ! I now leave you under charge of 
 Boyle O'Biley, and will go after reinforcements, and bring them up at once." 
 
 I felt perfectly satisfied that when I got a few old soldiers tip, particularly 
 the men from New York, most of whom I knew personally, that they would do 
 better. I have often seen men, when brought into action for the first time, act 
 badly at the outset, but the moment reinforcements arrived they seemed to ac- 
 quire new spirit and behave very gallantly. Fully one third of the men who as- 
 cended the hill, had fallen back, beyond the reach of my voice, before I got to 
 the top. I started to bring them back, but seeing Gen. Foster, his deputy 
 Failey, and others on the hill, in the direction in which they had fallen back, I 
 retiarned. These men, who basely deserted their comrades, together with the 
 few who refused to leave camp in the morning, were met on their way to St. 
 Albans by newspaper reporters and others, and were the first to give circulation 
 to the ridiculous stories of " want of judgment and military capacitj'^," "bad 
 generalship," etc., etc., which were so extensively circulated by the press of 
 the country at the time. Of course these men were in the fight and saw it all. 
 They took particular good care, however, not to remain very long. It was 
 from these men that many of the newspaper reporters got the information 
 which they sent to their respective papers, and which was published as " reli- 
 able news from their special correspondent on the field." The reporter for the 
 New York World, who was near the field, was so gloriously drunk, that he and 
 his note- book had to be picked up from the roadside that afternoon, by the 
 
22 Ofpicial Eeport of 
 
 sheriff of Chittenden County. No doubt his employers in New York believed 
 that they were pubhshing a "correct report by an eye witness." I left my 
 horse at Eichards's house when I started to go up the hill. A gallant young 
 man, named Timothy SuUivan, from Marlboro, Mass. , volunteered to pass the 
 open space through the enemy's fire and bring him back on the road so that I 
 could ride to camp after the reinforcements ; but on seeing the marshal close 
 by, I did not go myself, but sent Col. Humphrey Sullivan, and instructed him 
 to urge the men to hurry up as fast as possible. I had, jirevious to leaving 
 Kichards's house, sent Capt. John Lonergan, of Burhngton, Vt., back after 
 them. I subsequently saw the marshal go down to the road, and was informed 
 that he had left for Franklin in his carriage ; the carriage went back towards 
 Frankhn but he was not in it. In company vnth J. Boyle O'Riley, I examined 
 the route for a flank movement from the position we were then occupying, and 
 after waiting about an hour, fearing that we were giving the enemy too much 
 time to get up his reinforcements, which I heard were not far off, I became im- 
 patient at the delay in the arrival of the men, and sent word to Gen. Donnelly by 
 Col. Lewis, that I would go back and hurry them up, and would then make a 
 flank movement to relieve him and the men at or near Eichards's house. He 
 would have been exposed to the fire of the enemy if he sought to change his 
 position or faU back. On the return of Col. Lems, informing the men that I 
 was going back to hurry up reinforcements, (which seemed to please them very 
 much,) I left them in charge of Major Danl. Murphy, and started with J. Boylo 
 O'Kiley down the hiU, to the road leading to camp. 
 
 MY AEREST. 
 
 "VVe struck the road, over half a mile from camp, at Mr. Vincent's house, in 
 front of which lay one of our men wounded. A number of citizens were around 
 him. We stopped a moment to speak with the wounded man, and, as we 
 emerged from the crowd, General Foster, who had been concealed at the end 
 of the house, approached me. We shook hands, and talked together for a 
 moment. The following conversation, as near as I can recollect, took place : 
 Marshal. — "I think, General, you had better get in the carriage and drive 
 back with me. " (The carriage had just then returned. ) I replied ' ' No , I will not. " 
 He then spoke of his duty, and said "you are violating the neutrality laws." 
 I replied that "I i^erfectly understood my position." He then said, "I am 
 sorry, but I must arrest you. General O'Neill." I replied, "No, no, you 
 must not, you cannot an'est me ; I vnW not be arrested ; I am armed, and 
 will call on my men to assist me ;" and tried to break away from the 
 marshal and his dej)uty, Thomas Failey, both of whom got hold of me. Ho 
 then said, ' ' General O'Neill, I must arrest you, and I will ; resistance is use- 
 les? ; I am also armed, and have more men than j'ou have to assist me. " The 
 marshal, who saw me descend the hill, had made arrangements with the citi- 
 zens to assist him. I looked around to see if any of my men were there to aid 
 me in resisting arrest, but saw only one man, who had come back ■with the 
 wounded man. I subsequently learned that there were two or three scattered 
 
The Attempted Invasion of Canada. 23 
 
 amongst some fifty or sixty citizens. I was then over a quarter of a mile dis- 
 tant from any of my men, and more than half a mile from the camp. I had no 
 arms but my sabre — my revolvers being in my saddle holsters. The citizens 
 flocked around us. Seeing that ■ further resistance was useless, I made none, 
 and was assisted into the carriage by General Foster and his deputy, Thomas 
 Failey. When I met General Foster, I was not certain whether he would 
 attempt to arrest me or not, and when I thought of resisting, I was under the 
 impression that several of my men were close by. On entering the carriage, I 
 told the General "that he was assuming considerable responsibihty." I then 
 thought that we would meet the men on the march coming from camp, and that 
 there might be some chance for them to stop the carriage and rescue me. 
 
 PASSING THKOUGH CAMP. 
 
 The carriage was a light, close, two seated one, drawn by two powerful horses. 
 General Foster sat in the back seat with me, while his deputy, Mr. Failey, sat 
 in the front seat with the driver. The General cautioned me against giving 
 any alarm, and kept his arm along the back part of the carnage, close by my 
 neck, so as to prevent me from getting out or calling to the taen in passing ; 
 but made no such threats as have been generally reported in the newspapers. 
 The driver lashed the horses and drove furiously through the camp, past Colo- 
 nel Leddy and his men. Some seem to think that, if I had given the alarm, 
 the carriage could have been stopped and myself rescued ; but this I do not 
 believe, although I was of that opinion myself when arrested. To have stopped 
 the carriage, under the circumstances, would have required more nerve and 
 judgment than most of men possess. Had the officer in charge known of my 
 arrest before we got up, and had he posted two or three men on the road, away 
 from the others, they might have shot one or both of the horses while passing. 
 Even this is doubtful, as the horses were going very rapidly. Or if he had 
 placed a few men at a charge bayonets across the road, and if they had stood 
 their ground, which is very doubtful, they could stop the carriage. He might 
 also have blocked the road with boxes, barrels, etc. I do not believe that 
 there was a single officer there who would have ordered an indiscriminate firing 
 at the horses from either side of the road while the men were scattered on both 
 sides of it. To have caught the horses at the rate they were going, and stopped 
 them, was simply out of the question. But, as the officers and men knew noth- 
 ing of my arrest, before I could give the alarm and have it understood, with the 
 rattling of the carriage, and the noise and confusion amongst the men them- 
 selves, I would have been borne out of reach. The deputy marshal and driver, 
 sitting in front of the carriage, as soon as they came up to the men, commenced ■ 
 calling out at the top of their voice, "Clear the way ! Clear the way !" which 
 was done instantly, and a free passage made— the carriage not having to relax 
 its speed even for a second. Hence any effort I might have made to make my 
 situation intelligible, could not be acted upon in time to effect my release. The 
 fact that there were 150 or more men in camp did not mend the matter. 
 Half a dozen of men would have been infinitely better. Numbers in such a case 
 only tend to confuse. That General Foster was prepared to prevent any alarm 
 being given, or any conversation between myself and the men, so far as phy- 
 sical strength would enable him to prevent it— and he is a large and powerful 
 man — I am fully aware of, from the position he occupied in the carriage. That 
 
24 Official Repoet of 
 
 he Tvould have resorted to the use of fire-arms, except in self-defence, I do not 
 beheve ; and while I very much regret being arrested at such a time, and would 
 not have permitted it if I could have avoided it, yet I have no fault to find with 
 General Foster for performing a duty which he was sworn to discharge, and 
 only regret that chance enabled him to perform it. At the time, I did not 
 regret my arrest so much, because I knew that the command would devolve on 
 General J . J. Donnelly, who was cognizant of nearly all my plans. The unfor- 
 tunate accident he met with, in escaping from the position he occupied at Eich- 
 ards's house, (from which I had hoped soon to relieve him, ) caused me to bit- 
 terly regret the unfortunate circumstance that lodged me in a jail. After my 
 arrest, I had no oiDportunity of communicating with the command either at 
 Franklin or Malone. 
 
 PEECATJTIONS AGAINST ABEEST. 
 
 "With the fate of Gen. Sweeney, who was arrested at his hotel in St. Albans, 
 during the movement of 1866, before me, I had determined on taking every 
 precaution that I possibly could against a similar mischance. On Saturday 
 morning, the 21st inst., I left Buffalo, N. Y., and arrived in Troy the same 
 evening, avoiding, as much as possible, seeing any person in Troy. I took the 
 eleeping car and arrived at Georgia Depot, Vermont, early the next morning, 
 (Sunday,) where a friend met me with his buggy and took me to his house in 
 the counti-y. Here I remained all day Sunday and Mondaj', and put on a 
 disguise suit, which had been purchased for me by a friend in Bufialo. At 
 2 o'clock Tuesday morning, this gentleman took me in his buggy to St. Albans, 
 where we arrived at the house of a friend a httle after daj'light. My pi-incipal 
 business at St. Albans was to see Gen. Donnelly, and to give him final instruc- 
 tions pre^'ious to his starting for St. Johns, but through the failure of the men 
 to arrive, this pai^fc of the programme had to be abandoned, and I started with 
 the same friend who had brought me to St. Albans, for Franklin, as before 
 stated. Up to my arrival at Franklin there were not more than half a dozen 
 men (and they all perfectly rehable) in that section of countrj', who knew any- 
 thing about my whereabouts. At Franklin, from the number of orders and 
 instructions I was obhged to give, crowds of citizens met me at every t\irn. I 
 found that I was soon recognized, but there was no marshal in the ^■iciuity at 
 the time ; besides I was in the midst of my men and woiild not have submitted 
 to arrest. I claim, therefore, to have taken every precaution that it was possi- 
 ble for me to take to avoid arrest. No doubt there are very many who can now 
 see clearly, and without spectacles, how easily I could have avoided arrest, or 
 been rescued after my arrest, but they were not in my place, and I question 
 very much if they would have done any better if they had been. Talk ia 
 cheap. 
 
 COMMITMENT TO PRISON. 
 
 General Foster, whose conduct throughout has been that of a gentleman, 
 drove me rapidly to St. Albans, where I was brought before United States Com- 
 missionor Smalley, on a charge of having violated the neutrahty laws. I 
 waived examination, and in default of twenty thousand dollars bail, was com- 
 mitted to jail at Burlington, where I arrived the same evening, and where, to 
 the credit of the Fenian Brotherhood, I still remain. 
 
The Attempted Invasion of Canada. 25 
 
 LETTEit FBOM GENERAL GEOKGE P. FOSTEE, UNITED STATES MABSHAL, ON THE 
 
 ASBEST. 
 
 WiNDSOB, Vt., October 13, 1870. 
 General John O'Neill : 
 
 Sm : I have read your statement in regard to yonr arrest, and the circum- 
 stances connected -with it, at Franliliu, Vt., on the 25th day of May, 1870, and 
 unhesitatingly concur with you in regard to what transpired at that time. 
 
 Geo. p. Foster, U. S. Marshal. 
 
 The following letter from reporters of the press, who were in camp before we 
 left, went out with us and were at Eichards's house during the skirmish, (one 
 of them, J. Bojde O'Eiley, was with me from the time I ascended the hill until 
 my arrest, ) although intended by them as private, and so regarded by me, yet 
 I take the Uberty of pubhshiug it. (I hope the gentlemen will pardon the hb- 
 erty. ) It is from parties whose opportunities for forming a correct opinion were 
 certainly as good as those of reporters who remained at St. Albans, gathering 
 their information from men who ran away, and drawing inspiration from Cana- 
 dian whiskey, which no doubt was furnished duty free. 
 
 St. Albans, Vt., Morning of the 26th May, 1870. 
 General John O'Neill : 
 
 My Dear General : As you ordered me, I told my command on the hill that 
 you had been arrested. I then gave the command to Major Daniel Murphy, of 
 Bridgeport, Conn. He determined to fall back to the place where the stores 
 lay. Whilst forming, his command. Captain Griffin, from New York, arrived 
 and reported a reinforcement, in the rear, of 150 men. I then went down to 
 General Donnelly. He was deeply affected when I told him of your an-est. He 
 could not leave his place, but determined to do so in the night. He did so last 
 night, and is now with the main body at the stores. The United States troops 
 have arrived here. I am going to the front with the other reporters. In their 
 names I can assure you that you need not fear that your name wUl sustain one 
 iota of blemish. It is in our hands, and we know the truth and wiU promul- 
 gate it. 
 
 Always yours, respectfully, 
 
 J. Boyle O'Eeilly, Boston Pilot. 
 
 .H. S. Hart, Burhngton Free Press. 
 
 M. B. Carpenter, Troy Press. 
 
 H. S. Ttjttle, Eutland Herald. 
 
 C. H. Tuttle, Boston Advertiser. 
 The reports furnished by these gentlemen to their respective papers were in 
 the main correct. 
 
 MY AHEEST A FORTUNATE CIRCUMSTANCE. 
 
 Previous to leaving camp I was under the impression, derived from the best 
 sources of information at my command, that there were about four hundred 
 men on the road from St. Albans, who were expected every moment, and over 
 
26 Official Eepoet of 
 
 a thousand men who had arrived at St. Albans on the morning train, and who 
 •would get to us during the day. If the Fenians of New York and Brooklyn, on 
 whom I depended at the last moment, instead of counting their dollars as dia- 
 monds, when deahng with a man who had before and was again wilhng to risk; 
 and if necessary to sacrifice, that which all the doUars of aU of them combiued 
 could not purchase, his hfe, and instead of indulging in their doubts and fears 
 as to whether there was going to be a movement or not, had furnished me with 
 a few hundi-ed dollars for contingent expenses, which I had asked of them pre- 
 vious to leaving the city, and which they had promised me, I would have been ia 
 a position to have bought horses which would have enabled me to have got more 
 correct information. But they were much more exacting in the promises that I 
 made to them than they were in redeeming their own, on which mine to a great 
 extent were based. As it was, I had neither horses nor money, and had to de- 
 pend almost entirely on the reports brought me by outsiders. It would now 
 appear that these reports were very much exaggerated, and that only between 
 six and seven hundi'ed men altogether arrived at St. Albans during the excite- 
 ment. "With this fact before me, I have no hesitation in saying, that it was a very 
 fortunate circumstance that I had been arrested at the time I was, for if I had 
 not been, I certainly would have crossed the Une, believing that large reinforce- 
 ments would immediately join us, and in aU probabihty much bloodshed, with- 
 out any permanent good to the cause of Ireland, would have been the result ; 
 and however anxious I might have been to vindicate my own character by hav- 
 ing a fight, I would certainly have regretted being the cause of shedding blood 
 where no good could result from it. 
 
 APTEE MT AKEEST. 
 
 After I had been arrested, no practical eflfoii was made by the men from New 
 York, or any others, to cross the line or advance to the front to relieve General 
 Donnelly — a man whom most of them knew personally, and one who, when in 
 New York a short time previous, had received the assurance from them, that 
 they had every confidence in him, and desired him for their commanding offi- 
 cer. Why this was so is more than I am able to say. There were several offi- 
 cers amongst them who had seen ser-\dce, and, certainly, the air of confidence 
 and self-complacency with which some of them criticised and condemned my- 
 seK and others for want of judgment and military capacity, (I don't know that 
 they have got through talking yet,) would lead one to beUeve that they wovdd 
 use a little of that profound wisdom and military capacity, which made them 
 such excellent fault-finders, in attempting a flank movement or doing something 
 to create a diversion in favor of General Donnelly, so that he might be enabled 
 to get.out of his dangerous position without having the whole of the enem3''s 
 fire concentrated upon him. I presume, however, that these wiseacres found 
 it much easier to censure others than do better themselves. 
 
 Major Murphy abandoned the hill during the afternoon, which left the enemy 
 free to devote special attention to Gen. Donnelly, and the few men he had at 
 Richards's house. Gen. Donnelly and most of his men eflected their escape 
 before dark. In order to convey a more intelligent idea of what transpired 
 after my arrest, I shall publish the reports of the officers who were present. 
 
 The following named officers deserve special mention for gallantry displayed 
 during the sldrmish :— Gen. J. J. Donnelly, Col. John H. Brown, Capt. Charles 
 
The Attempted Invasion op Canada. 27 
 
 Carlton, A. D. C, Major Daniel Murphy, Capts. "Wm. Cronin, Thos. Murphy, 
 John Fitzpatrick, and Lieut. John Hallaghan. Also Capt. Ahern, of Connect- 
 icut, and the officers mentioned in Major Murphy's Eeport. Capt. Carlton and 
 Lieut. Hallaghan were wounded. 
 
 CAIJSK OF THE FATLTJEE. 
 
 It is very evident from the foregoing that the cause of the failure is to be at- 
 tributed to the want of men. Now why is this ? Why is it that men who love 
 their native land as Irishmen do, and who are always sighing for a chance to 
 fight, and if necessary die to serve that land, were not on hand to take advan- 
 tage of the opportunity when it presented itself? For this a variety of reasons 
 may be given, but the following is perhaps the strongest : 
 
 The people, so often deceived and disappointed in the past, could not believe 
 that we were in earnest, and thousands of good men who were anxious to be 
 with us, kept indulging their doubts and fears until too late to be of service. 
 As a general thing, the best men did not leave their homes until after the move- 
 ment had commenced. The Senate party had their emissaries at work all over 
 the country, destroying the confidence of the people. Amongst this number, 
 one of the meanest and most unprincipled was a Lieut. Wm . E. Dougherty, of 
 the 1st U. S. Infantry. This man, who, from his position in the regular army, 
 one might expect to be a gentleman, occasionally parades his self-importance 
 and abuse of others in the columns of that respectable vehicle of enlighten- 
 ment, the Irish Republic. The honorable and high-toned editor of this sheet 
 frequently indulges in slandering men in one issue to beg their pardon in the 
 next. The Heutenant, in the exuberance of his patriotism, and from a great 
 anxiety to serve the cause, in the summer of 1868, offered his services to the 
 Organization to make a tour of obseiwation through Canada, (a pleasure ex- 
 cursion); and, notwithstanding the fact that he drew his "salary as an officer of 
 the United States Army, during the time, charged the Organization the very 
 modest sum of ^1,225.00 for his services. From the vast amount of information 
 obtained, which must be of more service to himseK than anybody else, he pre- 
 pared several plans for the invasion of Canada, such as the merest tyro in the 
 art of war might prepare for an organization having a government at its back 
 with gunboats, transports, artillery, etc., but which no one but an empty ego- 
 tist would think of preparing for the Fenian Organization. The plans, how- 
 ever, were voluminous, and were no doubt highly edifying to the profound 
 statesmen and would be soldiers of the Senate. 
 
 WHO IS EESPONSIBIiE FOB THE ATTEMPT AT THE "INVASION OF CANADA?" 
 
 While I do not wish to shield myself from the responsibility attached to any 
 act of mine, as a member of the Fenian Organization, or its President, yet, 
 I repeat it, that I had nothing to do with originating the scheme of freeing 
 Ireland through an invasion of Canada, Some of those who originated it have 
 done much to bring about the failure. It was the policy of the Organization 
 before I became a member ; it continued to be its policy after the abortive at- 
 tempt of 1866. The five last annual Congresses of the Brotherhood endorsed 
 this pohcy, and declared their determination to carry it out. At every mee ting 
 of the Senate, since the spUt in the organization in 1865, that body passed res- 
 
28 Official Eeport of 
 
 olutions declaring their nnalterable determination to carry out that policy 
 Should they now tiy to excuse themselves, it can only be on the plea of previous 
 insincerity, which plea I am willing to accept. The representatives of the Or- 
 ganization in eighteen States of the Union, in their State Conventions which I 
 attended, endorsed this pohcy and pledged themselves to furnish the means 
 necessary to its prosecution. It was on this ijohcy and for the pui-pose of 
 assisting in carrying it out, that I accepted the position of President of the 
 Organization in January, 1868. I beUeved in the policy, and for nearly two 
 years and a half have been its special representative, advocating it all over the 
 country. The people who knew that I represented the ex^jressed wishes of the 
 Organization, put faith in what I said, because they saw me to be earnest, and 
 knew that I had given practical evidence of my earnestness at the head of the 
 men who crossed the Niagara in 1866, and fought at "Ridgeway." lam of 
 opinion that thousands joined the Organization on my account, and that thous- 
 ands who were in it, would have left it long ago, did they not believe that I 
 intended to fight. 
 
 Had it not been for the oft-repeated declarations and assurances that we pur- 
 posed to fight in Canada, and that soon, the Organization could not have been 
 kept together ; for there was another Fenian Organization, presided over by 
 Mr. John Savage, which strongly opposed ours, and had always adhered to the 
 pohcy of fighting in Ireland. The only difference or cause for disunion be- 
 tween the rank and file of the two organizations, was the difference in policy. 
 Some of the leaders, doubtless, were actuated by personal motives in perpetu- 
 ating disunion. 
 
 Besides this, there were other organizations, some of them secret, whose 
 object also was to assist the men at home. But all of them, I am perfectly sat- 
 isfied, would have helped us if we had made a successful beginning. I have 
 therefore been simply the agent in carrying out the oft-repeated pohcy of the 
 Fenian Brotherhood. If others were not in earnest, I was. I never made a 
 promise or a pledge to the jpeople which I have not tried to make good. The 
 people, through their representatives, have made pledges to me which they have 
 not redeemed. I think that the sj'stem of misrepresentation practiced by some 
 of our Irish patriots, has done more to injure the cause and destroy the con- 
 fidence of the people than a dozen of defeats on the field. The particular time 
 for inaugurating the movement being controlled by the circumstances hereto- 
 fore related, I am responsible for nothing more. If I had not commenced the 
 movement at the time I did, others, both in the East and in the West, would 
 have made the attempt. 
 
 "SHALL ANOTHER ATTEMPT BE MADE TO INVADE CANADA?" 
 
 Is a question which I have been asked frequently since my imprisonment ; to 
 which I answer, No ! emphatically no. And now I give timely notice to any man 
 or set of men who may have any idea of attempting it again, while England and 
 Canada are at peace with the world, that nothing that it is possible for me to do 
 shall be left undone to frustrate it. Believing that the only opportunity for suc- 
 cess in that direction has passed, and passed forever, I shall for the future be 
 found as zealous in ray opposition to such an enterprise as I have been hitherto 
 earnest, laborious, and persevering in its advocacy. In all candor and sincerity 
 I advise those who have heretofore or do now believe in freeing L.-eland through 
 
The Attempted Invasion of Canada. 29 
 
 an invasion of Canada, while England and Canada are at peace witli the world, 
 to abandon the idea at once. With the United States authorities to hold you 
 back on one side, and the vigilance and forward state of preparations (continu- 
 ally on the increase) of the Canadian authorities to meet you on the other, you 
 will never be able to get a sufficient number of men with arms and ammunition 
 across the border in time to take up a position which can be held. 
 
 You wiU be told by that venerable patriot, James Gibbons, of Philadelphia, 
 who signs himself "Chairman Executive Council, F. B.," and who is simply 
 the tool and mouthpiece of another, that this is the advice of one who has 
 himself failed because he assumed powers not delegated to him by the Organ- 
 ization ; because he undertook a movement on his own responsibility and with- 
 out the sanction of the people. By the people, in this case, are meant James 
 Gibbons and P. J. Meehan. It has taken this man and his associates a long 
 time to find out that I was not to be trusted, and that henceforth jou must look 
 to him, as the head of a body, calling itself the Executive Council of the F. B. , 
 for Ii-ish freedom. According to him, said body only possesses the right to 
 speak for the Irish Nationahsts of America, and anything done or said for Ii-ish 
 liberty, must first be sanctioned by it to be legitimate. BeUeve him not ; this 
 man, with his confreres, after doing aU they could to break up the Organization 
 and destroy the confidence of the people, was elected by a fraction of the Fe- 
 nian Brotherhood, at Chicago, 111. , in April last. He had previously been Vice 
 President of the Fenian Brotherhood, and, xintil a very recent period, was one 
 of the most earnest advocates of the very movement which he and his associ- 
 ates afterwards did so much to defeat. In his better days he condemned in the 
 strongest language, the men who were standing in the way of a successful in- 
 vasion of Canada ; even P. J. Meehan came in for a large share of his censure. 
 But, being a man of no stability of character, though his pretensions on that 
 point are very considerable, he is completely at the mercy of every designing 
 knave who chooses to humor his vanity for corrupt purposes. 
 
 They will now try to build up an Organization under the pretence of prepar- 
 ing for an immediate fight for Irish Uberty. But I am inchned to the opinion 
 that their powers for disorganization and demoralization, which were recently 
 used to such good efiect, are much greater than their powers for reorganizing 
 and re-estabUshing confidence. But if they can succeed in getting up even a 
 nominal Organization, they will proclaim to the world through that veracious 
 journal, the "Irish American," and one or two lesser lights, that they only are 
 the representatives of the Irish Nationalists of America, and must have a few 
 fat offices — with a little Corporation printing — for themselves and their friends ; 
 this, of course, by way of hastening the day of Irish independence. They will 
 tell you that the unauthorized attempt of the President of the Fenian Brother- 
 hood to carry out th.e sole mission of the Organization ' ' cannot be recognized 
 as a defeat " — certainly not — " and that the work must go on." If this delusion 
 can only be kept up until the next Presidential election, all will be well. The 
 only representatives of the Irish National Organization know how to take care 
 of themselves. 
 
 WHAT SHALL BE DONE WITH THE AKMS AND WAB MATEKLAL OF THE P. B. 
 
 I would, advise that the United States Government retain what they have of 
 them for a short time. To turn them over to the only Organization that would 
 
30 Official Keport of 
 
 be likely to make such a claim at present, would be simply to assist in building 
 up a political structure for the elevation of a few individuals. Circles or per- 
 sons having arms, etc., of the F. B. in their possession, would do weU to hold 
 on to them until a vmion of the F. B. is completed. 
 
 A WOED WITH OUR CANADIAN FEIENDS. 
 
 I have heretofore referred to you, as enemies. I could not speak of men 
 whom I desired to fight in any other way. Our only object was to make war 
 on England — a nation with which we have been at perpetual war for the last 
 seven hundred years, and shaU so continue to be as long as she claims the 
 right to misgovern Ireland. You recognize the English government as your 
 government, and the Enghsh flag as your flag. We desired to destroy both. 
 You were ready to defend both ; hence our only cause of quarrel -nith you. If 
 we had been able, we would not have hesitated to kill every soldier who was 
 ready to fight for England. The majority of us were in earnest, although a 
 few designing knaves and pohtical tricksters succeeded in demorahzing the 
 Brotherhood at a critical moment. If we had not been in earnest, the large 
 amount of arms and war material which many of you saw on the border, and 
 the large amount which you did not see, but which was not far off, (enough 
 for over twenty thousand men, and costing hundreds of thousands of dol- 
 lars,) would not have been found in our possession. That we would have 
 inflicted many of the evils consequent upon a state of warfare, cannot be de- 
 nied. That we would have permitted murder, robbery, etc. , or that we had any 
 intention of appropriating any of your property or lands, or that such was any 
 part of our object, I deny emphatically, and refer you for proof of this assertion 
 to the movement in '66, and to the conduct of our men when hundi-eds of them 
 were on your soil for two days, opposite Buffalo. I now of course speak of the 
 men under my command. No doubt some of those who came to the border 
 during both movements came there to indulge their natural propensities for 
 pillaging ; but had we succeeded on the other side, these men would soon be 
 given to understand that their wishes were not in harmony with the mission of 
 the Fenian Brotherhood. That you are now both able and wilUng to protect 
 yourselves against any further attempts on our part to annoy you, I am fully 
 satisfied. I speak for the men who were in earnest in this matter, and assure 
 you that you shall have no further annoyance from us. That we have been a 
 source of trouble and expense to you for nearly five years I need not tell you ; 
 biit your trouble is now at an end. We had a very different object in view from 
 keeping you in alarm. The men amongst us who intended to fight will now 
 take care of the talking patriots, who would buy a cheap notoriety by keeping 
 up the appearance of preparing for a fight which it is their intent shall never 
 come off. In a word, we will put an end to the humbug of a " Fenian invasion 
 of Canada," at least as long as you keep out of difliculty at home and abroad. 
 You are satisfied with the English government, and that the Enghsh flag should 
 float over, I will not sny, protect, you ; that is henceforth your business, not 
 ours. There are many of our countrj'men amongst you, happy and contented, 
 who no doubt were bitterly opposed to our plan of freeing Ireland, while some 
 others might entertain a different opinion. We now desire to live at peace 
 •mill you and them, and when you commence housekeeping on your own ac- 
 count, if you should send us a pressing invitation, we will be pleased to visit 
 
The Attempted Inyasion of Canada. 31 
 
 you, or, if you should prefer to join the great family of Uncle Sam, we mil be 
 delighted to receive and recognize you as brothers . As for the trouble and ex- 
 pense we have been to you of late, what have you actually lost ? Nothing. 
 Look at your condition from a military stand-point five years ago and look at 
 it now. I repeat it, you have lost nothing ; and I would respectfully suggest 
 that you place on the credit side of that little account on your ledger of five mil- 
 lion of dollars, which the newspapers say you are going to present to Uncle 
 Sam as indemnity for losses sustained in resisting Fenian invasions, twenty 
 millions gained in mihtary prestige, you will stiU have fifteen millions to your 
 credit. This proceeding will be much more sensible than to prove your ingrati- 
 tude to Uncle Sam by presenting the above bill ; for he has been a good friend 
 of yours on two occasions within the recollection of the present generation. 
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 Nearly five years ago I joined the Fenian Brotherhood with the simple wish 
 of serving the cause of Irish liberty. Soon after, I was called upon to abandon 
 home, family and business to fight for Ireland. My business, at the time, was 
 extensive, worth to me at least fifty thousand dollars, which the years and 
 energy since devoted by me to Fenianism would have more than doubled. I 
 hesitated not a moment to risk all. Accident put me in command of the men 
 who fought at Ridgeway. This fight was a success, though the movement 
 proved a failure. You cheered and applauded ; proclaimed me a hero, a great 
 patriot, skillful commander, etc. ; expressed a wish to see me and hear me, that 
 you might shower your congratulations upon me. I sought nothing so much 
 as to go home and resume the care of my business, feeUng that I had simply 
 done my duty to Ireland, as far as in my power. On reaching home, I 
 found my affairs in a ruinous condition, and saw the necessity of giving them 
 my whole and immediate attention. In the meantime, letters from the circles 
 of the Organization, inviting me to visit them, poured in upon me from all 
 quarters from a grateful people— so they said — who desired to show their ap- 
 preciation of the distinguished services rendered by me to th« Brotherhood and 
 the cause of Ireland. I accepted . as few of these invitations as possible, and 
 attended to my business, satisfied that my services as a patriot in travelling 
 through the country, making speeches, etc., would be none the less appreci- 
 ated, if I could afford to pay my own expenses. I did not then know how skiU- 
 ftiUy those two pure and disinterested patriots and Christian gentlemen, P. J. 
 Meehan and James Gibbons, could torture legitimate travelling expenses — rail- 
 road fare, hotel bills, etc., incurred in carrying out their own resolutions — into 
 "squandering the hard-earned money of our people." I had heard, however, 
 some mean talk about paid ofiicials and men living upon the Organization, just 
 as if men of ability, depending on their own exertions for a livelihood, could 
 devote their time and talents to the Organization gratuitously. Had they 
 turned the Organization into a means of procuring fat political positions for 
 themselves, as more than one unpaid official has done, then they could have 
 
32 Official Eepoet of- 
 
 ■well afforded to give their services to the Brotherhood -withotit other compensa- 
 tion. My desire was to put myself in a position to serve Ireland, when the 
 opportunity arose, without requiring any remuneration whatever for my ser- 
 vices. 
 
 But it would seem that this was not to be. For the second time, at a critical 
 moment, when absence from b .isiness would involve a certain loss of thousands 
 of dollars, (having just paid otit six thousand dollars to a lawyer iu "Washing- 
 ton to get control again of my business there, ) I was called upon by Mr. Mee- 
 han and others, not to fight immediately, but to first save the Organization by 
 accepting the Presidency. Mr. Meehan has since infoiTued me that, if I had 
 then refused the presidency, the Organization would have gone to pieces — but 
 others are as competent to judge of the matter as he. I am now of opinion 
 that Colonel Ptoberts retained the office as long as he thought there was any 
 chance of accomphshing any good, and then insisted on resigning. Mr. 
 Gibbons reluctantly consented to the ai-rangement by which I became presi- 
 dent, as'he coveted the position for himself ; he had then, as on all other occa- 
 sions, to yield to the wishes of Meehan. I might here add that the honor of 
 being President of the Fenian Brotherhood — at a time when the failure of the 
 ' ' union negotiations " and the resignation of Colonel Roberts had comiDletely 
 demoralized the Brotherhood — had no peculiar charms for me, and could not 
 raise me in the eyes of our people. On the contrary, had I, after the fashion 
 of Irish patriots, retired on the glories of the past, on the laurels of Eidgeway, 
 I might have sought and obtained a pohtical position for myself, and become a 
 great hero and jDatriot for the balance of my natural Ufe, having Meehan, Gib- 
 bons, Carey and aU the rest of them, to herald my praises from Maine to Cali- 
 fornia. How foolish some men are ! 
 
 Nothing but the prospect of a brush with the enemy that year could have 
 justified me in thus for the second time abandoning my business and 
 my creditors. I did not then know that I was simply intended by that 
 arch-hypocrite, Meehan, as a tool to be used by him so long as I was found use- 
 ful and phant, and afterward to be thrown aside, as others had been before me . 
 He is a good mechanic, and will take all necessary pains to sharpen his tools ; 
 but, woe unto them, if they fail to perform their allotted work ! The columns 
 of the Irish American mU suddenly change colors, and the character that, yes- 
 terdaj', was white as the driven snow, v/iil, to-day, stand forth black as Erebus. 
 Should the case prove a difficult one, that gray-hau-ed patriot. Gibbons, who is 
 too miich of a Christian to lie on his own account, but never yet refused to do 
 it for his master, will be called upon for assistance. 
 
 In compliance vnth. the Senate resolutions , I labored night and day for near- 
 ly two j'ears to prepare the Organization for action. The men who induced me 
 to accept the presidency had other engagements to occupy their time and 
 thoughts. They could jmss resolutions of a warlike character periodically, but 
 at the same time be extremely careful to avoid taking warlike measures. If 
 resolutions could give Uberty to a i^eople, the Senate of the F. B. would long 
 ago have made Ireland the freest nation on the globe. They will now account 
 to you for their inaction by the statement that they had no intention to strike 
 until the opportune moment arrived ; they should have so informed us at the 
 start, but they preferred feeding you with false promises, and getting me, 
 through their high-blown resolutions, to do the same. They ^^•ill also tell you, 
 
The Attempted Invasion op Canada. 33 
 
 that -we were not prepared for a fight. No ; and what is more, -we never should, 
 so long as it was in their power to prevent it. I believe we were as weU pre- 
 pared for a fight in Canada this spring as we might ever hope to be ; for the 
 people were grown sick and tired of our oft-repeated and as often broken prom- 
 ises ; they were in no humor to sustain the Organization any longer as it stood : 
 we must either fight or boldly declare a change of pohcy. The Senate, or 
 rather P. J. Meehan, for it is useless to allude to the majority of that body ex- 
 cept as his tool, would do neither the one nor the other. No ! the delusion 
 must be kept up, and a plausible excuse for delaying the fight invented — a 
 quarrel with the President would serve this purpose best. 
 
 " O'NeiU assisted us for a time, but he now wants to redeem the pledges made 
 to the people in our name. He must be disposed of, as no longer a pUant tool. 
 His character has to be ruined, and we are experts in the business. John 
 O'Neill is become a second John O'Mahoney, and No. 10 "VV. Fourth St., a Moffat 
 Mansion. We, the representatives of the people, fifteen in number, no matter 
 if there is only a quorum of eight, with the Irish American, United Irishman, 
 and Irish Bepublic at our back, can make short work of him. Some, who may 
 happen to know better, will not beheve us, but the masses who know nothing 
 of the facts in the case, will take the word of fifteen men before that of one 
 man, especially as they form a delegated body authorized to speak for the Organ- 
 ization. Carey, McCloud, Hynes, Gibbons, Dunne, Fitzgerald, and McKinley, 
 are thoroughly conversant with their parts. Taking our experience into con- 
 sideration, failure is impossible. Our work, indeed, is not very honorable, but 
 that matters not ; have we not fought John O'Mahony and can we not fight any 
 other man ? Some of our number are rather too scrupulous to co-operate, but 
 they are not many, and wilLnot offer much active opposition, while we have such 
 resources for defamation at our disposal. In the end, they, too, will have to 
 fall into line, [some of them, however, to their credit, disappointed this expec- 
 tation]. If we could only force a quarrel -with O'Neill ; but it is now evident 
 that we must begin it ourselves, since, in spite of repeated provocations, he 
 keeps his temper. Quarrel, however, we must, at all hazards. We have placed 
 ourselves on record in favor of a fight ; that fact we will pubhsh to the world, 
 but, just as we are almost ready to meet the enemy, we will have to stop, in 
 order to save the honor of the Irish race, and the very Organization, from ruin. 
 Happy thought ! it wUl work like a charm. It will furnish us with a sufficient 
 pretext for deferring a fight for the next half century. Should he, however, 
 attempt to fight without our permission, [which will never be given,] we will 
 see to it that the movement is a failure, and we have done much towards that 
 ah-eady in destroying public confidence. We will then thi'ow the whole blame 
 on him, and proclaim to the world our own wisdom and forethought in seeing 
 disaster ahead. We are the only representatives of the Irish people, and we 
 only have the right to order a fight for Ireland." 
 
 God help poor Ireland, if she has to remain in bondage until freed by such 
 men ! 
 
 Let it not be supposed that I have any idea that the co-operation of the 
 Senate at the time of the movement would have enabled us to succeed, for I 
 have not. The one great essential to success, apart from a supply of arms, was 
 a sufficient number of men with faith and confidence enough in the leaders to 
 inaugurate the movement and transport the war material across the Une before 
 
34 Official Kepokt of 
 
 either government could know of their designs. In this lay the great diffi- 
 culty. Once the moTement was fairly set on foot, no man or set of men, no 
 matter what their pretensions, could keep Irishmen from fighting for their 
 country. Hence the start was everything. The Senate, through its false prom- 
 ises and resolutions during the last two years, had so often deceived the people 
 that nearly all confidence was lost in that honorable body, and since I, as Pres- 
 ident, was the priucipal representative of the Senate, many who at first had all 
 faith in my honesty of purpose, began to have serious misgivings of my sincerity. 
 I at no time, however, made a promise to the people which was not made in 
 perfect good faith, and to be carried out at the risk of my life. 
 
 In 1866 the Senate, in spite of the fact that thousands of soldiers, both Irish 
 and American, just returned from the battle-fields of a great civil war, were 
 ready to embark in any enterprise of the kind, and that their chief mihtary 
 officer was Gen. T. "W. Sweeny, one of the most popular soldiers of the Irish 
 race, were unable, after making the greatest exertions, to place more men on 
 the border within three days after commencing to move, than we did within the 
 same period. It was not until after the fight at Eidgeway that the people 
 began to put faith in the enterprise, and that men flocked to the border. Had 
 the fight at Eccles Hill gone on— it had hardly commenced when I was ar- 
 rested — and been a second " Eidgeway," and had we remained, as in 1866, two 
 days on the other side, I have no doubt that there would have been a greater 
 rush to the border than occurred in 1866. That they would have come too late 
 to be of any practical service, I also beUeve ; for after the first few days the 
 enemy was weU prepared, and the United States Government ready to intercept 
 us. In 1866 the entire blame of the failure feU on the shoulders of Gen. 
 Sweeny ; in 1870, Gen. O'Neill is the only one censured. In 1866 James 
 Stephens denounced the movement as treason to Ii-eland ; in 1870 James Gib- 
 bons begins where Stephens left off. So it goes. I do not know whether Gib- 
 bons went to Washington and dined with the Secretary of State, and in the 
 evening had himself serenaded, and made a speech from the balcony at Wil- 
 lard's, denouncing the movement, or not — all of which Stephens is said to have 
 done — but he issued a proclamation which will be read by posterity' , and which 
 no doubt pleased him quite as well. 
 
 In 1866, people generally supposed, myself among the number, that our 
 movement was nipped in the bud by the United States Government, but, such 
 was not the case. On the contrarj', we had opportunities afforded us such 
 as we could not again hope for. The most that we could safely calculate upon 
 before the direct interference of the U. S. Government, was three days, and all 
 of that time was allowed us. With a position secured on the other side, men 
 would afterwards join us despite the vigilance of the Government. My own 
 arrest by Gen. Foster was purely accidental. He had no soldiers to assist him 
 in stopping the movement. I have no fault, therefore, to find wath the action 
 of the Government ; for, while it is its boundeu duty to preserve the neutrality 
 laws, when it is evident that they are in danger of infringement, we had 
 every reasonable opportunity for evading the Government. The failure of 
 the movement is rather due to the failure of our men to come up in time. 
 
 The earnest co-operation of the Senate could not have improved our chances 
 of success, since both Governments would have been prepared to stop us at the 
 very start, as they would long beforehand have been apprised of our design. It 
 
The Attempted Invasion of Canada. 35 
 
 would be impossible for that body to keep such a secret. At one of their meet- 
 ings, held in Pittsburgh, Pa., June 29th, 1869, it was determined, in secret ses- 
 sion, to commence a movement on the 15th of the following September. The 
 first I knew of their having fixed the date was gleaned from the columns of a 
 Canadian newspaper. The sincerity, however, of this, their resolution, may be 
 iudged from the fact that, before adjourning, they pledged themselves, each to 
 go to work in his respective locality from the date of their return home until 
 the 10th of August, when they were to reassemble in New York to make final 
 arrangements, and there remain untO. the outset of the movement. This solemn 
 pledge to work actively for the cause was broken by nearly all of them. A few 
 of them came to New York at the appointed time, but it was not until after the 
 lapse of a week or ten days that they were able to have a quorum ; and when 
 they did meet, they had other matters beside the preparations for a fight with 
 the enemy to occupy their time. A quarrel with the President was found much 
 more congenial to their tastes. It is needless to say that they did not remain 
 in session until the army of the F. B. took the field. 
 
 Now, however, the long desired period for loud talk and patriotic inactivity 
 has arrived. They can now safely pass warhke resolutions and issue addresses 
 to their hearts' content. Nobody for the future will be so fool-hardy as to insist 
 upon a practical compliance with their promises, and the farce will be permit- 
 ted to go on without interruption. Gibbons may now play without fear of re- 
 buke his humorous role of military critic and instructor. Poor old man ! the 
 martial spirit still predominates ; let it have vent — the display will give him 
 pleasure and harm no one. 
 
 But why should I speak? I, the inmate of a common jail," "the associate 
 of thieves, house-burners, and every class of disreputable characters ;" an "ob- 
 ject of pity and contempt," and the "laughing-stock of all ! " Perhaps so. I 
 still, however, claim the right to speak, as one who joined the Fenian Brother- 
 hood to the direct injury of his every personal interest, in the hope of serving 
 Ireland ; as one who, with others, risked his hfe for Ireland under circum- 
 stances when few would have ventured, and, in so doing, won for the Brother- 
 hood the only victory it ever achieved on the field ; as one who, for the last 
 eighteen months, suffered untold tortures sooner than have an open rupture 
 with men who falsely professed to be working with him for Ireland ; as one 
 who robbed his family and his friends (his creditors) of the time and labor 
 which properly belonged to them, and who, with half of the energy devoted to 
 his business which he devoted to the cause, would have, at least, a home and 
 the comforts of life for his vrife and children during his enforced absence in 
 prison, instead of leaving them entirely destitute, without a dollar to pay the 
 grocery bill or the month's rent. I still claim the right to speak, as one accused 
 of squandering the hard-earned money of our people by the very parties who 
 induced him by their false promises to abandon his only means of support — 
 his private business, and who was afterwards compelled to deprive his family 
 even of the necessaries of life, in order to meet his obligations, and who has 
 now lain for several weeks in prison without a dollar to fee a lawyer, and with 
 the prospect of being immured within its walls for an indefinite period. I claim 
 the privilege to speak, as one who defies the most malignant, lying scoundrel 
 among his accusers to point to a single dollar of Fenian money by him squandered 
 tr misappropriated. In spite of the charges to the contrary, made by the 
 
-36 Official Eepoet 
 
 iMMACuiiATE Senators, Gibbons, Dunne, Hynes and McCloud, at tbe Chicago 
 ConTention, I shall be able to prove the honesty of my dealings with the Or- 
 ganizatiom from their own evidence in the general statement of my connection 
 with tho Fenian Brotherhood, soon to be pubUshed. 
 
 To the question, ' ' What is become of the moneys paid into the Fenian Trea- 
 sury ?" the best answer is contained in the following interrogatory: "How were 
 all the arms, war material and clothing, which thousands saw at Franldin and 
 Malone, procured and transported to the border ?" The alteration of breech- 
 loaders alone cost, according to Mr. Meehan, over sixty thousand dollars ; and 
 the Organization is in possession of ammunition and war material besides that 
 collected at Malone and Franldin. 
 
 In some few instances where I attended the meetings of circles, or accom- 
 panied special committees appointed to collect funds in Brooklyn and New York, 
 the money was given to me to be turned into the treasury. The Treasurer's 
 books and the financial statements will show that such moneys were in every 
 instance handed into the treasury, and the circles properly credited therewith. 
 The only money of the Fenian Brotherhood with which I have had anything to 
 do, from the time I became President, in January, 1868, up to the Congress held 
 in New York, last April, was that allowed me for salary and travelling expenses ; 
 the vouchers for which were examined and approved by the representatives of 
 the Organization at the Congresses held in Philadelphia and New York. One 
 of my chief defamers, at present, James Gibbons, was a party to their exami- 
 nation and approval. My travelling expenses were heavy, because I travelled 
 a great deal at the urgent desire of the Senate, to further the interests of the 
 Organization. For every dollar I have received since the adjournment of the 
 New York Congress I am prepared to furnish the necessary vouchers. 
 
 Nothing but the mean, lying, cowardly, attacks made upon my character, both 
 privately and pubhcly, in connection with the funds of the Organization, could 
 justify me, in referring to my business or family affairs in this statement. The 
 task is not a pleasant one, but it has been farced upon me by unprincipled 
 assailants. 
 
 Finally, I claim the privilege to speak, as one who (notwithstanding the un- 
 just and false reports of newsi^apers and newspaper correspondents, including 
 "Druid" (James Brennan) of the Irish American, the meanest and most cow- 
 ardly Uar of them all— a man who, in the past, talked loudly and learnedly of 
 war, but who managed to keep at a safe distance during the danger, and who 
 afterwards came to survey the situation, and, jackal-like, pilfer the character of 
 true men,) as one I say, who has 'materially aided in prei^aring the Irish people 
 to strike a blow at England, such as she had not received for ages. It will be 
 long, I fear, before Irishmen have another such opportunity, and, that the one 
 just past was not taken advantage of, they have but their own supineness to 
 blame. 
 
 To that portion of the Fenian Brotherhood, having for- its object the freedom 
 of Ireland through an invasion of Canada, I now bid farewell, and hereby resign 
 all connection,ofHcial or othei-n-ise, with it. I was an Ii-ishman, a patriot, and 
 a soldier for Ireland, before I ever had the honor of being enrolled a Fenian. 
 I am all three still. My connection with the Organization has neither made 
 me a "coward," a " traitor to Ii'cland," nor a "dishonest man." 
 I remain, gentlemen. 
 
 Very respectfully, your ob't servant, 
 
 JOHN O'NEILL. 
 
OFFICIAL REPORT 
 
 OF THE 
 
 BATTLE OF RID6EWAY, CANADA WEST, 
 
 FOUGHT JUNE 2d. 1866. 
 
 Headquaexees, Lake Eeie Dep't, I. E. A., | 
 June 27th, 1866. [ 
 
 Bbig. Gehl. 0. C. Teyis, Adjt. Genl. I. K. A. 
 
 General : — The following is an official report of the action of the men under 
 my command, from the time I left Nashville, Tenn., May 27th, 1866, until 
 June 3d, 1866 : 
 
 In obedience to orders received fi'om you, while I was in New York, I left 
 Nashville, May 27th, 1866, with one hundred and fifteen (115) men. On arriving 
 at Louisville, Ky., Col. Owen Starr, in command of one hundred and forty-four 
 (144) men joined us ; and at Indianapohs we were joined by about one hundred 
 (100) men under the command of Capt. Haggerty. We all arrived at Cleveland, 
 Ohio, on the night of the 28th ult., where I supposed we would attempt to 
 cross the lake. But no orders to that effect had been received there ; nor any 
 person there that could give us any definite information on the subject. 
 
 During the day of the 29th, Senator Morrison arrived from New York with 
 orders and instructions from General Sweeny, for Brig. Gen. Lynch. In the 
 absence of Gen. Lynch, the senior officer present was to receive the orders, 
 and carry out the instructions, which were : to effect a crossing at that point. 
 It was at once decided that Col. Owen Starr should command the expedition. 
 But during that afternoon Senator Bannon received a telegram from General 
 Sweeny, in answer to one which he sent in the morning, directing the men as- 
 sembled at Cleveland, to proceed at once to Buffalo, where Capt. Hynes, his 
 Asst. Adjt. Genl., had been sent with instructions and orders. 
 
 We arrived in Buffalo on the morning of the 30 th, and reported to Capt 
 Hynes. Here the men were distributed in squads all over the city. 
 
 I was informed by Capt. Hynes, that he looked for General Lynch, or some 
 other general officer, to command an expedition which was ordered to effect a 
 crossing into Canada at this point, and that arrangements were being made to 
 secure transportation, etc. He at the same time requested myself and the 
 other officers present, to assist him in making the necessary arrangements, 
 which we did. 
 
 The night of the 31st of May, being the time appointed for crossing ; and as 
 Gen. Lynch or no other general officer had arrived ; and as I was the senior 
 officer present, Capt. Hynes informed me that I should command the expedi- 
 tion, and proceeded verbally to give me a few general instructions, as to what I 
 should attempt on the other side. I received no written instructions, and had 
 no map of the country. 
 
38 Official Report of 
 
 I at once instructed the officers to look np the men, and have them ready to 
 march at a moment's notice ; and at 11 o'clock P. M., received a written order 
 from Captain Hynes, placing me in command of the expedition. 
 
 The number of men assembled here, which was reported to me, was about 
 eight hundred (800) — detachments from the following regiments : 13th Infan- 
 try, CoL John O'Neill ; 17th Infantry, Col. Owen Starr ; 18th Infantry, Lieut. 
 Col. Grace ; 7th Infantry, Col. John Hoy ; and two (2) companies from In- 
 diana under Captain Haggerty ; but the number of men that could be got 
 together when we crossed did not exceed six hundred (600) men. 
 
 About 12 o'clock the men commenced moving to a point called Lower Black- 
 rock, about three miles down the river ; and at 3.30 a. m., on the 1st of June, 
 aU of the men, with the arms and ammunition, were on board four canal boats, 
 and towed across the Niagara Kiver to a point on the Canadian side, called 
 Waterloo : and at 4 o'clock a. m. , the Irish flag was planted on British soil by 
 Col. Starr, who had command of the first two boats. 
 
 On landing I immediately ordered the telegraph wires leading from the town 
 to be cut ; and sent a party to destroy the railroad bridge leading to Port Col- 
 borne. 
 
 Col. Starr, in command of the Kentucky and Indiana troops, proceeded 
 through the town of Erie to the Old Fort, some three miles distant (up the river) 
 and occupied it for a short time, hoisting the Irish flag. 
 
 I then waited on the Beeve of Fort Erie, and requested him to see some of 
 the citizens of the place and have them furnish rations for my men, at the same 
 time assuring him that no depredations on the citizens would be permitted by 
 me, as we had come to drive out British authority from the soil, and not for the 
 purpose of pillaging the citizens. My request for provisions was promptly 
 complied with. 
 
 About 10 o'clock a. m. , I moved into camp on Newbiggin's Farm, situated on 
 Frenchman's Creek, four miles down the river from Fort Erie, where I remained 
 till 10 o'clock p. M. 
 
 During the afternoon, Capt. Donohue of the 18th, while out in command of a 
 foraging party, on the road leading to Chippewa, came up with the enemy's 
 scouts, who fled at his approach. Later in the afternoon, I sent Col. Hoy with 
 one hundred (100) men on the same road. He also came up with some scouts 
 about six miles from camp. Here I had him to halt. 
 
 By this time, 8 o'clock p. m. , I had received information that a large force f 
 
 the enemy — said to be five thousand strong — vsith. artillery, were advancing in 
 
 two columns— one from the direction of Chippewa, and the other from Port 
 
 Colborne ; also, that troops from Port Colborne were to attack me from the 
 
 _ lake side. 
 
 Here truth compels me to make an admission that I would fain keep from the 
 pubhc. Many of the men who crossed over with me the night before, managed 
 to leave the command during the day — some recrossed to Buffalo, and others 
 remained in houses around Fort Erie. 
 
 On account of this shameful desertion, and the fact that arms had been sent 
 with me for eight hundred (800) men, I had to destroy three hundred (300) 
 stand of arms to prevent them falling into the hands of the enemy. At this 
 time I could not depend on more than five hundred (500) men — about one tenth 
 the reported number of the euemy, which I knew were surrounding me — rather 
 
The Attempted Inyasion of Canada. 39 
 
 a critical position ; but I had been sent to accomplish a certain object, and I 
 was detennined to succeed 
 
 At 10 o'clock p. M., I broke camp and marched towards Chippewa ; and at 
 midnight changed direction and moved on the Limestone Eidge road, leading 
 towards Ridgeway — halting a few hours on the way to rest the men : this for 
 the purpose of meeting the column advancing from Port Colborne. My object 
 was to get between the two columns, and, if possible, defeat one of them before 
 the other could come to its assistance. 
 
 At about 7 o'clock a. m., 2d of June, when within three miles of Bidgeway, 
 Col. Owen Starr, in command of the advanced guard, came up with the ad- 
 vance of the enemy mounted, and drove them some distance till he got within 
 eight of their skirmish line, which extended on both sides of the road about 
 half a mile. 
 
 By this time, we could hear the whistle of the railroad cars, which brought 
 them from Port Colborne. I immediately advanced my skirmishers, and formed 
 line of battle behind temporary breast-works, made of rails, on a road leading 
 to Fort Erie, and running parallel with the enemy's line . The skirmishing was 
 kept up over half an houx*, when perceiving the enemy flanking me on both 
 sides, and not being able to draw out his centre, which was partially protected 
 by thick timber, I fell back a few hundred yards and formed a new line. The 
 enemy seeing I had only a few men, (about four hundred, ) and supposing that 
 we had commenced a retreat, advanced rapidly in pursuit. "When they got 
 dose enough, we gave them a volley and then charged them, di-iving them 
 nearly three miles through the town of Eidgeway. In their hasty retreat, they 
 threw away knapsacks, guns and everything that was likely to retard their 
 speed, and left some ten or twelve killed and twenty-five or thirty wounded, 
 with twelve prisoners in our hands. Amongst the killed was Lieut. McAhern, 
 and amongst the wounded Lieut. Ruth, both of the Queen's Own. I gave up 
 the pursuit about a mile beyond Ridgeway. 
 
 Although we had met and defeated the enemy, yet our position was still a 
 very critical one. The reported strength of the enemy engaged in the fight was 
 fourteen hundred (1400), composed of the Queen's Own, the 13th Hamilton 
 BattaUon, and other troops. A regiment which had left Port Colborne, was 
 said to be on the road to reinforce them. 1 also knew that the column from 
 Chippewa would hear of the fight, and in all probability would move up in my 
 rear. 
 
 Thus situated, and not knowing what was going on elsewhere, I decided that 
 my best poUcy was to return to Fort Erie, and ascertain if crossings had been 
 made at other points, and if so, I was willing to sacrifice myself and my noble 
 little command for the sake of leaving the way open, as I felt satisfied that a 
 large proportion of the enemy's forces had been concentrated against me. 
 
 I collected a few of my own wounded and put them in wagons, and for want 
 of transportation, had to leave six others in charge of the citizens who promised 
 to look after them, and bury the dead of both sides. I then divided my com- 
 mand, and sent one half under Col. Starr down the raih-oad to destroy it, and 
 bum the bridges ; and with the other half took the pike road leading to Fort 
 Erie. Col. Starr got to the old fort about the same time that we did to the vil- 
 lage of Fort Erie (4 o'clock p. m.) He left the men there under the command 
 of Lieut. -Col. Spaulding, and joined me in a skirmish with a company of the 
 
40 Official Report of 
 
 Welland Battery, wliicli liad arrived there from Port Colbome in the morning, 
 and which picked up a few of our men who had straggled from the command 
 the day before ; also a few who had basely fled on the approach of the enemy 
 at Kidgeway. They had those men prisoners on board of the steamer Robb. 
 The skirmish lasted about fifteen minutes. The enemy firing from the houses, 
 three or four men were killed, and some eight or ten were wounded on each 
 side. 
 
 It was here that Lieut.-Col. Bailey was wounded while gaUantly leading the 
 advance on one side of the town. We took some forty-five (45) of the enemy 
 prisoners, among them Capt. King, who was wounded, (leg since amputated, ) 
 Lieut. McDonald, Koyal Navy, and commander of the steamer Eobb, and 
 Lieut. Numo, Eoyal Artillery. I then collected my men and posted Lieut.-Col. 
 Grace with one hundi'ed (100) men on the outskirts of the town, guarding the 
 road leading to Chippewa, whUe with the remainder of the command I pro- 
 ceeded to the old fort. 
 
 About 6 o'clock a. m., I sent word to Capt. Hynes and our friends at Buffalo, 
 that the enemy could surround us before morning, with five thousand (5000) 
 men, fully provided with artillery, and that my httle command, which had by 
 this time considerably decreased, could not hold out long ; but that if a move- 
 ment was going on elsewhere, I was perfectly willing to make the old fort a 
 slaughter-pen, which I knew it would be the next day if I remained. For I 
 wovM never have surrendered. 
 
 Many of my men had not a mouthful to eat since Friday morning ; and none 
 of them had eaten anything since the night before, and all, after marching 
 nearly forty (40) miles and fighting two battles — though the last could only, 
 properly, be called a skirmish — they were completely worn out with hunger 
 and fatigue. 
 
 On receiving information that no crossing had been effected elsewhere, I sent 
 word to have transportation furnished immediately ; and about 10 o'clock p. m. 
 Capt. Hynes came from Buffalo, and informed me that he had made arrange- 
 ments for us to recross the river. 
 
 Previous to this time, some of the officers and men, realizing the danger of 
 our position, availed themselves of small boats and stole off, leaving their com- 
 rades, as they supposed, to the tender mercies of the enemy. But the greater 
 portion of the officers and men remained until the transportation arrived, which 
 was about 12 o'clock on the night of June 2nd ; and about 2 o'clock a. m. , on 
 the morning of the 3rd, all, except a few wounded men, were safely on board 
 a large scow attached to a tugboat, which hauled us into American waters. 
 Here we were hailed by the tug Harrison, belonging to the U. S. steamer Mich- 
 igan, having on board one 12-pounder pivot gun, which fired across our bows 
 and thi-eatened to sink us unless we hauled-to and surrendered. With the 
 request we complied, not only because we feared the 12-pounder, or the 
 still more powerful guns of the Michigan, which lay close by, but because we 
 respected the authority of the United States, in defence of which many of us 
 had fought and bled during the late war. Wo woidd have as readily surren- 
 dered to an infant bearing the authority of the United States, as to Acting Mas- 
 ter Monis, of the tug Harrison, who is himself an EugUshman. The number 
 thus surrendered was three hundred and seventeen men, including officers. 
 ;_ The officers were taken on board the "Michigan," and were well treated by 
 
The Attempted Invasion of Canada. 41 
 
 Capt. Bryson and the gentlemanly officers of his ship ; while the men were kept 
 on' the open scow, which was very filthy, without any accommodation what- 
 ever, and barely large enough for them to turn round. Part of the time the 
 rain poured down on them in torrents. 
 
 I am not certain who is to blame for this cruel treatment ; but whoever the 
 guilty parties are, they should be loathed and despised by all men. 
 
 The men were kept on board the scow for four days, and then discharged on 
 their own recognizance to appear at Canandaigua on the 19th tnst. to answer to 
 the charge of having violated the Neutrality Laws. The officers were admitted 
 to bail. 
 
 The report generally circulated — and I might say generally beUeved — that I 
 left my pickets out, and that they were captured by the enemy, is entirely false. 
 Every man who remained with the command, excepting a few wounded, had 
 the same chance of escaping that I had myself. 
 
 To the extraordinary exertions of Capt. Wm. J. Hynes, * Senator Fitzgerald, 
 and our friends of Bufialo, P. O'Day, F. B. Gallagher, Hugh Mooney, James 
 "Whelan, Capt. James Doyle, John Connors, Edward Frawley, James J. Crowley, 
 M. T. Lynch, James Cronin, and Michael Dunahey, we are indebted for being 
 able to escape from the Canadian side. Col. H. E. Stagg and Capt. McConvery 
 of Buffalo were also very efficient in doing everything in their power for us. 
 Col. Stagg had started from Buffalo with about two hundred and fifty (250) men 
 to reinforce us, but the number was too small to be of any use, and he was or- 
 dered to return. Much praise is due to Drs. Trowbridge and Blanchard of Buf- 
 falo, and Surgeon Donnelly of Pittsburgh, for their untiring attendance on the 
 wounded. 
 
 All who were with us acted their parts so nobly that I feel a httle delicacy in 
 making special mention of any, and shall not do so except in two instances. 
 One in the case of Michael Cochrane, color sergeant of the Lidianapolis Co., 
 whose gallantry and daring was conspicuous throughout the fight at Kidgeway. 
 I have since learned that he was severely wounded, and is in the hands of the 
 enemy • the other in that of Major John C. Canty, who lived at Fort Erie. He 
 risked eveiything he possessed on earth, and acted his part gallantly on the 
 field. 
 
 On account of being made a prisoner so soon, and not being able to get com- 
 plete reports from the regimental commanders, this report is not as complete as 
 I could wish it to be ; and as those officers are not now subject to my orders, I 
 would respectfully request that you order each regimental commander who 
 was with the expedition, to forward the names of the officers and men who base- 
 ly deserted the command, that they may forever be expelled from the Army of 
 L-eland, and their names forwarded to the different circles throughout the coun- 
 try, so that they may be held up to the ridicule and contempt of aU honest and 
 patriotic Irishmen. 
 
 * Capt. Hynes, in reporting to me, verbally, tlie efforts he had made to procure transporta- 
 tion and get us back across the river, with that pecaliar modesty which is all his own, tooi 
 great credit to himself for his sldllful management of the affair. But subsequent reports of 
 F. B. Gallagher, P. O'Day, and numerous other citizens of Buffalo, go to show, that if they 
 had not taken the matter eptirely out of his hands, and attended to it themselves in spite of 
 him, through his presumption and arrogance we should likely have had to remain on the other 
 side until the enemy came up the following morning. 
 
42 The Attempted Intasion of Canada. 
 
 In the fight at Eidgeway and the skirmish at Fort Erie, as near as I can ascer- 
 tain, our loss was eight killed and fifteen -wounded. Among the kiUed was 
 Lieut. E. K. Lonnergan, a brave young officer of Buflfalo. Of the enemy, thirty 
 (30) were killed, and one hundred (100) wounded. 
 
 I refer you to the accompanying reports of Col. Owen Starr, Col. John Hoy, 
 Capts. Shields, Conlon, and Munday, for individual acts of bravery ; and would 
 recommend that all officers who remained with the command, receive promo- 
 tion to one grade higher than they had, and the sergeants, corporals, and pri- 
 vates recommended by their immediate commanding officers, receive promotion 
 to fill their places. I would also recommend that Capt. Eodolph Fitzpatrick, 
 of my staff, be appointed Major in the A. G. Dept. 
 
 (Signed) JOHN O'NEILL, 
 
 Brig. Genl. I. R. A. 
 
 Note. — The number of the enemy killed and wounded, was made up from personal obser- 
 vation, reports of prisoners, and general report at the time. I beUeve, howeyer, that tho 
 figures are too high, but I have not been able to get the exact numbers. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 4 ♦ » 
 
 EEPOET OF MAJOE DANIEL MUEPHT. 
 
 Bkidgeport, Ct., June, 1870. ' 
 Gen. John CNeill, 
 
 Bear Sir, and Brother : — In compliance with, your request for a report of my 
 connection with the late disastrous movement on Canada, and of the part I 
 took in that affair, I hereby most respectfully state the following facts : 
 
 On May 16th, 1870, I received orders from the Headquarters of the F. B., (of 
 which I have not a copy, ) directing me (as captain) to prepare my company at 
 once for a forward movement, as final orders would be issued in a few days. 
 
 I need hardly assure you that I was much surprised at this, for it will be re- 
 membered by many of the delegates of the New York Congress, (held April 
 19th, 1870,) as well as by yourself, I presume, that I declined having anything 
 to do with a movement which I believed to be premature, and supported only 
 by a fragment of the Irish people. This sentiment I gave utterance to in the 
 Congress ; and I may here add, it was the sentiment of the best men compos- 
 ing that body outside Manhattan, and Gen. J. J. Donnelly. I went further, by 
 informing that body that they could not depend on any men from Connecticut 
 to inaugurate the movement, as I believed the Organization in that State to be 
 demoraUzed, which assertion afterwards proved true. At these remarks Gen. 
 J. J. Donnelly honored me by descending from his dignified position, as Speaker 
 of the House, in order to reply and counteract their apparent efi'ects, if possi- 
 ble. This he accomplished to his entire satisfaction, being well adapted and 
 fully competent to control the opinions of such an audience as he was then ad- 
 dressing, to neither of which qualities do I lay claim. This gentleman con- 
 cluded his speech with the following declaration, as near as I can remember, 
 and for the falsity of whichi I hope he will now answer to the Irish people, or 
 at least to that portion of them who contributed of their limited means, as far 
 as in them lay, to the support of the F. B. , and the purchase of that war mate- 
 rial which was squandered on the frontier and stolen by the Canadians : 
 
 "It makes little difference whether Capt. Murphy or the men of Bridgeport 
 take part in the movement or not ; whether the men of Connecticut take part 
 in it or not ; there are men enough without them, who have had their transpor- 
 tation money in their pockets and their rations cooked for the past week, and 
 the movement will be made." Here I dropped the matter with the remark that, 
 if they were determined to move, I should place no barrier in the way, and sub- 
 sequent events prove that I have kept my promise. Did Gen. Donnelly keep 
 tis ? In order to show the value of promises made at those Congresses, I wiU 
 cite a few instances, and most respectfully ask those who ought to know, were " 
 the promises redeemed ? W. J. Davis, of Brooklyn, promised $5,000.00 in seven 
 days ; Gen, Donnelly the same ; others promised according to the temperature 
 
44 Official Eepoet of 
 
 of their pseudo patriotism, the whole amounting (on paper) to $15,000.00. Ac- 
 cording to the report of the military committee $30,000.00 was deemed neces- 
 sary to a successful inauguration of the movement, but by some mathematical 
 calculations this sum was subsequently reduced to $15,000.00, which was to be 
 paid into Headquarters in seven days after the adjournment of Congress. 
 I am now informed by you. General, and Gen. Donnelly, also, that only about 
 $2,000.00 of this amount was received at Headquarters in thirty days, of 
 which the few patriotic Irish Nationalists I represented, (after promising 
 nothing,) furnished $250.00. 
 
 Now, then, in the face of these facts and figures, on whose shoulders will his- 
 tory lay the cause of that disastrous movement, with scarce one dollar in the 
 treasury ? I will leave that question for you, General, and General Donnelly, 
 also, to answer. If desired, I wiU give the names of all the parties promising 
 money at the New York Congress, that the world may know who those parties 
 are who urged us on to the cannon's mouth and then deserted us. To go back 
 to the prehminary order already alluded to, uiDon the receipt of it, I immediate- 
 ly concluded to be there myself at least. I informed a few fiiends of what was 
 on foot, and, also, of my decision in the matter ; the result of this was that on 
 Saturday, May 21st, when final orders were received, about 30 names were on 
 the roU, all of whom were ready and anxious to be the first in the field. What 
 were we to do on Monday morning when these men expected to leave for the 
 front ? Not one dollar was in the treasury, (in fact, we had neither treasury 
 nor organization, ) but, by the extraordinary exertion of a few devoted sons of 
 Ireland, the requisite amount (three hundred doUars) was raised, and at 11.30 
 p. M., we were all on board the train for St. Albans via Springfield, some of us 
 paying our own fare. 
 
 I might mention here, that before leaving Bridgeport, Capt. Fitzpatrick was 
 elected captain of the company, I having previously received an appointment 
 as Major, which position it was not my intention to hold when in the field. On 
 arriving in Springfield on Tuesday morning, April 24th, we found a company 
 from Portland, Connecticut, under the command of a Capt. Ahern. This was 
 the first time on the route that we learned that any one knew of the movement. 
 We rested a few hours on the soft side of a plank board in one of the Spring- 
 field halls, kindly given to us gratis bj' the proprietor. At 8 o'clock a. m. , we 
 were all on board the train for St. Albans, after travelling about one hundred 
 miles without meeting any one who knew anything of the movement, or who 
 was bent on the same mission. I began to doubt whether there really was a 
 movement going on or not. On arriving at White Eiver Junction, we were re- 
 inforced by eight men from Norwich, Connecticut, and with the exception of 
 about half a dozen more who joined us on the road, all the men on board that 
 train bound for Canada on a hostile mission were Connecticut men. On aniv- 
 ing at Essex Junction, we were met by about 170 men from New York, under 
 the command of Lieut. Col. Leddy. Somewhat encouraged at this acquisition 
 to our numbers, and informed by some of those braggarts from New York (of 
 whom I shall presently speak) that thousands more were coming on the next 
 train, wo sent the following dispatch to Bridgeport : 
 
The Attempted Inyasion of Canada. 45 
 
 Essex JtracnoN, Vt., May 24:th, 1870. 
 John CuiiUNAN : 
 
 SrB : Great excitement here ; thousands of men on the road ; send men 
 quick. 
 
 D. Mttrpht. 
 
 The result of the above ■was, that on the 26th, two days afterwards, 28 more 
 men arrived at St. Albans from Bridgeport, under the command of Lieut. Fran- 
 cis Connery. 
 
 On arriving at St. Albans, where we expected to learn that at least the men 
 of Boston who, five weeks previously, according to Gen. Donnelly's statement, 
 had their transportation money in their pocket and their rations cooked, were 
 there before us, to our great surprise they were not arrived, nor scarcely any 
 one else, according to information received from citizens of Vermont. Intoxi- 
 cated, I suppose, with an intense desire to meet the enemy of our race and 
 country in the open field, we did not believe the citizens of Vermont. Gen. 
 Donnelly here informed me that Gen. Lewis had crossed the border with about 
 200 men, and that two or three hundred more were on the way to reinforce him, 
 and that Gen. O'Neill was at the front and would make a crossing next morn- 
 ing at three o'clock with aU the available force he could command ; that I was 
 expected to take command of -the Connecticut men (which now numbered,about 
 70) and make a forced march to the front in order to be there in time for the 
 crossing. It was now about 7 o'clock p. M. as we took up our Hne of march 
 for tie front by the Faii-field and Highgate road, 14 miles from Franklin, the 
 New York men taking the Sheldon road, 19 miles from Franklin. There being 
 no provision made for hard tack, we halted about two miles outside the town, 
 sent back for three days' rations, paid for it with money subscribed by the citi- 
 zens of Bridgeport, and at 10 o'clock p. m. started for the front under the 
 direction of a guide, who, I might here remark, guided us seven miles out of 
 the way and over the roughest road it has ever been my experience to travel, 
 and in one of the darkest nights. Now it may be said that the men of Bridge- 
 port commenced to prove themselves Irishmen worthy of the name ; during 
 that long and tedious march over the rugged ibad of Northern Vermont, they 
 never faltered, they never murmured. They knew their instructions, and, as 
 thorough revolutionists, they appreciated the value of time by moving forward 
 swiftly and pushing the Portland men, who, I must say, showed a very poor 
 disposition to get to the front. As for the men of Norwich, they could not be 
 managed ; they put iip in a barn by the road-side. In consequence of the seven 
 miles extra inflicted on us by our faithful Enghsh guide, for such we found him 
 to be when too late, we did not arrive at the front until 5 o'clock in the morn- 
 ing of the 25th ; every Bridgeport man was at his post with a single exception, 
 and this through mistake, by mixing up with the New York men before leaving 
 St. Albans. 
 
 By this it will be seen that in the space of about thirty hours we traversed 350 
 miles of railroad, and marched through thirty miles of mud. On arriving at 
 the front almost exhausted, what a scene presented itself to men who had 
 already been informed that there were men enough without them ; here and 
 there were seated a few squads of men ; some were lying around loose in a de- 
 morahzed condition ; and, God knows, I could not blame them, for, perhaps 
 
46 Official Eepoet of 
 
 some of them were told the same story that was told to me ; perhaps many of 
 them received the same insult that I received ; but, whether they did or not, in 
 my humble opinion they were in no condition for an offensive movement. The 
 first cheering news we received was that Gen. O'Neill had not men enough to 
 cross the line, that the brave Gen. Lewis had deserted his post, and that the 
 whole affair had gone up. We hoped against hope that we were not deceived 
 by some one ; but in vain — ^we were ; and we hope now, and trust, that no mat- 
 ter what the difficulty between the authors of that unfortunate movement, and 
 other contending factions, might be, a satisfactory explanation will be given 
 to the parties who risked their lives in such a hopeless affair, and also to an out- 
 raged people who supported the movement and furnished the transportation 
 and war material. About 8 o'clock I received warning to prepare for marching 
 orders at a moment's notice. For some time it was a question in my mind 
 whether I should obey this order or not. I really had no command, there were 
 only about 60 men from Connecticut, half of whom would not go into the en- 
 emy's country without five hundi'ed men went, and did not go. It was now 
 about 10 o'clock, and the braggarts from New York, who left St. Albans the 
 same time we did, had not yet arrived. I finally concluded as the least of two 
 evils' to go to the front ; so did Capt. Fitzpatrick of the Bridgeport company, 
 whose name deserves special mention here for bravery and gallant conduct in 
 the presence of the enemy — also the company he had the honor of commanding. 
 Capt. Ahem and his lieutenant, of the Portland company, after failing to' induce 
 their men to meet the enemy, shouldered muskets themselves and fell into the 
 ranks with the men of Bridgeport, at half past 10 o'clock. Capt. Fitzpatrick's 
 company, now numbering about 40 men, were inspected by Gen. Donnelly, and 
 I may say here, they were the only men on the ground who were subjected to 
 inspection. About half past 11 we were ordered to march, and in less than 
 half an hour we were engaged with the enemy. Before leaving the road leading 
 from the United States to Canada, Francis Caraher, of Bridgeport, fell seriously 
 wounded, while crossing an open lot which led to the woods back of Richards's 
 house. Lieut. Hope, also of Bridgeport, fell seriously wounded and was car- 
 ried from the field under a shower of British bullets by Sergeant T. J. O'Don- 
 nell, of the same company. On ariiving on the summit of a hill in the woods, 
 a brisk fire was kept up with the enemy, the colors of the Burlington men being 
 placed there by Capt. Fitzpatrick, around which every man from Bridgeport, 
 with a few others, rallied. At this time about 70 men were present ; where the 
 remainder of them went, I cannot inform you ; but I think, some of them went 
 to the rear. Soon after, I was ordered by you, General, to take charge of the 
 men while you went back to hurry up the New York men, who left St. Albans 
 when we did, and had not yet arrived, it being now 2 o'clock. Before assum- 
 ing command, we retreated out of range of the enemy's guns, where we re- 
 mained until J. Boyle O'Reilly returned with the news of your aiTest, where- 
 upon I despatched a corporal's giiard (not having but about two good on%s) to 
 ascertain whether Gen. Donnelly and his corporal's guard were still shut up in 
 Kichards's house and barn. In an hour they returned with the information 
 that he and his men had escaped. At this time (-1 o'clock) we had about 40 
 men, and, judging it useless to remain there longer, I returned ^vith my com- 
 mand to the camp ; here we met the New York men for the first time since we 
 parted from them at St. Albans. They managed to get to the front about ten 
 
The Attempted Invasion of Canada. 47 
 
 hours later than we did ; and here, amidst a set of far more demoralized men 
 than it had been our misfortune to meet in the same place in 1866, we came to 
 the conclusion that we, at least, were humbugged badly, that the representa- 
 tions made to us were false, utterly so, and then steered our course homeward, 
 after caring for our wounded men and providing for their transit to St. Albans, 
 and then to Bridgeport. On our arrival in the first-named place, we met at 
 least 150 men from various parts of Connecticut, and a fine body of men they 
 were ; I believe I can safely say they were much the finest and best conducted 
 body of men we saw at St. Albans. On the 27th of May we were arrested and 
 sent to jail. 
 
 In conclusion, I have only a few words to say, and they are to those who 
 might be drawn into a similar movement hereafter by any- man or faction of 
 men. Never go to Canada on a hostile mission, for, jiist as sure as you do, you 
 wiU fail, if Uncle' Sam is not at your back. Never join an organization of Irish 
 Nationahsts (so called) if they are not united ; you are only helping to prolong 
 the quarrel and indefinitely postpone the freedom of Ireland. You cannot ex- 
 pect that a set of men, who are always quarrelling with each other for power 
 and favor, when the enemies of our unfortunate country are blazing away at 
 our fathers and mothers with the fatal quiver of starvation, wiU be men enough 
 to forget those quarrels when the enemy is vanquished. No ; they will carry 
 this feeling with them to the verge of the grave, and perhaps further. We have 
 no quarrel vrtth any'of those factions ; and feeling that we have done our duty, 
 we now withdi-aw from any farther connection with any faction calUng itself by 
 any name. We have attended a few congresses of the Organization, and heard 
 nothing but lying and scoundrelism, the most solemn pledges broken, and all the 
 gasconade when outside the congress hall vanish into thin air. It is very con- 
 venient in case of failure to have one man upon whose shoulders the odium of 
 such failures may forever rest, but in my opinion (and I know from experience 
 what I am talking about) the cause of the failures is justly attributed to the 
 gas-blowers who attended those congresses, and there made promises which 
 they never made an effort to redeem. This is why I think the names of those 
 men should be known. I now close this story of my experience with Fenian- 
 ism, and with it close my connection with any of its present contending fac- 
 tions. 
 
 Wishing you success in anything you may undertake, I remain, dear General, 
 very truly your friend, 
 
 D. MURPHY, Ex-Major I. R. A. 
 
EXTEACTS FEOM GEN. DONNELLY'S KEPOET. 
 
 On my arriYal in Boston, I found that but one circle in the State could be 
 said to be actually in existence — the O'Neill circle of Cambridge. The time was 
 too short for reorganization of circles, and at a meeting of the prominent men 
 amongst those who had been members of the Organization, it was decided to 
 ignore the circles and to appoint in their stead transportation committees for 
 the various localities, the chairmen of which would form a central committee, 
 which would meet in Boston at the call of its chairman. This plan was found 
 to work admirably. It gave everybody an opportunity to work, and aU who 
 could be reached did go to work with a will. I visited Providence, and set the 
 ball in motion at that point and vicinity in a similar manner. Nothing could 
 exceed the enthusiasm of the people at'this time. All former dissensions seemed 
 to be forgotten, andaU Irish Organizations vied with each other in the work of 
 procuring men and means. The result was that on the 18th day of April a force 
 of one thousand men could have been marched from the districts above named. 
 The enemy, however, had in the meantime possessed himself of very con-ect 
 information of-our intentions, and prepared for our reception to an extent that 
 induced a change in the time of making the attempt to cross the border. 
 ******* 
 
 On my return to Boston, May 8th, I foun'd the enthusiasm of the people very 
 much cooled off by my delay in New York, which you know was unavoidable ; 
 but in Providence, Lawrence, Lowell, and many other places, the committees 
 were working very energetically. After repeated meetings, the people of Boston 
 were again at work in earnest ; new companies were formed, and enhstments 
 were proceeding rapidly ; companies from the I. E. B. and other Organizations 
 tendered their services ; the officers of the Savage circles called upon me and 
 tendered their support. The President of the convention of Irish Societies 
 called a meeting of that body, the members of which pledged their siapport. 
 Many civic societies called meetings, voted a portion of their funds, and ap- 
 pointed committees to aid in raising transportation for men to the front. Alto- 
 gether the situation was very encouraging, and I left Boston for Vermont on the 
 17th of April with the firmest conviction that Massachusetts and Rhode Island 
 would furnish at least one thousancl men for the first movement. Before leav- 
 ing, I issued the final orders to move the troops so as to have them amve at St. 
 Albans at 6 o'clock a. m. on the 2ith of April, and, to the utmost of my ability, 
 impressed upon the central committee the necessity of i)rompt action and no 
 delays. For this I made out and gave them the time of the trains starting from 
 the various points, so as to unite at White Biver Junction, Vermont. 'Mj de- 
 bire was to remain and bring the troops forward with me ; but, for reasons well 
 known to you, my i^resence in Vermont was deemed necessary for at least a 
 •week before the move. 
 
The Attempted Inyasion of Canada. 49 
 
 The hour (5 o'clock p. m., May 23d) had now arrived for the men to start 
 from Boston, and if anything was wanting to convince me that they would come 
 on time, it was furnished in a dispatch from Boston to the superintendent of 
 the Vermont Central Eailroad, asking him to send cars enough to White River 
 Junction to transport one thousand men. I watched the depot until I saw the 
 cars sent, and then returned to the house of a friend. 
 
 ******** 
 
 I consider the conduct of the officers at the rear as anything but soldierly. 
 After your arrest, their first duty wais to ascertain who the ranking officer was, 
 and report to him for duty, instead of lying around the camp or holding town 
 meetings in the fields ; and if, as I am informed, they believed me and my 
 handful of men to be shut up with the prospect of capture, their failure to come 
 forward and relieve me was cowardly in the extreme. I would have gone far- 
 ther to relieve any one of them. 
 
 After all, it is better as it was. The whole movement failed on Tuesday morn- 
 ing, with the failure of the men from Boston to arrive on the 6 o'clock train, as 
 agreed upon. After that time, nothing could be done to make the movement a 
 success. We might have made a pretty good fight, if we could have got 500 or 
 600 men across at Pigeon HiU. If the New York men had been up in time, you 
 no doubt would have captured Eccles Hill ; but we would have been flanked 
 out of it in our tarn, for the enemy had 1500 men there by 3 o'clock p. m., and 
 with the New York men we would only have had about 300 men by that hour — 
 a force totally inadequate to hold the position, as, when turned, it had no ad- 
 vantages. If, on the other hand, all or one half of the men we were promised, 
 had arrived on time, I think there is no doubt but that we could have been suc- 
 cessful. Nothing but the failure of the men to arrive at the proper time pre- 
 vented the carrying out of your plans successfully. The enemy was totally un- 
 prepared to receive us on Tuesday morning. Had 400 men arrived in St. Al- 
 bans at 6 o'clock in the morning, I could have taken them into St. Johns by 
 railroad without the slightest opposition. There was not a soldier in St. Johns 
 until about 4 o'clock p. m. I could have been there at 9 o'clock A. M. Had I 
 succeeded in occupying St. Johns, I would have been in a position to threaten 
 Montreal, supported by you with what force could be spared from the camp at 
 Pigeon Hill. I would therefore have occupied the attention of all the forces the 
 enemy .could have mustered for at least four days, which would have given you 
 all the opportunity you desired to place our war material on the Canadian bor- 
 der, in the hands of men who would then have had the courage to use it. 
 
 Gen. Starr's command would have met with no opposition until he reached 
 the vicinity of St. Johns, as the enemy could not turn upon him without expos-1 
 ing his flank and rear to an attack of our combined forces at St. Johns and 
 Pigeon Hill, besides uncovering Montreal, only 20 miles from St. Johns. 
 
 It may be said that Montreal had but little to fear from a force of 400 men, 
 even if I had occupied St. Johns. But it must be borne in mind, that had one 
 haK the number of men arrived on time, which we were most positively assured 
 would come, my force would have been increased to 1500 men on Wednesday 
 night — exclusive of Lewis's men or Sinnott's expedition — a force amply suffi- 
 
50 Official Report of 
 
 cient to hold in check any force the enemy could muster south of the St. Law- 
 rence at that time. Even as late as Friday they had but 2000 men. It must 
 also be remembered that aU communications would have been cut south of the 
 river, -ss-hich would have prevented the mustering of the militia in that district 
 in a great measure. The simple fact of the capture of St. Johns would have 
 made it necessary for a large force to remain in Montreal and Quebec to take 
 care of the Fenians at these points, who would certainly have shown their hand 
 had we been at all successful in our first efforts. The occupation of the points 
 designated in your plan was, on Tuesday morning, a very easy feat to accom- 
 plish. But on Wednesday, at noon, it was impossible, even with a considera- 
 ble force, as the enemy was then occupying these points, and could have held 
 them against such troops as we could have brought against them. Neither 
 theirs nor ours were the kind of troops to attack a position with, as neither 
 ■were sufldciently drilled or organized, and the force occupying the position in 
 8uch a contest was the one likely to be victorious. Hence the necessity of mov- 
 ing before the enemy was prepared. That we calculated correctly in this re- 
 spect is well known and admitted, as it is known to every one who was near the 
 line at that time, that the volunteers did not receive orders to march until 
 Tuesday morning, notwithstanding the fact that the government was notified at 
 4 o'clock Monday afternoon, that the Fenians were on the move. After the offi- 
 cers received their orders, they were obliged to collect their men, in many cases 
 scattered over a whole township, attending to their farms or their workshops ; a 
 work that required days rather than hours to accomplish. Never was a more 
 complete surprise effected, and nothing but the tardiness of the men in coming 
 forward at the time agreed upon prevented the occupation of the whole coun- 
 try south of the St. Lawrence within three days, and without the loss of as 
 many men as were sacrificed in ouf failure to obtain even a foothold. 
 
 But why were our men so much behind time ? We believed, not without the 
 most positive assurance, that .Vermont would furnish at least 700 men at Frank- 
 lin by daylight Tuesday morning ; that Massachusetts and Rhode Island would 
 send 1000 men to St. Albans by six o'clock A. m. ; that 200 pickod men wotdd 
 be at Island Pond about the same time ; that New York and Brooklyn would 
 furnish 600 men on Tuesday evening at 6 o'clock ; that from western New York, 
 Albany, Troy, Newark, Bridgeport and New Haven, 1500 men would arrive at 
 Malone during Tuesday and the forenoon of Wednesday ; and from each of these 
 points we expected at least an equal number of men would arrive within forty- 
 eight hours after the first detachments. The failure of Vermont I can account 
 for, because I was there and covild see for myself. The officer in charge of 
 military affairs had no men. He had done nothing to organize troops. This is 
 the man who pledged 700 men last April. 
 
 Why New York and Brooklyn sent 170 instead of 600 I have not yet learned ; 
 neither can I inform you of the reason why western New York did not furnish 
 the 1000 men said to be ready to march across the hne last April. Bridgeport 
 famished more men than was expected, and they arrived before they were ex- 
 pected. Major Murphy and Capt. Fitzpatrick did their duty certainly. Capt. 
 £enally of Marlboro also brought the number of men he promised. The other 
 places mentioned were not depended upon, except Massachusetts and Bhode 
 Ifilaud. These States, together with Vermont, were depended upon above all 
 
The Attempted Invasion of Canada. 61 
 
 others, as from these States we expected men first ; yet of all others, these 
 States failed most completely, and of all the failures this to me is the most 
 incomprehensible. I have written to get some light upon the subject, but have 
 not yet been informed. I have inquired of the few who did come, but I am 
 not willing to beheve some of the statements my inquiries ehcited. I cannot 
 believe that the men who shook my hand on my departure from Boston, wish- 
 ing me God speed, and pledging me to do all in their power to get the men 
 ready and forward them promptly on time, would deUberately go to their homes 
 and shrewdly wait until the fight had actually commenced before they would 
 send the men upon whom we were depending to begin the fight. I cannot be- 
 lieve that, in the face of my most positive assurance that men would cross the 
 lines on Monday night, depending upon their support on Tuesday morning, 
 they would cold bloodedly determine to wait to learn the fate of these before 
 they sent a man to assist them. And yet. Col. McGinniss, the officer selected 
 by these men to command the troops from Massachusetts, instead of moving 
 his command on Monday at 5 o'clock p. m., as he was ordered, waited until 
 Tuesday night, and then came to St. Albans alone, and there stated, in the pres- 
 ence of at least fifty persons, that he was sent to ascertain whether a fight was 
 really going on. If he was satisfied, he said, that we were fighting, he would 
 telegraph to Massachusetts, where 3000 men were all ready to start for the front. 
 Now, why was not a part of these men sent when it was promised they would 
 come? Perhaps prudential considerations had- something to do with the delay. 
 If this was the case, the men of Boston may in the future have the consoling 
 reflection that their prudence more than any and all things else contributed to 
 the failure. 
 
 But, whatever was the cause, the men did -not come, and we have therefore 
 added another to the many failures which Irishmen have made in their struggle 
 with the foe of their race. You and many other good men are in prison ; I 
 soon expect to keep you company, and so ends the invasion (?) of Canada. But 
 it will be a long time before we hear the last of it. Of course you are to blam& 
 for it all. Well, that is but fair. You would have received the largest share ol 
 the praise if we had succeeded. 
 
 I notice the generalship of Pigeon Hill and Trout River is severely criticised. 
 Well, I for one am perfectly willing that those who criticise should take the 
 same number of men under similar circumstances and try their hand at general- 
 ship. But you ought to have had more men there, they wiU say. I know we ought ; 
 but how could we, when those who pledged themselves to do so, failed to send 
 them ? Some will say — indeed many have ah'eady said, " Why did you attempt 
 to cross with so few men?" These same men would have been the first to cry 
 out " cowards," if we had refused to cross with half that number. 
 
 I notice the press and people are severe on you, and claim you made arrange- 
 ments for your arrest. I would pay no attention to this. Time will show the 
 injustice of the foul slanders that are finding circulation among the people. 
 Unfortunately for you, the first intelligence was carried to the rear by those 
 who were never at the front, or were the first to run away. Among the few 
 brave fellows who remained with me to the last, not one is found to blame you, 
 and none had more reason to complain of your arrest than they, as its imme- 
 diate effect was to shut us up in a position which was anything but agreeable. 
 
52 Official Keport of 
 
 These men -were not the sort who would lightly overlook an act of cowardice in 
 their officers. 
 
 You are to blame, however, and so am I and many others, for believing so 
 imphcitly in the promises of the'people to support a movement against the en- 
 emy, when they were convinced that we were about to commence it. We 
 ought to have known that those who make an excuse to shirk their part of the 
 necessary preparation, would find some excuse to avoid their share of the 
 work when it was actually begun. There is any amoimt of honest (?) indigna- 
 tion manifested at " the disgrace it has brought upon us," by those who failed 
 in toto to perform one act or hft a finger to make it a success. But these people 
 win prate about what wonders they were accomphshing in the way of raising 
 men and means, when they heard of the arrest of O'NeiU. But in this case, as 
 in every other, they began too late. If they had begun their efforts to assist us 
 sooner, you would not have been arrested. You must not understand from 
 this that I do not believe the Irish people would support a fight, and fight as 
 desperately for the success of their own cause as they did for the stranger, if 
 they could be convinced that fighting was intended ; but it needs too much to 
 convince them, — nothing less than the actual commencement of hostihties. 
 Any one who can afford to commence hostihties against Great Britain in the 
 nsxi^e of the Irish people at his own expense, has a splendid opening for busi- 
 ness in that hne, and wiU undoubtedly have the support of the Irish people 
 after he has got fairly under way. 
 
 I cannot close this without ej^pressing my gratitude to the people of St. Al- 
 bans and Burltagton for their kind treatment of me whilst amongst them. 
 
 Gen. Foster, U. S. Marshal, and his deputy, J. M. SmaUey, Esq., were untir- 
 ing in their efforts to make my situation as comfortable as circumstances 
 would admit, nor were their efforts confined to me alone. Both of these 
 gentlemen used their own funds freely in feeding the men at St. Albans, 
 and forwarding them to their homes. Mr. Brainard, who became my bail, has 
 placed me under lasting obhgations, my counsel, Guy C. Noble, Esq., noble by 
 nature as well as by name, has my everlasting gratitude. 
 Very respectfully. 
 
 Your obt. servant, 
 
 J. J. DONNELLY. 
 
SUPPLEMENT TO GENEEAL PtEPORT. 
 
 New Yoke, November ls(, 1870. 
 
 General Donnelly, whose sincerity, patriotism and courage cannot be doubt- 
 ed, gave up a lucrative business in Utica, N. Y., to go to Massachusetts and 
 Khode Island for the purpose of organizing a force in those two States to assist 
 in commencing a movement. He repeatedly assured me that I could depend 
 on from ten to twelve hundred men the first day, and on an equal number the 
 second day. I have no doubt but that this promise would have been made 
 good, if the movement had ^taken place before the 19th of April, as at fii-st 
 intended, and the General had been in Boston to personally superintend the 
 forwarding of troops. Delay seems to have had a disastrous effect. It is not 
 easj', however, to understand why the parties who were left in charge, and who, 
 it appears, solemnly pledged themselves to forward the men, so utterly failed to 
 keep their word. I have been informed that some of the wealthiest and most 
 respectable of our countrymen in Massachusetts and Ehode Island were mem- 
 bers of the various committees . I now ask Gen. Donnelly to furnish me with 
 a hst of their names, to be published with his report, so that the pubhc may 
 know the parties who could so trifle with the sacred cause of Ireland and the 
 lives of their feUow countrymen. On Massachusetts and Bhode Island, more 
 than on any other States, did I rely for men to commence the movement, and 
 in none others was I so grievously disappointed. The failure of the men to ar- 
 rive in time gave the enemy ample opportunity to put himself in readiness . Af- 
 ter my arrest there was very little chance of effecting anything at any point, A 
 great deal has been said about a lack of competent officers. Had the men been 
 prompt in coming up, there would have been no lack of able officers, for they 
 would have been ordered up : as it was, there was no occasion for a display of 
 generalship. 
 
 I shall soon publish the Report of Gen. Donnelly, which reached me too late 
 to be inserted here in full : also, the reports of the other officers who were pres- 
 ent at Franklin, and of those at Malone and Island Pond ; and of such as 
 were to operate against the Ked Eiver expedition. 
 
 The road v/hich Major Murphy took from St. Albans to Franklin was much 
 shorter than that over which Col. Leddy and his men had to travel, the latter 
 having been ordered to take said road for the purpose of arming his men at a 
 house on the way, where some of our arms, etc., were stored. It was feared 
 that the teams engaged to haul them to the front would not be able to get them 
 all up before the United States soldiers, who were said to be on the way, would 
 intercept them. The extra distance which Major Murphy and his men had to 
 travel, through mistake of the guide, more than made up for this difference. I 
 have not yet had a report from Col. Leddy, consequently I cannot say what ex- 
 cuse he has to offer for the delay in getting to camp, but aU other reports which 
 I have received go to show that his men made no great effort to get up in time. 
 
54 Official Eepoet of 
 
 I know that the road was bad and the men unaccustomed to marching, and 
 no doubt hung^3^ Yet, of all the men whom I expected on the border, I de- 
 pended more upon those from New York to overcome such difficnltiea par- 
 ticularly when they were told that I had crossed the line, and expected them to 
 hurry to my assistance. There were plenty of provisions for them in camp. 
 
 SENDING THE MEN HOME, 
 
 In behalf of the Fenian Brotherhood and the cause of Irish liberty, I beg to 
 return my sincere thanks to the Hon. Wm. M. Tweed, of New York, who has 
 forever endeared himself to the gratitude of the Irish people, by his great kind- 
 ness and liberality in furnishing transportation to their homes for a large num- 
 ber of the men who went to the border. 
 
 Soon after my arrest, several gentlemen in and around Burlington, Vt., came 
 to me and offered to go on my bonds. The commissioner who first fixed the 
 bail, having placed it at twenty thousand dollars, considerable time was lost in 
 having it reduced to fifteen thousand. In the meantime, one of our officers, 
 Col. Hugh McGinnis, who had been bailed out at St. Albans, having promised 
 to furnish indemnity bonds on his retiirn home, failed to report. (It would ap- 
 pear that he went to Chicago, where he was taken sick, and subsequently died. ) 
 This, together with some underhand work, discouraged the parties who had 
 offered to go on my bonds, caused them to hesitate and delp.y, and finally back 
 out altogether. The delay thus caused prevented me from writing to parties 
 who would have bailed me out at first. The following named gentlemen, when 
 they heard how the matter stood, kindly volunteered to furnish the bail : Kev. 
 H. Quigley, D."D., pastor of Erin, Wisconsin ; Daniel F. Keefe, Glens Falls, 
 K Y. ; George Francis Train, James Lackey, Washington, D. C. ; D. F. Mc- 
 Carthy, Faribault, Minn. ; Col. Wm. F. Atkinson and Brother, Port Huron, 
 Mich. But as these parties were not residents of Burlington, or personally 
 Icnown to the judge who had charge of the case, they could only give a bond of 
 indemnity to some party or parties who were residents. This again caused 
 considerable delay, and before the matter could be finally arranged, the time 
 for my trial was at hand. I remained in Burlington jail two months, during 
 which time I received much kindness at the hands of the efficient and gentle- 
 manly sheriflf, L. M. Drew, and his amiable lady ; also, from the citizens of Bur- 
 lington generally : Mr. John Dullahan, J. B. Scully, P. H. Kennedy, Major J. 
 J. Monaghan, Capts. Carlton, Cronin, Mur^jhy and a host of others were untir- 
 ing in their exertions to render my prison life as comfortable as possible, and 
 cause me to forget the almost entire neglect of my Fenian friends outside of 
 Burlington. At the time I felt very much hurt over this neglect, but when I 
 take into consideration the efforts that had been put forth to vilify and misre- 
 present me, I can readily find an excuse for it. A man who had been repre- 
 sented to our people as a " coward " and a "traitor to Ireland," could hardly 
 expect any better treatment. Against these charges I have no defence to make. 
 If there is a single Irishman in the Fenian Brotherhood or out of it, who really 
 
The Attempted Invasion of Canada. 55 
 
 believes me to be either a " coward " or a " traitor to Ireland," I can afford to 
 pity him. 
 
 After my trial, I remained two months and a half in Windsor prison, Ver- 
 mont, where the kind hearted and gentlemanly superintendent, J. A. Pollard, 
 and his estimable family, together with the chaplain of the prison, Franklin 
 Butler, the warden, S. T. Lull, and the gentlemen composing the prison guard, 
 did aU that they could to make myself and Col. J. H. Brown, who was in 
 prison with me, happy and contented. Here again the citizens were very kind 
 to us. 
 
 I desire to return my heartfelt thanks to the kind and generous friends, Pat- 
 rick Carty, Essex Junction ; Jerry H. Flinn, Milton ; John Dullahan, J. B. 
 Scully, P. H. Kennedy, Captains Cronin, Murphy and others of Burlington, 
 Vermont ; who, on learning of the destitute circumstances of my family, sent 
 for them, and made provision for their support during my imprisonment ; aad 
 also to the following gentlemen for their kind donations towards the same 
 object : 
 
 Hon. Wm. M. Evarts, late Attorney General, United States, VS^ind- 
 
 sor, Vt $50 00 
 
 Hon. E. H. Stoughton, Windsor, Vt 50 00 
 
 Major-General B. F. Butler, Lowell, Mass 20 00 
 
 John Dullahan, from self and others, Burlington, Vt 24 00 
 
 Dr. E. Donnelly, from himseK and others, Pittsburgh, Pa 20 00 
 
 Thomas Keefe, John O'Neil, and others, employees of the Ver- 
 mont Central Railroad 63 50 
 
 Allen, Laikin & O'Brien circle, F. B., Fort Laramie, Wyoming 
 
 Territory, per Sergeants John Glynn and P. O'Keefe 26 00 
 
 James Lackey, Washington, D. C 5 00 
 
 Thomas J. Barton, Waltham, Mass 10 00 
 
 P. Donohue, Boston, Mass 25 00 
 
 Unknown friend, through Marshal Foster 25 00 
 
 Mr. Phelps, attorney, at Burlington, Vt. , will please accept my thanks for his 
 kindness and services, rendered legally and otherwise ; also, the Messrs. 
 Smalley. 
 
 MY EELEASE. 
 
 Although sentenced to two years' imprisonment, I did not expect to remain 
 in confinement that length of time. Neither did I at first look for so early a 
 release, until I heard of the numerous petitions gotten up in almost every sec- 
 tion of the country, signed by all classes of citizens. The first of which I had 
 any knowledge was started in St. Louis, and presented to the President in per- 
 son, on the occasion of his visit to that city, by Mayor Cole, Judge Daily, Hon. 
 Erastus Wells and others. Afterwards, when such men as Generals B. F. But- 
 ler and N. P. Banks of Massachusetts, Gen. Schenck of Ohio, Hon. James M. 
 Cavanagh of Montana, Hon. Horace Greeley and Hon. Thomas Murphy of New 
 York, and hundreds of the first men of the country, as well as numerous Or- 
 ganizations, interested themselves in the matter, I knew that, as these parties 
 rei^resented the wish of the American people, the Chief Executive of the nation 
 
66 The Attempted Invasion of Canada. 
 
 would feel justified in granting our release, and on receipt of the following let- 
 ter was satisfied that we had not much longer to remain in prison •■ 
 
 New Yokk, Octobeb 4, 1870. 
 Gek. John O'NEtLL : 
 
 Deab Sib : Although I have not the pleasure of a personal acquaintance with 
 you, I sympathized with you in your misfortune and imprisonment. I thought 
 that the time had come for your hberation, and that I would do something 
 towards it. A week ago I spoke to Mr. Greeley about you and fellow prisoners. 
 He told me he would use aU his influence for you ; but as he was going to the 
 West the next day, he had not time until his return. But ]\Ir. Greeley told me 
 to go to Thomas Murphy, Collector of the Port of New York, and say to him 
 that Mr. Greeley wanted him to act in your behalf immediately. I did so. Mr. 
 Murphy took hold of the matter earnestly ; saw President Grant about the mat- 
 ter last Friday, who said, that immediately on his return to Washington, he 
 would issue a proclamation for your release. You may expect it every moment ; 
 but keep this private until you receive it. Many others interested themselves 
 in the matter; Gen. Woodford, Gen. Porter, and your friends of the "Irish 
 Eepublican Central Club of New York." After your hberation, I would like to 
 meet you some afternoon, at 3 o'clock, at Sweeny's Hotel, New York. 
 Your Mend, 
 
 Thomas McGeane, 247 E. 30th St., New York. 
 
 When the President got to Washington, the indictments on which we were 
 tried were written for, and, as soon as they arrived, and the necessary papers 
 could be made out, our pardons were granted. I now beg to return my sincere 
 thanks, on behalf of myself and fellow prisoners, to the numerous parties who 
 interested themselves in procuring our release. 
 
 JOHN O'NEILL. 
 
SPEECH OF GENEEAL JOHN O'NEILL, 
 
 At his Trial at Windsor, July 30, 1870. 
 
 Mat it please your Honors, I feel that I occupy a very awkward position as a 
 man wlio loves and reveres the laws of the land — as a man who has fought and 
 bled to preserve those laws — I cannot but feel the awkwardness of my position in 
 standing before this Court charged with the crime of violating those laws. As 
 a soldier of the American Eepubhc, I served, as the record will show, honestly 
 and faithfully. Before the breakAig out of the late unfortunate war, I was a 
 soldier in the regular army. I enhsted in 1857, and successively served as a 
 private, as a corporal, as a sergeant, as a sergeant-major, brevet second Meute- 
 tenant, first lieutenant, and captain ; and resigned after having been recom- 
 mended for the position of Colonel on account of services rendered by me in 
 the cause of my country, and in defence of, her laws. I did not feel justified 
 in remaining in the- army, because I had been disqualified for active service in 
 the field, having been severely wounded during the siege of Knoxville, in the 
 latter part of 1863. 
 
 With your kind permission I will read one or two short letters received from 
 gentlemen distinguished in the army. I have a number of- such letters, but 
 have only two or thi-ee with me. The first is from Major-General Stoneman, 
 dated Headquarters 23d Army Corps, March 8th, 1864: 
 
 I knew Lieut. O'Neill weU on the Peninsula, and as a brave and worthy offi- 
 cer, in whose judgment and capacity I had the greatest confidence. I hope he 
 will receive the promotion to which his merits entitle him, that of a field officer 
 in a colored regiment. 
 
 Geoege Stonehan, Maj. Gen. Commanding Corps, 
 
 I beg leave to remark that after being wounded I was placed on a military ex- 
 amining board at Nashville, Tenn. While there I felt that I would like to 
 have command of a colored cavahy regiment, and made apphcation for such a 
 command, hence the letter of Gen. Stoneman. 
 
 The next is from Gen. Judah, dated Headquarters 2d Division, 23d Ariny 
 Corps, in camp near Mossy Creek, Tenn., March 7th, 1864: 
 
 It gives me pleasure to state that, from personal observation, I deem Lieut. 
 John O'Neill, of the 5th Lidiana Cavalry, one of the most gallant and efficient 
 officers it has been my duty to command. His daring and services have been 
 conspicuous, and I trust he may receive what he has so ably merited — ^his pro- 
 motion. 
 
 H. M. Judah, Brig. Gen. Com. Div. \ 
 
 The following indorsement appears on a resignation which I tendered whilst 
 first Lieutenant of the Indiana Cavalry. This resignation I tendered because I 
 
58 Official Eepoet oi 
 
 felt that I had been unjustly dealt -with by the colonel of my regiment. The 
 commanding general seems to have held the same opinion, as wall appear from 
 the foUo-ning endorsement on my resignation : 
 
 Keadquaetebs, Catauiy Coeps, Paeis, Kt., April 7, 1864. 
 
 Disapproved and respectfully forwarded. This is an excellent officer, too val- 
 uable indeed to be lost to the service. He was severely wounded at Taswell, 
 Tennessee, under CoL Graham, last December, and is estimated as one of the 
 best officers of my command. This is not the only resignation which has been 
 offered on account of promotions of inferiors having been made in the 5th In- 
 diana Cavalry over the heads of superiors, based upon political or other consid- 
 erations, and altogether regardless of merit. By this system," junior and merit- 
 orious officers find themselves cut off from all hope of advancement, and com- 
 pelled to serve subordinate to others for whose qualifications they can entertain 
 no respect. "While therefore I disapprove his resignation for the public good, I 
 would respectfully urge that some poUcy be initiated or recommended by which 
 officers can see the way open for their advancement according to merit. 
 
 S. D. Stueges, Brig. Gen. Com'g. Corps. 
 
 These, with other communications, of a similar character, prove conclusively 
 that although I have, as acknowledged yesterday, violated the laws of the land, 
 I still love those laws. I revere them, and when the opportunity came, and the 
 occasion required, I showed my willingness to fight, and, if necessary, to die 
 for them. 
 
 As one of a persecuted race — as one who had suffered at the hands of tyranny 
 and oppression in my native land, I came te this country full of hopeful confi- 
 dence that I should enjoy that hberty which was denied me at home. I came to 
 America like thousands of my countrymen, because I had been oppressed in 
 my native land. I came to this country for the purpose of making a dutiful 
 citizen of the land of my adoption, and except in this instance, and perhaps 
 another of a similar character, I think my past history and record will show 
 that I have made a good citizen, and that I have been wiUing when called upon 
 to offer up my life for the land of my adoption. But while I have felt the duties 
 of an American citizen, and while I felt that I^was in duty bound to respect the 
 laws of the land of my adoption, I could not, I cannot, and I never shall forget the 
 land of my birth . I could not, while fighting in the armies of the "United States, 
 when face to face with those who woiild haul down and trample beneath their feet 
 the flag of freedom, and baring my bosom to their buUets — I could not forget that 
 I was born in another land — a land oppressed and tyrannized over. I cannot 
 now forget it ; I never shall forget it. No matter what may be my fate here — 
 I am still an Irishman, and while I have tried to be a faithful citizen of America, 
 I am still an Irishman, with all the instincts of an Irishman. And let me re- 
 mind your Honors, that it is my solemn conviction that if I were capable of for- 
 getting the land of my birth, I would show myself to be unworthy the rights 
 and privileges of an American citizen. I may have been imprudent in my en- 
 deavors to ameUorate the condition of my native land. There is a diversity of 
 opinion on that subject, as there always must be upon such subjects. Had 
 George Washington failed in his endeavors he would have been a rebel, and treat- 
 
The Attempted Invasion op Canada. 59 
 
 el as a rebel by this tyrannical government that I would like to strike a blow 
 against. I would like to remind your Honors that my native land has always 
 been true to America. During the war of the Revolution, in America's sorest 
 hour of trial, when most she needed a friend, when King George the Third sent 
 to the Irish Parhament — for then, your Honors, Ireland had a Parliament 
 of her own — and demanded men and money to put down the insurrection in 
 America, that Irish Parliament, I am proud to say, voted that not a single man 
 nor a single dollar should be given by Ireland to fight against Washington and 
 his compatriots. Later still, after Ireland had been robbed of her Parliament, 
 and during the late war, when Mason and SlideU were captured by an American 
 seaman, England feeling that America was weak, and that the opportunity had 
 come to strike her a deadly blow, threatened war against this country at a 
 time when the North was poorly prepared to meet her, then it was that the peo- 
 ple of Dublin, by the only means at their command, made known to England 
 and to the world, that if she declared war against the land that had offered a 
 home and an asylum to so many thousands of Irishmen, that the Irish people 
 would be found battling upon the side of the struggling North. I contend, 
 your Honors, that my native land has been always true to America. I contend 
 that the men who stand before you to-day, charged with being violators of the 
 law, every one of them was found in the ranks of the American army when it 
 was necessary to defend the flag against those who would tear it down. 
 On this account, while I cannot deny, and do not wish to deny that I have vio- 
 lated the law, I would ask you to be as lenient as possible, if not tov/ards my- 
 self, at least towards those who have been brought into this trouble through 
 my agency and instrumentaUty, and I here assume a reponsibihty which does not 
 properly belong to me. I was not the originator of the scheme of freeing Ire- 
 land by an invasion of Canada, though I have been one of its warmest support- 
 ers, and have advocated it from almost every platform from Maine to Minne- 
 sota. I am sorry to have to confess that the men who originated it, and who 
 urged myself and others to take part in the endeavor, basely and deliberately de- 
 serted us at the critical moment, and left us to our fate. For this I would like 
 to see those men punished. I believe they deserve it, and if it were in my 
 jDower, they should^be punished. [ I shall caution my countrymen against them, 
 and not only against them, but against any further efforts in this direction ; 
 and here I wish it to be distinctly understood, that my love for Ireland remains 
 the same, and my hatred of that flag which to the Irish people is the symbol 
 of tyranny and oppression, can never be changed. That flag I desire to tear 
 down. 
 
 It has been said we had no" right to go to Canada for the purpose of tearing 
 it down, and that by attacking Canada we were injuring a people who had never 
 injured us. Against those people we have no hostihty ; we have no hostility 
 against the English people : it is the English government that we hate — it is 
 the English government that we desire to fight. It is the flag that represents 
 that government that we detest, and wherever it floats the Irish people, come 
 weal or woe, claim the right to pull it down and trample it beneath their feet. 
 It was prompted by this feeling that I attempted to invade Canada. 
 
 As the matter now stands, the invasion appears to have been a ridiculous 
 farce. Had the attempt succeeded, it would have been otherwise. 
 1 desire to say in conclusion, that whatever may have been my opinions here- 
 
60 Official Eeport of 
 
 tofore — and I did believe that a successful attempt could havo been made m 
 that direction, I have believed it for years, and for years have labored to bring 
 it about— I am now satisfied, however, that any further attempt would be high- 
 ly criminal, because there is not the remotest chance of success. If there were, 
 though I might go to the gallows to-morrow, I would tell my countrymen to go 
 on ; but I now believe that there is not, and I shall therefore advise them to 
 desist ; and so far as my influence wUl go, I will use it to convince the Irish 
 people in America, that any farther attempt in that direction would be futile. 
 Had I got out on bail before this trial, I should have travelled and used my 
 influence to dissuade my friends from any further endeavors. Unfortunately, 
 my friends did not understand my situation in time to bail me out, else I should 
 have urged upon them to abandon the attempt, and to abandon it forever. 
 Though I shall now be in prison, I shall use whatever influence I may have in 
 that direction. 
 
 Apologizing to your Honors for detaining you so long, I will conclude by re- 
 peating, that I have alwaj's loved the laws of the land, that I have always been 
 ready and wilhng to fight for them. I am ready and willing to fight for them 
 now, as the honorable wound that I bear testifies I was in the past. This 
 shall be my proudest recollection, and perhaps it may be the only legacy that I 
 shall leave my children, the fact that their father fought and bled for this free 
 land, which has offered a home and an asylum to so many thousands of the 
 homeless and persecuted of Europe. It will always be my pride and pleasure' 
 as long as life remains, that I have fought and bled for this the land of my 
 adoption. 
 
 JUDGE WOODEUFF'S SENTENCE. 
 
 Judge "Woodruff", in pronouncing sentence on Gen. O'Neill, said : 
 It would be a satisfaction to the Court if they had learned from the observa- 
 tions that you have seen fit to address us, that the regret which you have ex- 
 pressed (in so far as you allowed yourself to appear in any degree in the con- 
 dition of a repentant criminal) had been founded upon a conviction that the 
 off'ence which you have committed was a ^^Tong ; and if the regret expressed 
 had not been placed upon a subsequent discovery of the fruitlessness of the 
 effort in which you were engaged ; and if it had exhibited in some higher de- 
 gree a consciousness of the importance of the law which you have violated, and 
 a respect which you have expressed in words, though disproved by a deUbei"ate 
 disregard of its injunctions. 
 
 The Court cannot 6ufi"er the importance of the law of the United States to be 
 depreciated, which is designed, not immediately and directly for the benefit of 
 another government or another jjcoplc, but for the protection and maintenance 
 of our own good faith, and the preservation of our own people from the evils 
 which result to them from a disregard of its provisions ; and which is essential 
 to preserve them from entanglements and emban-assments in their intercourse 
 with others, to which permission to violate this law with impunity would most 
 certainly lead. 
 
The Attempted Inyasion of Canada. 61 
 
 Yon have been charged with a violation of the law which forbids persons in 
 our o-rni territory from setting on foot a miUtary expedition against a govern- 
 ment or people of any other territory with which we are at peace. You have 
 confessed your guilt. We have listened with a desire to give due heed to what 
 'you had to say respecting the judgment of the Court and the sentence which 
 you should receive. To the suggestions that you have been misled by others, 
 and that you were deceived, we can give no interpretation save this : that you 
 were disappointed ; that instead of finding a force adequate to secure a ' large 
 measure of success to this expedition, and a support in men and supplies, and 
 needed material aid, you found the force insignificant or the supplies deficient, 
 and the support in all respects inadequate to the enterprise. In that you may 
 have been deceived, but to state that you were thereby deceived is only to say 
 that your purpose and expectation was to make that expedition effective to 
 produce all the evil directly to the country invaded, by bringing upon it the 
 desolation which war always brings, and incidentally to this country by involv- 
 ing it in the complications which were likely thence to ensue ; so that the 
 avowal of your disappointment is only the avowal of a purpose which magnifies 
 the apparently trivial and insignificant endeavor which was made into an inten- 
 tion- to engage in an enterprise in violation of the law, of singular and great 
 importance. 
 
 The Court have hstened to the history of your services in behaK of our own 
 country, and in the maintenance of its laws, and the Court are not insensible to 
 the claim which that service gave you, as it certainly did in the first instance, 
 to the grateful regard of the government and people. But the Court cannot be 
 insensible that the government and the people had a right to expect that one 
 who had professed a desire to maintain the laws and sustain the government, 
 should not lend his skill and his courage, either to plan, or to give life, energy 
 or enthusiasm, to an enterprise in defiance of the laws ; and, in some aspects of 
 the case, the more you are exalted by the exhibition of courage, of miUtary skill 
 and successful achievements in the past, the greater is the crime when you 
 prostitute that skill and courage and achievement by making it the instrument, 
 or cause of inspiration, in the breast of others, and a stimulus to them under 
 your leadership to engage in hostility towards a nation with which we are at 
 peace. It thus becomes rather an aggravation. 
 
 It is suggested in your observations that you were stimulated by a sense of 
 the oppression to which your countrymen have in years past been subjected. 
 Any real or supposed wrong of your country or your countrymen furnishes no 
 just vindication, though it may in a sort explain the insane foUy and wicked- 
 ness of making that the occasion of suffering and wrong to a people who are 
 iimocent of any share in the infliction of which you suppose that you and your 
 people had cause to complain, and it is idle to say that not intending wrong to 
 them you simply sought an injury to the government to which they owe alle- 
 giance. You have come into this court and avowed your guilt. The demands 
 of justice require only that the infliction of punishment for your crime should 
 be such as in our best judgment wiU serve to deter from a repetition of the 
 offence, and as an example to prevent others from believing that they may re- 
 peat the offence with impunity. The Court may take notice of the history of 
 the past, and aware of the leniency with which this offence was dealt some 
 years ago, we are apprised that we are now dealing with its repetition in your 
 
62 The Attempted Inyasion of Canada. 
 
 person. The C5oiirt are not therefore at liberty to yield to considerations which 
 might otherwise have influenced its judgment. I need hardly say that to those 
 who are charged with the duty of administering justice, it is no pleasure, but, 
 on the conti-ary, a pain, to advert to considerations which tend to anything 
 like severity. They would be pleased, if personal gratification might be 
 indulged, to accord even the extent of your request, by inflicting the lightest 
 punishment the law would allow. They are nevertheless, by all considera- 
 tions affecting their actions, and especially in dealing with a repetition of 
 this offence in your person, constrained to make an example. The sentence of 
 the Court, therefore, is that you be imprisoned in the State Prison of Vermont 
 for the term of two years. But inasmuch as it is represented to the Court that 
 you are not in a situation in which the infliction of a heavy fine would be pro- 
 ductive of any other result than the probable extension of the period of deten- 
 tion, the Court are disposed to make the fine nominal The statute requires 
 that both be inflicted, and I add therefore the sentence that you pay a fine of 
 ten dollars. 
 
I 
 
 017 374 781