■ 
 ■ 
 
 ■ 
 
 I ■ 
 
 ■L 
 
 lOTTO 
 
 ' 1 1 r WW, 
 
 HfflaoaflN 
 
 ictirJ'JillfnKnff 
 iwittCwMrfl 
 
Class JH2JX 
 Book ~ 
 
 Gopyriglit^N?- 
 
 COPYRIGHT DEPOSIT. 
 
 
 V, 
 
 l\ 
 
NAVAL BATTLES 
 
 7££ m 
 
 OK THE WORLD 
 
 AND 
 
 OUR NEW NAVY 
 
 BY 
 
 ¥ 
 
 EDWARD SHIPPEN 
 
 OF THE UNITED STATES NAVY 
 
 P. W. ZIEGLER & CO., 
 
 PHILADELPHIA, PA. and ST. LOUIS, MO. 
 
 vW 
 
 \H X 
 
COPYRIGHTED BY 
 
 JAMES C. McCURDY. 
 1S94. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 This collection is intended to present, in a popular 
 form, an account of many of the important naval battles 
 of all times, as well as of some combats of squadrons and 
 single ships, which are interesting, from the nautical skill 
 and bravery shown in them. 
 
 In most instances an endeavor has been made to give, 
 in a concise manner, the causes whidr led to these 
 encounters, as well as the results obtained. 
 
 As this book is not intended for professional men, 
 technicalities have been, as far as possible, avoided. But 
 it is often necessary to use the language and phraseology 
 of those who fought these battles. 
 
 In all there has been a desire to give an unbiased 
 account of each battle; and, especially, to make no 
 statement for which authority cannot be found. 
 
 The " new navy " is a subject in which all Americans 
 are interested. Enough has been said to give, with the 
 illustrations, a good idea of what our navy is to day, as 
 well as its relative standing among the navies of the 
 world. 
 
 in 
 
Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 in 2011 with funding from 
 The Library of Congress 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/navalbattlesofwo03ship 
 
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 i. Return of the Greeks from Salamis Frontispiece. 
 
 2. Early Naval Architecture, No. 1 s . 
 
 3. Early Naval Architecture, No. 2 2I 
 
 4. Naval Types, No. 1 2 g 
 
 5. A Norse Galley 
 
 6. Capture of the Carthaginian Fleet by the Romans ?6 
 
 7. Naval Types, No. 2 
 
 45 
 
 8. Roman Galley 
 
 9. Battle of Actium _ o 
 
 10. The Ptolemy Philopater -c 
 
 11. Battle of Lepanto g. 
 
 12. The English Fleet Following the Invincible Armada 85 
 
 13. Naval Types, No. 3 
 
 14. A Spanish Galleass of the Sixteenth Century I02 
 
 15. Sir Francis Drake in Central America I03 
 
 16. Naval Types, No. 4 Io6 
 
 17. Henry Grace de Dieu x , x 
 
 18. Naval Types, No. 5 
 
 ' ° 145 
 
 19. A Caravel of the Time of Columbus j I5 6 
 
 20. Naval Types, No. 6 l6o 
 
 21. Norman ship of the Fourteenth Century i 73 
 
 22. Venetian Galley of the Sixteenth Century ^2 
 
 23. Life at Sea, No. 1 lg2 
 
 24. BUCENTORO jgg 
 
 25. Engagement Between Serapis and Bonhomme Richard 1S7 
 
 26. Life at Sea, No. 2 2I - 
 
 27. Medal Awarded to John Paul Jones 217 
 
 28. Naval Battle, Eighteenth Century 218 
 
 29. Life at Sea, No. 3 22 t 
 
 30. Le Soleil Royale • _ 226 
 
 31. Howe's Action of June i, 1794 24 o 
 
 32. Battle of Cape St. Vincent, 1797 247 
 
 S3- Naval Manoeuvres, No. i _ 2 r Q 
 
 34. English Fleet off Teneriffe 272 
 
 35. Nelson Wounded at Teneriffe 27 6 
 
 36. Dutch Man of War, Seventeenth Century 276 
 
 37. Naval Manoeuvres, No. 2 _ 2 gr 
 
 38. Battle of the Nile 2 g g 
 
 39. Capture of Admiral Nelson's Despatches 320 
 
 (v) 
 
VI LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 40. Siege of Acre, 1799 337 
 
 41. Le Tonnant Dismasted 341 
 
 42. Pontifical Galley, 1550 341 
 
 43. Capture of Alexandria, 1801 348 
 
 44. La Galere Reale 357 
 
 45. The Victory 357 
 
 46. Management of V „ls, No. i 364 
 
 47. Battle of Copenhagen 369 
 
 48. Nelson's Victory at Trafalgar 384 
 
 49. The " Fighting Ti <:meraire " Towed to Her Last Berth. 422 
 
 50. The U. S. Sailing Frigate, Constitution 422 
 
 51. The Wasp Boarding the Frolic 427 
 
 52. Capture of the Guerriere by the Constitution 432 
 
 53. Perry's Victory on Lake Erie 449 
 
 54. McDonough's Victory on Lake Champlain 515 
 
 55. Capture of the Cyane and Levant by the Constitution 526 
 
 56. The Clermont — Fulton's First Steamboat — 1807 546 
 
 57. Fight With Algerine Pirates 546 
 
 58. Sinope, 1853 559 
 
 59. Battle of Lissa, 1866 562 
 
 60. Engagement Between the Monitor and Merrimac 575 
 
 61. The " Miantonomoh " 583 
 
 62. Gunboats on Western River 583 
 
 63. New Orleans — Fleet Passing Forts Jackson and St. Philip 5S6 
 
 64. Sinking of the Alabama by the Kearsarge 612 
 
 65. Grosser Kurfuerst 621 
 
 66. The " New Ironsides " 621 
 
 67. Le Solferino, 1865 651 
 
 68. Lieut. Cushing's Torpedo Boat Sinking the Albemarle 657 
 
 69. Monitor Fleet in a Gale 672 
 
 70. Management of Vessels, No. 2 694 
 
 7 1 . The Dreadnaught 696 
 
 72. Appearance of the Huascar after Capture 699 
 
 73. Steel Torpedo Boat and Pole 709 
 
 74. Bombardment of Alexandria, 1882 710 
 
 75. The Vice- Admiral Popoff 715 
 
 76. Italian Ironclad " Duilio," 1880 715 
 
 77. The Alexandria, 1877 718 
 
 78. Unarmored Cruiser Boston 720 
 
 79. Unarmored Cruiser Atlanta 725 
 
 80. Protected Cruiser Philadelphia 732 
 
 81. Dispatch Boat Dolphin 737 
 
 82. Coast Defence Monitor Miantonomoh 737 
 
 83. Gunboat Petrel 741 
 
 84. Dynamite Cruiser Vesuvius 748 
 
 85. Torpedo Boat Cushing 748 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 !t page. 
 
 The Ancients' Dread of the Sea; Homer's Account of It; Slow Progress in 
 
 Navigation before the Discovery of the Lode-stone ; Early Egyptians ; The 
 
 Argonauts; The Phenicians and Greeks ; Evidences of sea-fights Thousands 
 
 of Years before Christ; Naval Battle Fought by Rameses III; The Fleets of 
 
 Sesostris ; Description of Bas-relief at Thebes ; Roman Galleys Described ; 
 
 Early Maritime Spirit of the Carthaginians ; Herodotus' Account of the Battle 
 
 of Artemisium; The Greeks under Alexander; Romans and Carthaginians. 19 
 
 I. SALAMIS. B. C. 480. 
 
 The Island of Salamis; Xerxes; His Immense Power; His Fleet and Army; 
 Events Preceding the Battle ; The Contending Hosts Engage in Worship be- 
 fore the Fight Begins; The Greek Admiral Gives the Signal for Action; 
 Many Persian Vessels Sunk at the First Onset; Fierce Hand-to-Hand 
 Fighting ; A Son of the Great Darius Falls ; Dismay Among the Asiatics ; 
 Panic-stricken ; Artifice of Queen Artemisia ; She Escapes ; Xerxes Power- 
 less ; He Rends his Robes and Bursts into Tears ; Resolves to Return to Asia ; 
 Greece Wins her Freedom. 
 
 II. NAVAL BATTLE AT SYRACUSE. B. C. 415. 
 
 A Bloody Battle; Strength of the Athenians ; The Fleet enters Syracuse Harbor 
 in Fine Order ; The Sicilians Blockade the Entrance and Imprison the Fleet 
 The Perils of Starvation Compel the Greeks to Attempt to Raise the Blockade 
 Both Fleets Meet at the Mouth of the Harbor; Confusion Among the Greeks 
 They are Finally Compelled to Turn Back and Take Refuge in their Docks 
 Another Attempt to Escape from the Flarbor ; Mutiny Among the Sailors 
 The Syracusans Appear in their Midst and Capture both Men and Ships 
 End of Athens as a Naval Power. 
 
 III. ROMANS AND CARTHAGINIANS. 
 
 Carthage a Place of Interest for Twenty Centuries ; Romans and Carthaginians 
 in Collision; First Punic War; Rome Begins the Construction of a Navy; 
 A Stranded Carthaginian Vessel Serves as a Model; They Encounter the 
 Carthaginians at Myloe ; Defeat of the Latter ; Renewed Preparations of both 
 Countries for the Mastery of the Mediterranean : A Great Battle Fought, 260 
 B. C. ; The Romans Finally Victorious; They Land an Army in Africa and 
 
 vii 
 
 ?5 
 
 31 
 
VJ11 CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 Sail for Home; Encounter a " Sirocco" and Lose nearly all their Galleys 
 on the Rocks ; The Succeeding Punic Wars ; Rome in Her Greatness ; 
 Antony and Octavius Appear Upon the Scene. 36 
 
 IV. ACTIUM. B. C. 31. 
 
 The Decisive Battle of Philippi, B. C. 42 ; Antony and Octavius Divide the 
 Empire of the World Between Them ; Trouble between Antony and Octa- 
 vius; Antony's Dissipations; His Passion for Egypt's Queen; Octavius 
 (the Future Augustus) Raises Fresh Legions to Oppose Antony ; The Latter 
 Proclaims Cleopatra Queen of Cyprus and Cilicia; The Republic Suspicious of 
 Antony ; Octavius Declares War Against Cleopatra ; Crosses the Ionian Sea 
 with his Fleet and Army, and Anchors at Actium, in Epirus; Meeting of the 
 Roman and Antony's Fleets; Preparation for Battle; A Grand Scene; 
 Cleopatra's Magnificent Galley; Discomfiture of Antony's Centre ; Cleopatra 
 Panic-stricken; Flight of the Egyptian Contingent ; Antony Follows Cleopatra; 
 His Fleet Surrenders to Octavius ; The Land Forces Refuse to Believe in 
 Antony's Defection; Despairing of His Return, they Accept Octavius' Over- 
 tures and Pass Under his Banner ; Octavius Master of the World ; Suicide of 
 Antony and Cleopatra. 48 
 
 V. LEPANTO. A. D. 1571. 
 
 A Momentous Battle that Decides the Sovereignty of Eastern Europe ; Naval 
 Events Preceding Lepanto ; Turkish Encroachments ; Pope Pius V Forms a 
 League Against Them; Siege and Capture of Famagousta by the Turks; 
 Barbarities of Mustapha ; Christian Europe Aroused ; Assembly of the Pon- 
 tifical Fleet and Army; Don John, of the Spanish Squadron, Placed in Chief 
 Command ; Resolves to Seek and Attack the Ottoman Fleet ; Encounters the 
 Enemy in a Gulf on the Albanian Coast ; Character of Don John ; Preparations 
 for Battle; Strength of his Fleet; A Magnificent Scene; The Turkish Fleet; 
 AH Pasha in Command; The Battle Opens; Desperate Fighting at all Points, 
 Barberigo, of the Venetian Fleet, Badly Wounded ; Two Renowned Seamen 
 Face to Face; Uluch All Captures the Great " Capitana " of Malta ; The Galley 
 of Don John Encounters that of Ali Pasha ; They Collide ; Terrible Hand- 
 to-Hand Fighting; Bravery of a Capuchin Friar; The Viceroy of Egypt 
 Killed; Ali Pasha Killed; His Galley Captured; Dismay among the Turks; 
 Uluch Ali Gives the Signal for Retreat ; Terrible Loss of Life in the Battle ; 
 Christian Slaves Liberated ; The Turkish Fleet Almost Annihilated ; Alex- 
 ander Farnese ; Cervantes ; Fierce Storm ; Two Sons of Ali Prisoners ; Don 
 John and Veniero; Division of the Spoils; The Te Deum at Messina; Joy 
 Throughout Christendom ; Colonna in Rome ; The Great Ottoman Standard; 
 Decline of the Ottoman Empire. 56 
 
 VI. THE INVINCIBLE ARMADA. A. D. 1588. 
 
 Significance of the Term ; Philip II ; His Character ; Determines to Invade 
 England ; The Duke of Parma ; Foresight of Elizabeth ; The Armada 
 Ready ; An Enormous Fleet ; It Encounters a Tempest ; Mutiny ; The 
 
CONTENTS. IX 
 
 PAGE 
 Armada reaches the English Channel in July ; Lord Howard, Drake, 
 
 Frobisher and Hawkins in Command of the English Fleet ; Tactics of the 
 
 English; Capture of the "Santa Anna" by Drake; The Spanish Reach 
 
 Calais; Disappointment of the Spanish Commander; Another Storm Sets 
 
 In ; Distress in the Spanish Fleet ; The English hang on its Rear and cut 
 
 off Straggling Vessels; Shipwreck and Disaster Overtake the Armada on 
 
 the Scottish and Irish Coast ; A Fearful Loss of Life ; Apparent Indifference 
 
 of Philip II Concerning the Armada's Failure; The Beginning of Spain's 
 
 Decline. 85 
 
 VII. SOME NAVAL EVENTS OF ELIZABETH'S TIME, SUCCEEDING 
 
 THE ARMADA. 
 
 The Armada's Discomfiture Encourages England to Attack Spain; Drake and 
 Norris Unsuccessful at Lisbon ; The Earl of Cumberland's Expedition ; Meets 
 with a Bloody Repulse ; League of Elizabeth with Henri Quatre, against the 
 Duke of Parma; Sir Thomas Howard in Command of an English Fleet to 
 the Azores; Frobisher and Raleigh's Expedition of 1592; Prizes Taken on 
 the Coast of Spain ; Frobisher Wounded ; His Death ; Richard Hawkins ; 
 Walter Raleigh's Expedition to Guiana; Expedition of Sir Francis Drake 
 and Sir John Hawkins ; Repulsed at Porto Rico ; Death of Hawkins ; England 
 Anticipates Philip II in 1596 and Attacks Cadiz; The City Taken; The 
 English Attack and Capture Fayal ; Attempt to Intercept Spanish Merchant- 
 men. 103 
 
 VIII. NAVAL ACTIONS OF THE WAR BETWEEN ENGLAND AND 
 HOLLAND. A. D. 1652-3. 
 
 The Dutch Supreme on the Sea ; The Commonwealth and the United Provinces ; 
 Negotiations for an Alliance Broken Off; An English Commodore Fires into 
 a Dutch Fleet ; Van Tromp sent to Avenge this Insult ; Blake in Command of 
 the English ; The English Temporarily Masters in the Channel ; Great Naval 
 Preparations in Holland; The South of England at Van Tramp's Mercy; 
 Blake Collects his Fleet to meet Van Tromp ; A Storm Scatters Both ; The 
 Dutch People Dissatisfied with Van Tromp ; He Resigns ; De Witt Assumes 
 Chief Command; Blake Meets the French Fleet under Vendome ; He Cap- 
 tures the Latter' s Fleet; Battle of North Foreland; De Witt Withdraws 
 at Nightfall ; Van Tromp to the Front Again ; Denmark Declares Against 
 the Commonwealth ; The Dutch and English Meet in the English Channel ; 
 Blake Beaten; Van Tromp Sails Up and Down the Channel with a Broom 
 at his Masthead; Battle off Portland; A Decisive Engagement; Van 
 Tromp Escorts Dutch Merchantmen into Port; Discontent in the Dutch 
 Fleet; Terrible Loss on Both Sides; Blake Learns of a New Fleet Fitted 
 out by Van Tromp in April ; They Meet Again ; A Two Days' Battle ; 
 Another Effort Two Months Later ; The Brave Van Tromp Killed ; The 
 Power of Holland Broken ; The States General Sues for Peace. 112 
 
X CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 IX. FRENCH AND DUTCH IN THE MEDITERRANEAN. A. D. 1676. 
 
 Revolt of Messina and Sicily ; Louis XIV Sends Duquesne with a Fleet to 
 Sustain the Insurgents ; Sketch of Duquesne ; England Makes Peace with 
 Holland ; Duquesne Repulses the Spanish Fleet and Captures the Town of 
 Agosta; Learns of De Ruyter's Presence in the Mediterranean; Meeting 
 of the Hostile Fleets, Jan. 16, 1676; Splendid Manoeuvres; The Advantage 
 with the French ; They Meet Again, in Spring, Near Syracuse ; Sharp and 
 Terrible Firing ; De Ruyter Mortally Wounded ; The Dutch -Seek Shelter 
 in Syracuse Harbor; The Sicilian and French Fleets Encounter the Dutch 
 and Spanish Fleets Again, in May; Destruction of the Latter; Honors to the 
 Remains of De Ruyter; Recompensing Duquesne; His Protestantism Dis- 
 tasteful to Louis XIV ; Humiliates Genoa ; Edict of Nantes; His Death and 
 Private Burial ; Subsequent Honors to his Memory. 146 
 
 X. BATTLE OF CAPE LA HAGUE. A. D. 1692. 
 
 Louis XIV Prepares to Attack England, to Seat James II on the Throne ; 
 Count de Tourville in Command of the French Fleet; Sketch of his Life; 
 He is Ordered to Sail from Brest; Bad Weather; Arrogance of Pontchar- 
 train, the Minister of Marine ; Tourville meets a Powerful English and 
 Dutch Fleet ; Bravery of the Soleil Royal, the French Flag-ship ; A Fog 
 Ends the Fight ; Louis XIV Compliments Tourville on his Gallant Defence 
 Against Such Great Odds; Bestows the Title of Field Marshal on Him. 15^ 
 
 XL BENBOW, A. D. 1702. 
 
 Benbow a Favorite of William III ; Queen Anne Declares War Against France ; 
 Benbow Sent to the West Indies; He Falls in with a French Fleet; A 
 Vigorous Attack Commenced; Disobedience of his Captains; He is Badly 
 Wounded and Dies; The Captains Court-martialed ; Detailed Account of the 
 Capture and Destruction of the French and Spanish Fleets. 166 
 
 XII. BYNG AND LA GALISSONIERE. A. D. 1756. 
 
 Sketch of Admiral Byng; War between England and France; Capture of 
 Minorca by the Latter ; Byng sent to the Relief of the Island ; La Galissoniere 
 in Command of the French ; Failure to Engage the Latter's Fleet, as Directed, 
 by Byng ; The English Driven Back to Gibraltar ; Byng Superseded Without 
 a Hearing ; Tried by Court-martial and Sentenced to Death ; The Sentence 
 Considered Unjustly Severe by Pitt ; Wrangling among the Officers of the 
 Admiralty; Final Execution of the Sentence ; Voltaire's Sarcasm. 174 
 
 XIII. SIR EDWARD HAWKE AND CONFLANS. A. D. 1759. 
 
 Sketch of Hawke; Succeeds the Ill-fated Admiral Byng; In Command of a 
 Blockading Squadron at Brest ; Meets the French Fleet Under Admiral Con- 
 flans Near Belleisle ; The Latter Inferior in Strength and Numbers ; A Gale 
 Arises During the Fight and Many Injured French Vessels Wrecked ; The 
 Latter Fleet Almost Entirely Disabled and Destroyed; Honors to Hawke. 183 
 
CONTENTS. XI 
 
 PAGK 
 
 XIV. SERAPIS AND BONHOMME RICHARD. A. D. 1779. 
 
 A Remarkable Action ; Sketch of the Hero, John Paul Jones ; Receives a 
 Commission in the United Colonial Navy ; Hoists the First American Flag on 
 Sea; The French Salute the " Stars and Stripes;" France Gives Him a Large 
 Merchantman, which he Names the Bonhomme Richard ; Sketch of Jones' 
 Later Life ; Lafayette ; Franklin ; Additional Ships Fitted out for Jones in 
 France; Description of the Bonhomme Richard; Sailing of the Fleet; 
 Richard Dale ; Cruises on the Coast of Scotland ; Discovery of the Serapis 
 Convoying About Forty Merchantmen ; Description of Her ; The Serapis 
 Stands Out to Protect Her Convoy ; The Two Vessels Engage as Night Comes 
 On; Two of Jones' 1 8 pounders Burst at the First Discharge; Captain 
 Pearson, of the Serapis, Inquires whether the Bonhomme Richard has Struck ; 
 Jones Replies that He has Not yet Commenced to Fight; The Vessels 
 Come Afoul Again; Jones Lashes Them Together; The Americans Drop 
 Hand-grenades and Matches Down the Hatches of the Serapis and Cause a 
 Terrific Explosion ; The Serapis Finally Surrenders ; Jones Transfers His Men 
 to the Serapis ; The Bonhomme Richard Sinks ; Jones Carries His Force to 
 the Texel; One of the Most Remarkable Sea Fights on Record. 187 
 
 XV. DE GRASSE AND RODNEY. A. D. 1782. 
 
 Skeich of De Grasse; Earliest Exploits; Aids Washington in the Reduction of 
 Yorktown; Recognition by Congress; Subsequent Events; Encounters an 
 English Fleet, Under Rodney ; De Grasse Loses Five Line-of Battle Ships ; 
 Exultation in England; De Grasse a Prisoner; Assists in Bringing About 
 a Treaty of Peace Between the United States and England; Career of 
 Rodney ; Receives the Title of Baron and a Pension. 218 
 
 XVI. LORD HOWE AND THE FRENCH FLEET. JUNE 1, A. D. 1794. 
 
 The First of a Series of Memorable Engagements; Traits of Lord Howe; 
 Anecdotes ; Watching the French Fleet ; The Latter Put to Sea ; Skirmishing, 
 May 28 ; A Great Battle, June I ; The French Open Fire First ; Concen- 
 trated and Deadly Firing on Both Sides; The French Lose Six Line-of- 
 Battle Ships; Howe's Orders Not Obeyed by Some of the Captains; Some 
 French Ships that Had Struck Escape in the Darkness ; Anecdotes Con- 
 cerning the Battle. 227 
 
 XVII. BATTLE OF CAPE ST. VINCENT. A. D. 1797. 
 
 Location of Cape St. Vincent ; Admiral Sir John Jervis in Command of the 
 English ; Strength of His Fleet ; Commodore Horatio Nelson ; Chased by a 
 Spanish Fleet ; The Latter in Command of Don Joseph de Cordova ; Feb. 14 
 a Disastrous Day for Spain ; Surprised to See so Large an English Fleet ; 
 The Battle Opens; Boarding the San Nicolas; The Spanish Beaten at Every 
 Point; The Battle over by 5 o'clock ; Both Fleets Lay To to Repair Damages; 
 Escape of the Spanish During the Night; Damages Sustained; Description of 
 
XII CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 the Santissima Trinidada ; The Cause of the Spanish Discomfiture ; Great 
 Rejoicing in Lisbon ; Honors and Pensions Awarded to the English Com- 
 manders at Home ; Admiral Cordova and His Captains. 247 
 
 XVIII. ENGLISH FLEET IN CANARY ISLANDS. A. D. 1797. 
 
 English Expedition to the Canary Islands ; Cutting Out a Brig in the Harbor 
 of Santa Cruz ; Attempt of the English to Capture the Town of Santa Cruz ; 
 An Expedition Under Rear Admiral Nelson Organized for the Purpose ; The 
 Garrison Apprised of Their Coming ; Nelson Shot in the Ann and Disabled ; 
 The English Agree not to Molest the Canary Islands any Further if Allowed to 
 Retire in Good Order; The Spanish Governor Finally Accepts this Offer; A 
 Disastrous Defeat for Nelson. 266 
 
 XIX. BATTLE OF CAMPERDOWN. iith OCTOBER, A. D. 1797. 
 
 Viscount Duncan ; His Early Life ; The Mutiny of the Nore ; Causes Leading 
 to It; Disgraceful Practices of the English Admiralty of this Period; War 
 with Holland; The Dutch Fleet Off the Texel under the Command of Vice- 
 Admiral De Winter ; The English Immediately Set Out to Intercept them ; 
 The Battle Opens about Noon of October nth; Hard Fighting; The English 
 Victorious ; Accurate Firing of the Hollanders ; The Losses Heavy on Both 
 Sides; Actual Strength of Both Fleets; Duncan's Admirable Plan of Attack ; 
 Nelson's Memorandum. 
 
 273 
 
 XX. BATTLE OF THE NILE, ist AUGUST, 1798. 
 
 Aboukir Bay ; Its History ; Learning that a Strong French Fleet Had Left 
 Toulon, Nelson Seeks Them , He Finds the Fleet in Aboukir Bay ; He 
 Comes Upon Them at 6 o'clock in the Evening and Resolves to Attack Them 
 at Once ; A Terrible Battle Misunderstanding of the French Admiral's 
 Instructions; Many Acts of Individual Heroism; Death of the French 
 Admiral ; Villeneuve Escapes with Four French Vessels; The Battle Over by 
 1 1 o'clock ; The Most Disastrous Engagement the French Navy Ever Fought ; 
 Detailed Account of the Great Fight; The French Ship L'Orient Blown Up 
 with a Terrific Explosion; Summary of the Losses on both sides ; Masterly 
 Tactics of Nelson; Gallant Behavior of the French; The Loss of This Battle 
 of Immense Consequences to the Latter ; Nelson Sails for Naples ; Honors to 
 Him Everywhere; His Official Report; French Officers of High Rank 
 Killed ; Anecdotes on Board the Vanguard on the Voyage to Naples. 289 
 
 XXL LEANDER AND GENEREUX. i6th AUG., A. D. 1798. 
 
 Contest Between Single Ships; The Leander a Bearer of Dispatches from 
 Nelson ; Encounters the French Frigate Genereux ; Attempts to Avoid the 
 Latter; A Close and Bloody Fight of Six Hours; The Leander Surrenders; 
 Captain Le Joille ; Plundering the English Officers ; Captain Thompson ; 
 Another Striking Incident ; A French Cutter in Alexandria Harbor Abandoned 
 on Being Attacked by Two English Frigates ; The Officers and Crew of the 
 Former, on Reaching the Shore, Massacred by the Arabs ; General Carmin 
 and Captain Vallette Among the Slain; Dispatches from Bonaparte Secured 
 by the Arabs. 320 
 
CONTENTS. Xlll 
 
 PAGE 
 
 XXII. ACTION BETWEEN THE AMBUSCADE AND BAYONNAISE. 
 
 A. D. 1798. 
 
 Decisive Single Ship Actions ; A Fruitful Source of Discussion ; The British 
 Account of It ; History and Description of the Ambuscade ; Unexpected 
 Meeting with the Bayonnaise; The English Vessel the Fastest Sailer; A 
 Battle Takes Place ; Detailed Account of the Fight ; The English Frigate 
 Surrenders to the French Corvette ; Causes of Discontent on Board the Former ; 
 Great Rejoicing in France; Promotion of the French Captain. 327 
 
 XXIII. SIR SIDNEY SMITH AND HIS SEAMEN AT ACRE. A. D. 1799. 
 
 Minister to the Sublime Porte ; Notified of Bonaparte's Presence in Syria ; The 
 Latter Lays Siege to Acre ; He Repairs Thither with a Fleet and Assists the 
 Turks in Defending the Place ; Admiral Peree, of the FreWh Navy, Puts in an 
 Appearance ; Desperate Attempts to Storm the Place ; Strength of Napoleon's 
 Army on Entering Syria; Kleber's Grenadiers; Repeated and Desperate 
 Assaults of the French ; Unsuccessful Each Time ; The Siege Abandoned 
 After Sixty-one Days ; Importance of the Place as Viewed by Napoleon. 334 
 
 XXIV. FOUDROYANT AND CONSORTS IN ACTION WITH THE 
 GUILLAUME TELL. A. D. 1800. 
 
 Preliminary History; Rear Admiral Denis Decres; Sketch of this Remarkable 
 Man ; His Tragic End ; Engagement of the Guillaume Tell with the English 
 Fleet Near Malta; Detailed Account of the Fight; Entirely Dismasted and 
 Surrounded by English Vessels, the Guillaume Tell at last Surrenders ; A 
 More Heroic Defence Not To Be Found in the Record of Naval Actions ; 
 Taken to England, the Guillaume Tell is Refitted for the English Service, 
 Under the Name of Malta; A Splendid Ship. 342 
 
 XXV. NAVAL OPERATIONS AT ABOUKIR BAY AND CAPTURE OF 
 
 ALEXANDRIA. A. D. 1801. 
 
 Expulsion of the French Determined Upon ; An English Fleet and Army Sent 
 Thither Under Command of Lord Keith and Sir Ralph Abercrombie ; The 
 French Under Command of General Friant ; The Former Land Troops Under 
 a Galling Fire from Fort Aboukir and the Sand Hills; Sir Sidney Smith in 
 Command of the Marines; A Heavy Battle Fought March 21 ; The French 
 Forced to Retire; General Abercrombie Mortally Wounded; The French, 
 Shut in at Alexandria, Finally Capitulate ; Renewed Interest in this Campaign 
 on Account of Recent Events ; Points of Similarity. 348 
 
 XXVI. THE CUTTING OUT OF THE CHEVRETTE. JULY, A. D. 1801. 
 
 An Example of a " Cutting-out Expedition " ; The Combined French and 
 Spanish Fleets at Anchor in Brest; The English Watching Them; The 
 Chevrette at Anchor in Camaret Bay; The English Resolve to Cut Her Out; 
 
XIV CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 An Expedition Starts Out at Night, in Small Boats ; They Board and Capture 
 Her, in Spite of the Desperate Resistance of the French ; Details of the Fight ; 
 The Losses on Both Sides. 352 
 
 XXVII. BOAT ATTACK UPON THE FRENCH FLOTILLA AT 
 BOULOGNE. A. D. 1801. 
 
 Another Boat Attack by the English, with Less Favorable Results ; Lord Nelson 
 in Command ; Darkness and the Tides Against Them ; They " Catch a 
 Tartar " ; The Affair a Triumph for the French. 358 
 
 XXVIII. COPENHAGEN. A. D. 1801. 
 
 Preliminary History; An English Fleet Under Sir Hyde Parker and Lord 
 Nelson Ordered to the Cattegat; A Commissioner Empowered to Offer Peace 
 or War Accompanies Them ; Denmark Repels Their Insulting Ultimatum 
 and Prepares for Defence ; Strength of the English Fleet ; They Attempt to 
 Force the Passage of the Sound, and the Battle Begins; Early Incidents ; Diffi- 
 culties of the Large English Vessels in Entering the Shallow Waters ; Strength 
 of the Danish Fleet and Shore Batteries ; Sir Hyde Parker Makes Signal to 
 Withdraw; Lord Nelson Disobeys and Keeps up the Fight; The Danish 
 Adjutant General Finally Appears and an Armistice is Agreed Upon; A 
 Characteristic Action of Lord Nelson ; Death of the Emperor Paul, of Russia ; 
 Second Attack on Copenhagen, 1807; Observations Concerning England's 
 Conduct ; A Powerful English Fleet Appears in the Sound ; The Crown 
 Prince Rejects England's Humiliating Proposals ; Copenhagen Bombarded 
 and Set on Fire ; Final Surrender; Plunder by the English. 361 
 
 XXIX. TRAFALGAR. OCTOBER, 21st, A. D. 1805. 
 
 Napoleon's Grand Schemes; Nelson in Search of the French Fleet; His 
 Extensive Cruise; Napoleon's Orders to His Admiral, Villeneuve; The 
 English Discover the French and Spanish Fleets at Cadiz ; Nelson's Order 
 of Battle a Master-piece of Naval Strategy ; Strength of the English Fleet ; 
 Villeneuve Ordered to Sea ; Strength of the Combined French and Spanish 
 Fleets ; The Hostile Forces Meet at Cape Trafalgar ; The Battle ; One of the 
 Most Destructive Naval Engagements Ever Fought ; The French Account of 
 It; The Allied Fleet Almost Annihilated; Nelson Mortally Wounded; 
 Further Particulars of the Battle ; Estimate of Nelson's Character ; Honors to 
 His Memory. 382 
 
 XXX. WASP AND FROLIC. A. D. 1812. 
 
 The American Sloop Wasp Encounters the English Sloop Frolic ; The Fight 
 Begins in a Rough Sea; Accurate Firing of the Americans; The Frolic Terri- 
 bly Shattered ; She Surrenders ; The Wasp and Her Prize Overtaken and 
 Captured by a British 74. 427 
 
 XXXI. CONSTITUTION. A. D. 1812. 
 
 Description of the English Squadron Sent to American Waters ; They Discover 
 the U. S. Frigate Constitution and Give Chase ; She Escapes and Reaches 
 
Vi 
 
 OZ (v! 
 
 ft- 3 < 
 
 <° & 
 
 
 w 
 
CONTENTS. XV 
 
 PAl>E 
 
 Boston, by Good Seamanship ; Puts to Sea again and Meets the Guerriere ; A 
 Sharp Conflict ; The British Frigate Dismasted and Compelled to Surrender ; 
 Controversies Regarding the Relative Strength of the Two Frigates; An 
 English View of the Fight. 432 
 
 XXXII. LAKE ERIE, 10th SEPTEMBER, A. D. 1813. 
 
 Importance of This Victory; Observations by Roosevelt; Sketch of Oliver 
 Hazard Perry; He Equips a Fleet on Lake Erie; Strength of the Enemy's 
 Forces; Captain Robert Heriot Barclay in Command of the Latter; His 
 Brilliant Career; Description of the American Fleet; The British Discovered 
 Near Put-in-Bay; Perry Prepares to Meet Them ; The Battle Opens ; Perry's 
 Flag-ship Suffers Severely ; Her Guns Disabled ; Perry Leaves in an Open 
 Boat, for the Niagara ; He Brings Her Into Action and Forces the Enemy to 
 Surrender in Short Order ; Condition of Both Fleets ; The Losses ; Perry's 
 Famous Letter ; Incidents Related by Surgeon Parsons. 445 
 
 XXXIII. ESSEX, PHOEBE AND CHERUB. 
 
 A Remarkable Engagement ; First Appearance of Farragut in History ; Sketch 
 of Captain Porter, Commander of the Essex ; Sent to the South Sea to Destroy 
 the English Merchant Marine ; Success of His Mission ; The English Send 
 Commodore James Hillyar to Look After Him ; Porter Goes Into Valparaiso 
 Bay, a Neutral Port ; The Phoebe and Cherub Appear in the Harbor ; 
 Friendly Salutations of the Opposing Commanders ; Various Incidents ; Hear- 
 ing of Other English Vessels, Porter Determines to Escape to Sea ; Meets 
 with an Accident in Rounding a Point ; Attacked by the Phoebe and Cherub 
 while Attempting to Regain Pier Former Anchorage ; She is Terribly Cut Up, 
 and Finally Surrenders; Later Incidents; Farragut's Observations. 475 
 
 XXXIV. BATTLE OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN, SEPTEMBER 1 ith, A. D. 1814. 
 
 Important Results of This Battle ; Events Relating Thereto ; Both Nations 
 Begin the Building of a Fleet ; Captain Thomas McDonough ; The English 
 Invade the Country by Land and Water ; Relative Strength of the Two 
 Armies and Navies; Captain Downie in Command of the English; The 
 Hostile Fleets Meet Off Plattsburg, September nth, 1814; Good Judgment 
 of Captain McDonough in Selecting a Position ; The Battle Begins ; Steady 
 and Accurate Firing on Both Sides; McDonough's Flag-ship, after Having 
 all the Guns on one side Silenced, Shifts Round, and with the Other Broad- 
 side Decides the Day; Concluding Remarks; Honors to McDonough. 502 
 
 KXXV. THE CONSTITUTION IN ACTION WITH THE CYANE AND 
 LEVANT. A. D. 1815. 
 
 A Singular Action ; Captain Charles Stewart ; History of the Constitution Prior 
 to this Event ; She Meets the Cyane and Levant and Captures Both After a 
 Short Action ; Details of the Fight ; Skillful Management of the Constitution 
 
XVI CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGK 
 by Captain Stewart; He Carries His Prizes to Porto Praya ; Discovers a Large 
 
 Vessel Outside the Harbor ; He gives Instant Orders to Put to Sea ; Three 
 
 British Vessels of War Turn Up ; The Cyane Escapes to New York ; The 
 
 Levant Returns to Porto Praya Harbor, where the English Recapture Her; 
 
 Good Judgment of Captain Stewart; Later History of the Constitution. 526 
 
 XXXVI. LORD EXMOUTH AT ALGIERS. A. D. 1816. 
 
 Biographical Sketch of Lord Exmouth ; Atrocities of the Algerines Prompt the 
 English to Send a Fleet, Under Lord Exmouth, Against Them; A Dutch 
 Fleet Joins Them at Gibraltar ; Strength of the Combined Fleet ; Fruitless 
 Negotiations with the Algerines; Strength of their Fortifications; The Allied 
 Fleets Open Fire on the Forts and City ; A Tremendous Cannonade ; The 
 Dey Comes to Terms ; Capture of the Place by the French, Fourteen Years 
 Later. 
 
 XXXVII. NAVARINO. A. D. 1827. 
 
 539 
 
 Assembly of the Allied English, French and Russian Fleets in the Mediterranean ; 
 Their Object; An Egyptian Fleet, with Troops, enters Navarino Harbor; 
 History and Geographical Position of the Latter; Strength of the Oppos- 
 ing Fleets; Treachery of the Egyptians; The Battle Opens; Desperate 
 Fighting; Bad Gunnery of the Turks; Destruction of Their Fleet. 549 
 
 XXXVIII. SINOPE. A. D. 1853. 
 
 History of Sinope ; An Abuse of Superior Force on the Part of the Russians ; 
 They Encounter the Turkish Fleet in Sinope Harbor and Demand the Latter's 
 Surrender ; They Decline and the Battle Opens Furiously ; The Turkish Fleet 
 Totally Destroyed and That of the Russians rendered Comparatively Useless ; 
 Appearance of the Town of Sinope. 559 
 
 XXXIX. LISSA. A. D. 1866. 
 
 Position of the Island of Lissa; Its History; Attacked and Taken by the 
 Italians ; The Austrians Shortly After Come to its Relief; A Great Naval 
 Battle Takes Place; Strength of the Opposing Fleets; The Ironclads That 
 Took Part; Bad Management of the Italians Under Admiral Persano; They 
 are Badly Beaten ; Sketch of the Italian Admiral ; His Court-Martial ; 
 William Baron Tegethoff, the Austrian Commander. 562 
 
 XL. MONITOR AND MERRIMAC. MARCH 9TH, A. D. 1862. 
 
 Origin and History of the Merrimac ; Strength of the Union Fleet at Hampton 
 Roads ; Government Preparations to Meet the Ironclad Merrimac ; The Latter 
 Makes Her Appearance ; Sinks the Cumberland and Compels the Congress 
 to Strike Her Colors ; The Guns of the Union Fleet Harmless on the Armor 
 of the Merrimac ; The Monitor puts in an Appearance ; Her History, and 
 That of Captain Ericsson, Her Inventor; Details of Her Engagement With 
 the Merrimac ; The Latter Finally Retires ; Armament of the Opposing Iron- 
 clads; Subsequent History of the Monitor. 57 1 
 
CONTENTS. Xvil 
 
 PAGE 
 
 XLI. FARRAGUT AT NEW ORLEANS. 
 
 The Government Determines to Regain Possession of the Mississippi ; Farragut 
 sent to the Gulf; The Army Under Gen. Butler to Co-operate With Him; 
 Description of the Approaches to New Orleans, the Obstructions and Fortifica- 
 tions; Strength of Farragut' s Fleet; He Determines to Pass the Forts; The 
 Fleet Advances on the Night of April 23-24 ; Detailed Account of the Thrilling 
 Incidents ; New Orleans at His Mercy ; The City Surrenders ; Destruction of 
 Property by the Confederates ; The Forts Surrender ; Minor Details. 58 j 
 
 XLII. ATLANTA AND WEEHAWKEN. JUNE 17TH, A. D. 1863. 
 
 The Blockade-runner Fingal Converted Into the Ironclad Atlanta ; Description 
 of Her ; Confidence in Her Ability to Destroy the Monitors ; She Leaves 
 Savannah to Break the Blockade and Encounters the Weehawken ; A Trial 
 of Heavy Artillery and Heavy Armor ; The Atlanta Strikes Her Colors in 
 Fifteen Minutes After the Battle Begins ; Details of this Extraordinary En- 
 gagement ; Practical Results of this Fight. 607 
 
 XLIII. KEARSARGE AND ALABAMA. JUNE ioth, A. D. 1864. 
 
 Origin and History of the Alabama ; Her Destruction of Our Commerce ; Eludes 
 Our Cruisers ; Discovered in Cherbourg Plarbor by Captain Winslow, of the 
 United States Steamer Kearsarge; Serames, of the Alabama, Challenges 
 Winslow ; The Former is Escorted Beyond the French Jurisdiction by the 
 French Ironclad Couronne, June 19th, 1864; The Kearsarge Clears for 
 Action; The Battle Opens; Terrible Effects of the Latter's Guns; The 
 Alabama Soon Disabled and Sinking; She Surrenders; An English Yacht, 
 Permitted to Pick Up the Prisoners, Among Whom are Captain Semmes and 
 Other Officers, Treacherously Makes Off With Them to England ; Letter of 
 Secretary Welles to Winslow ; Other Interesting Particulars. 612 
 
 XLIV. MOBILE BAY. AUGUST 5TH, A. D. 1864. 
 
 Farragut's Movements After the Battle of New Orleans; His Promotion; 
 Prepares to Attack Mobile; Minor Incidents; Description of the Enemy's 
 Fleet and Fortifications ; Names of Farragut's Vessels and Their Commanders ; 
 The Order to Advance ; Sinking of the Monitor Tecumseh by a Torpedo ; 
 Splendid Manoeuvring of the Fleet; Heavy Cannonading on Both Sides; 
 Surrender of the Confederate Ironclad Tennessee ; Further Details of this 
 Great Battle ; Honors to Farragut. 624 
 
 XLV. CUSHING AND THE ALBEMARLE. OCTOBER, A. D. 1864. 
 
 The Confederates Discovered Building an Ironclad on Roanoke River, North 
 Carolina ; She Makes Her Appearance, Destroys One Union Vessel, and 
 Injures Several Others; Lieutenant Cushing ; His Singular Character and 
 Daring Adventures ; He Sinks the Albemarle with a Torpedo, while she is 
 Lying at a wharf; His Official Report ; His Subsequent Career ; His Death. 652 
 
XVili CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 XLVI. FORT FISHER. DECEMBER A. D. 1864, JANUARY A.-D. 1865. 
 
 Importance of the Place to the Confederates; The Largest Fleet That Ever 
 Sailed Under the American Flag Invests It, Under Admiral Porter ; The 
 Army Co-operates With the Fleet; Failure of the First Attack; Gen. Terry- 
 Arrives With Reinforcements, and a Fresh Investment of the Place Begins 
 January 13th, 1865 ; Details of This Famous Engagement; Fort Fisher Sur- 
 renders ; Appearance After the Battle ; Other Incidents ; Blockade-runners. 667 
 
 XLVII. SOME NAVAL ACTIONS BETWEEN BRAZIL, THE ARGEN 
 TINE CONFEDERATION AND PARAGUAY. A. D. 1865-68. 
 
 Origin of the Long and Deadly Struggle ; The Brazilian Fleet Starts Out on a 
 Cruise ; Lopez, Dictator of Paraguay, Determines to Capture this Fleet ; His 
 Preparations; The Hostile Fleets Encounter each other; Details of the 
 Fight; Bad Management on both sides; The Paraguayans Forced to Retire; 
 Another Battle in March, 1866, on the Parana River; Full Account of the 
 Desultory Fighting; The Paraguayans Driven Out of their Earthworks ; Two 
 Unsuccessful Attacks, in 1868, on the Brazilian Monitors lying off Tayi; 
 Interesting Account of one of these Attacks, 681 
 
 XLVIII. THE CAPTURE OF THE HUASCAR. OCTOBER 8th, A. D. 1879. 
 
 Description of the Huascar; Her Earlier Exploits; Strength of the Chilian 
 Squadron; The Latter Seek the Huascar; The Enemies Recognize each 
 other; The Battle Begins at Long Range; Full Details of this Spirited 
 Engagement ; Terrible Loss of Life on Board the Huascar ; She Finally 
 Surrenders ; Condition of the Chilian Fleet. 697 
 
 XLIX. BOMBARDMENT OF ALEXANDRIA. JULY iith, A. D. 1882. 
 
 Political Complications ; Arabi Pasha ; Important Events Preceding the Bom- 
 bardment ; England Demands that Work on the Fortifications Cease ; Arabi 
 Promises to Desist, but Renews the Work Secretly ; A Powerful English Fleet 
 Opens Fire on the Defences ; Silenced by the Fleet and Abandoned ; Alex- 
 andria Set on Fire and Pillaged ; Sailors and Marines from the American 
 and German Fleets Landed to Protect the Consulates ; Injury Sustained 
 by the English Fleet. 710 
 
 L. OUR NEW NAVY. 
 
 Use of Armor for Ships; Harveyized Nickel Steel; Modern Explosives; The 
 Question of Fuel; Torpedo Boats; Torpedo Catchers ; Speed; Need of a 
 Better Navy ; Merchant Vessels ; Machinery ; Duty of Officers ; Training of 
 Officers; Naval Academy; Marine Corps ; Revenue Marine ; Marine Hospital 
 Service; Training Ships; Life Saving Service; The Flag. 719-762 
 
NAVAL BATTLES, 
 
 ANCIENT AND MODERN 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 The Ancients were full of horror of the mysterious 
 Great Sea, which they deified; believing that man no 
 longer belonged to himself when once embarked, but was 
 liable to be sacrificed at any time to the anger of the 
 Great Sea god; in \vftich case no exertions of his own 
 could be of any avail. 
 
 This belief was not calculated to make seamen of 
 ability. Even Homer, who certainly was a great traveler, 
 or voyager, and who' had experience of many peoples, 
 gives us but a poor idea of the progress of navigation, 
 especially in the blind gropings and shipwrecks of Ulysses, 
 which he appears to have thought the most natural 
 things to occur. 
 
 A recent writer says, " Men had been slow to establish 
 completely their dominion over the sea. They learned 
 very early to build ships. They availed themselves very 
 early of the surprising power which the helm exerts over 
 the movements of a ship; but, during many ages, they 
 found no surer guidance than that which the position of 
 the sun and of the stars afforded. When clouds inter- 
 vened to deprive them of this uncertain direction, they 
 were helpless. They were thus obliged to keep the land 
 in view, and content themselves with creeping timidly 
 along the coasts. But at length there was discovered a 
 stone which the wise Creator had endowed with strange 
 properties. It was observed that a needle which had 
 
 19 
 
20 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 been brought in contact with that stone ever afterwards 
 pointed steadfastly to the north. Men saw that with a 
 needle thus influenced they could guide themselves at sea 
 as surely as on land. The Mariner's compass loosed the 
 bond which held sailors to the coast, and gave them 
 liberty to push out into the sea." 
 
 As regards early attempts at navigation, we must go 
 back, for certain information, to the Egyptians. The 
 expedition of the Argonauts, if not a fable, was an 
 attempt at navigation by simple boatmen, who, in the 
 infancy of the art, drew their little craft safely on shore 
 every night of their coasting voyages. We learn from 
 the Greek writers themselves, that that nation was in igno- 
 rance of navigation compared with the Phenicians, and 
 the latter certainly acquired the art from the Egyptians. 
 We know that naval battles, that is, battles between 
 bodies of men in ships, took place thousands of years 
 before the Christian era. On the walls of very ancient 
 Egyptian tombs are depicted such events, apparently 
 accompanied with much slaughter. 
 
 History positively mentions prisoners, under the name 
 of Tokhariy who were vanquished by the Egyptians in a 
 naval battle fought by Rameses III, in the fifteenth 
 century before our era. These Tokhari were thought to 
 be Kelts, and to come from the West. According to 
 some they were navigators who had inherited their skill 
 from their ancestors of the lost Continent, Atlantis. 
 
 The Phenicians have often been popularly held to have 
 been the first navigators upon the high seas ; but the 
 Carians, who preceded the Pelasgi in the Greek islands, 
 undoubtedly antedated the Phenicians in the control of 
 the sea and extended voyages. It is true that when the 
 Phenicians did begin, they far exceeded their predeces- 
 sors. Sidon dates from 1837 before Christ, and soon 
 
5 z 
 < < 
 
 - j 
 
INTRODUCTION. 21 
 
 after this date she had an extensive commerce, and 
 made long voyages, some even beyond the Mediter- 
 ranean. 
 
 To return to the Egyptians. Sesostris had immense 
 fleets 1437 years before Christ, and navigated not only 
 the Mediterranean, but the Red Sea. The Egyptians 
 had invaded, by means of veritable fleets, the country of 
 the Pelasgi. Some of these ancient Egyptian ships were 
 very large. Diodorus mentions one of cedar, built by 
 Sesostris, which was 280 cubits (420 to 478 feet) long. 
 
 One built by Ptolemy was 478 feet long, and carried 
 400 sailors, 4000 rowers, and 3000 soldiers. Many other 
 huge vessels are mentioned. A bas-relief at Thebes 
 represents a naval victory gained by the Egyptians over 
 some Indian nation, in the Red Sea, or the Persian Gulf, 
 probably 1400 years before Christ. 
 
 The Egyptian fleet is in a crescent, and seems to be 
 endeavoring to surround the Indian fleet, which, with oars 
 boarded and sails furled, is calmly awaiting the approach 
 of its antagonist. A lion's head, of some metal, at the 
 prow of each Egyptian galley, shows that ramming was 
 then resorted to. These Egyptian men-of-war were 
 manned by soldiers in helmets, and armed as those of the 
 land forces. 
 
 The length of these vessels is conjectured to have been 
 about 120 feet, and the breadth 16 feet. They had high 
 raised poops and forecastles, filled with archers and 
 slingers, while the rest of the fighting men were armed 
 with pikes, javelins, and pole-axes, of most murderous 
 appearance, to be used in boarding. Wooden bulwarks, 
 rising considerably above the main-deck, protected the 
 rowers. Some of the combatants had bronze coats of 
 mail, in addition to helmets of the same, and some carried 
 huge shields, covered, apparently, with tough bull's hide. 
 
22 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 These vessels had masts, with a large yard, and a huge 
 square sail They are said to have been built of acacia, 
 so durable a wood that vessels built of it have lasted a 
 century or more. They appear to have had but one rank 
 of oars; although two or three tiers soon became com- 
 mon. None of the ancient Egyptian, Assyrian, Greek 
 or Roman monuments represent galleys with more than 
 two tiers of oars, except one Roman painting that gives 
 one with three. Yet quinqueremes are spoken of as 
 very common. It is not probable that more than three 
 tiers were used; as seamen have never been able to 
 explain how the greater number of tiers could have been 
 worked; and they have come to the conclusion that 
 scholars have been mistaken, and that the term quinque- 
 reme, or five ranks of oars, as translated, meant the 
 arrangement of the oars, or of the men at them, and noi 
 the ranks, one above another, as usually understood. 
 
 Much learning and controversy has been expended 
 upon this subject, and many essays written, and models 
 and diagrams made, to clear up the matter, without satis- 
 fying practical seamen. 
 
 The Roman galleys with three rows of oars had the 
 row ports in tiers. These ports were either round or 
 oval, and were called columbaria, from their resemblance 
 to the arrangement of a dove-cote. The lower oars could 
 be taken in, in bad weather, and the ports closed. 
 
 The "long ships" or galleys of the ancient Mediter- 
 ranean maritime nations — which were so called in oppo- 
 sition to the short, high and bulky merchant ships — ■ 
 carried square or triangular sails, often colored. The 
 "long ships" themselves were painted in gay colors, 
 carried flags and banners at different points, and images 
 upon their prows, which were sacred to the tutelary 
 divinities of their country. The "long ships " could make 
 
INTRODUCTION. 23 
 
 with their oars, judging from descriptions of their voyages, 
 perhaps a hundred miles in a day of twelve hours. In 
 an emergency they could go much faster, for a short 
 time. It is reliably stated that it took a single-decked 
 galley, 130 feet long, with 52 oars, a fourth of an hour to 
 describe a full circle in turning. 
 
 Carthage was founded by the Phenicians, 1137 years 
 before our era ; and not very long after the Carthaginians 
 colonized Marseilles. Hanno accomplished "Wis periplus, 
 or great voyage round Africa, 800 years B. C, showing 
 immense advance in nautical ability, in which the Greeks 
 were again left far behind. Still later, the Carthaginians 
 discovered the route to the British Islands, and traded 
 there — especially in Cornish tin — while 330 years B. C. 
 Ultima Thtde, or Iceland, was discovered by the Marseil- 
 lais Pitheas. Thus Carthage and her colonies not only 
 freely navigated the Atlantic, but some have thought 
 that they actually reached northern America. 
 
 Four hundred and eighty years before the Christian 
 era the Grecian fleet defeated that of the Persians, at 
 Salamis ; and the next year another naval battle, that of 
 Mycale (which was fought on the same day as that of 
 Platsea on land), completely discomfited the Persian 
 invaders, and the Greeks then became the aggressors. 
 
 Herodotus, who wrote about 450 years B. C, gives 
 accounts of many naval actions, and even describes 
 several different kinds of fighting vessels. He mentions 
 the prophecy of the oracle at Delphi, when "wooden walls" 
 were declared to be the great defence against Xerxes' 
 huge force— meaning the fleet — just as the "wooden 
 walls of England" were spoken of, up to the time of 
 ironclads. Herodotus says the Greek fleet at the battle 
 of Artemisium, which was fought at the same time as 
 Thermopylae, consisted of 271 ships, which, by their very 
 
24 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 skillful handling, defeated the much larger Persian arma- 
 ment, which latter, from its very numbers, was unwieldy. 
 
 At Artemisium, the Greeks " brought the sterns of 
 their ships together in a small compass, and turned their 
 prows towards the enemy." And, although largely out- 
 numbered, fought through the day, and captured thirty 
 of the enemy's ships. This manner of manoeuvring was 
 possible, from the use of oars ; and they never fought 
 except in calm weather. 
 
 After this, the Greeks, under Alexander, renewed their 
 energies, and his fleet, under the command of Nearchus, 
 explored the coast of India and the Persian Gulf. His 
 fleets principally moved by the oar, although sails were 
 sometimes used by them. 
 
 Among other well authenticated naval events of early 
 times, was the defeat of the Carthaginian fleet, by Regulus, 
 in the first Punic war, 335 years B. C. This victory, 
 gained at sea, was the more creditable to the Romans, 
 as they were not naturally a sea-going race, as the nations 
 to the south and east of the Mediterranean were. 
 
 When they had rendered these nations tributary, they 
 availed themselves of their nautical knowledge ; just as 
 the Austrians of to-day avail themselves of their nautical 
 population upon the Adriatic coast, or the Turks of their 
 Greek subjects, who are sailors. 
 
 Of naval battles which exercised any marked influence 
 upon public events, or changed dynasties, or the fate of 
 nations, the first of which we have a full and definite 
 description is the battle of Actium. But before proceed- 
 ing to describe that most important and memorable 
 engagement, we may look at two or three earlier sea 
 fights which had great results, some details of which have 
 come down to us. 
 
NAVAL BATTLES, 
 
 ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 I. 
 
 SALAMIS. B. C. 480. 
 
 HIS great sea fight took place at the above 
 date, between the fleet of Xerxes and that 
 of the allied Greeks. 
 
 Salamis is an island in the Gulf of 
 JEgmsi, ten miles west of Athens. Its 
 modern name is Kolouri. It is of about 
 thirty square miles surface; mountainous, 
 wooded, and very irregular in shape. 
 It was in the channel between it and the main land 
 that the great battle was fought. 
 
 Xerxes, in the flush of youth, wielding immense power, 
 and having boundless resources in men and money, 
 determined to revenge upon the Greeks the defeat of the 
 Persians, so many of whom had fallen, ten years before, 
 at Marathon. After years of preparation, using all -his 
 resources and enlisting tributary powers, he marched 
 northward, in all the pomp and circumstance of war, and 
 laid a bridge of boats at the Hellespont, over which it 
 took seven days for his army to pass. His fleet consisted 
 of over 1 200 fighting vessels and transports, and carried 
 240,000 men. 
 
 Previous to the naval battle of which we are about to 
 
 25 
 
26 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 speak, he lost four hundred of his galleys in a violent 
 storm; but still his fleet was immensely superior in num- 
 ber to that of the Greeks, who had strained every nerve 
 to get together the navies of their independent States. 
 Such leaders as Aristides and Themistocles formed a 
 host in themselves, while the independent Greeks were, 
 man for man and ship for ship, superior to the Persians 
 and their allies. Of the Greek fleet the Athenians com- 
 posed the right wing; the Spartans the left, opposed 
 respectively to the Phenicians and the Ionians; while the 
 /Eginetans and Corinthians, with others, formed the 
 Greek reserve. 
 
 The day of the battle was a remarkably fair one, and 
 we are told that, as the sun rose, the Persians, with one 
 accord (both on sea and land, for there was a famous 
 land battle as well on that day), prostrated themselves in 
 worship of the orb of day. This was one of the oldest 
 and greatest forms of worship ever known to man, and 
 it still exists among the Parsees. It must have been a 
 grand sight; for 240,000 men, in a thousand ships, and 
 an immense force on the neighboring land, bowed down 
 at once, in adoration. 
 
 The Greeks, with the "canniness" which distinguished 
 them in their dealings with both gods and men, sacrificed 
 to all the gods, and especially to Zeus, or Jupiter, and to 
 Poseidon, or Neptune. 
 
 Everything was ready for the contest on both sides. 
 Arms, offensive and defensive, were prepared. They 
 were much the same as had been used for ages, by the 
 Egyptians and others. Grappling irons were placed 
 ready to fasten contending ships together; gangways or 
 planks were arranged to afford sure footing to the 
 boarders, while heavy weights were ready, triced up to 
 the long yards, to be dropped upon the enemy's deck, 
 
SALAMIS. 27 
 
 crushing his rowers, and perhaps sinking the vessel. 
 Catapults and balistae (the first throwing large darts 
 and javelins, the second immense rocks) were placed in 
 order, like great guns of modern times. Archers and 
 slingers occupied the poops and forecastles ; while, as 
 additional means of offence, the Rhodians carried long- 
 spars, fixed obliquely to the prows of their galleys, and 
 reaching beyond their beaks, from which were suspended, 
 by chains, large kettles, filled with live coals and com- 
 bustibles. A chain at the bottom capsized these on the 
 decks of the enemy, often setting them on fire. Greek 
 fire, inextinguishable by water, is supposed, by many, to 
 have been used thus early; while fire ships were certainly 
 often employed. 
 
 Just as the Greeks had concluded their religious cere- 
 monies, one of their triremes, which had been sent in 
 advance to reconnoitre the Persian fleet, was seen return- 
 ing, hotly pursued by the enemy. 
 
 An Athenian trireme, commanded by Ameinas, the 
 brother of the poet ./Eschylus, dashed forward to her 
 assistance. Upon this Eurybiades, the Greek admiral, 
 seeing that everything was ready, gave the signal for 
 general attack, which was the display of a brightly bur- 
 nished brazen shield above his vessel. (This, and many 
 other details may be found in Herodotus, but space pre- 
 vents their insertion here.) 
 
 As soon as the shield was displayed the Grecian 
 trumpets sounded the advance, which was made amid 
 great enthusiasm, the mixed fleets, or contingents, from 
 every state and city, vying with each other as to who 
 should be first to strike the enemy. The right wing- 
 dashed forward, followed by the whole line, all sweeping 
 down upon the Persians, or Barbarians, as the Greeks 
 called them. 
 
28 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 On this occasion the Greeks had a good cause, and 
 were fighting to save their country and its liberties. 
 Undaunted by the numbers of the opposing fleet, they 
 bent to their long oars and came down in fine style. The 
 Athenians became engaged first, then the ^Eginetans, and 
 then the battle became general. The Greeks had the 
 advantage of being in rapid motion when they struck the 
 Persian fleet, most of which had not, at that critical moment, 
 gathered way. The great effect of a mass in motion is 
 exemplified in the act of a river steamboat running at 
 speed into a wharf; the sharp, frail vessel is seldom much 
 damaged, while cutting deep into a mass of timber, iron 
 and stone. Many of the Persian vessels were sunk at 
 once, and a great gap thereby made in their line. This 
 was filled from their immense reserve, but not until after 
 great panic and confusion, which contributed to the suc- 
 cess of the Greeks. The Persian Admiral commanding 
 the left wing, seeing that it was necessary to act promptly 
 in order to effectually succor his people, bore down at 
 full speed upon the flagship of Themistocles, intending 
 to board her. A desperate hand-to-hand struggle ensued, 
 and the vessel of Themistocles was soon in a terrible 
 strait; but many Athenian galleys hastened to his rescue, 
 and the large and magnificent Persian galley was sunk by 
 repeated blows from the sharp beaks of the Greeks, 
 while Ariamenes, the Admiral, was previously slain and 
 thrown overboard. At this same moment the son of the 
 great Darius, revered by all the Asiatics, fell, pierced by 
 a javelin, at which sight the Persians set up a melancholy 
 wailing cry, which the Greeks responded to with shouts 
 of triumph and derision. 
 
 Still, the Persians, strong in numbers, renewed and 
 maintained the battle with great fury; but the Athenian 
 fleet cut through the Phenician line, and then, pulling 
 

 O 
 
 
 £ 
 
 > 
 
 ■rl 
 
 ■J 
 
 W 
 
 Uh 
 
 O 
 
 > 
 
 z 
 
 H 
 
 <! 
 
 
 H 
 
 J 
 
 7, 
 
 <! 
 
 SI 
 
 > 
 
 
 <J 
 
 
 £ 
 
SALAMIS. 29 
 
 strong with starboard and backing port oars, turned 
 short round and fell upon the Persian left flank and 
 rear. 
 
 A universal panic now seized the Asiatics ; and in 
 spite of numbers, they broke and fled in disorder — all, 
 that is, except the Dorians, who, led by their brave queen 
 in person, fought for their new ally with desperate valor, 
 in the vain hope of restoring order where all order was 
 lost. The Dorian queen, Artemisia, at last forced to the 
 conviction that the fugitives were not to be rallied, and 
 seeing the waters covered with wreck, and strewn with 
 the floating corpses of her friends and allies, reluctantly 
 gave the signal for retreat. 
 
 She was making off in her own galley, when she found 
 herself closely pursued by a Greek vessel, and, to divert 
 his pursuit, as well as to punish one who had behaved 
 badly, she ran her galley full speed into that of a Lycian 
 commander, who had behaved in a cowardly manner 
 during the engagement. The Lycian sank instantly, and 
 the Greek, upon seeing this action, supposed that Arte- 
 misia's galley was a friend, and at once relinquished pur- 
 suit ; so that this brave woman and able naval commander 
 succeeded in making her escape. 
 
 Ten thousand drachmas had been offered for her capture, 
 and this, of course, was lost. Ameinas, who had pursued 
 her, was afterwards named, by general suffrage, one of the 
 " three valiants" who had most distinguished themselves 
 in the hard fought battle against such odds. Polycritus 
 and Eumenes were the two others. 
 
 The victory being complete at sea, Aristides, at the head 
 of a large body of Athenians, landed at a point where 
 many of the Persians were. The latter were divided from 
 the main body of Xerxes' army by a sheet of water, and 
 were slain, almost to a man, by the Greeks, under the 
 
30 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 very eyes of the Persian monarch and his main army, 
 who could not reach them to afford assistance. 
 
 The discomfiture of his fleet rendered Xerxes powerless 
 for the time ; and, recognizing- the extent of the misfortune 
 which had befallen him, the mighty lord of so many 
 nations, so many tributaries, and so many slaves, rent his 
 robes, and burst into a flood of tears. 
 
 Thus ended the great battle of Salamis, which decided 
 the fate of Greece. 
 
 The forces of the several independent Greek States 
 returned to their homes, where their arrival was celebra- 
 ted with great rejoicing, and sacrifices to the gods. 
 
 Xerxes, as soon as he realized the extent of the disaster 
 which had befallen him, resolved at once to return with 
 all possible expedition into Asia. His chief counsellor in 
 vain advised him not to be downcast by the defeat of his 
 fleet: "that he had come to fight against the Greeks, not 
 with rafts of wood, but with soldiers and horses." In 
 spite of this, Xerxes sent the remnant of his fleet to the 
 harbors of Asia Minor, and after a march of forty-five 
 days, amidst great hardship and privation, arrived at the 
 Hellespont with his army. Famine, pestilence and battle 
 had reduced his army from a million or more to about 
 300,000. 
 
 The victory at Salamis terminated the second act of 
 the great Persian expedition. The third, in the following 
 year, was the conclusive land battle of Plataea, and subse- 
 quent operations. These secured not only the freedom 
 of Greece and of adjoining European States, but the 
 freedom and independence of the Asiatic Greeks, and their 
 undisturbed possession of the Asiatic coast — an inestim- 
 able prize to the victors. 
 
SYRACUSE. 
 
 31 
 
 II. 
 
 NAVAL BATTLE AT SYRACUSE. B. C. 415. 
 
 HIS battle was not only remarkable for its 
 desperate fighting and bloody character, 
 but for the fact that the complete and over- 
 whelming defeat of the Athenians was the 
 termination of their existence as a naval 
 power. 
 
 An Athenian fleet had been despatched 
 to the assistance of the small Greek Re- 
 public of ^gesta, near the western end of Sicily, then 
 threatened by Syracuse. 
 
 The Athenian fleet numbered one hundred and thirty- 
 four triremes, 25,000 seamen and soldiers, beside trans- 
 ports with 6000 spearmen and a proportionate force of 
 archers and slingers. This considerable armament was 
 designed to cooperate not only in the reduction of Syra- 
 cuse, the implacable enemy of the ^gestans, but also to 
 endeavor to subdue the whole of the large, rich and 
 beautiful island of Sicily, at that time the granary and 
 vineyard of the Mediterranean. 
 
 The Greek fleet drew near its destination in fine order, 
 and approached and entered Syracuse with trumpets 
 sounding and flags displayed, while the soldiers and 
 sailors, accustomed to a long succession of victories, and 
 regarding defeat as impossible, rent the air with glad 
 shouts. 
 
 Syracuse is a large and perfect harbor; completely 
 
32 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 landlocked, and with a narrow entrance. The Sicilians, 
 entirely unprepared to meet the veteran host thus sud- 
 denly precipitated upon them, looked upon these demon- 
 strations with gloomy forebodings. Fortunately for their 
 independence, they had wise and brave leaders, while the 
 commander of the great Athenian fleet was wanting in de- 
 cision of character and in the ability to combine his forces 
 and move quickly; a necessity in such an enterprise as 
 his. It therefore happened that the tables were turned, 
 and the proud invaders were eventually blockaded in the 
 harbor of Syracuse, the people obstructing the narrow 
 entrance so as to prevent escape, while the country 
 swarmed with the levies raised to resist the invaders by 
 land, and to cut them off from all supplies. 
 
 In the meantime the Greeks had seized a spot on the 
 shores of the harbor, built a dock yard, and constructed a 
 fortified camp. 
 
 Such being the state of affairs, a prompt and energetic 
 movement on the part of the Athenians became necessary 
 to save them from starvation. Nikias, their commander- 
 in chief, entrusted the fleet to Demosthenes, Menander, 
 and Euthydemus, and prepared to fight a decisive battle. 
 
 Taught by recent partial encounters that the beaks of 
 the Syracusan triremes were more powerful and de- 
 structive than those of his own vessels, he instructed his 
 captains to avoid ramming as much as possible, and to 
 attack by boarding. His ships were provided with plenty 
 of grappling irons, so that the Sicilians could be secured 
 as soon as they rammed the Greek vessels, when a mass 
 of veteran Greeks was to be thrown on board, and the 
 islanders overcome in a hand-to-hand fight. 
 
 When all was ready the fleet of the Athenian triremes, 
 reduced to one hundred and ten in number, but fully 
 manned, moved in three grand divisions. Demosthenes 
 
SYRACUSE. 33 
 
 commanded the van division, and made directly for the 
 mouth of the harbor, toward which the Syracusan fleet, 
 only seventy-five in number, was also promptly con- 
 verging. 
 
 The Athenians were cutting away and removing the 
 obstructions at the narrow entrance, when their enemy 
 came down rapidly, and forced them to desist from their 
 labors, and form line of battle. This they did hurriedly, 
 and as well as the narrow limits would permit. They 
 were soon furiously attacked, on both wings at once, by 
 Licanus and Agatharcus, who had moved down close to 
 the shore, the one on the riorht and the other on the left 
 hand of the harbor. The Syracusans, by this manoeuvre, 
 outflanked the Greeks, who, their- flanks being turned, 
 were necessarily driven in upon their centre, which point 
 was at this critical moment vigorously attacked by the 
 Corinthians, the faithful allies of the Syracusans. The 
 Corinthian squadron, led by Python, had dashed down the 
 middle of the harbor, and attacked, with loud shouts, as 
 if assured of victory. Great confusion now ensued among 
 the Athenian vessels, caught at a great disadvantage, and 
 in each other's way. Many of their triremes were at once 
 stove and sunk, and those which remained afloat were so 
 hemmed in by enemies that they could not use their oars. 
 The strong point of the Athenian fleet had consisted in 
 its ability to manoeuvre, and they were here deprived of 
 that advantage. 
 
 Hundreds of their drowning comrades were calling for 
 assistance, while their countrymen on shore, belonging to 
 the army, witnessed their position with despair, being 
 unable to come to the rescue. Still, the Athenians fought 
 as became their old renown. They often beat off the 
 enemy by sheer force of arms, but without avail. The 
 Syracusans had covered their forecastles with raw bulls' 
 
34 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 hides, so that the grappling irons would not hold for 
 boarding; but the Greeks watched for the moment of 
 contact, and before they could recoil, leaped boldly on board 
 the enemy's triremes, sword in hand. They succeeded 
 thus in capturing some Sicilian vessels ; but their own loss 
 was frightful, and, after some hours of most sanguinary 
 contest, Demosthenes, seeing that a continuance of it 
 would annihilate his force, took advantage of a temporary 
 break in the enemy's line to give the signal for retreat. 
 This was at once begun; at first in good order, but the 
 Syracusans pressing vigorously upon the Athenian rear, 
 soon converted it into a disorderly flight, each trying to 
 secure his own safety. 
 
 In this condition the Greeks reached the fortified docks, 
 which they had built during their long stay, the entrance 
 to which was securely guarded by merchant ships, which 
 had huge rocks triced up, called " dolphins," of sufficient 
 size to sink any vessel upon which they might be dropped. 
 Here the pursuit ended, and the defeated and harassed 
 Athenians hastened to their fortified camp, where their 
 land forces, with loud lamentations, deplored the event of 
 the naval battle, which they had fondly hoped would have 
 set them all at liberty. 
 
 The urgent question now was as to the preservation of 
 both forces — and that alone. 
 
 That same night Demosthenes proposed that they 
 should man their remaining triremes, reduced to sixty in 
 number, and try again to force a way out of the harbor ; 
 alleging that they were still stronger than the enemy, who 
 had also lost a number of ships. Nikias gave consent ; 
 but when the sailors were ordered to embark once more, 
 they mutinied and flatly refused to do so ; saying that 
 their numbers were too much reduced by battle, sickness, 
 and bad food, and that there were no seamen of experi- 
 
SYRACUSE. 35 
 
 ence left to take the helm, or rowers in sufficient numbers 
 for the benches. They also declared that the last had 
 been a soldiers' battle, and that such were better fought 
 on land. They then set fire to the dock-yard and the 
 fleet, and the Syracusan forces appearing, in the midst of 
 this mutiny, captured both men and ships. Her fleet 
 being thus totally destroyed, Athens never recovered 
 from the disaster, and ceased from that day to be a naval 
 power. 
 
 The subsequent events in this connection, though inter- 
 esting and instructive, do not belong to naval history. 
 
 1 
 
 m 
 
 
 
36 
 
 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 Ill 
 
 ROMANS AND CARTHAGINIANS. 
 
 ARTH AGE, the Phenician colony in Africa, 
 which became so famous and powerful, 
 was very near the site of the modern city 
 of Tunis. It has been a point of interest for 
 twenty centuries. Long after the Pheni- 
 cian sway had passed away, and the Arab 
 and Saracen had become lords of the soil, 
 Louis XI, of France, in the Crusade of 1 2 70, 
 took possession of the site of the ancient city, only to give 
 up his last breath there, and add another to the many 
 legends of the spot. The Spaniards afterwards con- 
 quered Tunis and held it for a time; and, in our own day, 
 the French have again repossessed themselves of the 
 country, and may retain it long after the events of our 
 time have passed into history. 
 
 As soon as Rome rose to assured power, and began 
 her course of conquest, trouble with the powerful State 
 of Carthage ensued. Their clashing interests soon in- 
 volved them in war, and Sicily and the Sicilian waters, 
 being necessary to both, soon became their battle ground. 
 The Carthaginians had obtained a footing in Sicily, by 
 assisting Roman renegades and freebooters of all nations 
 who had taken refuge there. The Romans therefore passed 
 a decree directing the Consul, Appius Claudius, to cross 
 over to Messina and expel the Carthaginians who, from 
 that strong point, controlled the passage of the great thor- 
 
ROMANS AND CARTHAGINIANS. 37 
 
 oughfare, the strait of the same name. Thus commenced 
 the first Punic war. The Romans were almost uniformly 
 successful upon land, but the Carthaginians, deriving 
 nautical skill from their Phenician ancestors, overawed, 
 with their fleet, the whole coast of Sicily, and even made 
 frequent and destructive descents upon the Italian shores 
 themselves. 
 
 The Romans at this time had no ships of war ; but they 
 began the construction of a fleet, to cope with their 
 enemy, then the undisputed mistress of the seas. 
 
 Just at this time a Carthaginian ship of large size was 
 stranded upon the Italian shores, and served as a model 
 for the Romans, who, with characteristic energy, in a 
 short time put afloat a hundred quinqueremes and twenty 
 triremes. No particular description of these vessels is 
 necessary, as they were the same in general plan as 
 those already spoken of as in use among the Egyptians, 
 Phenicians, and Greeks, for centuries. Able seamen 
 were obtained from neighboring tributary maritime States, 
 and bodies of landsmen were put in training, being exer- 
 cised at the oar on shore ; learning to begin and cease 
 rowing at the signal. For this purpose platforms were 
 erected, and benches placed, as in a galley. 
 
 It will here be necessary to give a short account of the 
 Roman naval system, which was now rapidly becoming 
 developed and established. As has been said, they had 
 paid no attention, before this period, to naval affairs ; and 
 were only stirred up to do so by the necessity of meeting 
 the Carthaginians upon their own element. 
 
 It is true that some authorities say that the first Roman 
 ships of war were built upon the model of those of Antium, 
 after the capture of that city, A. U. C. 41 7 ; but the Romans 
 certainly made no figure at sea until the time of the first 
 Punic war. 
 
38 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 The Roman ships of war were much longer than their 
 merchant vessels, and were principally driven by oars, 
 while the merchant ships relied almost entirely upon sails. 
 
 It is a more difficult problem than one would at first sight 
 suppose, to explain exactly how the oars were arranged in 
 the quadriremes and quinqueremes of which we read. 
 The Roman ships were substantial and heavy, and con- 
 sequently slow in evolutions, however formidable in line. 
 Augustus, at a much later period, was indebted to a 
 number of fast, light vessels from the Dalmatian coast, 
 for his victory over Antony's heavy ships. 
 
 The ship of the commander of a Roman fleet was dis- 
 tinguished by a red flag, and also carried a light at night. 
 These ships of war had prows armed with a sharp beak, 
 of brass, usually divided into three teeth, or points. They 
 also carried towers of timber, which were erected before 
 an engagement, and whence missiles were discharged. 
 They employed both freemen and slaves as rowers and 
 sailors. The citizens and the allies of the State were 
 obliged to furnish a certain quota of these ; and some- 
 times to provide them with pay and provisions ; but the 
 wages of the men were usually provided by the State. 
 
 The regular soldiers of the Legions at first fought at 
 sea as well as on land; but when Rome came to main- 
 tain a permanent fleet, there was a separate class of 
 soldiers raised for the sea service, like the marines of 
 modern navies. But this service was considered less 
 honorable than that of the Legions, and was often per- 
 formed by manumitted slaves. The rowers, a still lower 
 class, were occasionally armed and aided in attack and 
 defence, when boardine; but this was not usual. 
 
 Before a Roman fleet went to sea it was formally 
 reviewed, like the land army. Prayers were offered to 
 the gods, and victims sacrificed. The auspices were 
 
ROMANS AND CARTHAGINIANS. 39 
 
 consulted, and if any unlucky omen occurred (such as a 
 person sneezing on the left of the Augur, or swallows 
 alighting on the ships), the voyage was suspended. 
 
 Fleets about to engage were arranged in a manner 
 similar to armies on land, with centre, right and left 
 wings, and reserve. Sometimes they were arranged in 
 the form of a wedge, or forceps, but most frequently in 
 a half moon. The admiral sailed round the fleet, in a 
 light galley, and exhorted the men, while invocations and 
 sacrifices were again offered. They almost always fought 
 in calm or mild weather, and with furled sails. The red 
 flag was the signal to engage, which they did with trum- 
 pets sounding and the crews shouting. The combatants 
 endeavored to disable the enemy by striking off the kinks 
 of oars on one side, or by striking the opposing hulls with 
 the beak. They also employed fire-ships, and threw pots 
 of combustibles on board the enemy. Many of Antony's 
 ships were destroyed by this means. When they returned 
 from a successful engagement the prows of the victors 
 were decorated with laurel wreaths; and it was their 
 custom to tow the captured vessels stern foremost, to 
 signify their utter confusion and helplessness. The 
 admiral was honored with a triumph, after a signal 
 victory, like a General or Consul who had won a decisive 
 land battle ; and columns were erected in their honor, 
 which were called Rostral, from being decorated with the 
 beaks of ships. 
 
 And now, to return to the imposing fleet which the 
 Romans had equipped against the Carthaginians : — 
 
 When all was ready the Romans put to sea; at first 
 clinging to their own shores, and practicing in fleet 
 tactics. They found their vessels dull and unwieldy, and 
 therefore resolved to board the enemy at the first oppor- 
 tunity, and avoid as much as possible all manoeuvring. 
 
40 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 They therefore carried plenty of grappling-irons, and had 
 stages, or gangways, ingeniously arranged upon hinges, 
 which fell on board of the enemy, and afforded secure 
 bridges for boarding. By this means many victories were 
 secured over a people who were much better seamen. 
 
 After various partial engagements with the Carthaginian 
 fleet, productive of no definite results, Duilius assumed 
 command of the Roman fleet, and steered for Mylce, 
 where the Carthaginians, under Hannibal, were lying at 
 anchor. 
 
 The latter expected an easy victory, despising the pre- 
 tensions of the Romans to seamanship, and they accord- 
 ingly left their anchorage in a straggling way, not even 
 thinking - it worth while to form line of battle to engage 
 landsmen. 
 
 Their one hundred and thirty quinqueremes approached 
 in detachments, according to their speed, and Hannibal, with 
 about thirty of the fastest, came in contact with the Roman 
 line, while the rest of his fleet was far astern. Attacked 
 on all sides, he soon began to rep.ent of his rashness, and 
 turned to fly — but the "corvi" fell, and the Roman 
 soldiers, advancing over the gangways, put their enemies 
 to the sword. The whole of the Carthaginian van divi- 
 sion fell into the Roman hands, without a single ship 
 being lost on the part of the latter. Hannibal had fortu- 
 nately made his escape in time, in a small boat, and at 
 once proceeded to form the rest of his fleet to resist the 
 Roman shock. He then passed from vessel to vessel, 
 exhorting his men to stand firm; but the novel mode of 
 attack, and its great success, had demoralized the Cartha- 
 ginians, and they fled before the Roman advance; fifty 
 more of Hannibal's fleet being captured. 
 
 So ended the first great naval engagement between 
 Rome and Carthage; bringing to the former joy and 
 
ROMANS AND CARTHAGINIANS. 41 
 
 hope of future successes, and to the latter grief and des- 
 pondency. 
 
 Duilius, the Consul, had a rostral column of marble 
 erected in his honor, in the Roman forum, with his statue 
 upon the top. 
 
 Hannibal was soon afterward crucified by his own sea- 
 men, in their rage and mortification at their shameful 
 defeat. 
 
 Slight skirmishes and collisions continued to occur, 
 and both nations became convinced that ultimate success 
 could only be obtained by the one which should obtain 
 complete mastery of the Mediterranean Sea. Both, there- 
 fore, made every effort; and the dock-yards were kept 
 busily at work, while provisions, arms, and naval stores 
 were accumulated upon a large scale. 
 
 The Romans fitted out three hundred and thirty, the 
 Carthaginians three hundred, and fifty quinqueremes; 
 and in the spring of the year 260 b. c, the rivals took the 
 sea, to fight out their quarrel to the bitter end. 
 
 The Roman Consuls Manlius and Regulus had their 
 fleet splendidly equipped, and marshaled in divisions, 
 with the first and second Legions on board. Following 
 was a rear division, with more soldiers, which served as 
 a reserve, and as a guard to the rear of the right and left 
 flanks. 
 
 Hamilcar, the admiral of the opposing fleet, saw that 
 the Roman rear was hampered by the transports which 
 they were towing, and resolved to try to separate the 
 leading divisions from them; hoping to capture the 
 transports, and then the other divisions in detail ; with this 
 intention he formed in four divisions. Three were in 
 line, at rieht angles to the course the Romans were 
 steering, and the fourth in the order called " forceps." 
 
42 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 The last division was a little in the rear and well to the 
 left of the main body. 
 
 Having made his dispositions, Hamilcar passed down 
 the fleet in his barge, and reminded his countrymen of 
 their ancestral renown at sea, and assured them that their 
 former defeat was due, not to the nautical ability of the 
 Romans, but to the rash valor of the Carthaginians 
 against a warlike people not ever to be despised. "Avoid 
 the prows of the Roman galleys," he continued, " and 
 strike them amidships, or on the quarter. Sink them, or 
 disable their oars, and endeavor to render their military 
 machines, on which they greatly rely, wholly inoperative." 
 Loud and continuous acclamations proclaimed the good 
 disposition of his men, and Hamilcar forthwith ordered 
 the advance to be sounded, signaling the vessels of the 
 first division — which would be the first to eneaee — to 
 retreat in apparent disorder when they came down close 
 to the enemy. The Carthaginians obeyed his order to 
 the letter, and, as if terrified by the Roman array, turned 
 in well simulated flight, and were instantly pursued by 
 both columns, which, as Hamilcar had foreseen, drew 
 rapidly away from the rest of the fleet. When they were 
 so far separated as to preclude the possibility of sup- 
 port, the Carthaginians, at a given signal, put about, and 
 attacked with great ardor and resolution, making a 
 desperate effort to force together the two sides of the 
 "forceps" in which the Romans were formed. But these 
 facing outward, and always presenting their prows to the 
 Carthaginians, remained immovable and unbroken. If 
 the Carthaginians succeeded in ramming one, those on 
 each side of the attacked vessel came to her assistance, and 
 thus outnumbered, the Carthaginians did not dare to board. 
 
 While the battle was thus progressing in the centre — 
 without decided results — Hanno, who commanded the 
 
ROMANS AND CARTHAGINIANS. 43 
 
 Carthaginian right wing, instead of engaging the left 
 Roman column in flank, stretched far out to sea, and bore 
 down upon the Roman reserve, which carried the soldiers 
 of the Triarii. The Carthaginian reserve, instead of 
 attacking the Roman right column, as they evidently 
 should have done, also bore down upon the Roman 
 reserve. Thus three distinct and separate engagements 
 were going on at once — all fought most valiantly. Just 
 as the Roman reserve was overpowered, and about to 
 yield, they saw that the Carthaginian centre was in full 
 retreat, chased by the Roman van, while the Roman 
 second division was hastening to the assistance of their 
 sorely pressed reserve. This sight inspired the latter 
 with new courage, and, although they had had many 
 vessels sunk, and a few captured, they continued the fight 
 until the arrival of their friends caused their assailant, 
 Hanno, to hoist the signal for retreat. The Roman third 
 division, embarrassed by its convoy, had been driven back 
 until quite close to the land, and while sharp-pointed, 
 surf-beaten rocks appeared under their sterns, it was 
 attacked on both sides and in front, by the nimble Car- 
 thaginians. Vessel by vessel it was falling into the 
 enemy's hands, when Manlius, seeing its critical condition, 
 relinquished his own pursuit, and hastened to its relief. 
 His presence converted defeat into victory, and insured 
 the complete triumph of the Roman arms ; so that, while 
 the Carthaginians scattered in flight, the Romans, towing 
 their prizes stern foremost, as was their custom in victory, 
 entered the harbor of Heraclea. 
 
 In this sanguinary and decisive battle thirty of the Car- 
 thaginian and twenty-four of the Roman quinqueremes 
 were sent to the bottom, with all on board. Not a single 
 Roman vessel was carried off by the enemy; while the 
 Romans captured sixty-four ships and their crews. 
 
44 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 Commodore Parker, of the U. S. Navy, in commenting 
 upon this important naval action, says, "Had Hanno and 
 the commander of the Carthaginian reserve done their 
 duty faithfully and intelligently upon this occasion, the 
 Roman van and centre must have been doubled up and 
 defeated, almost instantly ; after which it would have 
 been an easy matter to get possession of the others, with 
 the transports. Thus the Carthaginians would have 
 gained a decisive victory, the effect of which would have 
 been, perhaps, to deter the Romans from again making 
 their appearance in force upon the sea; and then, with 
 such leaders as Hamilcar, Hasdrubal and Hannibal to 
 shape her policy and conduct her armaments, Carthage, 
 instead of Rome, might have been the mistress of the 
 world. Such are the great issues sometimes impending 
 over contending armies and fleets." 
 
 As soon as the Consuls had repaired damages they set 
 sail from Heraclea for Africa, where they disembarked an 
 army under Regulus ; and most of the naval force, with 
 the prisoners, then returned home. Regulus, however, 
 soon suffered a defeat, and the Roman fleet had to be des- 
 patched to Africa again, in hot haste, to take off the scant 
 remnant of his army. Before taking on board the de- 
 feated Legions the fleet had another great naval battle, 
 and captured a Carthaginian fleet of one hundred and four- 
 teen vessels. With the soldiers on board, and their 
 prizes in tow, Marcus Emilius and Servius Fulvius, the 
 Consuls then in command, determined to return to Rome 
 by the south shore of Sicily. This was against the 
 earnest remonstrances of the pilots, or sailing masters, 
 "who wisely argued that, at the dangerous season when, 
 the constellation of Orion being not quite past, and the 
 Dog Star just ready to appear, it were far safer to go 
 North about." 
 
s< 
 
 O 
 
 P-, 
 >> 
 H 
 
 > 
 
 Sd'si 
 
 «l w z 
 X a s 
 
 r> fi} Pi 
 
ROMANS AND CARTHAGINIANS. 45 
 
 The Consuls, who had no idea of being advised by 
 mere sailors, were unfortunately not to be shaken in their 
 determination ; and so, when Sicily was sighted, a course 
 was shaped from Lylybeum to the promontory of Pachy- 
 mus. The fleet had accomplished about two- thirds of 
 this distance, and was just opposite a coast where there 
 were no ports, and where the shore was high and rocky, 
 when, with the going down of the sun, the north wind, 
 which had been blowing steadily for several days, 
 suddenly died away, and as the Romans were engaged 
 in furling their flapping sails they observed that they were 
 heavy and wet with the falling dew, the sure precursor of 
 the terrible "Scirocco." Then the pilots urged the Consuls 
 to pull directly to the southward, that they might have 
 sea room sufficient to prevent them from being driven on 
 shore when the storm should burst upon them. But 
 this, with the dread of the sea natural to men unaccus- 
 tomed to contend with it, they refused to do; not com- 
 prehending that, although their quinqueremes were illy 
 adapted to buffet the waves, anything was better than a 
 lee shore, with no harbor of refuge. 
 
 The north wind sprang up again after a little, cheering 
 the hearts of the inexperienced, blew in fitful gusts for an 
 hour or more, then died nearly away, again sprang up, 
 and finally faded out as before. The seamen knew what 
 this portended. "Next came a flash of lightning in the 
 southern sky; then a line of foam upon the southern sea; 
 the roaring of Heaven's artillery in the air above, and 
 of the breakers on the beach below — and the tempest was 
 upon them !" From this time all order was lost, and the 
 counsels and admonitions of the pilots unheeded. The 
 Roman fleet was completely at the mercy of the hurri- 
 cane, and the veterans who had borne themselves bravely 
 in many a hard fought battle with their fellow man, now, 
 
46 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 completely demoralized in the presence of this new 
 danger, behaved more like maniacs than reasonable beings. 
 Some advised one thing, some another ; but nothing 
 sensible was done — and when the gale broke, out of four 
 hundred and sixty-four quinqueremes (an immense fleet) 
 three hundred and eighty had been dashed upon the 
 rocks and lost. 
 
 The whole coast was covered with fragments of wreck 
 and dead bodies; and that which Rome had been so many 
 years in acquiring, at the cost of so much blood, labor, and 
 treasure, she lost in a few hours, through the want of 
 experienced seamen in command. 
 
 During the succeeding Punic wars Rome and Carthage 
 had many another well contested naval engagement. 
 
 Adherbal captured ninety-four Roman vessels off 
 Drepanum, but the dogged courage of the Roman was 
 usually successful. 
 
 We have few details of these engagements. What the 
 Romans gained in battle was often lost by them in ship- 
 wreck; so that, at the end of the first Punic war, which 
 lasted twenty-four years, they had lost seven hundred 
 quinqueremes, and the vanquished Carthaginians only five 
 hundred. 
 
 At the time spoken of, when the Romans were fighting 
 the Carthaginians, the former were a free, virtuous and 
 patriotic people. No reverses cast them down; no loss 
 of life discouraged them. 
 
 After a lapse of two hundred years, Marcus Brutus and 
 Cassius being dead, and public virtue scoffed at and fast 
 expiring, an arbitrary government was in process of 
 erection upon the ruins of the Republic. 
 
 The triumvirate had been dissolved, and Octavius and 
 Antony, at the head of vast armies and fleets, were pre- 
 
ROMANS AND CARTHAGINIANS. 
 
 47 
 
 paring, on opposite sides of the Gulf of Ambracia, to 
 submit their old quarrel to the arbitrament of the sword. 
 In this emergency Antony's old officers and soldiers, 
 whom he had so often led to victory, naturally hoped 
 that, assuming the offensive, he would draw out his 
 legions, and, by his ability and superior strategy, force 
 his adversary from the field. But, bewitched by a woman, 
 the greatest captain of the age — now that Csesar and 
 Pompey were gone — had consented to abandon a faithful 
 and devoted army, and to rely solely upon his fleet; 
 which, equal to that of Octavius in numbers, was far 
 inferior in discipline and drill, and in experience of actual 
 combat. 
 
 ROMAN GALLEY. 
 
48 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 IV. 
 
 ACTIUM. B.C. 31. 
 
 Scene VII. Near Actium. Antony's Camp. 
 E?iter Antony and Canidius. 
 
 Ant. Is it not strange, Canidius, 
 
 That from Tarentum and Brundusium 
 
 He could so quickly cut the Ionian Sea, 
 
 And taken in Toryne? you have heard on't, sweet? 
 Cleo. Celerity is never more admired 
 
 Than by the negligent. 
 Ant. A good rebuke, 
 
 Which might have well becomed the best of men, 
 
 To taunt at slackness. Canidius, we 
 
 Will fight with him by sea. 
 Cleo. By sea ! What else ? 
 
 Canid. Why will my lord do so ? 
 Ant. For that he dares us to 't. 
 Enob. So hath my lord dared him to single fight. 
 Canid. Ay, and to wage this battle at Pharsalia, 
 
 Where Caesar fought with Pompey : but these offers 
 
 Which serve not for his vantage he shakes off; 
 
 And so should you. 
 Enob. Your ships are not well mann'd ; 
 
 Your mariners are muleteers, reapers, people 
 
 Ingrossed by swift impress ; in Caesar's fleet 
 
 Are those that often have 'gainst Pompey fought; 
 
 Their ships are yare ; yours, heavy ; no disgrace 
 
 Shall fall you for refusing him at sea, 
 
 Being prepared for land. 
 Ant. By sea, by sea. 
 
 Enob. Most worthy sir, you therein throw away 
 
 The absolute soldiership you have by land ; 
 
 Distract your army, which doth most consist 
 
ACTIUM. 
 
 49 
 
 Of war-mark'd footmen ; leave unexecuted 
 Your own renowned knowledge ; quite forego 
 The way which promises assurance ; and 
 Give up yourself merely to chance and hazard, 
 From firm security. 
 
 Ant. I'll fight at sea. 
 
 Cleo. I have sixty sails, Caesar none better. 
 
 Ant. Our overplus of shipping will we burn ; 
 
 And, with the rest full inann'd, from the head of Actium, 
 Beat the approaching Caesar. But if we fail, 
 We then can do 't at land. 
 
 Shakespeare — Antony and Cleopatra. 
 
 HILIPPI, the decisive battle between Octa- 
 vius and Brutus and Cassius, took place 
 B. C. 42. Octavius, who afterward as- 
 sumed the name of Augustus, is very differ- 
 ently described by historians. It is said 
 that he did not fight at Philippi ; and he is 
 called a coward by some writers, who de- 
 clare that he was always sick on critical 
 days. Be that as It may, it seems certain that Antony 
 fought that battle, although Octavius got the credit of 
 success with the Roman public, which soon endowed him 
 with every quality which goes to make the title of 
 "August," which title he was the first to bear ; being the 
 favorite of the citizens, much more by reason of his 
 ancestry, and by the judicious bestowal of offices and of 
 money, than by feats of arms. 
 
 After their victory at Philippi, Antony and Octavius 
 divided the empire of the world between them. But the 
 two were devoured by an equal ambition ; and, although 
 a common danger had for a time lulled their mutual sus- 
 picion and dislike, and forced them to act in unison, har- 
 4 
 
50 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 mony between them could not long continue. Neither of 
 them wished to share empire, and each was determined 
 that the other, sooner or later, should be forced to 
 renounce power, if not life itself. The repudiation of 
 Octavia the sister of Octavius, by Antony, added increased 
 fuel to the fires of hatred, and we learn from contem- 
 porary writers that clear-sighted persons not only fore- 
 saw that a death struggle between the two great leaders 
 was only a question of time, but they predicted the result, 
 as Antony, in the midst of feasts and other dissipation, 
 was fast losing that activity of mind and body which had 
 brought him his successes, and had, in former days, 
 pained him the esteem and confidence of Caesar. 
 
 While Antony was placing his laurels and his renown 
 under the feet of an Egyptian queen, the cool and astute 
 Octavius, never losinp- sip;ht of the end he had in view, 
 turned to his own aggrandizement and elevation, in the 
 estimation of the Roman people, Antony's disgraceful 
 conduct. 
 
 The future Augustus, with the full consent of the Senate, 
 raised fresh legions in Italy, equipped a fleet, and made 
 every preparation for an enterprise upon which was to 
 depend the control of the whole civilized world. 
 
 As if Antony had taken pains to furnish his already too 
 powerful rival with the pretexts which should serve as a 
 mask to his ambitious views, the former caused general 
 disgust and indignation at Rome by dismembering the 
 Empire — so to speak — in the interests of Cleopatra, whom 
 he proclaimed Queen of Cyprus, Cilicia, Ccelesyria, 
 Arabia and Judea ; while he gave to the two sons whom 
 he had had by her the title of "King of Kings." This 
 insane defiance of the susceptibility and pride of the 
 Republic was one of the principal causes of Antony's de- 
 struction. People ceased to fear him when they learned 
 
ACTIUM. 51 
 
 that he had become habitually intemperate ; and they no 
 longer saw in him a redoubtable and successful Roman 
 general, but an Eastern Satrap, plunged in pleasure and 
 debauchery. 
 
 Octavius, affecting rather contempt than anger at 
 Antony's proceedings, declared war against Cleopatra 
 only, and seemed to regard Antony as already deprived 
 of the power and majesty which he had sullied in 
 committing them to the hands of the Egyptian queen. 
 
 Octavius could only raise on the Italian peninsula, then 
 exhausted by civil war, 80,000 legionaries, with 12,000 
 cavalry, and two hundred and fifty ships — a small force 
 to oppose to the five hundred ships and 1 20,000 men of 
 Antony, without counting the allied troops which his 
 rival was able to bring against him. But, more active 
 and daring than Antony, he had, with astonishing celerity, 
 collected his forces, and crossed the Ionian Sea, while 
 Antony was lingering in Samos, and indulging in all sorts 
 of debasing pleasures, with little thought devoted to pre- 
 paration for the inevitable and momentous struggle. 
 
 At last the imminence of the danger awoke him to the 
 realities surrounding him, and he brought forward his 
 powerful fleet, anchoring it near the promontory of 
 Actium, in Epirus, ready to oppose the advance of 
 Octavius. 
 
 His ships were double in number those of the Romans, 
 well armed and equipped, but heavy, and badly manned, 
 so that their manoeuvres did not compare in celerity with 
 those of the western fleet. 
 
 Although Octavius had fewer ships and fewer men, 
 those which he had were Romans ; and he was fighting, 
 ostensibly, to vindicate the wounded pride and honor of 
 his country, which had been trampled under foot by 
 Antony and a stranger queen. 
 
52 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 The generals of Antony united in imploring him not to 
 confide his destiny to the uncertainty of winds and waves, 
 but to give battle on shore, where, they answered for it, 
 victory would perch upon their banners. But Antony 
 remained deaf to their supplications, and Cleopatra, who 
 had joined him with seventy Egyptian ships, also pre- 
 ferred to fight a naval battle; it is said, in order that, if 
 her lover was vanquished, she herself could more easily 
 escape. 
 
 Boldly searching for Antony, the Roman fleet came in 
 contact with his, near the promontory of Actium. 
 
 On opposite shores of the bay partly formed by that 
 promontory lay the two armies, spectators of a conflict 
 which was to decide their fate, but in which they were not 
 to join. 
 
 The wind and weather were both favorable, but the two 
 fleets remained for a long time opposite to each other, 
 as if hesitating to begin the struggle, the issue of which 
 was fraught with such momentous consequences. 
 
 Antony had confided the command of his left wing to 
 Ccelius; the centre to Marcus Octavius and Marcus 
 Inteius; while he himself, with Valerius Publicola, assumed 
 command of the right wing. 
 
 The fleet of Octavius was commanded by Agrippa, to 
 whom all the glory of the victory is due. Octavius and 
 his admiral at first regarded with surprise and uneasiness 
 the immobility of the enemy, who were ensconced in the 
 arm of the sea, which sheet of water contained many shoals 
 and reefs, and therefore, if the enemy remained there, 
 deprived Octavius of the advantage to be derived from 
 the rapidity of manoeuvre of his vessels. 
 
 But Antony's officers, eager to show their prowess, 
 proceeded to get their left wing under way, and moved 
 to the attack of Octavius' rigrjht. The latter, taking advan- 
 
ACTIUM. 53 
 
 tage of this false move, made a retrograde movement, 
 and endeavored to draw out the whole opposing force 
 from their commanding position unto the high sea, where 
 the Romans would have room to manoeuvre, and thereby 
 successfully assail Antony's heavier vessels. 
 
 At this moment the scene was grand. The flashing 
 of arms, and glinting of the sun upon polished casques, 
 the streaming flags, and thousands of oars simultaneously 
 put in motion, gave life and animation ; while the blare 
 of the brazen trumpets and the shouts of the myriads of 
 combatants were echoed from the shores by the cheers 
 and cries of two large armies, each encouraging its own 
 fleet, and inciting them to the greater exertion. 
 
 Cleopatra's large and magnificent galley hovered in 
 the rear of the fleet, with the purple sails furled, and the 
 poop occupied by herself and her ladies, surrounded by 
 all the splendor of the Egyptian court. 
 
 Thinking, as we have said, that Octavius' fleet fled 
 before them, Antony and his commanders abandoned 
 their advantageous position, and followed Agrippa out to 
 sea. 
 
 Once there, the Roman fleet quickly put about, in good 
 order, and a terrible battle at once began — Roman dis- 
 puting with Roman the empire of the world. 
 
 At last an able movement of Agrippa caused Antony's 
 centre to give way; but despite the disorder which 
 resulted, the action was steadily maintained, the losses on 
 each side being about equal,' and victory undecided. 
 
 The force of Agrippa made up by celerity of move- 
 ment for the greater number of Antony's fleet, and the 
 battle was at its height, when, suddenly, Cleopatra, panic- 
 stricken by the noise and dreadful carnage, gave a signal 
 for retreat, hoisted her purple sails, and, with the whole 
 Egyptian contingent, retreated rapidly, leaving a great 
 
54 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 gap in the line of battle. Some were sunk by the beaks 
 of their pursuers, but the majority made their escape, and 
 were soon far from the scene. 
 
 This shameful action should have opened Antony's 
 eyes, and have stimulated him — being even yet superior 
 in numbers — to repair by renewed exertions the defection 
 of the beautiful queen. But his movements seemed to be 
 controlled by her's, and, forgetting his own honor, his 
 former glory, his empire, and his duty as commander, as 
 a soldier and as a man, he abandoned the brave sea- 
 men and soldiers who were fighting for him, and took a 
 fast, light vessel, and followed the woman who had been 
 his ruin, and at whose shrine he was about to offer as a 
 sacrifice the dishonor of Caesar's greatest lieutenant. 
 
 It is said that for some time he sat upon the deck, his 
 head bowed between his hands, and wrapped in his own 
 thoughts. But he only regained sufficient command of 
 himself to resolve to protect the cause of his ruin. He 
 therefore continued his flight to the promontory of 
 Tenaros ; and then soon after learned of the entire defeat 
 of his fleet. 
 
 Even after being thus shamefully abandoned by their 
 commander, his troops and sailors had for a long time 
 maintained the combat; but bad weather coming on they 
 at last surrendered, after a loss of five thousand killed, and 
 having three hundred ships captured, with their crews. 
 
 For a long time the land forces of Antony could not 
 believe in his defection, and looked for him to reappear, 
 and, at their head, redeem the fortunes of the sea fight. 
 Indeed, for many days after the victory they declined the 
 overtures of Octavius. But at last, despairing of Antony's 
 return, their general, with his principal officers and the 
 troops, passed under the banners of Octavius. This 
 event left him the undisputed master of the world. 
 
ACTIUM. 
 
 55 
 
 Upon his return to Rome he was decreed a three days' 
 triumph, and he now assumed in public the imperial 
 powers which he had long virtually possessed. 
 
 The shocking death of both Antony and Cleopatra, by 
 suicide, hardly belongs to the account of Actium, although 
 the direct consequence of the overwhelming defeat there 
 sustained. 
 
 THE PTOLEMY PHILOPATER — 405 B. C. 
 
 (Constructed by Ptolemy Philopater, of Egypt, after a Greek Model.) 
 
56 
 
 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 V. 
 LEPANTO. A. D. 1571. 
 
 ^> IXTEEN hundred years after Actium 
 another great naval battle took place upon 
 the coast of Greece. It was of momentous 
 importance, as it is not too much to say that 
 it decided the future fate and sovereignty 
 of at least the eastern part of Europe. 
 
 Before we speak of Lepanto, however, it 
 may be well to glance at naval events for 
 two or three centuries previous to the eventful year 1 571 . 
 After the Republic of Venice had become strong, their 
 first great sea fight was with the Saracens, then a terror 
 to all the Christian nations of the Mediterranean. The 
 Venetians, at the solicitation of the Emperor Theodosius, 
 cooperated with the Greeks against their implacable 
 enemy. The hostile fleets met at Crotona, in the Gulf of 
 Taranto, where the Greeks fled at the first onset of the 
 Saracens, leaving their Venetian allies to fight against 
 vastly superior numbers. In spite of their courage 
 and constancy, which maintained the unequal fight for 
 many hours, the Venetians were defeated, and lost nearly 
 every one of the sixty ships which they took into the 
 fight. 
 
 Twenty-five years afterwards the Venetian fleet met 
 the Saracens again, almost in the very spot of their 
 former discomfiture, and obtained a splendid victory ; and 
 their naval fights continued, almost without intermission, 
 
LEPANTO. 57 
 
 and with varying fortunes ; the Venetians, on the whole, 
 holding their own. 
 
 On February 13th, 1353, there was a remarkable naval 
 fight between the allied fleets of Venice, Aragon, and 
 Constantinople, and the Genoese fleet, under the com- 
 mand of the redoubtable Paganino Doria. The Genoese 
 were victorious. 
 
 In spite of the successful achievements of Doria, which 
 should have brought him the respect and support of his 
 contrymen, he was supplanted by his bitter foe, Antonio 
 Grimaldi, who was put in command of the fleet. He was, 
 not long after, defeated by the allied fleets of Spain and 
 Venice, with tremendous loss. Grimaldi, thereupon, fell 
 out of favor ; and the next year the Genoese were 
 obliged to again place Doria in command of their fleet, 
 with which he gained a great victory over the Venetians 
 at Porto Longo, capturing the whole of their fleet. 
 
 Peace between the two Republics was then made, and 
 continued until 1378, when war was again declared. 
 Victor Pisani, in command of the fleet of Venice, had a 
 successful battle with the Genoese off Actium, the 
 scene of the wonderful fight just before the commence- 
 ment of the Christian era. 
 
 In 1379 Pisani was forced by the Venetian Senate, 
 against his own judgment, to fight a far superior Genoese 
 fleet, under Luciano Doria, off Pola, in the Adriatic. The 
 Venetian fleet was almost annihilated, and Pisani, on his 
 return, was loaded with chains, and thrown into a 
 dungeon. The Genoese, after burning several Venetian 
 towns upon the Adriatic, appeared off Venice, entered 
 the lagoon, took Chioggia, and filled the Venetians with 
 consternation and terror. The people flocked to the 
 Piazza San Marco, in thousands, and demanded that 
 Pisani be restored to the command of the fleet. The 
 
58 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 authorities were at their wits' ends, and consented, while 
 Pisani, with true patriotism, condoned his wrongs and ill 
 treatment, and applied himself at once to the work of 
 organization. After unheard of exertions he succeeded 
 in discomfiting the enemy, and Venice was saved. 
 
 Pisani afterwards made a cruise in command of the 
 fleet on the Asiatic coast, but, worn out by hard service 
 and his former ill treatment, he died soon after his return, 
 to the common sorrow and remorse of all Venetians. 
 
 The Turks took Constantinople in 1453, and the con- 
 tests between them and the Venetians continued with 
 even greater bitterness; and after the capture of Cyprus 
 by the Moslems, and the fitting out by the Sultan Selim 
 of an immense and powerful fleet, it became evident to 
 the western world that some supreme effort should be 
 put forth to curb the advance of the Turkish power. 
 
 Let us now glance at the state of affairs about the time 
 of Lepanto. 
 
 The latter part of the 1 6th century was a stirring and 
 eventful period in the world's history. 
 
 Charles V had resigned his empire to that sullen bigot, 
 his son, Philip II. 
 
 About the same time Moscow was being burned by 
 the Tartars; the Russians having been the abject subjects 
 of the Tartars but a few years before. 
 
 Prussia, so powerful to-day, was then a small hereditary 
 duchy, Lutheran in religion, and still a fief of Poland. 
 The Poles were then a much more powerful nation than 
 the Russians. 
 
 The States of the north, Sweden and Denmark, were 
 very strong, and made their influence felt in all Europe. 
 Tycho Brahe, the subject of the latter, was then a young 
 man. 
 
LEPANTO. 59 
 
 Portugal, from her brilliant maritime discoveries, had 
 extended relations with Japan, China, India and Brazil ; 
 and had rendered Lisbon the market of the world, usurp- 
 ing the place of Antwerp. Her decline was, however, 
 soon to follow. 
 
 Soon after Lepanto, Holland, driven to despairing 
 effort by the tyranny of Philip, revolted, and William of 
 Orange became Stadtholder. He was succeeded by 
 Maurice, whose efforts to secure independence were so 
 ably seconded by Elizabeth of England, as to draw down 
 upon the latter nation the vengeance of Philip, shown 
 later in the despatch of his grand Armada, but a very few 
 years after the event of Lepanto. 
 
 The Church of England had been established, and 
 Elizabeth was enjoying her splendid reign. Sir Walter 
 Raleigh, Drake, and other heroes of the sea were then 
 young men. 
 
 Florence was about to enjoy her highest distinction as 
 the home of learning and art, under Cosmo de Medici, 
 and Pius V was Pope ; one of the greatest that ever 
 occupied the Papal throne. 
 
 Rodolph, of Hapsburg, had had his fierce struggle with 
 the Turks, by land ; but Austria then had no naval force. 
 
 In France the weak and bloody Charles IX was upon 
 the throne, and the massacre" of Saint Bartholomew was 
 close at hand. 
 
 And now, to come to the great event of Lepanto, which 
 decided the question of supremacy between Christianity 
 and Islamism. 
 
 The Turks had captured Cyprus ; possessed almost 
 irresistible power, and everything looked very dark for 
 Christendom. 
 
 But in spite of the connivance of Charles IX in their 
 advance, who by this base conduct preluded the great 
 
60 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 crime of his reign ; in spite of the calculated inaction of 
 England; the timidity of Austria; the exhaustion of 
 Poland, after a long war with still barbarous Muscovy, 
 the genius of Christianity took a fresh flight, and the star 
 of the west once more rose in the ascendant. 
 
 The honor of being the head of the effort at resistance 
 to the encroaching Turkish power, and of victorious 
 reprisals, belongs especially to Pope Pius V, a simple 
 monk who had been exalted to the Pontifical throne ; 
 a zealous and austere priest, of a disposition naturally 
 violent, which had been subdued by experience, foresight, 
 and real greatness of soul. 
 
 This Pontiff, upon the first menace of the Turks against 
 Cyprus, bestirred himself to form a league of several 
 Christian States. 
 
 A crusade was no longer possible, from the condition 
 of Europe, which was divided by religious schism, and by 
 the ambition of princes. But, if the Pope could no longer 
 send the whole of Europe to a holy war, such as was 
 condemned by Luther as unjust and inhuman, he could 
 at least, as a temporal prince, take his part in active 
 operations. 
 
 Not even the coolness and calculated slowness of 
 Philip of Spain — the Monarch from whom he had a right 
 to expect the most assistance — could arrest the zeal of the 
 ardent and generous Pontiff, who saw that the time had 
 come for Christendom to conquer or submit. 
 
 Philip II, who was without mercy for the Mahomedans 
 still scattered throughout his dominions, nevertheless 
 hesitated to enter upon a struggle with the Turks ; and 
 above all did he dislike to defend Venice against them — 
 so much did he envy the latter her rich commerce. 
 
 The first power asked to join the league against Selim, 
 he only finally consented upon being given by the Pope 
 
LEPANTO. 61 
 
 the revenues of the church throughout his vast realm, 
 for as long as the war should last. But even this gilded 
 bait became the source of delay, the avaricious and 
 cunning monarch deferring preparations, and multiply- 
 ing obstacles to the undertaking, so as to profit as long 
 as possible from the rich revenue derived from that 
 source. 
 
 Thus it happened that, by his delay, in spite of the 
 coalition, and of the allied fleet, equal in number and 
 superior in condition and discipline to that of the Turks, 
 the Island of Cyprus was captured, after stubborn sieges 
 of its two capitals, Nicosia and Famagousta, without any 
 assistance from the rest of Christendom. 
 
 Famagousta was captured after a very prolonged and 
 obstinate defence, which had been conducted at the 
 expense of fifty thousand lives to the Turks, who had 
 made six general assaults. Finally the city was allowed 
 to capitulate on honorable terms. Mustapha, the same 
 fierce Moslem general who had conducted the siege of 
 Malta, requested four of the principal Venetian leaders to 
 meet him at his quarters. Here a short and angry con- 
 ference ensued, when, in violation of the terms of the 
 capitulation, Mustapha ordered three of them to instant 
 execution. But he reserved Bragadino, who had held the 
 supreme command during the siege, and ordered him to 
 have his ears cut off, and to be set to work to carry earth 
 to repair the works. After a few days of this humiliation 
 Mustapha caused him to be flayed alive, in the public 
 market place. This horrible sentence was not only carried 
 into effect, but his skin was stuffed and suspended from 
 the yard arm of Mustapha's galley; and, with this shocking 
 trophy thus displayed, he returned to Constantinople. 
 Here he was rewarded by Selim for the capture of 
 Cyprus. These terrible events added fuel to the flame 
 
62 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 of revenge which the Venetians felt, and were, of course, 
 additional incentives to their allies. 
 
 The capture of Cyprus, and the disgraceful events 
 following it, aroused the indignation of all Europe. The 
 iron yoke of the Turk, with his following hosts of Asiatic 
 robbers and cut-throats, owing to the delay in relief, 
 extended over the whole of the large, rich and populous 
 island. 
 
 Pius V, in terrible grief at these events, and full of 
 foreboding for the future, made himself heard throughout 
 Europe ; and with renewed ardor he insisted upon 
 carrying out the treaty of alliance already made, the 
 assembly of the allied fleet, and upon vengeance upon 
 the Ottomans, since succor for Cyprus would arrive too 
 late. 
 
 The greatest mark of his terrible earnestness was the 
 assembling of a Pontifical fleet and army — a thing 
 unheard of at that time. The Pope gave the command 
 to a member of the very ancient Roman family of 
 Colonna. 
 
 In the latter part of 1 571, five months after the capture 
 of ( " unn, = i the Christian armament appeared upon the 
 Mediterranean, consisting of galleys to the number of two 
 hundred, with galleasses, transports and other vessels, 
 carrying fifty thousand soldiers. Then immediately 
 followed the most important event of the sixteenth 
 century. 
 
 The Christian fleet made rendezvous at Messina ; 
 whence Sebastian Veniero, the Venetian admiral, would 
 have sailed at once, and have sought the enemy without 
 delay, so much did he fear for the Venetian posses- 
 sions in the Adriatic, from the rapid advance of the 
 Ottomans. 
 
 But Don John, the supreme commander, with a pru- 
 
LEPANTO. 63 
 
 dence worthy of an older and less fiery man, would not 
 move until he was strengthened by every possible rein- 
 forcement, as he wished to use every means in his power to 
 avoid a defeat which must be a final and crushing one to 
 the side which should lose. He was certain that the 
 great resources of the Ottoman empire would, on this 
 supreme occasion, be strained to the utmost to equip 
 their greatest armament. During this delay the Pope 
 proclaimed a jubilee — granting indulgences to all engaged 
 in the expedition — such as had formerly been given to the 
 deliverers of the Holy Sepulchre. 
 
 On September 16th, the magnificent armanent, unri- 
 valed since the days of imperial Rome, put to sea from 
 Messina. They were baffled by rough seas and head 
 winds on the Calabrian coast, and made slow progress. 
 The commander had sent a small squadron in advance, 
 for intelligence. They returned with the news that the 
 Turks were still in the Adriatic, with a powerful fleet, 
 and had committed fearful ravages upon the Venetian 
 territories. The fleet then steered for Corfu, and reached 
 there on September 26th, seeing for themselves traces of 
 the enemy in smoking towns and farms, and deserted 
 fields and vineyards. The islanders welcomed them, and 
 furnished what they could of needed supplies. 
 
 Don John seems to have had his own plans: but he 
 now called a council, because courtesy required that he 
 should consult the commanders of the Allies — and be- 
 cause he had promised Philip to do so — the latter fearing 
 his fiery and impetuous disposition. 
 
 The opinions were divided — as is always the case in 
 councils of war. Those who had had personal experience of 
 Turkish naval prowess appeared to shrink from encount- 
 ering so formidable an armament, and would have confined 
 the operations of the Christian fleet to besieging some 
 
64 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 city belonging to the Moslems. Even Doria, the old sea- 
 dog, whose life had been spent in fighting the infidel, 
 thought it was not advisable to attack the enemy in his 
 present position, surrounded as he was by friendly 
 shores, whence he could obtain aid and reinforcement. 
 He wished to attack Navarino, and thus draw the enemy 
 from the gulf where he was anchored, and force him to 
 give battle in the open sea. But, strange to say (for a 
 proverb has it that councils of war never fight), the 
 majority took a different view, and said that the object 
 of the expedition was to destroy the Ottoman fleet, and 
 that a better opportunity could not present itself than 
 when they were shut in a gulf, from which, if defeated, 
 they could not escape. 
 
 The most influential of the council held these views : 
 among them the Marquis of Santa Cruz, Cardona, the 
 commander of the Sicilian squadron, Barberigo, second 
 in command of the Venetians, Grand Commander Re- 
 quesens, Colonna, and young Alexander Farnese, Prince 
 of Parma — the nephew of Don John, who was seeing his 
 first service now, but who was to become, in time, the 
 greatest captain of his age. 
 
 Thus supported in his judgment, the young com- 
 mander-in-chief resolved to give the Turks battle in the 
 position they had chosen. But he was delayed by weather, 
 and other causes, and the enemy were not actually 
 met until October 7th. 
 
 The Ottoman fleet, two hundred strong, rowed by 
 Christian slaves, and accompanied by numbers of trans- 
 ports, was moored in a gulf upon the Albanian coast, 
 while the Christian fleet, seeking its enemy, came down 
 from the north, led by the galleys of the Venetian con- 
 tingent. 
 
 As the time of conflict approached, the commander-in- 
 
LEPANTO. 65 
 
 chief, Don John, rose superior to the timid counsels of the 
 generals of Philip II, who accompanied him, and who 
 were, in a manner, charged with his safety. 
 
 Don John, of Austria, was the natural son of Charles 
 V, but was fully recognized, not only by his father, but by 
 Philip, his legitimate brother, who originally intended him 
 for high ecclesiastical dignities. But Don John early 
 showed great predilection for the profession of arms, and 
 was conspicuous during the revolt of the Moors of 
 Grenada. In 1570, when only twenty-six years old, he 
 received the supreme command of the Spanish fleet; and 
 his ability and success justified an appointment which was 
 due to favoritism. 
 
 After Lepanto he conquered Tunis, and the idea was 
 entertained of founding a Christian kingdom there, for 
 him ; but the jealousy of his arbitrary and suspicious 
 brother prevented this. He then received the governor- 
 ship of the Low Countries, succeeding the notorious and 
 bloody Duke of Alva, and he there died, in his camp at 
 Namur, in 1578, aged thirty-three. It is said that he was 
 about to undertake an expedition to deliver Mary 
 Stuart, at the time of his death, which was attributed by 
 some to poison. 
 
 Don John was one of the remarkable soldiers of his 
 time. Generous, frank, humane, he was beloved by both 
 soldiers and citizens. He was a fine horseman, handsome, 
 well made, and graceful. 
 
 Don John's principal force, in ships and fighting men, 
 was Italian ; for, besides the twelve galleys of the Pope, 
 and those of Genoa, Savoy, and other Italian States and 
 cities, many were contributed by rich and generous Italian 
 private citizens. The greater number, however, were 
 Venetian ; this State contributing one hundred and six 
 " royal galleys " and six galleasses. The galleasses were 
 5 
 
66 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 large ships, rather dull as sailers, but carrying forty or 
 fifty pieces of cannon. 
 
 Among the complement of the Venetians were many 
 Greeks — either refugees from the Morea, or recruited in 
 Candia, Corfu, and other islands, then subject to the 
 Venetian power. In keeping with the jealous policy of 
 Venice, none of these subjects had any maritime com- 
 mand or military rank ; but they fought valiantly under the 
 flag of St. Marc, which lost in the battle its chief admiral 
 and fifteen captains. 
 
 The Spaniards had about eighty galleys ; but had also 
 a number of brigantines, and vessels of small size — and 
 were better manned than the Venetians — so that Don 
 John drafted several thousand men from the other Italian 
 ships, and from those of Spain, to make good the Vene- 
 tian complement. Veniero, the Venetian Admiral, took 
 great offence at this, and much trouble arose from it, but 
 the imminence of the conflict and the importance of the 
 result to Venice prevented him from withdrawing his 
 force, as he at first threatened to do. 
 
 The total number of men on board the allied fleet was 
 eighty thousand. The galleys, impelled principally by 
 oars, required a large number of rowers. Of the 29,000 
 soldiers embarked, 19,000 were sent by Spain. They 
 were good troops, officered by men of reputation, and most 
 of them illustrious, not only for family, but for military 
 achievement. It was so also with the Venetian officers, 
 as it should have been — for her very existence was at 
 stake, unless the Turks were defeated. 
 
 Don John himself arranged the order of battle ; and, 
 standing erect in a fast pulling boat, clad in his armor, 
 and bearing in his hand a crucifix, he pulled round the 
 fleet, exhorting the Allies, by voice and gesture, to make 
 a common cause, and without reference to the flags they 
 
LEPANTO. 67 
 
 bore, to act as one nationality in the face of the common 
 foe. 
 
 He then returned to his own galley, where a staff of 
 young Castilian and Sardinian nobles awaited him, and 
 unfurled the great banner of the League, presented by 
 the Pope, and bearing the arms of Spain, Venice and 
 the Pope, bound together by an endless chain. 
 
 * The Real, or Admiral's galley of Don John, was of 
 great size, and had been built in Barcelona, at that time 
 famous for naval architecture. Her stern was highly 
 decorated with emblems and historical devices, while her 
 interior was furnished most luxuriously. But, most of 
 all, she excelled in strength and speed, and right well did 
 she do her part when exposed to the actual test of battle. 
 
 Lepanto was fought on Sunday. The weather was 
 beautiful, and the sun shone in splendor upon the pecu- 
 liarly clear blue water of those seas. 
 
 The sight on that morning must have been surpass- 
 ingly grand. The beautiful galleys, with their numerous 
 oars dashing the water into foam ; gaudy pennons stream- 
 ing from the picturesque lateen yards ; gaily painted 
 hulls, decorated with shields and armorial insignia ; cul- 
 verins mounted at the prows, with matches smoking ; the 
 decks filled with men in polished armor and gay plumes, 
 and armed with sword and spear, matchlock and arque- 
 bus, cross-bow and petronel. Shouts of command and 
 of enthusiam went up amid a brandishing of weapons, 
 while an occasional hush occurred when the holy fathers 
 of the church gave absolution to those who were about 
 to meet the fierce infidel. 
 
 More than half the ships carried at their mast-heads 
 the Lion of St. Marc, which waved over the sturdy sea- 
 does of Venice, while other divisions showed the red and 
 yellow of Spain, the white, with crossed keys and triple 
 
68 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 mitre of the Pope, or the varied ensigns of the Italian 
 cities. 
 
 On the other side were the Turks, with their numerous 
 and powerful galleys, mostly pulled by Christian slaves, 
 who were driven by cruel blows to put forth their utmost 
 strength against their co-religionists ; for in every galley, 
 Turkish or Christian, where slaves worked the oars, there 
 extended between the benches of the rowers, fore ancl 
 aft, a raised walk, on which two or three boatswains, with 
 long rods, walked back and forth, dealing heavy blows 
 upon those who were not thought to be doing their utmost 
 at the oars. The slaves were shackled to the benches when 
 they rowed ; and never left them, day or night. Their food 
 and clothing were scanty, and the filth about them was 
 seldom cleared away, except by the rain from heaven, or 
 the seas, which sometimes washed on board. The fight- 
 ing men of the galleys were mostly on the fore-deck, and 
 on outside galleries, or platforms above the gunwales. 
 
 The Turks had the wild music which they love to 
 encourage their fighting men, kettle-drums and pipes, 
 cymbals and trumpets. The horse-tails of the Pashas 
 streamed from the poops of their galleys, as with loud 
 cries they appealed to Allah to deliver the Christian dogs 
 once more into their hands. And there was every reason 
 to suppose that their wish would be fulfilled, for they had 
 the stronger force, and carried with them the prestige 
 of former victories won over the best efforts of the 
 Christians. 
 
 THE BATTLE. 
 
 On the morning of the memorable 7th of October the 
 Christian fleet weighed anchor for Lepanto, at two hours 
 before dawn. The wind was light, but adverse, and oars 
 had to be used. At sunrise they came up with a group 
 
LEPANTO. 69 
 
 of rocky islets which form the northern cape of the Gulf 
 of Lepanto. The rowers labored hard at the oars, while 
 all others strained their eyes for the first glimpse of the 
 great Moslem fleet. At length they were descried from 
 the masthead of the Real, and almost at the same 
 moment by Andrew Doria, who commanded on the right. 
 
 Don John ordered his pennon to be displayed, unfurled 
 the banner of the Christian League, and fired a gun, the 
 preconcerted signal for battle. 
 
 This was answered by an exultant shout fiom all the 
 ships. 
 
 The principal captains now came on board the Real, 
 to receive their final orders; and a few, even then, 
 doubted the propriety of fighting, but Don John sternly 
 said, "Gentlemen, this is the time for battle, and not for 
 counsel!" and the armada was at once deployed in fio-ht- 
 ing array, according to orders previously issued. 
 
 When ready for battle the Christian force had a front 
 of three miles'. On the extreme right was Doria, whose 
 name was justly held in terror by the Moslem, with sixty- 
 four galleys. In the centre, consisting of sixty-three 
 galleys, was Don John, supported on one side by 
 Colonna, and on the other by Veniero. In his rear was 
 the Grand Commander Requesens, his former tutor in 
 military matters. The left wing was commanded by 
 Barberigo, a Venetian noble, who was to keep his vessels 
 as near the ^Etolian coast as the rocks and shoals would 
 permit, to prevent his wing being turned by the enemy. 
 
 The reserve, of thirty-five galleys, was commanded by 
 the Marquis of Santa Cruz, a man of known courage and 
 conduct, who had orders to act in any quarter where he 
 thought his aid most needed. 
 
 The smaller craft took little part in the battle, the action 
 being fought almost entirely by the galleys. 
 
70 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 Each commander was to take space enough for man- 
 oeuvring, yet to keep so close as to prevent the enemy 
 from piercing the line. Each was to single out his ad- 
 versary, close with him, and board as soon as possible. 
 
 Don John had the beak of his galley cut away ; so little 
 did he rely upon an instrument once, and for so long, 
 considered formidable. 
 
 By this time galleys mounted guns upon their prows, 
 and beaks were beginning to fall out of use. It is said 
 that many commanders of the allies followed Don John's 
 example. 
 
 The Ottoman fleet weighed and came out to the battle. 
 But they came on slowly, as the wind had suddenly shifted 
 and was now against them, while, as the day advanced, 
 the sun, which had been in the faces of the Allies, shone 
 in those of the Moslem ; and both these natural pheno- 
 mena were hailed by the Christians as an evidence of 
 divine interposition. 
 
 The Turkish armament proved to be even greater in 
 number than had been anticipated by the Christians, con- 
 sisting of nearly two hundred and fifty " royal galleys," 
 most of them of the largest class ; and a number of smaller 
 vessels in the rear, which, however, like the similar ones 
 of the Allies, do not appear to have come much into action. 
 
 The number of the Turks, including rowers, is said to 
 have been 1 20,000. As we have said, the rowers were 
 principally Christian slaves, with some blacks and crimi- 
 nals. 
 
 As was usual with the Turks, their order of battle was 
 crescentic, and, being more numerous than the Allies, they 
 occupied a wider space than the straight alignment of the 
 Christians. 
 
 As their formidable and magnificent array advanced, 
 the moving sun shone upon gaudy paint and gilded prows, 
 
LEPANTO. 71 
 
 thousands of pennons, polished cimeters and head pieces, 
 and the jeweled turbans of the Pachas, and other chief 
 men. 
 
 In the centre of their long line, and opposite to Don 
 John, was a huge galley, bearing the Turkish commander, 
 Ali Pasha. 
 
 His fleet was commanded on the right by the Viceroy 
 of Egypt, a wary but courageous leader. His left was 
 led by Uluch Ali, a Calabrian renegade and Dey of 
 Algiers, noted as a successful corsair, who had made more 
 Christian slaves than all the rest beside. 
 
 Ali was, like Don John, young and ambitious, and had 
 refused to listen to any counsels looking toward declining 
 battle on that day. Selim had sent him to fight, and he 
 was determined to do so ; although the prudent Viceroy 
 of Egypt expressed some doubts of success. 
 
 Ali found the Christian fleet more numerous than he 
 had supposed, and at first he did not perceive their left 
 wing, which was hidden by the yEtolian shore. 
 
 When he saw the Christian line in its full extent, it is 
 said that he faltered for a moment, but only for a moment, 
 for he at once urged on the rowers to close with the 
 enemy, and spoke of the prospects of the engagement, to 
 those about him, in confident terms. 
 
 It is said that Ali was of humane disposition, and that 
 he promised the Christian slaves that, if by their exer- 
 tions he won the day, they should all have their freedom. 
 
 As he drew near the Allies, Ali changed his order of 
 battle, separating his wings from the centre, to correspond 
 to the Christian formation. He also fired a challenge 
 gun, before he came within shot. This was answered 
 by Don John, and a second one was promptly replied to 
 from the Christian flag-ship. 
 
 The fleets now rapidly neared each other. Men held 
 
72 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 their breath, and nerved themselves for the death grapple, 
 and a perfect silence reigned; broken only by the plash of 
 the huge oars, while the light breeze rippled the smiling 
 blue waters. 
 
 Just about noon this beautiful scene, a perfect pageant, 
 was broken in upon by the fierce yells of the Turks, the 
 war cry with which they were accustomed to join battle. 
 
 At this moment, as if by contrast, every fighting man 
 of the Christians fell upon his knee, as did Don John 
 himself, and prayed the Almighty to be with his own that 
 day. Absolution was then given by the priests, which 
 were in each ship, and the men stood up, braced for the 
 contest. 
 
 When the foremost Turkish vessels had come within 
 cannon shot, they opened fire ; and this ran along their 
 line as they advanced, without cessation. The Christian 
 kettle-drums and trumpets sounded in reply, with a 
 general discharge of all the guns which would bear. 
 
 Don John had caused the galleasses, the large, high, 
 unwieldy war ships, to be towed about half a mile ahead 
 of his fleet, where they could intercept the advance of the 
 Turks. 
 
 As the latter came abreast of them, the 'galleasses 
 delivered their broadsides, with terrible effect. Ali caused 
 his galleys to diverge, and pass these vessels, which were 
 so high and formidable that the Turks did not attempt to 
 board them. 
 
 Their heavy guns caused some damage and confusion 
 in the Pacha's line of battle, but this appears to have been 
 the only part they took in the engagement, as they were 
 too un wieldly to be brought up again. 
 
 The real action began on the Allies' left wing, which 
 the Viceroy of Egypt was very desirous of turning. But 
 the Venetian admiral, to prevent that very thing, had 
 
LEPANTO. 73 
 
 closed well in with the coast. The Viceroy, however, 
 better acquainted with the soundings, saw that there was 
 room for him to pass, and dashed by, thereby doubling up 
 his enemy. Thus placed between two fires, the Christian 
 left fought at very great disadvantage. Many galleys 
 were soon sunk, and several more were captured by the 
 Turks. 
 
 Barberigo, dashing into the heat of the fight, was 
 wounded in the eye, by an arrow, and was borne below. 
 But his Venetians continued the fi^ht with unabated cour- 
 
 o 
 
 age and fury, fighting for revenge, as well as for glory. 
 
 On the extreme Christian right a similar movement 
 was attempted by Uluch AH. With superior numbers he 
 attempted to turn that wing ; but here he met that ex- 
 perienced and valiant seaman, Andrew Doria, who fore- 
 saw the movement of Uluch, and promptly defeated it. 
 The two best seamen of the Mediterranean were here 
 brought face to face. Doria, to prevent being sur- 
 rounded, extended his line so far to the right that Don 
 John was obliged to caution him not to expose the centre. 
 Indeed, he seriously weakened his own line, and the ex- 
 perienced Uluch instantly detecting it, dashed down, sank 
 several galleys, and captured the great " Capitana," of 
 Malta. While the battle thus opened badly for the Allies, 
 on both wings, Don John led his division forward ; at 
 first with indifferent success. His own chief object was 
 to encounter Ali Pasha, and the Turkish commander was 
 also intent upon meeting him. 
 
 Their respective galleys were easily distinguished, from 
 their size and rich decoration, besides displaying, the one 
 the great Ottoman standard, the other the holy banner 
 ot the League. 
 
 The Ottoman standard was held to be very sacred. 
 It was emblazoned in gold, with texts from the Koran, 
 
74 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 and had the name of Allah repeated 28,900 times. The 
 Sultans had passed it from father to son, ever since the 
 formation of the dynasty, and it was never seen unless 
 the Grand Signior or his lieutenant was in the field. 
 
 Both commanders urged forward their galleys, which 
 soon shot ahead of the lines, and the two closed with a 
 fearful shock, so powerful that the Pacha's, which was the 
 largest, was thrown upon that of his antagonist so far 
 that the prow reached the fourth bench of Don John's 
 rowers. 
 
 As soon as those on board the two vessels recovered 
 from the shock, the carnage commenced. 
 
 Don John had three hundred Spanish arquebusiers, the 
 flower of the infantry. Ali had three hundred picked 
 janizaries, and was followed by a small vessel with two 
 hundred more. He had also one hundred archers on 
 board ; the bow being still much in use among the Turks. 
 
 The Pasha opened a terrible fire, which was returned 
 with even greater spirit by the Spaniards. The latter had 
 bulwarks, which the Mussulmen had not; and so the 
 crowded janizaries presented an easy mark. Still, they 
 filled up the gaps from the reserve in the small vessel, 
 and the Spaniards wasted away under their fire. For a 
 long time it was doubtful to which side victory would 
 incline. 
 
 This conflict was now complicated by the entrance of 
 others. The bravest on each side came to the aid of the 
 two commanders, and each leader at times found himself 
 assailed by several enemies. They never lost sight of 
 each other, however, and after beating off lesser assailants, 
 returned to the single combat. 
 
 The fight was now general, and the movements of both 
 fleets obscured by clouds of smoke. Separate detach- 
 ments desperately engaged each other, without regard 
 
LEPANTO. 75 
 
 to what was going on in other quarters; and there were 
 few of the combinations and manoeuvres of a great naval 
 battle. 
 
 The galleys grappled each other, and soldiers, sailors 
 and galley slaves fought, hand to hand, boarding and 
 repelling boarders, in turn. 
 
 There was enormous loss of life; the decks being 
 encumbered with the dead, and in some ships every man 
 on board was either killed or wounded. The blood 
 flowed in torrents out of the scuppers, and the waters of 
 the gulf were stained for miles. Wrecks of vessels 
 encumbered the sea, with hulls shattered, masts gone, 
 and thousands of wounded and drowning clinging to 
 spars, and crying vainly for help. 
 
 As we have already seen, Barberigo, with the Christian 
 left wing, was early in sore distress ; Barberigo himself 
 being mortally wounded, his line turned, and several of 
 his galleys being sunk or captured. But the Venetians, 
 in sheer despair, increased their efforts, and succeeded 
 in driving off their enemies. In turn they became the 
 assailants, and boarded Turk after Turk, putting the crews 
 to the sword. They were led to the assault by a Capu- 
 chin friar, crucifix in hand — as were many other crews. 
 
 In some cases the Christian galley slaves of the Turkish 
 vessels broke their chains and joined their countrymen 
 against their Moslem masters. 
 
 The galley of the Viceroy of Egypt was sunk, and he 
 himself was killed by John Contarini, the Venetians 
 having no mercy for even a drowning Turkish enemy. 
 The death oftheir commander spread dismay among his 
 followers, and that division fled before the Venetians. 
 Those nearest the land ran on shore, escaping, and 
 leaving their vessels to be captured, and many perished 
 before they could gain the land. Barberigo lived to 
 
76 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 hear the news, and giving thanks, expired in the moment 
 of victory. 
 
 All this time the combat between the two commanders- 
 in-chief had been going on, with an incessant blaze of 
 great guns and musketry, making a cloud of smoke, 
 riven by flame. Both parties fought with stubborn cour- 
 age. Twice the Spaniards had boarded, and twice had 
 been repulsed with severe loss. The enemy was con- 
 tinually reinforced, in spite of the loss inflicted by the 
 steady fire of the Spanish arquebusiers. Occasionally 
 interrupted, they always returned to each other ; and both 
 commanders exposed themselves as fully as any soldier, 
 there being no honorable place of safety. Don John was 
 slightly wounded in the foot, but would not have it 
 dressed. A third time his trumpets summoned the board- 
 ers, and the Spaniards again boldly boarded the great Turk- 
 ish galley. They were met by Ali, at the head of his jani- 
 zaries ; but the Ottoman leader was just then knocked 
 senseless by a musket ball, and his chosen troops, though 
 fighting well, missed his voice and presence. After a 
 short but furious struggle they threw down their arms. 
 Under a heap of slain the body of Ali was found. Life was 
 not extinct, but he would at once have been dispatched 
 had he not told the soldiers who discovered him where 
 his money and jewels were to be found. In their haste 
 to secure these, they left him lying upon the deck. Just 
 then a galley slave, who had been liberated and armed, 
 severed the head of Ali from his body, and carried it to 
 Don John, on board his galley. Don John was shocked 
 at the sight, and, after a glance of horror and pity, ordered 
 it to be thrown into the sea. This was not done, how- 
 ever, but, in revenge for Bragadino, it was placed upon a 
 pike, while the crescent banner was hauled down, and the 
 cross run up in its place. The sight of the sacred banner 
 
LEPANTO. 77 
 
 flying on board the captured flag-ship was welcomed by 
 the Christian fleet with shouts of victory, which rose 
 above the din of battle. The intelligence of the death 
 of AH was soon passed along the line, cheering the Allies, 
 and disheartening the Turks, whose exertions diminished 
 and whose fire slackened. 
 
 They were too far off to seek the shore, as their com- 
 rades on the right had done, and they had either to fight 
 or surrender. Most of them preferred the latter, and 
 their vessels were now carried by boarding, or sunk by 
 the Allies; and in four hours the centre of the Moslem 
 fleet, like their right wing, had been annihilated. 
 
 On the right of the Allies, however, Uluch Ali, the' 
 redoubted Algerine, had cut Doria's weakened line, and 
 inflicted great damage and loss, and would have done 
 more but for the arrival of the reserve, under the Mar 
 quis Santa Cruz. He had already assisted Don John 
 when assailed by overwhelming numbers, and had enabled 
 him again to attack Ali. 
 
 Santa Cruz, seeing the critical condition of Doria, 
 pushed forward to his relief, supported by the Sicilian 
 squadron. Dashing into the midst of the melee, the two 
 commanders fell like a thunder-bolt upon the Algerine 
 galleys, few of which attempted to withstand the shock ; 
 and in their haste to avoid it, they were caught again by 
 Doria and his Genoese. 
 
 Beset on all sides, Uluch Ali was compelled to abandon 
 his prizes and seek safety in flight. He cut adrift his 
 great prize, the Maltese "Capitana," which he had 
 attached by a hawser to the stern of his own vessel, and 
 on board of which three hundred corpses attested the 
 desperate character of her defence. 
 
 As tidings reached him of the defeat of the centre, and 
 of the death of Ali Pasha, he felt that retreat alone was 
 
78 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 left for him,with as many of his own ships as he could save 
 from capture. His contingent comprised the best vessels 
 in the Turkish fleet, with crews in perfect discipline and 
 hardened to the sea, having always been corsairs, and 
 accustomed to scour the Mediterranean at all seasons. 
 
 Making signal for retreat, the Algerine made off, under 
 all the sail the battle had left him, and urged forward 
 also by the exertions of his Christian galley slaves, 
 smarting under the blows of his enraged comites. 
 
 Doria and Santa Cruz followed swiftly in his wake, but 
 he managed to distance them, and to carry off with him 
 many of his ships. Don John himself joined in the 
 chase, having disposed of his own assailants, and they 
 finally managed to drive a few of the Algerine vessels 
 upon the rocks of a headland; but their crews in great 
 part escaped. Uluch's escape was due to the fact that 
 the rowers of the Christian fleet had taken part in the 
 battle, and while many were killed or wounded, the 
 remainder were much exhausted, while the Algerine 
 galley slaves, chained to their benches, and passive during 
 much of the fight, were comparatively fresh. 
 
 As already stated, the battle lasted more than four 
 hours, and before it was over the sky showed signs 01 
 a coming storm. Don John reconnoitred the scene ol 
 action before seeking a shelter for himself and his num- 
 erous prizes. Several vessels were found to be too much 
 damaged for further service, and as these were mostly 
 prizes, he ordered everything of value to be removed 
 from them and the hulls burned. 
 
 He then led his victorious fleet to the neighboring 
 haven of Petala, which was accessible and secure. Be- 
 fore he reached there the storm had begun, while the late 
 scene of battle was lighted up by the blazing wrecks, 
 throwing up streams of fire and showers of sparks. 
 
LEPANTO. 79 
 
 The young commander-in-chief was now congratulated 
 upon his signal victory, by his companions in arms. 
 
 Officers and men recounted the various events of the 
 day, and natural exultation was mingled with gloom as 
 they gained certain tidings of the loss of friends who 
 had bought this great success with their blood. 
 
 The loss of life had indeed been very great ; greater 
 by far than in any modern sea fight. It is supposed that 
 the Turks suffered most heavily, but their loss was never 
 known. It has been estimated at 25,000 killed and 
 drowned, and 5000 prisoners. It was, indeed, a crushing 
 blow to them. 
 
 To the victors great pleasure was given by the fact 
 that at least 1 2,000 Christian slaves, who had been (some 
 of them for many years) chained to the oars of the Turk- 
 ish galleys, were made free. Many of them were hope- 
 lessly broken in health ; but tears streamed down their 
 haggard cheeks at the prospect of dying in their own 
 land and among their own people. 
 
 The losses of the Allies, though very great, were as 
 nothing compared to that of the Moslem. About one 
 thousand Romans and two thousand Spaniards were 
 killed, while the Venetians and Sicilians lost about five 
 thousand. This disparity of loss has been attributed to 
 the superiority of the Christians in the use of firearms. 
 The Turks still clung to the bow, and a large proportion 
 of their fighting men were thus armed. The Turks, 
 moreover, were the vanquished party, and, as is generally 
 the case, suffered terribly in the pursuit. Their great 
 armada was almost annihilated, not more than forty of 
 their galleys escaping. One hundred and thirty were 
 actually taken, and divided among the conquerors ; the 
 remainder were either sunk or burned. The Allies had 
 about fifteen galleys sunk, and had many much damaged; 
 
80 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 but their vessels were much better constructed and 
 stronger than those of the Turks, whom they also excelled 
 in nautical evolutions. 
 
 An immense booty of gold, jewels and brocades was 
 found on board the prizes ; it being said that Ali Pasha's 
 ship alone contained 170,000 gold sequins, or nearly 
 $400,000, a very large sum for those days. 
 
 The number of persons of rank and consideration who 
 embarked in the expedition was very great, both among 
 the Christians and the Moslem, and many of these were 
 slain. The second in command of the Venetian force, 
 the commander-in-chief of the Turkish fleet, and the com- 
 mander of his right wing, all fell in the battle. Many a 
 high-born Christian cavalier closed at Lepanto a long 
 career of honorable service. On the other hand many 
 dated the commencement of their success in arms from 
 that day. Among these was Alexander Farnese, Prince of 
 Parma, who became a great general, and whom we shall 
 hear of again, in connection with the Spanish Armada. 
 Although only a few years younger than his kinsman, 
 Don John, he was making his first campaign as a private 
 adventurer. During the battle the galley in which he 
 was embarked was lying, yard arm and yard arm, along- 
 side a Turkish galley, with which she was hotly engaged. 
 In the midst of the fight Farnese sprang on board the 
 enemy, hewing down with his Andrea Ferrara all who 
 opposed him, thus opening a path for his comrades, who 
 poured in, one after another, and after a bloody contest, 
 captured the vessel. As Farnese's galley lay just astern 
 of that of Don John, the latter witnessed, with great 
 pride and delight, the gallant deed of his nephew. An- 
 other youth was at Lepanto, who, though then unknown, 
 was destined to win ereater laurels than those of the 
 battle field. This was Miguel de Cervantes, then twenty- 
 
LEPANTO. 81 
 
 four years of age, and serving as a common soldier. He 
 had been ill of a fever, but on the morning- of the battle 
 insisted on taking a very exposed post. Here he was 
 wounded twice in the chest, and once in the left hand, 
 from which he lost its use. The right hand served to 
 write one of the most remarkable books ever known, 
 Don Quixote; and Cervantes always said that, for all 
 his wounds, he would not have missed the glory of being 
 present on that memorable day. 
 
 A fierce storm raged for twenty-four hours after the 
 battle of Lepanto, but the fleet rode in safety at Petala ; 
 and it remained there four days, during which Don John 
 visited the different vessels, providing for their repairs 
 and for the wounded, and distributing honors among 
 those who had earned them. His kindly and generous 
 disposition was not only shown to his own people, but 
 to the Turkish prisoners. Among these were two young 
 sons of Ali, the Moslem commander-in-chief. They had 
 not been on board his galley, and to their affliction at his 
 death was now added the doom of imprisonment. 
 
 Don John sent for them, and they prostrated themselves 
 before him on the deck ; but he raised and embraced 
 them, and said all he could to console them, ordering 
 them to be treated with the consideration due to their 
 rank. He also assigned them quarters, and gave them 
 rich apparel and a sumptuous table. A letter came from 
 their sister, Fatima, soliciting the freedom of her brothers 
 and appealing to Don John's well known humanity. He 
 had already sent a courier to Constantinople, to convey 
 the assurance of their safety. As was the custom then, 
 Fatima had sent with her letter presents of enormous 
 value. 
 
 In the division of the spoils and slaves, the young 
 Turkish princes had been assigned to the Pope, but Don 
 6 
 
82 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 John succeeded in procuring their liberation. Unfortu- 
 nately, the elder, who was about seventeen, died at 
 Naples ; but the younger, who was only thirteen, was 
 sent home with his attendants, and with him were sent 
 the presents received from Fatima, on the ground that 
 the young commander-in-chief only granted free favors. 
 
 Don John also made friends with the testy old Vene- 
 tian admiral, Veniero, with whom he had had a serious 
 difficulty before the battle. 
 
 Veniero afterwards became Doge — the third of his 
 family to reach that eminence — -which office he held until 
 his death. 
 
 Before leaving Petala a council was held, to decide 
 upon the next operation* of the fleet. Some were for an 
 immediate attack upon Constantinople ; while others con- 
 sidered the fleet in no condition for such an enterprise, 
 and recommended that it be disbanded, go into winter 
 quarters, and renew operations in the spring. 
 
 Some agreed with Don John, that, before disbanding, 
 they should do something more. An attack upon Santa 
 Maura was determined on ; but on reconnoitering, it was 
 found to be too strong to be captured otherwise than by 
 siege. 
 
 A division of spoils among the Allies then took place. 
 One-half of the captured vessels, and of the artillery and 
 small arms, was set apart for the King of Spain. The 
 other half was divided between the Pope and the Republic 
 of Venice ; while the money and rich goods were dis- 
 tributed amone the officers and crews. 
 
 The fleet then dispersed ; and Don John proceeded to 
 Messina, where great joy was felt, and immense fetes 
 awaited him; for he had been gone from them only six 
 weeks, and had, in the meantime, won the greatest battle 
 of modern times. The whole population flocked to the 
 
LEPANTO. 83 
 
 water side to welcome the victorious fleet, which came 
 back not without scars, but bearing the consecrated 
 banner still proudly aloft. In their rear were the battered 
 prizes, with their flags trailing ignominiously in the water. 
 There were music, garlands of flowers, triumphal arches, 
 salvos of artillery, a gorgeous canopy, and a Te Dcum 
 in the Cathedral. A grand banquet followed, when Don 
 John was presented with 30,000 crowns by the city, 
 which also voted him a colossal statue in bronze. Don 
 John accepted the money, but only for the sick and 
 wounded; and his own share of booty from Ali's galley 
 he ordered to be distributed among his own crew. 
 
 The news of Lepanto caused a great sensation 
 throughout Christendom, as the Turks had been con- 
 sidered invincible at sea. Upon the receipt of the intelli- 
 gence the Sultan Selim covered his head with dust, and 
 refused food for three days — while all Christendom was 
 repeating, after the sovereign Pontiff, "There was a man 
 sent from God, whose name was John." 
 
 In Venice, which might be said to have gained a new 
 lease of life from the results of the battle, there were 
 ceremonial rejoicings, and, by public decree, the 7th of 
 October was set apart forever as a national anniversary. 
 
 In Naples the joy was great, as their coasts had been 
 so often desolated by Ottoman cruisers, and their people 
 carried off as slaves. So, when Santa Cruz returned he 
 was welcomed as a deliverer from bondage. 
 
 But even greater honors were paid to Colonna, in 
 Rome. He was borne in stately procession, and trophies 
 were carried after him, with the captives following, quite 
 in the style of the old Roman triumphs. 
 
 Of course, the rejoicing in Spain did not fall short of 
 that in the other countries concerned. 
 
 The great Ottoman standard, the greatest trophy of 
 
84 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 the battle, was deposited in the Escorial, where it was 
 afterwards destroyed by fire. 
 
 When the victory was announced to Philip he was at 
 prayer, which he did not interrupt, and he pretended to 
 receive the intelligence very coolly. But he ordered 
 illuminations and masses; and commanded Titian, who 
 was then in Madrid, and ninety years of age, to paint the 
 "Victory of the League," still in the Museum of Madrid. 
 
 The Pope made every effort, by special ambassadors, 
 to have the King press the war, and to extend the alli- 
 ance against the Turks. 
 
 But Philip was lukewarm, even cold, and said that, 
 for his part, he feared the Turks less than he did the 
 Christian dissenters of Belgium, England, and the Low 
 Countries. 
 
 It has been said that Charles V would have followed 
 his victory to the gates of Constantinople, but the Duke 
 of Alva thought that, Don John's force being a mixed one, 
 he would not have succeeded unless supported by the 
 united force of Christendom, so great was the Moslem 
 power at that time. 
 
 The battle lost the Turks no territory, but broke the 
 charm of invincibility which they had possessed. Venice 
 gained confidence, and the Ottomans never again took the 
 initiative against that State — while those who have most 
 carefully studied the history of the Ottoman Empire date 
 its decline from the battle of Lepanto. 
 
THE INVINCIBLE ARMADA. 85 
 
 VI. 
 
 THE INVINCIBLE ARMADA. A. D. 1588. 
 
 RMADA signifies, in Spanish, a Sea Army; 
 and Philip the Second named the great 
 fleet which he sent forth in 1 588 " invin- 
 cible," because he thought that it must 
 prevail against the forces of the heretic 
 Hollanders and English, who excited his 
 disgust and anger much more than the 
 Moslem enemies with whom we have 
 seen him last engaged. 
 Philip II, son of Charles V, was born at Valladolid, in 
 1527, and, by the abdication of his father, became King of 
 Spain in 1556. His first wife was Maria, of Portugal, 
 and his second was Mary Tudor, daughter of Henry VIII. 
 Philip was the most powerful prince of his time. Spain, 
 Naples, Sicily, the Milanais, Franche Comte, the Low 
 Countries, Tunis, Oran, the Cape Verdes, Canaries, and a 
 great part of the Americas owned his sway. 
 
 Always a fanatic, as he advanced in years the exter- 
 mination of heretics became his one passion. He sent 
 the pitiless Duke of Alva to the Low Countries, where, 
 however, all his cruelties and persecutions could not pre- 
 vent the spread of the Reformed religion. Fortunately 
 for England, as we shall see, the Low Countries secured 
 their independence in 1581. 
 
 In Spain, Philip was employing the Inquisition against 
 Moors and heretics ; and executions were depopulating 
 
86 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 the Peninsula and ruining the country. It was only by 
 serious insurrections that the Milanese resisted the es- 
 tablishment of the Inquisition there ; but to make up for 
 that, and for his loss of the Low Countries, Philip had 
 made the conquest of Portugal, and had extended to that 
 country the practices of Spain. 
 
 Elizabeth of England had not only established heretical 
 practices in her realm, but had executed Mary Stuart, 
 and also added to her offences, in his eyes, by sending 
 sympathy and assistance to the persecuted Flemings. 
 
 Brooding over these things, in his secret, silent way, 
 Philip determined to invade England, reestablish Catholi- 
 cism, and avenge the Queen of Scots. 
 
 To this end he devoted some years to the assembling 
 of the most tremendous fleet which the world, up to that 
 time, had seen. 
 
 The Spanish nobility were encouraged to join in this 
 new crusade, and responded to the invitation in crowds. 
 The ships, collectively, were to carry more than three 
 thousand guns. A Vicar-General of the Inquisition was 
 to accompany the fleet, and establish the Inquisition in 
 England ; and it has been affirmed that complete sets of 
 instruments of torture were also taken. 
 
 The Duke of Parma, with a large army, was to join the 
 Armada from Belgium, and insure the conquest. This, 
 we shall see, was prevented by the noble and faithful con- 
 duct of Holland, which, in spite of legitimate cause of com- 
 plaint against England, in the recent design of the Earl of 
 Leicester, came nobly to the rescue, and blockaded Parma, 
 so that he and his troops were rendered unavailable. 
 But for this, and some mistakes of the naval commanders, 
 in all probability English history would have been very 
 different. Many reports of the expedition had reached 
 England, but just about the time it was ready Elizabeth's 
 
THE INVINCIBLE ARMADA. 87 
 
 fears had been lulled by the prospect of successful nego- 
 tiations, and many of her advisers thought the threatened 
 expedition would never approach English shores. 
 
 Elizabeth, fortunately for England, had revived the 
 navy, as well as the merchant service, which had been so 
 greatly neglected between the death of her father and 
 her own accession. 
 
 The wealthier nobles and citizens, encouraged by the 
 queen, built many men-of-war, and the Royal navy was 
 soon able to take the sea with 20,000 fighting men. 
 
 The prudence and foresight of the queen in these 
 measures was rewarded by the success of her seamen in 
 disposing of a force such as had hardly ever been arrayed 
 against any country, by sea. Philip, "who from his closet 
 in Madrid aspired to govern the world," and who 
 hated Protestantism with so great a hatred that he de- 
 clared " if his own son was a heretic he would carry wood 
 to burn him," had good and devoted soldiers to carry 
 out his views. The Duke of Alva was inconceivably cold- 
 blooded and cruel, yet he was a man of great ability. No 
 more perfect chevalier and enlightened soldier existed 
 than the young Don John, whose career was so short; 
 and the famous Duke of Parma, the greatest general of 
 the day, was to command the army of invasion ; while 
 the Duke of Medina Sidonia, one of the highest grandees 
 of Spain, was a most gallant soldier. He was no sea- 
 man, and was surrounded by a staff of soldiers, or else 
 there might have been a different story to tell of Philip's 
 Armada. But that does not detract from the Duke's 
 personal devotion and gallantry; and the expedition was 
 accompanied by hundreds of officers of like personal 
 
 character. 
 
 In regard to the Armada and its destination, Philip at 
 first preserved the secrecy which was so consonant with 
 
88 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 his nature; but at last, when publicity could no longer 
 be avoided, he had every dock-yard and arsenal in his 
 dominions resounding with the hum and noise of a busy 
 multitude, working day and night, to provide the means 
 necessary to accomplish his purpose. New ships were 
 built, and old ones repaired ; while immense quantities of 
 military stores were forwarded to the Netherlands, a 
 convenient base of supplies for the invaders. 
 
 The New World was then pouring its treasures into 
 Philip's coffers, the product of the enslavement of whole 
 nations, and this immense wealth Philip poured out in 
 turn, lavishly, to accomplish his darling ambition, which 
 was the subjection of all that remained free in the Old 
 World. 
 
 " Rendezvous for the shipment of seamen were opened 
 in every seaport town ; while throughout Philip's vast 
 dominions there was not a hamlet so insignificant, or a 
 cottage so lowly, but that the recruiting sergeant made 
 his way to it, in his eagerness to raise troops for the grand 
 army, which, blessed by the Pope, and led by the famous 
 Duke of Parma, was destined, it was confidently believed, 
 to march in triumph through the streets of London, and, 
 by one sweeping auto-da-fe, extirpate heresy from that 
 accursed land which every Spanish Catholic was taught 
 to regard as the stronghold of the devil." 
 
 " Volunteers of every degree, and from every corner 
 of Europe, hastened to enlist under the banner of Castile. 
 Of these, many were religious bigots, impelled to the 
 crusade against English heretics by fanatic zeal; a few, 
 men of exalted character, not unknown to fame ; but by 
 far the greater number, needy adventurers, seeking for 
 spoil. At length, in April, 1588, after nearly three years 
 of preparation, the army of invasion, 60,000 strong, was 
 concentrated at Dunkirk and Nieuport, where large, 
 
THE INVINCIBLE ARMADA. 89 
 
 flat-bottomed transports were built, ready for its recep- 
 tion. 
 
 "But still the Armada, that was to convoy the transports, 
 and cover the landing of the troops on their arrival in 
 England, loitered in Lisbon, waiting for a favorable wind. 
 Toward the end of May it moved out of the Tagus by de- 
 tachments, and passing the dangerous shoals called the 
 Cachopos in safety, took its departure from Cape Roca, 
 the westernmost point of Portugal, and of the continent 
 of Europe, on June ist, sailing due north, with a light 
 southwesterly breeze. The fleet consisted in all of one 
 hundred and thirty-two vessels, carrying 3165 guns, 
 21,639 soldiers, 8745 seamen, and 2088 galley slaves; 
 and its aggregate burden was not less than 65,000 tons." 
 
 The San Martin, a vessel of fifty guns, belonging to 
 the contingent furnished by Portugal, carried the flag of 
 the commander-in-chief, the Duke de Medina Sidonia, 
 already mentioned. 
 
 This great Armada was very unwieldy, and contained 
 many dull sailers, so that, making its way at the average 
 rate of only about thirteen miles a day, it passed the 
 Berlingas, crept by Figuera, Oporto and Vigo, and finally 
 lay becalmed off Cape Finisterre. Up to this time the 
 winds, if baffling, had been moderate, the weather pleasant, 
 and the sea smooth as glass. But now the Spanish fleet 
 was assailed by a tempest, which might be called fearful, 
 even in the stormy Bay of Biscay. 
 
 Blowing at first fitfully, and in heavy squalls, it by 
 nightfall settled into a steady gale from west-north-west, 
 driving before it a tremendous sea, the surges of which 
 broke with a roar distinctly heard above the fierce howling 
 of the wind. Yet, though the sea ran high, it was not 
 irregular, and the Armada, under snug canvas, was 
 making good weather of it, when, a little after midnight, 
 
90 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 the wind shifted very suddenly to northeast, blowing with 
 the violence of a tornado, and taking every ship under 
 square sail flat aback. Some of the vessels, gathering 
 sternboard, lost their rudders, which were in that day 
 very insecure ; some, thrown on their beam-ends, were 
 forced to cut away their masts and throw overboard their 
 guns; while all lost sails and top-hamper, and not a few 
 the upper deck cabins, at that time so lofty. 
 
 When day broke the spectacle was presented of a 
 whole fleet helplessly adrift upon the ocean. Many of 
 the largest and finest vessels were lying in the trough of 
 the sea, which every now and then made a clean breach 
 over them, each time carrying off some of the crews. 
 Among the fleet was a huge Portuguese galley, the Diana, 
 which had been knocked down by the shift of wind, lost 
 her masts and oars, and was lying on her side, gradually 
 filling with water, and fast settling by the stern. The rest 
 of the vessels were powerless to assist her, and she soon 
 sank before their eyes, carrying down every soul belong- 
 ing to her, including, of course, the poor galley slaves 
 chained to her oars. 
 
 Then, to add to the horrors of storm and shipwreck, a 
 mutiny broke out among the rowers of the galley Vasana 
 (a motley crew of Turkish and Moorish prisoners and 
 Christian felons), who had been long watching for an 
 opportunity to secure their freedom; and now, seeing 
 their galley to windward of all the vessels of the Armada, 
 with the exception of the Capitana galley, which was a 
 mile away from them, they judged the occasion favorable 
 for the accomplishment of their purpose. Led by a 
 Welshman, named David Gwynne, the mutinous galley- 
 slaves attacked the sailors and soldiers of the Vasana, 
 and as they exceeded them in number, and the free men 
 had no time to seize their arms, while the slaves were 
 
THE INVINCIBLE ARMADA. 91 
 
 armed with stilettoes made of all kinds of metal, and care- 
 fully concealed for such an occasion, they quite easily 
 prevailed. The captain of the Capitana, seeing that 
 something was wrong on board the Vasana, ran down as 
 close to her as the heavy sea would permit, and, finding 
 her already in possession of the Welshman and his fellow 
 galley-slaves, poured a broadside into her, which cut 
 her up terribly, and filled her decks with more killed and 
 wounded men. At this critical moment, while engaged 
 with an enemy without, the crew of the Capitana found 
 themselves threatened with a greater danger from within. 
 Their own slaves now rose, broke their chains, and took 
 part in the engagement. It is not known whether they 
 had any previous knowledge of an attempt on board the 
 Vasana, or whether it was the effect of example. At any 
 rate, they rushed upon their late masters and oppressors 
 with such weapons as they had concealed, or could seize at 
 the moment, and attacked them with desperate and irresist- 
 ible fury and resolution. The struggle, in the midst of the 
 gale, for the possession of the Capitana, was furious but 
 brief. It ended in the triumph of the galley-slaves, who, 
 like their fellows on board the Vasana, spared no rank 
 nor age. The massacre was soon over, and the bodies 
 thrown into the water ; and the gale soon after abating, 
 the galleys were run into Bayonne, where, Motley says, 
 G wynne was graciously received by Henry of Navarre. 
 The crippled Armada, having lost three of its finest 
 galleys, managed to creep into the different ports on the 
 northern shore of Spain. 
 
 Once more they all made rendezvous at Corunna, and 
 after a month spent in repairs, sailed again, on July 2 2d, 
 for Calais Roads. 
 
 With fair winds and fine weather, the Spanish fleet 
 struck soundings in the English channel on July 28th, and 
 
92 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 the following day, in the afternoon, were in sight of the 
 Lizard, whence they were seen and recognized, and soon, 
 by bonfires, and other preconcerted signals, all England 
 knew that the long threatened danger was close at hand ; 
 and, without faltering, one and all prepared to meet it. 
 
 The most of the English fleet was in Plymouth at the 
 time. Many of the principal officers were on shore, play- 
 ing at bowls, and otherwise amusing themselves, and the 
 wind was blowing directly into the harbor, preventing the 
 fleet from pulling to sea. But the commander-in-chief, 
 Lord Howard of Effingham, was equal to the emergency; 
 summoning all to instant exertion ; and before daylight 
 the following morning sixty-seven of his best ships had 
 been, with extreme labor and difficulty, towed and kedged 
 into deep water, and, commanded by such men as Drake, 
 Frobisher, and Hawkins, were off the Eddystone, keep- 
 ing a sharp lookout for the Spaniards. Every hour 
 additional vessels were joining the English fleet. 
 
 During the whole forenoon the wind was very light, 
 and the weather thick ; but towards evening a fine south- 
 west wind set in, and the mist rising, the two fleets 
 discovered each other. 
 
 The Armada, in a half-moon, and in complete battle 
 array, was so compactly drawn up that its flanking vessels 
 were distributed but seven miles from each other ; and all 
 were bearing steadily up channel. The Spanish guns were 
 so numerous, and so much heavier in calibre than anything 
 the English carried, that the Lord High Admiral saw at 
 once that the force at his command could not successfully 
 confront the enemy. He therefore permitted them to 
 pass without firing a shot; but hung closely upon their 
 rear, in hopes of cutting off any vessels which might chance 
 to fall astern of the others. It was not until the next 
 day, Sunday, July 31st, that an opportunity offered for 
 
t/J o 
 
 2£ 
 
 o 
 
 O a 
 
 U P-. 
 
 U >H 
 
 « r 
 
 u t -1 
 z 
 
 • 5 J 
 
THE INVINCIBLE ARMADA. 93 
 
 attacking to advantage. Then, " sending a pinnace, 
 called the Defiance, before him, to denounce war against 
 the enemy, by the discharge of all her guns," Howard at 
 once opened fire from his own ship, the Royal Oak, upon 
 a large galleon, commanded by Don Alphonso de Leyva, 
 which he took to be the flag-ship of the Spanish com- 
 mander-in-chief. 
 
 In the meantime, the combined squadrons of Drake, 
 Frobisher and Hawkins opened furiously upon the fleet 
 of Biscay, or of northern Spain, which, consisting of four- 
 teen vessels, and carrying 302 guns, was commanded by 
 Vice-admiral Recalde, an officer of great experience. 
 This squadron had been formed into a rear guard, in 
 expectation of just such an attack. 
 
 Recalde maintained the unequal fight for some hours, 
 and with great obstinacy ; all the while endeavoring to 
 get within small-arm range of the English, which he knew 
 would be fatal to them, as he had a large force of arque- 
 busiers embarked in his division. 
 
 But his wary antagonists, whose vessels, "light, weath- 
 erly and nimble, sailed six feet to the Spaniards' two, and 
 tacked twice to their once," evaded every effort to close, 
 and keeping at long range, inflicted much damage upon 
 their enemy without receiving any themselves. 
 
 At length, seeing how matters stood, the Duke Medina 
 Sidonia signaled to Recalde to join the main body of the 
 fleet ; and, hoisting the Royal standard of Spain at his 
 main, drew out his whole force in order of battle, and 
 endeavored to bring on a general engagement. This 
 Howard prudently avoided, and so the Spaniards had to 
 keep on their course again, up channel, and " maintain 
 a running fight of it ;" the English now, as before, hang- 
 ing on their rear, and receiving constant reinforcements 
 from their seaport towns, in full view of which, as the 
 
94 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 Armada hugged the English shore, Howard, with his 
 gallant ships and men, was passing. 
 
 In these days London alone sent forth fifty armed ships. 
 
 The night which followed was one fraught with disaster 
 to the Spaniards. The gunner of the Santa Anna, a 
 Fleming by birth, who had been reprimanded by his 
 captain for some neglect of duty, in revenge laid a train to 
 the magazine, and blew up all the after part of the vessel, 
 with more than half her officers and crew. 
 
 The vessel nearest the Santa Anna hurried to her 
 assistance, and was engaged in rescuing the survivors, 
 when, in the darkness and confusion, two galleys fell foul 
 of the flagship of the Andalusian squadron, and carried 
 away her foremast close to the deck, so that she dropped 
 astern of the Armada, and, the night being very dark, was 
 soon lost sight of by her friends, and assailed by her 
 vigilant foes. 
 
 Being well manned, and carrying fifty guns, she main- 
 tained her defence until daylight, when, finding the Eng- 
 lish hemming her in on all sides, Don Pedro de Valdez, 
 the Admiral, struck his flag to Drake, in the Revenge, 
 much to the chagrin of Frobisher and Hawkins, who had 
 hoped to make prize of her themselves. 
 
 Don Pedro, who was courteously received by Drake, 
 remained on board the Revenge until the ioth of August; 
 so that he was an eye witness of all the subsequent 
 events, and of the final discomfiture of his countrymen. 
 
 Drake sent the captain of the Santa Anna, " a prisoner, 
 to Dartmouth, and left the money on board the prize, to 
 be plundered by his men." 
 
 All the following day was spent by the Duke in re- 
 arranging his fleet; and after the vessels were in the 
 stations assigned them, each captain had written orders 
 not to leave that station, under penalty of death. 
 
THE INVINCIBLE ARMADA. 95 
 
 In this new order the rear guard was increased to forty- 
 three vessels, and placed under the command of Don 
 Alphonso de Leyva, who had orders to avoid skirmishing' 
 as much as possible, but to lose no opportunity of bring- 
 ing on a general engagement, or decisive battle. 
 
 On the 2d of August, at daylight, the wind shifted to 
 the northeast, whereupon the Spanish, being to windward, 
 bore down upon the English under full sail. But the 
 latter also squared away, and having the advantage of 
 greater speed, refused, as before, to allow their enemy to 
 close with them ; so the engagement was without result, 
 there being little loss on the part of the Spaniards, while 
 the only Englishman killed was a Mr. Cock, who was 
 bravely fighting the enemy in a small vessel of his own. 
 
 Towards evening the wind backed to the west again, 
 and the Armada once more continued its course toward 
 Calais. 
 
 On the 3d of August there was a suspension of hostili- 
 ties, and the Lord High Admiral received a supply of 
 powder and ball, and a reinforcement of ships, and 
 intended to attack the enemy in the middle of the night, 
 but was prevented by a calm 
 
 On the 4th, however, a straggler from the Spanish fleet 
 was made prize of by the English. 
 
 This brought on a sharp engagement between the 
 Spanish rear guard and the English advance, under Fro- 
 bisher, which would have resulted in Frobisher's capture 
 had not Howard himself gone to the rescue, in the 
 "Ark-Royal, followed by the Lion, the Bear, the Bull, the 
 Elizabeth, and a great number of smaller vessels." The 
 fiehting- was for some time severe, but as soon as Fro- 
 bisher was relieved, Howard, observing that the Duke 
 was approaching, with the main body of the Spanish 
 fleet, prudently gave the order to retire. It was, indeed, 
 
96 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 hio-h time, for the Ark-Royal was so badly crippled that 
 she had to be towed out of action. 
 
 The Lord High Admiral afterwards knighted Lord 
 Thomas Howard, Lord Sheffield, Townsend, Hawkins 
 and Frobisher, for their gallantry on this occasion ; but a 
 convincing proof that the English had the worst of it in 
 the encounter is the determination of a council of war 
 "not to make any further attempt upon the enemy until 
 they should be arrived in the Straits of Dover, where 
 the Lord Henry Seymour and Sir William Winter were 
 lying in wait for them." 
 
 So the Armada kept on its way, unmolested, and with 
 a fair wind, past Hastings and Dungeness, until it got to 
 the north of the Varne, an extensive shoal in the 
 Channel. 
 
 Then it left the English coast, and hauled up for Calais 
 Road, where it anchored on the afternoon of Saturday, 
 August 6th, close in to shore, with the Castle bearing 
 from the centre of the fleet due east. 
 
 The English followed, and anchored two miles outside. 
 Strengthened by the accession of Seymour's and Winter's 
 squadron, they now numbered one hundred and forty 
 sail — many of them large ships, but the majority small. 
 Every day since he had been in the Channel the 
 Spanish commander-in-chief had despatched a messenger 
 to the French coast, to proceed by land, and warn the 
 Duke of Parma of the approach of the Armada, and to 
 impress upon him the necessity of his being ready to 
 make his descent upon England the moment the fleet 
 reached Calais; and especially he desired Parma to send 
 him, at once, pilots for the French and Flemish coasts, 
 which those in the fleet had no knowledge of. To his 
 bitter disappointment, on reaching Calais he found no 
 preparation of any kind, and none of his requests com- 
 
THE INVINCIBLE ARMADA. 97 
 
 plied with. All that night, and all day of August 7th, the 
 vast Armada lay idly at anchor, vainly watching for the 
 coming of Parma's army, and not knowing that its egress 
 from Nieuport and Dunkirk was a simple impossibility, 
 since the fleets of Holland and Zealand were in full pos- 
 session of all the narrow channels between Nieuport and 
 Hils Banks and the Flemish shore; and Parma had not 
 a single vessel of war to oppose to them. 
 
 On the evening of the 7th the appearance of the 
 weather caused great anxiety to the seamen of the 
 Armada, the sun setting in a dense bank of clouds, and 
 they realized, much more fully than the soldiers on board, 
 the insecurity of their anchorage; as a northwest gale, 
 likely to rise at any moment, would drive them upon the 
 treacherous quicksands of the French coast. 
 
 While this apprehension was troubling the seamen 
 of the Armada, the English were fearful least Parma's 
 transports, eluding the vigilance of the Dutch cruisers, 
 should suddenly heave in sight. But, as the evening 
 drew on, and they observed the threatening sky, and 
 heard the increasing surf upon the shore, both of which 
 boded a storm, they became reassured. A little before 
 midnight of the 7th, the weather being very thick, and 
 a strong current setting towards the Spanish fleet, the 
 English prepared to send in among them eight fire-ships, 
 which they had prepared as soon as they found the enemy 
 anchored close together. The English captains Young 
 and Prowse towed them in, directing their course, and 
 firing them with great coolness and judgment. A great 
 panic resulted among the Spaniards, for they knew that 
 the English had in their service an Italian, who, three 
 years before, had created great havoc and destruction at 
 Antwerp, by ingenious floating torpedoes or mines, and 
 they no sooner saw the fire-ships, "all alight with flame, 
 7 
 
98 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 from their keelsons to their mast-heads," and bearing 
 down upon them, than they imagined Giannibelli and his 
 infernal machines in their midst. Shouts of " we are 
 lost!" passed through the fleet, but in the midst of the 
 panic the Duke de Medina Sidonia (who had been 
 warned by Philip to be on his guard lest the dreaded 
 Drake should burn his vessels) maintained his composure. 
 He at once made the signal agreed upon, to cut cables 
 and stand clear of the danger; and the Armada was soon 
 under sail, and out of harm's way from fire. But the 
 fright and confusion had been so great that, next morn- 
 ing, when the Duke wished to rally his fleet and return 
 to his anchorage, many ships were out of signal distance, 
 some far at sea, and others among the shoals of the coast 
 of Flanders. 
 
 The 8th of August dawned with squally, southwest 
 weather, and the English observed some of the Spanish 
 vessels to be crippled, and drifting to leeward, while the 
 San Lorenzo, flag-ship of the squadron of galleasses (the 
 class of large vessels which had contributed so much to 
 the victory of Lepanto), was endeavoring to get into the 
 harbor of Calais. Her rudder was gone, and, although 
 her rowers were endeavoring to keep her in the narrow 
 channel leading to the town, she yawed widely across it, 
 and finally grounded on a sand bank near the town. In 
 this position she was attacked by the boats of the Eng- 
 lish fleet, and after a stubborn resistance, in which many 
 fell on both sides, was boarded and carried. The Gov- 
 enor of Calais claimed her as of right pertaining to him, 
 and the English, just then not caring to quarrel with the 
 French, gave her up to him, but not before they had 
 plundered her. 
 
 The boat expedition no sooner returned, than Howard 
 bore up for the Armada, the bulk of which was then off 
 
THE INVINCIBLE ARMADA. 99 
 
 Gravelines, sailing in double Echelon, with flanks pro- 
 tected "by the three remaining galleasses, and the great 
 galleons of Portugal." # The Duke Medina Sidonia at 
 once hauled by the wind, with signal flying for close 
 action, and the Royal standard at his fore. But the 
 English had speed, handiness, and the weather gauge in 
 their favor, and were enabled, as before, to choose their 
 own distance, and after a desultory fight of six hours, the 
 Duke (finding he was losing men, and had three of his 
 best ships sunk, as many more put hors-de-combat, and 
 having" exhausted his shot, without a chance of brino-ino- 
 Howard within boarding distance, or of Parma's coming 
 out to join him) telegraphed to the fleet "to make its way 
 to Spain, north about the British Isles," and then himself 
 kept away for the North Sea. 
 
 The sands of Zealand threatened him on one hand, and 
 the hardy English seamen on the other ; and with these 
 odds against him, the proud Spaniard had no resource 
 left but to retreat. 
 
 That night it blew a strong breeze from the north, 
 and the next day some of the Spanish vessels were in 
 great danger from the Dutch shoals, but a shift of wind 
 saved them. 
 
 The English kept close after them until August 1 2th, 
 when, being themselves short of provisions and ammuni- 
 tion, they came by U12 wind, and stood back for their own 
 shores, where, of course, the intelligence they brought 
 caused great joy, after the narrow escape from invasion. 
 
 An intelligent officer, Commodore Foxhall A. Parker, 
 United States Navy, commenting upon these actions, 
 says, "it has been asserted that Medina Sidonia so 
 dreaded the passage around the grim Hebrides that he 
 was upon the point of surrender to Howard, when he last 
 approached him, but was dissuaded from doing so by the 
 
100 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 Ecclesiastics on board his vessel ; but this story, as well 
 as one told by the Spanish soldiers who were taken 
 prisoners in the fight of August 8th, and who wished to 
 curry favor with their captors, that this fight ' far exceeded 
 the battle of Lepanto,' may be safely classed with the 
 marvelous relations of the ' intelligent contraband,' and 
 the ' reliable gentleman just from Richmond,' so often 
 brought to the front during the ofreat civil war in America. 
 Why, indeed, should the Duke have surrendered to a force 
 unable to fire a shot at him, and which, had it ventured 
 within boarding distance of the Armada, must have 
 inevitably fallen into his hands? Was not the Saint 
 Matthew, when assailed in a sorely crippled condition by 
 a whole squadron, defended for two long hours ? And did 
 not several Spanish vessels, refusing to strike when they 
 were in a sinking condition, go down with their colors 
 flying ? Was, then, the Commander-in-chief less coura- 
 geous than his subordinates ? Let the truth be told. 
 Medina Sidonia, from his want of experience at sea, was 
 utterly disqualified to command the great fleet entrusted 
 to his care ; but Spain possessed no braver man than he." 
 
 The history of the Armada, after Howard left it, is 
 one of shipwreck and disaster. Many of its vessels foun- 
 dered at sea, and many more were lost on the rocky coasts 
 of Scotland and Ireland ; and the crews of some, who 
 managed to reach the land, were massacred by the savage 
 inhabitants of the west of Ireland. 
 
 Few of the leaders lived to return to their native land, 
 and there was hardly a family in Spain that was not in 
 mourning. 
 
 Upon learning of the disaster Philip affected great 
 calmness, and merely remarked, " I did not send my fleet 
 to combat the tempest, and I thank God, who has made 
 me able to repair this loss." 
 
THE INVINCIBLE ARMADA. 101 
 
 But, in spite of that, his disappointment was terrible, 
 and in his fierce and savage resentment at the depression 
 of his people he cut short all mourning by proclamation. 
 A merchant of Lisbon, who imprudently allowed himself 
 to express some joy at the defeat of the conqueror of his 
 nation, was hanged by order of Philip — so that, as Motley 
 says, " men were reminded that one could neither laugh 
 nor cry in Spanish dominions." 
 
 In other parts of Europe great joy was felt, for both 
 England and the Continent were delivered from the night- 
 mare of universal empire and the Inquisition. Well 
 might England rejoice, and proceed to build up a more 
 powerful navy. 
 
 The Spanish marine was irretrievably wrecked, and 
 never again rose to its former position ; and the loss of 
 the preponderance of Spain in European affairs began at 
 this time. 
 
 The commander first selected for the Armada, Alvaro 
 de Bazan, a fine seaman, died just before it left Lisbon. 
 He would, no doubt, have handled it better than Medina 
 Sidonia ; and he certainly would have attacked the wind- 
 bound English fleet in Plymouth, in spite of orders, and 
 if he had done so would probably have destroyed it. 
 
 Philip had disregarded the advice of Parma and Santa 
 Cruz, experienced soldiers, to secure a point in Flanders, 
 before attacking England ; and he erred in binding down 
 Medina Sidonia not to take the initiative and attack the 
 English fleet until he had been joined by Parma's trans- 
 ports. 
 
 We may add a few words concerning Philip II. He 
 survived the loss of his Armada ten years ; having suc- 
 ceeded in making his memory thoroughly odious. Philip 
 was gifted with high capacity, but was sombre, inflexible 
 and bloody minded. He was at the same time vindictive, 
 
102 
 
 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 pusillanimous and cruel ; full of joy at an auto-da-fe, 
 while he trembled during a battle. To sanguinary fanati- 
 cism he added violence of temper almost bestial in its 
 exhibition. He was close and deceptive in politics — 
 always covering himself and his designs with the mask 
 of religion. He seemed, indeed, not to have a human 
 heart in his breast ; and yet he had a taste for the fine 
 arts — loving painting, but even better, architecture, in 
 which latter he was learned. He finished the Escorial 
 and beautified Madrid, which he made the capital of Spain. 
 Besides the foregoing his sole pleasure was the chase ; 
 while, unlike his father, he was generous to those who 
 served him, and very sober in living and simple in dress. 
 
 A SPANISH GALLEASS OF THE l6l'H CENTURY. 
 
ELIZABETHAN EXPEDITIONS. 
 
 103 
 
 VII. 
 
 SOME NAVAL EVENTS OF ELIZABETH'S TIME, 
 SUCCEEDING THE ARMADA. 
 
 HE signal discomfiture of the Armada 
 caused, in England, an enthusiastic pas- 
 sion for enterprises against Spain ; and 
 this was fostered by the unusual good 
 fortune of English adventurers, especially 
 in their attacks upon the commerce and 
 colonies of the Spanish. 
 
 Don Antonio, of Portugal, having ad- 
 vanced a claim to the crown of that country, then held by 
 Spain, an expedition was undertaken, in England, to 
 conquer that country for him. Nearly 20,000 volunteers 
 enlisted, and ships were hired and arms and provisions 
 provided by the adventurers. The frugal Queen only 
 contributed to the enterprise some ,£60,000 and six of her 
 ships. Sir Francis Drake and Sir John Norris were at the 
 head of it, and if they had not allowed themselves to be 
 drawn off from the main object of their enterprise to 
 attack a Spanish fleet, fitting at the Groyne for another 
 invasion of England, it is quite probable that Lisbon 
 would have been taken by a coup-de-main. In conse- 
 quence of their delay Lisbon was too strongly defended, 
 and the English fleet was obliged to retire. After taking 
 and burning Vigo they returned to England, having lost 
 more than half their number by sickness, famine, fatigue, 
 and wounds. This was, indeed, usually the case with the 
 
104 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 maritime adventurers of that day, the losses from illness 
 alone being perfectly frightful. 
 
 As this expedition was returning another was going 
 out, under the Earl of Cumberland, all the ships, except 
 one man-of-war sent by the Queen, being equipped at 
 his own expense. Cumberland went to the Tercerasand 
 took many Spanish prizes, but the richest one, a galleon, 
 was lost on the Cornish coast, in the attempt to reach 
 England. Attempting to seize the Islands, Cumberland 
 met with a bloody repulse, losing nearly half his men, and 
 a great mortality seizing upon the survivors, left him 
 hardly men enough to steer his ships back into a home 
 harbor. 
 
 But all these maritime expeditions, whether successful 
 or not, had a good effect in keeping the Spaniards in 
 check, as well as in keeping up the spirit and nautical 
 ability of the English. 
 
 At a later period, when Elizabeth was assisting Henri 
 Quatre, in France, against the Duke of Parma and the 
 League, she employed her naval power very freely 
 against Philip, and endeavored at all times to intercept 
 his West Indian treasure ships, the source of that 
 greatness which rendered him so formidable to all his 
 neighbors. 
 
 Among other operations she sent Lord Thomas How- 
 ard, with a squadron of seven ships, upon this service. 
 But Philip, informed of her intentions, fitted out a great 
 fleet of fifty-five sail, and despatched them to escort home 
 the fleet of galleons from the West Indies. 
 
 The Queen's seven ships, commanded by Howard, were 
 the Defiance, the Revenge, the Nonpareil, Bonaventure, 
 Lion, Foresight, and Crane. They are said to have been 
 miserably fitted out. Howard went to the Azores, and 
 anchoring at Flores, there waited six months for the 
 
ELIZABETHAN EXPEDITIONS. 105 
 
 approach of the treasure ships, which were inconceivably 
 slow and deliberate in their passages. In the meantime 
 Don Alphonso Bassano, the commander of the Spanish 
 escort fleet, hearing of the small English force at Flores, 
 determined to attack it. The English squadron was at the 
 time unprepared, beside having much sickness on board. 
 Howard put to sea hurriedly, leaving many men on shore, 
 and was attacked by the whole Spanish fleet. The brunt 
 of the engagement which followed was principally borne 
 by the Revenge, commanded by Sir Richard Grenville. 
 The fight began about three o'clock in the afternoon, 
 and continued until after daylight the next morning. 
 
 The Revenge was laid on board at one and the same 
 time by the St. Philip, of 1 500 tons and 78 guns, and four 
 others of the Spanish men-of-war of the largest size, and 
 filled with soldiers. The enemy boarded no less than 
 fifteen times during the night, and were as often repulsed, 
 although they continually shifted their vessels, and boarded 
 with fresh men. The gallant Grenville was wounded early 
 in the action, but refused to quit the deck. About mid- 
 night, however, he was wounded by a musket ball, which 
 passed through his body. He was then carried below to 
 have his wound dressed, but while under the surgeon's 
 hands, was again wounded in the head, and the surgeon 
 was killed by his side while attending to his wounds. 
 
 The gallant crew held out till daylight, by which time 
 the ship was a mere wreck, and out of an original crew of 
 103, forty were killed, and almost all the rest wounded. 
 The ammunition was expended in the long and constant 
 firing, and most of their small arms were broken and use- 
 less. In this condition nothing remained but surrender. 
 But Sir Richard proposed to trust to the mercy of God, 
 rather than that of the Spaniards, and to destroy them- 
 selves with the ship, rather than yield. The master 
 
106 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 gunner and many of the seamen agreed to this, but others 
 opposed it, and obliged Grenville to surrender as a 
 prisoner. They refused to strike, however, until they 
 were promised their liberty, and the Spaniards assenting, 
 the ship was at last surrendered. 
 
 This was the first English man-of-war that the Spaniards 
 had ever taken, but she was not doomed to be exhibited 
 as a trophy, for she foundered a few days afterward, with 
 two hundred of the Spanish prize crew which had been 
 placed on board of her. It is said that it cost the Span- 
 iards a thousand lives to capture the Revenge. 
 
 Sir Richard Grenville was carried on board the Spanish 
 admiral's ship, where he died, two days after, impressing 
 his enemies very much by his extraordinary behavior 
 and courage. His last words were : " Here die I, Rich- 
 ard Grenville, with a joyful and quiet mind ; for I have 
 ended my life as a true soldier ought to do, fighting for 
 his country, queen, religion and honor. My soul willingly 
 departing from this body, leaving behind the everlasting 
 fame of having behaved as every valiant soldier is in his 
 duty bound to do." 
 
 In the meantime the treasure ships had been detained 
 so long at Havana, for fear of the English cruisers, that 
 they were obliged to sail at an improper season, and most 
 of them were lost at sea before they reached Spanish 
 harbors. 
 
 In 1592 an expedition under Sir Martin Frobisher, 
 consisting- of two men-of-war belonging to the Oueen, and 
 others fitted by Frobisher and Sir Walter Raleigh, made 
 a cruise on the coast of Spain, and took many Spanish 
 ships. Among them was a carrack, called Madre de 
 Dios, of which a description is given, and which must have 
 been a most extraordinary vessel, more like a floating 
 castle or tower than a ship. " She had seven decks, of 
 
h < 
 
 < O 
 
ELIZABETHAN EXPEDITIONS. 107 
 
 1 65 feet from stem to stern, was of 1 600 tons burden, 
 manned with 600 men, and carried thirty-two brass guns. 
 Her cargo was valued at ,£150,000 on her arrival in 
 England, besides what the officers and seamen had 
 plundered her of when taken." This was an immense 
 sum for those times, and an extraordinary booty to be 
 taken in a single ship. 
 
 The Queen's adventure in this cruise was only two 
 ships, one of which, the least of the two, was at the taking 
 of the carrack Madre de Dios ; in virtue of which she 
 assumed power over the whole of the valuable cargo, 
 taking what portion of it she pleased, and making the 
 rest of the adventurers submit to her pleasure in the 
 matter. She is said to have dealt with them rather indif- 
 ferently, taking the lion's share. 
 
 In 1594 the brave and skillful Admiral Sir Martin Fro- 
 bisher was lost to his country. He had been sent with the 
 Vanguard, Rainbow, Dreadnought, and Acquittance, to 
 aid the French in the attack upon Brest, which important 
 naval station was then held by the Spaniards. The 
 Admiral entered the harbor with his ships, and attacked 
 the forts most vigorously. But the place was well 
 defended, and the attacking party suffered serious loss. 
 At length the forts surrendered, and the garrison was put 
 to the sword. 
 
 Sir Martin Frobisher was wounded in the hip by a 
 grape shot, and died soon after he had brought his 
 squadron safely home. 
 
 The accounts of the English naval enterprises of the 
 latter part of Elizabeth's reign read like romance. These 
 enterprises, often entirely of a private nature, though 
 sanctioned by the State, were a curious mixture of chival- 
 rous search for glory and of the grasping love of lucre of 
 a freebooter or pirate. 
 
108 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 In 1594 Richard Hawkins, son of the celebrated 
 navigator, Sir John, made an unsuccessful raid upon the 
 Spanish possessions in the South Seas, by way of the 
 Straits of Magellan. And in the same year James Lan- 
 caster was sent by some London merchants to South 
 America, with a squadron, and took thirty-nine Spanish 
 ships. He also attacked and captured, against great 
 odds, the very rich city of Pernambuco, destroying his 
 boats after his men had landed, so as to force them to 
 fight or to be slaughtered. He returned safely to England, 
 with an immense booty. 
 
 In 1595, Sir Walter Raleigh took a fleet in search of 
 the gold mines of Guiana, and ascended the Oronoco in 
 boats. He suffered immense loss in battle and by disease, 
 and found nothing- of what he went in search for. His 
 account of his adventures is most marvelous, and has 
 long been known to be drawn principally from his imag- 
 ination. 
 
 In the same year, Sir Francis Drake and Sir John 
 Hawkins, with six men-of-war of the Queen's and twenty 
 others, proceeded on an expedition against the Spanish 
 settlements in Central America. They first attacked 
 Porto Rico, where they were repulsed with very serious 
 loss, and Hawkins soon after died. Drake then resolved 
 to go to Nombre de Dios, on the Isthmus of Darien, 
 whence he made an attempt to cross the isthmus to 
 Panama. But the resistance of the Spaniards, coupled 
 with the difficulties of the region and the climate, all 
 proved too great even for this seasoned adventurer, and 
 the exposure, vexation and disappointment so worked 
 upon him that he died. Sir Thomas Baskerville took 
 command of the expedition, and after an indecisive fight 
 with a Spanish fleet, returned home empty-handed. 
 
 Philip II being known to be making preparations for 
 
ELIZABETHAN EXPEDITIONS. 109 
 
 another invasion of England, a powerful English fleet was 
 equipped at Plymouth, consisting of one hundred and 
 seventy vessels, seventeen of which were first-rate men- 
 of-war. Twenty ships were added to these by the Hol- 
 landers. This fleet was commanded by the High 
 Admiral, Lord Effingham, while Elizabeth's favorite, the 
 Earl of Essex, commanded the troops embarked. Many 
 of the first men of Eno-land were either commanders or 
 serving as volunteers. 
 
 The fleet sailed from Plymouth on the first of June, 
 1596, with a fair wind, with orders to rendezvous off 
 Cadiz. Fast vessels sent in advance intercepted all 
 traders, and the fleet found the Spaniards unsuspicious 
 of any attack, and the port full of men-of-war and richly 
 laden merchantmen. 
 
 After a fruitless attack at St. Sebastians, it was resolved 
 to take the fleet into the bay and attack the Spanish 
 shipping. The Admiral did not look upon this plan with 
 much favor, conceiving it to be rash, but at last it was 
 determined upon, so much to Essex'*s joy that he is said 
 to have thrown overboard his richly jeweled cap, on 
 hearing the decision of the council of war. His joy was 
 much moderated when he heard that Effingham had orders 
 from the Queen not to allow him to lead in the attack, 
 as he was not to be exposed. Sir Walter Raleigh and 
 Lord Thomas Howard were appointed to lead, but when 
 the fight began Essex forgot his orders, and pressed into 
 the thickest of the fire. The English had great incentives 
 to do well. The nobles were emulous for glory, while all 
 were incited by the prospect of great plunder, and by 
 animosity against their old enemy, the Spaniards. The 
 English fleet attacked with such ardor that the Spaniards 
 were soon obliged to slip their cables, and, retreating to 
 the bottom of the bay, run on shore. Essex landed his 
 
110 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 men, and carried the city, sword in hand. After the 
 place was taken, he is said to have stopped the slaughter 
 usual on such occasions, and to have treated his prisoners 
 with great humanity. 
 
 The English fell into a great amount of plunder, but a 
 much richer booty was lost by the burning of the fleet 
 and the merchantmen, which was ordered by the Spanish 
 Admiral, the Duke de Medina Sidonia. Thus was irn^ 
 mense loss caused to Spain, not to speak of the humiliation 
 of that proud nation at seeing one of her principal cities 
 in the hands of the hated heretics. 
 
 In 1597 Spain was busy collecting ships and troops at 
 Ferrol, for the purpose of a descent upon Ireland. Eliza- 
 beth at once put the Earl of Essex in command of a fleet, 
 with Sir W. Raleigh, Lord Thomas Howard and Lord 
 Mountjoy, as commanders, while many of the first nobility 
 embarked as volunteers. 
 
 This fleet sailed from Plymouth on the 9th of July, but 
 the very next day encountered a severe storm, which 
 damaged and scattered it. After reassembling and refit- 
 ting, the project of going to attack Ferrol was given up, 
 and it was determined to endeavor to capture the great 
 annual treasure fleet from the Spanish Indies. 
 
 In thatage,from the unwieldinessof these great galleons 
 and from imperfect navigation, these fleets had stated 
 courses and seasons for going and returning. They had 
 also certain ports where they touched for water and 
 provisions, rendered necessary by the immense time they 
 consumed in their voyages. The Azores was one of these 
 points, and Essex determined to go there, and to take 
 the port of Fayal, as a preliminary step to capturing the 
 fleet. But the English ships becoming separated on the 
 passage, Raleigh and his squadron arrived alone. Seeing 
 the Spaniards at work fortifying, he at once attacked and 
 
ELIZABETHAN EXPEDITIONS. 
 
 Ill 
 
 took the place. Essex, upon his arrival, was much in- 
 censed at being robbed of the glory he so much coveted, 
 and but for Howard, would have cashiered Raleigh and 
 his officers. Sir Walter having made due amends, the 
 matter was arranged, and dispositions were made for 
 intercepting the galleons. Sir William Monson was 
 stationed off the islands, in observation, and in due time 
 made the appointed signal that the Spaniards were in 
 sight. These, however (owing, as Monson says, in his 
 memoirs, to Essex's want of seamanship), almost all man- 
 aged to get into the secure and strong port of Angra. 
 Only three were taken, but these were of such value as 
 to defray the whole cost of the expedition. 
 
 "henry grace de dieu " — "The Great Harry." 
 (Built by Henry VII of England.) 
 
112 
 
 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 NAVAL ACTIONS OF THE WAR BETWEEN 
 ENGLAND AND HOLLAND. AD. 1652-3. 
 
 N 1652 the Dutch naval power was without 
 a rival in the world. The sea seemed to be 
 their proper element, and their fleets of 
 war and commerce penetrated to every 
 part of the globe. Their colonial posses- 
 sions were only inferior to those of Spain, 
 and their wealth, energy and valor gave 
 every promise of their extension. 
 England had better home harbors, and a finer geo- 
 graphical position ; a more numerous population, and 
 almost equal maritime resources ; and it was a natural 
 and cherished idea of the English Republicans to form 
 the Commonwealth and the United Provinces of Holland 
 into one powerful Protestant State, which should be able 
 to resist all the other powers. The advantages of such a 
 union were easily to be seen, but the splendid conception 
 was opposed by commercial jealousies and by dynastic 
 interests. 
 
 William, the second Prince of Orange of that name, 
 had married a daughter of Charles the First, so that in 
 addition to a princely antipathy to Commonwealths, an 
 alliance of this kind would have interfered with a pos- 
 sible succession of his wife and children to the English 
 throne. 
 
 William was exceedingly popular with the masses, and 
 
ENGAGEMENTS BETWEEN ENGLAND AND HOLLAND. 113 
 
 so long as he lived the two States remained on bad terms. 
 He even refused to extend to the agents of Parliament 
 the protection of the Dutch law, and they were con- 
 stantly insulted, and one lost his life at the hands of a 
 mob, it was said, by the machinations of Montrose. No 
 redress could be obtained. 
 
 Holland's recent successes, especially at sea, against 
 Spain and the Barbary States, had made her very confi- 
 dent in her maritime power. England was then much 
 exhausted, from internal dissension, and Holland was 
 anxious to be considered mistress of the Narrow Seas, a 
 right which England had long claimed, and which the 
 Dutch had always firmly disputed. 
 
 The Prince of Orange died rather suddenly, leaving 
 his heir yet unborn, and the Democratic party, which 
 comprised the most liberal and enlightened of the Dutch 
 people, seized the opportunity to abolish the office of 
 Stadtholder, and restore a pure Republic. After their 
 success in this it was thought and hoped that at least a 
 close alliance, offensive and defensive, might be formed 
 between the two Republican States. An ambassador was 
 sent from England to Holland for that purpose, but the 
 negotiation lagged. The "High Mightinesses" who now 
 ruled Holland offered a counter-proposition. Delays 
 followed, and St. John, the English envoy, whose time was 
 limited to a certain fixed date, had his pride hurt by the 
 delay. The Dutch, on their side, thought it arrogant and 
 menacing in the English Parliament to have set a time 
 for their action and its agent's return. The exiled court 
 was then at the Hague, and the exiled cavaliers frequently 
 made St. John feel their presence. Then, again, Holland 
 may have wished to see the result of the invasion of Scot- 
 land, and, after long delays, St. John left Holland, more 
 inclined for war than peace. 
 
114 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 The Dutch statesmen saw their mistake after the battle 
 of Worcester had firmly established the English com- 
 monwealth, and now endeavored to renew negotiations. 
 But new troubles prevented an understanding. Dutch 
 privateers had continued to injure English commerce ; 
 while still more insuperable difficulties arose from the 
 passage by the English Parliament of the Navigation 
 Act. At that time, in addition to being great traders, the 
 Dutch were great fishermen. Rotterdam and Amster- 
 dam were the exchanges of Europe, and immense fortunes 
 were made by the ship owners of these ports. Under the 
 Stuarts England had neglected the merchant marine, and 
 afforded a fine field to the Dutch traders, but the Naviga- 
 tion Act, in declaring that no goods the produce of Asia, 
 Africa or America, should be imported into England, 
 except in vessels either belonging to that commonwealth 
 or to the countries from which the goods were imported, 
 put a period, so far as the British Islands, their colonies 
 and dependencies were concerned, to a very lucrative 
 branch of Dutch enterprise. 
 
 The new Dutch ambassador endeavored to have this 
 law of exclusion repealed at once; and while urging 
 the point, hinted that his country then was fitting out a 
 powerful fleet for the protection of their trade. This 
 hint was taken as a menace, and Parliament ordered its 
 sea captains to exact all the honors due the red cross flag 
 which had been claimed by England in the Narrow Seas 
 since Saxon times. This order soon made much trouble. 
 An English Commodore, Young, falling in with a Dutch 
 fleet returning from the Mediterranean, sent to request 
 the Admiral in command of the convoy to lower his flag. 
 The Dutch officer refused to comply with this demand, so 
 unexpectedly made, without consultation with his supe- 
 riors. Young then fired into his ship, and a sharp action 
 
ENGAGEMENTS BETWEEN ENGLAND AND HOLLAND. 115 
 
 ensued ; but the English being stronger, and the Dutch 
 taken by surprise, the latter were obliged to strike. 
 
 To avenge this insult to th :ir nag, the States General 
 fitted out a fleet of forty-two sail, and placed it under the 
 command of Van Tromp, with instructions to use his 
 discretion in resisting the English claim to supremacy. 
 He was, however, positively required to repel, on all occa- 
 sions, and at all hazards, attacks upon the commerce of the 
 Republic of Holland, and to properly support the dignity 
 of its flag. Tromp, who had genius as well as courage 
 and skill, was well suited to carry out these orders. This 
 celebrated naval commander was born at Briel, in 1 597, and 
 died in 1653. He served on a frigate commanded by his 
 father when only eleven years old, his father being killed 
 in an action with the French, and the son made prisoner. 
 He rose rapidly in the Dutch navy, and was a Vice 
 Admiral at the age of forty, when he totally defeated a 
 Spanish fleet, superior in numbers and weight of metal. 
 This success not only made him very popular at home, but 
 caused him to be made a French noble. We shall see in 
 the following pages how Tromp died. He was buried at 
 Delft, where a splendid monument was raised to him. 
 
 When Tromp was put in command of this fleet war 
 had not been declared, and the Dutch ambassador was 
 still in England when Tromp and his fleet suddenly 
 appeared in the Downs. Bourne, who was stationed off 
 Dover with part of the English fleet, at once sent a mes- 
 senger to Blake, who was off Rye with another division 
 of ships. Upon receipt of the intelligence Blake at once 
 made all sail for the Downs. This wonderful man, one 
 of the greatest names in English naval history, was fifty 
 years old before he became a sailor; and yet, upon being- 
 appointed a " General at Sea," he performed some of the 
 greatest exploits, and won some of the greatest victories 
 
116 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 recorded in naval annals. Blake found Tromp in and 
 about Dover Roads. When the English were still about 
 ten miles off Tromp weighed and stood out to sea, with- 
 out lowering his flag. This, under the regulations then 
 existing, was an act of defiance. Blake fired a gun, to 
 call attention to the omission, but no answer was 
 returned. To a second and a third gun, Tromp replied 
 by a single shot, keeping his flag flying. Stretching over 
 to the other side of the Straits, he then received some 
 communication from a ketch which met him, and, as if she 
 had brought imperative orders, he soon came round and 
 made toward Blake; his own ship, the Brederode, taking 
 the van. 
 
 Blake felt that, in spite of a want of any declaration of 
 war, Tromp had received orders to offer battle, and at 
 once proceeded to prepare for it. 
 
 Tromp was superior in force, his numbers being 
 greater. This was partly made up for by the fact that 
 the English carried more guns in proportion, and larger 
 crews, but many of their men were landsmen. 
 
 When the fleets had approached within musket shot, 
 Blake, affecting not to notice the menacing attitude of the 
 Dutch, stood toward the Brederode, to remonstrate con- 
 cerning the lack of honors, in not lowering the flag. 
 
 The Dutch ship sent a broadside into the James, 
 Blake's flag-ship, and stopped all remonstrance short. 
 Blake was at this moment in his cabin, with some offi- 
 cers, and the fire smashed the windows and damaged the 
 stern. Blake coolly observed, " Well ! it is not civil in 
 Van Tromp to take my flag-ship for a brothel, and break 
 my windows." As he spoke, another broadside came from 
 the Brederode. At this he called to those on deck to 
 return the fire, and the action at once began. 
 
 Few of the English officers in high command had then 
 
ENGAGEMENTS BETWEEN ENGLAND AND HOLLAND. 117 
 
 any experience of warfare at sea, and Vice Admiral Penn 
 was the only one who had received a regular naval edu- 
 cation. 
 
 The Council, in giving- Blake chief command at sea, 
 had left the selection of two vice admirals to himself; 
 and to these posts he had, with Cromwell's approval, 
 named Penn and Bourne. Penn sailed on board the 
 Triumph, of 6S guns, taking young Robert Blake, the 
 nephew of the admiral, as his lieutenant. Bourne was 
 on board the St. Andrew, 60. Not supposing hostilities 
 likely to occur while the Dutch ambassador was still in 
 England, Penn was on leave, and there was not a practical 
 seaman left in hio-h command in the Enorlish fleet. 
 
 The battle began about four in the afternoon, with a 
 rapid exchange of broadsides. On the part of the English 
 no line appears to have been formed ; the ships grappled 
 as they happened to meet. The James, a ship of fifty guns 
 and 260 men, seems to have borne the brunt of the action. 
 She received 70 shots in the hull, lost all her masts, and 
 was completely dismantled as to her battery, by the Dutch 
 fire. She was exposed to a storm of shot for four hours, 
 and had several of her officers killed or wounded. In 
 spite of great loss her men stood well up to their unac- 
 customed work, and their energies were aroused afresh, 
 just before nightfall, by the arrival of Bourne and his 
 division, which attacked the enemy's rear. This additional 
 force came just in time, and Van Tromp withdrew at 
 dark, after a drawn battle. Blake was too much disabled 
 to follow, and spent the night in repairs. At daylight 
 no enemy was in sight, and the English found themselves 
 unopposed upon the Narrow Seas. 
 
 Two Dutch ships had been taken, one of which soon 
 sank, and the other, of 30 guns, was manned for 
 immediate service. For such a well contested affair 
 
118 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 the loss in killed and wounded had been surprisingly 
 small. 
 
 This sudden encounter, without any declaration of war, 
 caused profound feeling in both countries. The Dutch 
 ambassador insisted that Van Tromp was the assailed, 
 and only stood on the defensive, and that, with his force, 
 he could have destroyed the English if he had chosen. 
 The English mob was so indignant that the ambassador 
 had to be protected by a military guard ; and, after long 
 and angry debate and negotiation, took his leave. 
 
 Blake continued to patrol the Channel, with undisputed 
 sway, harassing the Dutch trade and making many 
 captures. The Dutch merchantmen were forced to 
 abandon the route by the Channel, and to go north about; 
 or else land their goods and tranship them, at great 
 expense, through France. The English Council not only 
 fitted out the captured Dutch ships, but added more 
 men-of-war and some fire-ships to their fleet ; while the 
 seamen's wages were raised, and a large number enrolled 
 in the service of the State. 
 
 In the meantime the Dutch, a people of vast resources 
 and inflexible spirit, were not idle. But Blake, who was 
 the chief authority in naval matters, caused the English 
 Council to raise the English navy to 250 sail and fourteen 
 fire-ships. While squadrons were sent to the western 
 part of the Channel, to the Baltic, and to the Straits of 
 Gibraltar, one hundred and seventy sail, of all classes, as 
 well as the fire-ships, were to be placed under Blake's 
 immediate orders, to fight the enemy. 
 
 The full number of vessels so authorized was nevef 
 fitted out ; but in a month from the fight off Dover the 
 Admiral had one hundred and five ships, carrying near 
 4000 guns, under his immediate command. The great 
 difficulty was in obtaining men to man the ships ; and, to 
 
ENGAGEMENTS BETWEEN ENGLAND AND HOLLAND. 119 
 
 make up for the scarcity of seamen, two regiments of 
 foot were taken bodily on board the fleet — and from that 
 time marines, as a distinct corps, have formed part of the 
 equipment of English men-of-war. 
 
 In the meantime the Dutch were urging their prepa- 
 rations, and their dock-yards at the Texel, the Maas, and 
 on the Zuyder Zee, were at work day and night. They 
 laid the keels of sixty men-of-war, intended to be larger 
 and more perfect than had ever been seen in the North 
 Sea. Merchantmen of size were fitted as men-of-war, and 
 all able seamen lured into service by high pay and the 
 hope of prize money. In a few weeks Van Tromp found 
 himself in command of one hundred and twenty sail, of 
 all classes. 
 
 It had become necessary for England to send to the 
 Baltic for supplies of hemp, tar and spars, and it required 
 a strong fleet to convoy these vessels safely home. 
 Another fleet was detailed to intercept the rich Dutch 
 merchant fleets from the East Indies and elsewhere, as 
 well as to break up the great herring fishery, which the 
 hardy and industrious Hollanders had monopolized, and 
 in which their vessels were employed by the thousand. 
 The spring fleet of herring vessels, numbering 600, was 
 now comino- home from the neighborhood of the North 
 British islands, and as Tromp showed no immediate 
 intention of putting to sea, Blake himself went to the 
 North, leaving Sir George Ascue, his second in com- 
 mand, in the Channel, to keep a lookout for Van Tromp. 
 
 Blake sailed in the Resolution, with sixty ships, leaving 
 Dover Road on the 2ist of June, and about the time he 
 had passed the Frith of Forth, Van Tromp appeared in 
 the Downs with over one hundred men of war and ten 
 fire-ships. Ascue was compelled to shelter his division 
 under the guns of Dover Castle, and the whole south of 
 
120 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 England was at the mercy of Van Tromp. Couriers 
 were sent by land, in hot haste, to intercept Blake on the 
 Scotch coast, and recall him from his ill-judged cruise. 
 But before they found him he had met the Dutch herring 
 fleet, escorted by twelve men of war, and captured 600 
 of the " busses," with their freight. This was not done, 
 however, without a most gallant fight by the twelve Dutch 
 men-of-war, which lasted three hours, against over- 
 whelming odds, ending in the sinking of three and the 
 capture of the others. Blake let the fishing boats go, 
 after warning them never to fish again among the British 
 islands. For his conduct in thus restoring their all to 
 these poor people he was afterwards much blamed by 
 many in England. 
 
 Meantime, in the South, hurried preparations were 
 made to meet Van Tromp. But the latter was detained 
 in mid-channel by a calm, and when the wind sprung up, 
 it blew from the land with such force that the Dutch fleet 
 could not approach, and his intention of crushing Ascue 
 was foiled. With the same strong wind Van Tromp, 
 therefore, returned to the Texel, where an immense fleet 
 of merchant vessels were waiting for him to escort them 
 clear of all danger from English cruisers. This duty he 
 accomplished, and then followed Blake to the North. 
 Blake's fleet had suffered much from bad weather, and 
 was now scattered among the roads and havens of the 
 Orkneys, for repairs. But on hearing that his enemy 
 was approaching, Blake hastily re-assembled his ships 
 and prepared for the encounter. 
 
 Towards evening on the 5th of August the fleets came 
 in sight of each other, about half way between the Orkney 
 and the Shetland islands. Both leaders were confident, 
 and both anxious to engage. But while preparations 
 were being made a fierce gale burst upon them, which 
 
ENGAGEMENTS BETWEEN ENGLAND AND HOLLAND. 121 
 
 damaged and destroyed many of the ships of both fleets, 
 but particularly those of Van Tromp, so that he was 
 obliged to make his way home with much loss, followed 
 by Blake, who ravaged and insulted the Dutch coast 
 with impunity. Thence he returned to the Downs, and 
 gathered his fleet once more about him. 
 
 In the meantime Ascue and De Ruyter, Van Tromp's 
 second in command, had had a drawn battle, and the 
 States General of Holland, undaunted by recent re- 
 verses, were refitting another large fleet for service in the 
 Channel. 
 
 The failure of Van Tromp to accomplish anything with 
 the powerful fleet provided him, caused great tumult in 
 Holland. The Dutch had been so long accustomed to 
 victory at sea that the mob became ungovernable. Van 
 Tromp was insulted upon his return, and resigning his 
 command, retired to private life. De Witt, a renowned 
 statesman, as well as an Admiral, was called to the com- 
 mand of the fleet. De Ruyter now wished to resign his 
 command, pleading long service, advancing years, and 
 failing health. But his countrymen would not listen to 
 his retiring, and insisted upon his once more leading 
 them, as of old, , to glory and victory. 
 
 When the fleet was ready for sea, De Witt joined De 
 Ruyter, and assumed the supreme command. 
 
 To oppose this new danger Blake summoned Ascue 
 and his squadron from Plymouth, and the two hostile 
 fleets were soon at sea, and searching for each other, to 
 have a renewed trial of strength. 
 
 Blake had sixty-eight ships of various force, and was 
 superior to the Dutch fleet both in number of vessels and 
 in guns. 
 
 While cruising about the Channel in search of the 
 Dutch, Blake fell in with the fleet of the Duke de Ven. 
 
122 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 dome, which was fresh from a victorious engagement with 
 the Spanish fleet. The French fleet was intended to 
 relieve Dunkirk, then besieged and closely pressed by 
 the Spaniards. The town was in extremity, but the 
 disaster to the Spanish fleet had left the sea open to 
 France, and Vendome at once ordered a relief squadron 
 to Calais Road, to take on board men, arms, stores and 
 fresh provisions. 
 
 At this time privateers from Dunkirk and from Brest 
 preyed, as they had always done, more or less, upon 
 English commerce, and English cruisers often retaliated, 
 but there was no formal declaration of war between 
 France and England. 
 
 As soon as Blake learned of Vendome's doings at 
 Calais, without awaiting instructions or reporting his 
 intentions, he stood for the Roads, and found there seven 
 men of war, a small frigate, six fire-ships, and a number 
 of transports with men and provisions on board, all ready 
 to sail. Such an accession would enable Dunkirk to hold 
 out indefinitely. 
 
 English interests, both commercial and political, required 
 the downfall of this stronghold of privateers. The Council 
 of State was convinced that if the place was taken by the 
 Spaniards they might be induced to cede their conquest 
 to Great Britain, as was, indeed, afterwards done. Blake 
 knew the public feeling in England, and was certain that 
 if he struck a successful blow at the French force, he 
 would not be held responsible for any trouble it might 
 occasion with the French Government. Only he must 
 take care to succeed. 
 
 He, therefore, in spite of Vendome's protest, attacked 
 the force anchored at Calais, and in a few hours had the 
 whole — war-ships, fire-ships and transports, Admiral, 
 officers and men — safe under the guns at Dover Castle. 
 
ENGAGEMENTS BETWEEN ENGLAND AND HOLLAND. 123 
 
 Dunkirk could do nothing but surrender to the Arch- 
 duke Leopold, and the seizure of Vendome's squadron 
 in time of peace remained a monument of Blake's bold 
 conception and rapid execution, as well as an illustration 
 of the extreme powers which he exercised at sea, inde- 
 pendent of the Council of State. 
 
 The prizes safely bestowed, he sailed again at once, 
 in quest of De Witt and De Ruyter. On Sept. 28th 
 Admiral Penn, in the James, came in sight of the Dutch 
 off the North Foreland. He at once signaled to Blake, 
 who, in his turn, transmitted to his vanguard the order to 
 " bear in among them as soon as the fleet was up." 
 " Blake was always ready for action ; he trusted in God 
 and kept his powder dry." De Witt was not really in 
 condition for battle, for his ships were not in good order, 
 and his men were very discontented. The brave and 
 experienced Ruyter urged him to avoid a battle at that 
 time ; but his pride prevented him from listening to the 
 suggestion ; and he resolved to fight at a disadvantage 
 rather than afford the world the spectacle of a Dutch 
 admiral retreating before any number of the presumpt- 
 uous islanders. His preparations for battle were hastily 
 made, much confusion prevailing in the fleet. 
 
 BATTLE OFF THE NORTH FORELAND. 
 
 De Ruyter, always foremost in fight, led the van upon 
 this occasion ; De Witt the main body, and De Wilde 
 the rear. Evertz, another distinguished Dutch admiral, 
 was stationed with a reserve, to send succor where it 
 should be most needed. 
 
 Just before the battle opened De Witt sent a despatch 
 boat round the fleet, to enjoin the captains to do their 
 duty on this great day. But it is well known that apathy, 
 intrigue and discontent ruled on every Dutch deck, and 
 
124 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 in almost every cabin ; and no good could result from 
 such an appeal at the eleventh hour. 
 
 The Brederode, Tromp's old flag-ship, was in the fleet, 
 but the admiral appointed in Tromp's place thought it 
 not prudent to remain among Tromp's devoted followers, 
 and just before the action commenced his flag was 
 removed to a huge Indiaman. Several other ships, 
 besides the Brederode, resented the disgrace of their 
 favorite leader, and either disputed the new admiral's 
 orders, or obeyed them without the zeal which is essential 
 to victory. Hoping that success would restore loyalty, 
 De Witt hove his topsails to the mast, and formed line. 
 
 By four in the afternoon the English line was also 
 formed and well up, the only order issued from the 
 Resolution being " to attack, but hold their fire until 
 close in with the enemy." Then the whole of the English 
 van bore down upon the Dutch, who kept up an inter- 
 mittent and harmless fire as it approached. Just then 
 the Dutch line tacked, and the two fleets came into almost 
 instant collision. They were so close together that an 
 unusual number of shots told, and the crash of the first 
 broadside was terrific ; the roar of artillery continuing 
 incessantly for more than an hour. 
 
 After that the action became less furious, and there 
 were pauses in the storm of battle. The Dutch ships 
 fell off to a greater distance, and, as a breeze arose the 
 clouds of powder smoke partially cleared away. But, 
 although the Dutch fell back, they fell back fighting, and 
 with their faces to the enemy ; and, with their usual 
 obstinate valor they continued the battle until night fell 
 upon the scene of slaughter. The Dutch had lost most 
 men, while the English had suffered most severely in 
 masts and rigging. It was thought by experienced 
 commanders, in both fleets, that De Witt would have 
 
ENGAGEMENTS BETWEEN ENGLAND AND HOLLAND. 125 
 
 been completely defeated and broken had he not drawn 
 off at nightfall. 
 
 Ruyterhad, as usual, commanded his important division 
 with consummate skill and bravery. He lost a large 
 proportion of the crew of his own ship, and his masts and 
 rigging were almost destroyed, and the hull seriously 
 shattered. De Witt himself, by his courage and conduct 
 during the battle, atoned in part for his rashness in 
 fighting such an enemy in the then condition of his fleet. 
 But, in spite of their efforts, the Dutch had the worst of it. 
 Two of their ships foundered in the first shock of battle ; 
 and two others were boarded and taken, one of them 
 being the Rear Admiral's flag-ship. As has been seen, 
 the loss of life in the Dutch fleet was great, and this, in 
 addition to the general disaffection, caused about twenty 
 of De Witt's captains to take advantage of the darkness, 
 withdraw their ships from the main fleet, and make for 
 Zealand, where they carried the first news of disaster. 
 
 As many of the Dutch fleet remained in sight, and kept 
 their lights burning during the night, Blake naturally 
 assumed that they would fight again at daylight. Every 
 one, therefore, on board the English fleet was engaged 
 in repairing damages, in securing prisoners, caring for 
 the wounded and burying the dead, 
 
 At daylight the whole fleet bore down for the Dutch 
 position, and, from the attitude of the latter, it seemed 
 likely that the bloody work of the previous day would 
 begin again. 
 
 De Witt wished to fight ; but a change of counsel took 
 place before the fleets got within cannon shot of each 
 other. Evertz and De Ruyter's opinion prevailed, and it 
 was decided to collect the scattered ships, to gain one of 
 their own ports, repair, refit, and re-man the ships, and 
 await the orders of the States General. 
 
126 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 Blake, in his disabled state, could not prevent them 
 from carrying out this decision ; and was obliged to 
 content himself with petty raids upon the Dutch coasts, 
 such as Tromp had inflicted upon the English in the 
 preceding year. 
 
 The news of this action was received in London and 
 throughout England with great exultation. It was the 
 first great naval action fought by the English since the 
 days of Elizabeth. England had come off victorious 
 against the best seamen and most experienced admirals 
 of the world. Tromp, Evertz, and Ruyter had been 
 regarded as invincible sea commanders ; yet now a land 
 officer, with but three years' experience of the sea, with 
 soldiers and landsmen, had successfully withstood the 
 attacks of veteran sailors who had swept the great navies 
 of Spain from the face of the ocean. 
 
 Blake took his place at once among the highest of 
 living" Admirals. 
 
 Parliament wished at once to release the ships hired 
 from the merchant service, and to reduce the fortifications 
 about Deal and Sandown. 
 
 This Blake replied to by a demand for thirty new 
 frigates, but such was the momentary confidence and 
 security felt that he did not obtain them. Vendome's 
 renewed complaints were treated with haughty indiffer- 
 ence, and the Council dreamed of a " mare clausum" the 
 dominion of the Narrow Seas, and the exclusion of the 
 Dutch from all the valuable fisheries. 
 
 They little understood the resources and determination 
 of the people with whom they had to deal. 
 
 1652-3. 
 And now we shall see how sturdy Van Tromp came to 
 the fore again. 
 
ENGAGEMENTS BETWEEN ENGLAND AND HOLLAND. 127 
 
 De Witt's return with his discomfited fleet was the 
 signal for great disorders in Holland. The enemies of 
 the Orange party did not hesitate to accuse him of rash- 
 ness, cowardice and treason. The sailors of the fleet, 
 who had been almost mutinous before the battle, really 
 became so after it. 
 
 Even on board his own flag-ship De Witt was not 
 entirely free from danger. He had, before sailing, 
 executed some seamen for mutiny, and excited much 
 silent rage thereby; but when he came back unsuccess- 
 ful, the popular passions were aroused, and he was mobbed 
 as soon as he landed, in Flushing ; his proud heart being 
 almost broken by the insult from a people he had served 
 so long and well, he fell sick, and relinquished his com- 
 mand. Ruyter shared some of his unpopularity, but was 
 persuaded to continue in his command. 
 
 Having so often triumphed at sea, the Dutch could not 
 understand that their reverses were not the result of 
 gross misconduct in their sea generals ; and they now 
 remembered that, if Tromp's success in the early part of 
 the war had not been very great, he had not, at least, 
 suffered defeat, and they felt that the elements, and not 
 man, had destroyed the powerful fleet which he had lost. 
 
 His reputation became once more the first in Holland, 
 while personal feeling and his past training peculiarly 
 fitted him to meet the English. 
 
 The States General were ready to reverse their decision 
 when they found him necessary, and this was confirmed 
 when they found that the King of Denmark, alarmed by 
 the sudden growth of England's maritime power, was 
 making interest with leading Dutch statesmen, not only 
 for a vigorous renewal of hostilities, but also for the 
 restoration of Tromp to his offices and honors. 
 
 The most eminent of his rivals in naval ability and in 
 
128 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 political influence were, upon his restoration, appointed 
 to serve under him as Vice and Rear Admirals. These 
 were De Witt, Ruyter, Evertz and Floritz. De Witt, 
 completely mortified and disgusted, excused himself on 
 the plea of ill health ; and Ruyter joined the fleet as 
 second in command. 
 
 The Danish King now refused to allow the English 
 ships, which had been sent to the Baltic for the naval 
 stores so necessary to the fleet, to return through the 
 Sound or the Belts, and thus proved a new enemy for the 
 Commonwealth to deal with. 
 
 As the term for which Blake had been appointed sole 
 General and Admiral of the fleet had expired, he requested 
 the appointment of two colleagues, as he considered the 
 coast command of England equally important with that 
 of the cruising fleet. 
 
 Colonel Deane and General Monk were accordingly 
 so commissioned, both these officers being in the land 
 service, and at that time actively employed in Scotland. 
 
 Winter had now set in, and Blake distributed the 
 fleet, some for convoy duty, and some for repairs. The 
 Dutch were hard at work in their dock-yards, and Blake, 
 with a reduced force, cruised from port to port of the 
 Channel, not expecting the enemy to appear at sea before 
 the return of fine weather. In this he had greatly mis- 
 taken the energy and influence of Tromp, who, in an 
 incredibly short time, fitted out and manned a vast fleet; 
 and while the English squadrons were dispersed in various 
 directions, suddenly appeared off the Goodwins with more 
 than one hundred sail of the line, frigates and fire-ships. 
 His plan was bold and well conceived. Coming suddenly 
 into the Downs with this large force, he intended to close 
 up the Thames, cut off reinforcements preparing there, 
 and then to fall upon Blake's division, and either capture 
 
ENGAGEMENTS BETWEEN ENGLAND AND HOLLAND. 129 
 
 it or drive it westward out of the Channel; then, with the 
 coast at his mercy, he could dictate terms to the Com- 
 monwealth. At that time a winter cruise or campaign 
 was hardly thought possible ; but Tromp relied upon a 
 swift and daring blow to finish the war in a few days. 
 
 Blake was then in the Triumph, and the first intimation 
 he had of Tromp's being at sea was from his own look- 
 out ships. On the 9th of December the two fleets were in 
 presence of each other, between Calais and Dover ; and 
 the English Admiral then learned that Tromp was in 
 command, and accordingly prepared himself for serious 
 work. 
 
 A council of war was held on board the Triumph. 
 Blake declared his intention to fight, even without his 
 detached squadrons, rather than leave the coast exposed 
 to the incursions of the great and uncrippled Dutch fleet. 
 
 All that December day the two Admirals worked for 
 the weather gage. The succeeding night was long, cold 
 and stormy, and the ships were unable to keep well 
 together. At daylight of the 1 oth the manoeuvres for the 
 weather gage were renewed, the two flag-ships, the 
 Brederode and the Triumph, both drawing toward the 
 Nase, and by three in the afternoon the fleets were quite 
 near each other, off that headland of Essex. 
 
 Tromp being most anxious to engage, made a sudden 
 effort to get alongside the English Admiral. The latter's 
 ship, however, by a skillful evolution, passed under the 
 Brederode's bows to the weather gage. In passing the 
 two ships exchanged broadsides, and the battle opened. 
 Blake's ship was closely followed by the Garland, and 
 missing the Triumph, Tromp ran afoul of this second ship, 
 and carried away her bowsprit and head. The Garland 
 and the Brederode then engaged, the English ship, 
 though much lighter, fighting bravely until joined by the 
 
 9 
 
130 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 Bonaventure, 30, when the two together rather over- 
 matched the Brederode. Tromp, by every possible 
 appeal, encouraged his men ; but his position was 
 becoming very precarious, when Evertz, seeing him in such 
 straits, attacked the Bonaventure, placing that small ship 
 between the two Dutch flag-ships. The four ships were 
 all grappled together, and it was more than an hour 
 before the weight of metal obliged the two English ships 
 to yield. After they had suffered great loss the Dutch 
 boarded and captured them. Of the other English ships 
 the Triumph, the Vanguard and the Victory bore the 
 brunt of the action. In spite of being surrounded by 
 enemies, and suffering severely in men, hull, masts and 
 rigging, they all came out of the desperate encounter 
 uncaptured. Night came early at that season, and the 
 fleets were about separating, when Blake heard of the 
 capture of the Garland and Bonaventure, and he at once 
 attempted their recapture. This brought on a more 
 destructive conflict than the previous one. Blake was 
 surrounded by the Dutch ships, and the Triumph was 
 three times boarded, and the assailants as often repulsed. 
 She was reduced to a wreck, and with difficulty kept 
 afloat, and had it not been for the Sapphire and the 
 Vanguard, which stood by him with extraordinary courage 
 and devotion, the English Admiral must have succumbed. 
 Thick fog and darkness at last interposed and enabled 
 Blake to draw off his ships toward Dover Roads. 
 
 The next morning there was a dense foe, and the 
 Dutch were not to be seen. His disabled vessels re- 
 quired a shelter, and the English Admiral, therefore, 
 resolved to run into the Thames, and there repair dam- 
 ages, ascertain the enemy's intentions, and wait the recall 
 and concentration of his scattered squadrons. 
 
 In the action off the Nase the Dutch had had much 
 
ENGAGEMENTS BETWEEN ENGLAND AND HOLLAND. 131 
 
 the best of it, but had lost many men, and one of their 
 ships had blown up, every soul on board of her perish- 
 ing. Tromp's and Ruyter's ships were both unfitted 
 for further service, and many others were crippled ; but 
 they were the victors, and once more masters of the 
 Channel. 
 
 Blake offered to resign, but the Council would not hear 
 of this, and only seemed intent upon weeding out of the 
 fleet those captains who had not shown sufficient zeal and 
 courage. Several were broken after proper inquiry, 
 among others, Blake's own brother, who was reported as 
 guilty of neglect of duty. 
 
 More vessels were concentrated and placed under 
 Blake's orders, and the effective force of the navy raised 
 to 30,000 men. 
 
 While reforms, renovations and recruitments were 
 being carried on under Blake's own eye, Tromp sailed 
 up and down the Channel with a broom at his masthead, 
 typical of his having swept the Narrow Seas ; and the 
 States General proclaimed a state of blockade of the 
 British Islands. 
 
 Caricatures and ballads were circulated in the Dutch 
 cities, all bearing upon the late naval event. The 
 fear that Tromp would seize the Channel islands, and the 
 certainty that he had effectually cut off commerce, 
 hastened the preparations of the English for a second 
 winter campaign; and, on the 8th of February, 1653, 
 Blake, still in the Triumph, sailed, at the head of some 
 sixty men-of-war and frigates, having Monk and Deane 
 with 1 200 soldiers from the army on board. Penn, the 
 father of the Quaker proprietor of Pennsylvania, was the 
 vice admiral, and Lawson the rear admiral. 
 
 In the Straits of Dover he was joined by the Ports- 
 mouth squadron, of twenty sail ; and with this addition 
 
132 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 to his strength, Blake resolved to seek the Dutch fleet, 
 and once more give battle. 
 
 Tromp had gone to the southward, to meet a large 
 fleet of Dutch traders which had collected near Rochelle, 
 with the intention of convoying them home. Here 
 intelligence reached him that the English were about to 
 quit the Thames with a large fleet, and he hoped to be 
 able to return in time to block it up in the river mouth, 
 and to keep the Portsmouth squadron from effecting a 
 junction with the main body. But Blake had stolen a 
 march upon the Dutch Admiral, and when the latter came 
 up with Cape la Hogue, he was surprised to find a force 
 equal to his own prepared to dispute the passage of the 
 seas so lately swept by his broom. He, however, accepted 
 battle eagerly, for he was confident of victory. 
 
 THE BATTLE OFF PORTLAND. 
 
 Day was just breaking, on the morning of the iSth of 
 February, 1653, when the Dutch van was made out from 
 the masthead of the Triumph. Blake was on deck at 
 once, and a grand spectacle he must have had, as the sun 
 rose, showing the heaving wintry sea covered with ships, 
 their sails and pendants lighted up by the early rays. 
 There were seventy-three Dutch ships of war, convoying 
 more than three hundred merchant ships. Owing to the 
 darkness the ships had not seen each other until only three 
 or four miles apart. The English flag-ships happened to 
 be all within hailing distance of each other, but General 
 Monk was some miles astern, in the Vanguard, and the 
 bulk of the English fleet about five miles astern of Ad- 
 miral Blake when the Dutchmen hove in sight. 
 
 Tromp, with his seaman's eye, saw his advantage, and 
 at once availed himself of it. 
 
 With the wind in his favor he might have forced his 
 
ENGAGEMENTS BETWEEN ENGLAND AND HOLLAND. 133 
 
 way by, and carried his convoy to the Scheldt in safety, 
 returning- at his leisure to give battle. But he chose to 
 play a bolder game, and fancying that his enemy's van- 
 guard of some twenty ships could not resist the weight 
 of his attack, he sent his fleet of traders to windward, out 
 of range, with orders to await there the issue of the 
 engagement. 
 
 This great battle was fought under circumstances which 
 lent it thrilling interest. Both nations had had time to 
 collect their best fleets, and the largest and finest vessels 
 they had were there arrayed against each other, com- 
 manded by the most renowned Admirals. Blake, Deane, 
 Penn and Lawson were on one side ; Tromp, De Ruyter, 
 Evertz, Swers, Floritz and De Wilde, all great names, on 
 the other. 
 
 The fleets were nearly equal in strength, and their 
 relative merits had to be determined on that day. Even 
 the common seamen on each side felt that this was the 
 decisive battle. 
 
 At the outset the Dutch had the wind, and therefore, 
 the advantage of position. They were also well up 
 together, and when they opened on the English van- 
 guard it seemed almost impossible for only about twenty 
 ships to withstand the crash of so many heavy broadsides. 
 
 As usual, the Triumph was the first of the English to 
 engage, and the Brederode, ever in the van, was ready 
 to meet her, reserving her fire until within musket shot, 
 when her broadside would have most deadly effect. With 
 a strong favoring breeze Tromp shot by the Triumph^ 
 pouring a fearful broadside into her as he passed ; and 
 then, tacking, gave her a second and more destructive 
 one, leaving her with decks strewed with killed and 
 wounded, and torn canvas, stranded rigging, and totter- 
 ing masts. After this the two Admirals parted for the 
 
134 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 clay, for Perm came dashing up, in the Speaker, followed 
 by other vessels, to cover Blake from some part of the 
 circle of fire which threatened him with destruction. 
 
 As the other divisions of the English fleet came up the 
 battle became general. On both sides the wreck and 
 destruction was awful. In less than one hour after the 
 first shot was fired almost every ship engaged had 
 received serious damage. At one moment an English 
 crew was to be seen boarding a Dutch man-of-war, and 
 the next they would be driven back, and their own vessel 
 boarded in turn by the doughty Hollanders. Here 
 might be seen a ship completely wrapped in flames; 
 there one foundering, with all her men, their cries for 
 help unheeded by either friend or foe ; perhaps elsewhere 
 occurred a fearful explosion, which sent ship and crew 
 into the air together, and added fresh volume to the lurid 
 cloud which hung over the scene. 
 
 Cotemporary writers say that the tremendous roar of 
 artillery could be heard along the shores of the Channel, 
 from Boulogne on the one side to Portland Bill on the 
 other. 
 
 About midday Monk succeeded in arriving up with his 
 division, and the contest was now entirely upon equal 
 terms. De Ruyter, as ever, in the forefront of battle, added, 
 if possible, to his already well earned renown. Early in 
 the day he singled out and engaged the Prosperous, a 
 hired ship of forty guns, commanded by a Captain 
 Barker. The English ship maintained so steady a fire, 
 in response, that De Ruyter, impatient, and wishing to 
 finish her and pass on to fresh combats, called away his 
 boarders, ran his ship alongside the Prosperous, and the 
 Dutchmen gallantly boarded, leaping down on her deck, 
 sword and pistol in hand. But, to their surprise, they 
 were driven back again in a very few minutes. Not 
 
ENGAGEMENTS BETWEEN ENGLAND AND HOLLAND. 135 
 
 satisfied with forcing back his assailants, Barker threat- 
 ened De Ruyter in return; but the brave old Dutchman, 
 singing out, "Come lads! that was nothing! at them 
 again !" led them to a second and more successful 
 boarding. Barker and his officers were unable to resist 
 this renewed assault, and were soon prisoners. At this 
 very moment Blake, with several vessels, came up to 
 their assistance. The prize was recovered, and Ruyter 
 himself was surrounded by the English. Vice Admiral 
 Evertz and Captains Swers and Krink hastened, in 
 their turn, to relieve Ruyter from his dangerous position, 
 and the battle soon raged with extraordinary violence 
 around this new centre. Penn's ship, the Speaker, was 
 so shattered as to be unfit for further service, and when 
 night put an end to the first day's engagement he was 
 despatched to the Isle of Wight, for the ships left at that 
 station. 
 
 The Dutch Captain Cruik, in the Ostrich, was very 
 conspicuous in this day's engagement. Like a true sailor, 
 he fought till he had not a spar showing above his 
 bulwarks, and his deck was literally covered with the 
 dead and wounded of his devoted crew. At last he was 
 boarded by the English ; but, as the ship appeared to be 
 sinking, and her officers and crew were nearly all killed 
 or wounded, the boarders made hasty plunder of her 
 valuables and left her to her fate. De Wilde offered his 
 aid to bring her off; but suddenly it fell calm, and not 
 having a particle of sail spread, the attempt to tow her 
 off failed, and she was again abandoned. Next morning 
 Blake found her floating about, without a living soul on 
 board, and the unburied corpses lying just as they had 
 fallen ; occasionally, under a more than ordinarily heavy 
 roll, showing a startling movement. 
 
 Captain Swers, afterward a most distinguished Dutch 
 
136 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 Admiral, was taken prisoner. He had gone to the 
 assistance of Captain De Port, who was being roughly 
 handled by two English frigates, and the four ships were 
 immediately locked together. De Port's ship had several 
 shots between wind and water, and began to fill. He 
 himself was severely wounded by a large splinter; never- 
 theless, as he lay on his back, in great agony, he waved 
 his sword, and shouted words of encouragement to his 
 men, until ship and crew all went down into the deep 
 together. 
 
 The Dutch had always been noted for close fire, but on 
 this occasion the English fire proved quite as deadly and 
 regular. Swer's ship foundered from shot holes, himself 
 and those of the officers and crew left being taken on 
 board the frigates, and their lives thus preserved. 
 
 Toward dusk of the second day Blake felt himself in 
 a sufficiently strong position to be able to send some of 
 his best sailing ships with orders to gain the wind, and if 
 possible prevent the escape of the vast fleet of rich 
 traders which had remained hove to, awaiting the issue 
 of the action. Tromp saw the movement, and at once 
 divined the cause, so he fell back, with a great part of 
 his fleet, to cover his convoy. This movement put an end 
 to that day's action ; for, seeing their Admiral make sail 
 and leave the enemy, some of the Dutch Captains made 
 sail, and, under the cover of night, were soon far away. 
 Blake remained on the scene of action, but with his 
 men too much exhausted, and his vessels too much 
 damaged, to permit of a chase in a mid-winter night. 
 
 Both sides had shown the most devoted valor and un- 
 tiring zeal. The Dutch had had eight large ships either 
 taken or destroyed. During the battle the Prosperous, 
 the Oak, the Assistance, the Sampson, and several other 
 English ships had been boarded and taken, although 
 
ENGAGEMENTS BETWEEN ENGLAND AND HOLLAND. 137 
 
 most of them were afterward recaptured. The Sampson 
 was so damaged that her Captain, Button, and his officers 
 and men, were taken out of her, and she was allowed to 
 sink. 
 
 The flag-ship Triumph suffered most severely. Her 
 Captain, Andrew Ball, was killed, as was the Admiral's 
 secretary, Sparrow, who was shot down at his side, and 
 nearly half her crew were killed. Blake himself was 
 wounded in the thigh; and the same ball which lamed 
 him for life tore away a part of Deane's buff coat. 
 
 The Dutch loss was never ascertained, but it was very 
 heavy, for some of their ships had nearly all the men 
 killed or wounded ; and the appearance of their gun- 
 decks, spattered with blood and brains, shocked even the 
 callous captors. 
 
 At night Blake sent many of his wounded on shore, 
 where preparations were made for them, all classes turn- 
 ing out to relieve and succor them. Collections of money 
 and clothing- were made in all the South and West of 
 England, and the miserable provision made at that day 
 for the sick and wounded was supplemented by the 
 spontaneous gifts of the people. 
 
 Blake's own wound, which was not really dangerous 
 at first, required repose and proper treatment, but he 
 would not go on shore. 
 
 At night the fleets lay close together, never losing 
 sight of each other's lights during the whole of the long 
 winter's night. During these dark hours all hands were 
 employed in stopping leaks, repairing sails, and getting 
 gun tackle in readiness to renew the contest in the 
 morning. 
 
 A dead calm had succeeded to the fresh breeze which 
 was blowing when the battle began ; and if it continued 
 the Dutch could have no choice as to renewing the fight. 
 
138 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 But at daylight a light breeze sprang up, and Tromp, 
 anxious to take home his convoy in safety, disposed his 
 men of war in the form of a crescent, with the traders in 
 the centre, and crowding all sail, stood directly up Chan- 
 nel. Blake followed in pursuit, with all his available 
 ships. It was noon, however, before the Triumph came 
 within gunshot of the rearmost Dutch ship, and it was 
 two in the afternoon before the main body came up with 
 them, off Dungeness. 
 
 Seeing that he would be compelled to fight, Tromp 
 ordered his convoy to make the best of their way to the 
 nearest Dutch port, keeping close along Calais and 
 Dunkirk, for protection ; and then he turned upon his 
 pursuers, like a lion at bay. 
 
 The battle was renewed with great fury. De Ruyter 
 again performed miracles of courage and conduct, but 
 the fortune of war was against him. After some hours 
 his own ship became unmanageable, and would have 
 fallen into the enemy's hands but for Tromp, who saw his 
 danger, and sent a ship to extricate him. With great 
 difficulty this was accomplished. An hour or two later 
 Tromp began to haul off towards Boulogne, but it was not 
 until night fell again that the hostile fleets separated once 
 more. 
 
 That night proved bitterly cold, but unusually clear, for 
 winter, so that the English fleet was enabled to keep the 
 Dutch lights in sight. On this day just closed Blake had 
 captured or destroyed five of his enemy's ships, and, in 
 consequence of the recent reforms, had not had occasion 
 to complain of the want of courage, steadiness or prompt- 
 ness of a single commanding officer. In the Dutch fleet 
 Tromp had to contend against want of concert, party 
 bitterness and personal envy in many of his captains. At 
 the close of this day's fighting several of the latter sent 
 
ENGAGEMENTS BETWEEN ENGLAND AND HOLLAND. 139 
 
 word on board the Brederode that they were out of 
 powder, and Tromp was compelled to send them away 
 in the night, so as to prevent cowardice and treason from 
 spreading to the other ships. To conceal his true motive 
 he pretended to give them orders to take a new position, 
 to windward of the convoy, to protect them from the light 
 craft of the English, which were hovering about. 
 
 But when day dawned Blake saw at a glance that the 
 Dutch fleet was considerably reduced in numbers, and 
 inferred that a squadron had been despatched during the 
 night to cover the convoy ; and he at once sent a 
 squadron of fleet sailers after them, while he himself 
 bore down once more on his reduced but unconquered 
 enemy. Tromp met him with undaunted courage, and, 
 as usual, fought desperately. But the most he could 
 now hope for, with his reduced fleet, was to occupy Blake 
 until his richly laden convoy could reach a friendly port. 
 But even this seemed doubtful. After the first shock 
 of this day's renewed fighting he felt that he would be able 
 to afford them but small protection ; and he sent Captain 
 Van Ness to the merchant fleet, with orders to crowd all 
 sail for Calais Road. As the fight went on he again sent 
 another officer to hurry them in, or else the English 
 frigates would soon be among them. But the wind was 
 blowing from the French coast, and Van Ness' most 
 energetic efforts were insufficient to carry the confused 
 mass of traders near enough to the Roads to be out ol 
 danger. More than half the men-of-war and frigates of 
 the Dutch fleet had been scattered, taken, or sunk, by this 
 time, and many of the captains who were left had, 
 contrary to Tromp's orders, retreated upon the flying 
 convoy. Confusion now reigned, and as the English 
 came up, the merchantman, in their alarm, either ran 
 
140 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 foul of each other and knocked themselves to pieces, or 
 fell into the enemy's hands. 
 
 Still engaged with the retreating Dutch men-of-war, 
 Blake arrived on the scene in the afternoon, and finding 
 some of the merchant ships actually throwing themselves 
 into his way, he began to suspect that it was done to lure 
 him to make captures and give the discomfited fleet time 
 to rally. He accordingly gave strict orders that every 
 man-of-war still in condition to follow and fight should 
 press on after the main body of the enemy, leaving the 
 traders to be either picked up by the frigates detailed for 
 the purpose, or driven where they could be captured 
 after the Dutch fleet was swept from the Channel. At 
 last darkness put an end to the chase. Tromp ran in 
 and anchored the remnant of his fleet under the French 
 shore, about four miles from Calais. They were in 
 number about one-half what he had sailed with ; and all 
 of them more or less damaged. 
 
 Blake's pilots all agreed that Tromp could not, as the 
 winds and tides then were, come out to sea again, in 
 order to get home. He, therefore, anchored his fleet 
 also, and set to repair damages. The night was dark 
 and a gale was blowing, and ships' lights could not be 
 seen at any distance. At daylight the sea was clear 
 where so many ships had been at anchor at sunset. 
 Tromp had slipped away toward Dunkirk; and afterward 
 succeeded in entering the various ports of Zealand. 
 
 Blake felt that it would not be well for him to follow 
 the enemy into the flats and shallows of his own coast, 
 and so he stood over for England. The bad weather 
 continuing, he carried his fleet and the prizes into Stoke 
 Bay, whence he reported his success to Parliament. 
 
 During these successive days of fighting there had 
 been great loss of life. Seven Dutch captains were 
 
ENGAGEMENTS BETWEEN ENGLAND AND HOLLAND. 141 
 
 killed, and -three taken prisoners. Three English cap- 
 tains were killed, and Blake himself, Rear-Admiral 
 Lawson, and many other distinguished officers wounded. 
 The total loss on each side was never published. A day 
 of thanksgiving was appointed in England, and provision 
 made by public subscription, as well as by the State, for 
 the widows and children of those who had fallen. 
 
 Blake took no rest, in spite of his wound, but refitted 
 and revictualed his ships, intending to strike a blow at 
 the Brest privateers. 
 
 But in April he received information that the equally 
 indefatigable Tromp was making great efforts to equip 
 another fleet. He at once proceeded off the Texel, with 
 about one hundred sail. In the Texel he saw many 
 men-of-war, but Tromp himself had already gone out to 
 the Northward, to convoy in an expected fleet of traders 
 from Spain and the Levant. By good seamanship he 
 brought them safe home, but not by the Channel which 
 he had formerly brushed down with his broom. 
 
 Then came Cromwell's assumption of supreme power; 
 and political events of magnitude usurped, in English 
 minds, the Dutch war, and all other matters. 
 
 Blake's opinions were known to be unfavorable to the 
 extreme practices of the Protector, and when the Dutch 
 heard of the revolution which had occurred in London, 
 by means of the army, they jumped to the conclusion that 
 their redoubtable naval enemy would no longer carry on 
 the war with the same energy. But in this they were 
 deceived. Blake was loyal to his country and her wel- 
 fare, before all, and told his captains that "it was not for 
 them to mind affairs of State, but to keep foreigners from 
 fooling us." Though he suspected Cromwell, and ab- 
 horred military rule, he had patriotism enough not to 
 deprive his country of such services as he could render. 
 
142 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 because it had allowed itself to submit, in an irregular 
 way, to a power not of his choosing. 
 
 It was fortunate that he took this resolution promptly, 
 for Tromp, Evertz, Ruyter and De Witt, under the im- 
 pression that the English fleet was divided by political 
 discord, sailed for Dover Road, with one hundred and 
 thirty ships, manned in haste, took some prizes, and 
 began firing upon the town. 
 
 The English fleet was then in three divisions. Deane 
 and Monk, sailing together, in the Resolution, had under 
 their orders thirty-eight sail, carrying 1440 guns, and 
 about 6000 men ; Penn had thirty-three sail, with 1 200 
 guns, and 5000 men ; and Lawson had thirty-four ships, 
 with 1200 guns, and about 5000 men. The Dutch had a 
 few more ships than the English, but were about equal 
 in guns and men. 
 
 When Tromp thus suddenly reappeared, Blake was at 
 the North, with a small fleet, but couriers rode overland, 
 day and night, to apprise him that the Dutch were again 
 in the Channel, and had fired upon Dover. 
 
 He made all sail for the South as soon as he heard this 
 important news, having a favoring breeze, and burning 
 with anxiety to join the main fleet before a battle took 
 place. 
 
 But on the 2d of June, before he arrived, the hostile 
 fleets sighted each other near the Gable, and were soon 
 in collision. Lawson was in advance of the English fleet, 
 and broke through the Dutch line about midday, sepa- 
 rating Ruyter's division from the rest, and engaging it 
 heavily before the main body on either side could get up. 
 
 In about an hour Tromp came to Ruyter's relief, and 
 the action then became general. One of the first shots 
 which struck the Resolution killed General Deane, and 
 Monk threw his cloak over the mangled body, and called 
 
ENGAGEMENTS BE1WEEN ENGLAND AND HOLLAND. 143 
 
 to his men to avenge his death. For some hours the 
 Dutch fought with reckless courage, and when night fell 
 both fleets had sustained great damage and loss, but 
 nothing was decided. All that night, while the hostile 
 fleets lay to, near each other, repairing damages, Blake 
 was carrying every possible stitch of sail, to reach the 
 fleet. He was, of course, unaware of the day's events, 
 of the death of his friend and comrade, Deane, and of the 
 doubtful position of the English fleet. The officers and 
 men who had been engaged on the English side watched 
 anxiously for signs of the coming of their great leader, 
 but when the summer morning dawned no trace of his 
 sails could be seen on the northern horizon. Tromp was 
 unaware that Blake was expected that day, as he believed 
 him to be too far North to be recalled. He, therefore, 
 spent the whole morning in manoeuvres for the weather 
 gage. A calm put a stop to this at about noon, and then 
 the great guns opened again on both sides, and the battle 
 was renewed with great energy, but neither side seemed to 
 have any decided advantage. If there was any it was upon 
 the side of the Dutch. But early in the afternoon Blake 
 managed to draw near, with a light air, and his thundering 
 broadsides upon the flank and rear of the Hollanders put 
 new life into the harassed and flagging English. Young 
 Blake was the first of the English reinforcement to engage 
 the enemy, and, as if to announce the arrival of the great 
 captain upon the scene, he broke through the Dutch line, 
 belching forth death from both batteries, and greeted with 
 tremendous cheers from the English ships. 
 
 By four o'clock the battle was over, and the retreat of 
 the Dutch began. Tromp fought with the energy of 
 despair ; but nothing could withstand the onset of such a 
 force, led by Blake himself. 
 
 The Brederode boarded Penn's flag-ship, the James, but 
 
144 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 the attack was repulsed by Penn's crew, who, in turn, 
 boarded the Brederode, and would probably have cap- 
 tured that ship had not Tromp, resolved not to fall into 
 his enemy's hands alive, thrown a match into the maga- 
 zine, and caused an explosion, which sent the upper deck 
 and the gallant boarders upon it into the air, the planks 
 shivered into splinters, and the men horribly scorched and 
 mutilated. 
 
 Most strange to relate, Tromp himself was but little 
 hurt; but a report of his death spreading, many of his 
 captains, thinking all was lost, bore up and fled. De 
 Ruyter and De Witt exerted themselves in vain to stem 
 the tide of disorder and defeat. Tromp, after his mar- 
 velous escape, left the wrecked Brederode for a fast sail- 
 ing frigate, and passed through his fleet, encouraging 
 those who stood fast, and threatening the waverers, while 
 he fired upon some who fled the scene. 
 
 But it was too late. The day was lost, and the brave old 
 man had at last, reluctantly, to give the order for retreat. 
 
 Just then a fresh gale sprang up, but the English fleet 
 pressed sail after them, sank some ships, captured others, 
 and were only made to cease by darkness coming on. 
 
 Favored by the darkness, Tromp anchored in Ostend 
 Road, and next day escaped, with the remnant of his fleet, 
 into Weilingen. 
 
 The news of this great defeat threw the United Prov- 
 inces into a dangerous ferment. The mob rose in many 
 towns, and committed great excesses. The Admirals 
 offered to resign; and they all declared that they would 
 go to sea no more with such an organized fleet as they 
 then possessed. De Witt openly acknowledged that the 
 English were, for the present, masters of the sea. 
 
 The naval power of Holland was indeed, for the time, 
 completely broken; and the final battle of the war, 
 
ENGAGEMENTS BETWEEN ENGLAND AND HOLLAND. 145 
 
 hazarded and lost two months later, was an expiring effort, 
 made with crippled resources, and under circumstances 
 of the greatest discouragement. 
 
 The English fleet, though it kept the sea, was scarcely 
 in better condition than that of their enemy. Blake kept 
 the Dutch coast blockaded, nevertheless, while their com- 
 merce was intercepted and their fisheries idle. In doino- 
 this his fleet suffered from bad and scanty provisions, 
 which brought on much sickness. Blake himself fell ill, 
 and had to be taken on shore, more dead than alive, leav- 
 ing to Monk, Penn and Lawson the carrying out of his 
 plans. 
 
 One more blow, and all was over. In the temporary 
 absence of the English blockading fleet, the Dutch squad- 
 rons at Weilingen and the Texel put to sea, and effected 
 a junction. But their shattered fleet was felt to be unfit 
 to cope with their powerful opponents, and when they 
 met the English fleet, they endeavored to avoid a battle. 
 But Penn and Lawson pressed sail to come up with them, 
 and some fighting had already taken place, when night 
 came on, and stopped it. 
 
 Next day a heavy gale prevented a renewal of the 
 action; but on the next the fleets once more met. 
 
 During the close fighting which ensued the aged and 
 able Van Tromp received a musket ball through the 
 heart, and fell upon his own quarter-deck, — an appropri- 
 ate death for the gallant but unfortunate veteran. 
 
 At his death his fleet fled; the English pursuing with- 
 out mercy, for the ruthless Monk was now in command, 
 and had ordered his captains to give no quarter. They 
 made no prisoners; and the end of the engagement was 
 rather a massacre than a battle. 
 
 Immediately after this the humbled States General sued 
 for peace. 
 10 
 
146 
 
 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 IX. 
 
 FRENCH AND DUTCH IN THE MEDITER- 
 RANEAN. A.D. 1676. 
 
 |N the latter part of 1674 Messina and a part 
 
 of Sicily revolted against the Spaniards, 
 
 and Louis XIV resolved to sustain the 
 
 insurrection, in pursuance of his political 
 
 designs. In consequence, Duquesne, who 
 
 had just been named General of the Naval 
 
 Forces, sailed from Toulon, on January 
 
 29th, 1675, with eight ships-of-war, bound 
 
 for the Sicilian coast. 
 
 Before we detail his operations there, it may be of 
 
 interest to give some sketch of this very remarkable 
 
 man. 
 
 Abraham, Marquis Duquesne, one of the greatest 
 seamen France ever produced, was born in Dieppe, an 
 important seaport in the north of France. He entered 
 the navy early, and soon rose to the command of a ship, 
 in which he joined in the recapture of some of the French 
 islands from the Spaniards, for which service he was 
 reported most favorably to the great Richelieu. During 
 these operations he learned of the death of his father, in 
 action with the Spaniards, and Duquesne seems ever 
 after to have entertained the greatest dislike for this 
 nation, causing them to feel the effects of his resentment 
 on numberless occasions. In 1638 he, under circum- 
 stances of great difficulty and danger, rescued from under 
 
FRENCH AND DUTCH IN THE MEDITERRANEAN . 147 
 
 the guns of St. Sebastian several French vessels which 
 had been stranded there. The same year, at the battle 
 of Gattari, Duquesne decided the victory by blowing up 
 the Spanish admiral's flag-ship, by means of a fire- vessel. 
 
 The next year he served on the Biscayan coast, and, at 
 Santona, was dangerously wounded in the jaw by a bullet, 
 while boarding a Spanish galleon. 
 
 During 1 641 he served against Spain in the Mediter- 
 ranean, was constantly engaged, and again wounded. 
 In succeeding years he was actively employed, at Cape 
 de Gatte, and at Carthagena, and was again wounded. 
 
 Already a veteran, Duquesne was obliged, by the 
 neglect into which the French navy fell after Richelieu's 
 death, to take service under the Swedes, then engaged 
 in a naval war with Denmark. Queen Christina, who 
 knew his merit, received him cordially, and made him a 
 vice-admiral. 
 
 In this capacity he was engaged in the naval battle of 
 1644, under Fleming and Torstensen, against the old 
 king, Christian IV, of Denmark. He also served in 
 other naval battles, in the north, under Admiral Wrangel. 
 
 Peace being- concluded between Denmark and Sweden, 
 Duquesne left the service of the latter State, and returned 
 to his own country; and, in 1645, was again actively 
 employed against Spain, and was again wounded. 
 
 In 1 647, being then a capitaine de vaisseau, he was sent 
 to Sweden to purchase four vessels of the line for the 
 French navy. After this he had command of Dunkirk, 
 in French Flanders, for five years. 
 
 In 1653 occurred the naval operations of the Duke de 
 Vendome, about the mouth of the Gironde, in consequence 
 of the civil war of the Fronde. The French navy had at 
 this time so decreased that the Duke, in summoning 
 Duquesne from the North Sea to his assistance, was 
 
148 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 obliged to ask the latter to man and equip some of the 
 vessels at his own expense. 
 
 On his way down the Channel to join the Duke, 
 Duquesne met an English squadron, which summoned 
 him to lower his flag, a token of submission at that time 
 imposed upon all foreigners by the English, if within 
 Ushant or even Finisterre. To this demand Duquesne 
 returned a haughty refusal, whereupon a very close and 
 murderous engagement took place, which resulted in the 
 English, although quite equal in guns to the French, being 
 put to flight. 
 
 On arriving off the Gironde a Spanish squadron, 
 operating in connection with the insurgents, attempted 
 to bar his progress ; but he drove them off, and succeeded 
 in joining the Duke, and greatly assisted in the reduction 
 of Bordeaux and all Guienne. 
 
 In recognition of his services Anne of Austria bestowed 
 upon Duquesne a chateau and estate in Brittany, with a 
 promise of reimbursement for his expenses in fitting out 
 his squadron. 
 
 The peace of 1659 relegated Duquesne to civil life; 
 but Colbert, during this cessation of arms, had the wisdom 
 to imitate Richelieu in fostering and rebuilding the navy 
 of France, so that, when war broke out between France 
 and Holland, in 1672, the former was able at once to 
 send to sea a formidable fleet. 
 
 During this year Duquesne held a high command in 
 the great naval battles in the North Sea ; particularly 
 those off Southwood, where Vice Admiral d' Estrees was 
 opposed to the Dutch Admiral Benkaert ; as well as the 
 two battles where the combined French and English 
 fleets, under Prince Rupert, Admiral Spragge, and 
 d' Estrees, fought the Hollanders under Ruyter, Cornells, 
 Tromp and Benkaert. 
 
FRENCH AND DUTCH IN THE MEDITERRANEAN. 149 
 
 England suddenly made peace with Holland, but 
 France continued the war, with the alliance of Spain, 
 Germany, and the two Sicilies ; and it is at this point that 
 we take up Duquesne's battles with the Dutch fleet. 
 
 When he sailed from Toulon, in January, 1675, he had 
 on board the Duke de Vivonne, General of the Galleys 
 of France, who had been named Viceroy of Sicily. He 
 had in charge a convoy, also, with a great store of wheat 
 and other provisions for Messina. 
 
 On February nth, in sight of the Sicilian coast 
 Duquesne and Vivonne were attacked by a Spanish fleet 
 of twenty men-of-war and seventeen galleys, commanded 
 by Don Melchoir de la Cueva. Duquesne sustained the 
 attack of this large force with such vigor and determi- 
 nation that he gave time for the Chevalier de Valbelle to 
 arrive from Messina with a considerable reinforcement; 
 when, in his turn taking the offensive, he drove off the 
 Spanish fleet, pursued it until it took refuge in Naples, 
 and then triumphantly entered Messina with his convoy. 
 
 He soon after, in concert 'with Vivonne, captured the 
 town of Agosta ; after which Duquesne was sent back to 
 France, with the greater part of the fleet, to bring back 
 to Sicily munitions of war and reinforcements, then much 
 needed at Messina. 
 
 On his arrival at Toulon, Duquesne learned that the 
 great Dutch naval commander, Ruyter, had entered the 
 Mediterranean, to operate in conjunction with the Spanish 
 fleet. He was placed in command of a very considerable 
 fleet, to enable him to measure his forces with those of 
 the redoubtable Hollander who had been so successful 
 against the English and others. Duquesne was then 
 sixty-four years of age, and Ruyter was near seventy. 
 
 The Dutch Admiral had risen from the lowest origin to 
 be the Admiral of Holland. This was the result of his 
 
150 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 own great ability and bravery ; and he was so much the 
 favorite of the Dutch government and people that, 
 although he begged to be excused from further service, 
 on account of age, nothing would satisfy them but that he 
 should make this one important campaign. Duquesne 
 sailed again, from Toulon, on the 17th of December, 
 1675, with a fleet of twenty ships-of-the-line, and six fire- 
 ships, bound for Messina. 
 
 As soon as the veteran Ruyter heard that he had put 
 to sea, he hastened to meet him. Some days before this 
 an English trader had met the illustrious Admiral of Hol- 
 land off Melazzo. about twenty-five miles from Messina. 
 The Englishman inquired what he was doing in those 
 parts, and Ruyter replied that "he was waiting for the 
 brave Admiral Duquesne." 
 
 The hostile fleets met on the 16th of January, 1676, 
 off the Lipari Islands, between Salino and Stromboli, 
 under the very shadow of the ever active volcano. 
 
 The whole day was passed in reconnoitring each 
 other's strength, and in manoeuvring; and during the 
 whole succeeding night the fleets were working for the 
 weather gage. Each commander had a true respect for 
 the courage and ability of his opponent; and each 
 knew that he must expect an exceptionally vigorous 
 attack. 
 
 On the morning of the 8th, at daylight, Duquesne, who 
 had obtained the advantage of the wind, crowded sail 
 down upon the Dutch fleet, which lay about two leagues 
 to leeward. 
 
 ,The French were in three divisions. Their van was 
 commanded by Preuilly d'Humieres; the rear by Gabaret 
 l'aine, both excellent officers ; the centre was under the 
 command of Duquesne himself, who had his flag in the 
 Saint Esprit, and was immediately supported by the 
 
FRENCH AND DUTCH IN THE MEDITERRANEAN. 151 
 
 Chevalier de Valbelle, in the Pompeux, and that splendid 
 sailor, Tourville, in the Sceptre. 
 
 The Dutch fleet, which comprised twenty-four ships-of- 
 the-line, two flutes, and four fire-ships, was also divided 
 into three. Their van was commanded by Verschoor, 
 their rear by De Haan, and the centre by Ruyter himself. 
 
 The French came down in such a beautiful line that 
 Ruyter himself showed and expressed a sailor's admira- 
 tion for the skill and discretion shown. The French van 
 opened fire at about nine in the morning, and both fleets 
 immediately engaged. The battle, as may be supposed 
 from the character of the officers, was a most obstinate 
 and well contested one, and continued for seven hours, 
 with very varying fortunes. At the termination each side 
 claimed a victory ; but the advantage was clearly with 
 Duquesne, for the Dutch fleet, which was there to bar 
 his passage, was so much injured that Ruyter could not 
 prevent Duquesne from entering Messina with his fleet; 
 which he did, on the following day, without molestation 
 from the Dutch. 
 
 In the course of the battle Ruyter's flag-ship, the Con- 
 cordia, and Duquesne's flag-ship, the Saint Esprit, had 
 an encounter, which lasted until the Concordia declined 
 further battle, after so sharp and murderous an engage- 
 ment that Ruyter said it was the hottest fight he had ever 
 been in in his life ; and no one was a better judge. 
 
 But this battle of the Lipari Islands was only the pre- 
 lude to a still more desperate and important one. 
 
 The active and enterprising Duquesne, having refitted 
 at Messina, sailed from that port again, with two objects 
 in view. The first was to protect important convoys of 
 stores and provisions expected from France ; and the 
 second to protect the town of Agosta from an expected 
 attack by the Dutch fleet. 
 
152 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 Ruyter, hearing that Duquesne was again at sea, went 
 straight to meet him, with his fleet reinforced by a Spanish 
 squadron, under the command of Don Francisco de la 
 Cerda. 
 
 The rival Admirals made each other out on the 21st 
 of April, and the next day the fleets met off Agosta, which 
 is some fifteen miles to the northward of Syracuse. 
 
 Duquesne had now thirty sail of-the-line, and eight 
 fire-ships. Ruyter had twenty-nine sail, nine galleys, and 
 four fire-ships. 
 
 On this occasion the French Admiral had entrusted the 
 command of his van to Almeiras, his rear to Commodore 
 Gabaret l'aine, and himself commanded the centre. 
 
 Ruyter, in this battle, preferred to command the van 
 himself, and not the centre, as was usual for the Com- 
 mander-in-chief. 
 
 The Spanish ships he put in the centre of his line of 
 battle, and Vice-admiral de Haan in command of his rear 
 division. 
 
 At about two in the afternoon Ruyter, with the van 
 division, attacked that of Almeiras, which sustained his 
 vigorous assault with great steadiness. Unfortunately, 
 however, Almeiras was soon killed by a cannon-ball, and 
 wavering" and indecision at once showed itself in his 
 division ; but the Chevalier de Valbelle coming up, and 
 assuming command, the temporary confusion ceased, and 
 the division conducted itself well. Just then Duquesne 
 came down to the assistance of his van ; and the battle 
 became general all along the line, the firing of the two 
 well drilled and well appointed fleets being described as 
 unusually sharp and terrible. 
 
 The two Admirals' ships, the Saint Esprit and the 
 Concordia, met once more, and a most obstinate and 
 destructive figfht ensued. For a loner time it was doubt- 
 
FRENCH AND DUTCH IN THE MEDITERRANEAN. 153 
 
 ful which would have the advantage. At last the Con- 
 cordia suddenly and unexpectedly slacked her fire ; then 
 it ceased, and she wore ship, and made sail in retreat. 
 Ruyter had been badly wounded, his left foot being carried 
 off, and his right leg broken in two places, while, in falling, 
 he had injured his head severely. 
 
 Even after he fell he continued to exhort those about 
 him to fight courageously, but, disheartened by the strong 
 resistance of the French, and by the desperate wounds of 
 their beloved Commander-in-Chief, the Dutch van, from 
 that moment, ceased their fire and ran to leeward, leaving 
 their centre and rear still heavily engaged. 
 
 Vice Admiral de Haan was true to his reputation as a 
 superior sea officer, and made desperate efforts to 
 retrieve the fortunes of the day, but the victory was with 
 the French, and De Haan was glad to be able to withdraw 
 his fleet, at nightfall, and to take refuge in the convenient 
 port of Syracuse. 
 
 Duquesne remained off the port all night, his battle 
 lanterns burning, and the next day took every means to 
 provoke the Dutch to come out and renew the battle, but 
 without effect. 
 
 This ended the naval battle of y^Etna, or Mount Gibel. 
 
 Ruyter died seven days after the battle. 
 
 On the 28th of May Vivonne, the Viceroy of Sicily, 
 came out of Messina with Duquesne, in his flag-ship, the 
 Saint Esprit, with the intention of attacking the combined 
 fleets of Holland and Spain, which were then together, 
 and lying in Palermo. They arrived off that city on the 
 31st, and next day the Spanish and Dutch fleets came 
 out. But it was not until the second of June that a 
 decisive battle was fought. It was decided in a compara- 
 tively short time, for no less than twelve of the Dutch 
 and Spanish ships, set on fire by the fire-ships of 
 
154 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 Duquesne, blew up, destroying, besides their officers and 
 crews, Admiral de Haan, Don Diego d' Ibarra, Don 
 Francisco de la Cerda, Flores, and other admirals and 
 principal officers. 
 
 The French loss in this last engagement was com- 
 paratively insignificant. 
 
 Upon his return from this engagement Duquesne met 
 the "Concordia,'.' which had left Syracuse with the re- 
 mains of Ruyter, which she was carrying back to Holland. 
 Giving the ship free passage, he saluted the remains of 
 the illustrious seaman in an appropriate manner. Louis 
 XIV, in learning of Ruyter's death, ordered all of his 
 forts and batteries (in sight of which the Dutch ship 
 passed while bearing his remains) to salute. This was 
 considered very remarkable, for Ruyter was a Protestant, 
 which, in that day, was considered worse, in France, than 
 being a political enemy. 
 
 Still more remarkable, Duquesne was a Protestant, 
 and when it came to recompensing him for his long 
 and arduous and distinguished services, Louis XIV 
 required him to renounce the Protestant faith, promising 
 him a Marshal's baton, and other honors. Duquesne 
 simply replied that, if he was a Protestant, his services 
 were Catholic. He received the domain of Du Bouchet, 
 and afterwards a Marquisate, but never was really in 
 favor with Louis. 
 
 It may be of interest to some to continue the history 
 of this great French sailor. 
 
 He continued to serve at sea, though an old man; and 
 among some other exploits of his of this date, was the 
 burning of some Spanish vessels in the very port of Bar- 
 celona. 
 
 After the peace of Nimeguen he kept very quiet, 
 and seldom went to court, an unusual thino- in those 
 
FRENCH AND DUTCH IN THE MEDITERRANEAN. 155 
 
 days, especially for those who had such claims as 
 Duquesne. 
 
 In 1682 he was sent with a fleet to Algiers, which city 
 he bombarded for several days, with great effect, but 
 was compelled, by bad weather, to return and winter at 
 Toulon. 
 
 In June, 1683, ne reappeared before Algiers, completely 
 reducing the place by his fire, so that the population rose 
 up against the Dey. All the French slaves were given 
 up, but Mezzo Morto, who had succeeded to the Dey, 
 who had been put to death by the insurgents, renewed 
 the defence, when the bombardment was continued by 
 Duquesne, to such an extent that it rendered the Al- 
 gerines harmless for a long time, by destroying all their 
 vessels and naval stores. 
 
 Two years after this Duquesne commanded the French 
 fleet which bombarded Genoa, and, at different times, 
 inflicted so much damage that the Doge and four Sena- 
 tors were obliged to come to Versailles, to beg pardon, in 
 person, from the King. It was on this occasion that the 
 Doge was asked what he found most surprising in Ver- 
 sailles, and answered " that it was to find himself there." 
 
 The Genoese expedition was Duquesne's last service. 
 He had been sixty years in actual service, a time only 
 rivaled by Doria. The revocation of the Edict of Nantes 
 distressed the veteran beyond measure. He alone, of all 
 the Protestants of France, was excepted from proscription, 
 and enabled to retain his rank and honors. But his 
 children and friends, his relatives and co-religionists, were 
 banished from their homes ; and this had a most depress- 
 ing effect upon the Admiral, and, no doubt, hastened his 
 death. 
 
 He died at Paris, on February 2, 1688, aged seventy- 
 eight years. With his last words he implored his eldest 
 
156 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 son not to serve against his country, as many of the 
 exiled Huguenots were then doing. So great was the 
 feeling at the time of his death, that his remains were 
 privately buried, his son's request to have them sent to 
 him in Switzerland being refused ; but he erected a tablet 
 to his memory. 
 
 This was in great contrast with the splendid obsequies 
 and the tomb given by Holland to his adversary, Ruyter. 
 
 Louis XVI, afterwards tried to make reparation for this 
 treatment of such a great French naval hero, by placing 
 Duquesne's portrait in the royal apartments at Versailles. 
 In 1844 the City of Dieppe erected a bronze statue in 
 his honor, and one of the large vessels of the French 
 navy is generally called " Duquesne." 
 
 A CARAVEL OF THE TIME OF COLUMBUS. 
 
BATTLE OF CAPE LA HAGUE. 
 
 157 
 
 X. 
 
 BATTLE OF CAPE LA HAGUE. A. D. 1692. 
 
 A HAGUE, or La Hougue, is in the Depart- 
 ment of the Manche, in the north of 
 France. It is to the westward of Cherbourg 
 and on the same peninsula. It is often 
 confounded with La Hogue, another cape 
 to the eastward of Cherbourg ; and the 
 battle which took place off this point in 
 1692, and which gave such a fatal blow to 
 the naval power of Louis XIV, is generally called, in the 
 histories, La Hogue. 
 
 Louis XIV, having seen the failure of the expedition 
 which he had prepared to attack Ireland, with a view to 
 the re-establishment of James II, resolved, if possible, to 
 strike a vital blow at England in another manner. He, 
 therefore, prepared an armament which was to protect 
 and take part in a descent upon the territory of England, 
 herself the hereditary enemy of France. 
 
 The French King reckoned not only upon the number 
 and force of his fleet, but also upon the revulsion in public 
 opinion which seemed to have taken place in England, in 
 reo-ard to King William. Many eminent persons, among 
 others the famous Duke of Marlborough, were known to 
 have opened secret relations with James II ; and that 
 Prince had reason to count upon many adherents in the 
 English fleet, which he had for a long time commanded, 
 previous to his accession. Among others, he is said to 
 
158 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 have depended upon Admiral Russel and Rear Admiral 
 Carter. 
 
 Louis XIV, confident in the ultimate result of all his 
 designs, laid down the plan of a naval expedition, by 
 which he would be enabled to land a force of 30,000 
 men, fully equipped, upon the English coast. 
 
 Tourville was ordered to the command of the French 
 fleet. Aime Hilarion de Cottentin, Count de Tourville, 
 was born at the Chateau of Tourville, in Normandy, in 
 1642. He entered the Order of Malta while still a boy, 
 and at the age of eighteen began to serve in the galleys 
 of the Order, where he soon made a reputation, so much 
 so that he was called to court, and given the grade of 
 Capitaine de Vaisseau. He served under the Duke 
 de Beaufort, at the relief of Candia, then besieged by 
 the Turks; and afterward distinguished himself in the 
 war with Holland; and still later, distinguished himself 
 at the relief of Messina, which had revolted against the 
 Spanish rule. 
 
 The following year he took part in Duquesne's brilliant 
 expedition against the Algerines and Tripolitans, when 
 the Corsairs received the most crushing blows which had 
 ever been dealt to them, up to that time. 
 
 In 1684 ne participated in the bombardment of Genoa, 
 and four years after, in a successful cruise against the 
 Dutch. In the same year he inflicted a severe bombard- 
 ment upon Algiers. 
 
 In 1689, being now an Admiral, he commanded a fleet 
 which, in connection with one under D'Estrees, was to 
 support the cause of James II. This combined fleet suc- 
 ceeded in landing some few men and some munitions of 
 war in Ireland, but, on the whole, the operation was a 
 failure. While in command of the French fbet, in the 
 year following, he had a battle with the Anglo- Dutch fleet, 
 
BATTLE OF CAPE LA HAGUE. 159 
 
 off the Isle of Wight, which was a most inglorious affair 
 for the English, their Admiral, the Earl of Torrington, 
 behaving with great want of spirit. The result was that 
 Tourville captured and burned many of the English ships, 
 not losing one himself. The sturdy Dutchmen made a 
 good fight, and came off much better than their English 
 allies. 
 
 In 1692, as above stated, Tourville was ordered to the 
 fleet fitted for a descent on England ; and now we shall 
 take up the account of the battle once more. 
 
 The bulk of Tourville's fleet was in Brest, and as the 
 spring opened he received orders to sail from that port, 
 enter the Channel, and attack the English fleet, no matter 
 in what force they might be found, before they could be 
 reinforced by the Dutch fleet, which was preparing to 
 join them. 
 
 The French King and his ministers had convinced 
 themselves that, in the event of a collision, a very large 
 part of the English fleet would go over to the side of the 
 Allies of James II. 
 
 All these projects and all these hopes were brought to 
 naught, however, by head winds and bad weather, which 
 detained Tourville in Brest harbor for more than a month, 
 while the two squadrons from Rochefort and Toulon, 
 which should have reinforced him, were prevented by the 
 same bad weather from joining him in time. 
 
 Tourville, supposing that the sams winds which had 
 prevented his leaving Brest had facilitated the junction of 
 the Allies, requested the permission of the Minister of 
 Marine to remain in Brest until his expected reinforce- 
 ments had joined him. 
 
 Pontchartrain, at that time minister, and exercising an 
 enormous influence over the King, ordered him to fight 
 the English fleet, whether he was strong or weak — "fort 
 
160 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 ou foible." The minister added, " It does not become you 
 to discuss the King's orders. Your duty is to execute 
 them, and to sail for the Channel at once. Send me word 
 whether you intend to do so ; and, if not, the King will 
 place in command of the fleet some one who is more 
 obedient and less cautious." 
 
 This was certainly a most insolent and improper 
 manner for the minister — who was, by the way, profoundly 
 ignorant of naval matters — to address the greatest 
 seaman which France, up to that time, had produced. 
 
 But Pontchartrain was noted for his arrogant and 
 overbearing official manners. Tourville having at this 
 time complained of the bad quality of the powder supplied 
 him, and reporting that it could not be depended upon, a 
 subordinate of the Ministry of Marine was deputed to 
 reply to him that " if he found the powder did not carry 
 far enough, he had only to approach his enemy a little 
 nearer." There seems to be absolutely something 
 grotesque and ridiculous in such words, addressed in 
 such a way, to such a man, had it not been for the sad 
 termination of the action into which he was driven, against 
 his own professional convictions. 
 
 Tourville put to sea with about fifty-six ships, in place 
 of seventy-eight which had been promised him. He had 
 hardly got to sea before Louis XIV received information 
 that the Jacobite plot had completely failed, and that it 
 was reported that Marlborough and several other persons 
 of distinction had been arrested ; and that the Dutch and 
 English fleets had effected a junction. 
 
 The King at once sent orders, in great haste, to des- 
 patch fast-sailing corvettes to seek for Tourville, and to 
 warn him not to go into the Channel before he had been 
 joined by the squadrons expected from the southern 
 ports. This was just what Tourville had asked for, when 
 
h a 
 h « 
 
 u o 
 
 -1 
 
 - u 
 
 < 2 
 
 o 
 
 C 2 > 
 
 -p. < 
 
 2 3 
 
BATTLE OF CAPE LA HAGUE. 161 
 
 he received such an unmerited rebuke from Pontchar- 
 train. 
 
 Unfortunately, none of the vessels despatched for the 
 purpose found him, and he pressed on into the Channel. 
 
 On the 19th of May, at daylight, between Barfleurand 
 La Hague, he found himself in the presence of the Allied 
 fleet, the most powerful that, up to that time, had ever 
 taken the sea. It consisted of ninety-nine ships, thirty- 
 six of which were Dutch. Seventy-eight of these vessels 
 were of more than fifty guns. Admiral Russel's flag 
 was flying on board the Britannia, of ioo guns; his Vice- 
 Admiral was Sir Ralph Delaval, in the Royal Sovereign, 
 100; and the Rear- Admiral, Sir Cloudesley Shovel, in the 
 London, ioo. There were three other ioo-gun ships in 
 the English fleet. The second division, or " Blue Squad- 
 ron" of the English fleet was commanded by Admiral 
 Sir John Ashby, in the Victory, ioo; Vice- Admiral George 
 Rooke, in the Windsor Castle, 90, and Rear-Admiral 
 Richard Carter. The Dutch fleet was commanded by 
 Admiral Allemonde. 
 
 The total number of guns carried by these ninety-nine 
 ships was 6998; and they were manned by nearly 41,000 
 men. 
 
 To oppose this great force Tourville had, as we have 
 said, sixty-three vessels, including seven which had joined 
 him from Rochefort; and about 3500 guns, with a little 
 less than twenty thousand men. 
 
 When they made each other out the French fleet bore 
 west of the Allies, and it was quite hazy, so that neither 
 could tell upon which tack their opponent was. But soon 
 after sunrise the haze dispersed, and the French were 
 found to be upon the starboard tack, the same as the van 
 and centre of the Allies, and forming their line. At 8 a. 
 m. the Allied line was formed, the Dutch in the van, Ad- 
 11 
 
162 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 miral Russel in the centre, and Sir John Ashby in the 
 rear. 
 
 Tourville, at sight of the Allies, and making out their 
 force and numbers, called a council of war on board his 
 flag-ship, the Soleil Royal. All his officers of any rank 
 or experience advised him to avoid a battle against such 
 odds. By 9 a.m. the French fleet had stretched nearly 
 as far to the southward as the Allied fleet ; the wind 
 continued light from the southwest, and the French fleet 
 could with ease have avoided or delayed an engagement. 
 But Tourville exhibited to his officers the orders he had 
 received — written orders from the king himself — and at 
 the sight of these no more was to be said, and at about 
 half past ten a.m. the French fleet, to the astonishment 
 of the English, made all sail, and bore down to the 
 attack. It was certainly an act of temerity, for the 
 division of Admiral Russel himself would have been not 
 a bad match for the French. 
 
 Tourville, with his division, steered straight for that of 
 Russel. The latter did not avail himself of the advantage 
 of firing as his adversaries approached, but allowed 
 Tourville to come down in silence and choose his own 
 distance ; at the same time he ordered the Dutch fleet to 
 tack to the northward. In doing so a Dutch vessel fired 
 at Tourville, and the whole line at once took it up. 
 Tourville at first had evidently intended to bear down and 
 cut through the English line ; and had he done this the 
 probability is that the English centre would have been 
 seriously damaged before the rear or van could have 
 approached to its assistance, as the light wind dwindled 
 to a calm as soon as the heavy firing commenced. In 
 bringing to when he did, the French Admiral relinquished 
 this advantage. 
 
 The engagement which now followed was terribly 
 
BATTLE OF CAPE LA HAGUE. 163 
 
 destructive, especially in the centre. The English espec- 
 ially attacked the Soleil Royal, on which Tourville showed 
 the Admiral's Standard of France. At times she had to 
 sustain the fire of five or six ships at once. She was 
 finally so cut up in sails, rigging, and spars, that she had 
 to be towed out" of action. It is said that the English 
 excelled the French in rapidity of fire, delivering three 
 broadsides to two of the French. 
 
 During the fight between the centre divisions the 
 English rear division cut in two a French division 
 commanded by Admiral Pannetier, and turned the flank 
 of the French rear. This would have been most disastrous 
 for the latter had not the greater part of Ashby's division 
 pursued four or five vessels of Pannetier, in place of 
 turning again upon the mass of the French. Gabaret, 
 the French rear commander, was thus enabled to hold 
 his own against the rest of Ashby's division, while a 
 portion of his ships went to the relief of Tourville, who 
 was sore beset, as. we have seen. Coetlogon, who 
 commanded the succoring ships, was an old friend and 
 comrade of Tourville's, and he determined to save his 
 chief or to die with him. He made so vigorous an 
 attack that he not only extricated the Soleil Royal, but 
 even made Russel's division, strong as it was, temporarily 
 give way. 
 
 A dense fog now came on, and firing ceased, as they 
 could not distinguish friend from foe, the ships drifting 
 together, with the tide. Gabaret, with the ships of the 
 rear division which were left him, profited by the respite, 
 to fall in astern of Tourville's line, and they then anchored. 
 Russel's division not doing so immediately, drifted off to 
 some distance. 
 
 The killed and wounded in this day's fight were very 
 numerous, on both sides. The English ship Eagle, a 70, 
 
164 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 lost seventy men killed and one hundred and fifty 
 wounded. Among the English killed was Rear-Admiral 
 Carter, whom the French always insisted had promised 
 James II to abandon William, while he was revealing to 
 the latter the French plans against him. 
 
 Ashby's ships having now abandoned the pursuit of 
 Pannetier's, that Admiral joined Tourville, and a brisk 
 fire was once more opened. Happily for the French, it 
 was just then impossible for Russel to come up, owing to 
 lack of wind and a strong tide, or the French fleet must 
 have been crushed, as it lay between him and Ashby. 
 
 The Dutch division had been held in check by the 
 French van division, owing to the ability with which its 
 Commander, d'Amfreville, had preserved the weather 
 gage. Possibly, also, the Dutch did not fight with their 
 whole heart for those who, as they said, had sacrificed 
 them off Beachy Head, some years before. 
 
 Night was now coming on, and Admiral Ashby, be- 
 coming uneasy at his separation from the rest of the fleet, 
 determined to rejoin Russel. To do this he had to pass 
 through the French fleet, and succeeded in doing so, with 
 some loss. 
 
 The French fleet having anchored to stem the flood 
 tide were soon left far to the westward by the English, 
 who kept under way. On the morning of the 20th the 
 bulk of the French vessels were seen nine or ten miles to 
 the westward, and a general chase ensued. 
 
 Thus far no French ships had been taken, and only one 
 or two destroyed. Tourville gathered most of his ves- 
 sels, except eight or ten which had made for Brest, when 
 chased off the day before, and finding many of them 
 much injured, ordered them to endeavor to reach any 
 port they could, in Normandy or Brittany. In the unfor- 
 tified places they were at once stranded, and as much of 
 
BATTLE OF CAPE LA HAGUE. 165 
 
 their armament and stores were saved as possible. Some 
 fifteen of their finest ships, in this position, were soon 
 afterward burned by the English, and it was this which 
 pointed out more forcibly to the French government the 
 necessity of a military port either at La Hague or Cher- 
 bourg, as had been repeatedly urged by Colbert and 
 Vauban. 
 
 Had the English understood the intricate navigation 
 about the Channel Islands and Saint Malo as well as the 
 French did, there is no doubt that they would have 
 secured some of the French ships as trophies. As it was, 
 not one was brought in to an English port. 
 
 The moral effect of a victory remained the same, how- 
 ever, rendering William III more firm upon his throne, 
 while the hopes of James II were completely dissipated. 
 
 Louis XIV, the real author of the defeat suffered by 
 his fleet, wrote to Tourville the following singular letter: — 
 
 "I have had so much joy in learning that, with forty- 
 four of my ships, you have fought, for a whole day, ninety 
 of my enemies, that I feel no sorrow for the great loss 
 which I have suffered." 
 
 This letter was intended, no doubt, to soothe the 
 wounded feelh'gs of Tourville. Indeed, Louis seems to 
 have taken upon himself the whole responsibility of the 
 defeat, as he should have done. 
 
 The following year he bestowed upon Tourville, in 
 company irith the Duke de Villars, Marquis de Boufflers, 
 the Duke de Noailles, and Catinat, the baton of a 
 Marshal of France. 
 
166 
 
 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 XL 
 
 BENBOW. A. D. 1702. 
 
 OR some reason Benbow has always been 
 considered the typical seaman of the latter 
 part of the 1 7th century, a distinction which 
 he appears to owe to his honesty and 
 bravery, together with the fact that he was 
 almost always actively employed in the 
 service of King William III, with whom he 
 was a favorite. He was born in 1650, and 
 entered the navy as a midshipman in the reign of 
 James II. 
 
 Queen Anne ascended the English throne on the 8th 
 of March, 1702, and on the 2d of May declared war 
 against France. 
 
 In September, 1701, Vice- Admiral Benbow had sailed 
 to the West Indies with a squadron of ten sail of third- 
 and fourth-rate ships, under orders to detain the Spanish 
 galleons, which were to make their yearly voyage home, 
 with treasure and valuables. 
 
 Admiral Chateau Renaud also sailed from Brest, with 
 the same destination, with fourteen sail-of-the-line and 
 sixteen frigates, to meet the galleons and escort them to 
 Cadiz. Benbow was very active in the West Indies, not 
 only in protecting English trade, but in combating the 
 plans of Chateau Renaud, of which he had managed to 
 become informed. 
 
 On the 19th of August, 1702, in the evening, Benbow, 
 with his small squadron, being off Santa Martha, fell in 
 
BENBOW. 167 
 
 with ten sail of French ships, under Admiral Du Casse. 
 His squadron, consisting- of four ships, each mounting 
 sixty or seventy guns, one large Dutch ship, another full 
 of troops, and the remainder chiefly small vessels, were 
 running down close in shore, under their topsails. 
 
 Benbow immediately gave chase; but his ships being 
 very much separated, he was under the necessity of wait- 
 ing their arrival up before commencing an attack upon 
 the French. At about four o'clock in the afternoon, his 
 ships being up, the engagement began. 
 
 The British squadron consisted of the Breda, of 70 
 guns, Benbow's flag-ship, one sixty-four, one fifty-four, 
 and four forty-eight- gun ships. 
 
 Benbow's intention seems to have been to overtake the 
 leading French ship, and as soon as his second astern was 
 abreast of this ship, to have commenced the action. If 
 these were disabled, the rest would have fallen an easy 
 prey; but the Falmouth, 48, disobeyed his orders, and, 
 being in the rear, closed with and engaged the Dutch 
 ship. The Windsor, 48, and Defiance, 64, also engaged 
 the ships nearest to them, but after an interchange of 
 broadsides, hauled off, and stood out of gunshot, in a 
 most cowardly manner. The brunt of the action thus 
 fell upon the Breda, the flag-ship, which was opposed to 
 the two sternmost French line-of-battle ships, by which 
 she was seriously cut up and disabled. 
 
 The fight lasted until night fell, and Benbow continued 
 the pursuit of the enemy until the next morning, but at 
 daybreak he found he had only the Ruby, 48, near him, 
 the rest of his ships being five miles astern. 
 
 At 2 p.m. on the 20th, the sea breeze having set in, the 
 French formed line and made sail on their way, followed 
 by the Breda and two other English ships ; the remaining 
 four making no effort to join in the pursuit of their 
 
168 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 enemy. The ships with Benbow could only annoy 
 the enemy's rear, but he continued to follow them, under 
 every disadvantage, for the next two days. At 2 a.m. of 
 the 24th the Breda was enabled, by a change in the wind, 
 to pass close to the sternmost French ship, and a smart 
 action ensued. Benbow, in person, boarded the French 
 ship three times, in doing which he received a severe 
 wound in the face and another in the arm ; and shortly 
 afterward the gallant Admiral had his right leg shattered 
 by a chain-shot, and was carried below ; but he insisted 
 upon being again taken on deck, and there he remained, 
 lying in his cot and continuing to give orders as to the 
 engagement. 
 
 The Breda's immediate opponent was in a short time 
 reduced to a mere wreck, having lost her fore-top-mast, 
 main yard and mizzen-mast, and having her hull 
 completely riddled by shot. Soon after daylight Benbow 
 observed the other French ships bearing down to her 
 assistance ; and at the same time he had the extreme 
 mortification of seeing the Windsor, Pendennis, Greenwich 
 and Defiance, of his own squadron, actually bearing up, 
 and running away to leeward, in despite of his signal, 
 then flying, for "close action." 
 
 The French, observing the dastardly conduct of Ben- 
 bow's captains, steered for the Breda, and opened fire 
 upon that ship, which shot away some of her spars, and 
 otherwise considerably damaged her. They then sent 
 fresh hands on board the Breda's late opponent, and 
 taking her in tow, made sail and went away, without any 
 attempt on the part of the English ships to prevent it. 
 
 One of Benbow's lieutenants, at this time expressing 
 his sympathy on the loss of the Admiral's leg, the brave 
 man replied, " I am sorry for it too ; but I had rather lost 
 them both than have seen this dishonor brought upon 
 
BENBOW. 169 
 
 the English nation. But do you hear," he continued, 
 " if another shot should take me off, behave like brave 
 men, and fight it out !" 
 
 In spite of his condition and that of his flag-ship, 
 Benbow determined still to follow the enemy, so he com- 
 municated with his captains, and ordered them to keep 
 their stations in the line, " and behave like men." Upon 
 this Captain Kirkby, of the Defiance, came on board the 
 flag-ship, and told the Admiral " that he had better desist; 
 that the French were very strong, and from what was 
 passed he might guess he could make nothing of it." 
 Upon sending for the captains of the other ships, to his 
 great disgust, surprise, and chagrin, he found they coin- 
 cided in opinion with Kirkby ; and although at that time 
 the English squadron possessed advantages of both 
 strength and position, the gallant Benbow had to yield, 
 give up the pursuit, and proceed with his squadron to 
 Jamaica, where he died of his wounds, on November 4th, 
 at the age of fifty-two. 
 
 Before his death a court-martial assembled, to try 
 Captain Kirkby on charges of cowardice, disobedience 
 of orders and neglect of duty, and these charges having 
 been most clearly proven, he was justly sentenced to be 
 shot. Captain Constable, of the Windsor, was tried on 
 the same charges, but cowardice not being proved, he 
 was only cashiered. Wade, of the Greenwich, was tried 
 for like offences, which were proven, as well as drunken- 
 ness, and he was shot. Wade and Kirkby were both 
 shot to death on board the Bristol, at Plymouth, on the 
 1 6th of April, 1703. Captain Hudson, of the Pendennis, 
 died before his trial came on, and the other two captains 
 were cleared by the court-martial. Altogether, this was 
 one of the most disgraceful affairs that ever happened in 
 the British navy. 
 
170 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 Shortly before his death Benbow received the following- 
 letter from his late adversary, Admiral Du Casse, which 
 
 speaks for itself: — 
 
 "Carthagena, August 22d, 1702. 
 "Sir: I had little hopes on Monday last but to have supped in your 
 cabin, but it pleased God to order it otherwise ; I am thankful for it. As 
 
 for those cowardly captains who deserted you, hang them up, for by 
 
 they deserve it. Yours, Du Casse." 
 
 The galleons which poor Benbow was to intercept did 
 not finally escape. They succeeded in crossing the 
 Atlantic, under convoy of the French fleet, and put into 
 Vigo. Admiral Sir George Rooke was off Cadiz, with 
 the English fleet, and as soon as he heard of the arrival 
 of the galleons and their escort at Vigo, sailed for that 
 place. Arriving off that bay he sent in a boat to obtain 
 intelligence respecting the force and disposition of the 
 French and Spanish ships. 
 
 This being- determined, it was considered that the whole 
 fleet could not act, in the bay, upon the enemy's ships; 
 but, on the contrary, that they would only impede each 
 other. It was therefore arranged that fifteen English 
 and ten Dutch men-of-war (acting with them), and a 
 number of fire-ships, should be sent in to destroy the 
 Franco-Spanish fleet. The frigates and bomb vessels were 
 to follow this detachment, and the largerships were to come 
 in afterward, if their services should be required. Some 
 troops were to be landed at the same time, and attack a 
 fort at the south of the harbor. All the English and 
 Dutch flag officers went in the attacking squadron, leav- 
 ing their heavy flag- ships outside. Vice-Admiral Hopson 
 led the van, followed by the Dutch Vice-Admiral Van 
 der Goes. Sir George Rooke himself, Rear- Admiral Sir 
 Stafford Fairborne, and the Dutch Admirals Callemburg 
 and Wassenaer, commanded the centre ; while Rear- 
 Admiral Graydon and Vice-Admiral Pieterson brought 
 
BENBOW. 171 
 
 up the rear, with the mortar vessels and fire-ships. Sel- 
 dom has it happened that so few vessels should have so 
 many officers of high rank in command, but it was done 
 to give eclat, and to ensure the success of a difficult 
 undertaking. 
 
 On the 1 2th of October, in the morning, the attacking 
 squadron got under way, and made sail for the harbor, 
 the entrance to which is very narrow, and was protected 
 by a strong boom, composed of masts and yards, secured 
 to anchors dropped in mid-channel, and the ends attached 
 to two of the largest French ships, the Esperance and 
 the Bourbon. 
 
 Within the boom five ships of from sixty to seventy 
 guns were moored, with their broadsides bearing upon 
 the mouth of the harbor. 
 
 The van division of the attacking fleet had hardly 
 reached within gunshot of the batteries when the wind 
 died away, and they were obliged to anchor. But a strong 
 breeze soon sprang up, and Vice- Admiral Hopson cut his 
 cable, and, crowding all sail, bore down upon the boom. 
 The velocity acquired by his ship, the Torbay, broke the 
 boom, and he at once found himself between the two 
 large French ships. Owing to a flaw of wind, the other 
 ships could not just then follow, but Admiral Van der Goes 
 and the remainder of the squadron soon found a way 
 through the passage Hopson had made, and the Bourbon 
 was captured. 
 
 In the meantime the Torbay was in great danger, from 
 a fire-ship, and owed her preservation to a rather singular 
 circumstance. 
 
 The fire-ship was a French merchant ship, which had 
 on board a large cargo of snuff, which, in the hurry of 
 preparing her for a fire-ship, had not been removed. 
 When the fire reached the snuff it was so deadened that 
 
172 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 the Torbay was saved from otherwise certain destruction. 
 This ship, however, suffered very severely, as she had no 
 less than one hundred and fifteen killed and drowned 
 and very many wounded, including her captain. Her 
 masts and rigging were so injured by fire that Admiral 
 Hopson had to shift his flag to another ship. 
 
 The English ships, Association and Barfleur, then 
 attacked the batteries on both sides of the harbor, with 
 great success, and the French Admiral, finding that the 
 English land forces, which had attacked at the same time, 
 had gained possession of a part of the town of Vigo, and 
 that more English ships were coming in, gave orders for 
 setting fire to the shipping. Before this order could be 
 carried into effect, however, a great many ships were 
 taken possession of by the English and Dutch. 
 
 There were burned or destroyed seven ships, carrying 
 334 guns, and over 2000 men, while the English took loui 
 ships of 284 guns and 1800 men, and the Dutch, six ships 
 of 342 guns and over 2000 men. This was the French 
 loss. 
 
 Three Spanish men-of-war, carrying about 180 guns, 
 were destroyed, and of fifteen galleons found there, and 
 which had really caused poor Benbow's death and this 
 important naval battle, four were taken by the English, 
 five by the Dutch, and four destroyed. The gold and 
 silver on board this fleet was computed at twenty millions 
 of pieces of eight (dollars) ; fourteen millions of which 
 had been removed previous to the attack, the remainder 
 being either taken or sunk in the galleons. Merchandise 
 of nearly equal value was taken or destroyed, besides 
 much plate belonging to individuals. 
 
 The capture and destruction of this fleet was a severe 
 blow to the French and Spaniards, and was accomplished 
 with a very small loss to the fleet of the Allies, if we 
 
BENBOW. 
 
 173 
 
 except the Torbay. Hopson was adequately rewarded for 
 his gallantry. 
 
 Sir George Rooke, in leaving Vigo Bay, after this 
 event, entrusted to Sir Cloudesley Shovel the fitting out 
 of the prizes, and the rescuing of treasure from the 
 sunken galleons. He also recovered the Dartmouth, an 
 English 50-gun ship, which had been captured in the 
 previous war; and took out of the French ships which 
 were lying aground many very fine brass guns. Every 
 ship which he could not bring away was completely 
 destroyed. 
 
 NORMAN SHIP OF THE I4TH CENTURY. 
 
174 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 XII. 
 
 BYNG AND LA GALISSONlfcRR A. D. 1756. 
 
 DMIRAL the Hon. John Byng, was the 
 fourth son of Viscount Torrington, and 
 upon entering the British navy, served 
 under his father, who was a very distin- 
 guished officer. 
 
 In 1 745 Byng, then a Rear- Admiral, 
 commanded a squadron on the coast of 
 Scotland, which prevented supplies from 
 being thrown into that country, from France, and did 
 much to defeat the designs of the young Pretender, the 
 grandson of James II. 
 
 War between England and France was formally de- 
 clared in 1756, but long before that, it had been known 
 that the French were equipping an expedition at the port 
 of Toulon, which was intended for the capture of Minorca, 
 then in possession of the English. The French, to cover 
 their real design, gave out that it was intended for a 
 descent upon England. Although warned, the Ministry 
 of George the Second showed blind incredulity in regard 
 to the designs of the French upon Minorca. When their 
 eyes were at last opened to the true state of affairs, it was 
 too late, and the British Cabinet then acted with foolish 
 haste and precipitation. The French had thrown a large 
 body of troops into the island and obtained complete 
 possession of it, with the exception of Fort St. Philip, at 
 Port Mahon, which still held out. 
 
BYNG AND LA GALISSONIERE. 175 
 
 Byng was advanced to the rank of full Admiral, and 
 appointed to the command of the expedition intended for 
 the relief of Fort Philip, which was blockaded by sea and 
 besieged by land. The fleet with which he was provided, 
 instead of being of a character fit to obtain command of 
 the Mediterranean, consisted of ten sail-of-the-line only, 
 and these wretchedly fitted out. Unaccountable negli- 
 gence was also observable in manning this fleet ; for, 
 being ordered to convey a reinforcement of troops to 
 Gibraltar and Minorca, the marines of the ships were 
 ordered to be landed, to make room for the troops, and 
 thus the proper complement of each ship was much 
 reduced. 
 
 The fleet should have sailed early in the year, but 
 delay followed delay, and Byng's remonstrances were 
 unheeded. The crews of the ships were left incomplete, 
 although they might have been filled by drafts from 
 vessels lying in home ports. 
 
 The expedition finally sailed from England on the ioth 
 of April, 1756, having on board the troops alluded to 
 above and thirty or forty officers whose regiments were 
 in garrison in Minorca. 
 
 Even at this time, from the instructions given to Byng, 
 the English ministry did not seem fully to believe that 
 Minorca was to be found in possession of the French, as 
 Byng was directed to detach a portion of his squadron, 
 under Rear- Admiral West, to America, in case he should 
 learn, on arriving at Gibraltar, that the French fleet had 
 passed out of the Straits into the Atlantic. Byng arrived 
 at Gibraltar on May 2d, after a stormy passage, and here 
 all uncertainty in regard to the motions of the French was 
 relieved. A French armament, commanded by M. de la 
 Galissoniere, with thirteen ships-of-the-line, and transports 
 conveying 1 5,000- troops, had taken full possession of the 
 
176 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 island, from which Byng's informant, Captain Edgecomb, 
 had retired upon their landing. This intelligence the 
 Admiral despatched to England, accompanied by remarks 
 little likely to win the favor of those who then misdirected 
 the naval affairs of England. " Byng's admonitory tone 
 irritated their Lordships excessively, and undoubtedly led 
 them thus early to take measures to transfer any blame 
 from themselves to the officer who could presume to 
 complain of their fatal tardiness in then attempting to 
 defeat the enemy's designs." 
 
 At daybreak, on May 19th, the English fleet arrived 
 in sight of Minorca, and reconnoitred Port Mahon, with 
 a view of endeavoring to communicate with General 
 Blakeney, in command of Fort St. Philip, and the fleet 
 stood in shore. But the appearance of the French fleet 
 soon changed the nature of the British Admiral's move- 
 ments. Galissoniere's well appointed fleet stood down, 
 and towards night were within a few miles, when they 
 tacked to obtain the weather gage, and Byng tacked his 
 fleet to preserve it. They both continued working to 
 windward all night, with light variable winds, and at day- 
 break, on May 20th, were not visible to each other, as it 
 was very hazy. Soon, however, the French fleet was 
 discovered to leeward, but at so great a distance that it 
 was two in the afternoon before Byng considered it neces- 
 sary to form his line of battle. 
 
 The French had twelve sail-of-the-line and five frigates, 
 carrying 976 guns and 9500 men. Byng had thirteen 
 sail-of-the-line (having been reinforced at Gibraltar), four 
 frigates and a sloop-of-war, carrying 948 guns and 7000 
 men. 
 
 About three o'clock Byng made signal for his ships to 
 approach and engage the enemy in an oblique direction, 
 so as to avoid exposing them to a raking fire as they 
 
BYNG AND LA GALISSONIERE. 177 
 
 approached the French line, which was lying waiting for 
 them, with main-top-sails aback. The signal was to bear 
 away two points, but Admiral West, who was leadino- 
 misinterpreted the signal, bore away seven points, and 
 brought the French to action in a manner which it would 
 have been well for the Commander-in-chief to have fol- 
 lowed; for had West's mode of attack been generally 
 adopted in the British fleet, it would have saved Byno-'s 
 life as well as some disgrace to the British navy. Byno- 
 shortly bore up to the support of his Rear-admiral, but the 
 Intrepid, the last ship of the leading division, soon had 
 her fore-top-mast shot away, and in an entirely unac- 
 countable manner, threw all the ships astern of her into 
 confusion. Such a loss, with the wind on her quarter, 
 ought not to have occasioned any trouble, as the other 
 ships could pas's her to leeward. The next ships luffed 
 up, to pass her to windward, but, in fact, did not pass her 
 at all, remaining on her weather quarter, nor did several 
 other of the rear ships, including Byng's flag-ship, the 
 Ramillies, of 90 guns. This ship did not get into action 
 at all, although her crew wasted much ammunition by 
 firing while completely out of gunshot. In this she was 
 imitated by four other heavy ships. The division of 
 Admiral West, who was really in action, suffered a good 
 deal, and would probably have fallen into the hands of 
 the French, if the latter had not, after about three hours' 
 cannonading, filled, and made sail out of action. 
 
 After this partial and rather disgraceful affair Byng 
 returned to Gibraltar, leaving the English garrison of 
 Fort Philip to its fate. 
 
 The French account of the action was the first to reach 
 
 England. It claimed decided advantage for the French, 
 
 and stated that the English had appeared unwilling to 
 
 fight ; that the engagement was not general ; and that, 
 
 12 
 
178 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 on the next morning, to the surprise of the French 
 Admiral, the English fleet had disappeared. Most of 
 this was true; indeed, all of it, except West's gallant 
 fight. 
 
 Immense indignation was excited in England by this 
 news ; and this excitement was fostered by many in 
 authority. 
 
 Without waiting for Byng's despatches, the Admiralty 
 appointed Sir Edward Hawke and Admiral Saunders to 
 supersede Byng and West, directing Hawke to place 
 them both under arrest, and send them home prisoners, 
 to England. This feverish and unusual haste had 
 the effect upon the public mind of a condemnation of 
 Byng. Hawke and Saunders reached Gibraltar on the 
 3d of July; and Byng, West, and other officers arrested, 
 reached England on the 26th of that monfh. 
 
 Byng was immediately placed in close confinement, and 
 his younger brother, who had hastened to see him, was 
 so struck by the abuse of the Admiral in every town he 
 passed through that at sight of him he was taken sud- 
 denly ill, and died in convulsions. Byng had been burned 
 in effigy in all the large towns, before he arrived in 
 England ; and his place in the country was mobbed, and 
 the house with difficulty saved from destruction. 
 
 The streets and shops were filled with caricatures and 
 libelous ballads, abusing the ministry, as well as Byng; 
 the ministry being held responsible popularly for not 
 having sent an efficient fleet sooner. 
 
 Such public excitement and universal condemnation, 
 upon slight knowledge of the facts, was most unusual, and 
 most unjust to the Admiral, who had faults enough to 
 answer for. 
 
 From Portsmouth he was sent to Greenwich, to await 
 trial. Here he was again in close confinement, and an 
 
BYNG AND LA GALISSONIERE. 179 
 
 impression was sought to be conveyed to the public that 
 he desired to make his escape. 
 
 But Byng always manifested a desire to be put upon 
 his trial, and seemed, to the last, confident of an honor- 
 able acquittal. 
 
 In December he was taken back to Portsmouth, with 
 the same parade of guards as when he had been brought 
 up. 
 
 The Court-martial to try him assembled at Portsmouth, 
 on board the St. George, on the 28th of December, 1756, 
 and sat every succeeding day, except Sunday, until the 
 27th of the following month. 
 
 The charges against him were seventeen in number, 
 but the court ignored most of them, and only imputed 
 blame to Byng in that, during the engagement, he did 
 not do his utmost to " take, seize and destroy" the ships 
 of the French, and to assist such of his chief officers as 
 were engaged. 
 
 The prisoner's conduct fell under a part of an Article 
 of War providing for such offence ; and the court had 
 no other alternative than to pass sentence of death upon 
 the unfortunate Admiral, as provided in the Article. 
 
 But as all evidence showed that he did not lack per- 
 sonal courage, the court refused to find him guilty of 
 " cowardice or disaffection," and earnestly recommended 
 him to mercy. 
 
 In a letter to the Admiralty, signed by every member 
 of the court, they say, " we cannot help laying the distress 
 of our minds before your Lordships, in finding ourselves 
 under the necessity of condemning a man to death from 
 the great severity of the 1 2th Article of War, part of which 
 he falls under, -and which admits of no mitigation, even 
 if the crime should be committed by an error of judg- 
 ment ; and therefore, for our own conscience's sake, we 
 
180 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 pray your Lordships, in the most earnest manner, to 
 recommend him to his Majesty's clemency." 
 
 This the Lords of the Admiralty did not do, but simply 
 requested the King to submit the case to the twelve 
 judges, as to whether the sentence was a legal one. 
 There had been no question of its legality. The judges 
 declared the sentence legal. 
 
 On the very same day they did so, the Lords of the 
 Admiralty, at the head of whom was Lord Temple, signed 
 a warrant for carrying the sentence into execution, on 
 February 28th. 
 
 Admiral Forbes, one of the Board of Admiralty, refused 
 to sign it ; and the sentence was generally considered by 
 naval officers cruel in the extreme. Admiral West 
 demanded a revision of the 12th Article, and declared he 
 would resign unless it was abrogated. Wm. Pitt char- 
 acterized it as unjustly severe, but it was only modified 
 twenty-two years afterwards, by inserting, after the word 
 death, "or to inflict such other punishment as the nature 
 and deeree of the offence shall be found to deserve." 
 
 As Byng was a member of the House of Commons it 
 was necessary to expel him before execution, and this led 
 to a long and acrimonious debate as to an appeal to the 
 throne for mercy. Nothing was done, however. Byng's 
 political enemies were too strong for his friends, among 
 whom was Mr. Fox, and pardon was no longer hoped 
 for. In the meantime the execution had been postponed, 
 but was finally ordered for the 14th of March. This 
 decision was met by Byng almost with cheerfulness, as 
 he was to be relieved from imprisonment, indignities and 
 protracted anxiety, which had lasted for seven months. 
 
 The sentence was carried into effect on the day ap- 
 pointed, on board the Monarch, in Portsmouth Harbor. 
 About noon, having taken leave of two friends and a 
 
BYNG AND LA GALISSONIERE. 181 
 
 clergyman who had attended him, Byng walked out of 
 the state cabin on to the quarter-deck, where two files of 
 marines were drawn up to execute the sentence. He 
 advanced with a firm and deliberate step, and composed 
 and resolute countenance, and wished to suffer with his 
 face uncovered ; but his friends represented that perhaps 
 his look might intimidate the marines, and prevent them 
 from taking proper aim. So he allowed a handkerchief 
 to be tied over his eyes, and kneeling on a cushion, 
 dropped his handkerchief as a signal for the marines to 
 fire. Five balls passed through his body, and he dropped 
 dead instantly. The time consumed from the moment 
 he left the cabin until his body was in its coffin was just 
 three minutes. 
 
 He left a paper containing a solemn protest against the 
 malice and persecution he had encountered, and saying 
 that he felt justice would ultimately be done his memory. 
 He also declared that he had done his duty, to the best of 
 his judgment, and that he forgave his enemies. 
 
 Byng had not been a popular officer ; something of a 
 martinet, he was cold and haughty in manner, but no one 
 had ever accused him of want of personal courage, any 
 more than his gallant father. He was opinionated, and 
 self-willed, and it was shown on his trial that, if he had 
 listened to the sensible and seamanlike suggestions of 
 Gardner, the captain of his flag-ship, the result of his 
 engagement with Galissoniere might have been different, 
 and have prevented him from taking refuge under the 
 decision of a Council-of-war partly composed of the land 
 officers, passengers in the fleet, which had much hurt the 
 pride of the navy. It was by advice of this Council that 
 he withdrew from Minorca. 
 
 Byng's execution, in spite of his manifest lack of crimi- 
 nality, was an opprobrium to the ministers of twoadminis- 
 
182 
 
 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 trations, for he was denounced and persecuted as a coward 
 and traitor under that of the Duke of Newcastle and 
 Lord Anson, while the Duke of Devonshire and Lord 
 Temple sanctioned his death. 
 
 The court which tried him expressly acquitted him of 
 cowardice and treachery, and complained of the severity 
 of the law which awarded the punishment of death on a 
 secondary charge, recommending him to mercy. 
 
 The famous Voltaire remarked that the English had 
 just shot an Admiral "pour encourager les autresT 
 
 - »1B 
 
 v 
 
 Jfe ' ''■ 
 
 imt SIP 
 
 asp 538 * -' 
 
 - :: ^^^^^^^^^ 
 
 VENETIAN GALLEY OF THE l6TH CENTURY. 
 
 (A specimen of the Venetian Fleet at the Battle of Lepanto.) 
 
CAULKING A VESSEL. 
 ROPE WALK. 
 SAIL BENCH. 
 
 LIFE AT SEA, No. 1. 
 
SIR EDWARD HAWKE AND CONFLANS. 
 
 183 
 
 XIII. 
 
 SIR EDWARD HAWKE AND CONFLANS. 
 A. D. .759. 
 
 f T may be of interest to have some account of 
 the successor of the ill-fated Admiral Byng, 
 in the command of the fleet in the Mediter- 
 ranean. 
 
 Sir Edward Hawke, who was born in 
 1705, and died in 1781, was the son of a 
 barrister. He entered the Navy early, and 
 in 1733 had risen to the command of a 
 ship. In an engagement with the French, offToulon, in 
 1744, he broke from the line of battle to engage a vessel 
 of the enemy ; and, although he caused her to strike her 
 colors, he was dismissed from the service for the breach 
 of discipline. He was, however, restored almost imme. 
 diately, by the King's command, and in 1 747 made a 
 Rear-Admiral. In October of that year he was sent 
 with a squadron to intercept a large fleet of French mer- 
 chant vessels bound to the West Indies, under convoy of 
 nine men-of-war, and many transports filled with troops. 
 Coming up with them off Isle d' Aix, he succeeded, after 
 a severe struggle, in capturing six of the men-of-war, but 
 darkness coming on most of the convoy escaped. The 
 delay of the French expedition, caused by this action, 
 contributed very materially to the capture of Cape 
 Breton. In consequence of his success, Hawke was 
 
184 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 made a Knight Commander of the Bath ; and soon after 
 became Member of Parliament for Bristol. 
 
 In 1748 he was made a Vice-Admiral, and in 1755 an 
 Admiral ; and the following year succeeded Admiral 
 Byng — but much too late to succor Minorca. 
 
 Hawke had no opportunity of again distinguishing 
 himself until 1759, when he was in command of the 
 squadron blockading Brest. Having been driven by 
 stress of weather into Torbay, he sailed from thence to 
 resume his station off Brest, on the 14th of November, 
 and on the same day Admiral Conflans put to sea with a 
 strong fleet — though not equal to that of Hawke. 
 
 The latter conjectured that the French had gone to 
 Ouiberon Bay, to attack an English squadron cruising 
 there, and he pressed sail in that direction. Owing to 
 strong head winds it was the 20th before he arrived off 
 Belleisle. When that island bore about east, the 
 French fleet was discovered. The weather was thick, 
 and it was blowing a very fresh gale of wind from the 
 northwest, with a heavy sea. 
 
 Hawke made all haste to get his ships together, 
 and then sent one of them in to make the land, and ascer- 
 tain the exact position. Soon after the weather cleared, 
 and the French fleet was seen, crowding sail to get away; 
 and Hawke ordered a part of his fleet in chase, and 
 followed with the rest. The fresh gale rendered it im- 
 possible for either fleet to carry much sail. Early in the 
 afternoon the leading English ships caught up with the 
 French rear, and a very animated action ensued. The 
 French Rear-Admiral, Verger, in the Formidable, 80, 
 was set upon by five or six ships at once, and was obliged 
 to surrender, after having had two hundred men killed. 
 The English Magnanime, 74, Captain Lord Howe, soon 
 became closely engaged with the Thesee, 74 ; but the 
 
SIR EDWARD HAWKE AND CONFLANS. 185 
 
 latter being disabled, dropped astern, and was engaged 
 by the Torbay, while Howe pushed on in search of a 
 fresh opponent, which he found in the Heros, 74. 
 Captain de Kersaint, of the Thesee, imagining from a 
 slight lull in the wind that he could fight his lower 
 deck guns, unfortunately tried the hazardous experiment, 
 and commenced firing at the Torbay. Captain 
 Keppel, of the latter ship, followed de Kersaint's 
 example, and narrowly escaped the same fate. 
 A heavy squall struck the Thesee, and she filled 
 and went down ; and out of her crew of 800 men only 
 twenty were' saved by the British boats. The Torbay 
 shipped a great deal of water, but, by great exertions, 
 was preserved. The Superbe, a French 70-gun ship, 
 also capsized and sank, from the same cause. At 5 
 p. m. the Heros surrendered to Howe, and anchored, but 
 the sea ran so high that they could not lower a boat to 
 take possession of her. The night came on very dark, 
 and exceedingly tempestuous, and, being among the 
 rocks and shoals of a treacherous coast, and without 
 pilots, it was considered prudent to discontinue the 
 chase, and anchor. During the night the Resolution, 74, 
 drove on shore, and was totally wrecked, with the loss of 
 most of her crew. 
 
 At daybreak of the next day the Heros was discovered 
 aground, and the flag-ship of Conflans, the Soleil Royal, 
 dismasted. Shortly after being discovered she cut her 
 cables, and also went on shore. The Essex, a 64, was 
 ordered to stand in and destroy her, but that ship got on 
 a sand bank and was wrecked; her crew, however, being 
 saved. The two French vessels which were on shore 
 were finally set on fire, and destroyed. Seven or eight 
 others, by their knowledge of the coast, had got to the 
 mouth of the river Vilaine, and by means of taking out 
 
186 
 
 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 their guns, crossed the bar, and reached a place of 
 security. 
 
 In effecting all this damage and loss upon the enemy's 
 fleet, the loss in killed and wounded among the English 
 must have been severe. But in those days they were not 
 very particular in reporting such things. For his success, 
 under exceptional difficulties and dangers, Sir Edward 
 Hawke received the thanks of Parliament, and a pension 
 of two thousand pounds per annum. 
 
 In 1 765 he was appointed Vice- Admiral of Great 
 Britain, and First Lord of the Admiralty; and in 1776 
 was raised to the peerage, under the title of Baron Hawke 
 of Towton. 
 
 BUCENTORO. 
 
 (Barge of the Doges, used annually, on Ascension Day, in the Ceremony of " Venice Wedding 
 the Adriatic") 
 
-^ ; 
 
 'mm 
 
 SHfe 
 
 SEjU 
 
SERAPIS AND BONHOMME RICHARD. 187 
 
 XIV. 
 
 SERAPIS AND BONHOMME RICHARD. 
 A. D. 1779. 
 
 •HIS remarkable action is interesting not only 
 on account of its bloody and desperate 
 character, and on account of the sensation 
 it produced at the time, but because it 
 illustrates one phase of our great struggle 
 for independence ; a considerable space is 
 therefore devoted to it. 
 
 The hero of this action, John Paul, was 
 born at Kirkcudbright, in Scotland, July 6th, 1747 ; and 
 was sent to sea, as an apprentice, at the age of twelve. 
 He afterwards made voyages as mate of a slaver, then an 
 honored and recognized employment for a portion of the 
 English merchant marine. 
 
 At twenty-one he had command of a vessel in the West 
 India trade, so that his merits as a seaman were early 
 recognized. He afterwards became a trader in a vessel 
 of his own. 
 
 At the age of twenty-six he left the sea; and adopted 
 the name of Jones. The reason for this does not clearly 
 appear. He may have had some old scores to clear; and, 
 settling in a new world, may have thought a new name 
 necessary. 
 
 In December, 1 775, he was appointed a First Lieutenant 
 in the United Colonial Navy, and ordered to the Alfred, 
 our first flag-ship. He hoisted the first flag of the 
 
188 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 Colonies afloat; a yellow flag, with the pine tree and 
 rattlesnake. In this ship he participated in several 
 actions; and was afterwards in command of the Provi- 
 dence, when he only escaped capture by excellent 
 seamanship. He made many prizes in this ship. 
 
 On Oct. ioth, 1776, he was named the 18th naval 
 captain, and, in command of the Alfred and Providence, 
 captured a valuable armed ship, and other prizes, again 
 eluding recapture by good seamanship. 
 
 He next went to European waters in command of the 
 Ranger, 18, and there received, from a French squadron, 
 the first salute to the Stars and Stripes, by this time 
 adopted. 
 
 He cruised in English waters, burning ships at White 
 Haven, and spiking guns in batteries on shore; and then 
 attempted to carry off the Earl of Selkirk. In this he 
 failed, but having carried off some of that nobleman's 
 plate, was branded by the English as a pirate. This 
 epithet came with a bad grace from a nation then cele- 
 brated for thorough "looting" of every place which came 
 into their hands, in India, and elsewhere. The real 
 offence was that Jones was an English subject, who had 
 renounced his allegiance, and was serving against the 
 mother country; like all the rest of those engaged in the 
 Revolution. During this cruise in the Ranger he took 
 the Drake, of 20 guns. 
 
 After this he received from the French government an 
 old Indiaman, called the Due de Duras, which he 
 renamed the " Bonhomme Richard," or Poor Richard, in 
 allusion to the publication by Benjamin Franklin. 
 
 He had some other armed vessels, mostly " letters of 
 marque," under his command. 
 
 The Bonhomme Richard had 40 guns, and a mixed 
 crew, of various nationalities. Jones sailed under such 
 
SERAPIS AND BONHOMME RICHARD. 189 
 
 hampering restrictions that he was prevented from 
 carrying out many promising projects ; but at last, on 
 the 23d of September, he fell in with a Baltic fleet of 
 merchantmen, convoyed by -the English frigate Serapis, 
 44, and the Countess of Scarborough, 20. The result of 
 the engagement which ensued will be given hereafter. 
 
 To continue the sketch of Jones himself, we may say 
 that, in 1 780, the year after this action, he sailed for the 
 United States, in the Ariel, 20, but lost his masts in a 
 severe gale of wind, and was obliged to return to France ; 
 whence he sailed again and arrived safely, about the 
 beginning of 178 1. 
 
 He was then launched in the America, 74, which was 
 presented by our Government to the French ; and he 
 made a cruise in her as a volunteer. 
 
 In 1783 he was prize agent of the United States in 
 Europe; and finally, in 1787, while in Denmark, he re- 
 signed, and entered the Russian Navy — hoisting his flag, 
 as Rear Admiral, in the "Vladimir," on the 28th of June, 
 1788. He found so much jealousy and enmity towards 
 him that he resigned in about a year. 
 
 Afterwards he resided in Holland and France, and 
 was appointed Commissioner of the United States to 
 Algiers — but his death occurred at this time, at the age 
 of forty-five. 
 
 And now, to return to his cruise in the Bonhomme 
 Richard : — 
 
 Paul Jones had obtained so much celebrity for his 
 cruise in the Ranger, that, after that ship departed for 
 America he remained in France, in the hope of re- 
 ceiving a more important command. 
 
 During the years 1778-9 various projects were 
 discussed, in which he was to have a part. One idea 
 was to make a descent upon Liverpool, with a body of 
 
190 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 troops to be commanded by La Fayette. These plans 
 all came to nothing, and his offers of service were re- 
 pulsed ; until at last a singular arrangement was proposed 
 to him. 
 
 M. de Sartine, French Minister of Marine, in a letter 
 of February, 14th, 1779, states that the King of France 
 had decided to purchase, and put at the disposition of 
 Captain Jones, the Duras — an old Indiaman of some 
 size, then at l'Orient. To this vessel were added three 
 more, procured by means of M. le Ray de Chaumont, 
 a banker who had connections with the French 
 Ministry. 
 
 Dr. Franklin, who, as Minister of the United States, 
 was supposed, in a legal sense, to direct the whole 
 affair, added the Alliance, 32, by virtue of authority from 
 Congress. 
 
 The vessels thus procured formed a little squadron, 
 composed of the Bonhomme Richard, Alliance, Pallas, 
 Cerf, and Vengeance. The Pallas was a purchased 
 merchantman ; the Vengeance a small purchased brig ; 
 the Cerf was a large cutter, and, with the exception of the 
 Alliance, the only vessel of the squadron built for war 
 purposes. All but the Alliance were French built, and 
 they were placed under the American flag by the following 
 arrangement : the officers received appointments, which 
 were to remain valid for a limited period only, from Dr. 
 Franklin, who had been furnished blank commissions, to 
 fill at his own discretion, ever since he had arrived in 
 Europe. The vessels were to show the American ensign 
 and no other. In short, the French ships were to be 
 considered as American ships during this particular 
 service : and when it was terminated they were to revert 
 to their former owners. The laws and provisions made 
 for the American navy were to govern, and command was 
 
SERAPIS AND BONHOMME RICHARD. 191 
 
 to be exercised, and to descend, according to its usages. 
 Such officers as already had rank in the American Navy 
 took precedence, agreeably to dates of commission, and 
 new appointments were regulated by priority of appoint- 
 ment. 
 
 By especial provision, Captain Jones was to be Com- 
 mander-in-chief, a post which his original commission 
 entitled him to fill, as Captain Landais, the only other 
 regular captain in the squadron, was his junior. The 
 joint right of the American Minister and of the French 
 Government to direct the movements of the squadron 
 was recognized. 
 
 It is not exactly known from what source the money 
 was obtained to fit out this squadron ; and it is likely that 
 it never will be known, especially as the French Revolu- 
 tion destroyed so many records, public and private. 
 Although the name of the King was used, it is possible 
 that private adventure was at the bottom of the enter- 
 prise, although the French Government furnished vessels 
 and the use of its stores. Dr. Franklin expressly stated 
 that he made no advances for the ships employed. 
 
 As everything connected with this remarkable expe- 
 dition has interest for us, it is as well to go a little further 
 into the composition of the force fitted out by Jones. 
 
 After many delays, the Bonhomme Richard was 
 equipped and manned. It was intended to cast 18- 
 pounders for her, but as that would take too much time, 
 old 1 2's were substituted. With this change in armament, 
 the Richard, as she was called by the sailors, got ready 
 for sea. 
 
 She was, properly, a single-decked ship, that is, carry- 
 ing her armament on one gun-deck, with the usual addi- 
 tions on the quarter-deck and forecastle. 
 
 But Commodore Jones, with a view to attacking- the 
 
192 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 enemy's large convoys, caused twelve ports to be cut in 
 the gun-room, below, where six old 18-pounders were 
 mounted, with the intention of fighting all of them on the 
 same side, in smooth water. It was foreseen that these 
 guns could only be of use in moderate weather, or when 
 engaged to leeward, but the ship's height admitted of 
 them, and it was done. 
 
 On her gun-deck proper the ship had twenty-eight 
 ports, the regular construction of an English 38-gun ship 
 at that time. Here the 12-pounders were placed. On 
 her quarter-deck and forecastle were mounted eight 9's ; 
 making, in all, a mixed armament, rather light, to be sure, 
 of 42 guns. If the six 18's were taken away, the ship 
 would have been what was called a 3 2 -gun frigate. 
 
 She was a clumsy vessel, built many years before, with 
 the high, old-fashioned poop, which resembled a tower. 
 
 With a vessel of this singular armament and unwieldy 
 construction, Jones was compelled to receive on board a 
 crew of very doubtful composition. A few Americans 
 filled officers' positions; but the crew embraced represent- 
 atives of more than twelve nationalities. To keep this 
 motley crew in order, one hundred and thirty-five marines, 
 or soldiers, were put on board. These were nearly as 
 much mixed, as to nationalities, as the sailors. 
 
 Just as the squadron was about to sail M. le Ray de 
 Chaumont appeared at l'Orient, and presented a concordat 
 or agreement, for the signature of all the commanders. 
 This looked very much like a partnership in a privateering 
 expedition, and was the cause of much after disobedience 
 among Jones' captains. 
 
 On June 19th, 1779, the ships sailed, bound south, with 
 a small convoy of vessels. These they escorted safely 
 into the Garonne, and other ports ; but not without 
 repeated exhibition, thus early, of disobedience of orders, 
 
SERAPIS AND BONHOMME RICHARD. 193 
 
 and unseamanlike conduct, which marked the whole 
 career of this squadron, so ill assorted and manned. 
 
 While lying to, off the coast, the Alliance, by lubberly 
 handling, got foul of the Richard, and lost her mizzen- 
 mast ; carrying away, at the same time, the head, 
 cutwater and jib-boom of the Richard. This necessitated 
 a return to port, to refit. 
 
 When at sea again, and steering to the northward, 
 the Cerf cutter was sent in chase of a strange sail, and 
 parted company. 
 
 The next morning she engaged a small English 
 cruiser, of 14 guns, and caused her to strike, after 
 a sharp fight of an hour ; but she was forced to 
 abandon her prize by the approach of an enemy's 
 vessel of superior force. The Cerf went into l'Orient 
 again. 
 
 On the 23d three enemy's vessels-of-war were seen 
 by the squadron ; and, having the wind, they ran down 
 in a line abreast, when, most probably deceived by the 
 height and general appearance of the Richard, they 
 hauled up and escaped under a press of sail. On the 
 26th the Alliance and Pallas parted company with the 
 Richard, leaving that ship with the Vengeance brig only, 
 for consort. On reaching the Penmarks, a headland of 
 Finisterre, the designated rendezvous, the missing 
 vessels did not appear. On the 29th, the Vengeance 
 having gone, by permission, into Groix Roads, the 
 Richard fell in with two more of the English cruisers, 
 which, after some hesitation, also ran, evidently under 
 the impression that the Richard was a two-decker. 
 
 Jones had reason to be satisfied with the spirit of his 
 crew on this occasion, the people manifesting a strong 
 disposition to engage. 
 
 At last, on the 30th, the Richard ran into Isle Groix, 
 
 13 
 
194 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN 
 
 off 1' Orient ; and about the same time the Pallas and 
 Alliance came in. 
 
 Then another delay occurred. A court was convened 
 to inquire into the conduct of Captain Landais, of the 
 Alliance, in running foul of the Richard. Both ships 
 also had to undergo repairs. Luckily, just then a cartel 
 arrived from England, bringing more than one hundred 
 exchanged American seamen, most of whom joined the 
 squadron. 
 
 This was a most important accession to the crew of the 
 Richard, and that of the Alliance. Neither of these ships 
 had had many Americans among their crews. Among 
 those who came from the English prisons was Mr. 
 Richard Dale, who had been captured as a Master's 
 Mate, in the Lexington, 14. 
 
 This young officer did not reach France in the cartel, 
 however, but had previously escaped, came to 1' Orient, 
 and joined the Richard. Jones soon learned his worth, 
 and, in reorganizing his ship, had made him First 
 Lieutenant. 
 
 The Richard had now nearly one hundred American 
 seamen on board, and all the officers were native Ameri- 
 cans, but the commander and one midshipman. Many of 
 the petty officers were Americans also. In a letter of 
 August nth, Jones states that the crew of the Richard 
 consisted of 380 souls, including 137 soldiers, or marines. 
 
 On the 14th of August the squadron sailed a second 
 time, from Groix Roads; having the French privateers 
 Monsieur and Granville in company, and under Jones' 
 orders. The first parted company almost immediately, on 
 account of differences concerning a valuable prize; and 
 another was taken the day she left. 
 
 On the 23d the ships were off Cape Clear, and while 
 towing the Richard's head round, in a calm, the crew of 
 
SERAPIS AND BONHOMME RICHARD. 195 
 
 the boat, which happened to be manned by Englishmen, 
 cut die tow-line, and escaped. Mr. Lunt, the sailing- 
 master, manned another boat, and taking four marines, 
 pursued the fugitives. A fog came on, and Mr. Lunt 
 not being able to find the ships again, fell into the hands 
 of the enemy. Through this desertion, and its immediate 
 consequences, the Richard lost twenty of her best men. 
 
 The day after this escape the Cerf cutter was sent 
 close in, to reconnoitre, and to look for the missing 
 people; and, for some unexplained reason this useful 
 vessel never rejoined the squadron. There appeared to 
 have been no suspicion of any treachery on her part, and 
 we are left to conjecture the cause of her disappearance. 
 
 A gale of wind followed, during which the Alliance and 
 Pallas separated, and the Granville parted company, by 
 order, with a prize. The separation of the Pallas was 
 caused by the breaking of her tiller; but that of the 
 Alliance t was due to the unofficerlike and unseamanlike 
 conduct of her commander. 
 
 On the morning of the 27th the brig Vengeance was 
 the only vessel in company with the Commodore. 
 
 On August 31st the Bonhomme Richard, being off 
 Cape Wrath, the northwest extremity of Scotland, 
 captured a large English letter-of-marque, bound from 
 London to Quebec; a circumstance which proves the 
 expedients to which their ship-masters were then driven 
 to avoid capture, this vessel having gone north about, to 
 escape the cruisers on the ordinary track. While in 
 chase of the letter-of-marque, the Alliance hove in sight, 
 having another London ship, from Jamaica, as a prize. 
 
 Captain Landais, of the Alliance, was an officer who 
 had been obliged to quit the French Navy on account of 
 his unfortunate temper. He now began to show a 
 disorganizing and mutinous spirit ; pretending, as his 
 
196 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 ship was the only real American vessel in the squadron, 
 that that fact rendered him superior to Jones, and that 
 he should do as he pleased with his ship. 
 
 That afternoon a strange sail was made, and the Richard 
 showed the Alliance's number, with an order to close. 
 Instead of obeying the signal, Captain Landais wore, and 
 laid the head of his ship in the opposite direction. Other 
 signals were disobeyed; and the control of Commodore 
 Jones over the ship, which ought to have been the most 
 efficient of the squadron, may be said to have ceased. 
 
 Jones now shaped his course for the rendezvous he 
 had appointed, in hopes of meeting the missing ships, 
 and the Pallas rejoined him, having captured nothing. 
 
 From then until the 13th of September the squadron 
 continued its course round Scotland ; the ships sepa- 
 rating and rejoining constantly, and Captain Landais 
 assuming power over the prizes, as well as over his own 
 vessel, that was altogether opposed to discipline and to 
 marine usage. 
 
 On the 1 3th of September the Cheviot Hills were in 
 sight from the ships. Understanding that a 20-gun ship, 
 with two or three man-of-war cutters, were lying at 
 anchor offLeith, in the Frith of Forth, Commodore Jones 
 planned a descent upon that town. At this time the 
 Alliance was absent, and the Pallas and Vengeance 
 having chased to the southward, the necessity of com- 
 municating with those vessels caused a fatal delay, and 
 ruined a promising project. The attempt was at last 
 made, but when the men were actually in the boats the 
 ships were driven out of the Frith by a heavy blow ; and 
 when in the North Sea one of their prizes actually 
 foundered. 
 
 The design was so audacious that it is probable the 
 English would have been taken by surprise; and no 
 
SERAPIS AND BONHOMME RICHARD. 197 
 
 doubt much damage would have been done to them, but 
 for the gale. Dale, a modest and prudent man, thought 
 so. 
 
 After this bold project was abandoned, Jones appears 
 to have meditated another still more daring ; but his 
 colleagues, as he bitterly styles his captains, refused to 
 join in it. We do not know what it was ; but only thav 
 the officers of Jones' own ship heartily approved it. 
 Jones had much respect for the judgment of Captain 
 Cottineau, of the Pallas, and as he disapproved of it, it 
 was dropped. 
 
 The Pallas and Vengeance even left the Richard — 
 probably with a view to prevent the attempt to execute' 
 this nameless scheme ; and the Commodore was com- 
 pelled to follow his captains to the southward or lose 
 them altogether. 
 
 Off Whitby they came together again, and on Sept, 
 2 1 st the Richard chased a collier ashore, near Flam- 
 borough Head. 
 
 The next day she was at the mouth of the Humber, 
 the Vengeance being in company, and several vessels 
 were taken or destroyed. Pilots were enticed on board, 
 and a knowledge of the state of things inshore obtained. 
 It appeared that the whole coast was alarmed, and that 
 many persons were burying their plate. By this time 
 about a dozen vessels had been taken, and rumor 
 increased the number. No vessels had ever before 
 excited such local alarm on British shores, for centuries. 
 
 Under the circumstances Commodore Jones did not 
 think it prudent to remain so close in with the land, and 
 he accordingly stood out under Flamborough Head. 
 Here he was joined, next day, by the Pallas and Alliance. 
 This was on the 23d of September. 
 
 The wind was light from the southward, the water 
 
198 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 smooth, and many vessels in sight, steering- in different 
 directions. About noon the squadron, with the exception 
 of the Cerf and the two privateers, being all in company, 
 Jones manned one of the pilot-boats he had detained, and 
 sent her in chase of a brig, which was lying to, to wind- 
 ward. On board the little vessel were Mr. Lunt, the 
 Second Lieutenant, and fifteen men, all of whom were 
 absent from the ship for the rest of the day. 
 
 In consequence of the loss of the two boats off Cape 
 Clear, the absence of the party in the pilot-boat, and the 
 number of men that had been put in prizes, the Richard 
 was now left with only one lieutenant, and with but little 
 more than three hundred souls on board, exclusive of 
 prisoners. Of the latter there were about one hundred 
 and fifty in the Richard. 
 
 The pilot-boat had hardly left the Richard when the 
 leading ships of a fleet of more than forty sails were seen 
 stretching out on a bowline from behind Flamborough 
 Head, turning down to the south. From previous intelli- 
 gence this fleet was immediately known to be the Baltic 
 ships, under the convoy of the Serapis, 44, Captain 
 Richard Pearson, and a hired ship that had been put into 
 the King's service, called the Countess of Scarborough. 
 The latter was commanded by Captain Piercy, and 
 mounted 22 guns. 
 
 As the interest of the succeeding details will principally 
 centre in the two ships, the Serapis and Bonhomme 
 Richard, it may be well to give a more minute account of 
 the actual force of the former. At that period 44's were 
 usually built on two decks; and such was the construction 
 of this ship, which was new, and was reputed to be a 
 fast vessel. On her lower gun-deck she mounted 
 20 18-pound guns; and on her upper gun-deck 20 
 9-pound guns; and on her quarter-deck and fore- 
 
SERAPIS AND BONHOMME RICHARD. 199 
 
 castle ten 6-pound gun?;; making an armament of fifty 
 guns. 
 
 She had a regularly trained man-of-war's crew of 320 
 souls, of whom fifteen are said to have been Lascars. 
 
 When Jones made out the convoy, the men-of-war 
 were inshore, astern, and to leeward, probably with a 
 view to keeping the merchantmen together. The offi- 
 cials at Scarborough, perceiving the danger into which 
 this fleet was running, had sent a boat off to the Serapis, 
 to apprise her of the presence of a hostile force, and 
 Captain Pearson fired two guns, signaling the leading 
 vessels to come under his lee. These orders were 
 disregarded, however, the headmost ships continuing 
 to stand out from the land. 
 
 Jones, having ascertained the character of the fleet in 
 sight, showed signal for a general chase ; and another to 
 recall the lieutenant in the pilot-boat. 
 
 The Richard then crossed royal-yards. These signs 
 of hostility alarmed the nearer English merchant ships, 
 which hurriedly tacked, fired alarm guns, let fly their 
 top-gallant-sheets, and made other signals of the danger 
 they found themselves in ; while they now gladly 
 availed themselves of the presence of the men-of-war 
 to run to leeward, or else seek shelter close in with the 
 land. 
 
 The Serapis, on the contrary, signaled the Scar- 
 borough to follow, and hauled boldly out to sea, until she 
 got far enough to windward, when she tacked, and stood 
 inshore again, to cover her convoy. 
 
 The Alliance being much the fastest vessel of the 
 American squadron, took the lead in the chase, speaking 
 the Pallas as she passed. It has been proved that 
 Captain Landais told the commander of the latter vessel, 
 on this occasion, that if the stranger proved to be a 
 
200 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 fifty-gun ship, they had nothing to do but to escape. 
 His subsequent conduct fully confirms this ; for no 
 sooner had he run down near enough to the two 
 English vessels-of-war to ascertain their force, than he 
 hauled up, and stood off from the land again. This was 
 not only contrary to all regular order of naval battle, but 
 contrary to the positive command of Jones, who had kept 
 the signal to form line flying ; which should have brought 
 the Alliance astern of the Bonhomme Richard, and the 
 Pallas in the van. Just at this time the Pallas spoke the 
 Richard, and inquired what station she should take, and 
 she was directed to fall into line. 
 
 Captain Cottineau was a brave man, who subsequently 
 did his duty in the action, and he had only thought that, 
 because the Richard had suddenly hauled up from the 
 land, her crew had mutinied, and that she was being run 
 away with. Such was the want of confidence in the force 
 so singularly composed, and such were the disadvantages 
 under which this celebrated combat was fought. 
 
 So far, however, from meditating retreat or mutiny, the 
 crew of the Richard had gone cheerfully to their quarters, 
 although every man on board was conscious of the force 
 of the enemy with whom they were about to contend ; 
 and the spirit of the commanding officer appears to have 
 communicated itself to his men. 
 
 It was now quite dark, and Jones was compelled to 
 use a night-glass, to follow the movements of the enemy. 
 It is probable that the darkness added to the indecision 
 of the captain of the Pallas, for even after the moon rose 
 it was thick, and objects at a distance were seen with 
 difficulty. The Richard continued to stand steadily on; 
 and at about half-past seven she came up with the 
 Serapis; the Scarborough being a short distance to lee- 
 ward. The American ship was to windward, and, as she 
 
SERAPIS AND BONHOMME RICHARD. 201 
 
 slowly approached, Captain Pearson hailed. The answer 
 returned was purposely equivocal, and both ships 
 delivered their broadsides at almost the same moment. 
 
 As the water was quite smooth, Jones had relied very 
 much upon the eighteen-pounders which were in the 
 Richard's gun-room; but at this first discharge, two of 
 the six that were fired bursted, blowing up the deck 
 above, and killing or wounding many of the people 
 stationed below. This disaster rendered it impossible to 
 make the men stand at the other heavy guns, as they 
 could have no confidence in them. It at once reduced 
 the broadside of the Richard to about one-third less than 
 that of her opponent; and the force which remained was 
 distributed among the light guns, in a disadvantageous 
 manner. In short, the battle was now between a twelve- 
 pounder and an eighteen-pounder frigate; with the 
 chances almost preponderatingly in favor of the latter. 
 
 Jones himself said that after this accident his hopes 
 rested solely upon the twelve-pounders that were imme- 
 diately under the command of his First Lieutenant, Dale. 
 
 The Richard, having backed her top-sails, exchanged 
 several broadsides, when she filled again and shot ahead 
 of the Serapis ; which ship luffed across her stern, and 
 came up on the weather quarter of her antagonist, taking 
 the wind out of her sails, and, in her turn, passing ahead. 
 
 All this time, which was about half an hour, the fire 
 was close and furious. The Scarborough now drew 
 near; but it is uncertain whether she fired or not. The 
 officers of the Richard state that she raked them at least 
 once ; but her commander reported that, owing to the 
 smoke and darkness, he was afraid to discharge his 
 guns, not being able to make out which ship was friend 
 and which foe. 
 
 Unwilling to lie by and be uselessly exposed to shot, 
 
202 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 Captain Piercy edged away from the combatants, ex- 
 changing one or two broadsides, at a great distance, 
 with the Alliance, and shortly afterward was engaged at 
 close quarters by the Pallas, which ship compelled him to 
 strike to her, after a creditable resistance of about an 
 hour. 
 
 Let us now return to the principal combatants : — 
 
 As the Serapis kept her luff, sailing and working 
 better than the Richard, it was the intention of Captain 
 Pearson to pay broad off, across the Richard's fore-foot, 
 as soon as he had got far enough ahead. But 
 making the attempt and finding he had not room, he put 
 his helm down, to keep clear of his adversary, and this 
 double movement brought the two ships nearly in a line, 
 the Serapis leading. 
 
 By these evolutions the English ship lost some of 
 her way, while the American, having kept her sails 
 trimmed, not only closed, but actually ran on board of 
 her antagonist, bows on, a little on her starboard 
 quarter. The wind being light, much time was con- 
 sumed in these manoeuvres, and nearly an hour had 
 elapsed between the firing of the first gun and the 
 moment when the vessels got foul of each other, in the 
 manner just described. The English thought it was the 
 intention of the Americans to board ; and for some 
 minutes it was uncertain whether they would do so or 
 not, but the position was not safe for either party to pass 
 into, the opposing ship. 
 
 There being at this time a complete cessation of the 
 firing, Captain Pearson hailed, and asked whether the 
 Richard had struck. "I have not yet begun to fight," 
 was the answer from Jones. 
 
 The Richard's yards were then braced aback, and the 
 sails of the Serapis being full, the ships separated. 
 
SERAPIS AND BONHOMME RICHARD. 203 
 
 As soon as they were far enough apart, the Serapis put 
 her helm hard down, laid all aback forward, shivered her 
 after sails, and wore short round on her heel, with a view, 
 most probably, of luffing up across the Richard's bow, in 
 order to rake her. In this position the Richard would 
 have been fighting her starboard, and the Serapis her 
 port guns; but Jones, by this time, had become convinced 
 of the hopelessness of success against so much heavier 
 metal; and so backed astern some distance, filled on the 
 other tack, and luffed up, with the intention of meeting 
 the enemy as he came to the wind, and of laying him 
 athwart hawse. 
 
 In the smoke and dim light, one or the other party mis- 
 calculated the distance, for the vessels came foul again, 
 the bowsprit of the English vessel passing over the poop 
 of the American. As neither had much way the collision 
 did but little injury, and Jones, with his own hands, imme- 
 diately lashed the enemy's head-gear to his mizzen-mast. 
 The pressure on the after sails of the Serapis, which 
 vessel was nearly before the wind at the time, brought 
 her hull round, and the two ships gradually fell close- 
 alongside of each other, head and stern; the jib-boom of 
 the Serapis giving way with the strain. A spare anchor 
 of the English ship now hooked in the quarter of the 
 American, and additional lashings were got out on board 
 the latter, to secure her opponent in this position. 
 
 Captain Pearson, who was a brave and excellent officer, 
 was fully aware of his superiority in weight of metal ; and 
 he no sooner perceived that the vessels were foul than he 
 dropped an anchor, in the hope that the Richard would 
 drift clear of him. But, of course, such an expectation was 
 futile, as the yards were interlocked, the hulls pressed 
 close together, there were lashings fore and aft, and every 
 projection aided in holding the two ships together. When 
 
204 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 the cable of the Serapis took the strain, the vessels slowly 
 tended, with the bows of the Serapis and the stern of the 
 Richard, to the tide. 
 
 At this time the English made an attempt to board, 
 but were repulsed, with trifling loss. All this time there 
 was a heavy fire kept up from the guns. The lower ports 
 of the Serapis having been closed as the vessel swung, 
 to prevent boarding, they were now blown off, to allow 
 the guns to be run out; and cases actually occurred in 
 which the rammers had to be thrust into the ports of the 
 opposing ship, in order to be entered in the muzzles of 
 their proper guns. It was evident that such a state of things 
 could not last long. In effect, the heavy metal of the 
 Serapis, in one or two discharges, cleared all before it, 
 and the main-deck guns of the Richard were almost 
 abandoned. Most of her people went upon the upper 
 deck, and a great number collected on the forecastle, 
 where they were safe from the battery of the Serapis; 
 continuing the fight by throwing grenades and using 
 muskets. 
 
 At this stage of the action, then, the Serapis was 
 tearing the American to pieces, below, at each discharge 
 of her battery ; the latter only replying to the English 
 fire by two guns on the quarter-deck, and three or four 
 of her twelve-pounders. To the quarter-deck guns 
 Jones succeeded in adding a third, by shifting a gun 
 from the port side ; and all these were used with effect, 
 under his own eye, until the close of the action. 
 
 He tried to get over a second gun, from the port side, 
 but did not succeed. 
 
 The fight must now have been decided in favor of the 
 English, but for the courage and activity of the people 
 aloft. Strong parties were placed in the tops, and, after 
 a sharp and short contest, the Americans had driven 
 
SERAPIS AND BONHOMME RICHARD. 205 
 
 every man of the enemy from the upper deck of the 
 English frigate. After this they kept up so sharp a fire 
 of small-arms upon the quarter-deck of the English ship 
 as to keep it clear, shooting down many in the operation. 
 Thus, this singular condition of affairs obtained, that, 
 while the English had the battle very much to themselves, 
 below, the Americans had control of their upper deck 
 and tops. Having cleared the latter, some of the 
 American seamen laid out on the Richard's main-yard, 
 and began to throw hand grenades down upon the deck 
 of the British ship ; while the men on the Richard's fore- 
 castle seconded these efforts by casting grenades, and 
 other combustibles, through the ports of the Serapis. 
 
 At length one man, in particular, became so bold as to 
 take up his post on the extreme end of the yard ; and 
 being provided with a bucket of grenades and a match, 
 he dropped the explosives upon the enemy, one of them 
 passing down the Serapis' main hatchway. The powder 
 boys of the English ship had got up more cartridges 
 than were needed at the moment, and had carelessly laid 
 a row of them along her main deck, parallel with the 
 guns. 
 
 The grenade which came down the hatch set fire 
 to some loose powder on the deck, and the flash passed 
 to these cartridges, beginning abreast of the main-mast, 
 and running away aft. 
 
 The effect of the explosion was awful. More than 
 twenty men were instantly killed; many of them being 
 left with nothing on them but the collars and wrist-bands 
 of their shirts, and the waist-bands of their duck trowsers. 
 This is often the effect of explosions in confined places. 
 
 The official returns of Captain Pearson, made a week 
 after the action, show that there were no less than thirty- 
 three wounded on board then, still alive, who had been 
 
206 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 injured at this time; and thirty of them were said to be 
 in great danger. 
 
 Captain Pearson reported that the explosion destroyed 
 nearly all the men at the five or six aftermost guns of the 
 Serapis; and, altogether, nearly sixty of the Serapis' 
 men must have been instantly disabled by this sudden 
 blow. 
 
 The advantages thus obtained by the coolness and 
 intrepidity of the topmen of the Bonhomme Richard, in a 
 measure restored the chances of the fight, and, by lessen- 
 ing the fire of the enemy, enabled Jones to increase his. 
 And in the same decree that it encouraged the Americans 
 did it diminish the hopes of the English. 
 
 One of the guns, directed by Jones himself, had been 
 for some time firing against the main-mast of his enemy ; 
 while the two others were assisting in clearing his decks 
 with grape and canister. Kept below decks by this 
 double attack, where they had a scene of horror before 
 their eyes in the agonies of the wounded, and the other 
 effects of the explosion, the spirits of the English crew 
 began to droop, and a very little would have caused them 
 to surrender. From this despondency they were tempor- 
 arily raised by one of the unlooked-for events which 
 characterize every battle, whether afloat or ashore. 
 
 After exchanging the ineffectual and distant broadsides 
 with the Scarborough, as already mentioned, the Alliance 
 had kept standing off and on, to leeward of the two princi- 
 pal ships, and out of the direction of their shot, when, 
 about half-past eight, she appeared, crossing the stern of 
 the Serapis, and the bow of the Richard, and firing, at 
 such a distance, and in such a way, that it was impossible 
 to say which vessel would suffer the most.. 
 
 As soon as she had drawn out of range of her own 
 guns, her helm was put up, and she ran down near a mile 
 
SERAPIS AND BONHOMME RICHARD. 207 
 
 to leeward, and hovered about, aimlessly, until the firing 
 had ceased between the Pallas and the Scarboroueh, when 
 she suddenly came within hail, and spoke both vessels. 
 
 Captain Cottineau, of the Pallas, earnestly entreated 
 Captain Landais, of the Alliance, to take possession of his 
 prize, and allow him to go to the assistance of the 
 Richard, or else to stretch up to windward in the Alliance, 
 and go to the succor of the Commodore. 
 
 After some delay, Captain Landais took the very im- 
 portant duty of assisting his consort into his own hands, 
 and, making two long stretches, under top-sails only, 
 he appeared, at about the time at which we have arrived 
 in the story of the fight, directly to windward of the two 
 ships which were locked together in mortal combat. 
 The head of the Alliance was then to the westward. 
 This ship then opened fire again, doing at least as much 
 damage to friend as foe. Keeping away a little, she was 
 Soon on the port-quarter of the Richard ; and some of 
 the people of the latter affirmed that her guns were 
 discharged until she had got nearly abeam. 
 
 Many voices now hailed, to inform the Alliance that 
 she was firing into the wrong ship ; and three lanterns 
 were shown in a line on the off-side of the Richard, which 
 was the regular signal for recognition in a night action. 
 An officer was then directed to hail, to command Captain 
 Landais to lay the enemy on board ; and, the question 
 being put as to whether the order was understood, an 
 answer was given in the affirmative. 
 
 As the moon had now been up for some time, it was 
 impossible not to distinguish between the two vessels. 
 The Richard was all black, while the Serapis had yellow 
 sides ; and the impression among the people of the 
 Richard was that Landais had intentionally attacked her. 
 
 Indeed, as soon as the Alliance began to fire, the 
 
208 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 people left one or two of the twelves on board the 
 Richard, which they had begun to fight again, saying 
 that the English in the Alliance had got possession of the 
 ship and were helping the enemy. 
 
 The Alliance's fire dismounted a gun, extinguished 
 several battle-lanterns on the main deck, and did much 
 damage aloft. This ship now hauled off to some 
 distance, always keeping the Richard between her and 
 the enemy ; and then she re-appeared, edging down on 
 the port beam of her consort, and hauling up athwart the 
 bows of that ship and the stern of her antagonist. The 
 officers of the Richard reported that her fire then re- 
 commenced, when by no possibility could her shot 
 reach the Serapis, except through the Bonhomme 
 Richard. In fact, it appears that this Landais was one 
 of those men who, for generations, affected the French 
 character for seamanship and conduct in naval battles. 
 
 There were, and are, many excellent French seamen, 
 and as builders of vessels they are unexcelled. But 
 some men, like Landais, at that time had destroyed their 
 reputation afloat. 
 
 Ten or twelve men appear to have been killed on the 
 forecastle of the Richard at this time, that part being 
 crowded, and among them an officer of the name of 
 Caswell, who, with his dying breath, maintained that he 
 had received his death wound from the friendly vessel. 
 
 After crossing the bows of the Richard and the stern 
 of the Serapis, delivering grape as he passed, this 
 "lunatic Frenchman" ran off to leeward again, standing 
 off and on, and doing absolutely nothing for the 
 remainder of the fight. It was as if a third party, seeing 
 two men fighting, should come up and throw a stone or 
 two at them both, and then retire, saying he had rather 
 the little fellow whipped. 
 
SERAPIS AND BONHOMME RICHARD. 209 
 
 The fire of the Alliance certainly damaged the 
 Bonhomme Richard, and increased her leaks ; and the 
 latter vessel by this time had leaked so much through 
 her shot-holes that she had begun to settle in the water. 
 Many witnesses affirmed that the most dangerous shot- 
 holes received by the Richard were under her port bow 
 and port-quarter ; or, in other words, where they could 
 not have been received from the Serapis. But this is 
 not entirely reliable, as it has been seen that the Serapis 
 luffed up on the port-quarter of the Richard in the 
 commencement of the action, and, forging ahead, was 
 subsequently on her port bow, endeavoring to cross her 
 fore-foot. These shots may very possibly have been 
 received then, and as the Richard settled in the water, 
 have suddenly increased the danger. On the other 
 hand, if the Alliance did actually fire while on the bow 
 and quarter of the Richard, as appears by a mass of 
 testimony, the dangerous shot-holes may have very well 
 come from that ship. 
 
 Let the injuries have been received from what quarter 
 they might, soon after the Alliance had run to leeward 
 again an alarm was spread throughout the Richard that 
 she was sinking. 
 
 Both the contending ships had been on fire several 
 times, and the flames had been extinguished with 
 difficulty; but here was a new enemy to contend with, 
 and, as the information came from the Carpenter, whose 
 duty it was to sound the pump-well, it produced a good 
 deal of alarm. 
 
 The Richard had more than a hundred English prison- 
 ers on board; and the Master-at-Arms, in the hurry of 
 the moment, and to save their lives, let them up from 
 below. In the confusion of such a scene, at night, in a 
 torn and sinking vessel, the Master of the letter-of-marque 
 
210 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 that had been taken off the north of Scotland, passed 
 through a port of the Richard into one of the Serapis, 
 where he reported to Captain Pearson that a few minutes 
 would probably decide the battle in his favor, or carry his 
 enemy down, as he (the Captain of the privateer) had 
 been liberated in order to save his life. 
 
 Just at this moment the gunner of the Bonhomme 
 Richard, who had not much to do at his quarters, came 
 on deck, and not seeing Commodore Jones, or Mr. Dale, 
 both of whom were occupied with the liberated prisoners, 
 and believing the Master (the only other superior officer 
 of the ship) to be dead, he ran up on the poop, to haul down 
 the colors, and, as he believed, save all their lives. 
 
 Fortunately, the flag-staff had been shot away, and as 
 the ensign already hung in the water, he had no other 
 means of letting his intentions be known than by bawling 
 out for quarter. 
 
 Captain Pearson now hailed, to inquire if the Richard 
 demanded quarter, and Commodore Jones, hearing the 
 hail, replied "No." 
 
 It is probable that the reply was not heard; or if heard, 
 supposed to come from an unauthorized source; for. 
 encouraged from what he had heard from the escaped 
 prisoner, by the cries, and by the confusion which 
 appeared to reign on board the Richard, the English 
 Captain directed his boarders to be called away, and, as 
 soon as they were mustered, he directed them to take 
 possession of the prize. Some of the Englishmen actually 
 got upon the gunwale of the American ship, but, finding 
 boarders ready to repel boarders, they precipitately 
 retreated. The Richard's topmen were not idle at this 
 time, and the enemy were soon driven below again, with 
 loss. In the meantime Mr. Dale (who was afterwards 
 Commodore Dale) had no longer a gun which could be 
 
SERAPIS AND BONIIOMME RICHARD. 211 
 
 fought, and he mustered the prisoners at the pumps, 
 turning their consternation to account, and probably 
 keeping the Richard afloat by this very blunder that had 
 come so near losing - her. 
 
 Both ships were now on fire again, and both sides, with 
 the exception of a very few guns on board each vessel, 
 ceased firing, in order to turn to and subdue this 
 common enemy. 
 
 In the course of the battle the Serapis is said to have 
 been on fire no less than twelve times ; while, towards its 
 close, as will be. seen in the sequel, the Bonhomme 
 Richard had been burning all the time. As soon as 
 order was restored in the American ship, after the 
 gunner's call for quarter, her chances of success began 
 to increase ; while the English, driven under cover, 
 appeared to lose the hope of victory. Their fire 
 slackened very materially, while the Richard again 
 brought a few guns to bear. 
 
 It was an example of immense endurance, on either 
 side ; but as time went on, the main-mast of the Serapis 
 began to totter, and her resistance, in general, to 
 lessen. 
 
 About an hour after the explosion, or about three 
 hours and a half after the first gun was fired, and about 
 two hours and a half after the ships were lashed together, 
 Captain Pearson hauled down his colors with his own 
 hands, his men refusing to expose themselves to the 
 fire of the Richard's tops. 
 
 As soon as it was known that the English colors were 
 down, Mr. Dale got upon the gunwale of the Richard, 
 and, laying hold of the main-brace pendant, swung 
 himself on board the Serapis. On the quarter-deck he 
 found the gallant Captain Pearson, almost alone, that 
 officer having maintained his post throughout the whole 
 
212 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 of this close and murderous engagement, proving himself 
 a man of great nerve and ability. 
 
 Just as Mr. Dale addressed the English Captain the 
 First Lieutenant of the Serapis came up from below, to 
 inquire if the Richard had struck, as her fire had entirely 
 ceased. Mr. Dale informed the English officer that he 
 had mistaken the position of things, the Serapis having 
 struck to the Richard, and not the Richard to the 
 Serapis. Captain Pearson confirming this, his surprised 
 subordinate acquiesced, offering to go below and silence 
 the guns on the main deck, which were still playing on 
 the American ship. To this Mr. Dale would not consent, 
 but passed both the English officers at once on board the 
 Bonhomme Richard. The firing below then ceased. 
 Mr. Dale had been closely followed to the quarter-deck 
 of the Serapis by a midshipman, Mr. Mayrant, with a 
 party of boarders, and as the midshipman struck the 
 quarter-deck of the prize, he was run through the thigh 
 with a boarding pike, in the hands of a man who was 
 ignorant of the surrender. Thus did the close of this 
 remarkable sea-fight resemble its other features in singu- 
 larity, blood being shed, and shot fired, while the boarding- 
 officer was in amicable discourse with his prisoners. 
 
 As soon as Captain Pearson was on board the Bon- 
 homme Richard, and a proper number of hands sent to 
 Mr. Dale, in the prize, Commodore Jones ordered the 
 lashings to be cut, and the vessels to be separated, hail- 
 ing the Serapis, as the Richard drifted from alongside of 
 her, and ordering her to follow his own ship. Mr. Dale 
 had the head-sails of the Serapis braced sharp aback, and 
 the helm put down, but the vessel did not obey either the 
 canvas or the helm. Mr. Dale was so surprised and 
 excited at this that he sprang from the binnacle, to see 
 the cause, and fell, full length, on deck. He had been 
 
SERAPIS AND BONHOMME RICHARD. 213 
 
 severely wounded in the leg, by a splinter, and until that 
 moment had been ignorant of the injury. He had just 
 been picked up and seated, when the Master of the 
 Serapis came up and informed him of the fact that the 
 ship was anchored. By this time Mr. Lunt, the Second 
 Lieutenant, who had been away in the pilot- boat, had got 
 alongside, and came on board the prize, when Mr. Dale 
 gave him charge, the cable was cut, and the ship followed 
 the Richard, as ordered. 
 
 Although this protracted and bloody contest had now 
 ended, the victors had not done with either dangers or 
 labors. The Richard was not only sinking, from shot- 
 holes, but she was on fire, so that the flames had got 
 within the ceiling, and extended so far that they menaced 
 the magazine; while all the pumps, in constant use, could 
 barely keep the water in the hold from increasing. 
 
 Had it depended upon the exhausted crews of the two 
 combatants the ship must soon have foundered; but the 
 other vessels now sent men on board to assist. So 
 imminent did the danger from the fire become, that all the 
 powder left was got on deck, to prevent an explosion. 
 In this manner did the night of the battle pass, with one 
 gang always at the pumps and another fighting the 
 flames, until about ten o'clock in the forenoon of the 24th, 
 when the fire: was got under. 
 
 Before daylight that morning eight or ten Englishmen, 
 of the Richard's crew, had stolen a boat of the Serapis, 
 and made their escape, landing at Scarborough. Several 
 other men of the Richard were so alarmed at the condi- 
 tion of the ship that, during the night, they jumped over- 
 board and swam to the other vessels. At daylight an 
 examination of the ship was made. Aloft, on a line with 
 those guns of the Serapis which had not been disabled 
 by the explosion, the timbers were nearly all beaten in, or 
 
214 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 beaten out, for in this respect there was little difference 
 between the two sides of the ship. It is said, indeed, that 
 her poop and upper-decks would have fallen into the gun- 
 room, but for a few futtocks which the shot had missed. 
 
 So large was the vacuum, in fact, that most of the shot 
 fired from this part of the Serapis, at the close of the 
 action, must have gone through the Richard without 
 touching anything. The rudder was cut from the stern- 
 post, and her transoms were nearly driven out of her. 
 All the after part of the ship, in particular, that was below 
 the quarter-deck, was torn to pieces; and nothing had 
 saved those stationed on the quarter-deck but the 
 impossibility of elevating guns which almost touched their 
 object. 
 
 The result of the examination was to convince every 
 one of the impossibility of carrying the Richard into port, 
 in the event of its coming on to blow. 
 
 Commodore Jones reluctantly gave the order to remove 
 the wounded, while the weather continued fair. 
 
 The following night and a portion of the succeeding 
 day were employed in this duty; and about nine in the 
 morning the officer who was in charge of the ship, with a 
 party at the pumps, finding that the water had reached 
 the lower deck, at last abandoned her. 
 
 About ten, the Bonhomme Richard wallowed heavily, 
 gave another roll, and went down, bows foremost. 
 
 The Serapis suffered much less than the Richard, as the 
 guns of the latter were so light, and so soon silenced; 
 but no sooner were the ships separated, than her main- 
 top-mast fell, bringing with it the mizzen-topmast. Though 
 jury-masts were erected, the ship drove about, nearly 
 helpless, in the North Sea, until the 6th of October, when 
 the remains of the squadron, with the two prizes, got into 
 the Texel,the port to which they had been ordered to repair. 
 
SERAPIS AND BONHOMME RICHARD. 215 
 
 In this battle an unusual number of lives were lost; 
 but no authenticated report seems to have come from 
 either side. The English stated the loss of the Richard 
 to have been about three hundred, in killed and wounded. 
 This would include nearly all on board that ship, and was, 
 of course, a mistake. The muster-roll of the Richard, 
 excluding the marines, which roll was in existence long- 
 after, shows that 42 men were killed, or died of wounds 
 very shortly, and that 41 were wounded. No list of the 
 casualties of the marines is given. This would make a 
 total of 83 out of 227 souls. But some of those on the 
 muster-roll were not in the battle at all, for both junior 
 lieutenants, and about 30 men with them, were absent in 
 prizes. 
 
 There were a few volunteers on board, who were not 
 mustered, and so, if we set down 200 as the regular crew 
 during the action, we shall not be far wrong. Estimating 
 the marines at 1 20, and observing the same proportion 
 for casualties, we shall get 49 for the result, which will 
 make the entire loss of the Richard one hundred and 
 thirty-two. 
 
 It is known, however, that in the course of the action 
 the soldiers suffered out of proportion to the rest of the 
 crew, and as general report made the gross loss of the 
 Bonhomme Richard 1 50, it is probable that this was about 
 the number. 
 
 Captain Pearson made a partial report, putting his loss 
 at 117; admitting, at the same time, that there were many 
 killed who were not reported. 
 
 Probably the loss of the two ships was about equal, 
 and that nearly or quite half of all engaged were either 
 killed or wounded. 
 
 In a private letter, written some time after, Jones gives 
 an opinion that the loss of men in the two ships was 
 
216 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 about equal. Muster-rolls were loosely kept, in those 
 days. 
 
 That two vessels of so much force should be lashed 
 together for more than two hours, making use of artillery, 
 musketry, and all the other means of offence known to the 
 warfare of the day, and not do even greater injury to their 
 crews, must strike every one with astonishment. But the 
 fact must be ascribed to the peculiarities of the battle, 
 which, by driving the English under cover early in the 
 fight, and keeping the Americans above the chief line of 
 fire of their enemy, in a measure protected each side 
 from the missiles of the other. As it was, it was a 
 most sanguinary conflict, with a duration prolonged by 
 unusual circumstances. 
 
 Great interest has always attached to this typical sea- 
 fight. Scarcely any of the eye-witnesses agreed as to the 
 facts. The principal information was given to Fennimore 
 Cooper by Commodore Dale. Captain Pearson stated 
 that the Alliance kept about them all the time, raking 
 them fore and aft. This statement is contradicted by the 
 certificates of the officers of the Richard, by persons who 
 were on board the Alliance, by the persons who were in 
 the boat, and by officers of the other vessels near. 
 
 The First Lieutenant and the Master of the Alliance 
 admitted that they were never on the free side of the 
 Serapis at all, and their ship never went round her. They 
 also said that they engaged the Scarborough, at long shot, 
 for a short time; a fact corroborated by Captain Piercy. 
 They added that their ship was a long time aloof from 
 the fight, and that she only fired three broadsides, or parts 
 of broadsides, at the Richard and Serapis. 
 
 From the testimony it is likely that the Alliance injured 
 the Richard much more than she did the Serapis. This 
 does not detract from the merit of the gallant Captain 
 
SERAPIS AND BONHOMME RICHARD. 
 
 217 
 
 Pearson, who could not have known that, and the prox- 
 imity of the Alliance no doubt influenced him in inducing 
 him to lower his flao-. 
 
 It is and always will be a matter of doubt as to whether 
 the Scarborough raked the Bonhomme Richard before 
 she was engaged with the other ships. 
 
 Altogether, this was one of the most remarkable sea- 
 fights on record. 
 
 The arrival of Jones and his prizes in the Texel excited 
 much interest in the diplomatic world. The English 
 demanded that the prizes should be released and Jones 
 himself given up as a pirate. The Dutch government, 
 though favorable to the Americans, was not prepared for 
 war, and therefore temporized. A long correspondence 
 ensued, and the following expedient was adopted. The 
 Serapis, which had been refitted, was transferred to 
 France, as was the Scarborough, while Jones took com- 
 mand of the Alliance; Landais having been suspended, 
 and ordered to quit the country. Landais was afterward 
 restored to command, but deposed again, on the ground 
 of insanity; and eventually discharged the service. 
 
 MEDAL AWARDED TO JOHN PAUL JONES BY THE AMERICAN CONGRESS. 
 
218 
 
 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 XV. 
 
 DE GRASSE AND RODNEY. A. D. 1782. 
 
 RANCIS JOSEPH PAUL, Count de Grasse, 
 Marquis de Grasse-Tilly, Count de Bar, 
 and Lieutenant-General of the marine forces 
 of France, was born in i 723, of a noble Pro- 
 vencal family, and was destined from child- 
 hood to enter the order of Malta. At eleven 
 years of age he went to sea in the galleys 
 of the Order, and made several cruises in 
 the Levant. In 1 740 the young sailor entered the French 
 naval service, and in 1747 was serving in the frigate 
 Emerald, in the squadron of La Jonquiere, which was 
 convoying to Pondichery twenty-five ships of the French 
 East India Company. The squadron, which consisted of 
 six ships-of-the-line and six frigates, was met off Cape Fin- 
 isterre, by a fleet of seventeen English ships, commanded 
 by Anson. After a vigorous resistance most of the 
 French ships were captured, and De Grasse was taken a 
 prisoner to England, where he remained two years. 
 
 Upon his return home he was promoted, and continued 
 to cruise in various parts of the world, and was especially 
 employed in surveying the Guinea coast. 
 
 In January, 1762, he served in the West Indies, as 
 captain of a line-of-battle ship, and soon after his return 
 was made a Chevalier of St. Louis, and served in the 
 French fleet which bombarded Sallee. In 1772 he 
 commanded a ship in the squadron of the Count d'Orvil- 
 liers, and about the time of the breaking out of the 
 
DE GRASSE AND RODNEY. 219 
 
 American Revolution was present at a naval battle off 
 Ushant, in which he particularly distinguished himself. 
 
 In 1779 he went out to the West Indies, in command 
 of four line-of-battle ships and seven frigates, to join the 
 fleet of Count d'Estaing, off Martinique, and participated 
 in the action of July 6th, between d'Estaing and Admiral 
 Byron. The following year he took part, in the same 
 latitude, in the three battles between the Count de 
 Guichen and Admiral Rodney, after the last of which he 
 returned to France. 
 
 At the commencement of 178 1 he was sent out with an 
 important convoy, to Martinique. He sailed from Brest 
 on March 24th, with twenty-three ships-of-the-line, carry- 
 ing troops, and having on board a very large sum of 
 money, and a quantity of arms and ammunition, all 
 intended for the succor of the young and struggling 
 Republic of the United States. 
 
 On the twenty-eighth of April De Grasse arrived off 
 Port Royal, Martinique, where he found eighteen English 
 line-of-battle ships, detached from Admiral Sir George 
 Rodney's fleet, and under the command of Rear-Admiral 
 Sir Samuel Hood, who was there to oppose the landing 
 of the convoy at Martinique. 
 
 Hood, recognizing the superior force of De Grasse, 
 contented himself with distant firing, and did not attempt 
 to engage ; De Grasse chased him off to the westward of 
 Saint Lucie, and then returned to Martinique Road with 
 his convoy. 
 
 Soon after he left there, to attack, in concert with the 
 Marquis de Bouille, the English island of Tobago; and, 
 on June 1st obtained possession of the chief town of that 
 island. De Grasse then sailed for San Domingo, took on 
 board three thousand soldiers; touched at Havana, where 
 he effected a loan; and then came through the Bahama 
 
220 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 Channel, a route not then used by large ships, to the 
 American coast; which he followed up until he entered 
 the Chesapeake. Here he, with his fleet, and in concert 
 with General Washington, made the well known disposi- 
 tions which led to the surrender of Cornwallis, at York- 
 town. 
 
 On September 5th, hearing of the approach of the 
 English fleet, De Grasse left his anchorage in Lynnhaven 
 Bay, just inside of Cape Henry, and put to sea. Bou- 
 gainville commanded the van division of his fleet, in the 
 Auguste, 80; De Grasse himself the centre, in the Ville 
 de Paris, 104; and the Chevalier de Monteil the rear 
 division, in the Languedoc, 80. 
 
 The English fleet, of twenty line-of-battle ships, was 
 commanded by Admirals Graves, Hood and Drake. 
 
 A partial engagement followed, which was mostly 
 confined to the van divisions of the two fleets, and which 
 continued about two hours and a half. Four or five days 
 were consumed in manoeuvres, De Grasse not being able 
 to bring Graves to a general engagement, and finally the 
 French fleet returned to their anchorage in Lynnhaven 
 Bay; having, on the return, captured two English frigates. 
 
 To De Grasse and his fleet certainly belong a consid- 
 erable share in the glory of the surrender of Cornwallis' 
 army, and of the consequent firm establishment of Ameri- 
 can independence. In recognition of this, Congress offered 
 De Grasse four pieces of cannon, taken at Yorktown ; of 
 which the French King authorized his acceptance; and 
 they were placed in his Chateau of Tilly, with a suitable 
 inscription engraved upon them. 
 
 Returning with his fleet to Martinique, he made several 
 expeditions against the English islands; and had also 
 several partial engagements with Sir Samuel Hood, in 
 none of which he was very successful. 
 
DE GRASSE AND RODNEY. 221 
 
 Some months elapsed in this manner, and the month 
 of April, 1 782, arrived. De Grasse was on his way to join 
 a Spanish squadron, on the coast of San Domingo, when 
 he fell in with the English fleet again, near Dominica. 
 
 In consequence of the junction of Rodney and Hood, 
 the English now numbered thirty-six ships-of-the-line, 
 fourteen frigates, three sloops-of-war, and two fire-ships. 
 Admiral Rodney had his flag in the Formidable, 90; Sir 
 Samuel Hood was in the Barfleur, 90; and Rear- Admiral 
 Drake was in the Princessa, 70. 
 
 De Grasse at this time had about thirty line-of-battle 
 ships, and a proportion of frigates, but was hampered by a 
 convoy of about one hundred and fifty merchant vessels. 
 
 Sir Samuel Hood's division was in the van of the 
 English fleet, which, having got the sea breeze early, 
 stretched to the northward in chase, while the centre and 
 rear were still becalmed. The French, on the starboard 
 tack, observing the isolated position of the English van, 
 bore up, in hopes of cutting them off. De Grasse, in 
 this evolution, executed a novel and ingenious plan, which 
 was done full justice to by his adversaries. 
 
 The British van was, about 10 a.m., hove to, to enable 
 their centre and rear to close. In consequence, the 
 French ships, by keeping under way, were enabled to 
 manoeuvre as they chose. Hood kept his division well 
 closed up, however, opposing vigorous and well directed 
 broadsides to his enemy's attacks. He thus resisted De 
 Grasse until the sea breeze reached the rest of the English 
 fleet, when the French Admiral tacked and stood inshore 
 to rejoin his fleet and convoy. When the sea breeze 
 reached them the English were to windward; but the 
 sailing of the French ships was so superior that they could 
 not come up with them. This was the end of the opera- 
 tion, except some distant and ineffectual cannonading. 
 
222 ivaVAL BATTLES, ANIENT and modern. 
 
 The two succeeding days were occupied in chasing ; 
 but it was evident that only a change in the wind, or some 
 accident, would enable Admiral Rodney to force an 
 engagement; so superior were the French in sailing 
 qualities. 
 
 On the 1 2th of April the French were again seen, near 
 the Saintes, and one of their ships, having lost her fore- 
 mast and bowsprit, was seen, in tow of a frigate, standing 
 in for Guadaloupe. Rodney made signal for four ships 
 to chase, which being perceived, De Grasse bore up, with 
 his fleet, to protect them. But finding that by persevering 
 in this course, he should give the British the weather- 
 gage, he gave up his intention, and formed line on the 
 port tack. Rodney, perceiving an engagement inevit- 
 able, recalled his chasing ships, and made signal to form 
 line of battle on the starboard tack, Rear-Admiral 
 Drake's division leading. The two fleets gradually neared 
 each other, the French only just crossing the bows of the 
 English, to windward. 
 
 At 8 a.m. the leading English ship, the Marlborough, 
 74, opened the action, firing upon the French centre and 
 rear. Sir George Rodney then made signal for "close 
 action," and Drake's division was at once closely engaged. 
 The rest of the English were nearly becalmed, as were 
 the French soon after. The wind then hauled to the 
 southward, and while this completely disarranged the 
 French line, it did not so much affect the English, and 
 Rodney, perceiving an opening in his adversaries' line, 
 kept a close luff and passed through it, cutting off their 
 rear. It is not thought that Rodney deliberately planned 
 this, but it was the first time that the stiff notion of pre- 
 serving- a line-of-battle at all hazards, and when advan- 
 tage could be gained from departing from it, was broken 
 through. 
 
DE GRASSE AND RODNEY. 223 
 
 This movement of Rodney's was the main cause of the 
 loss of the battle to the French; and although many 
 assert that the preservation of his line would have 
 rendered the victory more decisive, yet when the sailing 
 qualities of the two fleets are taken into account, it is 
 very doubtful. By pursuing the plan he did, Rodney 
 separated his ship, and the six ships which followed him, 
 from the van, part of the centre, and the rear. It is said 
 that his manoeuvre was inadvertently performed; but 
 this could hardly be, for the Formidable luffed out of line, 
 which could not have been done inadvertently and without 
 distinct intention, and it is, therefore, not fair to impute 
 the movement, and the consequent victory, to mere acci- 
 dent. A French writer distinctly says that "Rodney's 
 able manoeuvres completely got the better of De Grasse." 
 With the fine and well trained fleet which the French 
 Admiral commanded, it is probable that no great advantage 
 would have accrued to the English under the old plan 
 of fleet fighting. The advocates of the theory that 
 Rodney's movement was an accident have some founda- 
 tion for what they allege, however, in that Sir Alan 
 Gardner, who commanded the Duke, 90, Rodney's second 
 astern, was heard to say, "the wind was very light at 
 the commencement of the action, but as it advanced it 
 fell calm; my ship dropped through the enemy's line, and 
 I, thinking I was wrong, and out of my station, did every- 
 thing I could to get back again, but was unable to do 
 so." The state of the wind prevented Hood from 
 following Rodney through the French fleet, and, by con- 
 tinuing his course he soon became opposed to the French 
 van, separated from the centre, and here a warm and 
 close action took place, and continued, until at length the 
 smoke and concussion of the firing, which had also 
 "killed" the wind, so completely enshrouded the ships 
 
224 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 of both fleets, that a cessation of firing was necessary. 
 About noon the smoke cleared away, by which time the 
 French ships, to effect a re-junction, all bore up, 'and were 
 seen to leeward, retreating, and in considerable disorder, 
 and a general chase succeeded. The English victory was 
 complete, if not overwhelming. Five French line-of-battle 
 ships were taken or destroyed; the Glorieux, Caesar, 
 Hector, Ardent, and the flag-ship Ville de Paris. The 
 English accounts say that three of their line-of-battle ships 
 concentrated upon the Ville de Paris ; the French accounts 
 say five. Certain it is that she made a gallant fight for 
 hours after the battle was decided; and when, at last, she 
 hauled down her flag, she had one hundred and twenty 
 killed, and almost all the rest more or less wounded. 
 Count De Grasse himself, although he had not left the deck, 
 escaped unscratched, as did a very few others on board. 
 
 The Ville de Paris was considered the finest ship afloat 
 at that time. She measured 2300 tons, and had been 
 presented to Louis XV, by the City of Paris, at the close 
 of the preceding war. She is said to have had a large 
 amount of specie on board. She was towed to Jamaica 
 by her captors, but was so damaged that she foundered 
 in an attempt to take her to England; as did the Hector 
 and Glorieux. The Caesar, a very fine ship, was burned 
 on the night following her capture, and four hundred of 
 her crew, as well as an English lieutenant and fifty 
 seamen who were in charge, lost their lives. In fact, not 
 one of the French ships captured in this battle ever 
 reached England. 
 
 The victory caused great exultation in England. Sir 
 George Rodney and Sir Samuel Hood were both made 
 peers, and Rear-Admiral Drake and Commodore Affleck 
 made baronets. Public monuments were erected in West- 
 minster Abbey to those captains who were killed. 
 
SHIP ON FIRE. 
 HOISTING THE FLAG. 
 
 LIFE AT SEA, No. 3, 
 
DE GRASSE AND RODNEY. 225 
 
 The French loss was very heavy, some reported it as 
 3000, in killed and wounded. The English loss was 
 reported as 253 killed and 816 wounded. 
 
 As for the French ships, twenty-four of which escaped, 
 they were at last collected, in a very damaged condition, 
 under the Marquis de Vaudrueil, but they were obliged 
 to abandon the West India islands. 
 
 De Grasse was sent a prisoner to England, where he 
 was most courteously received by the King and court 
 circles. Indeed, he was accused of enjoying his popularity 
 too much, and of lowering the dignity which became a 
 prisoner of his rank. He was instrumental in forwarding 
 the negotiations which led to the peace between England 
 and the United States, which was concluded at Versailles, 
 in 1783. 
 
 Upon his return from captivity De Grasse was tried 
 for the loss of the battle of April 12th, and honorably 
 acquitted; but he was never again employed, and died in 
 Paris, at the age of sixty-five. 
 
 The opinion concerning De Grasse, both in France and 
 England, was that he had brilliant courage, but a lack of 
 judgment. 
 
 Sir George Bridge Rodney, the victor in the battle of 
 April 1 2th, 1 782, was born in 1 71 7, and survived the battle 
 ten years. George the First was his godfather, and with 
 such patronage his advancement in the Navy was rapid. 
 
 In 1 759 he commanded at the bombardment of Havre ; 
 and two years afterwards he captured the French West 
 India islands of Saint Lucie, Saint Pierre, Grenada and 
 Saint Vincent. He was made an Admiral in 1.771; but, 
 in consequence of debts contracted in an election for 
 Parliament, he was obliged to take refuge on the Conti- 
 nent. While in France he was, one day, at the table of 
 the Marshal de Biron, and was holding forth upon his 
 15 
 
226 
 
 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 hopes of one day defeating the combined French and 
 Spanish fleets. Biron jokingly offered to pay his debts, 
 so as to enable him to put his threat into execution. 
 
 Rodney, whose bravery and ability were equal to his 
 arrogance and self-conceit, justified what he had said in 
 less "than three years, for, in February, 1780, he utterly 
 defeated Don Juan de Langara, and a Spanish fleet, off 
 Cape St. Vincent, being the first naval battle of that 
 name; and in April, 1782, he defeated De Grasse. He 
 received the thanks of Parliament, the title of Baron, and 
 a pension of two thousand pounds, with reversion to his 
 heirs. 
 
 LE SOLEIL ROYALB. 
 
 (A femous French 120-Gun Ship, 17th Century, Built by Colbert.) 
 
LORD HOWE AND THE FRENCH FLEET. 
 
 ■w 
 
 XVI. 
 
 LORD HOWE AND THE FRENCH FLEET. 
 JUNE 1ST, A. D. 1794. 
 
 HIS naval battle is memorable as the first 
 of any importance in the long series which 
 followed, in the wars between the English 
 and the French Revolutionary government, 
 the Republic, and the Empire. 
 
 Lord Howe, the English Commander-in- 
 chief, had had experience in the last war of 
 the English with France, and on our own 
 coast during the Revolutionary war. But some of his 
 captains and most of his junior officers had no experience 
 of war, and this, perhaps, is one of the great reasons why 
 the battle of the first of June did not have the magnificent 
 results afterwards obtained by the British ships against 
 the French. 
 
 At the time of the battle in question Howe was an old 
 man; and the fatigues and anxieties of the week preced- 
 ing the action must have told upon him. 
 
 In his youth and middle age he had been celebrated 
 for his endurance, and coolness in emergency, but at 
 sixty-nine he was not able to bear the strain of hard and 
 continuous service so well, and so the results of his 
 great action were incomplete as compared with those 
 of Nelson. 
 
 To illustrate Howe's natural disposition, we may relate 
 one or two well-known anecdotes. 
 
228 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 While captain of the Princess Amelia, of 80 guns, the 
 flag-ship of the Duke of York, the lieutenant of the watch 
 suddenly appeared at his bedside, at night, and called out, 
 in great agitation, "My Lord! the ship is on fire, close to 
 the magazine ; but don't be frightened, my Lord, it will 
 soon be got under." 
 
 "Frightened, Sir; what do you mean by that? I never 
 was frightened in my life!" and looking the lieutenant 
 full in the face, he said to him, coolly, "Pray, Sir, how does 
 a man feel when he is frightened? I need not ask how he 
 looks. I will be with you immediately; but take care that 
 His Royal Highness is not disturbed." 
 
 At another time, when Captain of the Magnanime, he 
 was obliged to anchor in a gale of wind, on a lee shore. 
 In the course of the night the wind increased, almost to a 
 hurricane, but Howe, having two anchors ahead, went 
 down to his cabin, and took up a book. Presently the 
 lieutenant of the watch came below hurriedly, and, with a 
 woful face, said, " I am sorry to inform you, my Lord, 
 that the anchors are coming home." " They are much 
 in the right," replied Howe, coolly, " I don't know who 
 would stay abroad on such a night as this." 
 
 But to return to the great battle of the first of June : — 
 
 In the latter part of May, 1 793, Lord Howe hoisted his 
 flag on board the Queen Charlotte, at Portsmouth. She 
 was a ship of 100 guns. His principal instructions were 
 in regard to protecting the English trade from the French 
 privateers. 
 
 By the middle of July he put to sea, and steered down 
 Channel with twenty-three sail-of-the-line, in two divisions, 
 under Vice-admiral Graves and Sir Alexander Hood. 
 For several months the doings of this fleet might be 
 comprised in saying that they had occasional glimpses of 
 squadrons and fleets of the French, varied by gales of 
 
LORD HOWE AND THE FRENCH FLEET. 229 
 
 wind, which invariably did much damage, and necessitated 
 the putting in at some western port of England. The 
 fleet was so continually in trouble, indeed, and so much 
 in port, that great dissatisfaction was felt. 
 
 Howe expressed himself as decidedly against keeping 
 a heavy fleet of line-of-battle ships at sea, at the mouth 
 of the Channel, and in the Bay of Biscay, during the 
 autumnal and winter gales. Nor did he believe in the 
 blockade of Brest, at that season, although it was his 
 enemy's great naval port. He said that " to keep a fleet 
 at sea, watching an enemy's fleet lying snugly in port, 
 and ready to start the moment the weather has driven 
 the blockading squadron from the coast, and probably 
 disabled many of them, appeared to be a mistaken system, 
 and ruinous in the extreme to the ships themselves, 
 hateful to the seamen, and extravagant beyond measure 
 in expense." 
 
 In fact, long periods of this kind had so much weakened 
 the larger English ships that private yards had to be 
 employed for repairs, as well as building new ships. 
 
 What Lord Howe recommended was, keeping a fleet 
 at St. Helen's Roadstead, near Spithead, all ready for sea, 
 while a few frigates watched the enemy's movements. 
 Another fleet he recommended to lie at Torbay, where, 
 in event of the enemy's putting to sea from Brest, the 
 contending fleets might meet on equal terms, being each 
 fresh from port ; while a blockading fleet, keeping the 
 sea for months, and exposed to all kinds of weather, was 
 not on a par with one fresh from the dockyards ; and 
 still less in a condition to follow them abroad. "The 
 public does not care for such considerations, but judge by 
 the results, and require a battle and a victory ; or else 
 blame must rest somewhere, most appropriately on the 
 shoulders of the commander-in-chief." 
 
230 NAVAL BATTLES^ ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 There was plenty of this fault-finding in England, in 
 1 793. The French fleet was known to be often at sea — 
 had been seen by Lord Howe — and yet no battle had 
 been fought, no captures made. 
 
 The caricaturists and the press were very hard upon 
 Lord Howe, but he was not a man to be very much 
 affected by sarcasm or abuse. He wished to save wear 
 and tear of ships and men, and to improve the discipline 
 and health of his fleet. The laurels earned by the vet- 
 eran sailor were too deeply planted to be plucked away 
 by scribblers, and Mr. Pitt and Lord Grenville would not 
 listen to Howe's retirement, which he urged, on account 
 of infirmities and advancing age. 
 
 The sequel proved that they were right. 
 
 In the middle of April, 1794, the fleet, having been 
 repaired, assembled at St. Helen's. Howe had thirty- two 
 sail-of-the-line, six of which, with some frigates, were 
 detailed to convoy in and out of the Channel the East 
 India Company's ships and the West Indian traders. On 
 May 2d the fleet put to sea, and cruised, generally in bad 
 weather, off Ushant, and on the 19th discovered that the 
 French fleet had sailed from Brest. They were twenty- 
 four sail-of-the-line and ten frigates, and had come out 
 to give protection to an immensely large and valuable 
 homeward-bound convoy of French merchant ships, from 
 North America and the West Indies. 
 
 On the 25th, after a fruitless search for the enemy, two 
 French corvettes steered into the midst of the English 
 fleet, mistaking it for their own. They were both taken. 
 Not to diminish the efficiency of his ships by sending 
 prize crews, Howe destroyed them, as well as several 
 other prizes and recaptures. He then continued his 
 search for the main French fleet. 
 
 The following is, in the main, an extract from the pri- 
 
LORD HOWE AND THE FRENCH FLEET.. 231 
 
 vate journal of Lord Howe himself. It is to be premised 
 that, on the morning of May 28th, with a fresh southwest 
 wind and a rough sea, he had sighted a portion of the 
 French fleet, bearing southeast. 
 
 "May 28th. They (the French) were some hours 
 before they had formed their line, on the larboard tack, 
 which they proceeded to do while three or four leagues 
 distant ; the British fleet being in the order of sailing, 
 with the advanced squadron, under Rear Admiral Paisley, 
 on the weather quarter of the body of the fleet ; the whole 
 under as much sail as the weather would safely permit, 
 standing to the eastward, by the wind. At 1 1 a.m. tacked 
 to approach nearer the enemy, the centre of their fleet 
 then in the S. S. W. 
 
 "At 4 in the evening tacked back to the eastward. Soon 
 after 5 o'clock, the Bellerophon arriving up abreast of the 
 rear ship of the enemy, the Revolutionnaire, of three 
 decks, though too far distant for close action, began to fire 
 upon her, and received the fire from that ship, and some 
 others ahead of her. But observing that the other ships 
 of the advance squadron, the Russell, Marlborough and 
 Thunderer, though gained more to windward of the 
 enemy, had shortened sail, and the two last backed their 
 main-top-sails, and firing at the enemy from a distance 
 far too considerable, their particular signals were made 
 to attack the enemy's rear ; and soon after the general 
 signal to the same effect. The Bellerophon, having her 
 main-top-sail lowered and aback, and making signal to 
 denote that her main-top-mast was disabled, the other 
 ships also, of the advanced squadron, still keeping astern, 
 with little sail set, and firing far distant, the general signal 
 was made for assisting ships in action ; and a few minutes 
 after the particular signals for the Russell and Marl- 
 borough for the same purpose ; enforcing it by a gun, to 
 
232 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 obtain the notice that was not duly shown to the former 
 signal." In other words these ships were not behaving 
 very handsomely, and the beginning of their collision 
 with the French did not augur well for success. 
 
 " The three aforementioned ships thereupon made sail 
 to the eastward, the Marlborough having been observed 
 to have set her courses, and the Leviathan pressing for- 
 ward, commenced action with the rear ship of the enemy, 
 to the relief of the Bellerophon. 
 
 "As the day was closing in, the Audacious was seen to 
 advance to the attack of the Revolutionnaire, in apparent 
 very close action. The body of the enemy's fleet keep- 
 ing on in order of battle, and being approached to about 
 three miles distance from them; their force consisting of 
 twenty-six ships-of-the-line, besides frigates, it was judged 
 requisite to form the British fleet in such order of battle 
 ahead as the ships by their accidental situation at the 
 time could be so arranged, ahead and astern of the 
 Charlotte, to be in suitable disposition for any service 
 which might occur in the night ; nothing more of the 
 action being distinguishable, and the firing ceasing at 
 dark. Information was given, by the Marlborough and 
 Niger, that the sternmost ship of the enemy was beaten 
 out of their line by, and supposed to have struck to, the 
 Audacious." 
 
 The crews of the Audacious and Russell declare that 
 the Revolutionnaire struck ; but whether she did or 
 not, she was clearly beaten and defenceless, as she only 
 answered three guns from her one hundred and twenty 
 to the last broadside of the Audacious. The Revolution- 
 naire's loss was nearly 400 men. The Audacious was 
 so crippled that she could hardly keep clear of the 
 French fleet, but after an engagement with a frigate and 
 a corvette made her way to Plymouth. The Revolution- 
 
LORD HOWE AND THE FRENCH FLEET. 233 
 
 naire afterwards lost her masts, but was towed into 
 Rochefort. 
 
 Thus ended the first day's collision. 
 For the next two days indecisive manoeuvres took 
 place. There was a very fresh breeze, heavy seas, fogs, 
 and various other reasons why no general action could be 
 brought on. During this time Lord Howe passed through 
 the French fleet in his flag-ship, but as only one or two 
 of his ships were able to follow him no general action 
 occurred. One or two of the ships of each fleet lost masts 
 in the heavy sea, and between the 29th and 31st of May 
 Rear-Admiral Nielly joined Admiral Villaret de Joyeuse, 
 with five line-of-battle ships, and then left the French fleet. 
 This left twenty-six line-of-battle ships to the French; 
 many of these had very revolutionary names, such as 
 Tyrannicide, Convention, Trente et un Mai, Montagne, 
 Jacobin, Republicaine, etc., and many were very large 
 ships, one being of 1 20 guns, and two of 1 10. 
 
 During these days Lord Howe was far from satisfied 
 with the behavior of some of his captains, and we find in 
 his journal the following : " The centre of the British fleet 
 drawing fast up with the van, the signal was repeatedly 
 made for the Caesar, leading the line, and then under treble 
 reefed topsails and foresail, to make more sail;" and this 
 ship, by her conduct, threw out the whole line, and inter- 
 fered materially with the operations of the day. 
 
 Again Lord Howe says, " the ships of the fleet (called 
 up by signals, and appointed to fall into line, ahead and 
 astern of the flag-ship, as most convenient) came forward 
 to meet her, which had stood toward them, as the enemy 
 approached. When arrived they came up so crowded 
 together that they afforded an opportunity for the enemy 
 to have fired upon them with great advantage. But they 
 ' (the French)' having covered their disabled ships, and 
 
234 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 giving a distant fire as they passed to leeward of our 
 fleet, wore again to the westward ; and the English 
 fleet, preserving the weather gage, kept on after them." 
 " Most of the time the Oueen Charlotte was engraved the 
 sea was so rough that much water was taken in at the 
 lower deck ports, and the pumps were constantly at 
 work." 
 
 Lord Howe goes on to say, " soon after noon on the 
 31st, the fog clearing off, the enemy were seen to leeward, 
 forming again in order of battle." " But before our fleet 
 could get abreast of them the day was too far advanced 
 for bringing them promptly to action. It was, therefore, 
 deemed expedient to keep the wind, with frigates of 
 observation to notify any change in the enemy's motions 
 during the ensuing night." 
 
 It is hard in these days to realize the slow and labori- 
 ous movements of a fleet of the old line-of-battle ships. 
 And it is also curious to observe the adherence to old 
 ideas in regard to battle, as well as the lukewarmness, 
 and want of conduct and seamanship, which amounted 
 to bad behavior, and which characterized some of the 
 captains of Howe's fleet. As we shall see, further on, 
 only one captain was brought to a court-martial, and he 
 was only lightly punished. Had the action of the first 
 of June been less successful, it is probable that more would 
 have been tried for misconduct, and disobedience of 
 orders. But success condones many offences. A few 
 years after this a British fleet of the force of Howe's 
 would have dashed at any French fleet, without regard to 
 the time of day, and not risked losing the enemy in the 
 night, or the chance of his changing his mind about 
 fighting. 
 
 But to come to the decisive day, June 1st. It is 
 impossible to follow Lord Howe's journal further, for, at 
 
LORD HOWE AND THE FRENCH FLEET. 235 
 
 the risk of being irreverent, we must observe that the 
 gallant and noble Lord's English is almost as much 
 involved as that of those other English seamen, Captains 
 Cuttle and Bunsby. 
 
 The French fleet being six miles to leeward on the 
 morning of June ist, Howe made signal that he intended 
 to attack the enemy's centre, and engage to leeward. 
 The British fleet filled away for the French, each ship 
 being directed to steer for and engage her proper oppo- 
 nent. 
 
 Both fleets were under single-reefed topsails, the 
 French backing and filling, to preserve their stations in 
 their line, which extended from east to west. The wind 
 was very fresh, at south by west, and with the signal to 
 engage flying, Lord Howe closed his signal book, as the 
 matter was so clear that it was impossible for any captain 
 to mistake his duty. 
 
 The French first opened fire. The flag-ship of Lord 
 Howe, setting a noble example, steered for the Mon- 
 tagne, 120, receiving a heavy fire from other ships in 
 reaching her. The ship passed close under the French 
 flag-ship's stern, giving her a tremendous raking broad- 
 side. She was so close that the French ensign brushed 
 the Queen Charlotte's rigging. In a moment she was 
 attacked by the Jacobin, but succeeded in giving her a 
 like raking. The Queen Charlotte lost her fore-top-mast, 
 but, in spite of this, stuck to the Montagne, and killed 
 and wounded 300 on board of her. At last the Mon- 
 tagne hauled out of the line, and several other French 
 vessels followed her, when Howe made signal for a 
 general chase. 
 
 It would be tedious to follow the action of the particu- 
 lar ships up to this period of the battle. Suffice it to say 
 that the fire was most concentrated and deadly on both 
 
236 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 sides. Some of the French ships fought most despe- 
 rately. Among others, the Vengeur lost her masts, and 
 lay rolling her lower deck ports in the water, many of 
 which had been torn off or shot away by the English ship 
 Brunswick. The Vengeur soon filled with water, and 
 although fast sinking, her colors were kept flying. By 
 great exertions of some of the English vessels, some 400 
 of her crew were rescued, but many sank with the ship. 
 Among the survivors were the brave French Captain, 
 Renaudin, and his son, only twelve years old. Being 
 taken off to different ships, each believed the other to 
 have perished. To their great joy, they met again in 
 Portsmouth. 
 
 Many of the French ships which struck were enabled 
 to make off during the succeeding night, as the English 
 had not been able to take possession of them. But they 
 secured the 80-gun ships, Sans Pareil and Juste, and 74- 
 gun ships, America, Impetueux, Achille, and Northumber- 
 land, and the Vengeur, 74, was sunk. 
 
 The British loss in the battle was 11 40, in killed and 
 wounded. The French loss is not exactly known, but 
 was much greater. 
 
 The damage to the masts and rigging of the British 
 ships generally was so considerable that the 2d and 3d 
 of the month were passed in securing the injured masts, 
 fixing jury-masts when required, and removing the pris- 
 oners, and taking the six prizes in tow. 
 
 Fine weather prevailed, and light westerly breezes, and 
 the fleet arrived in the Channel on the 1 ith ; part of it, 
 under Rear- Admiral Graves, going to Plymouth, and the 
 rest, led by the Queen Charlotte, anchoring at Spithead 
 on the 13th of June. 
 
 It had been many a year since Portsmouth had seen 
 the arrival of a victorious fleet, with six of the enemy's 
 
LORD HOWE AND THE FRENCH FLEET. 237 
 
 line-of-battle ships in tow. Crowds flocked to witness it, 
 from all parts of England; and to see the landing of the 
 2300 prisoners. 
 
 Rear- Admirals Paisley and Bowyer each lost a leg, and 
 Admiral Graves was very badly wounded in the arm, 
 while three English captains were killed. There was no 
 doubt about the^behavior of these officers, but the report 
 of Lord Howe omitted the mention of many captains, 
 most of whom thought themselves aggrieved, and made 
 a great commotion. The fact appears to be that more 
 were delinquent in the previous operations than on the 
 day of the great battle ; and this, in many cases, was no 
 doubt due to want of seamanship and experience. 
 
 The Caesar being especially mentioned in an unfavor- 
 able light, her captain, Molloy, demanded a court-martial, 
 which the Admiralty was bound to grant. Lord Howe 
 was much annoyed at this, and did all that he could to 
 prevent captain Molloy from persisting, but without avail. 
 Howe, like all others who had fought a successful action, 
 did not want the scandals and delinquencies of his com- 
 mand exposed to the public gaze. After a long trial, 
 Molloy was found delinquent, and was dismissed from the 
 command of his ship. 
 
 As regards the conduct of the other captains, it is 
 certain that Howe's orders as to passing through the 
 French line and engaging to leeward were not carried into 
 effect by a very large portion of his fleet. 
 
 In some this was caused by the bad sailing of the ships 
 and by the very compact form in which the French formed 
 their line, so that only five captains of the British fleet 
 had the nerve to let their ships "make their own way," 
 as the Queen Charlotte did, through the French line. 
 Signals were misunderstood, or not seen, in the smoke 
 and confusion, and Howe made, at last, a discretionary 
 
238 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 signal, which left each captain to engage his opponent to 
 windward or to leeward, as circumstances might arise. 
 
 Howe's fame as a naval commander will not bear com- 
 parison with some others who were to immortalize them- 
 selves in the long wars which his action inaugurated. 
 But we must remember that this was the first great naval 
 battle of that eventful period, and that, it had an immense 
 influence upon the French; as well as in forming the 
 British Navy for their future glorious achievements. Had 
 the action of June ist been the last of that series of great 
 actions, instead of the first, it is probable that few ships 
 of the French fleet would have escaped. Lord Howe, 
 although not making much complaint of his want of 
 efficient support, nevertheless felt the defection of some 
 of his captains strongly. 
 
 In the year 1 799, not many months before his death, 
 he wrote, concerning Nelson's splendid victory at the 
 Nile, "I will only say, on the splendid achievement of 
 Nelson, that one of the most remarkable features in the 
 transaction consists in the eminently distinguished con- 
 duct of each of the captains of the squadron." Perhaps it 
 never before happened that every captain had equal 
 opportunity to distinguish himself in the same manner, or 
 took equal advantage of it. 
 
 There is one point upon which Lord Howe's conduct 
 has been censured. It is said that he gave way to the 
 opinion of Sir Roger Curtis, his Captain of the Fleet, 
 who advised him not to pursue the five dismasted French 
 ships which went off unmolested, under sails set on the 
 stumps of their masts, and which succeeded in joining the 
 rest of their vessels. 
 
 The prevailing opinion in the English fleet certainly 
 was that these ships of the enemy were suffered to escape, 
 when they might have been captured with ease. That 
 
LORD HOWE AND THE FRENCH FLEET. 239 
 
 they were not captured was the fault of having a Flag 
 Officer at sea who was too old to command, and who had 
 a Fleet Captain who was not enterprising. 
 
 But the victory was sufficient, and settled the fate of 
 the war, as far as the naval part was concerned. 
 
 The general reader may be interested in some remarks 
 and anecdotes concerning the battle. 
 
 During the hottest part of the engagement between 
 the Marlborough and the Vengeur, the former ran the 
 latter aboard to windward, her anchor hooking the French 
 ship's fore shrouds and channels. The master of the 
 English ship wanted to cut her adrift, but Captain Harvey 
 exclaimed, "No ! we have got her, and we will keep her." 
 " The ships then swung broadside to broadside, and both 
 paid off before the wind, locked together, dropped out of 
 line, and engaged furiously. So close were these ships 
 locked that the Marlborough was unable to open her 
 midship lower-deck ports, which were consequently blown 
 off by her eager crew, etc." 
 
 The flag-ship, the Queen Charlotte, as in duty bound, 
 set a brilliant example to the rest of the fleet. On the 
 29th of May, when she broke through the French line, 
 she was followed, gallantly, by the Leviathan and Belle- 
 rophon, commanded by Captains Lord Seymour, Conway 
 and Hope, and both these ships were most conspicuous 
 in the whole engagement. 
 
 The foremast of the Leviathan was crippled, and in 
 danger of falling, and Lord Howe, observing this, stood 
 to her rescue. Lord Seymour, in his own journal, says, 
 "quarter before four; being very near, and pointing into 
 the body of the French fleet, which had then appeared, 
 to succor their rear, the Queen Charlotte wearing, we 
 did the same, but not without exposing ourselves for a 
 long time to be raked by the French Admiral and three 
 
240 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 other ships, which had stood back to the relief of two of 
 their ships that were in danger of being cut off by our 
 fleet. 
 
 "On this occasion the gallant conduct of the Queen 
 Charlotte, in coming down to draw the enemy's fire from 
 the Leviathan, has made too strong an impression upon 
 my mind, and is too much the subject of general applause 
 on board of her, for me to resist expressing my sense 
 of it, and offering, in the name of all the officers, as well 
 as my own, this feeble though grateful tribute of our 
 admiration of our noble chief, Lord Howe." 
 
 But the day most glorious for Howe was the ist of 
 June, when he broke through the French line again, 
 brushing the ensign of Admiral Villaret Joyeuse's flag- 
 ship on the one side, and grazing, on the other, the 
 Jacobin's mizzen shrouds with her jib-boom. 
 
 Collingwood, eleven years after, in the battle of Trafal- 
 gar, did much the same thing, in the Sovereign, when he 
 cut the line, and grazed the stern of the Santa Anna. 
 
 Had not the Queen Charlotte's fore-top-mast been shot 
 away, and the main-top-mast gone over the side just as 
 the French Admiral's fire had about ceased, there is little 
 doubt he would have captured the French flag-ship ; but 
 she made off to leeward, and it was impossible for the 
 Charlotte to follow her. The French flag-ship's hull was 
 completely knocked to pieces, and her battery rendered 
 almost useless. The tremendous broadsides which the 
 Charlotte poured into her stern, in passing -through the 
 line, made a hole large enough, the sailors said, to row 
 the Admiral's barge through. 
 
 As the Queen Charlotte was coming down on the 
 French line, determined to pass through, it appeared so 
 close and compact that Howe expressed a doubt as to 
 whether there was room to pass between the Montagne, 
 
LORD HOWE AND THE FRENCH FLEET. 241 
 
 1 20, and the Jacobin, 80, which had got partly under the 
 lee of the former, as if afraid of the Charlotte's broadside, 
 thus occupying the place the Charlotte intended to take. 
 Howe was determined either to go through, or to run the 
 French flag-ship or the Jacobin on board. His Master, 
 Bowen, in a blunt and resolute tone, called out, " That's 
 right, my Lord, the Charlotte will make room for her- 
 self." 
 
 On his first appointment to the flag-ship this unpolished 
 but shrewd and excellent seaman was in the habit, in 
 addressing the commander-in-chief, of so constantly using 
 the expression "My Lord," that one day Howe said to 
 him, "Bowen, pray, my good fellow, do give over that 
 eternal 'My Lord! My Lord;' d'ont you know I am 
 called Black Dick in the fleet?" This was his usual 
 sobriquet among the sailors. 
 
 Just as the Queen Charlotte was closing with the 
 Montagne, Lord Howe, who was himself conning the 
 ship, called out to Bowen to starboard the helm. On 
 this Bowen remarked that if they did they would be on 
 board the next ship, the Jacobin. His lordship replied, 
 sharply, "what is that to you, sir? " Bowen, much nettled, 
 said, in an undertone, "D — n my very eyes if/ care, if you 
 d'ont. I'll go near enough to singe some of our 
 whiskers." 
 
 Howe heard him, and, turning to his Captain, said, 
 "That's a fine fellow, Curtis!" 
 
 Lord Howe appears to have had but a dim conception 
 of a joke. Shortly after the return of his flag-ship to 
 Portsmouth, he sent for the First Lieutenant, Mr. Larcom, 
 whom he thus addressed: "Mr. Larcom, your conduct in 
 the action has been such that it is necessary for you to 
 leave this ship." 
 
 Larcom, who was as brave as the Admiral, and a good 
 16 
 
242 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 officer, and good seaman, was perfectly thunder-struck, 
 and, with tears in his eyes, exclaimed "Good God! My 
 Lord, what have I done? Why am I to leave the ship? 
 I have done my duty to the utmost of my power." 
 
 " Very true, Sir," said the Admiral, "but leave this ship 
 you must ; and I have great pleasure in presenting you with 
 this commission as Commander, for your conduct on the 
 late occasion." 
 
 It appeared that it was at the solicitation of his Fleet- 
 Captain, Sir Roger Curtis, that Howe appointed the Csesar 
 to lead the van in the order of battle of May 29th. 
 
 It was against Lord Howe's own opinion. Circum- 
 stances occurred, on the very day, which induced Lord 
 Howe to place another ship in that station. But he again 
 yielded the point, at Curtis' earnest request to give 
 Molloy another trial, the Admiral remarking, at the same 
 time, "You have mistaken your man; I have not." On 
 the 1st of June, when the Csesar hauled up, instead of 
 going through the enemy's line, Howe, who was standing 
 on the poop of the Queen Charlotte, tapped Sir Roger 
 Curtis on the shoulder, and, pointing to the Caesar, said, 
 "Look, Curtis, there goes your friend. Who is mistaken 
 now?" 
 
 Certainly Lord Howe's biographer is mistaken in re- 
 cording this anecdote of the man whom he delights to 
 honor. It is an old story, and has been true of Admirals, 
 in peace or war, time out of mind. But it shows a 
 culpable weakness in Howe, to allow himself to be 
 swayed against his own convictions by any one, in so 
 vitally important a matter. 
 
 The conduct of the Marlborough, Captain Berkeley, is 
 interesting, and illustrates the phases of naval actions of 
 that day. 
 
 The Marlborough first engaged the Impetueux for 
 
LORD HOWE AND THE FRENCH FLEET. 243 
 
 about twenty minutes, when the French ship paid off, 
 and dropped with her bowsprit over the Marlborough's 
 quarter, where she lay exposed to a heavy raking fire. 
 Every one was driven from her decks, and some of the 
 Marlborough's men boarded her, but were ordered back. 
 Just then the three masts of the French ship went over 
 the side, and a 74 which was astern attempted to weather 
 and rake the Marlborough. But he met with such a fire 
 that he dropped on board his consort's quarter, and then 
 luffing up, boarded the Marlborough upon the bow. But 
 the steadiness of the English small-arm men and the fire 
 of her carronades prevented the French from succeeding. 
 In a few minutes this second ship's masts also went over, 
 and they both lay, without firing a gun, without any 
 colors, and with no one on the upper deck. At last the 
 English fleet came up and took possession of them both. 
 Captain Berkeley proceeds to say: " I now attempted to 
 back off from the two vessels, and unfortunately accom- 
 plished it just as the French Admiral came under our 
 stern and raked us, by which he did us considerable 
 damage, and carried away our three masts. It was from 
 this ship I received my wound, and, therefore, the re- 
 mainder is the account of my First Lieutenant." 
 
 Lieutenant Monckton then proceeds: "At the time 
 Captain Berkeley was obliged to quit the deck we were 
 still on board, but backing clear of our opponents. Our 
 masts being then shot away by the three-decker under 
 our stern, carried away the ensign staff, and deprived us 
 of hoisting any colors for a few minutes. I ordered the 
 wreck to be cleared away from the color-chest, and 
 spread a Union Jack at the sprit-sail yard, and a St. 
 George's ensign on the stump of the foremast; but per- 
 ceiving that the latter was mistaken by some of our own 
 ships for the tri-colored flag, I ordered that flag to be cut off. 
 
244 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 "At this time we were laying along the Impetueux, 
 within pistol shot, and finding she did not return a gun, I 
 ordered our ship to cease firing at her, and suffered them 
 quietly to extinguish the flames, which I could easily have 
 prevented with our musketry. While clearing away the 
 wreck, the rear of the enemy's fleet was coming up, and 
 perceiving that they must range close to us, and being 
 determined never to see the British flag struck, I ordered 
 the men to lie down at their quarters, to receive their 
 fire, and return it afterwards, if possible. But, being 
 dismasted, she rolled so deep that our lower deck ports 
 could not be opened. The event was as I expected: the 
 enemy's rear passed us to leeward, very close, and we 
 fairly ran the gauntlet of every ship which could get a gun 
 to bear, but, luckily, without giving us any shot between 
 wind and water, or killing any men, except two, who 
 imprudently disobeyed their officers, and got up at their 
 quarters. Two of their ships, which had tacked, now 
 came to windward of us, and gave us their fire, upon 
 which one of their dismasted ships, that had struck, 
 hoisted her national flag, but, upon our firing some guns 
 at her, she hauled it down again ; and a three-decker, 
 having tacked, also stood toward us, with a full intention, 
 I believe, to sink us, if possible. 
 
 "The Royal George, however, who I suppose had tacked 
 after her, came up, and engaged her very closely, carried 
 away her main and mizzen masts, and saved the Marl- 
 borough from the intended close attack. I then made 
 the signal for assistance, on a boat's mast, but this was 
 almost instantly shot away. At five the Aquila took us 
 in tow, and soon after we joined the fleet." 
 
 A curious incident is said to have taken place on board 
 this ship, when lying entirely dismasted, and otherwise 
 disabled, the captain and second lieutenant severely 
 
LORD HOWE AND THE FRENCH FLEET. 245 
 
 wounded, and the ship so roughly treated that a whisper 
 of surrender was heard. Lieutenant Monckton resolutely 
 
 exclaimed, "he would be d d if she ever should 
 
 surrender, and that he would nail her colors to the stump 
 of the mast." At that moment a cock, having been 
 liberated from a broken coop, suddenly perched himself on 
 the stump of the mainmast, clapped his wings, and crowed 
 aloud. In an instant three hearty cheers rang through 
 the ship, and there was no more talk of surrender. The 
 cock was afterwards given to the Governor of Plymouth, 
 lived to a good old age, and was frequently visited by the 
 Marlborough's men. 
 
 The Brunswick, 74, had a large figure-head of the Duke 
 of that name, with a laced cocked hat on. This hat was 
 carried away by a shot, during the battle. The crew sent 
 a deputation to the captain to ask him to give his own 
 laced hat to supply the place; and he did so; the 
 carpenter nailing it on the Duke's head, when they 
 continued the action. 
 
 Nothing could exceed the gallant conduct of this ship, 
 as we have already jioticed. The Defence, Captain Gam- 
 bier, also behaved most gallantly, being terribly cut up, 
 and totally dismasted. She was one of the. few that 
 passed through the enemy's line, and got into the midst 
 of the French ships. Captain Gambier was an excellent 
 officer, and a gentleman of strict principles of religion 
 and morality. At the close of the action, Captain Paken- 
 ham, a rattling, good-humored Irishman, hailed him from 
 the Invincible, "Well, Jimmy, I see you are pretty well 
 mauled; but never mind, Jimmy, whom the Lord loveth 
 he chasteneth." 
 
 When the Sans Pareil was taken possession of, the 
 English Captain Trowbridge was found on board, a 
 prisoner, having been captured in the Castor, when in 
 
246 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 charge of the Newfoundland convoy. On the morning 
 of the i st of June, the French officers, seeing the British 
 fleet under easy sail, going parallel to the French line, 
 taunted him by saying, "there will be no fighting to-day; 
 your Admiral will not venture down." "Wait a little," 
 said Trowbridge, " English sailors never like to fight with 
 empty stomachs ; I see the signal flying for all hands to 
 breakfast ; after which, take my word for it, they will pay 
 you a visit." When the Sans Pareil had got enough of the 
 battle, and was prepared to surrender ; her captain sent 
 down to request Trowbridge to come on deck and do him 
 the honor of striking the colors. This he very properly 
 declined to do. 
 
 Anecdotes of the action are too numerous for all to 
 find a place here. But we may mention that on board the 
 captured French ships the cartridges were found to be 
 mostly made of the fine painted vellum on which church 
 music was painted, and of the titles and preuves de 
 noblesse of the principal French families, many hundred 
 years old, and illuminated, in many instances, with the 
 genealogical tree. There was a decree of the French 
 Convention, applying the archives of the nobility to that 
 particular purpose. The great convoy of ships from the 
 West Indies and America, consisting of more than two 
 hundred sail of ships, of immense value, and of so much 
 importance tc*the French government that they risked 
 the loss of their great Brest fleet for its safety, arrived 
 safely in port a few days after the battle of the first of 
 June. 
 
BATTLE OF CAPE ST. VINCENT. 
 
 247 
 
 XVII. 
 
 BATTLE OF CAPE ST. VINCENT. A. D. 1797. 
 
 LTHOUGH Rodney had fought a cele- 
 brated action off Cape St. Vincent a few- 
 years before, yet the one which occurred 
 in 1797 so far eclipsed it that Rodney's 
 action is scarcely ever thought of. 
 
 St. Vincent is the name of the most 
 southwestern point of Portugal, in the 
 old Kingdom of Alg-arve. 
 Admiral Sir John Jervis, with an English fleet under 
 his command, left the Tagus on the 18th of January, 1 797, 
 with eleven ships-of-the-line. Before crossing the bar of 
 the Tagus the St. George, a three-decker, got on shore, 
 and, being got off with difficulty, was found to be so much 
 injured as to render it necessary to send her back to 
 Lisbon. So with ten sail-of-the-line Sir John put to sea, 
 having for his first object to escort some Brazil merchant- 
 men and their Portuguese convoy to a safe latitude; 
 thence he intended to proceed off Cape St. Vincent, 
 where he had appointed a rendezvous for the St. George 
 to join him. He also hoped to be there joined by long 
 and anxiously expected reinforcements from England. 
 
 His fleet consisted of the Victory, of 100 guns, his 
 flag-ship; the Britannia, 100, Vice Admiral Thompson; 
 the Barfleur and Blenheim, 98s ; and the Captain, Cul- 
 loden, Egmont, Excellent and Goliath, 74s, and the 
 Diadem, 64. 
 
248 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 On the 6th of February Sir John had parted from the 
 Portuguese ships, and was upon his return to his station 
 off Cape St. Vincent, where five sail-of-the-line, sent from 
 the Channel fleet to reinforce him, effected their junction. 
 These were the Prince George, 98, Vice Admiral Parker ; 
 the Namur, 90 ; and the Colossus, Irresistible, and Orion, 
 74s. It so happened that the accession of force did no 
 more than make up that which the Admiral had with him 
 when he sent home for an addition to his force. A sixth 
 serious accident soon deprived him of the use of another 
 ship ; for, early on the morning of February 1 2th, while yet 
 quite dark, as the ships were tacking in succession, the 
 Colossus, keeping her wind a little too long, compelled 
 the Culloden to bear up, to clear her. The former ship 
 then suddenly bore up also, and the two ran foul of 
 each other. The Colossus escaped almost without injury, 
 but the Culloden received damages which would have 
 sent most ships home to a dockyard. She was, however, 
 commanded by the gallant Captain Trowbridge, and he 
 managed, after a time, to repair damages at sea, and to 
 be ready for action again. 
 
 Sir John Jervis, with his fifteen ships, persevered in 
 working up to his station, against a strong southeast 
 wind, not doubting that he should there gain a sight, or 
 at least have tidings, of the Spanish fleet, of which he was 
 in quest, which could not be less than nineteen, and might 
 be thirty sail-of-the-line. 
 
 Whatever the force might be, it was to be broken up, 
 if possible, and a heavy blow struck against the Spanish 
 navy. 
 
 On the morning of February 13th the English frigate 
 Minerve, bearing the flag of Horatio Nelson, then a 
 Commodore, came into the fleet, with the intelligence that 
 on the nth, soon after quitting Gibraltar, he had been 
 
BATTLE OF CAPE ST. VINCENT. 249 
 
 chased by two Spanish line-of-battle-ships, and that, after- 
 wards, when in the mouth of the Straits, he got sight of 
 the Spanish fleet, of whose strength and probable inten- 
 tions Commodore Nelson communicated some important 
 information. In the course of the same evening the 
 Niger frigate joined the fleet, with the same information; 
 she having kept the Spaniards in sight for several days. 
 Captain Foote, of the Niger, informed the Admiral that 
 their fleet could not be more than fifteen miles off. 
 
 It was then near sunset. Signal was made for the 
 British fleet to prepare for battle, and to keep close 
 order for the night, during which the signal guns of the 
 Spaniards could be distinctly heard. 
 
 While the English are thus keeping a bright lookout 
 for them, let us take a glance at the Spanish fleet, soon to 
 be encraored m a momentous battle. 
 
 The grand fleet of Spain, under the command of Don 
 Josef de Cordova, in the Santissima Trinidada, a huge 
 ship of 1 30 guns, had sailed from Carthagena on the first 
 of the month. He had, besides his flag-ship, six of 1 1 2 
 guns, two of 80, and eighteen of 74 guns ; in all twenty- 
 seven sail-of-the-line, with ten frigates, and two or three 
 brigs. 
 
 Some gun-boats, and about seventy transports, having 
 on board two battalions of guards and a Swiss regiment, 
 and a great quantity of military stores and ammunition, 
 accompanied the fleet, all bound to the camp of St. Roche. 
 
 The Spanish fleet passed Gibraltar at daylight of the 
 5th, and some of them escorted the transports to Alges- 
 iras, where the troops and stores were disembarked. It 
 was these ships, upon their return to the main fleet, which 
 had seen and chased Nelson. 
 
 The report was that this fleet was to proceed to Brest, 
 then to join the French fleet, which was in turn to be 
 
250 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 joined by the Dutch fleet; and that with the whole united, 
 England was to be invaded. Be that as it may, the 
 destination of the Spanish Admiral was, in the first 
 instance, Cadiz. But the strong easterly gale that had 
 given him a quick passage through the Straits soon blew in 
 his teeth and drove his ships considerably to the westward 
 of their port. On the night of the 13th, the wind still 
 adverse, the lookout frigates of the Spanish fleet, which 
 now consisted of twenty-five sail-of-the-line and eleven 
 frigates,, got sight of several of the British ships ; but the 
 latter, being taken by them for part of a convoy, excited 
 little attention. 
 
 The Spaniards were busy in taking advantage of a 
 favorable change of wind which just then occurred, and 
 were crowding sail to make the land, without much 
 regard to order. 
 
 The morning of the 14th of February, a disastrous day 
 long to be remembered by the Spaniards, broke dark and 
 hazy. The two fleets were in full sight of each other. 
 The British were formed in two compact divisions, on the 
 starboard tack, with the wind at west by south. Cape 
 St. Vincent then bore east by north, distant about twenty- 
 five miles. 
 
 At about half-past six the Culloden, 74, made signal 
 for five sail, S. W. by S. The frigates immediately con- 
 firmed the same, adding that the strangers were by the 
 wind, on the starboard tack. A sloop-of-war was at once 
 sent to reconnoitre, and the English Admiral made signal 
 to his fleet to form in close order and prepare for battle. 
 Soon after three ships-of-the-line were sent to chase to 
 the S. W., and, upon the sloop signaling that she saw 
 eight sail in that direction, three more line- of- battle ships 
 were sent. 
 
 The Spanish reconnoitring frigates soon made out 
 
BATTLE OF CAPE ST. VINCENT. 251 
 
 and recognized these detached English ships, and it was 
 not until then that the Spaniards recovered from their 
 delusion that the ships they had seen were part of a 
 convoy. 
 
 Then they fell into another. An American ship, which 
 had passed through the British fleet some days before, 
 while the Culloden was away in chase, had afterwards 
 been spoken by the Spanish Admiral, and informed 
 him that Sir John Jervis had but nine sail-of-the-line. 
 
 The partial view of the British fleet now obtained 
 through the fogf and haze tended to confirm this state- 
 ment, and the Spanish were in high glee at the idea that 
 they should soon make a triumphant entry into Cadiz, 
 with some English ships as prizes ; for their force was too 
 great for nine ships to resist, however well handled and 
 bravely fought. 
 
 About 10 a.m. the English frigate Minerve made signal 
 for twenty sail in the southwest, and presently for eight 
 more. 
 
 By this time the fog had cleared away, and left the two 
 fleets to count their enemy's numbers. 
 
 The Spanish were, of course, greatly surprised at seeing 
 fifteen instead of nine sail-of-the-line ; and these fifteen, 
 found in two close lines, were steadily advancing to cut 
 off those of their ships that, owing either to mismanage- 
 ment or to a blind confidence in numerical strength, had 
 been allowed to separate from their main body. Their 
 'main body, formed in a sort of a square, were running 
 before the wind, under all sail, while their leewardmost 
 ships, with their starboard tacks on board, were striving 
 hard to effect a junction with the former, in time to frus- 
 trate, if possible, the evident design of the British Admiral. 
 
 As, besides the object of cutting off the six detached 
 sail-of-the-line, it was now equally important to be ready 
 
252 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 to receive the nineteen sail bearing down from to wind- 
 ward, the British Admiral, soon after eleven a.m., ordered 
 his fleet to form in line-of-battle, ahead and astern, as was 
 most convenient, and to steer south-southwest. 
 
 The advanced position of the Culloden in the morning's 
 chase conferred upon her the honor of being the leading 
 ship in the line, which, when all the ships had fallen into 
 their stations, and were close hauled on the starboard 
 tack, was closed by the Excellent. 
 
 Thus arranged the fifteen British ships steered direct 
 for the opening, still wide, but gradually narrowing, 
 between the two divisions of the Spanish fleet. 
 
 About this time the advanced ships of the Spanish 
 weather division began wearing and trimming on the port 
 tack. 
 
 At 11.30 a.m., the Culloden, coming abreast of the 
 leewardmost of these ships, opened fire upon them, as 
 they passed her starboard broadside. She then stood on, 
 followed by the Blenheim, which ship also gave and 
 received a distant fire. 
 
 As soon as she reached the wake of the enemy's line 
 the Culloden tacked again and stood towards it. 
 
 The three rearmost Spanish ships, the Conde de Regla, 
 112; Principe d' Asturias, 112; and Oriente, 74, being 
 some way astern of their companions, and therefore in 
 danger of being cut off by the leading British ships, bore 
 up together, athwart the hawse of the Prince George, 98, 
 (Vice- Admiral Parker's flag-ship). The latter, being 
 rather too far from her leader, had left a sufficient open- 
 ing for the purpose. 
 
 The three Spaniards then hauled up on the starboard 
 tack, and joined four others that lay a little to windward 
 of the remaining three of their lee division. 
 
 Upon the Prince George and Blenheim tacking, half an 
 
BATTLE OF CAPE ST. VINCENT. 253 
 
 hour after noon, the advanced portion of the Spanish lee 
 division put about also, and thus both divisions of the 
 Spanish fleet were brought on the port tack. The 
 English ships astern of the Prince George, as they in- 
 creased their distance from the van, lessened it from the 
 rear division, several of the ships of which opened, and 
 received in return, a sharp fire, evidently to the disadvan- 
 tage of the Spanish, as they all, but one, wore round on 
 the other tack. 
 
 The Egmont, 74, at this time received damaging shots 
 through both main and mizzen-masts; while the Colossus, 
 another English 74, lost important spars, which compelled 
 her to wear out of line, and afforded an opportunity to a 
 Spanish three-decker, which was to windward and astern 
 of the others, to bear up, with the intention of raking the 
 crippled English ship. The Orion, 74, seeing this, backed 
 her main-top-sail, and lay to, to cover the Colossus ; 
 whereupon the three-decker wore, and stood away to the 
 southward, after her friends. 
 
 The Spanish ship which had not accompanied their lee 
 division in its retreat was the Oriente. She hauled up, 
 on the port tack, and stretching along, under the lee of 
 the remainder of the British line, from which she was 
 partly concealed by the smoke, succeeded in running the 
 gauntlet, and in regaining her own line, to windward. 
 
 This was the most gallant and seamanlike act per- 
 formed by any Spanish ship on that day. About 1 p. m., 
 as the rearmost ship of that part of the British line which 
 was still upon the starboard tack had advanced so far 
 ahead as to leave an open sea to leeward of the Spanish 
 weather division, then passing in the contrary direction, 
 the ships of the latter, as the last effort to join their lee 
 division, bore up together. Scarcely was the movement 
 made ere it caught the attention of one who was as quick 
 
254 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 in seeing the consequences of its success as he was ready 
 in devising the means for its failure. Nelson, then a 
 Commodore, directed Captain Miller to wear the Captain, 
 74, on which ship he bore his pennant, and in which he 
 achieved much of his renown. 
 
 The Captain, a smart working ship, was soon round, 
 and, passing between the Diadem and the Excellent, ran 
 athwart the bows of the Spanish ships, as far as the ninth 
 from the rear, which was the huge Santissima Trinidada, 
 °f I 3° g uns > a four-decker. The Captain instantly 
 opened fire upon the large ship and those about her, 
 with the rearmost of which the Culloden, which had 
 recommenced firing a few minutes before, was warmly 
 engaged. Soon the Spanish Admiral and the ships 
 about him, not liking to present their bows, even to so 
 insignificant a force, hauled nearly to the wind, and soon 
 opened a very heavy fire upon the Captain and Culloden. 
 By 2 p. m. the latter had stretched so far ahead as to 
 cover and to afford a few minutes' respite to the Captain. 
 Of this Nelson took advantage, replenishing her racks 
 with shot, and splicing and repairing running rigging. 
 The Captain then renewed the battle with great anima- 
 tion. 
 
 At about half-past two the Blenheim, 98, came crowd- 
 ing up, and, passing to windward of the Captain, afforded 
 her a second respite, which was taken advantage of as 
 before. 
 
 The two more immediate opponents of the Captain and 
 Culloden had been the San Ysidro, 74, and the Salvador 
 del Mundo, 112; these, being already with some of their 
 topmasts gone, and otherwise in a crippled state, the 
 Blenheim, by a few heavy broadsides, sent staggering 
 astern, to be cannonaded afresh by the Prince George 
 and other advancing ships. 
 
BATTLE OF CAPE ST. VINCENT. 255 
 
 The Excellent, 74 (Captain Collingwood, afterwards 
 Lord Collingwood), was now coming up. This ship had 
 been ordered by the Admiral to quit her station in the 
 line and lead the weather division, consisting of the 
 Victory, 100; Barfleur, 98 ; Namur, 90; Egmont, 74; 
 Goliath, 74, and Britannia, 100. The latter was a dull 
 ship, and a longdistance off, though under all sail. 
 
 This weather division was intended to pass to wind- 
 ward of the Spanish line. 
 
 About half-past two, the Excellent, having by a press 
 of sail arrived abreast of the Salvador del Mundo's 
 weather quarter, brought to, and engaged her warmly, 
 until the latter, ceasing to fire in return, and as it appeared, 
 striking her colors, the Excellent stood on to the next 
 ship, the San Ysidro, whose three top-masts had already 
 been shot away. This ship she closely engaged on the 
 lee side, for some time, when the San Ysidro, after a 
 gallant defence, in his crippled state, hauled down the 
 Spanish, and hoisted the British flag. 
 
 The Excellent then made sail ahead, and soon came 
 into close action with the San Nicolas, 86, whose fore- 
 mast was gone, and who, as well as the ship abreast and 
 rather ahead of her, to windward, the San Josef, 112, had 
 been occasionally firing at the Captain, which we have 
 seen so busily engaged with others. 
 
 The Excellent, passing within a few feet of the San 
 Nicolas' starboard side, poured in a destructive fire, and 
 then stood on. The San Nicolas, in luffing up to avoid 
 Collingwood's broadside, ran foul of the San Josef, whose 
 mizzen-mast was already shot away, and which had 
 received very considerable other damage from the fire 
 of four English ships. 
 
 The Captain, as soon as the Excellent was sufficiently 
 ahead of her to be clear, luffed up as close to the wind as 
 
256 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 her shattered condition would admit, when her fore-top- 
 mast, which had been shot through, fell over the side. 
 In this unmanageable state, with her wheel shot away, 
 and all her sails, shrouds and running rigging more or 
 less cut, with the Blenheim far ahead, and the Culloden 
 crippled, astern, no alternative remained but to board 
 the San Nicolas. Previous— to doing this the Captain 
 reopened her fire within less than twenty yards, and the 
 San Nicolas returned it, with great spirit, for some time. 
 The Captain then put her helm a starboard, and encoun- 
 tered the two Spanish ships drifting down upon her. As 
 the Captain came to, she hooked, with her port cat-head, 
 the San Nicolas' starboard gallery, and with her sprit-sail 
 yard, the San Nicolas' mizzen-rigging. What immedi- 
 ately ensued is in Nelson's own language. 
 
 There was a detachment of the 69th Regiment on 
 board, and Nelson says : — 
 
 "The soldiers of the 69th, with an alacrity which will 
 ever do them credit, and Lieutenant Pearson, of that regi- 
 ment, were almost the foremost on this service. The 
 first man who jumped into the enemy's mizzen-chains was 
 Captain Berry, late my first lieutenant; (Captain Miller 
 was in the very act of going, also, but I directed him to 
 remain;) he was supported from our sprit-sail yard, which 
 hooked in their mizzen-rigging. 
 
 "A soldier of the 69th Regiment, having broke the 
 upper quarter gallery window, I jumped in myself, and was 
 followed by others, as fast as possible. I found the cabin 
 doors fastened; and some Spanish officers fired their 
 pistols ; but, having broke open the doors, the soldiers 
 fired, and the Spanish Brigadier (Commodore with a dis- 
 tinguishing pennant) fell, as he was retreating to the 
 quarter-deck. I pushed immediately onward for the 
 quarter-deck, where I found Captain Berry in possession 
 
BATTLE OF CAPE ST. VINCENT. 257 
 
 of the poop, and the Spanish ensign hauling down. I 
 passed, with my people and Lieutenant Pearson, on the 
 larboard gangway, to the forecastle, when I met three or 
 four Spanish officers, prisoners to my seamen ; they 
 delivered me their swords. A fire of pistols or muskets 
 opening from the stern-gallery of the San Josef, I directed 
 the soldiers to fire into her stern ; and calling Captain 
 Miller, ordered him to send more men into the San 
 Nicolas ; and directed my people to board the first-rate, 
 which was done in an instant. Captain Berry assisting me 
 into the main-chains. 
 
 "At this moment a Spanish officer looked over the 
 quarter-deck rail and said they surrendered. From this 
 most welcome intelligence it was not lonof before I was 
 on the quarter-deck, when the Spanish Captain, with a 
 bow, presented me his sword, and said the Admiral was 
 dying of his wounds. 
 
 " I asked him, on his honor, if the ship was surrendered. 
 He declared she was ; on which I gave him my hand, and 
 desired him to call on his officers and ship's company, and 
 tell them of it ; which he did, and, on the quarter-deck of 
 a Spanish first-rate, extravagant as the story may seem, 
 did I receive the swords of vanquished Spaniards ; which, 
 as I received, I gave to Wm. Fearney, one of my barge- 
 men, who put them, with the greatest sang-froid, under 
 his arm. I was surrounded by Captain Berry, Lieutenant 
 Pearson, of the 69th Regiment, John Sykes, John 
 Thompson, Francis Cooke, all old Agamemnons, and 
 several other brave men, seamen and soldiers. Thus fell 
 these ships." 
 
 The foregoing is part of a report signed by "Horatio 
 Nelson," "Ralph Willett Miller," and "T. Berry." 
 
 The loss of the Captain in boarding the San Nicolas 
 did not exceed seven killed and ten wounded. That of 
 
 17 
 
258 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 the San Nicolas was about twenty. But the taking of 
 the first-rate San Josef did not cost the Captain a man, 
 nor does it appear that the prize herself lost above one or 
 two men, in the trifling exchange of small-arm shot which 
 had preceded her surrender. 
 
 The previous loss of the San Josef had, however, 
 been severe, principally from the fire of the St. George. 
 
 During this brilliant service of the Captain she had 
 been so disabled that Commodore Nelson returned to the 
 Minerve, and at five o'clock the same day shifted his 
 broad pennant to the Irresistible. 
 
 But other ships besides those already mentioned did 
 good work. 
 
 The Victory, next astern of the Excellent, came up in 
 time to throw a most destructive fire into the Salvador 
 del Mundo, whose colors had been once lowered but 
 were then again flying. The Barfleur, close astern of the 
 Victory, seconded the blow. Having already lost her 
 fore and main-top-masts, and being seriously shattered in 
 the hull ; observing, also, that her two antagonists were 
 preparing to round upon her bow, and that a third three- 
 decker, the Namur, was not far off, to windward, the 
 Salvador del Mundo hauled down her colors. 
 
 The Diadem and Irresistible had previously been 
 ordered to suspend their fire at the Salvador del Mundo, 
 until the Victory and her second passed clear, and they 
 were now directed, by signal, to take possession of the 
 Spanish ship. Soon after this the Excellent got close 
 under the lee of the Santa Trinidada, which vessel she 
 engaged for nearly an hour, assisted by the Orion, 
 Irresistible, and particularly the Blenheim. At last the 
 Spanish four-decker, having her fore and mizzen-masts 
 shot away, and having suffered immense damage in hull, 
 
BATTLE OF CAPE ST. VINCENT. 259 
 
 rigging and sails, hauled down her colors, after a splendid 
 resistance to odds. 
 
 Just then two of the Spanish van ships, having wore, 
 were standing to the support of the Santa Trinidada. 
 Two fresh ships were coming down from the southwest ; 
 and the lee Spanish division, of nine sail, well formed, and 
 including among them the Conde de Regla, and the 
 Principe d' Asturias, three-deckers, were approaching from 
 the southeast. All these ships, closing round their sorely 
 harassed comrade, saved him from further molestation. 
 
 By five o'clock the victory was won. At this time all 
 firing ceased, and at that season of the year night was at 
 hand. The British Admiral made the signal for his fleet 
 to bring to, on the starboard tack. This he did, chiefly to 
 cover the prizes and his own disabled ships from the 
 nine Spanish ships of the lee division, which, having made 
 a good stretch to windward, on the starboard tack, were 
 now rapidly coming up on the opposite one. 
 
 The determined front of the British changed their 
 purpose, and after firing a few ineffectual broadsides, they 
 stood on to the assistance of their chief. 
 
 Both fleets lay to during the night, to repair damages; 
 and day-break discovered them on opposite tacks, each 
 in line-of-battle ahead. 
 
 The Spanish had the weather gage, and still possessed 
 eighteen or twenty effective sail-of-the-line, but they made 
 no attempt to renew the action. Probably some of their 
 ships were not in condition to fight. The great Santa 
 Trinidada was nearly out of sight to leeward, in tow of a 
 frigate. As it was necessary to keep the British fleet 
 together, Sir John Jervis sent no vessels in chase of her. 
 
 The whole Spanish line was standing to the northward, 
 while the British fleet, which — including the Colossus and 
 Culloden, neither of which was fit to take a place in the 
 
260 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 line — could muster but fourteen ships-of-the-line, then took 
 their four prizes and the Captain in tow, and very slowly 
 made their way southward. 
 
 The damage sustained from the contest by the British 
 ships was not so great as might have been expected, 
 from the severity of the contest. The only ship of theirs 
 dismasted was the Captain, which ship also suffered much 
 in the hull. 
 
 The Colossus and Culloden were both very much cut 
 up, and the latter had suffered especially in the hull, and 
 was very leaky. She had only one carronade dismounted, 
 however, and two first and two second deck guns. 
 
 The loss of life among the British was comparatively 
 small. Except in the cases of the Colossus and Egmont, 
 those ships which suffered most in hull and rigging had 
 most killed and wounded. The total for the fleet was 
 J3 killed and 227 wounded. Of course, these were only 
 the badly wounded ; for it was not the custom, in those 
 days, to report the slightly wounded. It is, therefore, fair 
 to consider the total as about 400 ; an amazingly small 
 number, considering the nature of the action. 
 
 According to the Spanish accounts, ten of their ships, 
 besides those crippled, suffered materially, but not more 
 than half of them showed any signs of being at all 
 crippled. . The Santa Trinidada, Soberano, Principe 
 d'Asturias and Conde de Regla were very much dam- 
 aged. 
 
 The damages of the prizes are better known. All four 
 ships had lost masts, and all were so hulled as to be very 
 leaky. The San Nicolas was badly on fire, but her 
 captors extinguished it. Their loss in killed and wounded 
 amounted to about 1000. 
 
 The detached and confused state of the Spanish fleet 
 at the beginning of the battle, and the consequent partial 
 
BATTLE OF CAPE ST. VINCENT. 261 
 
 and irregular manner in which their ships came into 
 action, would render any statement of comparative force, 
 by comparing the totals on each side, very unfair. 
 
 It would be correct 'to say that the British line con- 
 sisted of fifteen ships-of-the-line, and the Spanish line (if 
 it could be called so) of twenty-five, and afterwards of 
 twenty-seven, ships-of-the-line. 
 
 The Santissima Trinidada was a monster in size. She 
 was built in Havana, in 1769, as a 112-gun ship, except 
 that she had greater beam than was usual with that class. 
 Some time about 1 796 her quarter-deck and forecastle 
 were formed into a whole deck, barricades built along 
 her gangways, with ports in them, and she was made into 
 a flush four-decker, but was not really much superior in 
 force to the three-decked 112s. 
 
 The most striking feature in this victory is the boldness 
 of the attack. Another commander might have paused 
 before running into the midst of twenty-five sail with 
 fifteen. If he had paused to weigh the chances, the 
 separated ships would have closed, and the Spanish line 
 then have been too compact to be attacked with hopes of 
 success. 
 
 Sir John Jervis, relying upon the character of his force, 
 and viewing with a general's eye the loose and disordered 
 state of his enemy's line, resolved to profit by it, attacked 
 promptly, and cdnquered. It cannot be said that he 
 broke the Spanish line, for there was no line to be broken. 
 He simply chose the proper moment for advance, had a 
 leader who never flinched or fell back, and he had all 
 about him those who were emulous to follow so bright 
 an example. 
 
 On the other hand, the bold front he put on was calcu- 
 lated to sink the hearts of those among the Spanish 
 fleet who had little experience of naval warfare. The 
 
262 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 Spanish fleet was not only in confusion at the outset, but 
 continued to be so; and some of their ships undoubtedly 
 fired into their comrades, while they were so huddled 
 together that if a shot missed one it was sure to strike 
 another of them. 
 
 Then the British were better sailors, and repaired 
 damages more quickly ; and to many of them the battle 
 was more like a rattling game than a grim matter of life 
 and death and national renown. 
 
 It is reported that the Captain actually expended all 
 her shot in this action, and when grape was needed for 
 her 3 2 -lb carronades, used 7-ft) shot as a substitute. 
 
 This at a short distance must have caused great 
 execution. 
 
 When the Spanish Admiral at last formed his scattered 
 divisions into line, he found the British in equal, if not 
 better, alignment ; and each side then drew off, the one 
 to lament, the other to exult, over the events of the 
 day. 
 
 The Spanish were never accused of a lack of courage, 
 either by sea or on land, and their discomfiture appears 
 to have been caused principally by the worthlessness of 
 the crews which manned their ships. These were com- 
 posed of pressed landsmen, and soldiers of new levies, 
 with a very few seamen in each ship. It has been re- 
 ported that these "poor panic-stricken wretches," when 
 called upon to go aloft, to repair the damaged rigging, 
 fell upon their knees, and cried out that they preferred 
 being sacrificed on the spot to performing a duty where 
 death seemed inevitable from more than one cause. The 
 numerical superiority of their guns seemed little in their 
 favor, for some of the San Josef's were found with their 
 tompions in, on the side which had been engaged, after 
 the battle was over. Indeed, the numbers on board some 
 
BATTLE OF CAPE ST. VINCENT. 263 
 
 of the Spanish ships seem to have been rather a detri- 
 ment to them. 
 
 A rather prejudiced writer says that if eight of their 
 twenty-five ships had been left at Carthagena, and had 
 the five or six hundred seamen they probably contained 
 been substituted for twice that number of raw hands, 
 taken from the remaining seventeen ships, the latter 
 would probably have made a better stand; and the 
 victory, if achieved at all, have been at the expense of a 
 much greater number of lives in the British fleet. What- 
 ever the fault of the crews, the officers fought well. 
 " Upon the whole, the victory off Cape St. Vincent, 
 although from its consequences pre-eminently great, from 
 its results, dispassionately considered, cannot be pro- 
 nounced in an equal degree glorious." 
 
 At about 3 p.m. of the 16th the British fleet and the 
 prizes anchored in Lagos Bay. Here the Spanish 
 prisoners, numbering about 3000 men, were landed; and, 
 a receipt being given by the proper authority, were 
 allowed to remain. 
 
 On the 23d, after riding out a gale of wind with much 
 difficulty, it blowing dead on shore, Sir John Jervis sailed, 
 and in five days the whole were in safety in Lisbon. It 
 was remarked that the prizes, under jury-masts, beat all 
 the English ships in working into the Tagus. 
 
 Great congratulations and celebrations took place at 
 Lisbon, for the Portuguese had every reason to rejoice 
 at this victory, while in England the news was met with 
 immense enthusiasm. Sir John Jervis was created a peer 
 of Great Britain, by the title of Baron Jervis of Meaford, 
 and Eapl of St. Vincent ; with a pension of ^3000 per 
 annum. Vice-Admiral Thompson and Admiral Parker 
 were created Baronets, and Vice-Admiral the Hon. William 
 Waldegrave was appointed to a lucrative post abroad. 
 
264 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 Commodore Nelson, who had so often proved in his own 
 person that the danger of a bold enterprise required only 
 to be met to be overcome, was not mentioned in Sir John 
 Jervis' despatches, but received the insignia of the Bath, 
 and the freedom of the City of London. 
 
 Thanks of Parliament were voted to the fleet, and gold 
 medals were given to all the flag-officers and captains, as 
 on similar occasions. The four Spanish prizes were 
 commissioned, and retained in service on the Lisbon 
 station. 
 
 The eale which had assailed the British fleet in Lag^os 
 Bay caught the remainder of Admiral Cordova's fleet at 
 sea. It dispersed his ships, and prevented them from 
 reaching Cadiz until March. Among them was the huge 
 Santissima Trinidada, which, being so much -injured by 
 shot, was least able to stand bad weather. 
 
 On the morning of the 28th of February, as she was 
 striving to regain the coast, the English frigate Terpsichore 
 appeared in sight, to the westward. Her captain knew 
 of the battle, and divined, at once, that the four-decker 
 must be the Sta. Trinidada. He instantly cleared for 
 action, and bore down upon her, and began engaging, 
 so manoeuvring that he kept clear of her broadside. The 
 great ship had, therefore, only her chasers with which to 
 chastise the temerity of her pigmy foe. The frigate kept 
 her company until March 2d, doing her considerable 
 damage, and receiving some in return. 
 
 On that date twelve sail of Spanish men-of-war 
 appeared, and the Terpsichore hauled up for the Mediter- 
 ranean. 
 
 Several ships from England joined the fleet, .and the 
 Admiral cruised off Cadiz, with twenty-one sail-of-the-line, 
 blockading twenty-six Spanish ships, and the latter did 
 not again appear at sea that year. 
 
BATTLE OF CAPE ST. VINCENT. 265 
 
 Admiral Cordova, and his two divisional flag-officers, 
 Moralez and Merino, together with eleven captains, were 
 brought before a council of war, to answer for their 
 conduct in the battle. Nothing appears to have come of 
 it, for the personal gallantry of the officers was beyond 
 all dispute. 
 
 One fact is certain, that a Spanish three-decker, bearing 
 a Vice-Admiral's flag, did her best to cut through the 
 line, between the Victory and Egmont. 
 
 In cases of this kind the officers are too frequently 
 made the scapegoats of a blundering Administration. 
 
266 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 XVIII. 
 
 ENGLISH FLEET IN CANARY ISLANDS. 
 A. D. .797. 
 
 N addition to the blockade and bombardment 
 of Cadiz, with which Lord St. Vincent was 
 carrying on an active warfare against the 
 Spaniards, he detached two expeditions 
 against Santa Cruz, in the Canary Islands, in 
 the more important of which Rear-Admiral 
 Nelson was not only repulsed, but lost his 
 arm, a model of which is still among the 
 trophies and ex-votos to be seen in the Cathedral of that 
 place. 
 
 On May 28th, 1797, Captain Hallowell, of the Royal 
 Navy, in command of the Lively frigate, with the Minerve 
 frigate in company, stood into the bay of Santa Cruz, 
 Teneriffe, and discovered at anchor in the road an armed 
 brig, which, as the frigate approached, hoisted French 
 colors. 
 
 The two commanders deeming it practicable to cut her 
 out, the boats of the frigates were next day manned, and 
 placed under the orders of Lieut. Thos. Masterman Hardy 
 (who afterwards much distinguished himself, and became 
 an Admiral). At about half-past two in the afternoon, 
 Hardy, with three other naval lieutenants, and one of the 
 Lieutenants of Marines, in the boats of the Lively, and two 
 lieutenants of the Minerve, with her boats, and their 
 respective crews, made a very resolute attack upon the 
 
ENGLISH FLEET IN CANARY ISLANDS. 267 
 
 brig, as she lay at anchor, and, in the face of a smart fire 
 of musketry, boarded, and almost immediately carried her. 
 
 This alarmed the town, and a heavy fire of musketry 
 and artillery was opened upon the brig, not only from 
 every battery, but from a large ship which lay in the road. 
 
 The liehtness of the wind at the time retarded the 
 weighing of the brig's anchor, and then made it necessary 
 for the boats to take the brig ia tow. During nearly an 
 hour an unremitting fire was kept up from the shore and 
 ship. At length, at a little before four o'clock, they 
 succeeded in getting the vessel out of gun-shot. She 
 was the French national brig, Mutine, mounting fourteen 
 guns, twelve of them long 6-pounders, and the remain- 
 ing two brass 36-pounder carronades. 
 
 She had on board 113 men, the rest of her ship's 
 company, with her captain, being on shore at the time of 
 the capture. 
 
 Hardy, in effecting this handsome capture, did not lose 
 a man, but had fifteen wounded. 
 
 The Mutine was a remarkably fine brig, and was put 
 in commission by Earl St. Vincent ; and the command of 
 her given to the officer in command of the party that 
 cut her out. Lord St. Vincent set an example which was 
 not followed by all other commanders-in-chief, in those 
 stirring times. " He appointed, and gave out that he would 
 always appoint, to the command of any of the enemy's 
 armed vessels the senior lieutenant of the party that 
 captured her." This " win her wear her " plan was a better 
 way to multiply Nelsons, than by filling up the vacancies 
 with the oftener high-born than deserving gentlemen sent 
 out by the Admiralty." 
 
 So ended the first small and successful expedition. 
 Let us now look at the second. This was of a much 
 more serious character. 
 
268 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 The rumored arrival at Santa Cruz, on her way to 
 Cadiz, of a richly-freighted Manilla ship, the Principe 
 d'Asturias, and the represented vulnerability of the town 
 to a well conducted sea attack, induced Earl St. Vincent 
 to attempt another enterprise. 
 
 Accordingly, on the 15th of July, 1797, his lordship 
 detached upon that service a squadron of three sail-of- 
 the-line, the Theseus, Culloden, and Zealous, 74s; the 
 Seahorse, Emerald, and Terpsichore, frigates, the Fox, 
 10-gun cutter, and a mortar boat. The whole were under 
 the orders of Rear-admiral Nelson, in the Theseus. 
 
 In about five days the squadron arrived off the island. 
 Every arrangement that sound judgment could devise 
 having been completed, two hundred seamen and marines 
 from each of the line-of-battle ships, and one hundred 
 from each of the three frigates, exclusive of commissioned 
 officers and servants, and a small detachment of Royal 
 artillery, the whole together amounting to about 1050 
 men, were placed under the command of Captain Trow- 
 bridge, of the Culloden. Each captain, under his direc- 
 tion, commanded the detachment of seamen from his own 
 ship ; and Captain Thomas Oldfield, of the marines, as 
 senior marine officer, the entire detachment from that 
 corps. 
 
 On the night of the 20th of July the three frigates, 
 accompanied by the cutter and mortar-boat, and most of 
 the boats of the squadron, stood in close to the land, to 
 debark the shore party. 
 
 A strong gale in the offing, and a strong current against 
 them, near the shore, prevented them from reaching the 
 intended point of debarkation. At about half-past three 
 on the morning of the 2 2d the squadron bore up for 
 Santa Cruz, and soon after daylight was joined by the 
 frigates and small craft. The unavoidable appearance of 
 
ENGLISH FLEET IN CANARY ISLANDS. 269 
 
 the latter off the coast gave the islanders the very warn- 
 ing it was so desirable, for the success of the expedition, 
 they should not have. A consultation of the principal 
 officers of the squadron now took place, and decided that 
 an attack should be made on the heights immediately 
 over the fort at the northeast part of the bay ; and then, 
 from that commandimg position, to storm and carry the 
 fort itself. At nine o'clock on the night of the 2 2d the 
 frigates anchored inshore, off the east end of the town, 
 and landed their men ; but the latter finding the heights 
 too strongly guarded to be attempted, re-embarked in 
 the course of the night, without loss. The three line-of- 
 battle ships had meanwhile kept under way, to batter 
 the fort, by way of diversion ; but, owing to calms and 
 contrary currents, were unable to approach nearer than 
 three miles. 
 
 Nelson, not being one to abandon an enterprise until 
 after a stout struggle to accomplish it, resolved to give his 
 seasoned men a chance at the Santa Cruz garrison as 
 soon as possible. On the 24th the 50-gun ship Leander 
 joined the squadron, having been sent to reinforce it, by 
 Lord St. Vincent. Her captain had considerable experi- 
 ence as a cruiser in those parts, and his local knowledge 
 was therefore valuable ; while the additional force was 
 very acceptable and added to the hopes of the attacking 
 party. 
 
 On the afternoon of the 24th, at five o'clock, every- 
 thing being in readiness, and secrecy no longer possible, 
 the whole squadron anchored to the northeastward of 
 \h~ town : the line-of-battle ships about six miles off, and 
 the frigates much nearer. At eleven o'clock at night, 
 about 700 seamen and marines embarked in the boats of 
 the squadron, 180 more in the Fox cutter, and about 75 
 on board a large boat that had just been captured ; 
 
270 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 numbering altogether, with the small detachment of Royal 
 artillery, about eleven hundred men. The different 
 detachments of seamen, under the immediate command 
 of their respective captains, the marines under Captain 
 Oldfield, the artillery under Lieut. Baynes, and the whole 
 force under command of the Rear-Admiral, in person, 
 then pushed off for the shore. 
 
 Every precaution had been taken to keep the boats 
 together, in order that the attack might be simultaneous ; 
 but the rough state of the weather, and the extreme 
 darkness of the night, rendered it almost impossible for 
 them to keep each other within sight or hearing. At 
 about half-past one in the morning, the Fox cutter, with 
 the Admiral's boat, those of Captains Fremantle and 
 Bowen, and one or two others, reached, undiscovered, 
 within half gunshot of the head of the Mole, when, 
 suddenly, the alarm bells on shore began to ring, and 
 a fire was opened by many pieces of artillery and by 
 infantry stationed along the shore. 
 
 Two shots raked the Fox, and another struck her 
 between wind and water; so that she sank instantly. Of 
 those on board no less than ninety-seven were lost ; and 
 among- them her commander, Lieut. Gibson. 
 
 Another shot struck Rear-Admiral Nelson on the elbow, 
 just as he was drawing his sword and stepping out of 
 his boat. The wound completely disabled him, and he 
 was carried back to his ship at once. Another shot sank 
 the boat in which Captain Bowen was about approaching 
 the Mole, and seven or eight seamen of her crew perished. 
 
 In spite of this very spirited and determined opposition, 
 the British effected a landing, and carried the Mole, 
 although it was defended by about three hundred men 
 and six 24-pounders. Having spiked these guns, the 
 English were about to advance, when a heavy fire of 
 
ENGLISH FLEET IN CANARY ISLANDS. 271 
 
 musketry and grape-shot from the citadel and from the 
 houses at the Mole head began to mow them down by 
 scores. Captain Bowen, of the Terpsichore, and his first 
 lieutenant were almost immediately killed, and the whole 
 party which landed then were either killed or wounded. 
 
 Meanwhile, Captain Trowbridge, of the Culloden, being 
 unable to hit the Mole, the spot appointed for landing, 
 pushed on shore under a battery close to the battery to 
 the southward of the citadel. 
 
 Captain Waller, of the Emerald, and a few boats with 
 him, landed at the same time, but the surf was so high 
 that many of the boats put back ; and all that did not 
 were filled with water, which spoiled the ammunition in 
 the men's pouches. 
 
 Captain Trowbridge advanced as soon as he had 
 collected a few men, accompanied by Captain Waller. 
 They reached the great square of the town, the appointed 
 rendezvous, in hopes of there meeting the Admiral and 
 the rest of the landing party ; but we have seen already 
 how these were disposed of. 
 
 Captain Trowbridge now sent a sergeant, accompanied 
 by two citizens of the place, to summon the citadel to 
 surrender. No answer was returned, and the sergeant 
 is supposed to have been killed on the way. As the 
 scaling ladders which had been brought were lost in the 
 surf, there was no way of storming the citadel, and after 
 waiting there an hour, Trowbridge went to join Captains 
 Hood and Miller, who, with a small body of men, had 
 landed to the southwest. At daybreak it was found that 
 Trowbrido-e was in command of about three hundred and 
 
 o 
 
 forty survivors, consisting of marines, pikemen, and seamen 
 with small arms. Having procured a small quantity of 
 ammunition from some Spanish prisoners whom they had 
 taken, Trowbridge resolved to try what could be done 
 
272 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 with the citadel without ladders, and then found that the 
 streets were commanded by field-pieces, while an over- 
 whelming force was approaching them by every avenue. 
 The boats being all stove, there was no possibility of 
 getting any reinforcements ; they were short of ammu- 
 nition, and their provisions had been lost in the boats. 
 
 Trowbridge now sent Captain Hood, with a flag of 
 truce, to the Governor, expressing a determination to 
 burn the town if the Spanish forces advanced, and 
 proposing terms of capitulation, to the following effect : 
 that the British should be allowed to re-embark, with 
 their arms, taking their own boats, if saved, and if not, to 
 be provided with others. And Captain Trowbridge 
 engaged, in case of compliance, that the ships then before 
 the town should not molest it, nor attack any one of the 
 Canary Islands. 
 
 The Governor, Don Juan Antonio Guttierez, received 
 Captain Hood and his message, being considerably 
 astonished at receiving such a proposal from men whom 
 he considered already in his power. Nevertheless, he 
 accorded the terms, and Trowbridge marched to the Mole 
 head, where he and his officers and men embarked, in 
 boats furnished by the Spaniards. 
 
 The Governor supplied each of the retreating invaders 
 with a ration of bread and wine, and directed that the 
 British wounded should be received into the hospital. 
 He, moreover, sent word to Admiral Nelson that he was 
 at liberty to send on shore for, and purchase, fresh pro- 
 visions. 
 
 This was a most disastrous defeat for Nelson, inde- 
 pendent of the melancholy loss of life, which was almost 
 as great as in the battle off Cape St. Vincent. 
 
BATTLE OF CAMPERDOWN. 278 
 
 XIX. 
 
 BATTLE OF CAMPERDOWN. nTH OCTOBER, 
 A. D. 1797. 
 
 ■ORD VISCOUNT DUNCAN, who won the 
 decisive naval battle of Camperdown, under 
 rather extraordinary conditions, was born, 
 as simple Adam Duncan, in Dundee, Scot- 
 land, in 1 73 1 ; so that he was a veteran, as 
 well in years as in service, when he gained 
 the victory for which he will always be 
 remembered. 
 
 As a Lieutenant he had served in the expedition to 
 America, in "the French war;" being in the fleet which 
 brought Braddock over to meet well earned defeat, as 
 well as death. He was afterwards distinguished in the 
 attack upon Belleisle, and in the capture of Havana. 
 In the war of 1778 he was actively employed under 
 Rodney. At the first battle of St. Vincent he was in 
 command of a ship ; the first to engage and capture a 
 70-gun ship. 
 
 After participating' in many other actions of importance 
 he was made a Rear- Admiral in 1759, a Vice- Admiral in 
 1 793, the rank he held at Camperdown, and finally became 
 full Admiral in 1 799. 
 
 He was a man of great and unaffected piety, and 
 
 excited the wonder and admiration of the Dutch Admiral, 
 
 when a prisoner on board his flag-ship, after Camperdown, 
 
 by summoning his ship's company, and then going down 
 
 18 
 
274 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 on his knees and thanking God for the mercy vouchsafed 
 them. 
 
 Admiral Duncan had, in 1797, the command of the 
 North Sea English fleet. But that fleet had been so 
 thinned by the secession of the disaffected ships which 
 took part in the great mutiny of the English fleet, in that 
 year — called the " Mutiny of the Nore," and the "Mutiny 
 atSpithead" — that, towards the end of May, he found 
 himself at sea with only his own ship (the Venerable, 74) 
 and the Adamant, 50. 
 
 It is necessary here to touch upon the causes which 
 gave rise to a mutiny which has forever remained a 
 disgrace to the Lords of the British Admiralty, and to the 
 officers of the fleet serving under them at that time and 
 for a long time before. 
 
 Avoiding any speculations or reflections, we will simply 
 quote from a well known writer on naval affairs, Admiral 
 Ekins, of the British Navy, who, quoting another writer 
 in respect to the state of the British Navy about that time 
 says, " in 1 796 and the following years, after the naval 
 force became so much expanded, the seamen were 
 exceedingly deteriorated by the introduction of a large 
 mass of Irish rebels, and the sweepings of all the gaols 
 in England, on the home station ; and by as large an 
 introduction of foreigners on the stations abroad." 
 
 This writer seems to intend to say, as he goes on, that 
 the Irish, many of whom had filled offices of some kind 
 at home, had, by plausible ways, acted with great influence 
 on the minds of the British seamen whom they found on 
 board their ships, and who were certainly suffering, at the 
 time, from very oppressive regulations and fraudulent 
 practices. 
 
 " These men entirely overturned the whole discipline 
 and constitutional temperament of the navy. An honest 
 
BATTLE OF CAMPERDOWN. 275 
 
 zeal was changed for gloomy discontent; grievances were 
 magnified into oppressions, and the man who had cheer- 
 fully executed his subordinate duties, in what he as yet 
 considered his proper sphere, now aimed at an equality 
 with, or superiority to, his own respected superiors. Thus 
 arose the mutiny." 
 
 "After the mutiny, numbers of the Irish were sent to 
 foreign stations, as a punishment, and disseminated the 
 same spirit." 
 
 The poor Irish ! They have for many generations 
 fought the battles of the English, and of several other 
 nations, but their case seems more unsettled than before. 
 Without a permanent contingent from Irish recruits 
 England would be badly off. 
 
 To continue with our quotation, " Patrick Little, who 
 was Secretary to Parker, the leader of the mutiny of the 
 Nore, had been an attorney in Dublin. He was sent to 
 the West Indies, and, in a few months, was accused of 
 fostering mutiny there. He was not convicted of the full 
 offence charged, but was sent to receive six hundred 
 lashes, did receive two hundred and fifty, and is said to 
 have died, soon after, of the ' prevailing fever.' 
 
 "The ships in the Mediterranean in 1797— '98— '99, were 
 so short of men that foreigners of all descriptions were 
 received ; and I have often heard it stated that the fleet 
 could not have gone to sea at times, if a certain com- 
 missioner at Lisbon, about that period, had not assumed 
 the post of head of Police in that Metropolis, and made, 
 occasionally, clean sweep of all individuals on the quays 
 and adjacent streets, who were sent indiscriminately on 
 board the British fleet ; from whence none returned who 
 were serviceable." 
 
 This British Admiral proceeds to quote, " if the battle 
 of the Nile had not been fought under the directing skill 
 
276 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 of such a chief, and under all the effects of sitrprise, I have 
 heard Sir Thomas Louis declare that the result might 
 have been very different. As it was, the defence was 
 much more obstinate than is generally imagined, and 
 much more protracted." (In America we have been used 
 to read English accounts of the battles of those days, 
 because they were written in our own language.) He 
 goes on to say, " I have understood it was certainly not 
 the superiority of the crews which prevailed. The Van- 
 guard was wretchedly manned ; and but for the assistance 
 of the Minotaur, which I saw acknowledged in Lord 
 Nelson's handwriting, her fate would have been preca- 
 rious." 
 
 These remarks are from high English cotemporary 
 authority, we must remember. 
 
 In a note, Admiral Ekins says, " at the conclusion of 
 the war in 1802, the Victorious, of 74 guns, returned to 
 Europe after serving a considerable time in the East 
 Indies ; but, being in a bad state, from length of service, 
 reached no further than Lisbon. She was there broken 
 up. Part of her crew were put on board the Amazon, to be 
 taken to England to receive their wages and return to 
 their homes. But, unfortunately for them, poor fellows, 
 before they arrived at Spithead, war had again declared 
 itself, and they learned, with tears streaming from their 
 eyes, that they were to be detained to serve another war. 
 They remained nine or ten years in the Amazon, and 
 were then distributed (the Amazon being worn out) to 
 other ships. A few of them were afterwards killed serv- 
 ing in the boats of the Bacchante, in the Mediterranean. 
 Perhaps the whole, certainly the greatest part, of these 
 men were originally impressed against their will." 
 
 These are only some authentic instances of the state 
 ot the personnel of the British Navy at this time ; and the 
 
NELSON WOUNDED AT TENERIFFE (page 270). 
 
 DUTCH MAN-OF-WAR, I7TH CENTURY. 
 
BATTLE OF CAMPERDOWN. 277 
 
 wonder is that the officers did so well with such material. 
 Men were often nine or ten years without setting foot on 
 shore. 
 
 And now to return to Admiral Duncan and his opera- 
 tions. Having-, as we have said, been left with only the 
 Venerable, his flag-ship (a name which reminds us of 
 H. M. S. Pinafore), and the Adamant, he nevertheless 
 proceeded to his station, off the Texel, to watch the 
 Dutch, with whom they were then at war. 
 
 In the Texel lay at anchor the Dutch fleet of fifteen 
 sail of the line (including 56s), under the command of 
 Vice Admiral De Winter. 
 
 In order to detain the latter in port until a reinforce- 
 ment should arrive, Admiral Duncan caused repeated 
 signals to be made, as if to the main body of his fleet in the 
 offing. This stratagem, it was supposed, had the desired 
 effect. At length, about the middle of June, several 
 line-of-battle-ships, in detached portions, joined the British 
 Admiral, and the two fleets were again placed on an equal 
 footing. 
 
 The Venerable, having been nearly five months at sea, 
 and during a part of the time exposed to very boisterous 
 weather, was in want of almost every description of 
 stores. Others of the ships had also suffered by the 
 recent gales of wind, and were short of provisions. Thus 
 circumstanced, the Admiral, on the 3d of October, put 
 into Yarmouth roads, to refit and re-victual, leaving off 
 the Dutch coast a small squadron of observation, under 
 the orders of Captain Trollope, of the Russell. 
 
 Early on the morning of October 9th an armed lugger, 
 hired as a despatch vessel, came into the back of Yar- 
 mouth sands, with the signal flying for an enemy. 
 
 After great bustle and hurried preparations, Admiral 
 Duncan put to sea, a little before noon, with eleven sail- 
 
278 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 of-the-line. With a fair wind he steered straight for his 
 old station. On the following day three more ships joined 
 him ; so that he had seven 74s, and seven 64s, and two 
 50-gun frigates. There were also the Beaulieu, 40 ; the 
 Circe, 28 ; and the Martin, sloop. 
 
 On the afternoon of the nth the advanced ships were 
 near enough to count twenty-two sail of square-rigged 
 vessels, chiefly merchantmen, at anchor in the Texel. 
 
 Admiral Duncan, having received from Captain Trol- 
 lope information of what course the enemy's fleet was 
 steering, now stood along shore to the southward. 
 
 At about seven on the following morning, the Russell, 
 Adamant and Beaulieu were made out in the southwest, 
 bearing at their mast-heads the signals for an enemy in 
 sight, to leeward ; and at about half-past eight a strange 
 fleet, consisting of twenty-one ships and four brigs, made 
 its appearance in that quarter. 
 
 The Dutch fleet consisted of four 74s, seven 64s, four 
 50s and two 44-gun ships, with two 32-gun frigates, two 
 corvettes, four brig-sloops, and two advice-boats. Some 
 accounts give more ships than this. Probably there were 
 more. 
 
 These vessels, under the command of Vice-Admiral De 
 Winter, had quitted the Texel at ten o'clock on the 
 morning of the 10th of October, with a light breeze at 
 about east by north. On the night of that day, the wind 
 being then southwest, Captain Trollope's squadron was 
 discovered by them, to windward, and immediately chased; 
 but the Dutch ships, being dull sailers, did not come near 
 him. The Dutch fleet then stretched out toward the 
 Meuse flat, where Admiral De Winter expected to be 
 joined by a 64-gun ship. Not meeting her, he stood on 
 to the westward, followed, or rather, as the wind was, 
 preceded, by Captain Trollope's squadron. 
 
BATTLE OF CAMPERDOWN. 279 
 
 The wind continued westerly during the three succeed- 
 ing days, and prevented the Dutch fleet from getting 
 abreast of Lowestoffe until the evening of the ioth. The 
 extreme darkness of that nigfht induced Admiral De 
 Winter to detach a few of his best sailing ships, in 
 hopes that they would be enabled, by daybreak, to 
 get to windward of, and capture or chase away, 
 Captain Trollope's squadron, which had followed them 
 with great pertinacity. Just as the ships had made sail 
 for that purpose some friendly merchant ships came 
 into the fleet, and informed Admiral De Winter that the 
 English fleet was within thirty miles of him, in the north- 
 northwest, and steering east by south. The detached 
 ships were instantly recalled; and the -Dutch fleet, as soon 
 as formed in compact order, edged away, with the wind 
 northwest, towards Camperdown, the appointed place of 
 rendezvous. 
 
 At daylight on the nth the Dutch fleet was about 
 thirty miles off the village of Scheveningen, in loose order, 
 and speaking a friendly convoy, from which additional 
 information was obtained. 
 
 At this time the English squadron of observation was 
 seen to windward, with numerous signals flying, which 
 convinced Admiral De Winter that the English fleet was 
 in sight. He accordingly ordered his ships to their 
 stations, and to facilitate the junction of the ships most 
 to leeward, stood towards the land. The Wykerdens 
 bearing east, about twenty miles off, the Dutch fleet 
 hauled to the wind, on the starboard tack, and shortly 
 afterwards discovered Admiral Duncan's fleet in the 
 north-northwest. The Dutch fleet then tacked, and, as 
 soon as a close line was formed in the direction of north- 
 east and southwest, the Dutch ships, throwing their main- 
 
280 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 top-sails aback, resolutely awaited the approach of the 
 British fleet. 
 
 Owing chiefly to inequality in point of sailing - among 
 the British ships, their fleet, when that of the Dutch 
 appeared in sight, was in very loose order. To enable the 
 dull sailers to take their proper stations, Admiral Duncan, 
 at about eleven a.m., brought to, on the starboard tack; 
 but soon afterwards observing that the Dutch ships were 
 drawing fast inshore, he made signal for each ship to 
 engage her opponent in the enemy's line ; then to bear 
 up ; and, lastly, for the van to attack the enemy's rear. 
 At about half-past eleven, the centre of the Dutch line 
 then bearing southeast, distant four or five miles, the 
 British fleet bore down, but, owing to some of the ships 
 not yet being up, in no regular order of battle. Some 
 were stretching across to get into their stations ; others 
 seemed in doubt where to go ; and others, again, were 
 pushing for the thickest of the enemy, without regard to 
 stations. 
 
 A little before noon Admiral Duncan made signal that 
 he should pass through the enemy's line and engage him 
 to leeward. This signal appears to have been kept flying 
 but a short time, and the weather was so thick that the 
 ships generally did not make it out. It was replaced by 
 one for close action, which was kept flying for an hour 
 and a half; till, indeed, it was shot away. About half-past 
 twelve Vice-Admiral Onslow, whose ship, the Monarch, 
 was leading the advanced or port division of the British 
 fleet, cut through the Dutch line, between the Haerlem, 
 64, and the Jupiter, 74 ; pouring into each, in passing, a 
 well-directed broadside. Then the Monarch, leavine the 
 Haerlem to the Powerful, which followed her, luffed up 
 close alongside the Jupiter, and these two ships became 
 warmly engaged. The Jupiter carried the flag of Vice- 
 
BATTLE OF CAMPERDOWN. 281 
 
 Admiral Reyntjes. The rounding to of the Monarch 
 afforded the Dutch Monnikendam frigate and Atalanta 
 brig, which were in shore and in the rear, an opportunity 
 to rake the English ship several times ; and the very 
 plucky little brig, in particular, did not retire until she had 
 been much damaged by the Monarch's shot. It was 
 supposed she had been sunk by the 74, but she arrived 
 safely, after the battle, in a Dutch port. The remaining 
 ships of the English port division, especially the Mon- 
 mouth, 64, and the Russell, 74, were soon in action with 
 the Dutch rear-ships ; among the last of which to 
 surrender was the Jupiter, 74, the first to be engaged. 
 
 About twenty minutes after the Monarch, with Vice- 
 Admiral Onslow's flag, had broken the Dutch line, 
 Duncan's flag-ship, the Venerable, frustrated in an attempt 
 to pass astern of the Vryheid, 74, De Winter's flag-ship, 
 by the great promptness of the States-General, 74, in 
 closing the interval, ran under the stern of the latter, and 
 soon compelled her to bear up ; and the Triumph, the 
 Venerable's second astern, found herself closely engaged 
 with the Wassenaer, the second astern to the States- 
 General. Meanwhile the Venerable had ranged up close 
 on the lee side of her first intended antagonist, the 
 Vryheid, with whom, on the other side, the Ardent was 
 also warmly engaged, and in front, the Belford, as she 
 cut through the line astern of the Dutch Gelykheid, 64. 
 The Dutch ships Brutus, 74, Rear-Admiral Bloys, and the 
 Leyden, 64, and Mars, 44, not being pressed upon by 
 opponents, advanced to the succor of their closely beset 
 Admiral, and did considerable damage to the Venerable, 
 as well as the Ardent, and others of the British van ships. 
 Just at this critical period the Hercules, 64, which ship 
 had caught fire on the poop, bore up and fell out of line, 
 drifting down very near the Venerable. 
 
282 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 Although, to the surprise of every one, the Dutch crew 
 managed to extinguish the flames, yet, having thrown 
 overboard their powder, they were obliged to surrender 
 the ship, which had already had her mizzen-mast shot 
 away, to the first opponent which challenged her. The 
 serious damages which the Venerable had sustained 
 obliged her to haul off and wear round on the starboard 
 tack. Seeing this, the Triumph, which had compelled 
 the Wassenaer to strike, approached to help finish the 
 Vryheid ; but that very gallant ship still made a good 
 defence. At length, after being pounded at by the 
 Venerable, Triumph, Ardent and Director, her three masts 
 fell over the side, and disabled her starboard guns, when 
 the overmatched but heroic Vryheid dropped out of the 
 line of battle, an ungovernable hulk, and struck her colors. 
 
 A curious incident occurred in regard to the Wassenaer, 
 64, which, we have just seen, was compelled by the 
 English Triumph, 74, to strike her colors, and fall out of 
 the line. One of the Dutch brigs followed her, and fired 
 at her, persistently, until she re-hoisted her colors. The 
 Russel, 74, soon came up, however, and compelled the 
 unfortunate Wassenaer aeain to strike to her. With the 
 surrender of Admiral De Winter's ship the action ceased, 
 and the English found themselves in possession of the 
 Vryheid and Jupiter, 74s, Devries, Gelykheid, Haerlem, 
 Hercules and Wassenaer, 64s, Alkmaar and Delft, 50s, 
 and the frigates Monnikendam and Ambuscade. The 
 first of these frigates had been engaged by the Mon- 
 mouth, 64, and was finally taken possession of by the 
 Beaulieu, a 40-gun frigate of the English. 
 
 The Dutch van ship, the Beschermer, 50, dreading, 
 very naturally, so strong an opponent as the Lancaster, 
 64, had early wore, and fallen out of the line. Her 
 example was followed, with much less reason, by several 
 
BATTLE OF CAMPERDOWN. 283 
 
 of the other Dutch ships, which, although seen making 
 off, could not be pursued, on account of the nearness of 
 the land, and the shallowness of the water. The 
 Venerable at this time sounded, and found only nine 
 fathoms, and the shore, under their lee, which was that be- 
 tween Camperdown and Egmont, and about thirty miles 
 northwest of Amsterdam, was only about five miles off. 
 
 The British ships now hastened to secure their prizes, 
 so that they might, before nightfall, work clear of this 
 dangerous coast. 
 
 The appearance of the victorious British fleet was very 
 different from that which generally presented itself after 
 a battle with the French or the Spaniards. Not a single 
 lower mast, not even a topmast, in the British fleet, was 
 shot away. Nor were the sails and rigging of the latter 
 very much damaged. 
 
 It was at the hulls of their adversaries that the sturdy 
 Dutchmen had directed their shot, and they did not fire 
 until they were so near that no shot could well miss. All 
 the English ships had shot sticking in their sides ; many 
 were pierced by them in all directions, and some of them 
 had such dangerous wounds between wind and water that 
 their pumps had to be kept going briskly. The Ardent 
 had received about one hundred round shot in her hull ; 
 the Belliqueux, Belford, Venerable and Monarch had 
 nearly as many. But the latter ship was so untouched 
 aloft, that when her top-sail sheets, which had been shot 
 away, were spliced and hauled home, no one looking at 
 her from a little distance would have believed she had 
 been in action. 
 
 With such fire, directed almost exclusively at the hulls, 
 even by the feeble guns of that day, the loss of men could 
 not be otherwise than severe. The British loss was 203 
 killed, and 622 wounded. 
 
284 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 The captured ships were all either dismasted outright, 
 or so injured in their masts that most of the latter fell as 
 soon as the wind and sea, during the passage to England, 
 began to act powerfully upon them. The Dutch ships' 
 hulls were also terribly cut up, and were so damaged as 
 mostly to be brought into port to be exhibited as trophies, 
 and then broken up. 
 
 Their loss was proportionately severe. The Dutch 
 Vice-Admiral and the two Rear-Admirals were all 
 wounded. Vice-Admiral Reyntjes died in London soon 
 after, not of his wound, but of a chronic disease. Captain 
 Holland, of the Wassenaer, was killed early in the action, 
 which may account, partially, for her not holding out 
 longer. Admiral De Winter's captain, Van Rossem, had 
 his thigh carried away by a round shot, and died almost 
 immediately. 
 
 Many other Dutch officers were killed and wounded, 
 and their loss, including that on board the Monnikendam 
 frigate, which was not in the line, was 540 killed, and 620 
 wounded. 
 
 The actual force of the two fleets in this battle was, 
 according to English accounts — not always very reliable 
 at that time — 
 
 British. Dutch. 
 
 Ships 16 16 
 
 Guns 1^15° I >°34 
 
 Agg. weight of metal, lbs 11,501 9,85 7 
 
 Crews 8,221 7,1 75 
 
 Size, tons 23,601 20,937 
 
 It is fair to say that the Dutch had several frigates and 
 brigs abreast the intervals in their line, which did good 
 service, raking the English ships as they came through 
 and luffed up to leeward of the enemy's line. 
 
 As it was, Admiral Duncan met and fought the Dutch 
 
BATTLE OF CAMPERDOWN. 285 
 
 fleet before a 98- and two 74-gun ships which De Winter 
 had expected could join him. 
 
 Admiral De Winter, in his official report of the action, 
 attributed his failure to four causes: first, the superiority 
 of the British in large ships ; secondly, their having been 
 together at sea for many weeks, and hence well accus- 
 tomed to work together; thirdly, the advantage of the 
 attack, and fourthly, the early retreat of some of his 
 ships, and the bad sailing of some of the others. He 
 also expressed his belief that, if his signals had been 
 obeyed as promptly as Admiral Duncan's were, some of 
 the English fleet would have been brought into the Texel, 
 instead of the Dutch ships going to England. His state- 
 ment about the English ships being so long together 
 was not altogether correct. Captain Williamson, of the 
 English ship Agincourt, 64, was court-martialed for his 
 conduct in this action. He was accused of disobedience 
 of signals and failure to go into action ; and also, on a 
 second charge, of cowardice or disaffection. The first 
 charge was found proved, but not the second, and Wil- 
 liamson received a very severe sentence. It was proved 
 on this trial that some of Admiral Duncan's fleet did 
 not know other ships in the same fleet. In the great 
 fleet actions of those days, between ships-of-the-line, it 
 was not customary for frigates and smaller ships to fire, 
 or to be fired at, unless they provoked it ; and the Dutch 
 frigates, corvettes and brigs formed in this action a sec- 
 ond line, and fought well. The Dutch were, indeed, an 
 enemy not to be despised, and Admiral Duncan did full 
 justice to the determined way in which most of them 
 fought. 
 
 Scarcely was the British fleet, with its prizes, pointed to 
 the westward, when a gale of wind came on, which scat- 
 tered and endangered the whole of them. The injured 
 
286 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 masts fell, and the vessels leaked through shot-holes 
 which in any ordinary weather would have been above 
 the reach of the water. 
 
 On the 13th, the Delft, 50, a prize, exhibited a board 
 with the words chalked on it "The ship is sinking." 
 Assistance was sent, and most of the men removed ; but 
 several of the prize crew and many of the prisoners 
 perished in her, so quickly did she founder. 
 
 The Monnikendam frigate was wrecked on a shoal ; 
 bui all on board were saved ; and the Ambuscade frigate, 
 being driven on the Dutch coast, was recaptured. One 
 by one the rest of the scattered fleet and the prizes 
 reached English ports. 
 
 Admiral Duncan was made a peer, and Vice-Admiral 
 Onslow a baronet, for this action. Gold medals were 
 presented to the flag-officers and captains; and the thanks 
 of Parliament were voted to the fleet. 
 
 We often realize more of the real spirit of a fight from 
 private accounts and comments than from the official 
 reports; and we, therefore, add a few remarks and 
 anecdotes from such sources. In the first place, the 
 promptitude and decision of Admiral Duncan on meeting 
 the Dutch fleet is especially to be noticed. " The British 
 Admiral soon perceived that if he waited to form his line 
 (the enemy drawing fast in with the land) there would 
 be no action." He, therefore, hoisted the signal to make 
 all sail, break the line, and engage the enemy to leeward; 
 and for close action, which last signal flew until it was 
 shot away. This signal could not be mistaken, and, 
 coupled with the gallant Admiral's example, superseded 
 all former ones. 
 
 If further proof of the superior efficacy of such a mode 
 of attack be wanting, it is to be found not only in the 
 declaration of the brave Dutch Admiral, but also in the 
 
BATTLE OF CAMPERDOWN. 287 
 
 testimony of Lord Nelson, who, although not acquainted 
 with Lord Duncan, wrote to him, after the battle of the 
 Nile, to tell him how " he had profited by his example." 
 
 The Dutch Admiral De Winter said, " Your not waiting 
 to form a line ruined me ; if I had got nearer to the 
 shore, and you had attacked, I should probably have 
 drawn both fleets on, and it would have been a victory 
 to me, being on my own coast." 
 
 It is a fact that many of the vessels of Admiral Dun- 
 can's fleet were intended for Indiamen, and not so stoutly 
 built as men-of-war .usually are ; and many of his ships 
 were in bad condition, and had not had time to complete 
 their stores when called away from Yarmouth Roads to 
 encounter the enemy. 
 
 Among other incidents of this action, it is recorded 
 that, when the main-top-gallant mast of the Venerable 
 was shot away, a seaman named Crawford went aloft with 
 another flag, and hammer and nails, and nailed the flag 
 to the topmast- head. 
 
 Had Duncan's fleet been of as good material as that 
 of Lord St. Vincent, it is probable that every Dutch ship 
 would have been taken. When the action ceased the 
 English fleet were in only nine fathoms of water, and a 
 severe gale was nearly upon them; and the wonder is 
 that they saved themselves and so many of their prizes, 
 in their battered condition. 
 
 Captain Inglis, of the Belliqueux, of 64 guns, owing 
 either to a long absence from active service, or an inapt- 
 itude to the subject, sometimes apparent in sea officers, 
 had neglected to make himself a competent master of the 
 signal-book, and on the morning of the day of the battle, 
 when it became necessary to act with promptitude in 
 obedience to signals, found himself more puzzled than 
 enlightened by it, and, throwing it with contempt upon 
 
288 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 the deck, exclaimed, in broad Scotch: "D — n me, up 
 wi' the helium, and gang intil the middle o't!" 
 
 In this manner he bravely anticipated the remedy in 
 such cases provided by Nelson, who, in his celebrated 
 "Memorandum," observes that, "when a captain should 
 be at a loss he cannot do very wrong if he lay his ship 
 alongside of the enemy." 
 
 In strict conformity with this doctrine the Belliqueux 
 got herself very roughly treated by the van of the Dutch 
 fleet. 
 
BATTLE OF THE NILE. 
 
 289 
 
 XX. 
 
 BATTLE OF THE NILE. 1ST. AUGUST, 1708. 
 
 HIS battle is called by the French Aboukir, 
 the name of the bay in which it took place, 
 and it is really a more proper name for 
 the action, as only a small mouth of the 
 Nile opened into the bay. 
 
 Beside the great naval action, Aboukir 
 has given its name to a bloody and de- 
 cisive land battle, which took place July 
 25th, 1 799, between the French and a Turkish army. We 
 may dispose of the latter briefly before taking up the 
 more important sea fight, although in point of time the 
 latter precedes it a year. 
 
 Bonaparte having learned of the landing of a Turkish 
 army of 18,000 infantry at Aboukir, advanced to attack 
 them, at the head of only about 6000 men. The Turks, 
 who were mostly Janissaries, had a very considerable 
 force of artillery, and were in part commanded by Eng- 
 lish officers. Being strongly intrenched at the village of 
 Aboukir, they should have beaten off the French force 
 easily; but, at the word of command from Bonaparte, 
 Generals D'Estaing, Murat and Lannes attacked the en- 
 trenchments with desperate courage, and, after a terrible 
 fight, which lasted some hours, the Turks were fairly 
 driven into the sea. Thousands of bodies floated upon 
 the bay, which the year before had borne the corpses of 
 so many French sailors, who had perished from gun-shot 
 
 *9 
 
290 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 or by fire. Perhaps for the first time in the history of 
 modern warfare, an army was entirely destroyed. 
 
 It was on this occasion that Kleber, at the close of the 
 fio-hting, seized Bonaparte in his arms, and embracing 
 him, exclaimed : " General, you are the greatest man in 
 the world ! " 
 
 A year previous to the event just recorded, while 
 Bonaparte was occupied in organizing his new conquest 
 of Egypt, fortune was preparing for him one of the most 
 terrible reverses which the French arms had ever met, 
 by sea or by land. 
 
 What must have made it harder for him to bear was, 
 that when leaving Alexandria to go to Cairo he had very 
 strongly recommended Admiral Brueys, who commanded 
 the fleet which had brought him to Egypt, not to remain 
 at the anchorage of Aboukir, where the English could, he 
 thought, take him at a disadvantage. In fact, Napoleon's 
 military mind foresaw just what afterwards happened. 
 
 Brueys at first thought of taking his fleet to Corfu, but 
 lost precious time in waiting for news from Cairo, and 
 this delay brought on the disaster which had a very 
 important influence in moulding the destiny, not only of 
 Egypt, but of the whole of Europe. 
 
 Learning of the departure of a large body of troops, 
 and of a strong fleet, from Toulon, but in entire ignorance 
 of the object of their expedition, Nelson, after vainly 
 seeking for them in the Archipelago, in the Adriatic, at 
 Naples, and on the coasts of Sicily, at last learned with 
 certainty that they had effected a landing in Egypt. He 
 made all sail at once for Alexandria, determined to fieht 
 the French fleet the moment it was found, and wherever 
 it might be. He found it at Aboukir bay, just to the 
 eastward of Alexandria, on the i st of August, 1 79S ; and 
 we shall now give a general sketch of what ensued, and 
 
BATTLE OF THE NILE. 291 
 
 after that the particulars of this important action — from 
 both French and English sources. 
 
 Although it was nearly six o'clock in the evening when 
 the French fleet was discovered, Nelson resolved to attack 
 immediately. 
 
 Admiral Brueys' fleet was moored in the bay, which 
 forms a pretty regular semicircle, and had arranged his 
 thirteen ships-of-the-line in a curved line, parallel with 
 the shore ; having upon his left, or western flank, a little 
 island, called also Aboukir. 
 
 Thinking it impossible that a ship-of-the-line could pass 
 between this island and the last ship of his line, to take 
 him in the rear, he contented himself with establishing 
 upon the island a battery of twelve or fourteen guns ; 
 thinking, indeed, that part of his position so little liable 
 to attack that he placed his worst vessels there, 
 
 But with an adversary like Nelson, most formidable, 
 not only for the brilliancy of his conceptions, but for the 
 skillful audacity with which he carried them out, the pre- 
 cautions which under ordinary circumstances would have 
 been sufficient proved of no avail. 
 
 The British fleet comprised the same number of line- 
 of-battle-ships as the French, but the latter had more 
 smaller ships. 
 
 The British Admiral advanced intrepidly to the attack; 
 a portion of his ships taking a course between the French 
 line and the coast. The Culloden, the leading English 
 ship, ran upon a shoal, and stuck fast ; but, although her 
 batteries were thus thrown out of the engagement which 
 followed, her mishap piloted the others in. The Goliath, 
 the Audacious, the Theseus and the Orion succeeded in 
 passing inside the French line ; penetrating as far as the 
 Tonnant, which was the eighth of the French line, and 
 thus engaged the French centre and left. 
 
292 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 The rest of the English fleet advanced outside the 
 French line, and so put the left and centre of it between 
 two fires. 
 
 The battle was a terrible one, especially at the French 
 centre, where the French Admiral's ship, L'Orient, was 
 stationed. The Bellerophon, one of Nelson's best ships, 
 was dismasted, terribly cut up, and obliged to haul off; 
 and other English ships so damaged that they were 
 obliged to withdraw. 
 
 In spite of the success of Nelson's grand manoeuvre, 
 Brueys still had some chance of success, if the orders 
 which he gave to his right, or eastern, wing had been 
 carried out. But Admiral Villeneuve, who commanded 
 there, did not make out Brueys' signals, and remained in 
 his position, at anchor, instead of getting under way, and 
 doubling upon the English outside line, which would have 
 thus put the latter, in their turn, between two fires. 
 
 Nelson's ready mind had foreseen this danger; but 
 Villeneuve, who was to lose another even more import- 
 ant battle at Trafalgar, lacked the instinctive resolution 
 which causes a second in command, under such circum- 
 stances, to hasten to the relief of his chief, without formal 
 orders. 
 
 Like Grouchy at Waterloo, he heard and saw the 
 cannonade which was destroying the centre and left of 
 the French line, without coming- to the rescue ; and 
 while that part of the French fleet was performing prodi- 
 gies of valor to uphold the honor of their flag, Villeneuve 
 escaped, with four ships-of-the-line, thinking himself 
 praiseworthy in saving them from the fate of the rest. 
 
 The unfortunate Brueys, though wounded, would not 
 leave the deck. 'An Admiral oueht to die o-ivinsf his 
 orders," he is reported, on good authority, to have said. 
 Not long after this speech another shot killed him. The 
 
BATTLE OF THE NILE. 293 
 
 brave Captain Dupetit-Thouars had both legs carried 
 away, but, like the Admiral, would not leave the deck, 
 but remained there, taking snuff, and coolly directino- 
 operations, until another shot struck and killed him. 
 
 In fact, acts of heroism were performed by many of 
 the officers and men on both sides. 
 
 About eleven o'clock at night the Orient, a huge and 
 magnificent vessel, blew up, with a terrible explosion. By 
 this time all the French vessels were destroyed or ren- 
 dered worthless, except the four carried off by Villeneuve, 
 and Nelson's fleet was in no condition to pursue them. 
 
 Such, in brief, was the celebrated battle of Aboukir, or 
 the Nile, the most disastrous the French navy had ever 
 fought, and the military consequences of which were of 
 such immense importance. It shut up the French and 
 their army in Egypt, and abandoned them to their own 
 resources. 
 
 France lost, and England gained, ascendancy in the 
 Levant, and what was worse, it destroyed the morale of 
 the French navy — the effects being seen for years, and 
 especially at Trafalgar. 
 
 And now we will proceed to give a more detailed ac- 
 count of the action. 
 
 Nelson's fleet arrived off Alexandria on the morning of 
 the ist of August, at about 10 o'clock. They found there 
 a forest of masts — belonging to transports and troop- 
 ships, but few men-of-war. The harbor did not permit 
 of the entrance of such large ships as composed the 
 French line. The two British look-out ships, the Alex- 
 ander and Swiftsure, also found the French flag flyino- on 
 the forts and walls. 
 
 About noon the Zealous, which ship had been lookino- 
 further to the eastward (just as the Pharos tower of 
 Alexandria bore south-southwest, distant about 20 miles), 
 
294 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 signaled that sixteen ships-of-the-line lay at anchor, in 
 line of battle, in a bay upon her port bow. 
 
 The British fleet instantly hauled up, steering to the 
 eastward, under top-gallant sails, with a fine breeze from 
 the northward and westward. These ships were in good 
 discipline, and it did not take them long to clear for 
 action. 
 
 Let us now turn to the French fleet, which they were 
 soon to encounter. On the ist of July, Admiral Brueys, 
 with his fleet, brought to off the old port of Alexandria, 
 and at once learned that a British squadron had been 
 looking for him there. On hearing this, General Bonaparte 
 desired to be landed, and the Admiral at once proceeded 
 to disembark the General and 6000 men, in a creek near 
 Marabout Castle, about six miles from the city of Alex- 
 andria. 
 
 Between the ist and the 6th of July all the troops, 
 with their baggage, were landed ; and six vessels, armed 
 en flute, went into Alexandria harbor, to protect the trans- 
 ports. As the ships-of-the-line drew too much water to 
 enter, Admiral Brueys, with three frigates and 13 sail-of- 
 the-line, stood off and proceeded to Aboukir bay, about 
 1 5 miles to the eastward of Alexandria. Reaching the 
 bay, he anchored his ships very judiciously, in line ahead, 
 about one hundred and sixty yards (Engl.) from each 
 other, with the van-ship close to a shoal in the northwest, 
 and the whole of the line just outside a four-fathom bank. 
 It was thus considered that an enemy could not turn 
 either flank. 
 
 The French ships, beginning at the van, were ranged 
 in the following order : Guerrier, Conquerant, Spartiate, 
 Aquilon, Peuple-Souverain (all 74's), the Franklin, 80, 
 Rear- Admiral Blanquet, second in command ; Orient, 1 20, 
 (formerly called the Sans Culotte, and the flag-ship of 
 
BATTLE OF THE NILE. 295 
 
 Admiral Brueys, Rear-Admiral Gauteaume and Captain 
 Casa-Bianca); next the Tonnant, 80; the Heureux, 74; 
 the Mercure, 74; the Guillaume Tell, 80, and the Gener- 
 eux and Timoleon, both 74's. 
 
 Having thus moored his fleet in a strong- position, the 
 French Admiral awaited the issue of General Bonaparte's 
 operations on shore. 
 
 He also erected the battery already spoken of on 
 Aboukir island, and four frigates — the Diane, Justice, 
 Artemise and Serieuse, with four brigs and several gun- 
 boats, were stationed along the bank, inside, or at the 
 flanks of the line, so as best to annoy an enemy in his 
 approach. 
 
 Yet Admiral Brueys appears to have been taken, at 
 last, rather by surprise. No doubt the short interval 
 which had elapsed between the departure of a reconnoit- 
 ring fleet and the arrival of another led him to the 
 belief that the English were aware of the proximity of 
 the French fleet, and for want of sufficient strength de- 
 clined to attack it. So that, when the Heureux, at 2 p. m. 
 of the 1st of August, made the signal for a fleet in the 
 northwest, the French ships were still lying at single 
 anchor, without springs on their cables ; and many of the 
 crew of each ship were on shore, getting water. These 
 were at once recalled; and some of the men of the frigates 
 were sent to reinforce the crews of the largest vessels. 
 The latter crossed top-gallant yards, as if about to get 
 under way, but the French Admiral thought that his 
 enemy would never attack at night, in such a position, 
 and so he remained at anchor. When Nelson's move- 
 ments undeceived him, he ordered the ships to let go 
 another bower anchor, and another one to be carried out 
 to the S. S. E.; but very few of his ships found time to do 
 either. 
 
296 NAVAL BATTLES, AlSCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 Before the English fleet approached the bay, each ship 
 got a cable out of a gun-room port, and bent it to an 
 anchor, and prepared springs, to give requisite bearing 
 to her broadside. This was to enable the ships to anchor 
 by the stern, in the best position for attacking the enemy, 
 and for supporting each other. 
 
 As the British approached the bay, two French brigs 
 stood out to reconnoitre, and one of them, the Alerte, 
 stretched towards the shoal which lies off Aboukir island, 
 in the hope that one or more of the English would follow 
 her, and get on shore. But this ruse de guerre was 
 disregarded, and the English fleet stood on. 
 
 About half-past five the signal was made to form in 
 line of battle, ahead and astern of the Admiral, as most 
 convenient. By a little after six, in spite of some confu- 
 sion from a new order of sailing, the line was pretty well 
 formed, and eleven of the ships had rounded the shoal 
 at the western side of the bay, and, with the wind on the 
 starboard quarter, were rapidly approaching the French. 
 The Culloden was astern of the rest; and far astern of 
 the Culloden were the Alexander and Swiftsure, all three 
 making every effort to get up into line. 
 
 At about twenty minutes past six the French hoisted 
 their colors, and their two van ships, the Guerrier and 
 Conquerant, opened a fire upon the two leading English 
 ships, the Goliath and Zealous. The guns in the battery 
 on the island also opened now, and fired also on the 
 other ships, as they rounded the shoal. They ceased to 
 fire, however, after the engagement became close, for fear 
 of injuring their own van ships. 
 
 Soon the Goliath crossed the bows of the Guerrier, and 
 ranging past her, let go her stern anchor, and brought 
 up abreast of the small opening between the Conquerant 
 and Spartiate. As she passed she kept up a spirited fire 
 
BATTLE OF THE NILE. 297 
 
 upon the two van ships, as well as engaging, from the 
 other battery, a mortar-brig and a frigate, nearly abeam. 
 
 The Zealous, close astern of the Goliath, came in and 
 anchored abreast the inner or port bow of the Guerrier, 
 the French van ship. The English Vanguard and Mino- 
 taur then making for the starboard side of the enemy's 
 line, left the Theseus to follow the Zealous. This she 
 did, passing between the latter and her opponent, and 
 along past the Goliath, anchoring directly ahead of the 
 latter, and, within two cables' length of the Spartiate's 
 beam. The Orion, having passed inshore of the Zealous 
 and Goliath, found herself assailed by the Serieuse frigate, 
 anchored inshore. As soon as the Orion's starboard 
 guns would bear, she opened on the frigate, and dismasted 
 and sunk her in a few minutes ; but she was in such shoal 
 water that her upper works were dry. Passing on, the 
 Orion passed the Theseus, and dropped her bower, so 
 that she swung with her bows towards the Theseus. 
 Then she veered away until between the Peuple Souverain 
 and the Franklin, firing into the port bow of the latter and 
 the port quarter of the former. 
 
 The Audacious, having from the outside cut the open- 
 ing between the Guerrier and the Conquerant, came to, 
 with a small bower, and opened upon the Conquerant, at 
 only about forty yards' distance. In a few minutes the 
 Audacious swung round the Conquerant's bows, and 
 brought up, head to wind, within about the same distance 
 of her, on the port side. 
 
 Nelson had wisely resolved to complete the capture or 
 destruction of the French van ships before he made any 
 attempt upon those in the rear. He knew that the latter, 
 from their leeward situation, would be unable to afford 
 any immediate support to the former. 
 
 So, as the first step, the Vanguard anchored abreast of 
 
298 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 the Spartiate, within half pistol-shot, on her starboard 
 side. The Minotaur anchored next ahead of the Van- 
 guard, opposed to the Aquilon; and the Defence, still on 
 the outer English line, brought up abreast of the Peuple 
 Souverain. The Bellerophon and Majestic passed on to 
 close with the French centre and rear, on the outside. 
 
 These eight British and five French ships should be 
 followed by themselves in their action. 
 
 The Guerrier receiving a raking broadside from each 
 English ship which passed her bows, and a succession of 
 the same from the judiciously placed Zealous, lost all 
 three masts and bowsprit in a quarter of an hour, without 
 being able to bring enough guns to bear to seriously 
 damage any of her antagonists. 
 
 The French apparently did not expect any action on 
 the port side, and were not prepared in that battery. 
 The knowledge that French and Spanish ships seldom 
 cleared for action on both sides, and also that the French 
 must have allowed themselves room to swing, in the event 
 of the wind's blowing directly on shore, induced the Eng- 
 lish to pass between them and the shore, especially as the 
 English ships generally drew less water, and thus all fear 
 of getting aground was dispelled. The unfortunate 
 Guerrier, having been completely cut to pieces, and 
 having most of her crew disabled, was forced to strike. 
 
 The Conquerant, besides receiving fire from the ships 
 which ran by her, had to withstand a portion of the fire 
 of the Theseus, and all that of the Goliath and the Auda- 
 cious, the latter, for a time, in a raking position. At the 
 end of about twelve minutes, being dismasted, and from 
 her position unable to make a suitable return fire, the 
 Conquerant hauled down her flag. She struck, indeed, 
 before the Guerrier did. In doing this the Goliath and 
 
BATTLE OF THE NILE. 299 
 
 Audacious were considerably damaged, principally in 
 spars and rigging. 
 
 Next we come to the Spartiate. She sustained, for 
 some time, the fire of both the Theseus and the Vanguard, 
 with occasional shots from the quarter guns of the Auda- 
 cious and the bow guns of the Minotaur. Her masts 
 were soon shot away, and she surrendered at about the 
 same time as the Guerrier. 
 
 The Aquilon, astern of the Spartiate, had a slanting 
 position in the line, and made a good fight, raking the 
 Vanguard with dreadful effect, but was at last overcome 
 by the batteries of the Minotaur. The Vanguard was 
 very much injured. The unusually powerful broadside 
 of the Minotaur (she being the only ship in either fleet 
 which had 32-pounders in the upper battery), aided by 
 the occasional fire of the Theseus, within the line, soon 
 dismasted the Aquilon, and compelled her surrender. 
 This occurred about half-past nine. 
 
 Next we come to the Peuple Souverain. She was sub- 
 jected to the close and well-sustained fire of the Defence, 
 and occasional raking broadsides from the Orion, as the 
 latter ship lay on the Peuple Souverain's inner quarter. 
 This ship, having had her fore and main masts shot 
 away, and being, in other respects, greatly disabled, cut 
 her cable and dropped out of the French line, anchoring 
 again abreast of the Orient, and about two cables' 
 length from her. 
 
 The fore-top-mast of the Peuple Souverain's opponent, 
 the Defence, fell over the side just as the French ship had 
 ceased firing and quitted the line. The Defence then 
 veered away on her cable, and brought up on the outer 
 or starboard bow of the Franklin. The Defence's three 
 lower masts and bowsprit were tottering, in consequence 
 of the fire of the Peuple Souverain ; and both hull and 
 
300 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 masts of the Minotaur were very much damaged by the 
 fire of the Aquilon. But of the eight British ships whose 
 conduct we have detailed, the Defence was the only one 
 who had actually had spars to fall. The order in which 
 the five French van ships surrendered appears to have 
 been thus ; ist. Conquerant; Guerrier and Spartiate next, 
 and at the same time; then the Aquilon; and lastly, the 
 Peuple Souverain. 
 
 In order to lessen the confusion of a night attack, and 
 to prevent the British vessels from firing into each other, 
 every ship had been directed to hoist at her mizzen-peak 
 four lights horizontally. The English fleet also went into 
 action with the white, or St. George's ensign (at this day 
 used exclusively by the British Navy), the red cross in 
 the centre of which rendered it easily distinguishable, in 
 the darkest night, from the tri-colored flag of the French. 
 At about seven o'clock the lights made their appearance 
 throughout the fleet; and it was at about the same time 
 that the Bellerophon dropped her stern anchor so as to 
 bring up abreast, instead of on the bow, of the French 
 three-decker. In a very few minutes afterwards the 
 English Majestic brought up abreast of the Tonnant, and 
 soon lost her captain by that ship's heavy fire. Subse- 
 quently, on this dreadful night, when the Tonnant cut 
 her cable, to keep clear of the Orient, the Majestic slipped 
 her cable, to keep clear of the hawse of her consort, the 
 Heureux. The Majestic then let go her best bower 
 anchor, and again brought up, head to wind. She now 
 had the Tonnant on her port bow, and the Heureux on 
 her starboard quarter. 
 
 The Swiftsure, of the English fleet, having passed the 
 Alexander, when the latter tacked to avoid Aboukir 
 shoal, now came crowding up. At about 8 o'clock she 
 anchored by the stern, judiciously placing herself on the 
 
BATTLE OF THE NILE. 301 
 
 starboard bow of the Orient, and on the starboard quarter 
 of the Franklin; while, into the port bow of the latter 
 ship, the Leander, having taking an admirable position in 
 the vacant space left by the Peuple Souverain, poured 
 several broadsides which had no response. The Leander 
 would have been much earlier in action, but for having 
 hove to, to try to assist the Culloden. 
 
 Almost immediately after, the Alexander passed 
 through the wide opening which the driving of the Ton- 
 nant had left, and dropped her bower anchor, so as to 
 bring her starboard broadside to bear on the port quarter 
 of the Orient. 
 
 Until the Leander took up a position inside of the 
 Orion, the latter had been firing into the Franklin, and 
 the Minotaur was also occasionally firing at the Frank- 
 lin. But after the Peuple Souverain quitted the line, the 
 Franklin was engaged almost entirely with the Defence. 
 The fight was thus going on, most intrepidly on both 
 sides, when an event occurred which seemed to appall 
 every one, and suspended, for a time, the hostile opera- 
 tions of the two fleets. 
 
 From the moment that the Bellerophon had, with so 
 much more gallantry than judgment, stationed herself 
 alongside the huge Orient, a heavy cannonade had been 
 kept up between the two ships. So decidedly was it to 
 the disadvantage of the English ship, the Bellerophon, 
 that her mizen, and then her main mast, were cut away, 
 doing - much damage in their fall. 
 
 At about nine o'clock a fire was observed on board the 
 Orient. To those on board the Bellerophon it appeared 
 to be on the second deck ; while to those on board the 
 Swiftsure it appeared to be in the French flagship's 
 mizzen chains. The origin of the accident has been vari- 
 ously explained. By some it is said to be due to paint- 
 
302 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 pots, oil and other combustibles in the chains. Others 
 decided that it was due to premature ignition of combust- 
 ibles arranged by the French to burn the English ships. 
 The truth will never be known now. At any rate, all of 
 the Swiftsure's guns which would bear were directed to 
 fire upon the seat of combustion. It was soon evident 
 that they were firing with precision — for the French could 
 not approach the spot. The Bellerophon, much dam- 
 aged by her powerful opponent, and fearing fire for her- 
 self, now cut her stern cable, loosed her sprit-sail, and 
 wore clear of the Orient's guns. The Orient was keep- 
 ing up a splendid and uninterrupted fire from the first 
 deck in particular, even after the upper part of the ship 
 was entirely involved in flames. Scarcely had the 
 Bellerophon effected her escape when her foremast fell 
 over her port bow, killing a lieutenant and several men 
 by its fall. The fact that the Bellerophon could thus 
 drop clear shows that the French line continued to lay 
 head to the wind, although many statements to the con- 
 trary were made. 
 
 At about ten the Orient blew up, with a tremendous 
 explosion, which seemed, for the time, to paralyze every 
 one, in both fleets, It must have been an awful sight, of 
 which description would fall short; for certainly, no vessel 
 of such a size had blown up before, and none so large 
 has blown up since. The effect produced upon the adja- 
 cent ships was different. The Alexander, Swiftsure and 
 Orion, the three nearest English ships, had made every 
 preparation for the event which they saw was inevitable. 
 They closed their ports and hatchways, removed from 
 their decks all cartridges and combustible material, and 
 had their firemen ready, with buckets and pumps. The 
 shock of the explosion shook the ships to their very 
 keelsons, opened their seams, and did considerable other 
 
BATTLE OF THE NILE. 303 
 
 injury. A flaming mass flew over the Swiftsure. Some 
 burning fragments fell into her tops, but the wise action 
 of her commander in not hauling further off probably 
 saved her. A part of the blazing mass fell on board the 
 Alexander, much further off than the Swiftsure, and a 
 port-fire set fire to some of the upper sails of the Alex- 
 ander, as well as to her jib. The crew extinguished the 
 flames, after cutting away the jib-boom and other spars. 
 The Alexander then dropped to a safer distance. 
 
 Among the French ships, the Franklin received the 
 greatest share of burning wreck from the Orient. Her 
 decks were covered with red-hot pitch, pieces of timber, 
 and burning rope. She caught fire, but they succeeded in 
 putting it out. The Tonnant, a near neighbor, just before 
 the explosion, slipped her cable and dropped clear. The 
 Heureux and Mercure did the same. 
 
 After the explosion it was full ten minutes until a gun 
 was fired again. On both sides there was a sort of 
 paralysis, and a waiting for what next was to occur. The 
 wind seemed to have been lulled by the concussion, but 
 then freshened up again, whistled about the rigging of 
 the ships, ruffled the surface of the water, and aroused, 
 by its cool breath, the benumbed faculties of the com- 
 batants. 
 
 The first ship to renew the fire was the much damaged 
 French ship Franklin. She had only her lower battery, 
 but opened with that, upon the Defence and Swiftsure ; 
 and they returned it, with full effect. Being surrounded 
 by enemies, the gallant Franklin, fighting until her main 
 and mizzen masts had gone by the board, and having 
 scarcely a serviceable gun left, and half her crew dead 
 or wounded, hauled down her colors. 
 
 It was now midnight. The Tonnant was the only French 
 ship which kept her battery in active play. Her shot 
 
304 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 annoyed the Swiftsure, particularly; while the latter, owing 
 to the position of the Alexander, could make little or no 
 return. 
 
 At 3 a.m the formidable and unremitting fire of the 
 Tonnant shot away the main and mizzen masts of the 
 Majestic ; and shortly after, the Tonnant herself had all 
 three masts shot away, close to the deck. The wreck of 
 the masts falling over her battery caused her to cease firing, 
 but, for all that, she did not strike. Indeed, by veering 
 cable, she had dropped to leeward of her second position, 
 and there lay, like a lion at bay. 
 
 The Heureux and Mercure having, as stated, withdrawn 
 from the line, left room for the Tonnant to take a position 
 ahead of the Guillaume Tell and the two ships in her 
 rear. This she did; and then a second interval of silence 
 occurred in this awful battle. 
 
 Just as day broke, about four o'clock, the fire opened 
 again, between the Tonnant, Guillaume Tell, Genereux 
 and Timoleon, on the French side, and the Alexander 
 and the Majestic on the other. This firing soon brought 
 down the Theseus and Goliath. 
 
 Soon after these ships arrived, the French frigate 
 Artemise fired a broadside at the Theseus, and then 
 struck her colors. A boat was dispatched from the 
 English ship, to take possession; but the frigate was 
 discovered to be on fire, and soon after blew up. In the 
 meantime the four French line-of-battle ships, and the 
 two frigates inside of them, kept dropping to leeward, so 
 as, presently, to be almost out of gunshot of the English 
 vessels that had anchored to attack them. 
 
 At about six o'clock in the morning the Goliath and 
 Theseus got under way, and, accompanied by the Alex- 
 ander and Leander, stood towards the French Mercure 
 and Heureux. These, on quitting the line, had first 
 
BATTLE OF THE NILE. 305 
 
 anchored within it, and then had run on shore on the 
 southerly side of the bay. These two ships, after inter- 
 changing a few distant shots, struck their colors. 
 
 About an hour before noon the Genereux and 
 Guillaume Tell, with the frigates Justice and Diane, got 
 under way, and made sail to the northeast, the absence 
 to leeward of the three English ships which were in a 
 condition to carry sail giving them an opportunity to get 
 clear. The Timoleon, being too far to leeward to fetch 
 clear, ran herself on shore, losing her fore-mast by the 
 shock. The four other French ships now hauled close, 
 on the port tack, and the Zealous, the only other English 
 ship in a condition to make sail, stood after them. After 
 some distant firing, the four French ships stretched on, 
 and escaped. In this affair the Zealous had one man 
 killed, who had already been wounded on the day before. 
 
 And now to sum up. Of the thirteen French ships-of- 
 the-line, one had been totally destroyed, with nearly all 
 on board ; eight had surrendered, and two had got clear. 
 Of the two remaining, one, the Timoleon, was on shore, with 
 her colors flying ; the other, the indomitable Tonnant, 
 having had her second cable cut by the fire of the Alex- 
 ander, was lying about two miles away, a mere wreck, 
 but with her colors flying on the stump of her main-mast. 
 
 Things remained in this state until the following morn- 
 ing, the 3d of August, when the Theseus and Alexander 
 approached the Tonnant, and, further resistance being 
 utterly hopeless, the gallant French ship hauled down 
 her colors, replacing them with a flag of truce, and was 
 taken possession of by a boat from the Theseus. 
 
 The principal part of the crew of the Timoleon had, 
 during the night, escaped on shore, although a few had 
 been taken off in the four vessels which escaped. Be- 
 tween three and four hundred of those who reached the 
 20 
 
306 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 shore were murdered by the Bedouins, while a few fought 
 their way to a French camp. Those who remained by 
 the ship set her on fire, and she soon after blew up, making 
 the eleventh line-of-battle-ship lost by the French in the 
 battle of Aboukir, or the Nile. 
 
 As for the British ships engaged in this great battle, 
 their damages were chiefly aloft. The Bellerophon was 
 the only British ship entirely dismasted, and the Majestic 
 the only one, beside her, which lost a lower mast. The 
 Alexander and Goliath lost top-masts ; but the lower 
 masts, yards and bowsprits of all the British ships were 
 more or less damaged. And we must remember, that 
 such damage was almost equivalent to loss of propellers 
 or boiler in ships of our day. 
 
 The Bellerophon's hull was very much shattered, and 
 many of her guns broken to pieces. The Vanguard had 
 received very great injury in her hull, while the Swiftsure 
 had received from the Tonnant shots under water, which 
 kept four feet of water in her hold during the entire 
 action, in spite of the pumps. The Theseus was hulled 
 seventy times, and the Majestic was in nearly as shat- 
 tered a state as the Bellerophon. 
 
 The loss of the English was 218 killed and 678 
 wounded. Admiral Nelson was struck by a splinter a 
 little above his right, or blind eye, causing a piece of skin 
 to hang down over the lid. This was replaced and 
 sewed up. 
 
 The Bellerophon suffered most in killed and wounded, 
 and the Majestic next. 
 
 As regards the captured French ships, the statistics of 
 loss were never properly given. Five of them were 
 entirely dismasted, and were rendered unseaworthy as 
 to their hulls. 
 
 The Peuple Souverain and the Franklin, though not 
 
BATTLE OF THE NILE. 307 
 
 entirely dismasted, were not in much better plight than 
 the others. The Mercure and Heureuxwere principally 
 damaged by running on shore, where they lay with their 
 top-gallant yards across, to all appearance as perfect as 
 when the action commenced. 
 
 As no official account of the French loss was given, 
 the matter was left open to conjecture. One of the 
 lowest estimates makes the French loss 2000. It was 
 probably more. 
 
 The French commander-in-chief, Admiral Brueys, 
 while upon the Orient's poop, received three wounds, 
 one of which was in the head. Soon afterwards, as he 
 was descending to the quarter-deck, a shot almost cut 
 him in two. He asked not to be carried below, but to be 
 allowed to die on deck — which he did, in a few minutes. 
 
 Casa Bianca, the captain of the Orient, is said, by some 
 accounts, to have died by the Admiral's side ; but, by the 
 account most generally received, he died, with his son, 
 who was only ten years old, in the great explosion. 
 Captains Thevenard, of the Aquilon, and Dupetit- 
 Thouars, of the Tonnant, were killed, and six other 
 captains were dangerously wounded. 
 
 Mention must be made of the Culloden, which had run 
 on a reef of rocks, off the Island of Aboukir, and did not 
 get into the action. Her running on shore saved the 
 Alexander and Swiftsure — both of which ships did such 
 good service. Every effort was made, with the assist- 
 ance of the Mutine brig, to get the Culloden off. But 
 the swell increased, and she lost her rudder, and began 
 to leak badly. Next day she came off, much damaged, 
 and with seven feet of water in her hold, but was 
 eventually saved, by good seamanship. 
 
 In this great action the number of line-of-battle-ships 
 was the same on both sides ; but the weight of metal, the 
 
308 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 gross tonnage, and number of men were on the side of 
 the French. The French ships were conquered in detail, 
 by a masterly and bold manoeuvre of Nelson's. Had 
 the unengaged French ships got under way, they would 
 have no doubt captured the Culloden, prevented the two 
 other English ships from entering the bay, and, possibly, 
 turned the tide of battle. 
 
 The great disaster which befell the huge three-decker, 
 the Orient, no doubt gave a decided turn of the action in 
 favor of the English. 
 
 With respect to the behavior of the French, nothing 
 could be more gallant than the defence made by each of 
 the six van-ships ; by the Orient, in the centre, and by 
 the Tonnant, in the rear. The Heureux and Mercure 
 appear to have been justified in quitting the line, by the 
 great danger of fire ahead of them — however precipi- 
 tate in running themselves on shore. No instance of 
 personal misconduct was ever reported, in either fleet. 
 
 The engagement and its consequences ruined the 
 French hopes of receiving the reinforcement of troops 
 destined for Egypt ; it left the Porte free to declare war 
 against them ; it rekindled the war with the German 
 States ; it opened the Mediterranean to the Russians, 
 and occasioned the loss of Italy and the Adriatic posses- 
 sions, which had been won by Bonaparte in his great 
 campaigns. Finally, it put the English at ease concerning 
 India, while the Egyptians became more inimical, and the 
 French there, isolated as they were, were put upon a 
 strictly defensive policy. 
 
 On the morning of the 14th of August, after an incred- 
 ible deal of labor in refitting the ships, the prizes, rigged 
 with jury-masts and weakly manned, proceeded to the 
 westward, except the Heureux, the Mercure and the 
 Guerrier, which were in too bad a state to be refitted, 
 
BATTLE OF THE NILE. 309 
 
 and which were burned. A fleet was left, under Captain 
 Hood, to cruise off Alexandria. Nelson, himself, in the 
 Vanguard, with two other ships, went to Naples, which 
 he had better never have seen, for events there occurred 
 which have always more or less tarnished his fame. 
 
 The English public had all summer been reproaching 
 Rear-Admiral Sir Horatio Nelson for his tardiness in 
 finding the French fleet, and the news of his great action 
 (owing to the capture of the Leander, which had been 
 sent with the news) did not reach England until the 2d 
 of October, and then the English people thought they 
 could not do enough to make amends for their complaints 
 against the brightest ornament of their favorite service. 
 
 o o 
 
 On October 6th Nelson was made a peer, with the title of 
 Baron Nelson of the Nile, and of Burnham Thorpe, in the 
 County of Norfolk. Thanks of Parliament, of course, 
 followed, and a pension of ^2000 per annum, to him and 
 his two next heirs male, was granted by the Parliament of 
 England, and ^"iooo from that of Ireland. Gold medals 
 were presented to Lord Nelson and his captains, and the 
 first lieutenants of all the ships were promoted to com- 
 manders. In regard to the Culloden, which ran on 
 shore, and, of course, was not engaged, Nelson wrote: 
 " I sincerely hope it is not intended to exclude the first 
 lieutenant of the Culloden ; for heaven's sake, for my 
 sake, if it be so, get it altered." 
 
 Strictly speaking, only the captains engaged were to 
 have medals, but the King himself expressly authorized 
 Lord Spencer to present one to Captain Trowbridge, of 
 the Culloden. Nelson wrote to Earl St. Vincent con- 
 cerning this officer : "The eminent services of our friend 
 deserve the very highest rewards. I have experienced 
 the ability and activity of his mind and body. It was 
 Trowbridge who equipped the squadron so soon at 
 
310 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 Syracuse ; it was Trowbridge who exerted himself for me 
 after the action; it was Trowbridge who saved the Cul- 
 loden, when none that I know in the service would have 
 attempted it; it is Trowbridge whom I have left as 
 myself at Naples ; he is, as a friend and as an officer, a 
 non-pareilT 
 
 The East India Company presented Lord Nelson with 
 ,£10,000, and Liverpool, London and many other cities 
 voted him rewards. The Sultan presented him with a 
 diamond aigrette and robe of honor; and instituted a 
 new Order, that of the Crescent, and made Nelson the 
 first knight companion of it, while many other foreign 
 powers presented tokens of respect for his talents and 
 bravery. The finest of the French prizes which the captors 
 succeeded in getting home was the Franklin. Her name 
 was changed to Canopus, the ancient name of Aboukir. 
 
 The following is Nelson's official letter to Lord St. Vin- 
 cent, announcing the victory. It is the letter which was 
 captured in the Leander, on her way to the westward, by 
 the Genereux. 
 
 " Vanguard, off the Mouth of the Nile, 
 "August 3d, 1 798. 
 
 " My Lord: — Almighty God has blessed his Majesty's 
 arms, in the late battle, by a great victory over the fleet 
 of the enemy, whom I attacked at sunset on the 1st of 
 August, off the mouth of the Nile. 
 
 "The enemy were moored in a strong line-of- battle for 
 defending the entrance of the Bay (of shoals), flanked by 
 numerous gunboats, four frigates, and a battery of guns 
 and mortars on an island in their van, etc. 
 
 "The ships of the enemy, all but their two rear ships, are 
 nearly dismasted, and those two, with two frigates, I am 
 sorry to say, made their escape; nor was it in my power 
 to prevent it, etc. 
 
BATTLE OF THE NILE. 311 
 
 " Captain Berry will present you with the flag of the 
 second in command, that of the commander-in-chief being- 
 burned in L'Orient, etc." 
 
 As personal remarks and details by eye-witnesses of 
 celebrated actions are always of interest, we may, at the 
 risk of being prolix, add some extracts from a private 
 letter of Sir Samuel Hood to Lord Bridport, and terminate 
 the account by a report from a French officer who was 
 present. 
 
 Sir Samuel Hood says, "After completing our water at 
 Syracuse, in Sicily, we sailed from thence on the 24th of 
 July, and arrived a second time off Alexandria, on the 
 31st, where we found many more ships than were there 
 before; amongst which were six with pendants, and 
 appearing large, so that we were convinced the French 
 fleet had been there. I immediately kept well to the 
 eastward of the Admiral, to see if I could discover the 
 enemy at Bequir (Aboukir). 
 
 "About one o'clock the man at the mast-head called 
 down, and said he saw a ship, and in a few minutes after 
 announced a fleet, at anchor. I sent -a glass up, and 
 eighteen large ships were clearly ascertained, thirteen or 
 fourteen of which appeared to be of the line; which I 
 made known by signal to the Admiral, who instantly 
 pressed sail up, and made the signal to prepare for battle. 
 The wind being to the N. N. W. and sometimes more 
 northerly, we were obliged to haul to the wind. The 
 Alexander and Swiftsure, which were to leeward, were 
 called in, and the Culloden ordered to cast off the prize 
 which she had in tow, as she was somewhat astern. 
 
 "As we advanced towards the enemy we plainly made 
 out 13 sail-of-the-line, 4 frigates, with several small armed 
 vessels, all at anchor in the road of Bequir, or Aboukir, 
 very close in, and in order of battle. The Admiral then 
 
312 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 made the signal to anchor, and for battle, and to attack 
 the van and centre of the enemy; and soon after for the 
 line ahead, as most convenient." 
 
 "As we got pretty nearly abreast of the shoal at the 
 entrance, being within hail of the Admiral, he asked me 
 if I thought we were far enough to the eastward to 
 bear up clear of the shoal. I told him I was in eleven 
 fathoms ; that I had no chart of the bay, but if he would 
 allow me, would bear up and sound with the lead, to 
 which I would be very attentive, and carry him as close 
 as I could with safety. He said he would be much obliged 
 to me. I immediately bore away, rounded the shoal, the 
 Goliath keeping upon my lee bow, until I found we were 
 advancing too far from the Admiral, and then shortened 
 sail, and soon found the Admiral was waiting to speak to 
 a boat. 
 
 "Soon after he made the signal to proceed, the Goliath 
 leading, and as we approached the enemy shortened sail 
 gradually, the Admiral allowing the Orion and others to 
 pass ahead of the Vanguard. 
 
 "The van-ship of the enemy being in five fathoms, I 
 expected the Goliath and Zealous to stick fast on the shoal 
 every moment, and did not imagine we should attempt 
 to pass within her, as the van, with mortars, etc., from the 
 island, fired regularly upon us. 
 
 "Captain Foley intended anchoring abreast of the van- 
 ship, but his sheet anchor, the cable being out of the 
 stern port, not dropping the moment he wished it, he 
 brought up abreast of the second ship, having given the 
 first one his fire. I saw immediately he had failed of his 
 intention ; cut away the Zealous' sheet anchor, and came 
 to in the exact situation Captain Foley meant to have 
 taken. 
 
 "The enemy's van-ship having her bow toward the 
 
BATTLE OF THE NILE. 313 
 
 Zealous (which had received very little damage, notwith- 
 standing we received the fire of the whole van, island, 
 etc., as we came in), I directed a heavy discharge into 
 her bow within musket-shot, a little after six. Her fore- 
 mast went by the board in a few minutes, just as the sun 
 was closing with the horizon ; upon which the squadron 
 gave three cheers, it happening before the next ship 
 astern of me had fired a shot, and only the Goliath and 
 Zealous had been engaged, and in ten minutes more her 
 main and mizzen masts went (at this moment also went 
 the main-mast of the second ship, closely engaged by the 
 Goliath and Audacious) ; but I could not get her to strike 
 for three hours after, although I hailed her several times, 
 seeing she was totally cut up, and only firing a stern 
 chase, at intervals, at the Goliath and Audacious. 
 
 " At last, being tired of killing men in this way, I sent 
 a lieutenant on board, who was allowed, as I had in- 
 structed him, to hoist a light and haul it down, as a sign 
 of her submission. From the time her foremast went, the 
 men had been driven from her upper decks by our 
 canister-shot and musketry, and I assure your Lordship 
 Xh2£,fro?n her bow to the gangway, the ports on her main 
 deck were entirely in one ; and the gunwale in that part 
 entirely cut away, which caused two of her main deck 
 beams to fall upon her guns, and she is so terribly 
 mauled that we cannot move her without great detention 
 and expense, so that I imagine the Admiral will destroy 
 her. In doing this execution I am happy to say that the 
 Zealous had only seven men wounded and not one 
 killed. 
 
 " The Bellerophon, unfortunately alongside the Orient, 
 was in two hours totally dismasted, and, in consequence, 
 cut her cable and went off before the ship took fire ; but 
 she was most gallantly replaced by the Alexander and 
 
314 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 Swiftsure, our worthy friends. She (the gallant Sir 
 Samuel means L'Orient, but he does not say so) soon 
 after took fire and blew up. 
 
 "The Alexander and Swiftsure, having been sent to look 
 into Alexandria, was the cause of their being so late in 
 the action. Poor Trowbridge, in trying to make the short- 
 est way to the enemy, being too far astern, struck upon 
 a reef; his ship is since got off with the loss of her rudder 
 and some damage to her bottom, so that he had no share 
 in the glorious victory. I believe, had not the Culloden 
 struck, the Alexander and Swiftsure, in the dark, would 
 probably have got into her situation, so that the accident 
 may be fortunate, as she was a buoy to them. 
 
 "On the blowing up of L'Orient a part of the wreck 
 fell on board of, and set fire to the jib and fore-top-mast- 
 stay-sail of, the Alexander, but the great exertion of her 
 officers and people soon got it under, with the loss of 
 some men. Captain Westcott was killed by a musket- 
 ball early in the action, but his loss was not felt, as the first 
 lieutenant, Cuthbert, fought the Majestic most gallanily 
 during the remainder of the action. The Bellerophon 
 and that ship have suffered much. Tn the morning, the 
 Theseus, Goliath, Audacious and Zealous were ordered 
 into the rear, having sustained but little damage; but 
 as I was going down, the Admiral made my signal to 
 chase the Diane frigate, which was under sail and attempt- 
 ing to escape. She, however, returned and closed with 
 the ships of the enemy that had not submitted, and I was 
 called in and ordered to go to the assistance of the 
 Bellerophon, who lay at anchor on the other side of the 
 bay ; but in going to her, I perceived the Guillaume Tell, 
 of 80 guns, and the Genereux, of 74, the Diane and 
 Justice, of 40, pressing to make their escape, being the 
 only ships not disabled, and immediately directed the 
 
BATTLE OF THE NILE. 315 
 
 Zealous to be kept close upon the wind, in the hope I 
 should be able to bring them to action and disable them, 
 so as to allow assistance to come to me, or so far cripple 
 them as to prevent their working out of the bay. I 
 weathered them within musket-shot and obliged them to 
 keep away to avoid being raked ; and although I did 
 them a great deal of damage, they were so well prepared 
 as to cut away every brace and bowline, with topmast 
 and standing rigging. I meant to have boarded the rear 
 frigate, but could not get the ship round for a short space 
 of time, and whilst I was trying to do it, I was called in 
 by signal, seeing I should get disabled, without having it 
 in my power to stop so superior a force. The Admiral 
 was very handsome in his acknowledgments for my 
 zealous attempt" (we suppose the gallant Sir Samuel 
 intended no pun here, but he made a very good one), "as 
 well as for my gallant conduct. I told him I only did my 
 duty, and although the ship was very much cut in her 
 sails and rigging, having forty cannon-shot through her 
 main-sail, I had lost but one man killed and none materi- 
 ally wounded. 
 
 "The Audacious was sent to the Bellerophon in my 
 room, and I am now quite to rights. Ben Hallowell has 
 written to your Lordship, so has our brave Admiral, who, 
 I am sorry to say, is again wounded, but is doing well ; the 
 wound is in his head, not dangerous, but very trouble- 
 some. Some of our ships have suffered much. Your 
 Lordship, as well as the whole world, will believe and 
 think this the most glorious victory that ever was gained, 
 and it will certainly prove the ruin of the French army. 
 
 "A courier has been taken, charged with despatches 
 from Bonaparte and the other Generals, for France. * * 
 
 "Amongst the French letters * * is one from young 
 Beauharnais, B's step-son, who is with him, to his 
 
316 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 mother; in which he says Bonaparte is very much dis- 
 tressed, owing to some disputes with Tallien and others, 
 and particularly with Berthier, which he did not expect. 
 These are favorable events, and will make our victory the 
 more important." 
 
 To give an idea of the important events we have been 
 speaking of from the point of view of the losing side, we 
 give an account of the action written by the Adjutant of 
 the French fleet, while a prisoner on board the Alexander. 
 
 Beginning with the advance of the English fleet, he says, 
 " The Alert then began to put the Admiral's orders into 
 execution, namely, to stand towards the enemy until 
 nearly within gunshot, and then to manoeuvre and 
 endeavor to draw them towards the outer shoal, lying off 
 the island; but the English Admiral no doubt had 
 experienced pilots on board, as he did not pay any atten- 
 tion to the brig's track, but allowed her to go away, 
 hauling well round all danger. 
 
 "At five o'clock the enemy came to the wind in succes- 
 sion; the manoeuvre convinced us that they intended 
 attacking us that evening. The Admiral got the top- 
 gallant yards across, but soon after made the signal that 
 he intended engaging the enemy at anchor; convinced, 
 no doubt, that he had not seamen enough to engage 
 under sail. * * * * 
 
 " After this signal each ship ought to have sent a 
 stream cable to the ship astern of her, and to have made 
 a hawser fast to the cable, about twenty fathoms in the 
 water, and passed to the bow on the opposite side to that 
 expected to be engaged, as a spring. This was not gen- 
 erally executed. Orders were then given to let go 
 another bower anchor, and the broadsides of the ships 
 were brought to bear upon the enemy, having the ships' 
 heads S. east from the Island Bequir, forming a line about 
 
BATTLE OF THE NILE. 317 
 
 1300 fathoms, northwest and southeast, each with an 
 anchor out S. S. east. * * * * 
 
 " All the (French) van were attacked on both sides by 
 the enemy, who ranged close along our line ; they had 
 each an anchor out astern, which facilitated their motions, 
 and enabled them to place themselves in a most advan- 
 tageous position. * * * * 
 
 " At nine o'clock the ships in the van slackened their 
 fire, and soon after it totally ceased, and with infinite 
 sorrow we supposed they had surrendered. They were 
 dismasted soon after the action began, and so damaged, 
 it is to be presumed, they could not hold out against an 
 enemy so superior by an advantageous position, in 
 placing several ships against one. * * * * 
 
 " At ten o'clock the main and mizzen masts of the 
 ship (on board of which the officer who writes the account 
 was — the flag-ship of Admiral Blanquet) were lost, and 
 all the guns on the main deck were dismounted. At 
 half-past ten this ship had to cut her cables to avoid the 
 fire of her consort, L'Orient. The English ship that was 
 on L' Orient's port quarter, as soon as she had done 
 firing upon her, brought her broadside to bear upon the 
 Tonnant's bow, and kept up a very heavy raking fire. 
 
 "The Mercureand Heureux conceived that they ought 
 likewise to cut their cables ; and this manoeuvre created 
 so much confusion amongst the rear ships that they fired 
 into each other, and did considerable damage ; the 
 Tonnant anchored ahead of the Guillaume Tell ; the 
 Genereux and Timoleon got ashore, etc. * * * * 
 
 "The Adjutant General, Montard, although badly 
 wounded, swam to the ship nearest L'Orient, which 
 proved to be English. Commodore Casa Bianca and his 
 son, only ten years of age, who during the action gave 
 proofs of bravery and intelligence far beyond his age, 
 
318 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 were not so fortunate. They were in the water, upon 
 the wreck of the Orient's masts, neither being able to 
 swim, and seeking each other, until the ship blew up 
 and put an end to their hopes and fears. 
 
 "The explosion was dreadful, and spread fire to a 
 considerable distance. The decks of the Franklin were 
 covered with red-hot pitch, oakum, rope, and pieces of 
 timber, and she was on fire for the fourth time, but luckily 
 got it under. 
 
 "Immediately after the tremendous explosion the action 
 everywhere ceased, and was succeeded by a most 
 profound silence. * * * * j^ was a quarter of an 
 hour before the ships' crews recovered from the stupor 
 they were thrown into. 
 
 "Towards eleven o'clock the Franklin, anxious to 
 preserve the trust confided to her, re-commenced the 
 action with a few of the lower-deck guns ; all the rest were 
 dismounted. Two-thirds of the ship's company were 
 killed, and those who remained most fatigued. She was 
 surrounded by the enemy's ships, who mowed down the 
 men at every broadside. At half-past eleven, having 
 only three lower-deck guns which could defend the honor 
 of the flag, it became necessary to put an end to so 
 disproportionate a struggle, and Citizen Martinel, Capi- 
 taine de Frigate, ordered the colors to be struck." 
 
 Of the 'French officers in command at the Nile, one 
 Admiral and two Captains were killed, and Rear- Admiral 
 Blanquet and seven Captains were wounded. They were 
 all taken on board the Vanguard, and hospitably enter- 
 tained by Nelson. 
 
 The following- anecdote of them is said to be true. 
 While on the passage to Naples, in the Vanguard, they 
 were, as usual, dining with Nelson. One of the French 
 
BATTLE OF THE NILE- 319 
 
 captains had lost his nose, another an eye, and another 
 most of his teeth, by a musket ball. During the dinner, 
 Nelson, half blind from his wound, and not thinking what 
 he was about, offered the latter a case of toothpicks, and, 
 on discovering his error, became excessively confused, 
 and in his confusion handed his snuff-box to the captain 
 on his right, who had lost his nose. 
 
320 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 XXI. 
 
 LEANDER AND GEnEREUX. 16TH AUGUST, 
 A.D. 1798. 
 
 N connection with the Battle of the Nile, it 
 may be interesting to give some account of 
 an action between single ships which closely 
 followed it, in which Admiral Nelson's 
 dispatches describing his victory were cap- 
 tured by one of the two French line-of-battle 
 ships which escaped from Aboukir Bay. 
 It will be remembered that the Genereux 
 and Guillaume Tell, with two frigates, made sail and 
 escaped, on August 2d. 
 
 On the 5th the Leander, 50, Captain Thompson, was 
 despatched, with Captain Berry, of Admiral Nelson's 
 flag-ship, to convey to Earl St. Vincent the report of the 
 great action. 
 
 The Leander, making the best of her way to the west- 
 ward, was, at daybreak on the 18th of August, within a 
 few miles of the Goza di Candia. As the sun rose a 
 large sail was discovered in the south, evidently a ship- 
 of-the-line, and standing directly for the Leander, which 
 latter ship was becalmed, while the stranger was bringing 
 up a fine breeze from the southward. The Leander 
 being some eighty men short of her complement, and 
 having on board several who were wounded in the late 
 action, Captain Thompson very properly took every 
 
LEANDER AND GENEREUX. 321 
 
 means to avoid a contest with a ship so superior in size 
 and force. But the inferiority in sailing of the Leander 
 rendered an action inevitable ; and it was only left him 
 to steer such a course as would enable her to receive 
 her powerful antagonist to the best advantage. 
 
 The line-of-battle ship soon turned out to be French, 
 and no other than the Genereux. She still had the breeze 
 to herself, and came down within distant shot, when she 
 hoisted Neapolitan colors. These she soon changed for 
 Turkish, but had not at all deceived the English officers 
 as to her nationality. About nine o'clock she ranged up 
 on the Leander's weather quarter, within half gunshot. 
 The English ship at once hauled up until her broadside 
 would bear, and then opened a vigorous fire, which was 
 returned by the Genereux. The ships contrived to 
 near each other, keeping up a constant and heavy fire, 
 until half-past ten, when it was evident the Genereux 
 intended to lay her opponent on board. The Leander's 
 sails and rigging were so much cut up, and the wind 
 was so light, that she could not avoid the shock, and 
 the French ship struck her on the port bow, and, drop- 
 ping alongside, continued there for some time. The 
 French crew were, however, prevented from boarding by 
 the musketry fire of the Leander's few marines, upon her 
 poop, and the small-arm men on the quarter-deck. They 
 made several attempts, but were each time beaten off] 
 with loss. 
 
 Meanwhile the great guns of both ships, that would 
 bear, were firing most actively, and the action was very 
 severe. Presently, an increase of breeze occurring, the 
 Leander took advantage of it to disengage herself, and, 
 being ably handled, was able to pass under her enemy's 
 stern, at but a few yards distance, while she deliberately 
 raked her with every broadside gun. Soon after this the 
 21 
 
322 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 breeze entirely died away, and the sea became as smooth 
 as glass; but the cannonade between the two ships 
 continued, with unabated fury, until half-past three in the 
 afternoon. A light breeze then sprang up, and the 
 Genereux had passed the Leander's bows, and stationed 
 herself on the latter's starboard side. Unfortunately, a 
 great wreck of spars and rigging had fallen on that side 
 of the Leander, and disabled her guns. This checked the 
 English ship's fire, and the French now hailed to know 
 if she had surrendered. The Leander was now totally 
 unmanageable, having only the shattered remains of her 
 fore and main masts standing, while her hull was cut to 
 pieces, and her decks covered with the killed and 
 wounded. The Genereux, on the other hand, having 
 only lost her mizzen-top-mast, was about to take up a 
 position across her opponent's stern, where she could 
 finish her work by raking her with deadly effect, without 
 a possibility of reply. In this condition she had no 
 choice but surrender, and the Genereux, took possession 
 of her hard-won prize. 
 
 In this six hours' close and bloody fight the Leander 
 had thirty-five killed, and fifty-seven wounded, a full third 
 of all on board. The loss of the Genereux was severe. 
 She had a crew of seven hundred, and lost about one 
 hundred killed, and one hundred and eighty-eight 
 wounded. This defence of a fifty-gun ship against a 
 seventy-four is almost unparalleled. 
 
 Captain Le Joille, the commander of the French ship, 
 was not, if we may believe the English accounts, a very 
 good specimen of a French naval officer, even of those 
 peculiar times, when rudeness was considered the best 
 proof of true republicanism. Captain Thompson and his 
 officers were allowed to be plundered, as soon as they 
 arrived on board the Genereux, of every article they 
 
LEANDER AND GENEREUX. 323 
 
 possessed, hardly leaving the clothes which they wore. 
 In vain they expostulated with the French Captain, 
 reminding him of the very different treatment experienced 
 by the French officers taken prisoners at the battle of the 
 Nile. With great nonchalance he answered, "I am sorry, 
 but to tell the truth, our fellows are great hands at 
 pillage." Captain Berry, the bearer of dispatches, who 
 was a passenger in the Leander, was plundered of a pair 
 of pistols which he valued. The man who had taken 
 them was produced, when the French Captain himself 
 took the pistols, telling Berry that he would give him a 
 pair of French pistols when he was released, which he 
 never did. This incident is related by Sir Edward Berry 
 himself, in a letter. In fact, the French behaved very 
 much like Barbary corsairs, and even took the instru- 
 ments of the surgeon of the Leander, before he had 
 performed the necessary operations. Captain Thomp- 
 son's severe wounds nearly proved fatal, from their 
 preventing the surgeon from attending to them. When 
 the Leander arrived at Corfu, where she was taken, the 
 French there treated the English very badly, and some 
 of them nearly perished of privation. Had Captain 
 Thompson fallen into the hands of Captain Bergeret, or 
 many other French officers who could be named, his 
 obstinate and noble defence would have secured him the 
 respect and esteem of his captors. 
 
 Bergeret was of a very different type of French officer. 
 He was, during this war, a prisoner in England, and was 
 given his parole, to go to France, and endeavor to effect 
 an exchange between himself and the celebrated Sir 
 Sidney Smith, then a prisoner in Paris. Failing in his 
 object, he promptly returned to his imprisonment in 
 England. Sir Sidney had, in the meantime, made his 
 escape; and the British government, with a due sense of 
 
324 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 Bergeret's conduct, restored his- liberty, without any 
 restrictions. 
 
 It is a pity that such a man as Le Joille should have 
 been in command of one of the finest 74s in the French 
 navy. 
 
 When Captain Thompson's wounds healed, and he 
 at length reached his native country, he received not only 
 an honorable acquittal from the court held upon the loss 
 of his ship, but also the honor of knighthood, for the 
 defence which he had made against so superior a force. 
 
 Another striking incident connected with the battle of 
 the Nile, and we shall have done with that action. 
 
 Just a month after the battle, while the squadron under 
 Captain Hood, of the Zealous, which had been left off 
 Alexandria, by Nelson, was cruising close in with that place, 
 a cutter made her appearance, standing towards the land. 
 The Swiftsure and the Emerald frigate fired several shots 
 at her, but the cutter would not bring to, and at length ran 
 aground a little to the westward of the Marabout tower. 
 The English boats were at once despatched to bring her 
 off; but in the meantime the crew of the cutter had made 
 good their landing, and the vessel herself was shortly 
 afterwards beaten to pieces by the high surf. The shore, 
 at this time, presented nothing but barren, uncultivated 
 sands as far as the eye could reach ; but soon several 
 Arabs were seen advancing, some on horseback and some 
 on foot. The French, who had quitted the cutter, now 
 perceived their mistake; but, for nearly the whole of 
 them, it was too late. The Arabs were upon them. 
 
 The British boats pulled for the shore, in hopes of 
 saving their unfortunate enemies, but the breakers were 
 too heavy to effect a landing in safety. A midshipman 
 of the Emerald, Mr. Francis Fane (who afterwards rose 
 high in the service), with a high sense of humanity, threw 
 
LEANDER AND GENEREUX. 325 
 
 himself into the water, and swam through the surf to the 
 shore, pushing before him an empty boat's breaker, or 
 small cask, to which a line had been made fast. By this 
 means Citizen Gardon, the commanding officer of the 
 French cutter, and four of his men, were saved. The 
 cutter was the Anemone, of four guns and sixty men, six 
 days from Malta, and originally from Toulon, having on 
 board General Carmin and Captain Vallette, aide-de-camp 
 to General Bonaparte ; also a courier, with despatches, 
 and a small detachment of soldiers. 
 
 The General, perceiving no possibility of escape from 
 the English, had ordered Captain Gardon to run the 
 cutter on shore. The sailor represented to the soldier 
 the danger to his vessel and those on board, from the 
 high surf, and particularly to all who should succeed in 
 landing, from the hordes of wild Arabs who infested 
 that coast. 
 
 The General said he would cut his way through them, 
 to Alexandria, which was not much more than ten miles 
 off. No sooner, however, did the French land, than they 
 perceived the Bedouins, who, up to that time, had con- 
 cealed themselves behind the numerous sand hills in the 
 neighborhood. 
 
 Terror and dismay now seized upon the General and 
 the unfortunate victims of his rash resolve ; and their 
 enemy, the British, viewed their probable fate with com- 
 miseration, for the Arabs never spared any French who 
 fell into their hands. Although the crew of the cutter, 
 by refusing to surrender, and by firing upon the British 
 boats long after all hopes of escape were at an end, had 
 brought the disaster on themselves, still the English could 
 not help mourning their sad fate. 
 
 What followed was a melancholy spectacle. The 
 French officers and men were seized and stripped, and 
 
326 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 many of them murdered at once, in cold blood, as they 
 made no resistance on being pillaged. An Arab, on 
 horseback, unslung a carbine, and presented it at the 
 General, in full sight of the boats. The General and the 
 aide-de-camp appeared to be on their knees, begging for 
 mercy. The Arab drew the trigger but the piece missed 
 fire, and the man renewed the priming, very deliberately, 
 and again fired at the General. He missed him, but shot 
 the aid-de-camp, in his rear, and then he drew a pistol 
 and shot the General, who instantly fell. 
 
 The French courier endeavored to escape, but he was 
 pursued and killed, and the Arab who got possession of 
 his despatches at once rode off with them. It was learned, 
 afterwards, that they were restored to the French for a 
 large sum of money. 
 
 On the appearance of a troop of French cavalry, from 
 Alexandria, the Arabs retired to the desert, taking with 
 them their surviving prisoners, while the British boats, 
 with their five rescued prisoners, returned to the squadron. 
 
THE AMBUSCADE AND BAYONNAISE. 
 
 327 
 
 XXII. 
 
 ACTION BETWEEN THE AMBUSCADE AND 
 BAYONNAISE. A. D. 1798. 
 
 INGLE ship actions are often as decisive as 
 ' those between fleets ; and they are, as a 
 rule, even more characteristic and interest- 
 ing. Of course, we mean by decisive that 
 they have often affected, for good or evil, 
 the morale of nations, thereby encouraging 
 one and depressing the other, and thus in 
 no small degree affecting the progress of a 
 war. 
 The frigate actions of our last war with Great Britain 
 were very pre-eminently of this nature, and some of them 
 will, in due time, be given. 
 
 The action of the Ambuscade and Bayonnaise has 
 always been a fruitful source of discussion, as well as of 
 lively contradiction, between the French and English 
 naval writers, the latter being as much depressed by 
 allusions to it as the French are elated. Where so-much 
 discussion and rejoinder have taken place in regard to the 
 collision of a comparatively insignificant force, we may 
 expect to find many contradictory statements. 
 
 In what follows we shall give the account of the beaten 
 side, the British, in the main points, premising, of course, 
 that they would make the best of a poor story. The 
 facts of the capture are not disputed, and are given in 
 
328 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 about the same terms by both sides. It is the manner of 
 telling which differs. 
 
 On December 5th, 1798, the British 32-gun frigate 
 Ambuscade, Captain Jenkins, sailed from Portsmouth (to 
 which port she had escorted a prize, and on board the 
 latter had left a few of her men as a prize crew), for a 
 cruise on the French coast. Not long- after sailing she 
 made prizes of a brig and a lugger, and received on 
 board from the two vessels some thirty prisoners, while 
 she sent to the prizes her Second Lieutenant and a suffi- 
 cient number of men to man them. Her Third Lieutenant 
 was at this time ill in his bed, and the Ambuscade was 
 reduced in her complement, by the sending of prize crews, 
 from 212 to 190. Of this one hundred and ninety the 
 English accounts claim that a large number were boys. 
 It is quite likely that she had many landsmen and boys, 
 as most English ships had at that time, but that she had 
 such a proportion of boys as to effect her efficiency is not 
 very likely. She was not a school-ship or a training-ship, 
 but an active 32, engaged in winter cruising on a noto- 
 riously rough station, and doing her best to cripple the 
 enemy by taking and sending in prizes. 
 
 On the morning of December 14th, while lying to off 
 the mouth of the Garonne, and momentarily expecting to 
 be joined by the 32-gun frigate Stag, a sail was made out, 
 to seaward, standing in. The stranger was directly end- 
 on to the Ambuscade, and all on board the latter ship 
 seem to have taken it for granted it was her consort, 
 the Stag, because the latter was expected at that 
 time. December mornings are not apt to be clear and 
 fine in the Bay of Biscay, and the new comer was some 
 distance*off. They could see but little of her hull, from 
 her position, neither could they make out any colors, for 
 the same reason. 
 
THE AMBUSCADE AND BAYONNAISE. 329 
 
 This being the state of affairs, on an enemy's coast, in 
 time of active war, the officers and men of the Ambuscade 
 left her hove to, and went unconcernedly to breakfast, 
 with only a few hands on deck to observe the approach 
 of the strange sail, which came rolling down at her leisure. 
 Before nine o'clock she was within gunshot, and then she 
 suddenly hauled by the wind, and made all sail, apparently 
 to escape. She was now seen to be French, and the 
 Ambuscade's hands were turned up, and a press of sail 
 at once made in chase of what proved to be the French 
 24-gun corvette, the Bayonnaise, commanded by Captain 
 Richer, and coming from Cayenne, with some 30 troops 
 and an officer as passengers; these raising the number on 
 board to between 240 and 250 men. 
 
 The English ship seems to have been faster than dier 
 opponent, for she soon placed herself within comfortable 
 firing distance, when she hoisted her colors, and the 
 Bayonnaise did the same. The French ship then shortened 
 sail, and the action began; the interchange of broadsides 
 continuing for about an hour, the English account stating 
 that, at the end of that time, the Bayonnaise was suffering 
 very much. It is certain that the Ambuscade was suffer- 
 ing, for one of her main-deck twelve-pounders, just 
 abreast of her gangway, had burst. Now James, and 
 other English naval historians scout the idea that such an 
 accident should have any effect upon an action, when it 
 relates to so dauntless a spirit as that of Commodore 
 Rodgers, in command of an American frigate, outnum- 
 bered by an English squadron. But in this case it is 
 their ox which is gored, and they make the most of it, 
 even going so far as to trace the capture of the English ship 
 to that cause. By this unfortunate accident her gangway 
 was knocked away, the boats on the boom were stove, and 
 other damage done; while eleven men were wounded. 
 
330 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 It is true that the bravest and best disciplined ship's 
 company has its ardor dampened by an occurrence of the 
 kind, as they feel that the next gun may, at any moment, 
 in its turn sacrifice its crew. The good fame of a gun is 
 as important as that of a woman, and the bursting of a 
 gun during an engagement is one of the most unfortunate 
 accidents which can occur to any ship, be the destruction 
 great or small. In addition to this, all the English naval 
 historians combine in saying that the Ambuscade had an 
 exceptionally bad crew; and James devotes as much 
 space to proving this, and also that this 24-gun corvette 
 ought not to have taken an English ship of 32 guns, as 
 he does to most general actions. The accident to the gun 
 seems to have caused so much confusion on board the 
 English ship that the French corvette made sail to take 
 advantage of it, and make her escape from a disagreeable 
 predicament. This act on her part seems to have 
 recalled the Ambuscade's Captain to a sense of his duty, 
 and that ship soon overtook the Bayonnaise again — 
 coming up to leeward, to recommence the action — but 
 at first, owing to a press of sail, shooting a little too far 
 ahead. 
 
 The Bayonnaise was, at this time, much damaged in 
 hull, rigging and spars, and had suffered a heavy loss in 
 officers and men — among others, her Captain and First 
 Lieutenant — wounded. The commanding- officer of the 
 troops who were passengers then suggested to the only 
 sea-officer left on deck the trial of boarding the English 
 ship, which was so much the more powerful in weight of 
 metal. The plan was assented to, the boarders called 
 away, the corvette's helm was put up, and she was allowed 
 to drop foul of the Ambuscade, carrying away with her 
 bowsprit the quarter-deck barricade, wheel, mizzen-rig- 
 ging and mizzen-mast of the English frigate. It is evident 
 
THE AMBUSCADE AND BAYONNAISE. 331 
 
 that the latter must have been in a bad state to permit 
 this to be done. 
 
 The Bayonnaise then swung round under the Ambus- 
 cade's stern, but still remaining foul of her, having caught 
 the English ship's rudder chain, either by a grappling 
 iron or by the fluke of an anchor, and the French now, by 
 a vigorous use of musketry, commanded completely the 
 quarter-deck of the Ambuscade. 
 
 The marines of the Ambuscade kept up a fire in return, 
 but were overpowered by the steady, close fire of the 
 French soldiers, and in a very short time the First Lieu- 
 tenant was handed below, wounded in the groin, when he 
 almost immediately expired. 
 
 Almost at the same moment Captain Jenkins was shot 
 in the thigh, breaking the bone, and was necessarily 
 removed from the deck, as was the Lieutenant of Marines, 
 from wounds in the thigh and shoulder. 
 
 Scarcely had these left the deck when the Master was 
 shot through the head, and instantly killed. The only 
 surviving Lieutenant, who had left his sick bed to take part 
 in the defence, was now wounded in the head. 
 
 The gunner at this moment came on deck, and reported 
 the ship on fire below and abaft, which so alarmed the 
 uninjured portion of the crew, on account of the neighbor- 
 hood of the magazine, that they left their quarters on the 
 gun-deck, and went below. 
 
 The fire was occasioned by some cartridges which had 
 been carelessly left upon the rudder head, and which, on 
 the discharge of a gun through the cabin window or stern 
 port, into the bows of the Bayonnaise, had exploded, 
 badly wounding every man at the gun, besides blowing 
 out a part of the Ambuscade's stern, and destroying the 
 boat which was hanging there. 
 
 In the height of all this confusion on board the Ambus- 
 
332 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 cade the French soldiers, who, throughout, had behaved 
 splendidly, charged across the bowsprit of their vessel, 
 which formed a bridge to the quarter-deck of the Ambus- 
 cade, now undefended, and, after a short struggle on the 
 main deck, found themselves in possession of the frigate. 
 There is no doubt that this result was most humiliating 
 to a nation who had grown to consider themselves 
 irresistible by sea, when the odds were not too great. 
 The great advantage of the Ambuscade, her gun force, 
 was not made the most of; and although she was 
 evidently the faster vessel, the Frenchman, from superior 
 tactics, was enabled to make his superiority in musketeers 
 tell. In fact, the whole story shows that the English ship 
 was sadly deficient in discipline and drill. It was imme- 
 diately given out that the majority of her crew "were the 
 scum of the British navy," but the great trouble appears 
 to have been with the captain himself. This officer had 
 been promoted to the command of the Ambuscade from 
 the Carnatic, 74, where he had been first lieutenant, and 
 he had brought with him from that ship a party of sea- 
 men whom he chose to call the "gentlemen Carnatics," 
 and distinguishing those men whom he found on board 
 the frigate by the very opprobrious epithet of "black- 
 guard Ambuscades." One can hardly speak calmly of 
 the fact that such an idiot as this was placed in such a 
 responsible position; and, as he himself had raised two 
 parties in his ship, the only wonder is that she made so 
 good a defence. When Captain Jenkins and his surviv- 
 ing officers and ship's company were, some months later, 
 exchanged, a court-martial was, of course, held upon him, 
 for the loss of the Ambuscade. The Captain was suffer- 
 ing still from the effects of his dreadful wound, and he 
 and the rest were acquitted, in spite of the evidence 
 showing that his ship was in bad discipline, and that the 
 
THE AMBUSCADE AND BAYONNAISE. 333 
 
 action had been conducted in a lubberly manner, on the 
 part of the English, from first to last. No questions 
 appear to have been pressed as to why the Bayonnaise's 
 character was not earlier ascertained, whereby confusion 
 would have been avoided in the opening of the engage- 
 ment, and the Ambuscade might have obtained the 
 weather-gage, and kept her adversary from boarding; 
 while in that position, her superiority in metal should 
 have told. It was proved that the hammocks were not 
 in the nettings, in spite of the musketry being so much 
 used, and other equally shameful points were made 
 manifest. Yet Jenkins was acquitted, and the sentence 
 of the court avoided even naming the ship by which 
 he had been captured. The French took their prize into 
 Rochefort, and great were the rejoicings, not without 
 cause, for a French corvette had captured an English 
 frigate. Richer was promoted by the French Directory, 
 over one grade, to that of Capitaine de Vaisseau, and the 
 crew properly rewarded. The gallant officer in com- 
 mand of the troops, to whom so much of the credit of the 
 action is due, was killed on the Bayonnaise's deck. 
 
334 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 XXIII. 
 
 SIR SIDNEY SMITH AND HIS SEAMEN AT 
 ACRE. A. D. 1799. 
 
 N March, 1799, Commodore Sir William Sid- 
 ney Smith, in command of the English 74-gun 
 ship, Tigre, then lying off Alexandria, was 
 invested by the British government with 
 the rank of Minister Plenipotentiary to the 
 Sublime Porte. 
 
 In consequence of an express received 
 from Achmed Djezzar, Governor of Syria, 
 with the information that Bonaparte had invaded that 
 country, and had carried Jaffa by storm, and that the 
 French were also preparing an expedition by sea, Sir 
 Sidney sent off the Theseus, Captain Miller, to Acre, as 
 well as a small vessel to reconnoitre the Syrian coast and 
 rejoin the Theseus at Caiffa. 
 
 Acre was the next town and fortified place on the coast, 
 north of Jaffa, and was in a bay of the same name, the 
 southern port of which was the headland celebrated from 
 very ancient times as Mount Carmel. The bay is very 
 much exposed to winds from every quarter but the east 
 and south, and at all times is a rough and uncertain 
 anchorage. Just within the southern cape of Carmel, 
 where the Mount drops away and the country becomes 
 flat, is the town of Hai'ffa or Kai'ffa, and beyond that, at 
 the turn of the bay, before one comes to Acre, is the 
 mouth of the river Kishon. This mouth, except when the 
 
SIR SIDNEY SMITH AND HIS SEAMEN AT ACRE. 335 
 
 river is in flood, is obstructed by sand bars, and is gener- 
 ally to be forded, with care. 
 
 On the 1 3th of March the Theseus, a 74, arrived at 
 Acre, and on the 1 5th the Tigre, Alliance and Marianne 
 also anchored in that port ; and Sir Sidney Smith, finding 
 that the Turks were disposed to defend the place, used 
 every exertion to put the walls in a state to resist an 
 attack. On the 1 7th the Theseus was sent to the south- 
 ward, and Sir Sidney, with the boats of the Tigre, proceeded 
 to the anchorage of Caiffa, under Mount Carmel. That 
 evening, after dark, the advanced guard of the French 
 was discovered, mounted on asses and dromedaries, and 
 passing along the coast road, close to the seaside, and a 
 launch, with a 12-ft) carronade, was sent to the mouth of 
 the river, to defend the ford. 
 
 At daybreak the next morning this launch opened a 
 most unexpected fire on the French column, and com- 
 pelled it to change its route, so that when they took the 
 Nazareth road they became exposed to the attacks of the 
 Samaritan Arabs. The guns of the British ships pre- 
 venting the French from making an attack from the 
 north, they invested Acre on the northeast side, where the 
 defences were much stronger. As no artillery was used 
 in replying to the British boats, it was evident that the 
 French had none with them. Expecting that a flotilla 
 was to bring artillery up to them, a lookout was kept, and, 
 on the mornine of the 18th a French corvette and nine 
 sail of gun vessels was seen from the Tigre. They were 
 promptly chased and the gun-boats taken, but the corvette 
 escaped. The prizes were full of battering cannon, 
 ammunition and siege stores, which they had brought 
 from Damietta. 
 
 These guns, which had been intended for the destruction 
 of Acre, were now landed for its defence, and the gun- 
 
336 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 boats employed to harass their late owners, and cut off 
 supplies. 
 
 That same day an English boat expedition met with a 
 disastrous repulse in an attack upon four French trans- 
 ports, which had come into Caiffa anchorage with supplies 
 for the French army, losing heavily in officers and men ; 
 and soon after all the English vessels were obliged to put 
 to sea, on account of bad weather, and were not able to 
 return again until the 6th of April. 
 
 In the meantime Bonaparte had been pushing the siege 
 operations with the energy peculiarly his own, and it 
 seemed impossible for the Turkish garrison and the 
 English sailors to resist his determined approach. Dur- 
 ing the absence of the British ships he had pushed his 
 approaches to the counter-scarp, and in the ditch at the 
 northeast angle of the town was mining the towers to 
 widen a breach already made by his field pieces. As 
 much danger was apprehended from this approach, a 
 sortie was determined on, in which the English seamen 
 and marines were to bear a prominent part. They were 
 to force their way into the mine while the Turks attacked 
 the enemy's trenches on the right and left. The sortie 
 took place just before daylight, but the Turks rendered 
 abortive the attempt to surprise the enemy by their noise 
 and impetuosity. The English sailors, armed with pikes 
 and cutlasses, succeeded in entering the mine, and 
 destroyed its supports, and partly filled it up. The 
 marines supported and protected them while doing this, 
 and the party was covered on its return by a cross fire 
 from one of the ships. This sortie much delayed Bona- 
 parte's operations ; but, in the meantime, Rear-Admiral 
 Perree of the French navy, who had been hovering about 
 the coast with a squadron, succeeded in landing supplies 
 and some 18-ft) guns, at Jaffa, which were immediately 
 
SIR SIDNEY SMITH AND HIS SEAMEN AT ACRE. 337 
 
 brought up, overland. Napoleon attached the utmost 
 importance to the speedy capture of Acre, which was 
 necessary to the success of his plans, and he pushed the 
 siege with tremendous energy, and reckless disregard for 
 the lives of his troops. The garrison continued to 
 make sorties, under cover of the boats of the English 
 squadron, but the ist of May found the French success- 
 ful in establishing a breach, from the concentrated fire of 
 twenty-three pieces of artillery. They then made a 
 desperate attempt to storm the place. 
 
 The Theseus was moored on one side of the town, and 
 the Tigre on the other, while the gun-boats and launches 
 flanked the enemy's trenches. 
 
 Notwithstanding a tremendous fire from the shipping, 
 and in the very face of a heavy fire from the walls of the 
 town, the French bravely mounted to the assault; but, in 
 spite of all their efforts, were repulsed with great 
 slaughter. Several English officers and seamen were 
 killed in this affair, and Colonel Philipeaux, a French 
 Royalist officer of engineers, serving with the English 
 against Bonaparte, died of excessive fatigue. 
 
 The French continued to batter in breach, and continued 
 their attempts to storm; in spite of which Sir Sidney 
 Smith managed to construct two ravelins, within musket, 
 shot of the besiegers. All this involved the most extreme 
 fatigue on the part of both the besiegers and the 
 besieged. Frequent sorties were made, which impeded 
 the French in their work; and on May 7th a reinforce- 
 ment of two Turkish corvettes, and twenty-five transports 
 with troops, arrived. 
 
 Bonaparte determined to make one more effort to 
 
 capture the place before these troops could be landed. 
 
 Although the British fire from the vessels was kept up, 
 
 Bonaparte had succeeded in throwing up epaulements 
 
 22 
 
338 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 and traverses, with his great engineering ability, which in 
 a great degree protected his working parties from the 
 naval party. The pieces which annoyed him most were 
 in the light-house tower, and in the north ravelin, and two 
 68-pounders, mounted in native flat-bottomed vessels and 
 throwing shells. These were all manned by the English 
 seamen. 
 
 In spite of all this, Bonaparte gained ground, and 
 having- battered down the northeast tower of the walls, 
 the ruins formed a sort of ladder, and at daylight on the 
 8th of May the French stormed again, and succeeded in 
 planting their colors on the outer angle of the tower. 
 
 Their position was sheltered by two traverses, which 
 they had constructed during the preceding night, com- 
 posed of sand-bags and bodies of the dead built in with 
 them, and forming a wall so high that only their bayonets 
 could be seen above them. 
 
 In the meantime the reinforcement of Turkish troops, 
 under Hassan Bey, were being debarked, which only 
 increased Bonaparte's endeavors to get possession of the 
 place before they could be put in position. 
 
 It was a most critical moment, and Sir Sidney, to gain 
 time, himself led the British seamen, mostly armed with 
 pikes, to the defence of the breach. Here he found a 
 few Turks, who were hurling huge stones down upon the 
 French. The latter, being reinforced, charged up, and 
 the fight became a hand-to-hand one. 
 
 According to the ancient custom of the Turks, Djezzar 
 Pasha had been sitting in his palace rewarding such as 
 brought to him the heads of his enemies ; but when he 
 heard that Sir Sidney was on the breach he hastened 
 there to persuade him to retire, saying that "if harm 
 befell his English friends all would be lost." Hassan's 
 troops were now close at hand, and Sir Sidney led up the 
 
SIR SIDNEY SMITH AND HIS SEAMEN AT ACRE. 339 
 
 Chifflic regiment, armed and disciplined in the European 
 style, and made a determined sally. They were beaten 
 back, however, by the desperate fighting of the French, 
 with great loss; but in doing so, the latter were obliged 
 to expose themselves, and suffered terribly from the 
 flanking fire of the English guns. 
 
 Napoleon had entered Syria with about fifteen thousand 
 men, and many of his best generals, but by this time his 
 losses had been so great that he feared he should be 
 unsuccessful in his undertaking of seizing the whole of 
 that country, for which undertaking he had made such 
 exertions and sacrifices. But he was not the man to 
 retire from any enterprise before he had exhausted all 
 his resources. 
 
 On the 9th and ioth he continued to batter the 
 defences, day and night, in preparation for one final, des- 
 perate effort. Every shot brought down large pieces of 
 the wall, which was less solid than the tower they had 
 been so long battering, and a new breach was effected, to 
 the southward of their first lodgment. Bonaparte was 
 now distinctly seen by the defenders most energetically 
 directing operations from an elevated mound called after 
 Richard Cceur de Lion, addressing his generals with great 
 energy of gesture, and sending off aides-de-camp in every 
 direction. The night before he had himself inspected the 
 breach closely, rousing the enthusiasm of his veteran 
 troops by the way in which he exposed himself, at the very 
 foot of the walls, to the hottest fire. About noon he made 
 dispositions for storming. Kleber's grenadiers were to 
 lead, their chief, Venoux, saying, " If Saint Jean d'Acre is 
 not taken this evening you may be certain that Venoux 
 is dead." And he did, indeed, die, that evening, at the 
 breach. 
 
 Just before sunset a massive column of the French was 
 
340 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 seen advancing, and it was suffered by the Turks to mount 
 the breach, but, in the Pasha's garden, came upon a 
 second and almost impregnable line of defence, erected 
 by Philipeaux in view of just such an event. Here the 
 Turks rushed upon them in overwhelming numbers, and 
 the advance of the French were massacred almost to a 
 man. The rest retreated precipitately, leaving General 
 Rambeaud dead, and carrying off General Lannes, 
 wounded. A reinforcement of English coming up, the 
 officers very nearly suffered the fate of the French 
 advance, for many of the newly arrived Turkish troops 
 did not know the English uniform, and took them for 
 French. The fighting consequent upon this assault did 
 not terminate until the next day, 
 
 Kleber's division had been ordered to the assault again, 
 but were met by a sortie, in which the besieged gained 
 the third parallel of the attack, and spiked some of the 
 French guns, and Kleber, instead of storming the fortress, 
 was occupied in recovering their works, which involved 
 great loss on both sides. During the progress of the 
 siege, a dreadful accident occurred on board the English 
 ship Theseus — seventy large shells exploding on her 
 poop — killing and wounding eighty-seven of her officers 
 and ship's company. The ship herself was dreadfully 
 shattered. 
 
 After the failure of Kleber's attack the French troops 
 could not be brought to mount the breach again. The 
 plague, which had committed such ravages among them 
 at Jaffa, broke out again, probably from the horribly 
 putrid stench of the great number of unburied bodies, 
 and especially of those built into the epaulements and 
 traverses, added to fatigue and shortness of provisions; 
 a flag of truce was sent in, to propose a cessation of 
 hostilities, to allow them to bury the dead. This Djezzar 
 
LE TONNANT DISMASTED. 
 
 (Appearance of Her Deck at the Close of the Engagement.) 
 
 PONTIFICAL GALLEY — 155°. 
 
 (With Sails and Oars, and provided with heavy Artillery. 1 
 
SIR SIDNEY SMITH AND HIS SEAMEN AT ACRE. 341 
 
 would not permit. The flag had hardly performed its 
 duties and withdrawn, when a shower of shot and shell 
 from the French batteries announced the commencement 
 of another attack, which was made with fury and despera- 
 tion. But the garrison was prepared, and the French 
 were once more driven back, with great slaughter. In 
 the night of the 20th of May the French raised the siege, 
 and made a precipitate retreat, leaving twenty-three pieces 
 of battering cannon behind them. 
 
 Sir Sidney Smith remained at Acre until the middle of 
 June, rendering the Turks all assistance in once more 
 placing the fortress in a state of defence. 
 
 This celebrated siege lasted sixty-one days. The 
 besiegers had marched to the assault no less than eight 
 times, while the besieged made eleven desperate sallies. 
 Bonaparte, in his reports to the French Directory, gave 
 many flimsy reasons for his want of success. 
 
 Speaking of it afterwards, at St. Helena, he attempted 
 to put the whole blame of his non-success upon the French 
 naval officers who had failed to engage and drive away 
 Sir Sidney Smith and his squadron. He said that if he 
 had succeeded in his plans the whole face of the world 
 would have been changed. " Acre," he said, " would 
 have been taken ; the French army would have gone to 
 Damascus and Aleppo ; in the twinkling of an eye they 
 would have been on the Euphrates ; the Syrian Christians 
 would have joined us; the Druses, the Armenians, would 
 have united with us." Some one remarked, "We might 
 have been reinforced to the number of one hundred 
 thousand men." " Say six hundred thousand," Bonaparte 
 replied; "who can calculate the amount? I would have 
 reached Constantinople and the Indies ; I would have 
 changed the face of the world !" 
 
342 
 
 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 XXIV. 
 
 FOUDROKANT AND CONSORTS, IN ACTION 
 WITH THE GUILLAUME TELL. 1800. 
 
 'URING the early part of the year 1800, a 
 British squadron, composed of the eighty- 
 gun ship Foudroyant, Captain Sir Edward 
 Berry (the same who was captured in the 
 Leander, after the battle of the Nile, a$ 
 bearer of despatches), and bearing the flag' 
 of Rear-Admiral Lord Nelson, the 74-gun 
 ship Alexandria, Captain Ball, the 64-gun 
 ship Lion, Captain Dixon, and the 36-gun frigate Penel- 
 ope, Captain Blackwood, with two or three sloops and 
 smaller vessels, was stationed off Malta, then in French 
 possession, to prevent succors from being thrown into 
 that island, and to watch the movements of the French 
 ships which were in that safe port. 
 
 Among the latter, lying in Valetta, was the French 
 80-gun ship Guillaume Tell, Rear-Admiral Denis Decres, 
 and Captain Saunier. 
 
 The Guillaume Tell was one of the two French line- 
 of-battle-ships which had escaped from the battle of the 
 Nile, and she had taken refuge at Malta. 
 
 Decres occupied so exalted a position, afterwards, that 
 
 it will be necessary, before beginning the account of a 
 
 very remarkable battle, to give some account of his life. 
 
 This very distinguished French naval officer was born 
 
 in 1762, and died in 1820. He entered the navy early, 
 
FOUDROYANT AND THE GUILLAUME TELL. 343 
 
 and won his first promotion under Count De Grasse, in 
 America, while he afterwards distinguished himself in the 
 frigate squadron which France sent to the East Indies 
 to annoy the English commerce. In 1793 he was a 
 " capitaine de vazsseau," but was deprived of his rank 
 by the Revolutionists, because he was a noble. Escaping 
 the guillotine, when thousands of others perished, he was 
 restored to his rank in the navy in 1795. In 1798 he 
 attained the rank of Rear-Admiral, and in that capacity 
 was present at the capture of Malta. He then served at 
 the battle of the Nile, and came back to Malta with the 
 few French vessels that escaped. These were soon 
 blockaded by the English in the harbor of Valetta. 
 Decres, in conjunction with General Vaubois, conducted 
 the defence of Malta, which continued for seventeen 
 months 
 
 In March, 1800, provisions fell short, and much sickness 
 appeared in the French garrison, and Decres concluded 
 to embark about twelve hundred men on board the 
 Guillaume Tell, and force the blockade. The English 
 frigate Penelope followed him, but was able to offer no 
 resistance. The next day Decres fell in with more 
 English ships, and the celebrated engagement which we 
 shall relate further on ensued. Although conquered at 
 last, Decres received a sword of honor from the First 
 Consul, Bonaparte, for his conduct, and the English 
 " Naval Chronicle" says that this was the warmest re- 
 sistance ever made by a foreign man-of-war against a 
 superior British force. 
 
 Upon his return from captivity in England, Decres was 
 successively appointed Prefet Maritime, Commandant of 
 the Western Fleet, and Minister of Marine. He continued 
 to act in this capacity as long as the French Empire 
 lasted ; and in it he showed great administrative ability. 
 
344 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 During his administration the great works at Cherbourg 
 were materially advanced; as well as those at Nieuwe 
 Dieppe and Flushing, while the docks and construction 
 yards of Antwerp were wholly created. He managed to 
 keep up, and even increase, the strength of the French 
 navy, in spite of their great losses ; and he collected the 
 great flotilla of Boulogne, which circumstances rendered 
 useless, however. 
 
 Napoleon, who made him, in succession, a Count, 
 Grand Cross of the Legion of Honor, and finally, a Duke, 
 recalled him to his old position during the Hundred 
 Days; and when the Emperor finally fell, he was retired 
 by the Bourbon government. 
 
 Duke Decres survived many bloody battles, to be at 
 last assassinated by his valet. This man, who had been 
 robbing him for a long time, placed a quantity of powder, 
 with a slow match, under Decres' mattress. Stealing into 
 the Duke's bedroom at night, he blew him up. The 
 valet, in his perturbation at what he had done, threw 
 himself out of the window, and was killed. His master 
 died a few days after, aged 58 years. 
 
 And now to return to this celebrated action. 
 
 At eleven o'clock at night, on the 30th of March, 1800, 
 the Guillaume Tell, taking advantage of a strong south- 
 erly gale, and the darkness that had succeeded the setting 
 of the moon, weighed anchor and put to sea. 
 
 About midnight the English frigate Penelope, which 
 was on guard off the harbor, discovered the French ship, 
 under a press of sail, with the wind on the starboard 
 quarter. The Penelope at once made the necessary 
 signals to the other blockading ships, and then tacked, 
 and stood after the Tell. In half an hour she was close 
 up with the chase, and luffed up, and gave the Tell her 
 
FOUDROYANT AND THE GUILLAUME TELL. 345 
 
 whole broadside; receiving in return, only the Tell's 
 chase guns. 
 
 The French ship, aware that if she brought to, she 
 would soon have upon her the whole of the English block- 
 ading ships, whose lights could be already seen on the 
 horizon, wisely kept her course to the northward. 
 
 The Penelope was faster than the Tell, and was 
 commanded by an experienced seaman, and she continued 
 to follow her, and to occasionally luff, and pour in a 
 broadside, so that, just before daybreak, the Guillaume 
 Tell's main and mizzen-top-masts, and her main-yard 
 came down. She was thus reduced, except her mizzen, 
 to her head-sails; and these were greatly damaged by 
 the Penelope's shot. She had also lost many men from 
 the English frigate's raking shots. 
 
 The Penelope skillfully avoided exposing herself to a 
 broadside from so powerful a ship, and had the good 
 fortune to escape much damage to her sails and rigging. 
 She had lost her master, killed, and a few wounded. 
 
 About five in the morning the Lion, 64, after pressing 
 sail, arrived up. Steering between the Penelope and the 
 crippled Guillaume Tell, and so near to the latter that the 
 yard-arms of the two ships barely passed clear, the Lion 
 ranged up on the port side of her opponent, and poured 
 in a destructive double- shotted broadside. The Lion then 
 luffed up across the bow of the Guillaume Tell, the jib- 
 boom of the latter passing between the main and mizzen 
 shrouds of the former. Of course, with an inferior 
 complement of men, the Lion did not wish to be boarded, 
 and, fortunately for her, the Tell's jib-boom soon carried 
 away, leaving the Lion inaccessible to boarders, but in 
 an excellent position across the Guillaume Tell's bows. 
 Here the Lion, aided by the Penelope kept up a heavy 
 fire, for about half an hour, when the Tell had so damaged 
 
346 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 the Lion that she was forced to drop astern; still firing, 
 however, as did the Penelope, whenever an opportunity 
 offered. 
 
 At six o'clock the Foudroyant came up. Lord Nelson 
 was not on board, having been left, sick, at Palermo; and 
 Captain Dixon, of the Lion, was the senior officer to 
 Captain Sir Edward Berry, of the Foudroyant. The 
 latter ship, under a crowd of sail, ranged up so close to 
 the Guillaume Tell that her spare anchor just cleared the 
 Tell's mizzen-chains, and called to her to strike; accom- 
 panying the summons by a treble-shotted broadside. The 
 only answer of the French ship was a similar broadside, 
 which cut away a good deal of the Foudroyant's rigging. 
 The latter, having so much sail set, necessarily shot 
 ahead, and did not again get alongside the Tell for 
 several minutes. Then the two large ships engaged, and 
 the Guillaume Tell's second broadside brought down many 
 of the English ship's spars, and cut her sails to pieces. 
 She then dropped alongside the Tell, still firing occasion- 
 ally; as did the Lion, on the Tell's port side, and the 
 Penelope, on her port quarter. Under this unremitting 
 and galling fire the gallant French ship's main and mizzen 
 masts came down; and the Foudroyant, having cleared 
 away the wreck of her fallen spars, and to some extent 
 refitted her rigging, again closed with the Guillaume Tell, 
 and after a few broadsides, was nearly on board her. At 
 eight o'clock the foremast of the Tell fell, and she was 
 totally dismasted. At a few minutes after eight the 
 gallant Frenchman was rolling, an unmanageable hulk, 
 with the wreck of her masts disabling her port guns, and 
 the violent rolling, in her dismasted state, requiring the 
 lower deck ports, on both sides, to be closed. 
 
 The Foudroyant was on one quarter, the Lion on the 
 
FOUDROYANT AlJD THE GUILLAUME TELL. 347 
 
 other, and the Penelope close ahead. Under these 
 circumstances the Guillaume Tell struck her colors. 
 
 Both the Foudroyant, 80, and the Lion, 64, were in too 
 disabled a state to be able to take possession of the 
 French 80-gun ship. That duty devolved upon the 
 Penelope. The other vessels had enough to do to take 
 care of themselves. Some English brig sloops and a 
 bomb-vessel witnessed this singular engagement, but 
 appear to have taken no part in it. 
 
 A more heroic defence than that of the Guillaume 
 Tell is not be found in the record of naval actions ; and 
 the defeat in this case was more honorable than half the 
 single ship victories which have been so loudly praised. 
 To the Penelope belongs the special credit, next to the 
 Guillaume Tell herself. Next to the frigate, credit is due 
 to the Lion. It was, of course, the arrival of the Fou- 
 droyant which turned the scale. Had that ship, single 
 handed, and so nearly matched, met the Tell, the 
 contest would have been between two of the most pow- 
 erful ships that had ever so met, and the chances are that 
 the Guillaume Tell, so gallantly manned, and so ably 
 commanded, would have come off the conqueror. This 
 is conceded by all the English accounts. 
 
 All of the vessels engaged, except the Penelope, were 
 so damaged that it was with difficulty they reached port; 
 the Penelope towing the prize into Syracuse. 
 
 The Guillaume Tell was eventually taken to England, 
 and received into the Royal Navy under the name of 
 Malta, and she long remained one of the finest ships in 
 the English service. 
 
348 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 XXV. 
 
 NAVAL OPERATIONS AT ABOUKIR BAY, AND 
 CAPTURE OF ALEXANDRIA. AD. 1801. 
 
 ^T being determined to effect the expulsion of 
 the French from Egypt, a joint expedition 
 was agreed upon between England and 
 Turkey. On March 2d, 1801, the English 
 part of the expedition anchored in the bay 
 of Aboukir, which had already been the scene 
 of two momentous battles within a very short 
 time. The Turkish part of the expedition did 
 not make its appearance, having been dispersed by bad 
 weather. The English force consisted of seven sail-of-the- 
 line, and several frigates and sloops, under the command 
 of Admiral Lord Keith, in the Foudroyant, 80. These 
 escorted a large number of disarmed men-of-war and 
 transports, which conveyed about 1 7,000 English troops, 
 under Sir Ralph Abercrombie. The whole day of arrival 
 was taken up in anchoring this numerous fleet, and then 
 a succession of high northerly gales, with a heavy surf, 
 prevented the landing of the troops until the 8th of 
 March. This gave the French time to muster all the 
 force which they could spare to oppose the landing. 
 This is stated in the British account to have been about 
 3000, while the French put it down at not more than 
 1 200 men. There is every probability, however, that the 
 French left out of their estimate the cavalry and artillery, 
 which were certainly engaged in disputing the English 
 
CAPTURE OF ALEXANDRIA. 349 
 
 landing. The French troops were under the command 
 of General Friant, who, with great judgment, had stationed 
 a part of his men and several pieces of artillery on an 
 almost inaccessible hill that commanded the whole place 
 of disembarkation, while other parties, with field pieces 
 and mortars, occupied excellent positions afforded by the 
 neighboring ground. 
 
 In good season, on the morning of the 8th, the boats 
 of the fleet formed in line abreast, in the same order in 
 which the troops, consisting of the first division of about 
 six thousand men, were to form when landed. They then 
 pulled rapidly towards the beach, which extends between 
 the Castle or Fort of Aboukir and the river Sed. The 
 whole of the landing arrangements were in charge of 
 Captain Cochrane, of the Ajax; and the boats were 
 partially protected, in their landing, by the guns of armed 
 cutters, gun-boats, and launches, as well as by three sloops 
 and two bomb-vessels. 
 
 As soon as the boats got near the shore a very sharp 
 and steady fire of grape and musketry was opened upon 
 them from behind the sand hills, while Aboukir fort, on 
 the right, kept up a very galling fire of heavy shot and 
 shell. But the boats pushed on, without check or con- 
 fusion, the beach was gained, and a footing on dry land 
 obtained. They then formed and advanced, and soon 
 obtained possession of all the points from which the 
 French were annoying them. The boats then returned, 
 without delay, for the second division; and before night 
 the whole army, with sufficient stores for present wants, 
 was safely landed. Few except naval men can appreciate 
 the difficulties to be encountered in such an- operation as 
 this, especially when the landing is upon an open coast, 
 and such an undertaking, accomplished quickly and in 
 
350 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 good order, and without loss, is always considered 
 extremely creditable. 
 
 A detachment of iooo seamen, under Captain Sir 
 Sidney Smith, formed part of the landing force. Their 
 duty was to drag the cannon up the sand hills, a service 
 which they performed in a manner which called forth the 
 applause of the army, and in which they suffered con- 
 siderably. The French, when driven from the hill, left 
 behind them seven pieces of artillery and a considerable 
 number of horses. 
 
 On the 1 2th the British army moved forward, and came 
 in sight of the French position, which was an advanta- 
 geous one, along the ridge, their left resting upon the sea 
 and their right upon the canal of Alexandria, better 
 known to us, in late operations there, as the Mahmoudieh 
 canal. 
 
 The French had received reinforcements, under Gen- 
 eral Lanusse, and numbered about 7000. The following 
 day a battle was fought, in which the seamen, under Sir 
 Sidney Smith, and the marines of the fleet, under Colonel 
 Smith, bore a full share. At the termination of the action 
 the English took up a position within three miles of 
 Alexandria. This movement caused the capitulation of 
 Aboukir castle. 
 
 On March 21st occurred the decisive battle of the 
 campaign. The French made a desperate attack upon 
 the English lines, about an hour before daylight, but, after 
 a bloody and desperate contest against greatly superior 
 numbers, were forced to retire. The British sustained 
 a very heavy loss, however, and the Commanding Gen- 
 eral, Sir Ralph Abercrombie, was mortally wounded, 
 living only a few days. In this battle the seamen again 
 participated, and Sir Sidney Smith was among the 
 wounded. 
 
CAPTURE OF ALEXANDRIA. 351 
 
 Alexandria was now completely shut in ; and no very 
 important event took place until August 1 6th, when a naval 
 force under Sir Sidney Smith made a demonstration of 
 attack upon the city, and the French set fire to their 
 flotilla, lying in the harbor. A week after this the fortified 
 castle of Marabout, which protects the entrance to the 
 western harbor of Alexandria, surrendered to a combined 
 naval and military attack. This fort is about eight miles 
 west of the city, and is one of those about which we heard 
 so much in the late bombardment by the British iron-clads. 
 On the nearer approach of the combined forces the 
 garrison of Alexandria sank several vessels to block up 
 the channel, and brought their few remaining ships nearer 
 to the town. But these were expiring efforts. On the 
 27th of August General Menou sent to Lieu tenant- 
 General Hutchinson, who had succeeded Abercrombie, to 
 request a three days' armistice. This was granted, and 
 on September 2d, Alexandria and its garrison capitulated. 
 
 Recent events have made these operations once more 
 interesting. General Hutchinson (afterwards Lord 
 Donoughmore) was, like Sir Garnet Wolseley, an Irish- 
 man, and their careers are, in many respects, alike. 
 
 Hutchinson entered the English army in 1774, as a 
 cornet of dragoons, and in nine years rose to the rank 
 of colonel. A Major-General in 1 796, he became second 
 in command in Egypt in 1801, as a Lieutenant-General, 
 and succeeded to the command on Abercrombie's death. 
 He advanced, like Wolseley, as far as Cairo, when a 
 capitulation took place, and the war ended. 
 
352 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 XXVI. 
 
 THE CUTTING OUT OF THE CHEVRETTE. 
 JULY, A. D. 1801. 
 
 HE cutting out of vessels from harbors and 
 from under the protection of shore bat- 
 teries, belongs exclusively to a past condi- 
 tion of naval warfare. Even under the 
 peculiar conditions of our late civil war 
 and blockade, cutting-out expeditions, when 
 the object was the capture of an armed 
 vessel, were not so numerous as might 
 have been supposed, although most remarkable and 
 gallant actions were performed in this way by both sides. 
 As an example of a "cutting-out expedition," we are 
 tempted to give that of the French 20-gun corvette 
 Chevrette. Such actions are decisive, on account of the 
 discouragement and destruction of morale brought upon 
 the defeated side, and by the corresponding confidence 
 and elation of the victors. 
 
 In the summer of 1801 the French and Spanish com- 
 bined fleet was lying in Brest harbor, with Admiral 
 Cornwallis and a British fleet watching them. The more 
 effectually to prevent the Franco-Spanish fleet from getting 
 to sea without his knowledge, the Admiral had detailed 
 a squadron of three frigates, under Captain Brisbane, of 
 the Doris, to lie off Point Mathias, in full view of the 
 combined fleet. 
 
 During the month of July these frigates observed the 
 
THE CUTTING OUT OF THE CHEVRETTE. 353 
 
 French corvette Chevrette at anchor in Camaret Bay, 
 under some batteries; a position considered by. the 
 French almost as secure as Brest harbor, and a capital 
 place for a cruiser to lie and watch the chances of the 
 blockade to get to sea. In spite of her position under the 
 batteries, the British resolved to attempt her capture. 
 Accordingly, on the night of the 20th of July, the boats 
 of the Beaulieu and Doris frigates, manned entirely by 
 volunteers, a^i Ja under the orders of a Lieutenant 
 Losack, who had been sent in from the flag-ship, by 
 Admiral Cornwallis, to take the command, proceeded on 
 the enterprise. The boats soon separated, the crews of 
 the faster ones being too zealous and excited to slacken 
 their efforts, so that the heavier boats could not keep up 
 with them. We can readily imagine, too, that a strange 
 officer, sent in by influence, to command such an expedi- 
 tion, would not receive as cheerful support as would one 
 of their own. Some of the boats got lost, and returned 
 to the ships; the rest, after reaching the entrance to the 
 bay, where they expected to be joined by their com- 
 panions, lay upon their oars until daybreak. They then 
 pulled back to their ships. But the mischief was done; 
 they had been discovered from the corvette and from the 
 shore, and the effect was to put them on their guard, 
 and prevent any good being got from a surprise, in case 
 of a renewed attempt. 
 
 On the 2 1 st the Chevrette got under way, and aftei 
 running about a mile and a half further up the bay 
 moored again, under some heavy batteries on the shore 
 Here she took on board a number of soldiers, sufficient 
 to bring up her number on board to about three hundred 
 and forty. 
 
 Her guns were loaded with grape, and every prepara- 
 tion made to resist to the last. The shore batteries were 
 
 23 
 
354 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 also prepared ; and temporary redoubts were thrown up 
 at adjacent points, while a gun-boat was moored as a 
 guard-boat at the entrance of the bay. All these precau- 
 tions taken, the corvette saucily displayed, in defiance, a 
 large French ensign above an English one, which could be 
 plainly seen from the anchorage of the English frigates. 
 
 The English now had their pride aroused, and that 
 very night, about ten o'clock, the boats of the three 
 frigates, with the barge and pinnace of the Robust, 74, 
 and numbering fifteen in all, and still commanded by 
 Lieutenant Losack, proceeded to try the French corvette 
 a second time. 
 
 Shortly after starting Lieut. Losack, with his own and 
 five other boats, went in pursuit of a lookout boat of the 
 French, which it was important to secure. The rest of 
 the boats were directed to await the return of the com- 
 manding officer. After waiting for a considerable time, 
 without his return, the officer next in command, Lieut. 
 Keith Maxwell, of the Beaulieu, considering that the 
 boats had at least six miles to pull, and that the night 
 was already far advanced, resolved to proceed without 
 him. 
 
 They did so at once, after he had given orders that, 
 while one party was engaged in disarming the enemy's 
 crew on deck, the smartest top-men of the Beaulieu 
 should fight their way aloft and cut loose the sails ; others 
 were detailed to cut the cables, and others to go to the 
 wheel. Some other arrangements made, the nine boats, 
 under Maxwell, bent to their oars, and steered for the 
 enemy. 
 
 At one o'clock in the morning of the 2 2d, the nine 
 boats came in sight of the Chevrette, and the latter, after 
 hailing, opened a heavy fire of grape and musketry upon 
 her assailants, and this was seconded by a fire oi 
 
THE CUTTING OUT OF THE CHEVRETTE. 3bO 
 
 musketry from the shore. But the boats pulled steadily 
 on, and the Beaulieu's boats, under Maxwell himself, 
 boarded the vessel on the starboard bow and quarter. 
 Those of the Uranie, one of the Robust' s, and one of the 
 Doris' boarded on the port bow. These latter had been 
 cheered on by the gallant Lieut. Martin Neville, who 
 was conspicuous throughout, and who was wounded. The 
 attempt to board was most obstinately resisted by the 
 French, with fire-arms, sabres, tomahawks and pikes; 
 and they, in their turn, boarded the boats. During this 
 formidable opposition over the side of the vessel the 
 English lost most of their fire-arms; but, by obstinate 
 fighting, at last forced their way on board, mostly armed 
 with their cutlasses alone. Those who had been ordered 
 to go aloft fought their way to the rigging; and, although 
 some were killed, and others wounded, the remainder 
 gained the corvette's yards. Here they found the foot- 
 ropes strapped up, but they soon managed to loose the 
 sails, and, in the midst of the fight still going on for the 
 possession of the deck, down came the Chevrette's three 
 top-sails and courses. The cable having, in the mean- 
 time, been cut outside the ship, she began, under a light 
 breeze from the land, to drift out of the bay. 
 
 No sooner did the Frenchmen (who had up to that 
 time, been fighting most gallantly), see the sails fall, and 
 their ship under way, than they lost heart. Some of them 
 jumped overboard, and made for the shore; while others 
 dropped their arms, and ran below, so that the English 
 got possession of the quarter-deck and forecastle; but 
 the corvette's crew that had fled below still maintained a 
 hot fire from the main deck, and from up the hatchways, 
 and it took a considerable time before these were over- 
 powered, and compelled to submit. 
 
 It is related in the Naval Chronicle that Mr. Brown, 
 
356 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 Boatswain of the Beaulieu, in boarding, forced his way into 
 the Chevrette's quarter gallery, but found the door so 
 securely barricaded that he could not force it. Through 
 the crevices in the planks he could see men, armed with 
 pikes and pistols, who frequently shot at him through the 
 panels, as he attempted to burst in. Failing in the 
 quarter gallery, he tried the quarter, and after a great 
 deal of resistance, gained the vessel's taffrail. The officer 
 in command of the party was at this time fighting his way 
 up on the quarter, but not yet on board. The boatswain 
 stood up for a moment, a mark for the enemy's fire, see- 
 ing in which direction he should attack. Second nature 
 then directed him to make for the forecastle, where he felt 
 most at home; and gathering a few men, and waving his 
 cutlass, with "Make a lane there!" dashed in, and fought 
 his way the whole length of the ship. Then, with the 
 men animated by his example he soon cleared the fore- 
 castle, which he held for the rest of the contest, although 
 frequently assailed. Here, after the vessel was carried, 
 he was seen attending to orders from the quarter-deck, 
 and assisting in casting the ship and making sail, with as 
 much coolness as if he had been on board the Beaulieu. 
 
 On her way out of the bay, during a short interval of 
 calm, the Chevrette became exposed to a heavy fire from 
 the batteries on shore; but the fair, light breeze soon 
 arose again, and carried her clear of them. Just at this 
 time the six boats under Lieut. Losack joined her, and 
 Lieut. Maxwell, was, of course, superseded in his com- 
 mand, but not until he had accomplished all that there 
 was to be done. 
 
 Three two-deckers got under way and came out from 
 Brest Roads with the view of recapturing the Chevrette; 
 but the near approach of the British in-shore squadron 
 compelled them to return to their anchorage, and the 
 
LA GALEKE REALE. 
 
 (French Galley, First Class, 17th Century.) 
 
 THE VICTORY. 
 (Lord Nelson's Flag-ship at Trafalgar. Line-of-Battle Ship, 100 guns. 
 
THE CUTTING OUT OF THE CHEVRETTE. 357 
 
 captors carried off their prize safely. In this spirited 
 engagement the English had eleven killed, fifty-seven 
 wounded, and one drowned. The latter was in one of the 
 English boats sunk by the French shot. 
 
 The Chevrette lost her captain, two lieutenants, three 
 midshipmen, one lieutenant of soldiers, and eighty-five 
 seamen and troops killed; and one lieutenant, four mid- 
 shipmen, and fifty-seven seamen and troops wounded; 
 total, 92 killed and 62 wounded. 
 
358 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 XXVII. 
 
 BOAT ATTACK UPON THE FRENCH FLOTILLA, 
 AT BOULOGNE. A. D. 1801, 
 
 N OTHER boat attack of the English upon 
 the French, in the same year as the cut- 
 ting-out of the Chevrette, did not result 
 so favorably for the attacking party, even 
 if their exertions were directed by no 
 less a person than Lord Nelson himself. 
 The fall of the year 1801 was the 
 season decided upon by Napoleon for 
 putting in execution his famous plan for invading Eng- 
 land. As this became known it was thought desirable, 
 by his vigilant and powerful enemies on the other side 
 of the Channel, to attack the flotilla of gun-boats and 
 small craft which he had collected at Boulogne, and other 
 ports, for the conveyance of his army. Accordingly, on 
 July 30th, Vice-Admiral Lord Nelson hoisted his flag on 
 board the frigate Medusa, 32, then lying in the Downs, as 
 commander-in-chief, not only of the squadron for the 
 special service, but of all the defences constructing along 
 the south shores of England, from Orfordness to Beachey 
 Head. 
 
 On the 3d of August Lord Nelson, having with him- 
 about thirty vessels, great and small, stood across to 
 Boulogne, the port whence it was supposed the main 
 attempt would be made against England, and which the 
 
ATTACK UPON FRENCH FLOTILLA AT BOULOGNE. 359 
 
 French, fearing attack themselves, had recently been 
 fortifying- with considerable care. 
 
 On the morning of the 4th the English bomb- vessels 
 threw their shells among the French flotilla, which con- 
 sisted of twenty- four brigs, many lugger-rigged flats, and a 
 schooner, anchored in line in front of the town. These 
 brigs were vessels of about 200 tons, and generally armed 
 with from four to eight heavy long guns. The lugger-flats 
 drew but about three or four feet of water, had very stout 
 bulwarks, and were armed with a 13-inch mortar, a long 
 gun, swivels and small arms. They each carried about 
 thirty men in crew, and one hundred and fifty soldiers 
 besides. Bonaparte had an immense number of these 
 lugger-flats constructed, all along the northern coast of 
 France, for the conveyance of his army. It is hard to see 
 how they were to be successful in accomplishing the 
 object, in that spot of swift, uncertain tides, irregular 
 currents, and most changeable weather. Nelson's 
 bombardment of Boulogne, on the morning of the 4th of 
 August, amounted to nothing, and he retired. 
 
 On the night of August 13th, however, Nelson dis- 
 patched the armed boats of his squadron, formed into 
 four grand divisions, and commanded by four captains, 
 and accompanied by a division of mortar-boats, to attempt 
 to capture and bring off the French flotilla at Boulogne, 
 which had been very much strengthened since the last 
 attack. 
 
 The boats put off from Nelson's flag-ship at about half 
 past eleven at night, in perfect order ; but the darkness 
 of the night cooperating with the tides and currents, soon 
 separated the divisions. One of them, indeed, was 
 obliged to return, and never reached the scene of action 
 at all. Another division was carried by the currents far 
 to the eastward, but at length, by dint of great exertion, 
 
3G0 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 reached the French flotilla just before daylight. Some 
 portion of the boats then attacked, and after a short 
 contest carried, a brig lying close to the pier head, but 
 were prevented from towing her off, in consequence of 
 her being secured with chains, and partly because of a 
 heavy fire of musketry and grape-shot from the shore, 
 and from other vessels moored close to. 
 
 In fact, the English "caught a Tartar," and, abandoning 
 their single prize, as the day broke pushed out of the 
 range of French fire. They had accomplished nothing, 
 and this division, which was commanded by Captain 
 Somerville, had eighteen killed and fifty-five wounded. 
 
 Another division, under Captain Parker, had less 
 trouble from the current, and got to the scene of action 
 half an hour after midnight. They attacked one of the 
 largest of the French brigs, most gallantly and impetu- 
 ously, but a very strong boarding netting, triced up 
 completely to her lower yards, baffled the British in their 
 endeavors to board, while a general discharge of her 
 great guns and small arms, the latter from about 200 
 soldiers on board, dashed the assailants back, bleeding 
 and dazed, into their boats. Some other vessels were 
 attacked, with a like result, and this division had also to 
 retire, with a loss of twenty-one killed, and forty-two 
 wounded. 
 
 The third and last division of Nelson's boats which 
 succeeded in reaching the enemy attacked with the same 
 gallantry, and were repulsed as decidedly. They had five 
 killed and twenty-nine wounded. Grand total, 44 killed, 
 and 126 wounded. In addition the English had to leave 
 behind them not a few of their boats ; and the affair was 
 in every respect a triumph for the French, in spite of the 
 master mind which conceived it. 
 
COPENHAGEN. 
 
 361 
 
 XXVIII. 
 
 COPENHAGEN. A.D. 1801. 
 
 N the year 1800 the surrender of Malta to 
 the English fleet gave it the mastery in the 
 Mediterranean; and General Abercrombie, 
 with a British force, landing at Aboukir Bay, 
 defeated the French army which Bonaparte 
 had left in Egypt, and which soon after 
 found itself forced to surrender. 
 
 By the evacuation of Egypt, India was 
 secured, and Turkey was prevented from becoming a 
 dependency of France. 
 
 England now turned her attention to the Northern 
 coalition. 
 
 The treaty of Luneville had left her alone in the 
 struggle against France. 
 
 The Northern powers, wishing to secure their com- 
 merce from insult and capture by the always increasing 
 naval power of England, had formed a coalition, headed 
 by the Czar Peter, and revived the claim that a neutral 
 flag should cover even contraband of war. 
 
 Denmark, which had been very active in the combina- 
 tion, was the first to feel the weight of the anger of the 
 British Cabinet. 
 
 The Danish naval force consisted of about ten sail of 
 seventy-fours and sixty-fours, in fair order, and of about 
 as many more which were unserviceable. The Russians 
 had about twenty sail available, and the Swedes eleven sail. 
 
362 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 In the month of March, 1801, before the fleets of 
 Sweden and Russia could join that of Denmark, and thus 
 form a combined fleet which could hope to resist English 
 encroachments, England dispatched a fleet to the 
 Cattegat, under Admiral Sir Hyde Parker, with Lord 
 Nelson as second in command. 
 
 This fleet carried a commissioner, with full powers to 
 treat, and charged to offer to the Danes peace or war. 
 Peace, if they abandoned the Northern confederation, by 
 opening the passage of the Sound to England, and by 
 forbidding their men-of-war to protect their merchant 
 convoys from the arbitrary and insolent visits of English 
 men-of-war; war, if Denmark wished to preserve her 
 maritime independence. The Danish government indig- 
 nantly repelled the insulting ultimatum; and the English 
 fleet at once forced the passage of the Sound, in spite of 
 the batteries erected to prevent it. The King of Den- 
 mark had hastened to prepare his Capital and its 
 surroundings for defence; and the Prince Royal took 
 command of the whole of the operations, military and 
 naval. As regards the operations of the British fleet, we 
 shall now follow the English accounts, as they do not 
 materially differ from those which come from Danish and 
 French sources. The severe action which followed 
 redounded to the glory of Nelson (the Commander-in-- 
 chief, Sir Hyde Parker, being quite a secondary charac- 
 ter), as well as to the conspicuous and stubborn courage 
 of the Danes. 
 
 We must remember that the great genius of Nelson 
 directed the best efforts of some of the best and hardiest 
 men-of-war's men of the time; while the Danes, after a 
 long peace, were little accustomed either to stand fire, or 
 to naval evolutions. But, nevertheless, they fought with 
 devoted bravery; and made a most gallant, though 
 
COPENHAGEN. 363 
 
 ineffectual resistance ; seldom equaled, and never 
 excelled. 
 
 To return to the action. The pilots, who were to take 
 the fleet in, through very shallow waters, and channels 
 between dangerous sand-bars, and who were not to share 
 the honors, found it well to magnify the dangers of the 
 shallow Sound ; and their conduct caused some delay. 
 
 During this time, Sir Hyde Parker sent a flag of truce 
 to the Governor of Elsinore, to inquire if he meant to 
 oppose the passage of the fleet through the Sound. It is 
 almost impossible to imagine a greater insult to a weak 
 nation, than such an inquiry. Governor Strieker, to his 
 honor, replied that the guns of the Castle would 
 certainly be fired at any British ships of war which 
 approached. At length, on the morning of the 30th of 
 March, the British fleet weighed anchor, from a point at 
 the entrance of the Sound, and, with the wind about 
 northwest, and consequently fair, proceeded into the 
 Sound, in line ahead. The English fleet was composed 
 of the 98-gun ship London, Sir Hyde Parker's flag-ship, 
 and the St. George, 98, with the flag of Vice-Admiral 
 Lord Nelson. There were, in addition, eleven 74s, five 
 64s, one 54, one 50, one 38, two 2,6s, and one 32. 
 
 Of these, six 74s, three 64s, and all the smaller vessels 
 were afterwards placed under Nelson's orders, and bore 
 the brunt of the battle. 
 
 As the fleet entered the Sound, the van division was 
 commanded by Lord Nelson, in the Elephant, a 74 (into 
 which ship, as a lighter and more active one than the St. 
 George, he had, on the preceding day, shifted his flag), 
 the centre division by the Commander-in-chief, and the 
 rear division by Rear-Admiral Graves. At seven the 
 batteries at Elsinore commenced firing at the Monarch, 
 which was the leading ship, and at the other ships, as they 
 
364 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 passed in succession. The distance was, however, so 
 great, that not a shot struck the ships; and only the van 
 ships fired in return, and even those did not fire more 
 than three broadsides. A gun burst on one of the 
 English ships, and killed seven men, and this comprised 
 the whole loss in the passage of the Sound. The English 
 bomb-vessels, seven in number, threw shell at the Danes, 
 however, and thereby killed and wounded a few in 
 Cronenbere and Helsing-en. As the Strait at Elsinore is 
 less than three miles across, a mid-channel passage would 
 have exposed the ships to a fire from Cronenberg Castle 
 on the one side, and from the Swedish town of Helsin- 
 borg on the other; but the latter had very inconsiderable 
 batteries, and did not make even a show of opposition. 
 On observing this, the British inclined to the Swedish 
 shore, passing within less than a mile of it, and thus 
 avoiding a fire that, coming from nearly one hundred 
 pieces of cannon, could not fail to have been destructive. 
 
 About noon the fleet anchored at some distance above 
 the Island of Huen, which is about fifteen miles distant 
 from Copenhagen. 
 
 Sir Hyde Parker, Vice-Admiral Nelson, and Rear- 
 Admiral Graves, then proceeded, in a lugger, to recon- 
 noitre the Danish defences; and they soon ascertained 
 that they were of considerable strength. In consequence 
 of this discovery a council of war was held in the evening, 
 with the usual result, a majority urging an abandonment 
 of the enterprise, or, at least, a delay in the attack. But 
 Nelson prevailed, and offered, if given ten sail-of-the-line, 
 and all the small craft, to accomplish the business before 
 them. 
 
 Admiral Parker complied, without hesitation; and he, 
 moreover, granted Nelson two more ships of-the-line than 
 he had asked for. It required light-draft ships for the 
 
SHIPS PITCHING. 
 BARQUE ROLLING. 
 SHIPWRECK. 
 
 MANAGEMENT OF VESSELS, No. 1. 
 
COPENHAGEN. dbO 
 
 work in hand, for the force at Copenhagen was not the 
 only obstacle to be overcome. It was approached by an 
 intricate channel, but little known. 
 
 To increase the difficulty, the Danes had removed or 
 misplaced the buoys. That same night Lord Nelson 
 himself, accompanied by Captain Brisbane and some 
 others, proceeded to sound and buoy the outer channel, 
 a narrow passage lying between the Island of Saltholm 
 and the Middle Ground. This was a very difficult and 
 fatiguing duty, but was duly accomplished. 
 
 An attack from the eastward was at first contemplated; 
 but a second examination of the Danish position, on the 
 next day, as well as a favorable change in the wind, 
 determined Nelson to commence operations from the 
 southward. 
 
 On the morning of the ist of April the British fleet 
 weighed anchor, and soon came to again to the northwest 
 of the Middle Ground, a shoal that extends along the 
 whole sea front of the City of Copenhagen, leaving an 
 intervening channel of deep water, called the Konig- 
 stiefe, about three-quarters of a mile wide. In this 
 channel, close to the town, the Danes had moored their 
 block-ships, radeaus, praams (or armed lighters), and 
 other gun-vessels. In the course of the forenoon Lord 
 Nelson reconnoitred, for the last time, the position he was 
 about to attack; and upon his return, about one in the 
 afternoon, the signal to weigh appeared at the Elephant's 
 mast-head, and the division set sail, with a light and 
 favorable wind. Nelson had, in addition to his force 
 already given, been joined by one 28, two 24s, and two 
 18-gun sloops, making his whole force to consist of 
 thirty-two sail, large and small. 
 
 Captain Riou led, in the Amazon, 38, and the ships 
 entered the upper channel, and coasted along the edge 
 
366 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 of the Middle Ground, until they reached and partly 
 rounded the southern extremity. Here they anchored, 
 about eight o'clock in the evening, just as it grew dark; 
 and they were then about two miles from the southern- 
 most ship of the Danish line of defence. 
 
 The same northwesterly wind that had been fair for 
 passing along the outer channel, was now as foul foi 
 advancing by the inner one. It was also necessary to 
 wait for daylight, in such intricate navigation. The night 
 was passed in taking soundings, and the depth was ascer- 
 tained, up to the Danish line. 
 
 The additional vessels, consisting of seven bomb-ships, 
 two fire-ships, and six gun-brigs were brought in; and 
 then there was nothing to do but wait until morning, as 
 the few shells thrown by the Danes burst harmlessly. 
 
 We must now look at the Danish force. It consisted 
 of eighteen vessels, of different kinds. Some old and 
 dismantled two-decked ships, frigates, praams and 
 radeaus, mounting, altogether, 628 guns, were moored in 
 a line of about a mile in extent. These were flanked at 
 the north end, or that nearest the town, by two artificial 
 islands, called the Trekroner batteries, one of thirty 24- 
 pounders, and the other of thirty-eight 36-pounders, with 
 furnaces for heating shot; and both of them commanded 
 by two two-decked block-ships. 
 
 The entrance to the docks and harbor, in the heart of 
 the city, was protected by a chain, and by batteries; while, 
 in addition, the 74-gun ships Dannemark and Trekroner, 
 a frigate, and some large gun-vessels (some of them with 
 furnaces for hot shot), were moored about the harbor's 
 mouth. Several batteries were built along- the shore of 
 
 o 
 
 Amaag Island, to the southward of the floating line of 
 defence; while the indignant Danes flocked to man the 
 
COPENHAGEN. 367 
 
 works, animated by the desire to repel the invaders by 
 every possible means. 
 
 Morning dawned, on the second of April, with a south- 
 easterly wind, which was favorable to the English. As soon 
 as signals could be seen, one was made for all Captains 
 to repair on board the flag-ship, when their stations were 
 assigned them. The line-of-battle ships were intended to 
 anchor by the stern, abreast of the vessels of the enemy's 
 line. Most of the frigates and the fire-ships were to 
 operate against the vessels at the harbor's mouth. The 
 bomb-vessels were to take their stations outside the 
 British line, so as to throw their shells over it; while two 
 frigates and some gun-vessels and brigs were to take a 
 position for raking the southern extremity of the Danish 
 line. The 49th English Regiment, which was on board 
 some of the vessels, and five hundred seamen, under 
 Captain Freemantle, of the Ganges, were intended, at the 
 proper time, to storm the principal of the Trekroner 
 batteries. Of course this was to be when the ships had 
 silenced its fire. 
 
 By nine o'clock everything was ready; a silence reigned 
 before the storm began, and "the stoutest held their 
 breath for a time." 
 
 But now Nelson was hampered by the hesitation and 
 indecision of the pilots. 
 
 At last Mr. Briarly, the Master of the Bellona, under- 
 took to lead the fleet in, and for that purpose went on 
 board the Edgar; and at half-past nine the ships began 
 to weigh, in succession. The Edgar led. The Aga- 
 memnon was to follow, but was unable to weather the 
 shoal, and was forced to bring to again, in only six 
 fathoms of water. Although she tried again, by warping, 
 the current was such that Nelson's old and favorite ship 
 was utterly unable to get any nearer. 
 
o6S NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 Two more ships succeeded in following the Edgar, but 
 the third, the Bellona, 74, got aground, abreast of the 
 Danish block-ship Provesteen, and the Russell, 74, follow- 
 ing her, had the same mishap. They were within long 
 gun-shot. In compliance with the wish of the pilots, each 
 ship had been ordered to pass her leader on the star- 
 board side, from a supposition that the water shoaled on 
 the other shore; in fact, the water kept deepening all the 
 way to the Danish line. The Elephant came next, and 
 Lord Nelson, perceiving the situation of the ships 
 aground, by a happy stroke, ordered his helm to be put 
 to starboard, and passed within those ships, as did, in 
 safety, all those who came after him. Had it not been 
 for this, most of the large vessels would have run ashore, 
 and been practically useless. As soon as Lord Nelson's 
 squadron weighed, Sir Hyde Parker's eight ships did 
 the same, and took up a new position to the north, but 
 too far off, on account of shoal water, to effect much by 
 their fire. 
 
 At ten o'clock the fire opened, and by half-past eleven, 
 as the ships came into their stations, the action became 
 general. Owing to the strength of the current, the 
 Jamaica, 28, and many of the English gun-boats were 
 unable to get into a position to be of much service, while 
 the fire of the bomb-vessels was not nearly so destruc- 
 tive as had been expected. 
 
 The absence of the Bellona and Russell, 74s, and of 
 the Agamemnon, 64, was much felt, as it caused some of 
 the British vessels which got in to have more than their 
 share of fire. 
 
 And now the two lines were enveloped in powder 
 smoke and flame for three long hours. Horrible scenes, 
 and dreadful wounds and destruction always follow a 
 bombardment by the heavy guns which ships carry, as 
 
COPENHAGEN. 3G9 
 
 compared with the field artillery of a land battle. During 
 all this time the fight was maintained with a courage and 
 persistence seldom equalled, and never excelled. 
 
 At the end of three hours' very heavy firing, few, if 
 any, of the Danish block-ships, praams, or radeaus had 
 ceased firing; nor could the contest be said to have 
 taken a decisive turn for either side. To use a vulvar 
 but expressive saying, the English had " a hard nut to 
 crack" in the Danes. At this time signals of distress 
 were flying at the mast-heads of two English line-of-battle 
 ships, and a signal of inability on board a third. 
 
 Sir Hyde Parker, from his distance from the scene of 
 action, could judge but imperfectly of the condition of 
 affairs. Observing the slow progress, and zig-zag courses 
 of the Defence and Ramillies, 74s, and the Veteran, 64, 
 which he had despatched as a reinforcement to his Vice- 
 Admiral, he argued that matters were not progressing 
 favorably for the attacking force; and so he threw out 
 the signal for discontinuing the engagement. Had this 
 been done, the last ships to retire, of the English, as well 
 as those on shore, would have been placed in a most 
 dangerous predicament. Lord Nelson chose, on this 
 occasion, to disobey orders. It is a remarkable fact that, 
 with regard to discipline, some of the greatest leaders 
 have been the most recusant. No one can deny Lord 
 Nelson's genius as a leader of fleets, but all who are 
 interested in navies must regret the example he set upon 
 this occasion. He, himself, would have had any man 
 shot who disobeyed orders, under fire, as he did Sir Hyde 
 Parker's. The result obtained by his disobedience justi- 
 fies the act, in the civil mind; but the far-reaching effects 
 of disobedience of the kind can only be estimated by those 
 who have served in fleets or armies. 
 
 The three frigates and two sloops nearest to the 
 24 
 
370 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 London and her division, did, without question, obey the 
 signal, and hauled off from the Trekroner batteries. The 
 gallant Captain Riou, of the Amazon, was shot in two, 
 and that frigate sustained her greatest loss in obeying 
 Sir Hyde Parker's order, which required him to present 
 his stern to one of the Trekroner batteries. 
 
 When Sir Hyde Parker made the signal to retire, it 
 was reported to Nelson by his signal lieutenant. He 
 continued to walk the deck, and appeared to take no 
 notice of it. The signal officer met him at the next turn, 
 and asked him if he should repeat the signal, as is usual 
 with those coming from a Commander-in-chief to a second 
 in command. 
 
 "No," said Nelson, "acknowledge it." 
 
 Presently, Nelson asked the signal lieutenant if the 
 signal for close action was still hoisted; and being- 
 answered in the affirmative, said, "Mind you keep it so!" 
 
 "He now paced the deck, moving the stump of his lost 
 arm in a manner that, with him, always indicated great 
 emotion. 'Do you know,' said he, what is shown on 
 board the Commander-in-chief?' 'Number 39!' Mr. 
 Fergusson asked him what that meant. 'Why, to leave 
 off action.' Then, shrugging up his shoulders, he 
 repeated the words 'leave off action? now d — n me if I 
 do! You know, Foley,' turning to the captain of his flag- 
 ship, 'I have only one eye, I have a right to be blind 
 sometimes,' and then, putting the glass to his blind eye, 
 in that mood of mind which sports with bitterness, he 
 exclaimed, T really do not see the signal.' Presently he 
 exclaimed ' D — n the signal ! Keep mine for closer battle 
 flying! That's the way I answer such signals. Nail 
 mine to the mast' " 
 
 About two o'clock in the afternoon the fire of the Danes 
 had begun to slacken ; and soon after it had ceased along 
 
COPENHAGEN. 371 
 
 nearly their whole line. Some of their light vessels and 
 floating- batteries had got adrift, and some had struck 
 their colors, but could not be taken possession of for 
 the reason that the nature of the action was such that 
 the crews were continually reinforced from the shore ; 
 and fresh men coming on board did not inquire whether 
 the flag had been struck, or, perhaps, did not heed it; 
 many, or most of them, never having been engaged in 
 war before, and knowing nothing, therefore, of its laws, 
 thought only of defending their country to the last 
 extremity. The firing on the boats which went to take 
 possession of those Danish vessels whose flags were 
 not flying greatly irritated Nelson ; who, at one time, 
 had thoughts of sending in the fire-ships, to burn such 
 vessels. 
 
 During the pause in the action, he sent a letter to the 
 Danish Crown Prince, in which he said, according to 
 Southey, " Vice-Admiral Nelson has been commanded 
 to spare Denmark when she no longer resists. The line 
 of defence which covered her shores has struck to the 
 British flag; but if the firing is continued on the part of 
 Denmark, he mustset on fire all the prizes that he has taken, 
 without having the power of saving the men who have so 
 nobly defended them. The brave Danes are the brothers, 
 and shoi>ld never be the enemies of the English." The 
 account goes on to say that a wafer was given him to 
 close this letter, but he ordered a candle to be brought 
 .rom the surgeon's quarters, and sealed the letter with 
 wax, affixing a larger seal than he ordinarily used. " This," 
 said he, " is no time to appear hurried or informal." 
 
 Nelson's letter is probably correctly given in Southey, 
 but the French say that he asked for Denmark to consent 
 at once to leave the Northern Confederation, to permit the 
 English to caulk and refit their ships in the Danish dock 
 
372 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 yard ; and to receive the English wounded in the Copen- 
 hagen hospitals. 
 
 Captain Sir Frederick Thesiger, with a flag of truce, 
 carried the letter on shore, and found the Crown Prince 
 at the sally-port. The fire of a part of the English line 
 against the Danish block-ships was still kept up, and 
 about this time silenced them. But the great Trekroner 
 battery was comparatively uninjured. This battery there- 
 fore continued its fire ; and, having had a reinforcement 
 thrown in from the shore, was considered too strong to 
 be stormed. 
 
 It was now deemed advisable to withdraw the English 
 ships from the intricate channel while the wind continued 
 fair ; and preparations to that end were making, when 
 the Danish Adjutant-General appeared, bearing a flag of 
 truce. Upon this, the Trekroner ceased firing, and the 
 action, after continuing five hours, during four of which 
 it had been very warmly contested, was brought to a 
 close. 
 
 The message was to inquire the particular object of 
 Lord Nelson's note. The latter replied that he consented 
 to stay hostilities from motives of humanity. He wished 
 the Danish wounded to be taken on shore ; to take his 
 prisoners out of the prizes ; and to burn or carry off the 
 latter, as he should think fit. He also expressed a hope 
 for reconciliation between the two countries; a bitter 
 thing, under the circumstances. 
 
 Sir Frederick Thesiger, who had returned with the 
 Danish Adjutant-General, was again sent with this reply, 
 and he was referred to the Crown Prince for a final 
 adjustment of terms. It is said that the populace were 
 so excited that the flag-of-truce officer was in danger of 
 his life. The interval was taken advantage of to get the 
 leading British ships, all of whom were much crippled in 
 
COPENHAGEN. 373 
 
 rigging- and sails, out of their very precarious position. 
 The Monarch led the way out, but touched on the shoal ; 
 but the Ganges, striking her amidships, pushed her over 
 it. The Glatton passed clear, but the Elephant and the 
 Defiance grounded about a mile from the formidable 
 Trekroner battery, and there remained fixed, for many 
 hours, in spite of every exertion. The Desiree also 
 grounded, close to the Bellona. Soon after the Elephant 
 grounded Lord Nelson left her, and followed the Danish 
 Adjutant General to the London, Sir Hyde Parker's 
 flag-ship. 
 
 Here an important conference was held. It is said 
 that Nelson remarked to the Danish officer that "the 
 French fight well, but they would not have borne for one 
 hour what the Danes have borne for five. I have been 
 in many battles, but that of to-day is by far the most 
 terrible." 
 
 During the whole of the night of April 2d the British 
 were occupied getting out their prizes, and in floating their 
 grounded ships. On the morning of the 3d all of the 
 latter but the Desiree were got off. 
 
 The negotiations lasted five days, and during that time 
 all the prizes, except the 60-gun ship Holstein, were set 
 on fire and destroyed. Most of those so destroyed were 
 not worth carrying away. 
 
 On the 9th of April an armistice of fourteen weeks was 
 agreed upon ; Denmark agreeing, in that time, to suspend 
 all proceedings under the treaty of armed neutrality 
 which she had entered into with Sweden and Russia. 
 
 The prisoners were sent on shore, to be accounted for 
 in case hostilities should be renewed ; and the British 
 fleet had permission to purchase fresh provisions and 
 supplies at Copenhagen, and along the coast adjoining 
 
 In the action before Copenhagen the loss, in killed and 
 
374 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 wounded, of the British fleet, was about twelve hundred. 
 The Danish loss is put down at between sixteen and 
 eighteen hundred, and, with prisoners taken, at about six 
 thousand. 
 
 Although the affair, as a mere fight, might be con- 
 sidered a drawn battle, the first overture having come 
 from the English, the victory clearly remained with the 
 latter, for they got almost everything they demanded. 
 The Danes were much inferior in number of guns, and 
 are entitled to every credit for the splendid resistance 
 they made. 
 
 On the 1 2th of April Admiral Parker despatched to 
 England the prize ship Holstein, of 60 guns, conveying 
 most of his wounded men, and also one or two of his 
 own ships which had been much disabled. He then 
 transhipped the guns of his heavy ships into chartered 
 vessels, and managed to get his fleet into the Baltic in 
 this way, instead of going round by the Belts. This feat 
 astonished the Swedes, Russians, Danes and Prussians, 
 who had not imagined that such ships could be brought 
 into the Baltic by that channel. 
 
 Parker's first object was to attack the Russian squadron, 
 at Revel, before the breaking up of the ice should enable 
 it to join the Swedish fleet at Carlscrona. The move- 
 ment resulted in no battle, but in negotiations, by which 
 a peaceable solution of the existing difficulties could be 
 had. 
 
 A characteristic action of Lord Nelson may here be 
 related. The St. George, his flag-ship, had had great 
 difficulty in passing the shoals, and was among the last 
 to get over, while Sir Hyde Parker had proceeded, with 
 most of the fleet. A head wind set in, and the St. 
 George was again detained. Hearing that the Swedish 
 fleet had come out, Lord Nelson instantly quitted the St. 
 
COPENHAGEN. 375 
 
 George, accompanied by the master of the Bellona, Mr. 
 Briarly, in a six-oared cutter, to join the Admiral, who 
 was twenty-four miles off. They had to pull in the teeth 
 of a strong wind and current, and Nelson had not stopped 
 even to get a boat-cloak, so necessary at that early season 
 of the year. He was in this boat nearly six hours, refus- 
 ing to put on a great coat offered him. " No," he said, " I 
 am not cold ; my anxiety will keep me warm. Do you 
 think the fleet has sailed?" "I should suppose not, my 
 Lord," said Briarly. "If they have," said Nelson, "I shall 
 follow them to Carlscrona in the boat, by G — d ! " Now, 
 the distance to Carlscrona was about one hundred and 
 fifty miles. 
 
 At midnight Nelson reached the fleet, which had not 
 sailed. 
 
 The Emperor Paul had now died, and his successor, 
 Alexander ist, was disposed to make overtures looking 
 towards peace, so that the succeeding movements of 
 Parker and Nelson, in the Baltic, do not come within our 
 province. 
 
 COPENHAGEN, 1807. 
 
 In this connection we must refer to another attack 
 made by the British upon the luckless city of Copen- 
 hagen. 
 
 This is not the place to raise the question as to whether 
 governments, as such, should be governed by a different 
 code of morality from individuals; or whether "reasons 
 of State" (which are generally the will of one man) 
 should be substituted with impunity for common human- 
 ity, justice, and the rights of man. 
 
 But the impropriety of discussing the question in this 
 place should not prevent us from declaring that there 
 never was a greater abuse of force than in the second 
 
376 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 attack of England on the comparatively feeble State of 
 Denmark, in 1807. It is only fair to say that a large 
 body of English subjects condemned it then, and con- 
 demn it now; and it is the English ministry of that day 
 which must bear the blame, in the eyes of succeeding 
 generations. 
 
 In the treaty of Tilsit (1807), France and Russia were 
 put upon a most intimate and friendly footing; and 
 Russia undertook to act as mediator between France and 
 England, for the conclusion of a peace, at least as 
 regarded maritime operations. In accordance with his 
 engagements, the Emperor Alexander addressed a note 
 to the English government; but his overtures were very 
 coldly received. Castlereagh, Canning and Percival, the 
 inheritors of Pitt's policy, and of his hatred of the French 
 (but not of his great abilities), saw their power and 
 influence upon the Continent of Europe decreasing, while 
 Napoleon's was growing. 
 
 They, therefore, determined upon an expedition of 
 magnitude, which, while it would occupy the minds of the 
 people at home, and thereby disconcert the plans of the 
 opposition, would renew the terror in which their arms 
 had been held abroad. 
 
 The plan was to renew the attack upon Denmark, as 
 in 1 80 1, but the operations were to be carried out in an 
 even more thorough and ruthless manner. 
 
 Denmark had joined the new coalition against England, 
 and Napoleon was at the bottom of it; but no declaration 
 of war was made by England against Denmark, and that 
 small kingdom, not suspecting any such design at that 
 moment, was to see all the horrors of war suddenly let 
 loose upon her. Her sole wrong, in the eyes of the 
 British Cabinet, was the possession of a navy, still of some 
 
COPENHAGEN. 377 
 
 strength, which might be used by the coalition against 
 England. 
 
 Denmark was, at the time, observing a strict neutrality, 
 and, although forced to acquiesce in the condition of things 
 consequent upon Napoleon's occupation of northern 
 Europe, had not joined in the Continental blockade. 
 Mistrusting France even more than England, she had 
 sent most of her army into Holstein, with a view to caus- 
 ing the French to respect her frontier. The best policy 
 of England, under the circumstances, would have been 
 to keep on terms with Denmark, and if there was any 
 pressure to be exercised to make her take sides in the 
 great events then transpiring, to leave the odium of such 
 a measure upon Napoleon. But the British Cabinet 
 resolved to secure the Danish fleet, at all hazards, and so 
 put it out of the power of that nation or of Napoleon 
 ever to use it against England. 
 
 To give color to their aggression upon the sovereign 
 rights of Denmark, the British Cabinet alleged that they 
 had knowledge of a stipulation in the Treaty of Tilsit, 
 which brought Denmark fully into the Continental coali- 
 tion ; and, as we have said, the expedition was undertaken 
 to carry off from Napoleon the Danish naval resources, 
 and it was therefore said to be an act of legitimate defence 
 on the part of England. 
 
 In the latter part of July, 1807, Admiral Gambier sailed 
 from England, with twenty-five sail-of-the-line, forty frig- 
 ates, and three hundred and seventy-seven transports, 
 carrying 20,000 troops, commanded by General Cathcart. 
 The latter was to be joined by seven or eight thousand 
 more troops, returning from the siege of Stralsund. At 
 this time almost all the Danish troops were in Holstein ; 
 and the English plan, a well conceived one, was to seize 
 the Belts, with a portion of the fleet, intercept the passages 
 
378 NAVAL BAT1LES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 and prevent the return of the Danish army to the relief 
 of Copenhagen. Then a strong land force was to be 
 landed near Copenhagen, and that city to be destroyed 
 by bombardment, in case she should refuse to surrender. 
 
 The English fleet appeared in the Sound on the 3d of 
 August ; arid Admiral Gambier at once despatched Com- 
 modore Keats, with a suitable force, to secure the Belts, 
 and prevent all passage from the mainland to the Danish 
 islands. The fleet then proceeded down the Sound, 
 and anchored in Elsinore Road. ' The Admiral sent' 
 Commissioner Jackson to the Crown Prince, then acting 
 as Regent of Denmark, to propose an alliance, offensive 
 and defensive, with England. He was also to demand 
 the surrender of Kronberg Castle to the English army, 
 and the port of Copenhagen and the Danish fleet 
 to the navy, protesting that they were only to be held 
 until the return of general peace in Europe, and then 
 to be loyally returned. These outrageous proposals 
 were too much for the Crown Prince's diplomatic reserve. 
 "Never in history," he cried out, "was seen so odious an 
 attack as is contemplated against Denmark." " We may 
 expect more honorable ideas from the Barbary pirates 
 than from the English government. You propose an 
 alliance ! We know what alliance with you means. We 
 have seen your allies waiting a whole year, in vain, for 
 promised assistance ! " 
 
 The Commissioner said that England would pay, cash 
 down, for any injuries which Denmark might receive in 
 consequence of such an alliance. "And with what," said 
 the indignant Prince, " would you pay for our lost honor, 
 if we acceded to so humiliating a proposition ? " Upon 
 receiving this answer Jackson withdrew, and hostilities at 
 once be^an. 
 
 The garrison of Copenhagen consisted of about eight 
 
COPENHAGEN. 379 
 
 thousand men. There were some regular troops, but the 
 most of the defenders were volunteers, students and 
 citizens. Entrenchments and batteries were raised,, and 
 armed; hulks were moored in the passes, and others sunk, 
 to prevent the English ships from coming in. The fleet, 
 the main object of the attack, was sheltered in the inner 
 basins of the dock- yard. But the Danish preparations 
 were only intended to resist assault, and were powerless 
 against bombardment. 
 
 The Prince Regent, having taken all precautions which 
 circumstances permitted, committed the charge of the city 
 and its defences to General Peyman, a brave and worthy 
 soldier, with orders to resist to the last; and then hurried 
 away into Holstein, to endeavor to find some means of 
 bringing the Danish army to the rescue. At the same 
 time General Castenskiod was ordered to assemble the 
 military of Zealand. But these untrained levies could be 
 of very little use against the veteran English troops, and 
 the devoted city was left to the defence of General 
 Peyman's small force. 
 
 When Jackson returned to the British fleet the word 
 was given, and a shocking scene of slaughter and destruc- 
 tion ensued. The troops debarked to the north of 
 Copenhagen. Most of them were Hessians and other 
 Germans in English employ. It was known that the city 
 could not be carried by assault without fearful loss to the 
 attacking party, so the English troops approached, threw 
 up some works, but did not attempt a regular siege. A 
 bombardment was the means resorted to ; and by this 
 dreadful means the city was to be burned and ruined, 
 until the Danes submitted. It was now that Colonel 
 Congreve made the first trial, in actual warfare, of the 
 destructive rockets which bear his name. 
 
 On the i st of September the English preparations were 
 
380 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 completed. Cathcart had erected a battery of sixty-eight 
 pieces, forty-eight of which were mortars. He then 
 summoned the city, demanding the port, arsenal and 
 fleet, on pain of burning the place. In his letter he 
 prayed General Peyman to yield, and not force him to 
 extremity against a place filled with non-combatants, 
 women and children. Peyman, true to the trust confided 
 in him by the Crown Prince, and sustained by the indig- 
 nant citizens, answered the summons in the negative. 
 
 On the 2d of September, in the evening, the bombard- 
 ment commenced, and a hail of shell, rockets, and other 
 missiles fell upon the city. The best answer possible was 
 made, but the English were so sheltered by their 
 defences that their loss was nothing. It continued all 
 night and part of the next day ; and was then suspended 
 to see if Peyman yet thought of surrender. 
 
 Hundreds of Danes had been killed, and many 
 destructive fires had occurred. Many of the finest build- 
 ings were destroyed, and the whole of the male popula- 
 tion who were not in the trenches were exhausted by the 
 labor which they had undergone in trying to extinguish 
 the flames. Peyman resolved to hold out still, and the 
 bombardment was renewed on the evening of the 3d, 
 assisted by the bomb-vessels of the English fleet. With 
 a short interval it was continued until the morning of the 
 5th; a population of 100,000 being all this time exposed 
 to a rain of missiles. The destruction was, of course, very 
 great. About two thousands persons were killed, many 
 of them old people and children, while some of the finest 
 buildings and several hundred dwellings were destroyed. 
 At last, having made an heroic defence, General Peyman, 
 to save the rest of the city, determined to capitulate. 
 By the articles agreed upon the English were to remain 
 in possession six weeks, the time estimated as necessary 
 
COPENHAGEN. 381 
 
 to fit out the vessels which were to be taken away. The 
 Danes saw this spoliation with helpless rage and anguish, 
 and when they turned away, they had the sight of their 
 half ruined city before their eyes. 
 
 The English fitted out, and carried off, sixteen ships of 
 the line, about twenty frigates and brigs, and all the stores, 
 rigging, timber, and ship-building tools from the dock- 
 yard. The ships on the stocks, and the condemned hulks 
 were burned. It took 20,000 tons of transport shipping 
 to carry off the stores which were taken. 
 
 The casualties of both the British army and navy, in this 
 expedition, amounted to only fifty-six killed, one hundred 
 and seventy-five wounded, and twenty-five missing. 
 
382 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 XXIX. 
 
 TRAFALGAR. OCTOBER 21ST, A.D. 1805. 
 
 HE year 1805 was a momentous period in 
 the history of Europe. Napoleon had long 
 meditated the invasion of England, saying 
 " Let us be masters of the Channel for six 
 hours, and we are masters of the world." 
 A skillfully combined plan, by which the 
 British fleet would have been divided, while 
 the whole French navy was concentrated 
 in the Channel, was delayed by the death of the Admiral 
 designated to execute it. But an alliance with Spain 
 placed the Spanish fleet at Bonaparte's disposal, in 1805, 
 and he formed a fresh scheme for its union with that of 
 France, the crushing of the fleet under Cornwallis, which 
 blocked the Channel ports, before Admiral Nelson could 
 come to its support, and a crossing of the vast armament 
 so protected to the British shores. The plan was to draw 
 Nelson away in pursuit of the French fleet, which was 
 then suddenly to return and crush the English Channel 
 squadron. 
 
 Nelson, now in command of the Mediterranean and 
 Cadiz fleet, had been searching diligently for the French 
 Toulon fleet, and was much concerned that he could not 
 find it. 
 
 In February, 1 805 he had been down as far as Egypt, but 
 found nothing there, and, half distracted with anxiety, 
 steered for Malta. Soon after arriving there he received 
 
TRAFALGAR. 383 
 
 from Naples intelligence of what had, in reality, become 
 of the French fleet. 
 
 At that time he wrote to the Admiralty, to say " I have 
 consulted no man, therefore the whole blame of ignorance 
 in forming my judgment must rest with me. I would 
 allow no man to take from me an atom of my glory had I 
 fallen in with the French fleet, nor do I desire any man 
 to partake of any of the responsibility. All is mine, right 
 or wrono-. ****«! consider the character of 
 Bonaparte, and that the orders given by him on the banks 
 of the Seine would not take into consideration wind or 
 weather." 
 
 In a letter to Captain Ball, at Malta, of April 19, 1805, 
 when the fleet, going to the westward, was buffeting with 
 head winds, he says, " My good fortune, my dear Ball, 
 seems flown away. I cannot get a fair wind, or even a 
 side wind — dead foul ! dead foul ! but my mind is fully 
 made up what to do when I leave the Straits, supposing 
 there is no certain information of the enemy's destination. 
 I believe this ill luck will go near to kill me ; but, as these 
 are times for exertion, I must not be cast down, whatever 
 I feel." 
 
 At this very time Nelson had before him a letter 
 from the Physician of the fleet, enforcing his return to 
 England before the hot months, such was his bad state of 
 health. 
 
 "Therefore," he writes, in spite of this, "notwithstand- 
 ing, I shall pursue the enemy to the West or East Indies, 
 if I know that to have been their destination ; yet, if the 
 Mediterranean fleet joins the Channel, I shall request, 
 with that order (from the Physician), permission to go 
 
 on shore." 
 
 On April 8th, 1805, the French fleet passed the Straits 
 of Gibraltar, and the same afternoon entered Cadiz, 
 
384 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 driving off the small British squadron then there, under 
 Sir John Orde. 
 
 Here a number of Spanish men-of-war joined the 
 French Admiral ; and on the 9th the combined fleet — 
 five Spanish and twelve French ships-of-the-line, seven 
 frigates, a corvette and three brigs, stood to the west- 
 ward, to rendezvous in the West Indies, at Martinique, 
 at which island they arrived on May 1 2th. 
 
 On the 4th of May, Nelson was watering and provision- 
 ing his fleet at Mazari Bay, on the Barbary coast, and, 
 the wind coming east, was enabled to proceed to the 
 westward ; but he did not get through the Straits of 
 Gibraltar till the night of the 7th, when his enemy was 
 almost at Martinique. He had supposed that the Allied 
 fleet was bound to the Irish coast ; but received certain 
 information, at this time, from a Scotch officer, named 
 Campbell, in the Portuguese service, that they had gone 
 to the West Indies. Campbell was afterwards complained 
 against by the French Ambassador, for giving this infor- 
 mation, and his career ruined. 
 
 Nelson determined to follow the enemy, without orders, 
 and at the risk of professional censure, for to do so he 
 must abandon his station without leave. He went into 
 Lagos Bay, and having received five months' provisions, 
 sailed, on May nth, and, at Cape St. Vincent, detached 
 a line-of-battle ship to escort some transports and 5000 
 troops through the Straits. With ten sail-of-the-line 
 and three frigates, Nelson then crowded sail to the west- 
 ward, in pursuit of his enemy's fleet, which he knew 
 consisted of eighteen sail-of-the-line, at the least, besides 
 nine frigates. 
 
 Nelson was now Vice- Admiral of the White, in the 100- 
 gun ship Victory, Captain Hardy. He had one 80, the 
 Canopus, Rear-Admiral Louis, and Captain Austen, and 
 
TRAFALGAR. 385 
 
 eight 74's, with three frigates. Lord Nelson has been 
 accused of rashness in seeking to engage a force nearly 
 double his own, but he expected to be joined by six sail- 
 of-the-line at Barbadoes. 
 
 On the passage to the West Indies, Nelson prepared 
 an elaborate plan of battle, the most striking feature in 
 which was, "The business of an English Commander-in- 
 chief being first to bring an enemy's fleet to battle, on 
 the most advantageous terms to himself (I mean, that of 
 laying his ships close on board those of the enemy as 
 expeditiously as possible, and, secondly, to continue them 
 there until the business is decided), etc., etc. 
 
 On May 15th Nelson's fleet reached Madeira, and a 
 frigate was sent on to Barbadoes, to have Admiral Coch- 
 rane's vessels ready for a junction. He, himself, with the 
 main fleet, did not arrive at Barbadoes until June 4th. All 
 this time he had many qualms about his course in leaving 
 his station, and, upon his- arrival, was met by many 
 conflicting reports. 
 
 But he soon learned that the French had gone north 
 again. (At this time he was thought by Napoleon and 
 the French authorities to be still in European waters.) 
 Nelson's swift movements had quite outstripped the 
 Emperor's calculations. 
 
 Nelson left the West Indies again, with eleven sail-of- 
 the line, and cautiously pursued the large fleet in advance 
 of him, in hopes that better tactics would enable him to 
 reach the shores of Europe before them ; and, at any 
 rate, by his presence there he had stopped the career of 
 victory of the French, in the West Indies. He said to his 
 Captains, " My object is partly gained. * * * * 
 We won't part without a battle. I think they will be 
 glad to let me alone, if I will let them alone ; which I will 
 
 25 
 
386 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 do, either till we approach the shores of Europe, or they 
 give mean advantage too tempting to be resisted." 
 
 The French Admiral Villeneuve's orde.s as to his 
 proceedings in the West Indies are interesting, as well as 
 the events which followed his arrival there, but he was 
 ordered to return soon, and to carry out a project, as the 
 ultimate object of the assembling of his allied fleet, which 
 was, in the eyes of Napoleon, infinitely more important than 
 the capture and pillage of the English West India Islands. 
 In returning to Europe Villeneuve was only obeying the 
 Emperor's orders, although the latter blamed Villeneuve 
 for not carrying out his orders in full, attributing his 
 hasty leaving the islands, to fright. 
 
 Afterwards, at St. Helena, he acknowledged that Ville- 
 neuve was a brave man. 
 
 On the way to Europe the French fleet made one or 
 two important captures and re-captures, and came off 
 Cape Finisterre about the latter part of July. 
 
 And now let us follow Lord Nelson for a time. 
 
 He quitted Antigua on June 13th, having received 
 information that the enemy's fleet was seen steering 
 north, but he had no very definite information, and had 
 to rely on his own intuition. On July 17th he sighted 
 Cape St. Vincent, having sailed about 3500 miles on this 
 one passage. 
 
 There seems to be no doubt that Napoleon intended 
 to attack Ireland, or at least effect a landing there, and 
 the best military and naval minds considered that Ville- 
 neuve's voyage to the West Indies was principally 
 intended to draw off the British naval force from the 
 Channel, to admit of an attack upon Ireland, a preliminary 
 step in Napoleon's plan. 
 
 On July 19th, 1805, the English fleet anchored in 
 Gibraltar, and on the 20th Lord Nelson says, in his 
 
TRAFALGAR. 387 
 
 diary, " I went on shore for the first time since June 1 6th, 
 1803, and, from having my foot out of the Victory, two 
 years, wanting ten days." 
 
 He remained only three days on shore at Gibraltar, 
 and then received information that the allied fleet had 
 been seen, five weeks before, steering N. N. west, in 
 latitude 33 , longitude 58 west. This was stale news, 
 but the earliest, of a positive nature, which he had 
 received. He, therefore, passed the Straits of Gibraltar, 
 and at first went to the westward, but afterwards he went 
 off Cape St. Vincent, to be ready to steer in any direction 
 that circumstances might direct. On the third day of 
 August the English fleet was in 39 north, and 16 west 
 longitude. 
 
 Here Lord Nelson got some information from an 
 American merchant ship, which had taken the log of a 
 vessel which had been set on fire and abandoned, but 
 not destroyed, and, from a scrap of paper containing a 
 reckoning, he derived the fact that the vessel had been 
 taken by the French fleet. 
 
 Nelson then proceeded north, but rinding no news, 
 either from Admiral Cornwallis, off Ushant, or the 
 Channel fleet, proceeded, with the Victory, and another 
 ship, to Portsmouth, leaving the rest of his fleet as a re- 
 inforcement to the Channel fleet. 
 
 In the meantime the combined fleet had had a most 
 important action, on July 2 2d, with Sir Robert Calder's 
 squadron, between Ferrol and Finisterre, not necessary to 
 be here gone into. It was a sort of drawn battle, with 
 numbers in favor of the French. Sir Robert Calder was 
 much blamed for the result. 
 
 Napoleon was terribly vexed that Villeneuve had not 
 rendered a better account of Sir Robert Calder's fleet, to 
 which he was superior. 
 
388 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 Bonaparte said that " Villeneuve was one of those met > 
 who require more spur than bridle," and asked if it 
 " would not be possible to find, in the navy, an enterpris- 
 ing man, with cool views, as one ought to see, either in 
 battle, or in the manoeuvres of a fleet." 
 
 Villeneuve was ordered to go to Brest ; but, in spite 
 of that, went to Cadiz, the details of the reasons and 
 movements being too long to be recounted here. The 
 Emperor was furious, and charged him with dereliction 
 in duty, disobedience of orders, refusing to fight the 
 enemy, etc. 
 
 Part of Bonaparte's vexation with Villeneuve no doubt 
 arose from the loud complaints of the Spaniards, at 
 having lost two ships in Calder's action ; and this was 
 aggravated by the apparent unwillingness of the French 
 Admiral, even with a powerful fleet under his command, 
 to sail out, in the face of eleven English sail-of-the-line, 
 cruising off Cadiz ; and so enable the Spanish squadron 
 at Carthagena to form a junction with Admiral Gravina, 
 who commanded the Spanish portion of the allied fleet. 
 
 The fact is, to quote a French authority, "Villeneuve, 
 like others, was impressed by the inferiority of the French 
 marine, in comparison with the English. The French 
 seamen, brave enough, but inexperienced at sea, looked 
 with a sort of terror upon the necessity of meeting the 
 redoubtable victor of Aboukir, knowing well his genius 
 and audacity, commanding, as he did, a well prepared fleet 
 and thoroughly drilled and sea-hardened crews. Ville- 
 neuve's personal courage is above suspicion, but he lacked 
 energy, decision, and power of organization. Exasperated 
 by the reply of the Emperor, who accused him of cowardice, 
 in consequence of his perpetual hesitations, Villeneuve 
 replied to the Minister of Marine, in these bitter words, 
 "If all the French Navy lacks is audacity, as is pretended, 
 
TRAFALGAR. d89 
 
 the Emperor will soon be satisfied ; and he may count 
 upon brilliant successes." 
 
 On September 17th, 1805, Napoleon directed his 
 Minister of Marine to order Villeneuve to sea, on a new 
 expedition. He was to proceed off Naples, and disem- 
 bark, at some point on the coast, a number of troops, in 
 order that they might join the army of General St. Cyr. 
 He was then to proceed to Naples, and capture the 
 English ship Excellent, and a Russian ship-of-the-line, 
 lying there ; to do all possible injury to English trade ; 
 to intercept an expedition bound to Malta ; and then to 
 come to Toulon, where everything was to be ready to 
 re-victual and repair his ships. 
 
 Napoleon seemed to have feared the failure of Ville- 
 neuve to carry out these orders ; and had actually ordered 
 Vice-Admiral Rosily to supercede him. But the fact 
 remains that Villeneuve's written orders had always been 
 to avoid an engagement, and at last to bring his fleet, 
 fresh and entire, into the British Channel. In his move- 
 ments he was, moreover, retarded by the supineness of 
 the Spaniards, who, when their long voyage to the West 
 Indies was over, felt inclined to remain snugly in port. 
 
 In the meantime, Vice-Admiral Collingwood, off Cadiz, 
 was joined by four sail-of-the-line, under Rear-Admiral 
 Sir Richard Bickerton ; and soon after by seventeen 
 more, under Sir Robert Calder, in the Prince of Wales. 
 
 Some of these ships were occasionally detached to 
 Gibraltar, for water and provisions ; and with the rest 
 Collingwood continued to cruise before Cadiz. On the 
 28th of September, Lord Nelson arrived, to take com- 
 mand of the English fleet ; having left Portsmouth in the 
 Victory, on the fifteenth. The Ajax and Thunderer, line- 
 of-battle ships, had come with him. 
 
 The Euryalus frigate had preceded him, to inform 
 
390 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 Collingwood that, on his assuming - command again, no 
 salute should be fired, or flags displayed, in order that 
 the Allies should not be apprised of the arrival of a 
 reinforcement. 
 
 The force under Lord Nelson now consisted of twenty- 
 seven sail-of-the-line, twenty-two of which cruised about 
 fifteen miles off Cadiz ; and the remaining five, under 
 Rear- Admiral Louis, in the Canopus, were stationed close 
 off the harbor, watching the motions of the combined fleet. 
 Lord Nelson considered that if he kept the main body 
 of his fleet out of sight of land, the French Admiral, being 
 ignorant of the exact British force, might perhaps put to 
 sea, so that he kept the bulk of his fleet at a long distance 
 west of Cadiz. 
 
 The force close in with the city was then relieved by 
 two frigates, the only ships left there. Beyond these, 
 further out, and at a convenient distance for signalling, 
 were three or four ships-of-the-line, the westernmost of 
 which could communicate directly with the easternmost 
 ship of the main body. 
 
 The new station of the English fleet had a great 
 advantage in case of westerly gales, usual at that season, 
 as they would not be forced into the Mediterranean; in 
 which event the combined fleet, on the first change of 
 wind, mighl easily put to sea, unmolested. 
 
 On October ist, the Euryalus frigate reconnoitred the 
 port of Cadiz, and plainly discovered, at anchor in the 
 outer harbor, and apparently ready for sea, eighteen 
 French, and sixteen Spanish ships-of-the-line, frigates and 
 two brigs. 
 
 The next day Lord Nelson sent Rear-Admiral Louis 
 with five sail-of-the-line, to Gibraltar, for provisions and 
 water; and on the same day, a Swedish ship, from Cadiz, 
 bound to Alicante, informed the Euryalus that the com- 
 
TRAFALGAR. 391 
 
 bined fleet had reembarked the troops a day or two 
 before, and intended to put to sea the first easterly wind. 
 
 Rear-Admiral Louis got this intelligence on the 3d of 
 October, and at once returned to the main fleet with his 
 squadron ; but Lord Nelson, conceiving the news to be 
 a stratagem to draw him nearer to Cadiz, so as to obtain 
 a knowledge of his force, ordered Louis to proceed in the 
 execution of his orders. 
 
 On the 4th the weather was very calm, and some 
 Spanish gunboats pulled out from Cadiz and attacked 
 the two English frigates which were on duty close in ; 
 but they soon retired again. By the 8th of October two 
 more line-of-battle-ships had joined the English fleet, and 
 the same day the Euryalus again counted thirty-four sail- 
 of-the-line in Cadiz harbor. 
 
 The possibility that the Cadiz, Carthagena and Roche- 
 fort ships might effect a junction, and thereby present a 
 force of forty-six sail-of-the-line, induced Lord Nelson to 
 draw up and transmit to his second in command a plan 
 of attack in which he supposed that, by the junction of a 
 squadron under Sir Richard Strachan, and other ships, 
 from Gibraltar and elsewhere, he might be able to 
 assemble a force of forty sail-of-the-line. 
 
 His plan was regarded by naval men as a master-piece 
 of naval strategy, and agreed in principle *vith that pur- 
 sued in the great battle then impending. Condensed, 
 it was as follows : Taking it for granted that it was next 
 to impossible to form a fleet of forty sail-of-the-line in 
 line of battle, with varying winds, thick weather, and 
 other difficulties which might arise, without so much 
 delay that the opportunity would probably be lost of 
 bringing the enemy to battle in such a manner as to 
 render it decisive, Lord Nelson resolved to keep the fleet 
 in such a position that, with the exception of the first and 
 
392 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND vIODERN. 
 
 second in command, the order of sailing would be the 
 order of battle. The fleet was to be placed in two lines, 
 of sixteen ships each, with an advanced squadron of 
 eight of the fastest sailing, two-decked ships, which latter 
 would always make, if wanted, a line of twenty-four sail, 
 on any line the Commander-in-chief might direct. 
 
 The second in command would, after this latter inten- 
 tion was made known to him, have the entire direction of 
 his line, and was to make the attack, and to follow up the 
 blow, until the enemy's ships were captured or destroyed. 
 
 Should the enemy's fleet — supposed to consist of forty- 
 six sail-of-the-line, be seen to windward, in line of battle, 
 and the two British lines and the advanced squadron be 
 able to fetch it, the ships of the former would probably be 
 so extended that their van could not succor their rear. 
 
 The English second in command would then probably 
 be signalled to lead through, at about the twelfth ship 
 from the enemy's rear, or wherever he could fetch, if not 
 able to advance so far. 
 
 The Commander-in-chief's line would lead through at 
 the centre, and the advanced squadron cut through at 
 about three or four ships ahead of the centre, so as to 
 ensure getting at the enemy's Commander-in-chief, whom 
 every effort should be used to capture. 
 
 The whole impression of the British fleet was to be 
 made to overpower from two to three ships ahead of 
 the enemy's Commander-in-chief (supposed to be in the 
 centre) to the rear of his fleet. 
 
 Admitting twenty sail of the enemy's line to be 
 untouched, it would be some time before they could per- 
 form a manoeuvre, so as to bring their force compact, to 
 attack any part of the British fleet engaged, or to succor 
 their companions; and this they could not do without 
 muuAg with the ships engaged. 
 
TRAFALGAR. 6V6 
 
 If it happened that the two fleets were of less force than 
 here contemplated, a proportionate number only of the 
 enemy's fleet were to be cut off, and the British were to 
 be one-fourth superior to the enemy so cut off. 
 
 Lord Nelson, making due allowance for what chance 
 might effect, looked with confidence to a victory, before 
 the van of the enemy could succor his rear ; and then he 
 expected that the British ships would most of them be 
 ready to receive the enemy's other twenty sail, or to 
 pursue them, should they endeavor to make off? 
 
 If the van of the enemy tacked, the captured ships 
 were to run to leeward of the British fleet ; if the enemy 
 wore, the British were to place themselves between the 
 enemy and the captured, as well as their own disabled 
 ships ; and should the enemy close, his Lordship made 
 no doubt of the result. 
 
 The second in command was to direct the movements 
 of his line and to keep the ships as compact as circum- 
 stances permitted. Captains were to look to their own 
 line as their rallying point ; but, in case signals could 
 neither be seen nor perfectly understood, no captain could 
 do wrong who placed his ship close alongside that of an 
 enemy. 
 
 So far with regard to the attack from to leeward. Next 
 followed the plan of attack from to windward. 
 
 Supposing the enemy formed in line-of-battle to receive 
 the British fleet, the three divisions of the latter were to 
 be brought nearly within gun-shot of the enemy's centre, 
 when the signal would most likely be made for the lee 
 line to bear up together, under all sail, in order to reach 
 the enemy's line as quickly as possible, and then to cut 
 through ; beginning at the twelfth ship from the enemy's 
 rear. 
 
 Some ships might not get through at their exact place, 
 
394 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 but they would always be at hand, to assist their friends; 
 and if any British ships were thrown round the rear of 
 the enemy, they would, it was considered, effectually 
 complete the business of twelve of the enemy's ships. 
 
 Should the enemy wear together, or bear up, and sail 
 large, still the twelve ships of the enemy's rear were to 
 be the object of attack of the British lee line, unless 
 otherwise directed by the Commander-in-chief, an inter- 
 ference not contemplated in the plan, as the entire 
 management of the lee line, after the Commander-in-chief 
 had signalized his intentions, was to be left to the judg- 
 ment of the Admiral commanding that line. 
 
 The remainder of the English fleet were to be left to 
 the management of the Commander-in-chief; who, as he 
 rather modestly expressed himself, would endeavor to 
 take care that the movements of the second in command 
 were as little as possible interrupted. 
 
 This plan and instructions have been given rather at 
 length, because they have always been looked upon as 
 models, and have been copied into foreign historical 
 works, and adopted upon several other occasions. 
 
 Cadiz became much straightened for provisions, in 
 consequence of having so large a fleet to victual. To 
 remedy this evil, especially in regard to his own fleet, 
 Napoleon had ordered shipments to be made to Nantes, 
 Bordeaux, and other ports in the Bay of Biscay. The 
 carriers were vessels under the Danish flag, that landed 
 their cargoes at small ports in the south of Spain, whence 
 they were easily conveyed to Cadiz. As some check to 
 this, a vigorous blockade had been adopted by Colling- 
 wood, and maintained by his successor who considered 
 it a more likely way of driving the combined fleets to sea 
 than a bombardment of Congreve rockets, as had at one 
 time been contemplated. The arrival of a number of 
 
TRAFALGAR. 395 
 
 frigates enabled Nelson to prosecute this blockade of the 
 coasting trade more successfully. On the ioth of 
 October two line-of-battle ships, and on the 13th two 
 more, joined Nelson ; and he had now twenty-nine sail- 
 of-the-line off Cadiz, and five at Gibraltar. This was the 
 highest number his fleet reached. 
 
 On the ioth the allied fleet had moved out to the 
 entrance of the harbor, and evinced a disposition to put 
 to sea at the first opportunity. 
 
 Four days after, Lord Nelson was obliged, owing to 
 orders from England, to send there Sir Robert Calder, in 
 the Prince of Wales; and on the 17th was obliged to 
 send the Donegal to Gibraltar, for water. This done, he 
 had twenty-seven sail-of-the-line (not all in very good 
 order, or well manned), four frigates, a schooner, and a 
 cutter. There were in his fleet three 100-gun ships; the 
 Victory, his own flag-ship ; the Royal Sovereign, Vice- 
 Admiral Collingwood; and the Britannia, Rear-Admiral 
 the Earl of Northesk. Then came four 98-gun ships ; one 
 80, sixteen 74s, and three 64s, which formed the line-of- 
 battle. 
 
 On the very day on which Lord Nelson took command 
 of the fleet a courier had arrived at Cadiz, with the order 
 of the French Emperor for Villeneuve to put to sea. 
 These orders had been issued about the middle of 
 September, and required that the French ships should 
 pass the Straits of Gibraltar, land the troops on the 
 Neapolitan coast, sweep the Mediterranean of all British 
 commerce and cruisers, and then enter Toulon, to re-fit 
 and re-victual. 
 
 Although Villeneuve's instructions contained no men- 
 tion of the Spanish fleet, it is natural to suppose that they 
 would be glad to avail themselves of the exit of a formid- 
 able French fleet to effect a junction with seven sail-of- 
 
396 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 the-line of theirs, which were blockaded in the port of 
 Carthagena. Every exertion was, therefore, made to fill 
 the complements of the fleet, which had otherwise been 
 ready for some time. Of the vessels which had been in 
 Sir Robert Calder's action, one, the Argonauta, had been 
 repaired and refitted, but the damage to the other, the 
 Terrible, proved of so serious a nature that she was 
 disarmed, and her crew divided among the short-manned 
 ships. 
 
 All these details may seem tedious, but are necessary 
 to a correct understanding of this, the most important 
 naval battle of the century. 
 
 To return a little. On the ioth of October, the French 
 troops having re-embarked, the combined fleet moved 
 to the entrance of Cadiz harbor, to be ready for a start 
 at a moment's warning. Hard westerly gales continued 
 until the i 7th. At midnight of that date the wind shifted 
 to the eastward, and on the 18th of October Admiral 
 Villeneuve informed the Spanish Admiral Gravina of his 
 intention to put to sea on the following day ; and had a 
 strong line of gunboats drawn up across the mouth of the 
 harbor. 
 
 On October 19th the Allied fleets, by signal from the 
 Commander-in-chief, began getting under way, at seven 
 o'clock in the morning. There was a fair breeze, but 
 light, and the British reconnoitring frigates at once saw 
 and reported the movement. Owing to the light wind, 
 only twelve ships got out, and these lay becalmed until 
 afternoon, when a breeze sprang up from the west-north- 
 west, and the twelve stood to the northward, accompanied 
 closely by the two English frigates on guard. At day- 
 light the next morning the rest of the combined fleet left 
 Cadiz, making, with the twelve already outside, thirty- 
 three sail-of-the-line, five frigates, and two brigs. They 
 
TRAFALGAR. 397 
 
 had a light southeast wind, while the ships in the offing, 
 as is frequently the case on this coast, had the wind south- 
 southwest 
 
 The French had four 8o-gun ships, and fourteen 74s, 
 with the frigates and brigs. The Spanish had one 130- 
 gun ship; two of 112 guns; one 100; two 80s; eight 
 74s, and one 64. 
 
 Villeneuve's flag-ship was the Bucentaure, 80, and 
 Gravina's the Principe de Asturias, 112. 
 
 Scarcely had the fleet cleared the harbor when a south- 
 west wind and thick weather began to delay their 
 progress. Meantime the two English frigates carefully 
 watched their every manoeuvre. 
 
 The first effect of the thick weather was that the 
 English ship Agamemnon, with a merchant brig in tow, 
 was unconsciously running into the midst of the enemy's 
 ships, but was, after some difficulty, warned off by the 
 frio-ates. Then one of the English frigates was in danger 
 of capture by her stopping too long to examine an Ameri- 
 can ship ; she was chased and fired upon. 
 
 In the afternoon the weather cleared, and the wind 
 shifted to north-northwest; whereupon Admiral Ville- 
 neuve ordered his fleet to form in five columns, in 
 accordance with a plan previously communicated to his 
 Admirals and Captains. 
 
 The Allied fleet then divided itself into two parts. The 
 first part was of twenty-one sail, and was denominated 
 the line-of-battle, and this was again subdivided into three 
 squadrons, of seven ships each ; of which the centre was 
 commanded by Villeneuve himself; the van by Vice- 
 Admiral Alava ; and the rear by Rear-Admiral Duma- 
 noir. 
 
 The second part of the Allied fleet, the reserve, was 
 divided into two squadrons, of six ships each, the first 
 
398 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 under Admiral Gravina, and the second under Rear- 
 Admiral Magon. 
 
 Villeneuve's instructions to these officers were as 
 follows : in case of being to windward, the line to bear 
 down together, and each ship to engage her opponent in 
 the English line ; to engage closely, and to board, if 
 possible. 
 
 If, on the contrary, the English fleet was to windward, 
 the allied fleet was to await attack in close order of 
 battle. 
 
 The French Admiral said, " the enemy will not confine 
 himself to forming a line-of-battle parallel to ours, and 
 engage us with his cannon, when success often attends 
 the most skillful, and always the most fortunate ; he will 
 endeavor to turn our rear, to pass through our line, and 
 will endeavor to surround such of our ships as he 
 succeeds in cutting off, and reduce them with numbers 
 of his own." 
 
 Villeneuve adds " there is nothing to alarm us in the 
 sight of the English fleet; their 74-gun ships have not 
 five hundred men on board ; their seamen are harassed 
 by a two years' cruise; they are not more brave than we; 
 and have infinitely less motives to fight well, and have 
 less love of country. They are skillful at manoeuvring. 
 In a month we shall be as much so as they are. In fine, 
 everything unites to inspire us with hopes of the most 
 glorious success, and of a new era for the Imperial 
 marine." 
 
 The most remarkable feature of the French Admiral's 
 plan was, that it persisted in ordering the movements of 
 his fleet to be conducted in close line-of-battle, even while 
 he admits that his enemy will adopt a different mode' of 
 attack, that of cutting off the rear of the line, and making 
 it an easy conquest. Such, however, was the ancient 
 
TRAFALGAR. 399 
 
 rule of sea-tactics, and France had not yet had a Rodney 
 to break through them. 
 
 Shortly after the combined fleet had formed in five 
 columns, one of their advanced frigates made the signal 
 for eighteen sail of British ships in sight. On this the 
 fleet, still on the port tack, cleared for action, and at 
 about five p. m. tacked, and stood for the mouth of the 
 Straits of Gibraltar. They had continued so long on the 
 other tack that Lord Nelson thought it was Villeneuve's 
 intention to proceed to the westward. 
 
 About this time the four British frigates came down to 
 reconnoitre, and were chased by some of the Allied fleet, 
 which latter, however, rejoined the main body at night- 
 fall. 
 
 Just before dark the French ship Aigle made signal 
 for eighteen British ships in line-of-battle, to the south- 
 ward; and shortly after the combined fleet wore and 
 stood to the northwest. 
 
 On the 2 1 st, a little before daylight, the French 
 Admiral, abandoning his plan of forming line-of-battle of 
 twenty-one ships (as the enemy were now to windward, 
 and of nearly equal force to himself), ordered the three 
 columns, composed of the twenty-one ships, without 
 regard to priority of rank among them, to form in close 
 line-of-battle, on the starboard tack, upon the leeward- 
 most division of twelve ships, and then to steer south- 
 east. The manoeuvre executed, daylight found the two 
 fleets fairly in sight of each other, for the first time. The 
 centre of the Franco-Spanish fleet bearing about east by 
 south of the centre of the British, and distant about ten 
 miles. 
 
 The wind was then light, from west-northwest, and a 
 heavy swell setting in from the westward. 
 
 Let us now look at the movements of the British fleet 
 
400 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND .MODERN. 
 
 during the period just before the momentous battle now 
 impending. 
 
 About half-past nine a. m., on the 19th, while the 
 British fleet was lying to, fifty miles west-southwest from 
 Cadiz, the line-of-battle ships which formed the cordon 
 of communication between the fleet and the reconnoitring 
 frigates, inshore, repeated the signal that the enemy was 
 coming out of port. 
 
 Lord Nelson immediately made sail to the southeast, 
 with light breezes, mostly from south-southwest. At 
 three p. m. the signal was repeated, that the enemy was 
 at sea. 
 
 That afternoon Lord Nelson directed that the fleet 
 should observe the motions of his flag-ship, the Victory, 
 during the night, and that the best sailing ships should 
 stand ahead, and steer for the mouth of the Straits. 
 
 On the 20th of October, at daylight, the English found 
 themselves near the entrance of the Straits, but saw 
 nothing of their enemy. 
 
 Thereupon the fleet wore, and made sail to the north- 
 west, with a fresh breeze at south-southwest. 
 
 At seven a. m., one of the frigates signalled the Allied 
 fleet, bearing north; and by noon the Victory and the 
 English fleet were within twenty-five miles of Cadiz, 
 standing to the west-northwest, on the port tack. 
 
 Early in the afternoon they were taken aback, by a 
 breeze from the west-northwest, and at 4 p. m. wore, and 
 again came to, on the port tack, steering north. 
 
 It was now telegraphed that the Allied fleet seemed 
 determined to go to the westward, and Lord Nelson 
 replied that he relied on the frigates keeping them in 
 sight during the night The frigates then signalled 
 "thirty-one sail of the enemy, bearing north-northeast." 
 
 When night fell the British fleet wore, and stood to the 
 
TRAFALGAR. 401 
 
 southwest, and at 4 a. m. of the 21st wore again, and 
 steered north by east, under easy sail. 
 
 To the general reader these details of manoeuvres, 
 (which precede any great battle, whether on sea or land), 
 may appear tedious, but it is absolutely necessary to a 
 description of this great event, and could not be omitted 
 by any one who tried to give an account of the battle. 
 
 At six in the morning the flag-ship Victory had a' view 
 of the combined fleet, bearing about east by south, 
 distant, as has been said in the account of the manoeuvres 
 of the Franco-Spanish fleet, about ten or twelve miles. 
 
 At this time Nelson was about twenty miles from Cape 
 Trafalgar, which bore east by south. 
 
 Soon after this the English fleet, by signal, formed in 
 two columns, in the order of sailing, and bore up to the 
 eastward, under all sail. 
 
 This was according to Nelson's previous orders ; to 
 avoid delay and inconvenience of forming line-of-battle 
 in the usual manner. 
 
 THE BATTLE. 
 
 The near approach of the British fleet rendering an 
 action unavoidable, the French Admiral, at 8.30 in the 
 morning, made signal for his ships to wear together, and 
 form line, in close order, on the port tack. 
 
 This brought the port of Cadiz on his lee bow. 
 
 It was fully ten in the morning before this manoeuvre, 
 involving so many great ships, and such a long line, was 
 completed; and even then, from the light and flawy wind, 
 the line was not very regularly formed. 
 
 Acounts differ as to how the ships were disposed in the 
 Allied line. 
 
 Lord Collingwood said that the French ships had an 
 unusual arrangement. They formed a crescent, convex- 
 26 
 
402 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 ing to leeward, "so that, in leading down their centre, I 
 had both their van and rear abaft the beam. Before the 
 fire opened, every alternate ship was about arable's 
 length to windward of her second ahead and astern, 
 forming a kind of double line, and appeared, when on 
 their beam, to leave very little interval between them, and 
 this without crowding their ships." 
 
 The French and English accounts and plans of the 
 battle are all rather incompatible with the facts of the 
 action, as developed ; and were all, most probably, 
 drawn from memory and influenced by impressions. 
 
 Lord Collingwood's is, probably, the only simple and 
 straightforward one. 
 
 Owing to the lightness of the wind, the English fleet, after 
 bearing up, made very slow progress toward their enemy. 
 These great two and three-deckers were ponderous 
 affairs, and required a strong breeze to move them. 
 
 At the joint suggestion of Captains Hardy and Black- 
 wood, Nelson reluctantly consented that the Temeraire 
 and Leviathan should precede the Victory in going into 
 action; and he himself gave orders to that effect to the 
 first-named ship, which was then just abreast of the 
 Victory, but, it was thought, at too great a distance to 
 understand perfectly the purport of Lord Nelson's hail. 
 
 Captain Hardy, Nelson's flag-Captain, therefore, went, 
 in his boat, on board the Temeraire, and gave Captain 
 Harvey the Commander-in-chief's orders. But then the 
 utmost endeavor of the Temeraire to pass ahead of the 
 Victory was frustrated by the latter's carrying all the sail 
 she could set. 
 
 No one ventured to suo-p-est shortening sail to Nelson, 
 when going into battle ; and he was just then finding 
 fault with the officer of the Victory's forecastle, for not 
 setting the lee studding-sail in a smarter manner. 
 
TRAFALGAR. 403 
 
 Subsequently, when it became necessary to keep in 
 line, for mutual support, the Victory signalled the Teme- 
 raire to resume her station astern of the flag-ship. Thus 
 the Victory led the Temeraire into the enemy's line, 
 after all. 
 
 The manner in which the combined fleet now lay, 
 with a home port only twenty-five miles off, on their lee 
 bow, induced Nelson, about eleven in the morning, to 
 telegraph, 'T intend to pass through the end of the enemy's 
 line, to prevent them from getting into Cadiz." 
 
 The reversed order of that line had, with the wind 
 prevailing, produced an effect to be guarded against. It 
 had brought the shoals of San Pedro and Trafalgar under 
 the lee of both fleets. Accordingly, at half-past eleven, 
 the Victory made signal to the British fleet to prepare to 
 anchor at the close of the day. 
 
 At that time the cables were of hemp, and required a 
 long time to range, and prepare for letting go. They 
 were, in such ships, of immense size. We shall see how 
 Nelson's sailor instinct taught him what was to save his 
 fleet after the battle, although he was not to see it. 
 
 This signal having been made, no other seemed 
 necessary, and all they had to do was to wait for the 
 battle to open. - 
 
 But, a little before noon, Nelson telegraphed again. 
 This time it was his celebrated message, "England 
 expects that every man will do his duty." He had dicta- 
 ted "confides," but the word not being in the signal book, 
 the signal lieutenant suggested "expects," and Nelson 
 adopted it. 
 
 This signal was greeted with three cheers from all the 
 ships, as they were slowly bearing down upon their 
 enemy, and aroused the utmost enthusiasm. 
 
 They by degrees got so close that, at noon, the French 
 
404 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 ship Fougueux opened fire upon the Royal Sovereign 
 (Collingwood's flag-ship), then upon her port bow 
 and well within shot. Immediately upon the first 
 gun-shot, the three British Admirals hoisted their respect- 
 ive flags, and the rest of the ships the white, or St. 
 George's ensign, a measure adopted to prevent any con- 
 fusion, in the heat of action, from a variety of national 
 flags. 
 
 Each British ship also carried a union-jack at her 
 main-top-mast stay, and another at her fore-top-gallant 
 stay. The combined fleet hoisted their ensigns then, and 
 their Admirals their flags. 
 
 Soon after the Fougueux and the ships next ahead and 
 astern of her had opened fire the Royal Sovereign 
 returned it, but Nelson made signal to engage more 
 closely, and Collingwood ceased firing. 
 
 Soon after midday Collingwood had reached a position 
 close astern of the Santa Anna, 112, and fired into her, 
 with double-shotted guns, and with such precision that, 
 by the subsequent admission of Spanish officers, she 
 killed or wounded nearly four hundred of her crew. 
 With the starboard 'broadside similarly shotted, the 
 Royal Sovereign raked the Fougueux, but, owing to 
 distance, with less effect. In a short time the British ship 
 Belleisle followed through the combined line, which, 
 owing to some of the ships astern of the Fougueux press- 
 ing forward to support the centre, while others kept their 
 sails aback, or shivering, was fast losing the tolerably 
 regular form it had had 
 
 It was about this time that Nelson said, "See that 
 noble fellow, Collingwood, how he carries his ship into 
 action!" while Collingwood was remarking to his flag- 
 Captain, "what Nelson would give to be here!" 
 
 The British lee column approached its enemy in such 
 
TRAFALGAR. 405 
 
 a slanting direction that it enabled most of them to 
 discharge their starboard guns at the enemy's rear, and 
 an interchange of animated firing took place, the smoke 
 from which, for lack of a strong breeze to carry it ofi^ 
 spread over the combatants, and increased the confusion 
 into which the rear of the combined line had already 
 been thrown, by the crashing charge upon its centre. 
 
 Twenty minutes after the Fougueux had opened fire 
 upon the Royal Sovereign, and shortly after the latter had 
 passed under the stern of the Santa Anna, the Bucentaure 
 (Villeneuve's flag-ship) fired a shot at the Victory, which 
 latter had studding-sails set on both sides, and was going 
 through the water very slowly. The shot fell short. 
 Another fell alongside, after an interval, and then a 
 third passed through the Victory's main-top gallant sail. 
 Things were getting warm, but the Victory did not im- 
 mediately reply ; and a minute or two of awful silence 
 followed, the ships creeping together, and then, almost as 
 if by signal, the whole Allied van opened fire upon the 
 Victory, conspicuous from bearing Nelson's flag. Such 
 a fire has seldom been directed at a single ship. Almost 
 immediately a round shot killed Nelson's Secretary, Mr. 
 Scott, while he was conversing with Captain Hardy. 
 Shortly after a double-headed shot killed eight marines 
 on the poop of the Victory, on which the Admiral 
 ordered Captain Adair, the Marine Officer, to disperse his 
 men around the ship, so that they should not suffer from 
 being drawn up together. Presently a shot came through 
 a thickness of four hammocks, carried away a part of the 
 launch, as she lay on the booms, struck the fore-brace 
 bitts on the quarter-deck, and then passed between Lord 
 Nelson and Hardy. A splinter from the bitts tore the 
 buckle from one of Nelson's shoes. Dr. Beatty, the Sur- 
 geon of the Victory, says "they both instantly stopped, 
 
406 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 and were observed by the officers on deck to survey each 
 other with inquiring looks, each supposing the other to 
 be wounded. His Lordship smiled, and said 'This is too 
 warm work, Hardy, to last long!' and he soon after 
 declared to Captain Hardy that, in all his battles, he had 
 never seen cooler courage displayed than that by the 
 Victory's men, on this occasion." To be sure, they were 
 fighting under Nelson's own eye, and well-drilled men 
 can stand almost any fire when well commanded. 
 
 The Allied ships directly ahead of the British weather 
 column, seeing, by her movements, that the Victory was 
 about to follow the example of the Royal Sovereign, 
 closed up around her. The Bucentaure came up near 
 the huge Santissima Trinidada, 1 30, but still left a small 
 opening between herself and the latter. In hopes of 
 passing through this interval in the line, Lord Nelson 
 himself ordered the man at the wheel to steer east by 
 south. 
 
 The Victory, by the change thus made in her course, 
 having brought her port guns to bear upon the combined 
 van, commenced firing from that side. She had already, 
 from the concentrated fire she had encountered, lost 
 twenty officers and men killed, and thirty wounded. 
 This loss would have been greater had not the enemy 
 endeavored to disable her by aiming rather at her spars 
 and rigging. In consequence of this every studding-sail 
 boom, on both sides, had been shot away, and every sail 
 riddled. 
 
 This shows that if the centre and rear of the Allies 
 had opened fire earlier upon the Royal Sovereign, as she 
 went in, they would, probably, have entirely disabled her. 
 
 The Victory, as she moved slowly along, in a slanting 
 direction, kept her port broadside playing upon the 
 Santissima Trinidada and the Bucentaure, and was ably 
 
TRAFALGAR. 407 
 
 seconded by the Temeraire, Captain Harvey, which ship 
 still kept close astern of her. In a few minutes the Vic- 
 tory's mizzen-top-mast was shot away; and soon after 
 her wheel was destroyed, and the ship had to be steered, 
 during the rest of the action, in the gun-room, the First- 
 Lieutenant and Master relieving each other at that duty. 
 All this happened in about a quarter of an hour after 
 she had opened fire, and she now found herself close 
 abreast of the narrow opening between the Spanish four- 
 decker and the French Commander-in-chief, the precise 
 spot where Nelson wished to cut the combined line. Just 
 as the Victory was slowly passing astern of the great 
 Spanish ship, with the intention of hauling up under her 
 lee, the Bucentaure ranged ahead, and placed herself 
 upon the four-decker's starboard quarter. Captain Har- 
 dy now pointed out to Nelson the impossibility of passing 
 through the line without running on board one of the 
 enemy's ships. Lord Nelson replied, "I can't help it; it 
 does not signify which we run on board of. Go on board 
 which you please; take your choice." The Victory, with 
 helm hard a-port, steered for the Redoutable, which had 
 gallantly come to fill a gap caused by the falling to 
 leeward of the French Neptune. (There was a Neptune 
 in each fleet.) Righting her helm — she had just steerage 
 way — the Victory poured a raking fire into the Bucen- 
 taure and the Santissima Trinidada, and received a 
 raking fire from the French Neptune, which then set her 
 jib to keep clear. 
 
 On coming slowly to the wind the Victory drifted on 
 board the Redoutable, but not until she had given her 
 a broadside, and received some shot in return. The 
 Redoutable then shut her lower deck ports, apparently 
 to prevent the English from boarding through them, and 
 did not again fire a gun from her port side. 
 
408 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 The ships came together very gently, and were in the 
 act of rebounding, when the Victory's starboard fore- 
 yard-arm caught the leech of the Redoutable's fore-top- 
 sail. This kept them together for a time, and, with the 
 muzzles of their guns almost touching, the two ships fell 
 off before the wind. 
 
 Having accompanied Lord Nelson so far, let us now 
 take a general view of the battle. 
 
 Soon after the first four ships of the British lee divi- 
 sion had cut the centre and rear of the combined line, 
 the remainder, as they came up in succession, pierced the 
 mass of the Allied ships (for they were no longer in line), 
 and then found opponents as they could. 
 
 Meantime the weather division had cut through a little 
 ahead of the centre of the combined line. The action, 
 which had begun at noon, was at its height at about half- 
 past one. At three the fire had begun to slacken ; and 
 at five had entirely ceased. 
 
 Of the eleven van ships of the Allies, including the 
 huge Sta. Trinidada, only one was captured in her proper 
 place; the remaining ten were out of line. Of the 
 latter, three were captured and seven escaped; four by 
 hauling to windward, and then by running for Cadiz. 
 Of their ten centre ships, five were taken in their line of 
 battle, and five escaped into Cadiz ; and of the twelve 
 rear ships, nine, including one burnt, were taken, and 
 three escaped into Cadiz. This made, as the result of 
 the day's proceedings, nine French ships of the line 
 captured or burnt, and nine Spanish ships of the line 
 captured ; total eighteen. The French and Spanish ships 
 which escaped were many of them much shattered. 
 
 It is impossible to give details of the separate action 
 of so many ships, or of the losses they sustained, without 
 being tedious. But it may be interesting to give some 
 
TRAFALGAR. 409 
 
 idea of the French view of the battle — previous to speak- 
 ing of the death of Nelson. 
 
 We now quote from a French source. After enum- 
 erating the combined fleet, and its mode of formation, 
 the account goes on to say, that "the vessels" (of the 
 Allies) were most of them rather antiquated, especially 
 the Spanish vessels, and unfitted for the new tactics 
 introduced by Nelson. Soon after going out the two 
 fleets sighted each other off Cape Trafalgar — that low 
 point formerly called by the ancients the promontory 
 of Juno. 
 
 "The English Admiral had but twenty-seven sail-of-the- 
 line, but his guns were superior in calibre to those of the 
 Allies. They had, moreover, much greater nautical 
 experience, and a great leader, conditions of success 
 which the Allies could not claim." "Villeneuve formed a 
 single line of battle. Nelson formed in two columns, to 
 cut this line, and then expected to conquer the separate 
 parts in detail." ****** 
 
 "October 21st, at eleven a. m., the two fleets came 
 together, and one of the most destructive naval battles 
 ever fought ensued. * * * The English were full of 
 confidence and enthusiasm. * * * Nelson himself set 
 the example. Outsailing his division, he dashed the Vic- 
 tory against the Allied line, in spite of the concentrated 
 broadsides poured upon him. * * * He attempted to 
 take the Bucentaure, the flag-ship of Villeneuve, and for 
 that purpose tried to get in between her and another 
 French ship, the Redoutable, commanded by the brave 
 Captain Lucas. Lucas divined his intentions, and has- 
 tened to bar the Victory's way. But Nelson was not the 
 man to be deterred by odds, and immediately laid his ship 
 alongside the Redoutable, and boarded her. Lashed 
 alongside, the two ships fell out of line, fighting." It is 
 
410 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 not very often that accounts from opposite sides agree so 
 closely as the foregoing account. 
 
 "The ship's company of the Redoutable bravely 
 accepted the unequal combat. From the tops, as well as 
 from the batteries, they answered the fire of the English, 
 and, in this singular fight, one rather of musketry than of 
 great guns, the French had rather the advantage." "The 
 decks of the Victory were burdened with the dead. In 
 the midst of the noise and confusion, and smoke of 
 combat, Nelson and Captain Hardy walked the poop. 
 Not far from them a few men were exchanging- a brisk 
 musketry fire with those in the tops of the French ship. 
 Suddenly the Admiral staggered and fell, with his face 
 to the deck. A ball fired from the mizzen-top of the 
 Redoutable had struck his left shoulder, passing through 
 the epaulette, then through the chest, and lodging in the 
 dorsal vertebrae." Admiral Jurien de la Graviere says, 
 "They picked him up at once, the decks being covered 
 with his blood. Hardy, who had not seen him fall, 
 turned, and, paler than Nelson himself, cried, T hope, 
 my Lord, that you are not dangerously wounded!' 
 'They have done for me,' he answered; 'they have 
 succeeded at last; the spine of my back is broken."' 
 
 Thiers, in his history, gives a rather different account, 
 only interesting as showing the way in which this import- 
 ant event was reported by the French. "Nelson, dressed 
 in a coat which he always wore on days of battle, and 
 having at his side his flag-captain, Hardy, seemed to 
 delight in exposing himself. His Secretary had already 
 been killed just beside him. Captain Hardy had had one 
 of his shoe buckles shot away, and a bar shot had killed 
 eight men at once on the poop. The great seaman, just 
 object of both hatred and admiration to us, impassable 
 upon his poop, was looking calmly on at the horrible 
 
TRAFALGAR. 411 
 
 scene, when a bullet from one of the tops of the Redout- 
 able struck him on the left shoulder, and passing on, 
 lodged in his loins. Sinking to his knees he fell forward, 
 endeavoring to sustain himself by his hands. In falling 
 he said, 'Hardy, the Frenchmen have finished me.' 
 'Not yet, I hope,' said Hardy. 'Yes! I am dying,' said 
 Nelson. They carried him to the cockpit, but he had 
 already almost lost consciousness, and it was evident he 
 had but a short time to live. Recovering his conscious- 
 ness at intervals, he asked how the battle went; and 
 repeated the directions which afterwards proved his fore- 
 sight: 'Anchor! anchor the fleet before evening.'' He 
 soon died, but he had the consolation of knowing, before 
 he did so, that his triumph was certain. To continue the 
 French account: "This bloody episode naturally created 
 disorder on board the Victory, and Captain Lucas, of the 
 Redoutable, without knowing the cause, wished to profit 
 by it to board the English ship. The boarders were 
 already called away, when a broadside of grape from the 
 Temeraire laid low two hundred of them, either killed or 
 wounded. At the same time another English ship, the 
 Neptune, fired into the Redoutable's poop, and reduced 
 her to a deplorable condition. Two of her masts fell 
 upon the deck, her guns were in great part dismounted, 
 and one of her sides almost beaten in, by which the water 
 entered in torrents. All her staff was wounded, ten out 
 of eleven midshipmen mortally wounded, while 522 men 
 out of 640 were either killed or wounded, and, being 
 unable to resist longer, they were obliged to strike." 
 
 To continue the French account: "The other French 
 ships, in equal straits, were menaced with the same fate, 
 although their crews, as well as those of the Spanish fleet, 
 showed no lack of courage. The English guns, ably and 
 
412 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 perfectly served, made havoc with their enemy, whose 
 ships, as has been said, were deficient in condition. 
 
 " The Bucentaure, attacked by several ships at once, 
 all of whom looked upon her as their special prize, had 
 fouled and caught her bowsprit in the gallery of the 
 Spanish ship Santissima Trinidada, and was incapable of 
 getting clear. In this position she soon had her decks 
 swept, and lay at the mercy of the enemy, with great gaps 
 in her starboard side, her poop demolished, her masts 
 gone by the board, her officers and crew decimated. 
 ' My business on board the Bucentaure is finished,' cried 
 the unfortunate Villeneuve; 'I will try to bring back good 
 fortune on board of another vessel.' But not a boat was 
 able to swim, and it was impossible ibr him to leave the 
 Bucentaure." 
 
 M. Thiers says that the French Admiral thus found 
 himself upon a sinking ship, incapable of taking either 
 the offensive or defensive, unable to transmit orders or to 
 do anything to save the fleet which had been entrusted 
 to him, and unable to answer even a shot to those he was 
 still receiving. In this desperate condition, which could 
 not be worse, he resigned himself to the sad necessity of 
 striking his flag. This took place about four in the after- 
 noon. 
 
 "An English boat came and took him on board the 
 Mars, where he was received with all the distinction due 
 to his rank and his courage." "The seven vessels of the 
 centre, which Villenueve commanded, were either cap- 
 tured or disabled. Those at the head of the Allied line 
 had taken little part in the action, owing to light winds. 
 Rear Admiral Dumanoir, who commanded them, feared 
 to be compromised uselessly if he went to the assistance 
 of either Villeneuve or of the rear division, and he 
 decided not to allow his division to become involved in 
 
TRAFALGAR. 413 
 
 the disaster which he deemed irremediable. So he drew 
 off, and his conduct has been made the subject of more 
 or less hostile criticism, according as people judged his 
 motives." 
 
 " The vessels of the rear division" (we are still follow- 
 ing the French account), "commanded by Admiral Grav- 
 ina and Rear- Admiral Magon, carried on the battle with 
 devoted courage. The Algesiras (flag-ship of the French 
 Rear-Admiral) made as terribly desperate a defence 
 {always defence) as the Redou table. Magon had for 
 opponent the Tonnant, a ship taken from the French, of 
 80 guns. He was about to board her when the same 
 misfortune happened which occurred to the Redoutable. 
 Another English ship raked the Algesiras, sweeping off 
 a large number of her crew by broadsides of grape. She 
 endeavored to reply to this new enemy, when a third 
 came and joined them. In this Homeric struggle the 
 Algesiras for a time fought all three. The Captain of the 
 Tonnant tried three times to board the Aleesiras. Mao-on 
 himself, at the head of his crew, boardine-axe in hand, 
 set an example to his men, and his decks were stained 
 with blood in this hand-to-hand conflict. Conspicuous 
 for his brilliant uniform, which he refused to lay aside, he 
 was soon wounded by a musket ball, but remained on 
 deck. A second ball hit him in the thigh, and feeling 
 faint he allowed himself to be taken below to have the 
 wound dressed, expecting to return. Unfortunately his 
 ship's sides were so battered that grape could readily 
 enter below, and Magon was hardly below when he was 
 killed by a grape-shot through the chest. 
 
 " The sailors of the Algesiras seemed rendered desper- 
 ate by the news of his death, but all their courage did 
 not avail. Out of 641 men on board of her, 150 were 
 killed and 180 wounded. Her masts were gone, her 
 
414 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 battery dismounted, and when the English boarded they 
 overran the ship, and her flag was struck. Admiral Gra- 
 vina, on board the Principe d' Asturias, and surrounded by 
 English vessels, fought with the fury of despair. Holding 
 out well against odds, he gave time to the Neptune and 
 Pluto to come down to his assistance. Unfortunately, 
 just as this aid arrived he was mortally wounded." 
 
 "Another episode in this battle of giants marked its 
 termination. The Achille caught fire, and her crew, 
 instead of attending to that, would not leave her guns, 
 and she blew up, with tremendous violence." 
 
 "At five in the afternoon the French fleet was either 
 destroyed or fugitive. Seventeen French and Spanish 
 ships had been taken, and one blew up. The combined 
 fleet lost six or seven thousand men in killed, wounded, 
 drowned and prisoners. A more horrible sight has 
 seldom been seen in a naval battle. 
 
 "The English had suffered much. Many of them had 
 lost masts ; some were entirely disabled. They lost 
 about three thousand men, a great many officers, and 
 Nelson. And this had the effect of moderating the 
 enthusiasm in England over this great victory. During 
 the following night a heavy gale arose, as Nelson had 
 foreseen. The English, having great trouble to take 
 care of themselves, were forced to abandon the prizes 
 they had in tow, or in company. Many of the prizes 
 were seized by the prisoners, and, after great effort, 
 succeeded in getting into Cadiz. The English retained 
 but four of their prizes and Admiral Villeneuve, whose 
 troubles were not yet ended. The French marine was 
 almost destroyed, physically and morally ; and they have 
 hardly recovered from it at this day. 
 
 " Napoleon heard of it when in Germany, in the midst 
 of triumphs, and 'he never forgave Villeneuve.' The 
 
TRAFALGAR. 415 
 
 Admiral was placed at liberty by the English, and came 
 home in April, 1806, hoping to justify his conduct. He 
 forwarded a letter to Paris, and soon followed it in 
 person. But while still on the journey, he received a 
 reply, the contents of which caused him to give himself 
 six fatal stabs with a knife, in the region of the heart, 
 causing almost immediate death." 
 
 Having seen how fairly and truthfully, upon the whole, 
 the French have described some of the incidents of this 
 great battle, let us now return to some of the details and 
 the result. 
 
 It will be remembered that Nelson was urging the 
 Victory into action ; and that vessel being fast-sailing 
 for a line-of-battle ship, would probably have been, like the 
 Royal Sovereign, far ahead of the ships in her wake, but 
 that the Temeraire, having on board very little provisions 
 or water, was what the sailors call "flying light." This 
 ship was called the "fighting Temeraire." She had been 
 taken from the French, and was commanded in this 
 action by the gallant Captain Eliab Harvey, a name 
 worthy of a down-east Yankee. She is well known from 
 the celebrated picture, by Turner, of "The fighting 
 Temeraire towed to her last berth." 
 
 The great difficulty on the part of the Temeraire was 
 to keep astern of her leader ; and to do this she was 
 obliged frequently to yaw, or to make a traverse. Hence 
 the Temeraire shared with the Victory — although not to 
 quite so great an extent — the damage and loss of life 
 sustained by the head of the weather English column, 
 from the Allies' heavy and incessant raking fire. 
 
 Shortly after the Victory opened her port guns the 
 Temeraire opened hers ; and when the former put her 
 helm aport, to steer towards the Redoutable, the Teme- 
 raire, to keep clear of her leader, was compelled to do 
 
416 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 the same, receiving a fire as she passed the Santissima 
 Trinidada, that did her much damage. 
 
 At last, when the Victory passed through, the Teme- 
 raire succeeded. Meanwhile the Victory had got foul of 
 the Redoutable, and the two ships payed off to the 
 eastward. The Temeraire had scarcely begun to haul 
 up, to avoid being raked by the French Neptune, which 
 was in a position to do so with impunity, when the 
 Temeraire discovered, through the smoke, the Redout- 
 able drivinof down on board her. The wind was too li^ht 
 to work clear of her — and the French Neptune opened 
 on the English ship, in a raking position, and soon 
 shot away most of her spars. Rendered unmanageable, 
 the Temeraire could only continue her cannonade of the 
 Redoutable from -her port battery. This she did until 
 the French ship shut in her lower-deck ports, as we have 
 seen she had already done on the opposite side ; and 
 then she fell on board the Temeraire — the French ship's 
 bowsprit passing over the British ship's gangway, just 
 before the mizzen-rigging, where, in order to have the 
 benefit of a raking fire, the Temeraire's men lashed it. 
 Then they poured in round after round, with most 
 destructive effect. This fire of the Temeraire is said to 
 have cost the French ship two hundred in killed and 
 wounded. This happened just after the Victory and 
 the Temeraire had got clear of each other — and just 
 after Nelson had received his death wound. 
 
 The three ships now lying nearly parallel, the two 
 larger English ships had the French two-decker lying 
 between them and riddled by their shot. The English 
 had to use a diminished charge of powder to prevent their 
 shot from passing through, to injure their friends, and 
 their guns contained three shot each, and were much 
 depressed. Fire was now the common enemy of the 
 
TRAFALGAR. 417 
 
 three ships, grappled together in this dogged fight. The 
 seamen of the English ships were actually obliged to 
 throw buckets of water into the holes made by their shot 
 in the Redoutable's sides. All this time the Victory's 
 guns, on the other side, had continued to play upon 
 the Spanish four-decker, until the English Neptune 
 came up and took charge of her. " The Redoutable, 
 although she did not make use of her great guns, 
 kept up a heavy fire of musketry, both from her decks 
 and from her tops. In each of the latter were one or 
 two brass cohorn mortars, which she repeatedly dis- 
 charged, with great effect, upon the decks of her antago- 
 nists. From the diagonal position of the Redoutable, 
 at the time the Temeraire lashed her to her gangway, 
 the quarter-deck and the poop of the Victory became 
 greatly exposed to the top fire of the French ship, whose 
 mizzen-top was just abaft and rather below the Victory's 
 main-yard." About half- past one a musket ball from this 
 top struck Lord Nelson in the left shoulder, as, having 
 walked along the middle of the quarter-deck, from abaft, 
 he was in the act of turning round to the right, near the 
 main hatchway, to walk back, on the left hand of Captain 
 Hardy, then a step or two in advance, giving some 
 necessary orders. Dr. Beatty says, "Lord Nelson fell 
 upon his face, in exactly the same spot where his Secre- 
 tary had been killed early in the action ; and Scott's 
 blood not having been removed, soiled Lord Nelson's 
 clothes. He was raised at once by three of the crew, 
 and Captain Hardy, on turning round, became aware of 
 what had happened. Hardy eagerly said that he hoped 
 he was not severely wounded, and Nelson replied, 'They 
 have done for me at last, Hardy!' 'I hope not,' said 
 Hardy. 'Yes,' replied the Admiral, 'my backbone is 
 shot through.' The men, by Captain Hardy's direction, 
 27 
 
4J8 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 bore the Admiral to the cockpit," where we shall leave 
 him for the present. 
 
 Although sure to suffer most from the effects of fire, 
 the Redoutable continued to throw hand grenades from 
 her tops and yard-arms, some of which, rebounding, set 
 fire to her fore and main chains and shrouds. This fire 
 communicated to the Temeraire, but was soon extin- 
 guished by her people. 
 
 The Victory's crew, after putting out a fire on the 
 booms of that vessel, actually assisted in putting out the 
 flames on board the Redoutable, throwing buckets of 
 water from their ship. 
 
 For a quarter of an hour after Nelson had received 
 his wound the Victory maintained a steady cannonade at 
 the hull of the Redoutable, receiving in return a fire of 
 musketry which continued to kill or wound many officers 
 and men. It was a little after two when the main and 
 mizzen masts of the French ship fell. This stopped her 
 formidable musketry, and the two English ships prepared 
 to take possession of her. The Victory, however, tum- 
 bled home so much that, the Frenchman's ports being 
 shut, her men could not board. The Temeraire, being 
 French built, did not tumble in much, and she had, 
 besides, the fallen mizzen-mast as a bridge — and down 
 the latter the crew of the Temeraire scrambled, and 
 boarded and took possession of the most gallantly fought 
 French ship. 
 
 Then another complication took place. The French 
 ship Fougueux, 74, after engaging the Royal Sovereign, 
 Belleisle, and Mars, stood slowly across for the starboard 
 beam of the Temeraire — the latter lying with her head 
 about east. The object of the Fougueux was probably 
 to pass to windward of the Temeraire, and rake her ; or 
 perhaps to board her — as the Temeraire's appearance 
 
TRAFALGAR. 419 
 
 indicated that she was much disabled — her colors being 
 then down, from having - her gaff carried away. But the 
 English ship had her starboard broadside in perfect 
 readiness, and delayed firing until the Fougueux got quite 
 close. Then she fired, and there was a fearful crash on 
 board the French ship. Crippled and confused the 
 latter fell on board the Temeraire, and there she was im- 
 mediately lashed. Boarders from the Temeraire leaped 
 on board of her at once — finding her Captain mortally 
 wounded, and some of the other officers endeavoring- to 
 rally the crew to repel boarders. In ten minutes she was 
 a prize to the Temeraire. Four ships were thus locked 
 together at once, but the Victory soon disengaged her- 
 self, and lying with her head to the northward, ceased 
 firing, temporarily. She had been terribly cut up, and had 
 lost fifty-seven killed, and one hundred and two wounded. 
 The Redoutable, which had occupied the exposed posi- 
 tion, out of a crew "of six hundred and forty-three, had 
 lost three hundred killed, and two hundred and twenty- 
 two wounded — including nearly all her officers. The 
 Temeraire was much damaged, and her loss was forty- 
 seven killed and seventy-six wounded. The Fougueux 
 had not suffered nearly so much as the others. 
 
 The Leviathan was the last English ship engaged with 
 the French Commander-in-chief, which latter, upon hauling 
 down her colors, was boarded by the Leviathan's Cap- 
 tain of Marines and five men. 
 
 On reaching the Bucentaure's quarter-deck, M. Ville- 
 neuve and the first and second Captains presented their 
 swords, but the Marine Officer declined to receive them, 
 and referred them to Captain Pellew, of the Leviathan. 
 Securing the magazine, and putting the key in his pocket, 
 and placing sentries at the cabin doors, the Marine Officer 
 pulled off, with the French Admiral and his two Captains. 
 
420 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 His own ship had proceeded in chase and left him, so he 
 took the French officers on board the Mars — and here 
 they remained prisoners. 
 
 And now in regard to the huge four-decker, the Span- 
 ish Santissima Trinidada. At half-past two she had been 
 so sharply handled by different English ships, that she 
 was dismasted, and lay an unmanageable wreck. The 
 Neptune being called off by an attack from some of the 
 ships of the Allied van, the Africa, 64, bore down ahead 
 of the Sta. Trinidada. Meeting no return to her fire, 
 and seeinp- no colors hoisted, the Africa concluded that 
 the four-decker had surrendered, and sent a boat to take 
 possession. 
 
 On the Lieutenant's reaching the quarter-deck and 
 asking if she had surrendered, a Spanish officer answered 
 "No," at the same time pointing to one Spanish and four 
 French sail-of-the-line then passing to windward. As, 
 owing to being dismasted, the four-decker was fast drift- 
 ing away from the two fleets, the English Lieutenant, who 
 had only a boat's crew with him, quitted the ship — being, 
 singularly enough, permitted to do so — and returned to 
 the Africa. 
 
 The Santissima Trinidada then remained without a 
 prize crew until about half-past five, when the Prince, 98, 
 took her in tow, in obedience to signal. The great ship's 
 loss in killed and wounded was very severe, having sus- 
 tained, in succession, the raking fire of four different 
 ships, and her hull, especially her stern and quarters, 
 was dreadfully shattered. 
 
 It is impossible to follow the fortunes of the other 
 ships, interesting as they are, and remarkable for gallant 
 actions on both sides. 
 
 We must, however, mention the collision of the Allied 
 van with some of the English ships. 
 
TRAFALGAR. 421 
 
 At about half-past two the whole of the Allied van, 
 except the Sta. Trinidada, began to put about, in obedi- 
 ence to a signal from their Commander-in-chief to come 
 quickly into close action. They did not comply very 
 readily with the signal ; indeed, owing to the light wind, 
 they could not do so. 
 
 When ten ships got round on the starboard tack, five 
 of them (four French and one Spanish), under Rear 
 Admiral Dumanoir, hauled their wind, and the other five 
 kept away, as if to join Admiral Gravina, then to lee- 
 ward of the rear, in the act of making off. In the 
 height of this confusion in the combined van, the Britan- 
 nia, Agamemnon, Orion, and Ajax got intermingled 
 among the French and Spanish ships that had put about 
 and were edging away. Quite a spirited fight now took 
 place between these, and Admiral Dumanoir, with his five 
 ships, interchanged shots with many of the English. 
 
 It was just at this moment that Captain Hardy dis- 
 patched a Lieutenant to Vice-Admiral Collingwood, to 
 inform him that Lord Nelson was wounded. 
 
 The hauling to windward of Dumanoir gave the two 
 rear ships of the English weather squadron, the Mino- 
 taur and Spartiate, an opportunity of exchanging broad- 
 sides with the French ships Formidable, Duguay- 
 Trouin, Mont Blanc and Scipion, while they succeeded in 
 cutting off the rear ship, the Spanish Neptune, 80, and 
 she was captured, about five p. m. This was not done 
 without a warm resistance from the Spaniard, which was 
 the last ship which struck on that eventful day. 
 
 The British fleet, in all this five hours' fighting, had 
 only had 449 killed and 1241 wounded. 
 
 While this fleet was securing their disabled and bat- 
 tered prizes, and getting the latter, as well as themselves, 
 in a state to keep the sea, and while the more fortunate 
 
422 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 of the French and Spanish ships were profiting by the 
 occasion to effect their escape from the scene of disaster, 
 let us look at the cockpit of the Victory, where lay, dying, 
 the chief hero of the day. 
 
 The manner of receiving his wound has been already 
 described. Dr. Beatty, who had the ball in his posses- 
 sion, says it was not fired from a rifled piece, although it 
 was stated, in Southey's life of Nelson, that Tyrolean 
 riflemen were posted in the tops of the French ship. 
 
 Dr. Beatty says, "While the men were carrying Lord 
 Nelson down the ladder, from the middle deck, his Lord- 
 ship observed that the tiller ropes were not yet replaced, 
 and sent a midshipman to remind Captain Hardy of the 
 circumstance, and requested that new ones should be 
 immediately rove. Having given this order, he took his 
 handkerchief from his pocket and covered his face, that 
 he might not, at this crisis, be recognized by the crew." 
 These are most thoughtful and touching precautions. 
 
 When he was dying Captain Hardy came down, with 
 tidings of the victory being certain. Dr. Beatty says, 
 "Lord Nelson and Captain Hardy shook hands, and the 
 Captain congratulated him, even in the arms of death, 
 upon the brilliant victory, which he said was complete, 
 although he did not know how many ships were cap- 
 tured ; certainly fourteen or fifteen. Nelson said, 'That 
 is well, but I bargained for twenty,' and then emphati- 
 cally exclaimed, 'Anchor, Hardy, anchor ! ' 'I suppose, 
 my Lord, Admiral Collingwood will now take upon him- 
 self the direction of affairs.' ' Not while I live, I hope, 
 Hardy ! ' cried Nelson ; ' No, do you anchor, Hardy.' 
 Captain Hardy then said, ' Shall we make the signal, 
 sir?' 'Yes,' answered Nelson, 'for if I live, I'll 
 anchor.'" 
 
 In about fifteen minutes Lord Nelson became speechless, 
 
THE U. S. SAILING FRIGATE, CONSTITUTION. 
 
 (" Old Ironsides.") 
 
TRAFALGAR. 423 
 
 and died at half-past four. His best and truest friends 
 only regretted that he had not died instantly, on the 
 quarter-deck, when he was wounded. 
 
 All nations have done justice to Nelson's character, 
 and a celebrated French writer says, he "ought to be 
 held up as a model to Admirals, both for the extraordi- 
 nary pains he took to know his Admirals and Captains, 
 and by the spirit of the attacks which he resolved to 
 undertake. He unfolded to them his general plan of 
 operations, and the modifications with which the weather 
 or the manoeuvres of the enemy might force him to 
 qualify his original determination. 
 
 When once he had explained his system to the superior 
 officers of his fleet, he confided to them the charge of 
 acting according to circumstances, so as to lead, in the 
 most favorable manner, to the consummation of the 
 enterprise so planned. And Nelson, who was allowed to 
 choose the companions of his glory, possessed the talent 
 and the happiness to find men worthy of his instruction 
 and confidence. They learned, in action, to supply what 
 had escaped his forethought, and in success to surpass 
 even his hopes." 
 
 The immediate result of the Battle of Trafalgar was 
 seventeen French and Spanish ships-of-the-line captured, 
 and one French ship burnt. Four French ships effected 
 their escape to the southward ; and Admiral Gravina, 
 with eleven French and Spanish ships-of-the-line, and the 
 smaller vessels, anchored under Rota, in the course of the 
 succeeding night. 
 
 At six p. m. Vice-Admiral Collingwood, now Com- 
 mander-in-Chief, shifted his flag to the Euryalus frigate, 
 and the latter, taking the Royal Sovereign in tow, stood 
 off shore with her. 
 
 Most of the British ships were so damaged, either in 
 
424 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 spars or hull, that they were not in a condition to carry 
 sail. 
 
 Of seventeen prizes, eight were wholly dismasted, the 
 remainder partly so. Some were nearly in a sinking 
 condition. 
 
 To add to their perilous condition, they were then in 
 thirteen fathoms of water, with the shoals of Trafalgar 
 only a few miles to leeward. Fortunately the wind, 
 which was west-south-west, and dead on shore, was 
 moderate; but there was a high swell, which was bad for 
 wounded masts. At nine p. M. the Vice-Admiral made 
 the signal to anchor, but few could do so, as many cables 
 were cut by shot. At midnight the wind veered to south- 
 south-west, and freshened, and signals were made to 
 to those under way to wear, with heads to the westward. 
 Four of the dismasted prizes anchored off Cape Tra- 
 falgar, and ' the rest wore t and drifted seaward. Next 
 morning Collingwood issued a general order of thanks 
 to the fleet. 
 
 There was then a fresh southerly wind ; but thirteen 
 of the prizes, which had remained under way, were got 
 hold of, and towed to the westward. But at five o'clock 
 that afternoon it was found that the Redoutable was 
 sinking, which she did, with many French prisoners and 
 her prize crew on board. Some were saved on a raft, 
 but many were lost. Other fearful casualties occurred 
 during the rough weather of the succeeding night. The 
 Fougueux was lost, with all on board but twenty-five ; 
 and the Algesiras was given up to the prisoners, who 
 carried her into Cadiz. The Bucentaure was wrecked, 
 but her crew was saved. 
 
 A heavy gale continued, and on the 23d the French 
 Captain, Cosmao-Kerjulien, with five ships and five 
 frigates, recaptured two of the prizes, which were drifting 
 
TRAFALGAR. 425 
 
 about. But in doing so one of his own ships, the Indompt- 
 able, a fine eighty-gun vessel, was wrecked, with all on 
 board lost ; and the Spanish ship St. Francis d' Assis was 
 lost, with most of her crew. Other casualties occurred. 
 
 Altogether, of the ships captured by the British, at the 
 end of the operations only four — one French and three 
 Spanish 74's — remained as trophies in the hands of the 
 conquerors. Nor was one of them worth the pains and 
 risk taken to preserve her. The Victory, towed by the 
 Neptune, arrived at Gibraltar on the 28th of October, 
 and on the 3d of November, having been partially 
 refitted, she sailed for England — having Nelson's body, 
 preserved in spirits, on board. At Chatham the Admi- 
 ralty yacht received the coffin, which was made of the 
 main-mast of the French flag-ship Orient, which was 
 burnt at the battle of the Nile — and which had been 
 presented to Nelson by Captain Hallowell. This was 
 placed in a leaden coffin ; and his flag, which had been 
 kept at half-mast on board the Victory, was struck for 
 the last time. 
 
 His body, thus encofiined, lay in state at Green- 
 wich Hospital; and on the 9th of January, 1806, was 
 buried, with great pomp, in St. Paul's Cathedral. 
 
 Lord Nelson was engaged in action with an enemy 
 over one hundred and twenty times, and besides being 
 severely wounded elsewhere, lost his right eye and his 
 right arm. 
 
 He had not long passed his forty-seventh birthday 
 when he was killed. 
 
 His brother William was made an Earl, with ^6000 per 
 annum and ,£100,000 for the purchase of an estate; 
 while ^10,000 pounds were given to each of his sisters. 
 
 It was also decided that two ships should be built ; 
 one of one hundred and twenty guns, to be called the 
 
426 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 Nelson ; and one of ninety-eight guns, to be called the 
 Trafalgar. Collingwood was made a Baron, and voted 
 ^2000 per annum ; and, of course, there were a very 
 large number of minor promotions. 
 
WASP AND FROLIC. 
 
 427 
 
 XXX. 
 
 WASP AND FROLIC. A.D.1812. 
 
 N November 13th, 181 2, the American 18- 
 gun ship-sloop Wasp, Captain Jacob Jones, 
 with a crew of 137 men, sailed from the 
 Delaware, and ran off southeast, to get 
 into the track of the West India traders. 
 On the next day she encountered a heavy 
 gale, and lost her jib-boom and two men 
 who were upon it. On the 17th, the 
 weather having moderated somewhat, she discovered 
 several sail, which were part of a convoy of merchant- 
 men from Honduras, bound for England, under convoy 
 of the British 18-gun brig-sloop Frolic, of 19 guns and 
 1 10 men, commanded by Captain Whinyates. They had 
 been dispersed by the gale of the 16th, in which the 
 Frolic had lost her main-yard. The Frolic had spent 
 the next day in repairing damages, and by dark, six of 
 her missing convoy had rejoined her. On Sunday, the 
 1 8th, which was a fine day, the convoy was discovered 
 ahead and to leeward of the American ship, Captain 
 Jones not choosing to close during the night, as he was 
 ignorant of the force opposed to him. 
 
 The Wasp now sent down top-gallant yards, close 
 reefed her top-sails, and bore down under short fighting 
 canvas. The Frolic lashed her damaged yard on deck, 
 and hauled by the wind, under her boom main-sail and 
 close reefed fore-top-sail, hoisting Spanish colors to decoy 
 
428 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 the stranger down, and permit her convoy to escape. By 
 half-past eleven the ships were close together, and run- 
 ning on the starboard tack, parallel, and not more than 
 sixty yards apart. They then commenced firing, the Wasp 
 her port, and the Frolic her starboard battery. The 
 latter fired very rapidly, delivering three broadsides to 
 the Wasp's two, both crews cheering loudly as the ships 
 wallowed through the water, abreast of each other. 
 There was a very heavy sea running, left by the gale, 
 which caused the vessels to roll and pitch heavily. The 
 Americans fired as the engaged side of their ship was 
 going down, aiming at the Frolic's hull, while the English 
 fired while on the crest of the seas, their shot going high. 
 
 The water flew in clouds of spray over both vessels, 
 which rolled so that the muzzles of the guns went under; 
 but in spite of this the firing was spirited and well 
 directed. In five minutes the Wasp's main-top-mast 
 was shot away, and fell across the port fore and fore-top- 
 sail braces, rendering her head yards unmanageable. 
 Ten minutes after her gaff and mizzen-top-gallant mast 
 came down, and by eleven o'clock every brace and most 
 of her rigging was shot away, so that it was impossible 
 to brace her yards. 
 
 But in the meantime the Frolic had suffered dreadfully 
 in her hull and lower masts, and her gaff and head braces 
 were also shot away. The slaughter among her crew was 
 also very great; but the survivors kept at their work with 
 the dogged courage of their race. At first the two vessels 
 ran side by side, but the American gradually forged 
 ahead, throwing in her fire from a position in which she 
 herself received little injury. By degrees they drew so 
 close together that the Americans struck the Frolic's side 
 with their rammers, in loading, and beean to rake the 
 British vessel with dreadful effect. 
 
WASr AND FROLIC. 429 
 
 The Frolic then fell on board her antagonist, her jib- 
 boom coming in between the main and mizzen-rigging 
 of the Wasp, and passing over the heads of Captain 
 Jones and Lieutenant Biddle, who were standing by the 
 capstan, on the quarter-deck. 
 
 This forced the Wasp up into the wind, and she again 
 raked the Frolic, Captain Jones trying to restrain his 
 crew, who were anxious to board, until he could put in 
 another broadside. But they could not be held back, and 
 Jack Lang, a seaman from New Jersey, leaped on the 
 Frolic's bowsprit. Lieutenant Biddle then mounted the 
 hammock-cloth, to board, but got his feet entangled in 
 some rigging, and one of the midshipmen seizing his 
 coat-tails, to help himself up, the Lieutenant tumbled back 
 on the deck. As the ship rose to the next swell he suc- 
 ceeded in getting on the bowsprit, on which were one or 
 two seamen of his ship. ' But there was no one to 
 oppose them. The man at the wheel stood grim and 
 undaunted, and there were two or three more about the 
 deck, among them Captain Whinyates and his First 
 Lieutenant, both so severely wounded that they could 
 not stand without support. There could be no more 
 resistance, and Lieutenant Biddle hauled down the flag 
 himself, at a quarter-past twelve — just forty-three minutes 
 after the action commenced. Almost immediately both 
 the Frolic's masts went by the board. 
 
 Of her crew not twenty men escaped unhurt. Every 
 officer was wounded and two were killed. Her total loss 
 was thus over ninety, about thirty of whom were killed 
 outright or died of wounds. 
 
 The Wasp suffered severely in her rigging and aloft 
 generally, but only two or three shots struck her hull. 
 Five of her men were killed — two in her mizzen-top, and 
 
430 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 one in her main-top-mast rigging, and five were wounded, 
 chiefly aloft. 
 
 The two vessels were practically of equal force. The 
 loss of the Frolic's main-yard had converted her into a 
 brigantine, and as the roughness of the sea made it 
 necessary to fight under very short canvas, her inferiority 
 in men was fully compensated for by her superiority in 
 metal. She had been desperately defended ; no men 
 could have fought more bravely than Captain Whinyates 
 and his crew. On the other hand, the Americans had 
 done their work with a coolness and skill that could not 
 be surpassed. The contest had been mainly one of 
 gunnery, and had been decided by the greatly superior 
 judgment and accuracy with which they fired. Both 
 officers and crew had behaved well. 
 
 The French Vice-Admiral Jurien de la Graviere, 
 commenting on this action, says: "The American fire 
 showed itself to be as accurate as it was rapid. On 
 occasions, when the roughness of the seas would seem to 
 render all aim excessively uncertain, the effects of their 
 artillery were not less murderous than under more advan- 
 tageous conditions. The corvette Wasp fought the brig 
 Frolic in an enormous sea, under very short canvas, and 
 yet, forty minutes after the beginning of the action, the 
 Americans who leaped on board the brig found on the 
 deck, covered with dead and dying, but one brave man, 
 who had not left the wheel, and three officers, all 
 wounded, etc., etc." 
 
 The characteristics of the action are the practical 
 equality of the contestants in point of force, and the 
 enormous disparity in the damage each suffered. Numer- 
 ically the Wasp was superior by five per cent, and 
 inflicted a ninefold greater loss. 
 
 Captain Jones was not destined to bring his prize into 
 
WASP AND FROLIC. 431 
 
 port, for a few hours afterward the Poictiers, a British 74, 
 hove in sight. Now appeared the value of the Frolic's 
 desperate defence ; if she could not prevent herself from 
 being captured, she had at least ensured her own recap- 
 ture, and also the capture of her foe. When the Wasp 
 made sail they were found to be cut into ribbons, and she 
 could not make off with sufficient speed. The Poictiers 
 soon overtook her, and carried both vessels into Ber- 
 muda. Captain Jones and his officers and men were 
 soon exchanged, and Congress voted them prize money 
 for their capture ; while the Captain and Lieutenant 
 Biddle were both deservedly promoted. 
 
432 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AUD MODERN. 
 
 XXXI. 
 
 CONSTITUTION. A. D. 1812. 
 
 FTER the declaration of war with Eng- 
 land, on the 1 8th of June, 181 2, Vice- 
 Admiral Sawyer, of the British Navy, 
 prepared a squadron at Halifax, and 
 dispatched it, on July 5th, to cruise 
 against the United States. This squad- 
 ron was commanded by Captain Broke, 
 of the Shannon, 38, an officer of great 
 merit and experience, who had under him the Belvidera, 
 2,6, Captain Byron, another excellent officer, the Africa, 
 64, and the ^Eolus, 32. 
 
 On the 9th of July, off Nantucket, they were joined 
 by the ■ Guerriere, 38, Captain Dacres. This squadron, 
 on the 1 6th, fell in with and captured the United States 
 brig Nautilus, 14, which, like all the brigs of that day, 
 was overloaded with men and guns ; she threw her guns 
 overboard, and made use of every expedient to escape, 
 but with no avail. 
 
 At 3 p. m. on the following day, when the British squad- 
 ron was off Barnegat, and about twelve miles from the 
 shore, a strange sail was seen in the southeast, or 
 windward quarter, standing to the northeast. This ves- 
 sel was the United States frigate Constitution, 44, Cap- 
 tain Isaac Hull. When the war broke out he was in 
 the Chesapeake, engaged in getting a new crew. Hav- 
 ing on board about four hundred and fifty souls, he sailed 
 
CONSTITUTION. 433 
 
 on the 1 2th of July. His crew was entirely new, drafts 
 of men coming on board up to the last moment. Hull 
 wrote, j-ist before sailing, that "the crew are as yet 
 unacquainted with a ship-of-war, as many have but lately 
 joined and have never been on an armed ship before. 
 We are doing all that we can to make them acquainted 
 with their duty, and in a few days we shall have nothing 
 to fear from any single-decked ship." On the 17th, at 2 
 p. m., Hull discovered four sail to the northward, heading 
 to the westward. An hour after, the wind being very 
 light, the Constitution made more sail, and tacked ship, 
 being in eighteen and a-half fathoms. At four p. m. the 
 Constitution discovered a fifth sail, which was the 
 Guerriere. At about six o'clock the wind shifted and 
 blew lightly from the south, bringing the American ship 
 to windward, and she immediately wore, with her head 
 to the eastward, set studding-sails and stay-sails, and at 
 half-past seven beat to quarters, intending to speak the 
 nearest vessel, the Guerriere. The two frigates neared 
 each other gradually, and the Constitution, at ten p. m., 
 began making signals. These were not answered, and 
 the two frigates gradually drew near each other; the 
 Guerriere discovered, on her lee beam, the other British 
 vessels, and signalled to them. 
 
 They did not answer the signals, thinking she must 
 know who they were — a circumstance which afterwards 
 gave rise to sharp recriminations. Dacres, concluding 
 them to be Commodore Rodgers' American squadron, 
 tacked, and stood away from the Constitution for some 
 time before discovering his mistake. 
 
 The next morning, soon after daylight, Hull had just 
 
 enough steerage-way to keep the Constitution's head to 
 
 the east, on the starboard tack. On his lee quarter, 
 
 bearing northeast by north, were the Belvidera and 
 
 28 
 
434 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 Guerriere, and astern the Shannon, ^F.olus, and Africa. 
 At half-past five in the morning it fell dead calm, and 
 Hull called away his boats, to tow the ship to the south- 
 ward. At the same time he got two long guns aft, and 
 cut away the tanrail, to give them more room to work; 
 while he ran out of the cabin windows two of the long 
 main-deck 24's. 
 
 By this time the British had followed his example, and 
 had their boats out to tow. Soon, however, a light breeze 
 sprang up, and the Constitution set all studding-sails and 
 stay-sails. At this time the Shannon opened upon her 
 with her bow-guns, but ceased when she found she did 
 not reach the American ship. By half-past six in the 
 morning the light breeze had died away again, and the 
 Shannon began to gain on the Constitution, in conse- 
 quence of most of the boats of the British squadron 
 being set to tow her. Just then the Constitution sounded 
 in twenty-six fathoms, and Lieut. Charles Morris sug- 
 gested to Captain Hull to try hedging. This was 
 adopted, and all the spare rope bent on to the hedges, 
 paid out into the cutters, and then one kedge run out 
 half a mile ahead and let go. The crew then clapped on 
 and walked the ship up to the kedge — over-running and 
 tripping it as she came to the end of the line. Mean- 
 while, the other kedge and lines were carried out ; and 
 the ship thus glided away from her pursuers. 
 
 At half-past seven a. m. a little breeze sprang up, and 
 the Constitution then set her ensign and fired a shot at 
 the Shannon — the first shot of this remarkable chase. 
 It soon fell calm again, and the Shannon began to near. 
 This was a critical time, for, if the Shannon got close 
 enough to disable in the slightest degree the spars of the 
 American frigate, she must inevitably be captured. But 
 about nine" o'clock an air from the southward struck the 
 
CONSTITUTION. 435 
 
 Constitution, bringing her to windward. The breeze was 
 seen, freshening the glassy surface of the sea, her sails 
 were trimmed, and as soon as possible she was brought 
 close upon the port tack. The boats which -were 
 engaged in kedging dropped alongside ; those which 
 belonged to the davits were run up, and the others lifted 
 clear of the water by purchases from the chains and spare 
 spars, so that they could be used again at a moment's 
 notice. The Guerriere, on her lee beam, now opened 
 fire, but, as it fell short, Hull paid no attention to it. 
 Again, to Hull's vexation, it fell calm — it was, indeed, 
 just such a summer's day as is often seen off the Jersey 
 coast, when it seems as if the wind had died out forever — 
 and he started two thousand gallons of water, and once 
 more lowered his boats to tow ; having to use great 
 exertion to keep the Shannon, which had most of the 
 boats of the squadron, from gaining on her. Again a 
 breath of air ruffled the water, and this time the Belvidera 
 gained on the other British ships, and their boats were 
 all put on to tow her. (Cooper says that this ship was 
 the Shannon still, but Roosevelt, a very careful writer, 
 says it was the Belvidera.) Captain Byron, of this ship, 
 observing how the Constitution crept away from them by 
 warping, did the same thing ; and he even improved 
 upon the operation by working two kedge anchors at the 
 same time — paying the warp out of one hawse hole as it 
 was run in through the other. Having men from the 
 other English ships on board, and a lighter ship to work, 
 he gradually gained upon the Constitution. Hull fully 
 expected to be overtaken, but he made all his arrange- 
 ments to endeavor to disable the first frigate before her 
 consorts could come up. The English frigates, on the 
 other hand, were deterred from coming very close, for 
 
436 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 fear of having their boats sunk by the American frigate's 
 stern-chasers. 
 
 The Constitution's crew worked splendidly. Officers 
 and men regularly relieved each other in the exhausting 
 labor, the officers lying down on deck for a short rest, 
 and the men sleeping at their guns. The Constitution 
 rather gained, but the situation continued critical. The 
 British ships continued towing and kedging, barely out of 
 gun-shot, all the afternoon, the few light puffs of air being 
 carefully watched, and made the most of by both sides. 
 At seven in the evening, it being dead calm again, the 
 towing and kedging was renewed, the men being much 
 worn by their continued exertions. But partial breezes 
 during the night gave them some rest, and at daylight 
 the Belvidera was off the Constitution's lee beam, with 
 a light breeze from the southeast. The yEolus was also 
 well up, but the wind now freshened, and the Constitu- 
 tion and the English frigates were soon running off on 
 the starboard tack, with every stitch of sail set. The 
 Africa was so far to leeward as to be out of the race. At 
 nine in the morning an American merchant ship hove in 
 sight, and came down toward the English squadron. The 
 Belvidera hoisted the American colors, as a decoy, but 
 the Constitution immediately hoisted the British flag, and 
 the merchant vessel hauled off. At noon Hull found he 
 had dropped all the British ships. The Belvidera was the 
 nearest, being in his wake, and at least two miles and 
 a-half off. The Shannon was to leeward, and much 
 further off; and the others were five miles off, on the lee 
 quarter. The breeze freshened, and the Constitution's 
 sails being watched and trimmed with consummate skill, 
 she continued to draw away from her pursuers, so that 
 at daylight the next morning the nearest was four miles 
 astern. Soon after there were indications of a heavy 
 
CONSTITUTION. 437 
 
 thunder squall, and the indefatigable Hull again had an 
 opportunity to show that he excelled in seamanship even 
 the able English captains who were pitted against him. 
 The crew of the Constitution went to their stations for 
 working ship, and everything was kept fast until the last 
 moment. Just before the squall struck the ship sail was 
 handsomely reduced ; but as soon as Hull got the weight 
 of the wind he sheeted home, set his fore and main top- 
 gallant-sails, and was off on an easy bowline, at the rate 
 of eleven knots an hour. The British vessels, seeing- 
 him reduce sail, began to let go, clew up and haul down, 
 without waiting for the wind, and were steering on 
 different tacks when the first gust struck them. 
 
 When the squall passed over the Belvidera had fallen 
 much astern, and to leeward, while the other ships were 
 nearly hull down. The wind now fell light and baffling, 
 but Hull had the sails continually wet down, and contin- 
 ued to draw away from his pertinacious pursuers, so that 
 on the morning of the 20th, being almost out of sight 
 astern, they abandoned the chase. On July 26th the 
 Constitution reached Boston. 
 
 " In this chase Hull was matched against five British 
 captains, two of whom, Broke and Byron, were fully 
 equal to any in their navy; and while they showed great 
 perseverance, good seamanship, and ready imitation, there 
 can be no doubt that the palm in every way belongs to 
 the cool old Yankee. Every daring expedient known to 
 the most perfect seamanship was tried, and tried with 
 success ; and no victorious fight could reflect more credit 
 on the conqueror than this three days' chase did on Hull. 
 Later, on two occasions, the Constitution proved herself 
 far superior in gunnery to the average British frigate ; 
 this time her officers and men showed that they could 
 handle the sails as well as they could the guns. Hull 
 
438 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 out-manoeuvred Broke and Byron as cleverly as, a month 
 later, he out-fought Dacres. His successful escape and 
 victorious fight were both performed in a way that place 
 him above any single-ship captain of the war." 
 
 Hull left Boston, in the Constitution, on August 2d, 
 and stood off to the eastward. Falling in with nothing, 
 she took a turn to the Bay of Fundy, the coast of Nova 
 Scotia, and Newfoundland, and finally, took up a station 
 of! Cape Race, where she took two brigs. As they were 
 of small value, Hull burned them. On the 15th of 
 August she re-captured an American brig from the 
 British ship-sloop Avenger. The latter escaped, but 
 Hull manned his prize, and sent her in. Soon after this 
 he spoke a Salem privateer, which gave him information 
 of a British frigate cruising to the southward. He made 
 sail in that direction, and at 2 p. m. of August 19th, in 
 latitude 4i°3o' north, and 55 west, he made out a large 
 sail to the east-southeast, and to leeward, which proved 
 to be his old acquaintance, the frigate Guerriere, Captain 
 Dacres. 
 
 It was a cloudy day, and the wind was blowing fresh 
 from the northwest. The Guerriere was by the wind, on 
 the starboard tack, under easy canvas. She hauled up 
 her courses, took in her top-gallant-sails, and at half-past 
 four backed her main-top-sail, to wait for her enemy. 
 Hull then began to shorten sail, taking in top-gallant- 
 sails, stay-sails, and flying jib, sending down his royal- 
 yards, and placing a reef in his top-sails. The English 
 ship then hoisted three ensigns, upon which Hull set his 
 colors, one at each masthead, and one at the mizzen- 
 peak. 
 
 The Constitution was running down with the wind 
 nearly aft. The Guerriere was on the starboard tack, 
 and at five o'clock opened with her weather guns, but 
 
CONSTITUTION. 439 
 
 the shot fell short. She then wore round, and fired her 
 port broadside, of which two shot struck the Constitution, 
 the rest passing over and through her rigging. As the 
 British frigate again wore, to open with her starboard 
 battery, the Constitution yawed a little, and fired two or 
 three of her bow guns. The Guerriere repeated her 
 manoeuvre three or four times, wearing and firing alter- 
 nate broadsides, but with little or no effect, while the 
 Constitution each time yawed, to prevent being raked, 
 and occasionally she fired one of her bow guns. This 
 continued for nearly an hour, as the ships were very far 
 apart when the action commenced, and hardly any loss 
 or damage was as yet inflicted by either party. At six the 
 Guerriere bore up, and ran off, under her top-sails and 
 jib, with the wind astern, or a little on the port quarter ; 
 when the Constitution set her main-top-gallant-sail and 
 foresail, and in a few minutes closed within less than pistol 
 shot, on her adversary's port beam. A furious cannonade 
 now ensued, each ship firing as her guns bore. At 
 twenty minutes past six the ships were fairly abreast, and 
 the Constitution shot away the Guerriere's mizzen-mast, 
 which fell over her starboard quarter, knocking a large 
 hole in her counter, and bringing the ship round against 
 her helm. Hitherto the English vessel had suffered very 
 greatly, and the Constitution scarcely at all. The latter, 
 finding that she was ranging ahead, put her helm aport, 
 and luffed short round her enemy's bows, delivering a 
 heavy raking fire with her starboard guns, and shooting 
 away the Guerriere's main-yard. Then she wore, and 
 again passed her enemy's bows, raking the Guerriere 
 with her port battery. The Guerriere's mizzen-mast, 
 dragging in the water, had by this time pulled her bow 
 round till the wind came on her starboard quarter ; and 
 so near were the two ships that the Englishman's bow- 
 
440 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 sprit passed diagonally over the Constitution's quarter- 
 deck, and as the latter ship fell off, it got foul of her 
 mizzen rigging, so that the ships lay with the Guerriere's 
 starboard bow against the Constitution's port, or lee 
 quarter-gallery. 
 
 The bow guns of the English frigate now made great 
 havoc in Captain Hull's cabin, which was set on fire by 
 the close discharges, but the flames were soon extin- 
 guished. Both sides now called away boarders, and the 
 British crew ran forward on their forecastle, but Captain 
 Dacres gave up the idea of boarding when he saw the 
 crowds of men on the American's decks. The Constitu- 
 tion's boarders and marines had gathered aft, but such a 
 heavy sea was running that they could not gain the Guer- 
 riere's forecastle. A close musketry fire was now kept 
 up, and almost the entire loss of the Constitution 
 occurred at this time. Lieutenant Bush, of that ship's 
 marines, sprang on the taffrail, to board, and was shot 
 dead. Mr. Morris, the First Lieutenant, and the Master, 
 Mr. Alwyn, both of whom had leaped upon the taffrail, 
 to head the boarders, were wounded at this time, by 
 musketry. The Guerriere suffered still more; most of 
 the men on her forecastle being killed or wounded. 
 Captain Dacres himself was wounded, by a musket ball 
 from the Constitution's mizzen-top, while he was stand- 
 ing on the hammocks, cheering on his crew. Two of his 
 Lieutenants and his Master were also shot down. Lying 
 thus, the ships gradually worked round till the wind was 
 once more on the port quarter, when they separated, and 
 the Guerriere's fore and main-masts both went over the 
 side at once, falling on the starboard side, leaving her a 
 sheer hulk, rolling her main-deck guns into the water. 
 It was now half-past six, and the Constitution boarded 
 her tacks, ran off a little way to the eastward, and lay to. 
 
CONSTITUTION. 441 
 
 A few minutes were now occupied in splicing - and reev- 
 ing new running rigging, which had been much cut. 
 
 Captain Hull then stood down under his adversary's 
 lee, and the latter immediately struck. It was then just 
 seven p. m., and exactly two hours from the time the first 
 shot was fired. On the part of the Constitution, how- 
 ever, the actual fighting, exclusive of the six or eight 
 guns fired during the first hour, while closing, occupied 
 less than thirty minutes. 
 
 This account of the action is taken from Roosevelt, and 
 we shall proceed to make some extracts from his ju- 
 dicious remarks upon the battle. 
 
 The Constitution had on board four hundred and fifty- 
 six men, while of the Guerriere's crew, two hundred and 
 sixty-seven prisoners were received on board the Con- 
 stitution. Deducting ten Americans who would not fight, 
 and adding fifteen killed outright, we get two hundred 
 and seventy-two. Twenty-eight of her crew were absent 
 in prizes. 
 
 The loss of the Constitution was seven killed and 
 seven wounded, and almost all this loss occurred from 
 musketry, while the ships were foul. 
 
 The Guerriere lost twenty-three killed and fifty-six 
 wounded. Roosevelt thus sums up: Constitution, 1576 
 tons; comparative force one hundred; comparative loss 
 inflicted one hundred. Guerriere, 1338 tons; compara- 
 tive force seventy; comparative loss inflicted eighteen. 
 
 The Third Lieutenant of the Constitution was sent on 
 board the prize, and the American frigate lay by her 
 during the night. At daylight she was found to be in 
 danger of sinking, and Captain Hull at once began 
 removing the prisoners; and at three o'clock in the after- 
 noon set the Guerriere on fire, when she very shortly 
 blew up. 
 
442 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 He then made sail for Boston, where he arrived on the 
 30th of August. 
 
 " Captain Hull and his officers," writes Captain Dacres, 
 in his official letter, "have treated us like brave and 
 generous enemies; the greatest care has been taken 
 that we should not lose the smallest trifle." 
 
 The British journals and naval historians laid very great 
 stress on the rotten and decayed condition of the Guer- 
 riere ; mentioning particularly that the main-mast fell 
 solely because of the weight of the falling fore-mast. 
 But until the action took place she was considered a very 
 fine ship. Dacres declared, some time before, that she 
 could take a ship in half the time the Shannon could. 
 The fall of her main-mast occurred when the fight was 
 practically over; it had no influence whatever on the 
 conflict. "It was also asserted that the Guerriere's powder 
 was bad; but on no authority. Her first broadside fell 
 short; * * * * but none of these causes account 
 for the fact that her shot did not hit. Her opponent was 
 of such superior force — nearly in the proportion of three 
 to two — that success would have been very difficult in 
 any event, and no one can doubt the gallantry and pluck 
 with which the British ship was fought; but the execution 
 was very greatly disproportioned to the force. 
 
 The gunnery of the Guerriere was very poor, and that 
 of the Constitution excellent. During the few minutes 
 the ships were yard-arm and yard-arm, the latter was not 
 hulled once, while no less than thirty of her shot took 
 effect on the Guerriere's engaged side, underneath the 
 water line. The Guerriere, moreover, was out-manceu- 
 vred. Lord Howard Douglass says, "in wearing several 
 times and exchanging broadsides in such rapid and con- 
 tinual changes of position, her fire was much more harm- 
 less than it would have been if she had kept more steady." 
 
CONSTITUTION. 443 
 
 The Constitution was faultlessly handled. Captain Hull 
 displayed the coolness and skill of a veteran, in the way 
 in which he managed, first to avoid being raked, and 
 then to improve the advantage which the precision and 
 rapidity of his fire had gained. 
 
 Cooper says, "After making every allowance claimed 
 by the enemy, the character of this victory is not essentially 
 altered. Its peculiarities were a fine display of seaman- 
 ship in the approach, extraordinary efficiency in the 
 attack, and great readiness in repairing damages; all of 
 which denote cool and capable officers, with an expert 
 and trained crew; in a word, a disciplined man-of-war." 
 The disparity of force, 10 to 7, is not enough to account 
 for the disparity of execution, 10 to 2. Of course, some- 
 thing must be allowed for the decayed state of the 
 Englishman's masts, although it probably had not any real 
 influence upon the battle, for he was beaten when the 
 main-mast fell. It must be remembered, on the other 
 hand, that the American crew were absolutely new, and 
 unaccustomed to a fighting ship, while the Guerriere was 
 manned by old hands. So that, while admitting and 
 admiring the gallantry, and, on the whole, the seaman- 
 ship, of Captain Dacres and his crew, and acknowledging 
 that he fought at a disadvantage, especially in being 
 short-handed, yet it must be acknowledged that the 
 combat showed a marked superiority, particularly in 
 gunnery, on the part of the Americans. Had the ships 
 not come foul, Captain Hull would probably not have 
 lost more than three or four men; as it was, he suffered 
 but slightly. That the Guerriere was not so weak as she 
 was represented to be, can be gathered from the fact that 
 she mounted two more main-deck guns than the rest of 
 her class; thus carrying on her main-deck 30 long 18- 
 pounders in battery, to oppose to the 30 long 24' s, or 
 
444 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 rather (allowing- for the short weight of shot), long 22's 
 of the Constitution. 
 
 "Characteristically enough, James, though he carefully 
 reckons in the long bow-chasers in the bridle-ports of 
 the Argus and Enterprise, yet refuses to count the two 
 long eighteens mounted through the bridle-ports on the 
 Guerriere's main-deck. Now, as it turned out, these two 
 bow-guns were used very effectively when the ships got 
 foul, and caused more damage and loss than all of the 
 other main deck guns put together." 
 
 Captain Dacres, very much to his credit, allowed the 
 ten Americans he had on board to go below, so as not to 
 fight against their flag, and, upon his court-martial, 
 stated that "he was very much weakened by permitting 
 the Americans on board to quit their quarters." "Coup- 
 ling this with the assertion made by James, and most 
 other British writers, that the Constitution was largely 
 manned by Englishmen, we reach the somewhat remark- 
 able conclusion, that the British ship was defeated because 
 the Americans on board would not fi^ht against their 
 country, and that the American was victorious because 
 the British on board would." 
 
LAKE ERIE. 
 
 445 
 
 XXXII. 
 
 LAKE ERIE. 10TH SEPTEMBER, 1813. 
 
 " September the tenth, full well I ween, 
 In eighteen hundred and thirteen ; 
 The weather mild, the sky serene ; 
 Commanded by bold Perry, 
 Our saucy fleet at anchor lay 
 In safety, moored at Put-in-Bay. 
 'Twixt sunrise and the break of day 
 The British fleet 
 We chanced to meet ; 
 
 Our Admiral thought he would them greet 
 With a welcome on Lake Erie " 
 
 Bold Barclay one day to Proctor did say, 
 
 I'm tired of Jamaica and sherry ; 
 So let us go down to that new floating town, 
 And get some American Perry ; 
 Oh ! cheap American Perry ! 
 Most pleasant American Perry ! 
 We need only bear down, knock, and call, 
 And we'll have the American Perry." 
 
 RECENT and judicious writer, Theodore 
 Roosevelt, in his "Naval War of 181 2," 
 says, "The victory of Lake Erie was 
 most important, both in its material 
 results and in its moral effect. It eave 
 
 o 
 
 us complete command of all the upper 
 lakes, prevented any fear of invasion 
 from that quarter, increased our prestige 
 with the foe, and our confidence in ourselves, and ensured 
 
446 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 the conquest of upper Canada; in all these respects its 
 importance has not been overrated. But the 'glory' 
 acquired by it most certainly has been estimated at more 
 than its worth. Most Americans, even the well educated, 
 if asked which was the most glorious victory of the war, 
 would point to this battle. Captain Perry's name is more 
 widely known than that of any other commander in the 
 war. Every school-boy reads about him ; * * * * 
 yet he certainly stands on a lower grade than either 
 McDonough or Hull, and not a bit higher than a dozen 
 others. * * * * The courage with which the 
 Lawrence was defended has hardly ever been surpassed, 
 and may fairly be called heroic; but equal praise belongs 
 to the men on board the Detroit, who had to discharge 
 the great guns by flashing pistols at the touch-holes, and 
 yet made such a terribly effective defence. 
 
 " Courage is only one of the many elements which go 
 to make up the character of a first-class commander ; 
 something more than bravery is needed before a leader 
 can really be called great." 
 
 ''Captain Barclay handled his ships like a first-rate 
 seaman. It was impossible to arrange them so as to be 
 superior to his antagonist, for the latter's force was of 
 such a nature that in smooth water his gunboats gave 
 him a great advantage. In short, our victory was due to 
 our heavy metal." 
 
 "Captain Perry showed indomitable pluck, and readi- 
 ness to adapt himself to circumstances; but his claim to 
 fame rests much less on his actual victory than on the 
 way in which he prepared the fleet that was to win it. 
 Here his energy and activity deserve all praise, not only 
 for the success in collecting sailors and vessels, and in 
 building the two brigs, but, above all, for the manner in 
 which he succeeded in getting them out on the lake. 
 
LAKE ERIE. 447 
 
 On that occasion he certainly out-generaled Barclay ; 
 indeed, the latter committed an error that the skill and 
 address he subsequently showed could not retrieve. 
 
 " But it will always be a source of surprise that the 
 American public should have so glorified Perry's victory 
 over an inferior force, and have paid comparatively little 
 attention to McDonough's victory, which really was won 
 against decided odds in ships, men, and metal. There 
 are always those who consider it unpatriotic to tell the 
 truth, if the truth is not very flattering." 
 
 "Lake Erie teaches us the advantage of having the 
 odds on our side; Lake Champlain, that, even if they are 
 not, skill can soon counteract them." 
 
 Oliver Hazard Perry, who derives his fame from this 
 action, was born in Rhode Island, and entered the navy 
 in 1799; seeing a good deal of varied service. About 
 the time that war with England became imminent he was 
 promoted to the rank of Master Commandant, and was 
 in command of a flotilla of gunboats in Newport and in 
 Long Island Sound. The employment was not congenial 
 to Perry, as he longed for a chance to distinguish him- 
 self by some great action; and he saw others promoted, 
 while he remained stationary. Failing to get command 
 of a cruising ship, he applied for service upon the lakes. 
 At last, in February, 1813, Commodore Chauncey 
 obtained for him a command on Lake Erie'; where he 
 was to build two heavy brigs of war, to meet the force 
 preparing by the enemy. These vessels were of 500 
 tons each, to carry each twenty guns ; such was the 
 emergency, that the planks of which they were built were 
 often cut and put in the vessel on the same day. Ship- 
 wrights and blockmakers, with their tools ; canvas, and 
 ordnance, were sent five hundred miles, through a half 
 settled country, to finish and fit out these brigs. 
 
448 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 While they were building Perry went over from Erie, 
 by small boat and on horseback, and participated in the 
 attack upon Fort George. 
 
 The British soon evacuated the whole Niagara frontier, 
 and some American vessels which they had detained at 
 Black Rock were then towed up, by oxen and soldiers, 
 against the strong current of the Niagara, into Lake 
 Erie. There were five of them, and they safely reached 
 Erie, where the squadron was fitting out. 
 
 The enemy, having some years before begun the 
 creation of a naval-force on Lake Erie, had then complete 
 control of that sheet of water, and a vastly superior force 
 to that which Perry was taking to Erie. Great address 
 and vigilance were required to get the little squadron 
 there safely, and, although narrowly watched, with head 
 winds, and himself ill, he got safely into Erie just as the 
 British squadron hove in sight. Many of Perry's best 
 men were ill at this time, principally from malarial causes, 
 but the work was pushed on incessantly. 
 
 When completed, the different vessels of his squadron 
 were very unequally manned ; and the great want of 
 seamen led to a great deal of correspondence and 
 trouble, not necessary to be gone into at this late day. 
 Of all the vessels, the Niagara is said to have had the 
 best crew. 
 
 Perry at last got his squadron out into the lake, after 
 lifting the heavy vessels over the bar at Erie with 
 " camels " — a very difficult operation. 
 
 The weather and the drinking water had seriously 
 affected a large number of his not too numerous force, 
 but he went on, as if convinced of success. 
 
 On the 31st of August, at Put-in Bay, Perry received 
 from General Harrison a reinforcement of one hundred 
 men, which, after deducting deaths and disabilities, carried 
 
PERRY'S VICTORY ON RAKE ERIE. 
 
LAKE ERIE. 449 
 
 the total of his muster-roll to four hundred and ninety 
 officers and men. Some of the men received from 
 Harrison were boatmen, but the major part were to 
 serve as marines. They came from the Kentucky 
 militia, and from the 28th Regular regiment, and were 
 all volunteers for this duty. 
 
 At this time the enemy did not seem disposed to accept 
 battle in the open lake. 
 
 On September 4th Perry sent the Ohio to Erie, for 
 provisions and stores, with orders to hasten back ; and 
 the next day — the squadron being then in Sandusky 
 Bay — three citizens arrived from Maiden, and informed 
 Perry that the British army under General Proctor 
 being short of provisions, it had been determined that 
 the English squadron should sail, and engage our's, and 
 endeavor to open communication with Long Point, so as 
 to draw the necessary supplies from that place. Perry 
 at this time also received more accurate information as 
 to the enemy's force. 
 
 This consisted of the Detroit, a new and strongly 
 built ship of 500 tons and 1 7 guns — all long, except two 
 24-pound carronades; the ship Queen Charlotte, of 400 
 tons and 1 7 guns — three of them long. These two ships 
 had each a long gun on a pivot. Then came the 
 schooner Lady Prevost, of 13 guns — three of them 
 long; the brig Hunter, of 10 guns; the sloop Little 
 Belt, of two long 12s and one 18-pounder; and the 
 schooner Chippewa, with one long 18. 
 
 This made sixty-three guns; twenty-five of which were 
 long. 
 
 This squadron was commanded by Captain Robert 
 
 Heriot Barclay, of the Royal Navy, a veteran officer, who 
 
 had served with distinction in several engagements which 
 
 had raised the flag of England to the first place on the 
 
 29 , 
 
450 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 ocean; who had been at Trafalgar, with Nelson, and 
 dangerously wounded in that battle. More recently, as 
 First Lieutenant of a frigate, he had lost an arm in 
 action with the French. He was a man not only of 
 approved courage, but a skillful seaman. The second 
 in command was Captain Finnis, also a brave and expe- 
 rienced officer — with others of excellent standing. 
 
 Barclay had recently received a draft of men from the 
 English ships at Quebec, and had one hundred and fifty 
 men of the Royal Navy, eighty Canadian lake sailors, 
 and two hundred and forty soldiers from the 41st 
 regiment-of-the-line, and the Newfoundland Rangers; 
 making, by their own account, four hundred and seventy 
 seamen and soldiers, to which must be added thirty-two 
 officers, making five hundred and two souls. 
 
 The American vessels were the Lawrence, Captain 
 Perry; the Niagara, Captain Elliott, each of twenty guns; 
 the Caledonia, 3, Purser McGrath; the Ariel, 4, Lieuten- 
 ant Packett; the Trippe, 1, Lieutenant Smith; the Tigress, 
 1, Lieutenant Conklin ; the Somers, 2, Mr. Almy; the 
 Scorpion, 2, Mr. Champlin ; the Ohio, 1, Mr. Dobbins; 
 and the Porcupine, 1, Mr. Senatt. 
 
 Of the American vessels, mounting altogether fifty-five 
 guns, only the brigs Lawrence and Niagara could be 
 considered men-of-war. The others were exceedingly 
 frail, and had no bulwarks, and the carronades of 
 the Americans, although heavy, rendered close action 
 necessary. 
 
 On the receipt of the intelligence of Barclay's move- 
 ments, Perry sailed from Sandusky, and, on September 
 6th, reconnoitred the enemy off Maiden, and seeing him 
 still at his moorings, returned to Put-in Bay, which place 
 afforded every facility for observing his movements. 
 Here the last preparations for battle were made, and the 
 
LAKE ERIE. 451 
 
 last instructions given ; the officers being summoned on 
 board the Lawrence for that purpose. 
 
 Perry had had a battle flag prepared, a blue field, 
 bearing, in large white letters, " Don't give up the ship," 
 the dying words of the hero whose name the flag-ship 
 bore. The hoisting of this at the main-truck was to be 
 the signal for battle. 
 
 The young Commander had made every preparation 
 he could, and his men had become thoroughly familiar 
 with the guns; but a large sick-list was a great drawback. 
 On the morning of the battle there were one hundred 
 and sixteen sick ; but many of these' went to their 
 quarters. All the medical officers were ill except Assist- 
 ant Surgeon Usher Parsons, who had to attend to all the 
 vessels. 
 
 At sunrise, on September ioth, the British squadron 
 was discovered from the mast-head, bearing northwest, 
 and standing for Put-in Bay. 
 
 Barclay had a clear passage to Long Point, and he 
 could have avoided Perry, but he came out to fight, and 
 bore down to engage, with a long day before him in 
 which to fight a battle ; coming, indeed, more than half- 
 way to meet his enemy on his own coast. This sets at 
 rest any pretence that the English really felt themselves 
 inferior in force — as has been alleged by British and 
 other writers. The gallant Barclay made no such state- 
 ment in his Court, after his return to England. 
 
 As soon as the British squadron was reported, the 
 Americans got under way, and beat out of the harbor, 
 against a light breeze from southwest; sometimes towing 
 with the boats. Some islands of the Bass group inter- 
 posed between our squadron and that of the enemy, and 
 some hours passed in this work — the wind being light 
 and baffling. About 10 a. m. Perrv determined to wear 
 
452 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND ■ MODERN. 
 
 ship, and run to leeward of the islands. His Sailing 
 Master remarked that this would force them to enorao-e 
 
 o o 
 
 the enemy from to leeward. Perry exclaimed, "' I don't 
 care ! To windward or to leeward, they shall fight to-day ! " 
 
 The wind shifted suddenly, just then, to southeast, and 
 enabled Perry to clear the islands, and retain the weather- 
 gage. If he had surrendered this he would have enabled 
 the enemy to choose his distance for his long guns, and 
 rendered his own carronades less effective. But the 
 lee-gage had some advantages also ; and Perry was a 
 seaman, understood the situation, and was determined to 
 fia-ht. At 10 a. m. the Lawrence cleared for action. The 
 shot racks were filled, as were the rope grummets ; the 
 men buckled on their cutlasses and pistols; matches were 
 lit ; preventer braces rove ; the decks were wet and 
 sanded, to prevent explosion of scattered powder, and to 
 afford secure footing when the planks should become 
 slippery with blood. 
 
 The enemy hove to, in line of battle, on the port tack, 
 with their vessels' heads to the southward and westward. 
 
 The Americans approached at the rate of not more 
 than three miles an hour, with fine weather and smooth 
 water. There had been an early shower, after which it 
 was a beautiful day. 
 
 The British vessels were all fresh painted, and their 
 rigging tarred down ; and being hove to in close order, 
 with the morning sun shining upon their broadsides, and 
 the red ensigns floating above them, they had a warlike 
 and imposing appearance. 
 
 Our squadron bore down to engage, with the wind 
 upon the port quarter, and it was seen that the Chippewa 
 was in the enemy's van ; then the Detroit ; the Hunter 
 third ; Queen Charlotte fourth ; Lady Prevost fifth ; and 
 Little Belt in the rear. 
 
LAKE ERIE. 453 
 
 Upon discovering this arrangement of the enemy's 
 vessels, Perry re-modelled his line-of-battle, so as to bring 
 his heaviest vessels opposite their designated antagonists. 
 When the line was reformed he bore up again, the 
 interval between the squadrons being then about six 
 miles. 
 
 He now produced his battle flag, and, mounting a 
 gun-slide, asked, " My brave lads ! This flag contains 
 the last words of Captain Lawrence! Shall I hoist it?" 
 "Ay, ay, Sir!" — and it was at once sent aloft. 
 
 The other vessels welcomed its appearance with three 
 cheers ; and at this time many of the sick came up and 
 volunteered for duty, stimulated, by their patriotic feelings, 
 to temporary ability. As the ordinary dinner-time 
 (always held as sacred to the men of the navy as pos- 
 sible) wOuld find them engaged, the noon-day grog and 
 bread was now served out, and after that was disposed 
 of, every one went quietly to his quarters. Perry 
 carefully inspected each gun, and spoke to the gun's 
 crew. Seeing some of the Constitution's old crew, he 
 said, "Well, boys, are you ready?" The veterans simply 
 touched their hats, and replied, "All ready, your honor!" 
 This was at that time the customary mode of address to 
 a commanding officer. Many of the men (as was the 
 fashion then, in their " hammer and tongs " kind of 
 fighting) stripped to the belt, retaining only their 
 trowsers, and tying handkerchiefs round their heads. 
 Perry smiled, and said, " I need not say anything to you. 
 You know how to beat these fellows." And then he 
 spoke a few words to his "Newport boys," who had come 
 with him from his own home — the sons of neighbors. 
 The words were quiet, few, and earnest. 
 
 Now ensued a weary waiting, and silence, for a long 
 hour and a half, as the squadron slowly approached the 
 
4.54 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 British line, under a light air ; the silence being- only 
 broken by an order, now and then, in a subdued voice, or 
 the ripple of the waters, as the ship divided them. This 
 inactivity before the crash of battle is always trying, 
 and especially so on board ship ; and messages are 
 then given to friends, and last instructions of many 
 kinds. Perry wrapped his public papers in lead, to be 
 thrown overboard in case of capture. He destroyed his 
 private papers. 
 
 The long suspense was at last broken by the blast of 
 a bugle, on board the Detroit, and three cheers from the 
 British line ; and at a quarter-before twelve the British 
 flag-ship fired the first gun. It was aimed at the Law- 
 rence, and fell short. The Lawrence was in advance, for 
 some of the American vessels were dull sailers, and by 
 this time much out of line. The second shot from 
 the Detroit's long gun was fired five minutes later, and 
 took effect upon the Lawrence, as she slowly bore 
 down, in the lead. The English fire now began to be 
 felt, and at this time the distribution of our guns in 
 small vessels gave advantage to the heavy, concentrated 
 broadsides of the enemy. 
 
 Owing to the English superiority in long guns (the 
 entire armament of the Detroit, with two exceptions, 
 being of this description), their fire soon became very 
 destructive to the Lawrence, and there were no other 
 American vessels near enough to draw a part of it. 
 
 To hasten the moment when his carronades would 
 take effect, and enable him to return successfully the 
 enemy's fire, Perry made all sail again, and passed the 
 word, by trumpet, from vessel to vessel, along his line, to 
 close up and take station. They did not all do so at 
 once, however, and there was much trouble and recrimi- 
 nation afterwards, in regard to the conduct of the Com- 
 
LAKE ERIE. 45j 
 
 mander of one of them. Meanwhile the Lawrence was 
 suffering terribly, as she approached the enemy slowly. 
 At noon Perry luffed up, and fired his starboard guns ; 
 but finding they would not reach, bore away again, and 
 continued to draw nearer, very slowly, until a quarter-past 
 twelve, when he opened again with his whole starboard 
 broadside, continuing to approach until within about three 
 hundred and fifty yards, when he hauled up on a course 
 parallel to that of the enemy, and opened a most rapid 
 and destructive fire upon the Detroit. So steady had 
 been the approach of the Lawrence, in bearing down, 
 and so unwavering the purpose of her Commander, that 
 Barclay had apprehended an intention to board. Perry's 
 object was only to get within effective reach of his 
 carronades. It required great coolness and determina- 
 tion to effect this, under the fire of the English long guns, 
 as Perry was obliged to see his men killed, and his vessel 
 cut up, without being able to answer until within distance 
 for close action. Half an hour's exposure of the Law- 
 rence to the fire of twenty long guns had caused great 
 carnage and destruction on board of her. Nevertheless, 
 she now commenced to fire with spirit and effect ; and, 
 notwithstanding great odds, from want of support — having 
 thirty-four guns almost entirely directed against her — she 
 continued to reply, with steady and unwavering effort. 
 In this unequal contest she was soon nobly sustained by 
 the Scorpion and Ariel, which were on her weather bow. 
 These vessels, being small, and but slightly noticed by 
 the enemy, or injured by his shot, were enabled to direct 
 their fire with sure aim, and almost without interruption. 
 The Commander of the Caledonia, with the same 
 sense of duty and gallant spirit which animated Perry, 
 followed the Lawrence into close action as soon as 
 possible, and closed with her designated antagonist, the 
 
4^Q NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 Hunter; but for some reason, which afterwards caused 
 serious imputations against her Commander, the Niagara, 
 which, when the action commenced had been within hail 
 of the Lawrence, did not follow her down towards the 
 enemy's line, so as to engage her proper antagonist, the 
 Queen Charlotte. This was a great interference with 
 the order of battle laid down by Perry, as the Captain 
 of the Niagara failed to engage, at short distance, the 
 adversary his orders required him to meet. The Queen 
 Charlotte was thus enabled to contribute to a concentrated 
 fire upon the Lawrence ; and the latter was forced to 
 struggle against unexpected odds. 
 
 Her first division of starboard guns was directed 
 against the Detroit, and the second against the Queen 
 Charlotte — with an occasional shot from her after gun at 
 the Hunter, which lay on her quarter, and with which 
 the Caledonia continued to sustain a hot but unequal 
 engagement. 
 
 The Scorpion and Ariel, from their station on the 
 weather bow of the Lawrence, were making every effort 
 that their small force permitted. 
 
 The Niagara was by this time in a position which 
 prevented her from firing, except with her long gun, and 
 at the sternmost English vessel. The rest of the 
 American vessels, all small, were then too far off for 
 their fire to have much effect. 
 
 With a force of thirty-four guns against her ten in 
 battery, the Lawrence kept up the battle — with the aid 
 of the Scorpion, Ariel, and Caledonia — for two hours. 
 She fired with great spirit, and showed the good training 
 of the men at the guns, until, one by one, these guns 
 were disabled, and their crews killed or wounded. Her 
 surgeon, in speaking of the action, says they fired all 
 this time as deliberately as if at their ordinary exercise. 
 
LAKE ERIE. 457 
 
 By this time the Lawrence's rigging was almost com- 
 pletely shot away, sails torn to pieces, spars wounded 
 and falling, and the braces and bowlines cut, so as to 
 render it impossible to trim the yards, and keep the 
 vessel under control. If the destruction was great aloft, 
 on deck it was terrible. Some of the best trained veteran 
 English seamen had been firing at the Lawrence for two 
 hours, at close quarters, until only one gun remained on 
 board of her that could be fired. Her bulwarks were 
 beaten in until round and grape-shot passed through 
 unopposed. The slaughter was almost unexampled 
 in naval battles. Of one hundred well men who had 
 gone into action, twenty-two were killed, and sixty-two 
 wounded. 
 
 The killed were hastily removed out of the way of the 
 guns, and the wounded crowded together upon the 
 berth-deck. It was impossible for Dr. Parsons, the only 
 medical officer fit for duty, to attend to such a press of 
 wounded. Bleeding arteries were hastily secured; 
 shattered limbs supported by splints, and those which 
 were nearly severed by cannon balls hastily removed. 
 
 Owing to the shallowness of the vessels necessary for 
 lake navigation, the wounded were all above the water 
 line, and liable to be struck again by balls passing 
 through the vessel's sides. 
 
 Midshipman Laub, while leaving the Surgeon, after 
 having a tourniquet put upon his arm, was struck by a 
 cannon ball, which passed through his chest. 
 
 A Narragansett Indian, named Charles Poughigh, was 
 killed in like manner, after his leg had been taken off. 
 
 Perry had a favorite dog on board, a spaniel, which 
 had been put into a state-room, below, to be out of the 
 way. The confinement, the noise, and the groans of the 
 wounded, terrified the animal, and at each broadside he 
 
458 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 howled fearfully. During the action a shot made a large 
 hole in the bulkhead of the room, and the dog thrust his 
 head out, yelping for release, in such a ludicrous manner 
 that the wounded lying about burst out laughing, in the 
 midst of their suffering. 
 
 Perry kept up the fire from his single remaining 
 carronade, although he had to send down to the Surgeon 
 for the men employed in moving the wounded, to enable 
 him to man this single gun. 
 
 At last the Captain himself, Purser Hambleton, and the 
 Chaplain, Mr. Breese, helped to serve that gun, until it 
 too was disabled. 
 
 " Perry never seemed to lose heart, and kept up the 
 courage and enthusiasm of those about him by his 
 undaunted bearing. Calm and cool, his orders were 
 issued with precision, and obeyed with steady alacrity, in 
 the midst of the surrounding carnage. Sometimes a 
 single ball, or a round of grape or canister, would kill or 
 disable a whole gun's crew; but the survivors would 
 exchange a glance with Perry, and then coolly step into 
 their shipmate's stations. As long as he was spared 
 they seemed to think that triumph was secure ; and they 
 died cheerfully in that belief." 
 
 In the heat of the fight Yarnall, the First Lieutenant, 
 came to Perry, and told him that all the officers of the 
 first division were either killed or wounded. Yarnall 
 was himself wounded in the forehead and in the neck, 
 and covered with blood, while his nose was dreadfully 
 swollen by a blow from a splinter. Perry good-humoredly 
 expressed some astonishment at his appearance, and sent 
 him the desired aid. Soon Yarnall returned, with the 
 same story, and Perry then told him, " You must make 
 out by yourself; I have no more to furnish you." Perry, 
 even at this critical time, could not help smiling at 
 
LAKE ERIE. 459 
 
 Yarnall's appearance, for, in addition to his disfigured 
 nose, he was covered with down of " cat-tails," from the 
 hammock mattresses which had been struck, and which 
 had adhered to the blood upon his face. Dr. Parsons 
 describes him as looking like a huge owl. 
 
 When he went below, after the action, even the 
 wounded men laughed at his hideous appearance, and 
 one of them exclaimed, " The Devil has come for his 
 own." 
 
 Another incident is characteristic of the calm cheerful- 
 ness of Perry and his officers. Dulany Forrest, the 
 Second Lieutenant (who died a Commodore), was 
 standing immediately beside Perry, fighting his division, 
 when a grape-shot struck him in the breast, and he fell. 
 Perry raised him, and seeing no wound, for it was a spent 
 shot, told him to rally, for he could not be hurt. 
 
 The Lieutenant, who was only stunned, soon recovered 
 consciousness, and pulling out the shot, which had lodged 
 in his waistcoat, said, "No, Sir! I'm not hurt, but this is 
 my shot." 
 
 More than one man was shot down while actually 
 speaking to Perry. One of these was the Captain of a 
 gun, whose tackle had been shot away. Perry advanced 
 to see what was the matter. The sailor, an " old 
 Constitution," said, " I can fire, Sir," and was in the act 
 of doing so, when a twenty-four pound shot passed 
 through his body, and he fell at Perry's feet. 
 
 Another incident illustrates the carnage on board the 
 Lawrence. An excellent young officer, Lieutenant John 
 Brooks, commanded the marines. He was remarkable 
 for his good looks and amiable disposition. While 
 speaking to Perry, he was struck on the thigh by a 
 cannon ball, and carried some distance. He shrieked 
 with pain, and implored Perry to shoot him — so great 
 
460 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 were his sufferings. Perry ordered him to be taken 
 below, and as this was beino- done, his servant, a mulatto 
 boy, rolled upon the deck, crying- out that his master was 
 killed, but at an order returned to his duty as powder 
 boy, the tears running down his face all the time, at the 
 thoupht of his master's sufferine. 
 
 Perry's brother, a mere youth, had several shots 
 through his clothes and hat, and was knocked down by a 
 hammock torn from the nettings by a ball, but escaped 
 unscratched. 
 
 At 2.30 p. m. the last gun of the Lawrence had been 
 disabled, and only eighteen persons of those on board 
 remained unwounded, beside Perry himself and his young 
 brother. 
 
 It now became necessary for him to go on board some 
 other vessel. The Niagara, as we have said, had kept 
 well to windward, and had remained out of reach of her 
 proper opponent, the Queen Charlotte, while the Cale- 
 donia had borne down to the relief of the Lawrence, 
 and had suffered much. The Lawrence's men had 
 bitterly commented upon the manner in which the 
 Niagara had kept aloof, when they were suffering so 
 severely. As the last gun of the Lawrence became 
 disabled, and the vessel, now an unmanageable wreck, 
 was dropping astern, the Niagara was seen to be upon 
 her port beam, while the Caledonia was passing the 
 Lawrence's starboard beam, between that disabled ship 
 and the enemy. 
 
 Perry at once ordered his boat, saying that he would 
 bring the Niagara up ; and adding that she did not seem 
 much injured, and that the American flag should not be 
 hauled down that day, over his head. He left the 
 command of the Lawrence to Mr. Yarnall, and stepped 
 
LAKE ERIE. 461 
 
 down into the boat, calling to Yarnall, as he shoved off, 
 " If a victory is to be gained, I'll gain it." 
 
 When he left the Lawrence the Niagara was passing 
 her weather, or port beam, " at a distance of nearly half 
 a mile." The breeze had freshened, her main-top-sail 
 filled, and she was passing the British squadron rapidly. 
 Standing erect in his boat, Perry pulled for the Niagara, 
 anxious to get a fresh battery in action ; being conscious 
 that he had already much damaged the enemy, 
 
 The latter, seeing his movements, soon penetrated his 
 design ; and, apprehending the consequences of Perry's 
 getting on board a fresh vessel — after the proof he had 
 given them of his tenacity and fighting powers — imme- 
 diately opened on the boat a fire of great guns and 
 musketry, trying to destroy the boat and crew. Several 
 oars were splintered, the boat traversed by musket balls, 
 and the crew wet through with the spray thrown up by 
 round shot and grape, that tore up the water on every 
 side. 
 
 Perry, unmindful of danger, continued to stand erect, 
 although his boat's crew besought him to sit down. At 
 last he did so, and the crew pulled with a will ; but the 
 breeze was now quite fresh, and it took him fifteen 
 minutes to reach the Niagara. 
 
 His passage was, of course, watched with breathless 
 interest by both sides, as so much depended upon it. As 
 they saw him cross the gangway of the Niagara, the little 
 group of unwounded men left on board the Lawrence 
 gave three hearty cheers. These survivors now took 
 heart, and felt that they had not sustained the long and 
 bloody contest in vain. 
 
 As the Lawrence's colors were still flying, she remained 
 a mark for the enemy's shot, although unable to reply. 
 To save further loss of life, Lieutenant Yarnall, after 
 
462 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 consultation with others, determined to surrender, and 
 the colors were hauled down, amid cheers from the 
 British vessels, which manned their bulwarks, while the 
 men waved a triumphant defiance. But their triumph 
 was short-lived. The first act of the play was over, 
 with partial success remaining to the British ; the second 
 was now to begin, and to terminate less favorably for 
 them. 
 
 On the berth-deck of the Lawrence the scene was at 
 this time deplorable. Great despondency prevailed 
 among the wounded, who shouted to those on deck to 
 sink the ship rather than she should become a prize. 
 Brooks was dying. Purser Hambleton lay with a shat- 
 tered shoulder, received in working the last gun with his 
 Commander. The single medical officer was hard at 
 work, among the cries and groans of the wounded. 
 
 But there was the reaction of hope and joy when the 
 word was passed that Perry had safely reached the 
 Niagara ; and he soon gave the enemy something else 
 to do besides taking possession of the Lawrence. 
 
 Elliott, the Captain of the Niagara, met Perry with ah 
 inquiry as to how the day was going. Perry said, 
 "badly." He had lost all his men, and his ship was a 
 wreck. He then asked Elliott what the gun-boats were 
 doing so far astern. Elliott offered to bring them up, 
 and at once left in a boat to do so, with Perry's consent. 
 Perry afterwards stated that he found the Niagara un- 
 injured in crew and hull ; and that from the moment he 
 boarded her he felt confident of victory. 
 
 His first order, on boarding the Niagara, was to back 
 the main-top-sail, as she was running out of action. His 
 next was to brail up the main-try-sail, put the helm up, 
 and bear down before the wind, with squared yards, 
 straight for the enemy ; or, in other words, at a right 
 
LAKE ERIE. 463 
 
 angle with the course he found her upon. At the same 
 time he set top-gallant-sails, and made signal for close 
 action. The answering signals were promptly displayed 
 along the line, and greeted with hearty cheers ; as the 
 bold manoeuvre of the Niagara renewed the hopes of the 
 squadron. 
 
 At this time the Trippe, which had been the sternmost 
 of the line, had closed up to the assistance of the 
 Caledonia; and the other vessels, under the freshening 
 breeze, now approached rapidly, to take a more active 
 part in the battle — the second stage of which had now 
 begun. 
 
 It was then about forty-five minutes past two. 
 
 Seven or eight minutes, with the freshened breeze, 
 brought the Niagara down upon the enemy. They 
 raked her once or twice, but she reserved her fire; and 
 the Detroit, of the British squadron, made an effort to 
 wear ship, to present her starboard broadside to the 
 Niagara, seven of the English vessel's port guns having 
 been disabled already by the Lawrence's fire. 
 
 In this manoeuvre the Detroit fouled the Queen Char- 
 lotte; and the Niagara, having shortened sail, passed slowly 
 under the bows of the Detroit, at pistol-shot distance, and 
 poured into both English vessels, as they lay entangled, 
 a deadly and destructive fire of grape and canister. 
 
 The Niagara's port guns at the same time were 
 directed, with equally fatal effect, into the sterns of the 
 Lady Prevost and the Little Belt ; and her marines 
 cleared the decks of their adversaries by their musketry. 
 Passing under the lee of the two English ships, which 
 by this time had got clear of each other, Perry brought 
 by the wind, on the starboard tack, with his head to 
 the northward and eastward, and backed the Niagara's 
 main-top-sail, to deaden her headway. In this position 
 
404 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 he continued to pour his starboard broadside into the 
 Queen Charlotte and the Hunter, which was astern 
 of the Queen Charlotte. Some of his shot passed through 
 the Charlotte's ports into the Detroit. 
 
 At this time the small American vessels succeeded in 
 coming up to windward into close action, and poured in 
 a destructive fire of grape and canister. Unfortunately 
 their shot, when they missed the English ships, took 
 effect upon the Niagara. 
 
 All resistance on the part of the British now ceased, 
 and an officer appeared on the taffrail of the Queen 
 Charlotte, to signify that she had struck, and her example 
 was at once followed by the Detroit. Both vessels 
 surrendered in about seven minutes after the Niagara 
 opened her fire, and in about fifteen minutes after Perry 
 had assumed the command of her. 
 
 The Hunter struck at the same time ; as did the Lady 
 Prevost, which lay to leeward, under the guns of the 
 Niagara. 
 
 The battle had begun, on the part of the enemy, at 
 about a quarter before noon ; and at three p. m. the 
 Queen Charlotte and Detroit had surrendered, and all 
 resistance had ceased. 
 
 As the smoke blew away, the two squadrons were 
 found to be completely mingled. The shattered Lawrence, 
 which had borne the brunt of the hard fighting, lay to 
 windward, a helpless wreck; but with her flag once more 
 hoisted over her. The Niagara, with the signal for close 
 action still flying, lay close under the lee of the Queen 
 Charlotte, Detroit, and Hunter. 
 
 The Caledonia, Scorpion, and Trippe, which had 
 gallantly followed the Niagara through the enemy's line, 
 had taken a position to leeward, favorable for preventing 
 the enemy's escape. 
 
LAKE ERIE. 465 
 
 The smoke cloud still passing away to leeward, the 
 English vessels Chippewa and Little Belt were discovered 
 bearing up towards Maiden, under a press of sail. The 
 Scorpion and Trippe were at once sent in pursuit, and, 
 after a few shots, compelled them to surrender. 
 
 And now began the taking possession of the enemy's 
 ships, a proud, and yet a melancholy duty, for some of 
 them were in a pitiable condition ; though not worse than 
 that of the Lawrence when Perry left her. 
 
 The Detroit was a perfect wreck. Her gaff and 
 mizzen-top-mast hung over her quarter; all the other 
 masts and yards were badly wounded ; all her braces 
 were shot away; not a single stay was standing, forward; 
 and her heavy oak bulwarks were much shattered. 
 Many 32-pound shot were sticking in her port side, 
 which had been fired from Perry's carronades before the 
 Lawrence got to close quarters. On the deck of the 
 Detroit the carnage had been terrible. Many of her 
 guns were dismounted, and the deck was strewn with 
 killed and wounded, and slippery with blood, in spite of 
 the " sanding down " preliminary to naval battles of the 
 period. The deck was found nearly deserted, and in 
 charge of the Second Lieutenant, the First Lieutenant 
 having been killed about the middle of the action, and 
 Commodore Barclay having been most dangerously 
 wounded, somewhat earlier, by a grape-shot in the thigh. 
 After being carried below, and placed in the hands of the 
 Surgeon, and his wound temporarily dressed, he insisted 
 upon being again carried on deck. When the Niagara 
 bore down and delivered her raking fire, Barclay received 
 a second grape-shot in the right shoulder, which, entering 
 just below the joint, broke the shoulder blade to pieces, 
 and made a large and dreadful wound. It will be 
 remembered that he had already lost an arm, in action 
 
 30 
 
4(36 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 with the French. It is said that when, about the close 
 of the action, a messenger was sent down to tell this 
 unfortunate and heroic officer that the day was lost,, he 
 had himself carried once more on deck, to convince 
 himself that further resistance would be unavailing. 
 
 The other British vessels were also much cut up, 
 especially the Queen Charlotte, which ship had lost, 
 early in the action, her Commander, Captain Finnis, 
 R. N., a brave and accomplished seaman. Her First 
 Lieutenant was soon after mortally wounded; and the 
 loss of life among her crew was very severe. Her hull 
 and spars were also very much damaged. 
 
 The other British vessels suffered in like proportion. 
 The Lady Prevost had both her Commander and her 
 First Lieutenant wounded ; and, beside other injury, had 
 become unmanageable, from the loss of her rudder. The 
 Commanders of the Hunter and the Chippewa were both 
 wounded ; and this left only the Commander of the Little 
 Belt fit for duty at the close of the action. 
 
 In his official report, Commodore Barclay states that 
 every Commander and every officer second in command 
 was disabled. He reports his total of killed and wounded 
 as, for the first, forty-one, including three officers, and 
 ninety-four wounded, nine of whom were officers. These 
 returns were probably not very complete, from the in- 
 ability of the reporting officer to obtain information ; and 
 the British loss was supposed to be much greater ; 
 especially as the bodies of the British killed (with the 
 exception of those of the officers) were thrown over- 
 board as they fell. 
 
 The shattered condition of the English squadron, 
 which three hours before had presented a proud and 
 warlike array, and had begun the battle with cheers, as 
 if certain of victory — hurling death and defiance at those 
 
LAKE ERIE. 467 
 
 who had dared to brave the flag of England — was a 
 most impressive contrast. When the Americans stood 
 as victors on those blood-stained decks, human feelino-s 
 at once took the place of the angry passions raised 
 by the war, and by the immediate conflict. The prison- 
 ers were promptly and humanely cared for. 
 
 Our own vessels had suffered severely, as well as those 
 of the enemy. The Lawrence's loss has been already 
 given, and it showed an aggregate much higher than 
 any previously known in modern naval combat, unless in 
 cases where the conquered vessel has sunk, with her 
 whole crew. The Niagara lost two killed and twenty- 
 three wounded ; all but two of the latter having been 
 wounded after Perry took command. This is stated by 
 the Surgeon who received them. The Caledonia had 
 three wounded ; and the Somers two wounded. On 
 board the Ariel one was killed, and three wounded ; 
 while two were killed on board the Scorpion, and two 
 wounded on board the Trippe. Aggregate, twenty-seven 
 killed, and ninety-six wounded ; being more than one in 
 every four. 
 
 Two of the schooners, the Tigress and Porcupine, had 
 no casualties whatever; and this, taken with the small 
 loss of the Trippe and Somers, shows that, notwithstand- 
 ing their efforts to close, they were unable to take any 
 important part in the action until just before the enemy 
 struck. The Trippe, although originally the last in the 
 line, from her superior sailing, and the great exertions of 
 her Commander, Lieutenant Holdup Stevens, was the 
 first of the four sternmost small vessels to get into close 
 action. 
 
 From the fact that the enemy awaited the attack in 
 close line of battle, his vessels were all equally available 
 
468 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 from the first, and only a part of our squadron fought the 
 concentrated British fire. 
 
 The victory was a splendid one, and was pre- 
 eminently due to the exertions of one person — a young 
 man of twenty-seven, who had never before borne a 
 part in a naval engagement. 
 
 He dashed into action in the Lawrence, with youthful 
 ardor, trusting that his rear would get up in time. The 
 want of support of the Niagara caused the fearful loss 
 sustained by the Lawrence, more than the tardiness of 
 the smaller vessels. We have seen that there was no 
 thought of submission, even at the darkest moment, and 
 Perry's act in passing, at great risk, to the Niagara, 
 cannot be sufficiently extolled. It was a combination of 
 genius and hardihood, which snatched victory from the 
 grasp of an enemy whose exultant cheers had already 
 claimed it. 
 
 Labor does not end with victory. After the enemy's 
 colors had been hauled down, and the prizes officered 
 and manned, the prisoners were confined, wounded 
 masts secured, and shot-holes stopped, when all the 
 vessels were hauled by the wind, on the starboard tack. 
 
 Perry then retired to his cabin, to communicate to 
 General Harrison the intelligence of the event which 
 was to admit of the immediate advance of his army, and 
 the rescue of our territory from the savage warfare 
 which the surrender of Hull's army and subsequent 
 disasters had entailed upon it. 
 
 As far as the immediate seat of war was concerned, 
 the British naval power was utterly destroyed, and a 
 great and threatening danger removed. 
 
 Perry's letter was short, but covered the whole ground. 
 It was as follows : — 
 
lake erie. 469 
 
 "Dear General, 
 
 We have met the enemy, and they are ours. 
 Two ships; two brigs; one schooner; and ore sloop. 
 
 Yours with very great respect and esteem, 
 
 O. H. Perry." 
 
 He also wrote to the Secretary of the Navy, by the 
 same express: — 
 
 "U. S. Brig Niagara, 
 
 off The Westernmost Sister, 
 
 Head of Lake Erie, 
 
 Sept. 10, 1 813 — 4 p. m. 
 Sir: — 
 
 It has pleased the Almighty to give to the arms 
 of the United States a signal victory over their enemy 
 on this lake. 
 
 The British squadron, consisting of two ships, two 
 brigs, one schooner and one sloop, have this moment 
 surrendered to the force under my command, after a 
 sharp conflict. 
 
 I have the honor to be, &c, &c, 
 
 O. H. Perry." 
 
 This letter, written without deliberation, in the moment 
 of victory, is modest in describing his battle as a "sharp 
 conflict;" and his allusion to the Almighty power was 
 sincere, for Perry was a religious man. 
 
 After sending off his despatches, he made signal to 
 anchor, to enable him to provide for the comfort of the 
 wounded, the better security of his prisoners, and the 
 reorganization of his squadron. 
 
 Seventy prisoners were placed on board the Somers, 
 under Mr. Brownell. Forty were confined below ; and 
 the rest seated upon deck, the crew remaining under 
 
470 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 arms all night, in spite of the fatigues of the day. After 
 distributing the remaining prisoners, Perry returned to 
 the Lawrence, to do what he could for his brave shipmates. 
 It was also proper that he should receive on board his 
 own ship the surrender of the English officers, and that 
 the men who had done most to gain the victory should 
 see the last act of it. 
 
 Dr. Parsons writes, " He had returned, and was safe ; 
 but to a deck slippery with blood and brains, and strewn 
 with the bodies of officers and men, some of whom had sat 
 at table with us at our last meal; and the ship resounded 
 with the groans f $\q wounded. Those who could walk 
 received Perry as he came over the side; but the meeting 
 was a silent and mournful one. 
 
 "At the request of his officers he had, during the 
 action, worn a uniform round-jacket, and he now resumed 
 his uniform, and standing aft, received the officers of the 
 different captured vessels, as they came to surrender. 
 At the head of them was an officer of the 41st British 
 Regiment, who acted as Marine Officer on board the 
 Detroit, and who appeared in full dress, charged by 
 the wounded Commodore Barclay with the delivery of 
 his sword. 
 
 " When they approached, picking their way among the 
 wreck and dead bodies on deck, they held their swords 
 with the hilts towards Perry, and tendered them for his 
 acceptance. 
 
 " With a dignified and solemn air, and in a low voice, 
 lie requested them to retain their side arms, and inquired 
 with deep interest for Commodore Barclay and the other 
 wounded officers, offering them any comforts his squadron 
 afforded." 
 
 As it was impossible to reserve all the killed of the 
 Lawrence for burial on shore, the seamen were buried 
 
LAKE ERIE. 471 
 
 alongside, at nightfall ; the few survivors attending the 
 ceremony, and the burial service being read by the 
 Chaplain. 
 
 It was a melancholy night on board the Lawrence, 
 sleep being prevented by the groans of the wounded. 
 Perry said he believed his wife's prayers had saved him, 
 for he escaped untouched, as did his young brother, 
 only twelve years of age, although the latter had several 
 bullets through his clothing. 
 
 On the day after the battle Perry removed to the 
 Ariel, and sent the Lawrence to Erie, as a hospital ship ; 
 but not before he had once more returned to her, to 
 inquire after the wounded, and to encourage them under 
 the operations which Dr. Parsons had to perform. 
 Beside the wounded, there were many ill with fever and 
 diarrhoea. 
 
 In the course of the day Perry visited Barclay, on 
 board the Detroit ; and a warm and enduring friendship 
 sprang up, at once, between them. Perry placed every 
 comfort he could command at Barclay's disposal; and 
 became responsible for a considerable sum of money 
 required by the British officers. He also, at Barclay's 
 request, advanced money to the army officers serving in 
 the British squadron. 
 
 At the very time he was doing this, cruelties were 
 being exercised towards our countrymen who were 
 prisoners to the English, so great as to lead to formal 
 remonstrances and threats of retaliation. Just now it is 
 the fashion to admire the English, and these things are 
 forgotten, or ignored. 
 
 To relieve Barclay's mind while suffering from his 
 severe wounds, and with the hope that restoration to his 
 friends and country would restore him, Perry pledged 
 himself that he should be paroled ; and he made such 
 
472 NAVAJ, BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 urgent representations to the Commissioner of Prisoners, 
 and to the Secretary of the Navy (making the favor 
 personal to himself, and the only one he had to ask), that 
 he eventually succeeded. 
 
 While Perry was on board the Detroit, on his visit to 
 Barclay, two strange beings were brought before him, 
 who had been found in that vessel's hold, where they had 
 been, without food, since the action. They proved to be 
 Indian chiefs, ludicrously clad in sailors' clothes. With 
 others, they had been taken on board to act as sharp- 
 shooters, in the tops. 
 
 Although probably brave enough in their own manner 
 of fighting, these savages became entirely unnerved by 
 the crash and destruction around them, and they fled to 
 the hold, nearly frightened to death. 
 
 The English, in both their wars with us, had a great 
 penchant for the use of the Indians they could hire; and 
 their barbarous allies frequently led them into conse- 
 quences they had not foreseen. 
 
 When these two Indians were brought before Perry, 
 they expected to be at once shot and scalped ; and they 
 were astonished at his kind treatment. Soon after he 
 sent them on shore, with a note to General Harrison, 
 asking protection for them from our own friendly Indians. 
 
 At nine a. m., on the morning of September nth, the 
 two squadrons weighed anchor, and soon arrived at 
 Put-in Bay. The burial of the officers who had fallen in 
 battle took place on the twelfth. 
 
 The day was a serene and beautiful one, and the lake's 
 surface was as smooth as glass. The boats, with colors 
 half-masted, conveyed the bodies to the shore ; keeping 
 time, with their measured stroke, to the funeral march. 
 
 As usual on such ceremonies, when the procession 
 reached the shore, they formed in reversed order. The 
 
LAKE ERIE. 473 
 
 youngest of the killed was borne first ; then the lowest 
 in rank of the killed of the British squadron, and so on, 
 alternately, an American and an English corpse — the 
 body of Captain Finnis coming last. 
 
 The officers fell in, two American and two English, 
 according to reversed rank ; Perry himself closing the 
 procession. The drums and fifes of both squadrons 
 played the dead march, and minute guns were fired 
 alternately from the captured vessels, as well as from the 
 American squadron. The bodies were buried near the 
 shore of the lake, and after the burial service they were, 
 with due ceremony, lowered to their rest, and volleys of 
 musketry closed the obsequies. 
 
 It was a remarkable scene. Conquerors and conquered 
 were of the same stock ; with the same traits, and the 
 same language; the burial . service of the Church of 
 England sounding in their ears with equal familiarity. 
 
 Some of the results of Perry's success have been 
 already given ; but we may say that his defeat would 
 have given the enemy command of all the lakes ; enabling 
 him to concentrate his forces, in succession, upon different 
 important points, and would thus have laid our whole 
 northern frontier open to his incursions. 
 
 His victory led to the immediate evacuation of Detroit, 
 and the release of the whole Territory of Michigan from 
 the horrors of fire, murder, and scalping, which the Indian 
 allies of the British had carried there. 
 
 Perry's victory also wiped away the stigma incurred in 
 the inglorious surrender of General Hull; strengthening 
 the hands of the Government, and giving encouragement 
 to those who were fighting, both on land and by sea. 
 General Harrison's army now invaded Canada in turn; 
 the squadron assisting to convey his forces. 
 
 This is not the place to recount Perry's subsequent 
 
474 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 exploits as aid to General Harrison, or his participation 
 in the battle of Tippecanoe, when he served with Cass, 
 Shelby, Richard Johnson, and Gaines, who was then a 
 Colonel ; nor of the consequences of Perry's endeavor 
 to shield Elliott's conduct, in the battle with the English 
 squadron. 
 
 For this, and for Perry's subsequent service, and 
 premature death, after distinguished services in Vene- 
 zuela, we must refer the reader to the pages of our 
 general history. 
 
ESSEX, PUtEBE AND CHERUB. 
 
 475 
 
 XXXIII. 
 
 ESSEX, PHCEBE AND CHERUB-VALPARAISO. 
 MARCH 28TH, A. D. 1814. 
 
 HIS naval action, fought in the vicinity of 
 Valparaiso, during our last war with Great 
 Britain, is so remarkable for the circum- 
 stances attending it, and for the pertinacity 
 of the American defence against superior 
 force, that, although not a decisive battle, 
 we have thought it right to insert it here. 
 Few Englishmen would' now attempt to 
 uphold the breach of neutrality committed by the two 
 English ships upon the Essex, with her anchor down upon 
 Chilian soil, and with the Spanish flag flying upon forts and 
 batteries within sight. But, as it was not the first, so it 
 is not the last time that England has infringed such laws, 
 where she has been able to do so with impunity. 
 
 The United States frigate Essex, 32, sailed from the 
 Capes of the Delaware October, 6th, 181 2, upon a cruise, 
 the object and destination of which were kept profoundly 
 secret. Her destination was the Pacific — still called the 
 " South Seas " — the navigation of which was still com- 
 paratively unknown ; new islands being constantly 
 discovered, the inhabitants of which had never seen any 
 other men than their fellow islanders. 
 
 The object of the cruise was to destroy the " South- 
 sea-men," or whalers, of Great Britain ; as well as the 
 
476 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN, 
 
 traders of the same nation, and thus inflict a heavy blow 
 upon a sensitive part of an Englishman — his pocket. 
 
 The story of the cruise, by Captain Porter, the Com- 
 mander of the Essex ; with his passage to the Cape 
 Verde Islands, the Coast of Brazil, around Cape Horn into 
 the Pacific, and his operations there ; together with the 
 incidents of his stay at the Gallapagos and Washington 
 groups, and his numerous captures, read like a romance 
 of the sea. Yet it is all true; and the account is written 
 in a circumstantial manner, with day and date, by a 
 genuine and successful sailor. 
 
 This cruise is memorable for another reason — that 
 Farragut, afterwards the greatest naval commander of 
 his day, made his first cruise then, and witnessed his 
 first naval action, while still a child, deporting himself 
 with the coolness and gallantry which ever afterwards dis- 
 tinguished him. 
 
 David Porter, the Commander of the Essex, was born 
 in Boston, in 1780, and was at this time thirty-three years 
 of age — that glorious period of life which combines the 
 fire and ability of youth with the experience and self- 
 control derived from contact with the world. He entered 
 the navy in 1 79S, and was a midshipman in the Constella- 
 tion, in her action with the French frigate Insurgente, in 
 February, 1799. He afterwards served on the West 
 India station, as a Lieutenant, and had many conflicts, 
 in the schooner Experiment, with the pirates and 
 privateers which, at that time, and long after, infested 
 those waters. In 1801 he was in the schooner Enter- 
 prize, and, off Malta, he captured, after an engage- 
 ment of three hours, a Tripolitan cruiser of fourteen 
 guns. 
 
 Soon after, in a boat expedition, at Tripoli, he was 
 wounded for the second time; and in October, 1803, he 
 
ESSEX, PHCEBE AND CHERUB. 477 
 
 was captured in the frigate Philadelphia, and remained a 
 prisoner until the war closed. 
 
 He was made a captain in 1812, and appointed to the 
 Essex. 
 
 After the war with England, Porter became a member 
 )f the Board of Navy Commissioners, but resigned that 
 post to take command of an expedition against the West 
 Indian pirates. He was court-martialed for exceeding 
 his powers during this cruise, and sentenced to be 
 suspended for six months. 
 
 Upon this he resigned his commission and entered the 
 Mexican service as Naval Commander-in-chief. After 
 serving there for some years he returned to the United 
 States in 1829, and was made United States Consul 
 General for the Barbary States. He was afterwards 
 transferred to Constantinople as Charge d' Affaires, and 
 soon became Minister Resident. 
 
 He died in Constantinople, in March, 1843, an ^ ms 
 remains were brought home in a man-of-war, and interred 
 in the Naval Asylum grounds. 
 
 And now, to return to the Essex and her cruise. All 
 Americans should read Porter's account, which vies in 
 interest with those of Anson or La Peyrouse, the differ- 
 ence being that their sole object was discovery, while 
 Porter had principally in view the crippling of his enemy's 
 resources. His attack upon British interests in that part 
 of the globe was entirely unexpected, and the unbounded 
 rage of the English was excited when they learned, from 
 prisoners sent in cartels, that such wholesale destruction 
 was going on, and their trade being completely annihi- 
 lated ; and they hastened to take means to stop Porter's 
 career. 
 
 The latter, in the meantime, was living off the enemy, 
 showing the greatest activity and resource, maintaining 
 
478 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 discipline under exceptional circumstances, and keeping 
 his crew in good humor, with much tact and knowledge 
 of sailor character. 
 
 In those days no docks or dockyards were to be found 
 anywhere south of the line. Ports were few and not 
 much frequented, for fear of blockade. Necessary food, 
 sea-stores, rigging and material for repairs were, indeed, 
 as far as Porter was concerned, only to be obtained by 
 capture, and it required a man not only of pluck and 
 nautical ability, but of resources in many other directions, 
 to make such a cruise as he did. At the last, through 
 no fault of his, he was overwhelmed in a harbor which 
 should have afforded him security, and the career of the 
 Essex brought to an end by a shameful violation of 
 
 neutrality. 
 
 In the course of his cruise, Porter had seized and dis- 
 armed a Peruvian corvette, which had been preying upon 
 American whalers, and then sent her away with a caution. 
 He had also seized and disposed of, in different ways, 
 English " South-sea-men," aggregating 3369 tons, with 
 302 men and 107 guns ; had provisioned his own crew 
 and partly paid his men, from the prizes. One of the 
 latter, the Atlantic, he had fitted out for cruising, under 
 his first lieutenant, Mr. Downes, re-naming her Essex 
 Junior. This ship mounted 20 guns and was efficient as 
 a cruiser against merchantmen and whalers, but was not 
 expected to stand an engagement. 
 
 Porter had sent Downes, with some prizes, to Valpa- 
 raiso, and upon his return the latter reported that 
 Commodore James Hillyar, an English officer of experi- 
 ence, ability and courage, had been sent out in the 
 frigate Phcebe, of 36 guns, to look for the American 
 frigate, her work having caused great consternation when 
 the news of it reached England. The English sloops 
 
ESSEX, PHCEBE AND CHERUB. 479 
 
 Raccoon and Cherub were also despatched to the Pacific, 
 under Hillyar's orders. 
 
 The Essex being in much need of repairs after her 
 long and stirring cruise, Porter determined to put her in 
 as good condition as his resources permitted, and then 
 seek to bring the enemy to action, if he could meet him 
 on anything like equal terms. 
 
 He, therefore, went to Nukahivah, or Madison's Island, 
 in the Washington group, which had been discovered by 
 Captain Ingraham, of Boston. Here he caulked his ship 
 and overhauled the rigging, made new water casks, and 
 took from his prizes provisions and stores for four months. 
 
 On the i 2th of December, 1813, he sailed for the coast 
 of Chili, and arrived on January 12th, 18 14. He could 
 hear nothing of the British squadron reported to be 
 looking for him. Some persons even supposed that they 
 had been lost in trying to double Cape Horn. At this 
 period Porter had completely broken up British naviga- 
 tion in the Pacific, as those vessels which had not been 
 captured by him were laid up, and dared not venture out 
 of port. 
 
 He had, in the meantime, afforded ample protection 
 and assistance to our own ships. The English whale 
 fishery was entirely destroyed, and now a squadron was 
 coming out to look for him, involving very great expense. 
 As has been said, he had lived upon the enemy, and had 
 been obliged to draw no bills, but, on the contrary, had 
 been able to advance pay to both officers and crew. 
 
 Considering how much they had been at sea, his crew 
 was very healthy, and he had had but one case of scurvy, 
 then the curse of cruising ships. Two officers only had 
 been lost : the Surgeon, from disease, and a Lieutenant, 
 killed in a duel; while eight seamen and marines had 
 been lost from sickness and ordinary casualties. 
 
480 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 Porter believed that Hillyar would try to keep his 
 arrival in the Pacific secret, and seek him at Valparaiso, 
 and he, therefore, cruised in that neighborhood, where he 
 hoped also to capture some merchant vessels expected 
 from England. 
 
 On the 3d of February the Essex anchored in .Valpa- 
 raiso bay, and exchanged the usual salutes and civilities 
 with the Spanish authorities. 
 
 These appeared civil, and even cordial, and the gover- 
 nor duly returned Captain Porter's visit. 
 
 The Essex Junior was directed to cruise off the port, 
 for the twofold purpose of intercepting the enemy's 
 merchant vessels, and of informing Porter immediately 
 of the appearance of any of their men-of-war. Then 
 work began, to put the Essex in order, after which liberty 
 was given to the crew. The people of Valparaiso showed 
 great civility, and this was returned by an entertainment 
 on board the Essex, in which the Essex Junior partici- 
 pated, but kept a sharp lookout at the same time. They 
 danced until midnight, and the Essex Junior then went 
 outside. 
 
 Next morning they had not had time to take down the 
 awnings, flags and decorations spread for the party, when 
 the Essex Junior signalized two English ships in sight. 
 At this time half the Essex' crew were on shore, on 
 liberty. A gun was fired as a signal for their return, 
 and the ship restored to her usual condition as soon as 
 possible. Porter went out in the Essex Junior to recon- 
 noitre, and found that both the English vessels ap- 
 peared to be frigates ; returning at once, he anchored the 
 tender near the Essex, and prepared for mutual defence. 
 When he returned to his own ship, at about 7.30 a.m., he 
 had the gratification of not only finding the ship prepared 
 for action, but everyman on board. He felt great doubts 
 
ESSEX, PHCEBE AND CHERUB. 481 
 
 about the English respecting the neutrality of the port, 
 but resolved to act upon the defensive entirely. 
 
 At 8 a. m. the two English ships, a frigate and sloop 
 of war, came into the harbor. The frigate, which proved 
 to be the Phcebe, ranged alongside the Essex, within 
 a few yards, and between her and the Essex Junior. 
 The Phcebe was seen to be all ready for action. 
 
 Captain Hillyar hailed, and politely inquired after 
 Captain Porter's health, and the usual compliments were 
 exchanged between them. 
 
 Captains Hillyar and Porter had been acquainted in the 
 Mediterranean. Among the American officers at that 
 time on the station, no British officer was so much liked 
 as Hillyar, and his family was visited, at Gibraltar, by 
 Porter and many others. On one occasion Hillyar's 
 family had gone, as passengers, with Commodore 
 Rodgers, from Malta to Gibraltar. The relations 
 between the two Captains, thus brought face to face, 
 with tompions out and matches lighted, were rather 
 peculiar. 
 
 Finding the Phcebe approaching nearer the Essex 
 than either prudence or the neutrality of the port would 
 permit, Porter called to Hillyar that the Essex was all 
 ready for action, and that he should act on the defensive. 
 
 Hillyar replied, in an off-hand way, " Oh, I have no 
 intention of getting on board of you." 
 
 Porter replied that if he did fall on board of him there 
 would be much blood shed. Hillyar merely called out 
 again that he had no intention of falling on board the 
 Essex. Porter, finding that he was luffing up so much 
 as to cause his ship to be taken aback, and her jib-boom 
 coming over the Essex' forecastle, called, "All hands to 
 board the enemy;" directing them, if the ships touched, 
 to spring on board the Phcebe. The latter vessel was 
 3i 
 
482 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 now in a precarious condition, for not a gun of hers 
 could be brought to bear upon either of the American 
 vessels, while her bow was exposed to the raking fire of 
 one, and her stern to that of the other. The Phcebe's 
 consort, the Cherub, of 28 guns, was too far off to 
 leeward to afford any assistance. The Phoebe had been 
 informed, by a boat which had pulled out from an English 
 merchant ship, that the Essex was in great confusion, from 
 the entertainment of the night before, and that half her 
 crew were on shore, on liberty. 
 
 Great was the surprise of the Englishmen, then, when 
 they saw a full crew ready to board them, and kedge- 
 anchors triced up to the yard-arms, ready to drop and 
 grapple them. 
 
 Captain Hillyar at once sang out that he had no 
 intention of boarding; that it was an accident that his 
 ship was taken aback, and that he was sorry to be put in 
 an equivocal situation, and had no hostile intention. 
 
 The Phcebe was, at this moment, entirely at the mercy 
 of the Essex ; and Porter could have destroyed her. 
 The temptation was great to do so. Porter would have 
 been justified, upon the plea of self-defence; but Captain 
 Hillyar's assurances disarmed him, and Porter at once 
 hailed the Essex Junior, and ordered Captain Downes 
 not to begin firing without orders. Captain Hillyar was 
 then allowed to extricate his ship from her disagreeable 
 position ; the Phcebe separating from the Essex, and 
 drifting by the American vessels, constantly exposed to 
 their raking fire, to finally anchor on the east side of the 
 harbor, just within shot of the Essex' 18-pounders, but 
 beyond the reach of her carronades. The Cherub 
 anchored quite close upon the port bow of the Essex ; 
 whereupon Porter ordered the Essex Junior to so place 
 herself that the Cherub would be between two fires ; an 
 
ESSEX, PHCEBE AND CHERUB. 483 
 
 arrangement which seems to have excited the ineffectual 
 anger of Captain Tucker, the Commander of the smaller 
 English vessel. 
 
 Porter tells us that, on going on shore, great astonish- 
 ment was expressed by the officials and people of 
 Valparaiso, that he had not taken advantage of the 
 opportunity, and destroyed his enemy. Porter replied 
 that he respected the neutrality of the port, and should 
 continue to do so. He had reason, not very long after, 
 to regret his moderation. 
 
 When on shore in Valparaiso Porter generally staid at 
 Senor Blanco's, and the two British Captains paid him a 
 visit there, on the day after their arrival. This visit was 
 returned, and a rather friendly intercourse was soon 
 established, not only between the Commanders, but the 
 officers of the respective ships, whenever they met on 
 shore — their conduct being such that no one could have 
 supposed that they belonged to nations at war with each 
 other. 
 
 At the first meeting on shore, Porter told Hillyar that 
 it was important to know whether he (Hillyar) intended 
 to respect the neutrality of the port. Hillyar replied, 
 very emphatically, "You have paid so much respect to 
 the neutrality of the port that I feel myself bound in 
 honor to respect it." 
 
 Porter rejoined that his assurance was sufficient, and 
 that he should henceforth feel at his ease, and not always 
 prepared for action. 
 
 The English frigate had hoisted a flag (motto flags 
 were then the fashion), bearing the words, "God and 
 country ; British sailors' best rights ; traitors offend 
 both." Porter asked Hillyar what the flag meant, and 
 was informed that it was a reply to Porter's motto, "Free 
 trade and sailors' rights," which was particularly offensive 
 
484 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 to the British navy ; and that he should always hoist it 
 when Porter hoisted his. The next time the English 
 motto was hoisted Porter replied with a flag having, 
 "God, our Country, and Liberty — tyrants offend them;" 
 and each ship gave three cheers for their flag. 
 
 In spite of all this, personal intercourse and apparent 
 good feeling continued between the two Captains. They 
 discussed the objects of the British squadron; their long 
 hunt for Porter, and the present status. 
 
 This intercourse between public enemies was, in fact, a 
 very curious thing. 
 
 Hillyar asked Porter what he intended to do with his 
 prizes ; when he was going to sea ; and other pertinent 
 and delicate questions of a like nature. 
 
 Porter told him that whenever he sent away the Cherub 
 the Essex would go to sea, and that his sailing day 
 would be fixed by Captain Hillyar. Once met, Porter 
 said he would test the force of the two ships, but as the 
 Essex was smaller than the Phcebe, he would not be 
 justified to his country in losing his ship, and so would 
 not challenge him. If, however, the Captain of the 
 Phcebe would send away the Cherub and then challenge 
 the Essex, he (Porter) would be willing to fight. No 
 doubt all this was discussed over a cigar and a glass of 
 wine, but this we can only conjecture. 
 
 Hillyar said that success in naval actions depended 
 upon so many accidents, and that the loss of a spar or 
 mast sometimes determined the fate of the day, so he 
 should trust to chance to bring the two ships together; 
 that he was not disposed to yield the advantage of 
 superior force, and should blockade Porter until other 
 English men-of-war arrived, and at all events prevent 
 him from doing further mischief to British commerce. 
 
 Porter told Hillyar that his prizes were only an encum- 
 
ESSEX, PHCEBE AND CHERUB. 485 
 
 brance to him under the circumstances, and that some 
 time he should take them out to sea and destroy 
 them. To this Hillyar rejoined that he dare not do so 
 with him in sight. Porter merely answered, "We shall 
 see." 
 
 As Hillyar was determined to lose none of the advan- 
 tage of superior force, and it was known that other ships 
 were soon coming to join him, Porter endeavored still to 
 provoke the English Commodore to challenge him to a 
 single contest. 
 
 The Cherub lying near the Essex, the crews sang 
 original songs directed at each other. It is said that the 
 Yankee songs had the most point, which is likely, for the 
 average English nautical mind is not very brilliant. The 
 officers encouraged this amusement, which took place in 
 the fine, calm first watches, to the frequent annoyance of 
 the English and the great amusement of neutrals. 
 Captain Hillyar requested Porter to put a stop to it, 
 but the latter refused to do so unless the Cherub ceased 
 first 
 
 At length the quasi-friendly relations between the 
 Commanders became very much "strained," as the diplo- 
 matists say, by the harboring of an escaped prisoner 
 from the Essex on board the Cherub. This led to an 
 exchange of strongly-worded letters. Porter and Hillyar 
 continued to meet on shore quite frequently, and at this 
 time Porter proposed an exchange of prisoners by sending 
 one of the prizes to England as a cartel, to bring thence 
 to the United States an equal number. This proposition 
 came to nothing, but Porter liberated his English pris- 
 oners on condition that they should not serve until 
 exchanged ; and Hillyar undertook to write to England 
 and have as many Americans liberated. 
 
 In the meantime the Essex Junior had gone outside to 
 
486 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 reconnoitre a strange sail, and was very nearly cut off 
 by the English vessels both going out, but the Essex 
 manned her boats, sent them out and towed her in in 
 safety. 
 
 The English ships then continued to cruise outside, 
 and Porter, to try his rate of sailing with them, chose 
 an opportunity, when they were well to leeward, to get 
 under way and let them chase him. He found he could 
 outsail them both, and could escape at almost any time, 
 but he was led to remain in Valparaiso by the hope of 
 bringing the Phcebe to single action. This resolution, 
 though chivalric, was not exactly prudent. 
 
 One day Porter towed the ship Hector, a prize, to 
 sea. The two British ships were then far in the offing, 
 and Porter had the prize set on fire. He then returned 
 to his anchorage, unmolested, although the English made 
 every exertion to come up with him. This insult seemed 
 to have the desired effect, and on the afternoon of the 
 2 2d of February, 1814, the Cherub was seen to be about 
 three miles to leeward of the harbor, while the Phcebe 
 was standing in alone. At 5 p.m. she hove about, a short 
 distance from the Essex, with head off shore, shortened 
 sail, fired a gun to windward (a nautical challenge), and 
 hoisted her motto flag. 
 
 Porter instantly accepted the challenge, hoisted his 
 motto, fired a gun and got under way. 
 
 The Phcebe made sail and stood off shore, while Porter 
 followed, under all sail. He was nearing the English 
 frigate fast, when to his astonishment, she bore off before 
 the wind, and ran down for her consort. Porter fired 
 two shots across her fore-foot, but they did not bring her 
 to, and the Essex hauled her wind and returned to port, 
 where she anchored before the two British vessels could 
 reach her. 
 
ESSEX, PHOEBE AND CHERUB. 487 
 
 Porter did not spare some caustic remarks upon this 
 affair, and they reached Hillyar, through British residents 
 on shore. 
 
 Defiant letters were interchanged between the ships' 
 companies. Porter wrote to Hillyar, and Hillyar to 
 Porter, and, as was natural, angry feelings increased. 
 
 About the middle of March the First Lieutenant of the 
 Phoebe (who was afterwards killed in the action) came 
 on board the Essex, under a flag of truce, with a message 
 from Captain Hillyar. 
 
 Presuming it was a challenge, Porter required the 
 presence of some of his officers, and then asked the 
 English officer the purport of his message. 
 
 The Englishman said that Captain Hillyar had heard 
 that Captain Porter had publicly stated that Hillyar had 
 acted in a cowardly manner, by running away from the 
 Essex after challenging her, but that he could not believe 
 the report, and had sent his first Lieutenant to ascertain 
 the truth. 
 
 Porter at once told him that he had said so, and still 
 thought so. 
 
 The English Lieutenant then stated that he was 
 instructed to tell Captain Porter that the hoisting the flag 
 and firing the gun, by the Phcebe, was not intended as a 
 challenge, but as a signal to her consort. 
 
 Porter replied that Captain Hillyar had informed him 
 that the flag was intended for the Essex, and there " was 
 not a man, woman nor child in Valparaiso who did not 
 think it a challenge." The Lieutenant reoeated that 
 Captain Hillyar desired him to assure Captain Porter 
 that it was not intended for a challenge. 
 
 Porter said he was bound to believe Captain Hillyar, 
 if he said so ; but that he should always consider such a 
 proceeding a challenge ; and that, whenever he chose to 
 
488 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 send away the Cherub, and repeat the manoeuvre, he 
 should act as he had before done. The Lieutenant once 
 more assured Porter that it was not a challenge, and 
 that Captain Hillyar did not approve of challenges, 
 as he was a religious man. 
 
 Such a state of things as we have been describing 
 could not, of course, last very long. 
 
 Exasperation was fast taking the place of self-control, 
 on both sides ; and as more British vessels were 
 expected, it was necessary for Porter to take some 
 decided step. A crisis was evidently approaching. 
 
 The relative strength of the two nations, in Valparaiso, 
 was then as follows : — 
 
 The Phcebe carried thirty long eighteens ; sixteen 
 thirty-two pound carronades; one howitzer, and six 
 three-pounders in the tops; in all, fifty-three guns. Her 
 crew consisted of three hundred and twenty men. 
 
 The Cherub carried eighteen thirty-two pound car- 
 ronades; eight twenty-fours; two long nines ; and had a 
 crew of one hundred and eighty men. 
 
 On the American side, the Essex mounted forty-six 
 guns. Forty of these were thirty-two pound carronades, 
 and six were long twelves. Her crew, reduced by those 
 in prizes, was only two hundred and fifty-five men. 
 
 The Essex Junior, built for whaling, was principally a 
 store-ship, or tender. She mounted twenty guns, taken 
 from captured whalers. Ten of these were eighteen- 
 pound carronades, and ten were short sixes. She had 
 a crew of sixty men. 
 
 For six weeks the English ships had been mostly under 
 way, and cruising off the port ; and Porter was finally 
 induced to put to sea by the certain intelligence that the 
 Tagus, 38, and two other English frigates, were on their 
 way to the Pacific. The Raccoon was also expected ; 
 
ESSEX, PHCEBE AND CHERUB. 489 
 
 which sloop had been sent up to the northwest Coast of 
 America for the purpose of destroying the American 
 Fur Company's establishment, on the Columbia river. 
 
 Having' agreed upon a rendezvous where he could meet 
 the Essex Junior, Porter determined to allow the two 
 British vessels to chase him off the coast, and thereby to 
 permit his tender to escape. 
 
 On March 28th the wind came out fresh from the 
 southward, and the Essex parted one of her cables, and 
 dragged the other anchor directly out to sea ; so that it 
 was necessary to get sail on the ship instantly. The 
 enemy were, at the time, close in with the western point 
 of the bay; but when Porter had made sail, and opened 
 them, he saw a chance of passing them to windward; 
 and, taking in top-gallant-sails, which had been set over 
 single-reefed top-sails, he braced up for that purpose. 
 
 Unfortunately, as the Essex came up with the point, 
 and was passing it, it happened (as it often does in such 
 localities) that a heavy squall struck the ship, and carried 
 away her main-top -mast; and all the men aloft, furling 
 the top-gallant-sail, were lost. 
 
 Admiral Farragut said, in after years, that the reason 
 why they lost the main-top-mast was, that the yard 
 jammed, and would not come down when the halliards 
 were let go — the top-gallant-sail being clewed down. 
 
 The loss of this spar was most disastrous. Both the 
 English ships at once gave chase, and the crippled Essex 
 endeavored to regain the port. Finding he could not 
 reach the usual anchorage, Porter ran into a small bay, 
 about three-quarters of a mile to leeward of a small 
 Chilian battery, on the east side of the harbor, and 
 anchored within pistol-shot of the shore ; intent upon 
 repairing damages as soon as possible. The enemy's 
 vessels continued to approach, and showed every inten- 
 
490 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN'. 
 
 tion of attacking him, regardless of the fact that the 
 Essex was anchored close to neutral shores. They bore 
 down with caution, however, hoisting a number of motto 
 flags and jacks. 
 
 Porter went to quarters and got his ship clear of the 
 wreck and ready for action as soon as possible, but he 
 had not time to get a spring upon his cable, for at about 
 4 p. m. the attack was made, the Phcebe assuming a 
 position under the Essex' stern, and the Cherub one on 
 her starboard bow. Their fire was promptly returned, 
 and the Cherub soon found her position a hot one, and 
 she bore up to join the Phcebe under the Essex' stern, 
 whence they delivered a severe raking fire. The Essex 
 could not get her broadside to bear, but fought three 
 long twelve-pounders out of the stern ports, which were 
 worked with such bravery, skill and rapidity, that in half 
 an hour both English ships were obliged to draw off to 
 repair damages. 
 
 During the firing, the Essex succeeded, by dint of great 
 exertion, in getting a spring upon the cable no less than 
 three times, but the fire of the enemy was so heavy that 
 it was each time shot away before her broadside could 
 be brought to bear. 
 
 The Essex was already much damaged and had a good 
 many killed and wounded, but the ship's company were in 
 good spirits, and though they were caught at such a 
 disadvantage, resolved to resist to the last. 
 
 The gaff, with the motto flag and ensign, had been shot 
 away, but " Free Trade and Sailor's Rights" continued to 
 fly at the fore. The ensign was now made fast in the 
 main rigging, and several jacks displayed at different 
 points. The enemy soon repaired damages and were 
 ready to renew the attack, and both his ships now placed 
 themselves on the Essex' starboard quarter, out of the 
 
ESSEX, PHOEBE AND CHERUB. 491 
 
 reach of her broadside carronades, and where her stern 
 guns would not bear. They then opened and kept up a 
 o^alline hre, which the Essex could not return at all, and 
 there was no chance for the American ship, unless she 
 could get underway and assail in turn. The Essex' 
 top-sail sheets and halliards were all shot away, as well as 
 the jib and stay-sail halliards. Indeed, the only rope of 
 that kind not cut was the flying-jib halliards. This, the 
 only available sail, was set, the cable cut, and Porter 
 steered down upon the English vessels, intending to lay 
 the Phoebe aboard. The firing- on both sides was now 
 incessant. Porter let fall his fore-top-sail and fore-sail, 
 but the want of tacks and sheets rendered them almost 
 useless. Yet he approached his enemy slowly, and 
 although the decks were thickly strewn with dead, and 
 the cockpit filled with wounded, and although the ship 
 had been several times on fire and was almost a wreck, 
 they still had some hopes, for the Cherub was just then 
 compelled to haul off. This ship did not come into close 
 action again, although she kept up a distant fire from her 
 long guns. The disabled state of the Essex enabled the 
 Phcebe, by edging off, to choose her own distance, and 
 use her long guns, with which she kept up a tremendous 
 fire, which mowed down the Essex' crew in a fearful way. 
 Farragut, in his recollections, praises the Surgeons for 
 their coolness and dexterity, although they had, at this 
 time, patients killed under their hands. 
 
 Many of the American guns had been rendered 
 useless, and many had their entire crews destroyed by 
 this fire. 
 
 The remaining guns were again manned, however, and 
 one gun was three times re-manned — fifteen people 
 having been killed at that one piece during the action. 
 
492 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 The captain of this same gun alone escaped, with a slight 
 scratch. 
 
 Finding that the enemy had it in his power to choose 
 his distance, and thus destroy him at leisure, and as the 
 wind at the moment favored, Porter determined to run 
 his ship on shore, land his men, and destroy her. When 
 he was within musket-shot of the beach the wind 
 suddenly shifted right off shore, and paid the Essex off, 
 with her head towards the Phcebe ; exposing her again 
 to a deadly raking fire. 
 
 The Essex was by this time totally unmanageable, yet 
 as her head was towards the enemy, and the latter was 
 to leeward, Porter still had a faint hope that he might be 
 able to board her. 
 
 Just then Lieutenant Downes, the Commander of the 
 Essex Junior, thinking that the Essex would soon be 
 taken, pulled out in his boat, and came on board to 
 receive Porter's orders. In the wretched condition of 
 the ship Downes could be of no use, and finding that the 
 enemy had put his helm up and ran off, so that he could 
 not board her, Porter directed Downes to return to his 
 own ship, prepare for her defence, and if necessary, 
 destroy her. Downes, therefore, took several of the 
 wounded, left three of his own crew, and rejoined the 
 Essex Junior. 
 
 The slaughter on board the Essex was now horrible ; 
 and the enemy continued to rake her, while she could 
 not bring a gun to bear. 
 
 Porter then bent a hawser to his sheet-anchor, and cut 
 the anchor away, thus bringing her head round. 
 
 Her broadside was then again brought to bear, and as 
 the Phcebe was much crippled, and unable to hold her 
 own, it is probable he would have drifted out of 
 ooinshot before he discovered that the Essex had 
 
ESSEX, PHGEBE AND CHERUB. 493 
 
 anchored again, had not the hawser unfortunately 
 parted. The case of the Essex now seemed hopeless. 
 Several fires had been extinguished during the engage- 
 ment; but now fire made headway both forward and aft; 
 and flames, supposed to come from near the magazine, 
 were shooting up the hatchways. At this juncture they 
 were about three-quarters of a mile from the shore, and 
 there was a bare chance for those of the crew who could 
 swim well to reach the land. . The boats were all 
 destroyed by the enemy's shot, and the fire was now 
 burning fiercely, close to the after magazine. 
 
 Orders were given for those who could swim to jump 
 overboard and make for the shore. Many did so, some 
 with clothes already on fire. Some reached the beach, 
 some were captured by the enemy's boats, and some 
 perished. Most of the surviving officers and crew 
 preferred to share, with the Captain, the fate of the ship. 
 These were now wholly employed in endeavors to ex- 
 tinguish the flames; and in this they finally succeeded. 
 
 They then once more manned the guns, and renewed 
 the engagement ; but the crew were now so weakened 
 that all saw the impossibility of further resistance, and 
 entreated Captain Porter to surrender, as the ship was 
 entirely disabled, and such a step was necessary, to save 
 the wounded. Porter sent for the division officers, to 
 consult them ; but found only Lieutenant McKnight 
 remaining. He confirmed the reports of the bad condi- 
 tion of the ship, below, and the disabled state of the 
 guns, and their crews. Lieutenant Wilmer had been 
 knocked overboard by a splinter, while getting the 
 sheet-anchor overboard, and had been drowned, after 
 fighting gallantly through the whole action. Acting 
 Lieutenant Cowell had lost a leg. The Sailing Master, 
 Mr. Barnewell, was badly wounded. Acting Lieutenant 
 
494 NAVAL, BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 Odenheimer had been knocked overboard, but managed 
 to sustain himself upon some floating wreck, not succeed- 
 ing, however, in regaining the ship until after her 
 surrender. The cockpit, steerage, wardroom, and berth- 
 deck were full of wounded; some of whom were killed 
 while the Surgeons were operating upon them. More 
 than this, it was evident that unless something was done 
 the ship must soon sink, with all on board, from the 
 numerous shot-holes below the water line. 
 
 The Carpenter reported that all his men were either 
 killed or wounded; and he himself had narrowly escaped 
 drowning, as the slings in which he was suspended, while 
 overboard, stopping shot-holes, had been shot away. It 
 was impossible to reach the enemy with the carronades ; 
 while they, from the smoothness of the water, and 
 immunity from shot, were enabled to use their long guns 
 upon the Essex, as upon a target. 
 
 It is said that, at this time, Lieutenant Ingram, of the 
 Phcebe, wanted Captain Hillyar to bear down and board 
 the Essex — saying it was deliberate murder to lie off and 
 fire in this way. This gallant English officer was killed, 
 among the last, that day. 
 
 The American ship continued to be hulled at every 
 shot, and was cut up in a way seldom witnessed. In a 
 word, there was no hope of saving her, and at half- past 
 six in the evening Porter was forced to strike his colors. 
 
 Only seventy-five officers and men remained fit for 
 duty ; and many of these were wounded, and some 
 afterwards died. 
 
 In spite of the colors being down, the enemy continued 
 his deliberate fire, and the survivors continued to fall. 
 Porter ordered an opposite gun to be fired, to intimate 
 his surrender, but the fire continued, and several more 
 men fell. 
 
ESSEX, PHCEBE AND CHERUB. 495 
 
 Porter now believed that they intended to show no 
 quarter ; and he was upon the point of hoisting his flag 
 again, when, about ten minutes after the colors had been 
 struck, the enemy ceased firing. 
 
 It is only fair to suppose that the smoke prevented 
 them from seeing that the flag was down. 
 
 Porter, and his officers and crew, had shown unpar- 
 alleled bravery, skill, zeal, and patriotism ; and nothing 
 but the absolute requirements of humanity caused their 
 surrender — to save the helpless wounded. Had they 
 been disposed of, there is little doubt they would have 
 let the Essex sink under them, and have taken the 
 chance of gaining the shore. 
 
 The action had been fought almost entirely with the 
 great guns ; musketry being only used during the first 
 half hour. During most of the time the Essex could 
 only use her six long twelves ; and it is fair to say that 
 every one did his whole duty. Farragut, then a mere 
 child, was mentfoned, among others, for gallantry, but 
 was " too young to recommend for promotion." 
 
 The Essex' ship's company were unfortunate, but not 
 disgraced. Out of them fifty-eight were killed, or died 
 subsequently of wounds ; thirty-nine were severely 
 wounded ; twenty-seven were slightly wounded ; and 
 thirty-one were missing — mostly drowned. Lieutenant 
 Cowell, whose leg was shattered, insisted upon waiting 
 his turn, with the other wounded, for amputation, and 
 thereby lost his life. 
 
 The enemy's loss, which was comparatively light, from 
 the circumstances under which the battle was fought, 
 included the First Lieutenant of the Phcebe, killed, and 
 Captain Tucker, of the Cherub, severely wounded. 
 Both the Essex and the Phcebe were in a sinking state, 
 
496 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 and were with difficulty kept afloat until morning, when 
 they anchored in the port of Valparaiso. 
 
 The Essex was afterwards repaired, and sent to 
 England, when she was added to the British navy. The 
 Phcebe had eighteen shot-holes through her, below the 
 water line, and nothing saved both ships but the fact that 
 the water was very smooth. 
 
 During the action the American Consul General, Mr. 
 Poinsett, demanded from the Governor of Valparaiso 
 that his batteries should protect the Essex. 
 
 This was refused ; but he was promised that, if she 
 fought her way in to the usual anchorage, he would send 
 to the British Commander, and request him to desist, but 
 would not use force under any circumstances. This, and 
 other evidences of bias in favor of the British were so 
 strong, that Mr. Poinsett left the country, having no hope 
 that any claim for the restoration of the ship would be 
 entertained. 
 
 The change of feeling in the authorities of Valparaiso, 
 Porter attributed to a revolution, which had lately put 
 new people into power ; beside the fact that the South 
 American nations always favored the strongest force. 
 
 Soon after their capture Captain Hillyar allowed the 
 prisoners to proceed to the United States in the Essex 
 Junior, which ship was disarmed, and furnished with a 
 passport, to prevent recapture. 
 
 Porter, in his remarks upon the battle, says that while 
 he could never be reconciled to Hillyar's course in 
 attacking the Essex in neutral waters, he must do the 
 English Captain the justice to say that, after the capture, 
 he did all he could to alleviate the misery of the wounded 
 and prisoners. Their private property was pilfered, to be 
 sure, but it was against Hillyar's positive orders. Porter 
 also very truly remarks that the Essex would almost 
 
ESSEX, PHCEBE AND CHERUB. 497 
 
 certainly have escaped to sea, but for the accident to her 
 mast, and that it was a wonderful thing that the two ships 
 should not have captured or destroyed her in a much 
 shorter time. 
 
 The English frigate Tagus arrived a few days after the 
 battle. She, with other English ships, had been sent 
 to look for Porter in the China Seas, Timor and Aus- 
 tralia. Porter estimated the cost to the English govern- 
 ment of the capture of the Essex as, at least, $6,000,000. 
 
 We now pass to the singular termination of the voyage 
 of the Essex Junior, which ship left Valparaiso with the 
 paroled American prisoners. She made a remarkably 
 good passage of jt> days, to Sandy Hook, the prisoners 
 hoping to be in time to be exchanged, fit out a vessel, 
 and intercept the prize on her passage to England. But 
 off Sandy Hook they fell in with the British ship Saturn, 
 the Captain of which at first passed them, but two hours 
 after boarded them again, and revoked the pass. As 
 Captain Hillyar's pass was thus violated, Captain Porter 
 revoked his parole, and declared himself the Saturn's 
 prisoner. The Essex Junior was directed to remain all 
 night under the Saturn's guns. The next morning the 
 ships were some thirty miles off Long Island, within 
 musket-shot of each other, and in a dense fog-. Porter 
 determined to escape. A boat was lowered and manned, 
 and Porter entered it, leaving with Lieutenant Downes a 
 message for Captain Nash, of the Saturn, to the effect 
 that he was " satisfied that British officers were destitute 
 of honor, and regardless of the honor of each other. 
 That he was armed and intended to defend himself 
 against boats sent out after him." He got nearly a crun- 
 shot off, in the fog, before it was discovered that he had 
 left, and when he was pursued he eluded the enemy's 
 boats and landed at Babylon, Long Island. The English 
 32 
 
498 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 asserted breach of parole in his case, but the Government 
 took up the matter, and it was finally satisfactorily ar- 
 ranged. 
 
 In connection with the homeward passage of the Essex 
 Junior, we must not omit to mention the sad fate of 
 Lieutenant Stephen Decatur McKnight, the only Lieu- 
 tenant of the Essex who escaped unhurt from the san- 
 guinary engagement with the Phoebe and Cherub. 
 
 Lieutenant McKnight and Midshipman Lyman had 
 remained behind, and went to Rio Janeiro in the Phoebe, 
 to make the affidavits necessary to condemn the Essex as 
 a prize. They were then allowed the option of going to 
 England in the Phoebe, or to be allowed to o-o to 
 Europe in a merchant vessel, and thence home, on 
 parole. They preferred the latter, and sailed from Rio 
 in a Swedish brig called the Adonis. On the passage 
 they met, at sea, the United States ship Wasp, Captain 
 Blakely, on a cruise, and left the Adonis and joined the 
 Wasp, in mid-ocean. The Wasp was never seen again 
 after the Adonis left her. 
 
 It may further be of interest to have Admiral Farra- 
 gut's recollections of this battle, as well as his comments 
 thereon, when ripe in years and experience. 
 
 Farragut was only thirteen years old at the time of 
 the battle; but, as we have seen, he was commended for 
 his coolness and conduct. 
 
 He said that, when the English ships first came in, and 
 while the Essex and Phoebe were close together, and 
 the Captains talking to each other, a young fellow 
 stationed at a gun-deck gun of the Essex, who had just 
 come off from liberty, rather tipsy, fancied he saw a man 
 on board the Phoebe grinning at him. 
 
 " My fine fellow," said he, " I'll soon stop your making 
 faces ! " and was about to fire his gun, when Lieutenant 
 
ESSEX, PHGEBE AND CHERUB. 499 
 
 McKnight saw him, and knocked him over. Farragut 
 remarks that, if this gun had been fired, the battle 
 would then have taken place, under such circumstances 
 that the Phcebe would most likely have been taken. 
 
 He also mentions (which Captain Porter does not), 
 that one night, while the English ships were outside, the 
 Americans manned all boats, to board and capture them; 
 but finding them prepared, and their men lying at their 
 quarters, they returned. 
 
 In his later years the gallant Admiral gave his opinion 
 as follows : " In the first place, I consider our original 
 and greatest error was in attempting to regain the 
 original anchorage, as, being of very fine sailing qualities, 
 " the Essex should have borne up and run before the 
 wind. If we had come in contact with the Phcebe, we 
 could have boarded her. If she avoided us — having- all 
 her masts, and ability to manoeuvre — then we could 
 have taken her fire, and passed on, leaving both 
 vessels behind, until we could have replaced our top- 
 mast. By this time they would have separated, or it 
 would have been.no chase, as the Cherub was a dull 
 sailer. 
 
 " Secondly. When it was apparent to everybody that 
 we had no chance of success, under the circumstances, 
 the ship should have been run on shore, throwing her 
 broadside to the beach, to prevent raking ; fought as 
 long as was consistent with humanity, and then set on 
 fire. But, having determined upon anchoring, we should 
 have bent a spring on the ring of the anchor, instead of 
 upon the cable, where it was exposed, and could be shot 
 away as fast as it could be put on. This mode of pro- 
 ceeding would have given us, in my opinion, a better 
 opportunity of injuring our opponents." Farragut further 
 says, " It has been quite common to blame Captain 
 
<300 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 Hillyar for his conduct in this affair ; but when we come 
 to consider the characteristics of the two Commanders, 
 we may be inclined to judge more leniently ; although 
 Porter's complaints in the matter will excite no surprise. 
 Porter was then about thirty-one years of age, and the 
 'pink of chivalry,' and of an ardent and impetuous 
 temperament ; while Hillyar was a cool and calculating 
 man, of about fifty; and he himself said, 'had gained his 
 reputation by several single-ship combats ; and only 
 expected to retain it on the present occasion by 
 implicit obedience to his orders, viz : to capture the 
 Essex with the least possible risk to his vessel and 
 crew;' and as he had a superior force, he had determined 
 not to leave anything to chance, believing any other* 
 course would call down on him the disapprobation of his 
 government." 
 
 Among other reminiscences by Farragut, we find that 
 when Lieutenant Ingram visited the Essex, under a flag 
 of truce, he was shown all over her, and made a very 
 good impression by his frank and manly bearing. He 
 said the happiest moment of his life would be to take her 
 to England should she be captured in equal combat. 
 Porter replied that, should such an event occur, he knew 
 no British officer to whom he would more readily yield 
 the honor. Poor Ingram was killed by a splinter, and 
 the American officers who survived attended his funeral, 
 in Valparaiso. 
 
 "During the action," says Admiral Farragut, in his 
 later years, " I was, like ' Paddy in the Catharpins,' a man 
 on occasions. I performed the duties of Captain's aid, 
 quarter-gunner, powder-boy, and, in fact, did everything 
 that was required of me. I shall never forget the hor- 
 rible impression made upon me at the sight of the first 
 man I had ever seen killed. He was a boatswain's mate, 
 
ESSEX, PHGEBE AND CHERUB. 501 
 
 and was fearfully mutilated. It staggered and sickened 
 me at first, but they soon began to fall around me so fast 
 that it all appeared like a dream, and produced no effect 
 upon my nerves. I can remember well, while I was stand- 
 ing near the Captain, just abaft the main-mast, a shot came 
 through the water-ways and glanced upward, killing four 
 men who were standing by the side of a gun, taking the 
 last one in the head, and scattering his brains over both 
 of us. But this awful sieht did not affect me half as much 
 as the death of the first poor fellow. I neither thought 
 of nor noticed anything but the working of the guns." 
 
 During the action Midshipman Farragut was knocked 
 down a ladder by the body of a heavy man, who was 
 killed. Farragut was only bruised. 
 
 The Admiral also tells an amusing story of a fight he 
 had, on board the English frigate, after the action, when 
 they were taken on board, prisoners. He saw an English 
 midshipman who had captured a pet pig, called Murphy, 
 belonging to him, and he stoutly claimed it. The English 
 midshipman refused to surrender it, but his older mess- 
 mates told Farragut that if he licked the English mid- 
 shipman he should have his pig. A ring was formed, 
 and, encouraged by shouts, of "Go it! my little Yankee ! 
 if you can thrash Shorty you shall have your pig!" he 
 went in and licked the Englishman handsomely. 
 
502 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 XXXIV. 
 
 BATTLE OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN. SEPTEMBER 
 nTH, A. D. 1814. 
 
 HE battle of Lake Champlain, or Plattsburg, 
 as it is often called, was one of the most 
 important, in its results, of all fouglit during 
 the war with Great Britain which began 
 in 1812. 
 
 At the same time that the naval battle 
 was fought, the Americans, under General 
 Macomb, obtained a decided victory over 
 the British land forces, which had advanced, on the west 
 side of Lake Champlain, as far as Plattsburg. 
 
 Although Lake Champlain had been the scene of so 
 many important events in the previous wars on this 
 continent, two years of the "War of 1812" elapsed 
 before anything of importance occurred there. Nor 
 would it have then been the scene of any stirring event, 
 if English military men had been capable of learning 
 anything from previous operations there. 
 
 Towards the end of 1814 large reinforcements had 
 arrived in Canada, from England, and an army of twelve 
 or fifteen thousand men was collected in the vicinity of 
 Montreal. 
 
 With this force the enemy intended an invasion of the 
 northern counties of New York; undeterred by the fate 
 of General Burgoyne, whose route, practically, they 
 intended to follow. 
 
BATTLE OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN. 503 
 
 In spite of the obstinacy and stupidity of the English 
 military mind during these operations, many people have 
 supposed that this expedition was not intended to be 
 pushed very fai \nto a country much more capable of 
 resistance than in Burgoyne's time, but that the officers 
 were probably directed to penetrate as far as Crown 
 Point and Ticonderoga, perhaps with a view to attempts 
 at further conquests in the spring. 
 
 Some thought that they hoped to reach Albany ; a 
 measure that would have involved the loss of their 
 whole force, as double the number of men could hardly 
 have accomplished such a feat in Burgoyne's time, 
 through a sparsely settled country. 
 
 It is altogether probable that they intended to occupy 
 a portion of the frontier, in the expectation of turning 
 the occupation to account in the negotiations which were 
 known to be impending ; as the English Commissioners 
 soon after advanced a claim which would have the effect 
 of driving the Americans back from their ancient boun- 
 daries, with a view to leaving to Great Britain the entire 
 possession of the lakes. 
 
 In such an expedition as this, with Canada as a base, 
 the command of Champlain became of great importance, 
 as it flanked the march of the invading army for more 
 than a hundred miles, and offered great facilities for 
 forwarding supplies, as well as for annoyance and 
 defence. 
 
 Until the year 1814 neither nation had had a force of 
 any moment on Lake Champlain ; but the Americans 
 had built a ship and a schooner, during the previous 
 winter and spring. When it was found that the enemy 
 had serious intentions, both by water and by land, the 
 keel of a brig was laid, and a number of " row-galleys," 
 or gun-boats, were also constructed. 
 
504 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 During this period the English were not idle. In 
 addition to several small vessels they already possessed 
 on these waters, they built a brig, and, 9S soon as she was 
 in frame, laid the keel of a ship. The latter vessel was 
 to be of the greatest force and size possible for those 
 waters, and great care was taken to make her so. 
 The American brig, which was called the Eagle, was 
 launched about the middle of August, and the English 
 ship, which was called the Confiance, on the 25th of the 
 same month. As the English army was already collect- 
 ing on the frontier, the utmost exertions were made by 
 both sides, and each ship appeared on the lake as she 
 was got ready. 
 
 Captain Thomas McDonough, who commanded the 
 American naval force, was an officer who, though young, 
 had repeatedly distinguished himself since he had entered 
 the service, in the year 1800, being appointed from the 
 State of Delaware. 
 
 McDonough got out on the lake a few days before 
 his adversary, and as cruising, in the ordinary sense of 
 the term, was impossible upon such a long and narrow 
 body of water, the American Captain advanced as far as 
 Plattsburg, the point selected for the defence against the 
 invaders, and anchored, on the 3d of September, on the 
 flank of the American troops, which occupied entrench- 
 ments at that place. 
 
 Previously to this the English had made an attempt to 
 sink a vessel in the mouth of the Otter Creek, to prevent 
 the Americans from getting their vessels out, but they 
 were beaten off. Otter Creek is some distance down the 
 lake, on the Vermont side. 
 
 About this time Sir George Prevost, the English Com- 
 mander-in-chief, advanced against Plattsburg, then held 
 by Brigadier General Macomb. The latter had only 
 
BATTLE OF LAKE CHAMPLAIK. 505 
 
 fifteen hundred men fit for duty, while Sir Geo. Prevost's 
 army was estimated at twelve thousand. 
 
 Prevost s army was divided into four brigades, which 
 were commanded by Lieutenant General De Rottenbercr 
 Major Generals Brisbane, Power and Robinson, and 
 Major General Baynes was Adjutant General. 
 
 With this formidably officered force Sir George Pre- 
 vost advanced slowly down the right shore of the lake, 
 waiting for the flotilla to get ready and to appear on his 
 left flank. 
 
 From the 7th to the 1 1 th of August the American 
 skirmishers and scouts kept the English advance well 
 upon the alert, while the latter were engaged in bringing 
 up their battering trains, stores and reinforcements. 
 Some fighting took place amongst detached bodies, on 
 shore, but no move was made upon the water. 
 
 Cooper will be chiefly followed in the account of the 
 battle which took place upon the lake, although Roose- 
 velt does even more justice to McDonough than Cooper 
 does. Like Cooper, too, Roosevelt ranks McDonough as 
 much higher in the scale of ability, as a naval commander, 
 than Perry, the commander on Lake Erie, while in regard 
 to courage and conduct under fire, their claims are 
 undoubtedly equal. 
 
 The English naval Captain, Downie, late in command 
 of the Montreal, on Lake Ontario, had been sent by Sir 
 James Yeo, the British naval Commander-in-chief, to 
 take the command on Lake Champlain. He came, with 
 the express understanding that he was not to come out 
 until he considered his vessels ready. 
 
 In one sense, neither the English nor the American 
 vessels were in a very forward state of preparation. The 
 largest English vessel had been in the water but sixteen 
 days when she was brought into action. The second vessel 
 
506 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 in size of the Americans had been launched but thirty days 
 when she was fought in the battle. In point of fact, the 
 American Eagle was ready for service but eight days 
 before the English Confiance. As all these vessels had 
 little need of the stores supplied to a sea-going ship, and 
 as the action between them was fought at anchor, they 
 were, really, not much more than floating batteries. 
 
 But to illustrate the difficulties under which naval opera- 
 tions in those parts were carried on, we may say that 
 when Captain McDonough first arrived, to build and fit 
 out a squadron, he was so short of skilled seamen that he 
 was obliged to turn to and strop blocks, and do other 
 seaman's work, with his own hands. 
 
 Ready-witted Yankee landsmen soon learned to do a 
 great deal, and after a time, seamen, in small numbers, 
 were procured, such as had seen powder burnt. 
 
 On the 6th of September Captain McDonough ordered 
 his galleys to the head of Plattsburg Bay, to annoy the 
 British land forces, which they cannonaded for two hours. 
 The wind then came on to blow a gale, which menaced 
 the galleys with shipwreck, and they were ordered to 
 retire. The boat which carried the order was in charge 
 of a midshipman named Duncan, and it is supposed the 
 enemy thought McDonough himself was in the boat, 
 about to join the galleys, for they concentrated a fire upon 
 it, and Mr. Duncan was severely wounded, losing an arm. 
 
 The general direction of Lake Champlain is north and 
 south, but, at a point called Cumberland Head, in coming 
 south, the land bends north again, forming Plattsburg 
 Bay, which is a deep indentation of the shore, that leaves 
 a basin open to the southward, and which, consequently, 
 lies nearly parallel to the main lake. The east side of 
 this bay is protected by the long, narrow neck of land that 
 terminates in Cumberland Head. Its bottom, or northern 
 
BATTLE OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN. 507 
 
 end, and its western shore, are encircled by the main land, 
 while to the southward and eastward is the entrance. 
 Near the centre of the western shore the Saranac enters 
 the bay, and on both banks of that river stands the town 
 of Plattsburor 
 
 About a mile and a half from Cumberland Head, in a 
 southwesterly direction, and quite near the western shore, 
 is an extensive shoal and a small, low island, which com- 
 mands the approach to the bay in that direction. 
 
 At this spot, called Crab Island, the naval hospital was 
 established, and a one-gun battery erected. 
 
 Captain McDonough had chosen an anchorage a little 
 south of the outlet of the Saranac. His vessels lay in a 
 line parallel to the shore, extending north and south, and 
 distant from the western shore nearly two miles. The 
 last vessel to the southward was so near the shoal as to 
 prevent the English from passing that end of the line, 
 while all the American vessels lay out so much toward 
 Cumberland Head that they brought the enemy within 
 reach of carronades, should he enter the bay on that side. 
 
 The Eagle, Captain Henley, lay at the northern 
 extremity of the American line, and what might, during 
 the battle which followed, have been called its head ; the 
 wind being to the northward and eastward. The Saratoga, 
 Captain McDonough' s own vessel, was second ; the 
 Ticonderoga, Lieutenant Commanding Cassin, the third ; 
 and the Preble, Lieutenant Budd, last. The Preble lay a 
 little further south than the pitch of Cumberland Head. 
 
 The first of the vessels just mentioned was a brig of 
 twenty guns and 1 50 men, all told ; the second, a ship of 
 twenty-six guns, and 212 men ; the third, a schooner of 
 seventeen guns, and no men; and the last, a sloop of 
 seven guns and 30 men. 
 
 The metal of all these vessels, as well as of those of the 
 
508 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 enemy, was unusually heavy, there being no swell in the 
 lake to make a heavy armament dangerous. 
 
 The Saratoga mounted eight long 24s, six 42s, and 
 twelve 32-pound carronades. The Eagle had eight long 
 1 8s, and twelve 32-pound carronades. The Ticonderoga 
 had four long 18s, eight long 12s, and four ^2-pound 
 carronades, beside one 1 8-pound columbiad. The Preble 
 had seven long 9s. 
 
 In addition to these four vessels, the Americans had ten 
 galleys or gun-boats — six large and four small. Each 
 of the large ones mounted a long 24 and an eighteen- 
 pound columbiad, while the smaller ones had each a 
 long 12. 
 
 The galleys had, on an average, about thirty-five men 
 each. 
 
 The total force of the Americans consisted, therefore, 
 of fourteen vessels, of all classes, mounting 102 guns, and 
 containing about eight hundred and fifty men, including 
 officers, and a small detachment of soldiers, who did duty 
 as marines, none of that corps having been sent to Lake 
 Champlain. 
 
 To complete his order of battle, Captain McDonough 
 directed two of the galleys to keep in shore, and a little to 
 windward of the Eagle, to sustain the head of the line. 
 One or two more were to lie opposite to the interval 
 between the Eagle and the Saratoga ; a few opposite the 
 interval between the Saratoga and Ticonderoga ; and two 
 opposite the interval between the Ticonderoga and the 
 Preble. If any order had been given to cover the rear of 
 the line it was not carried out. 
 
 The Americans were, consequently, formed in two lines, 
 distant from each other about forty yards, the large vessels 
 at anchor, and the galleys under their sweeps. Owing to 
 the latter circumstance, the inner line soon got to be very 
 
BATTLE OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN. 509 
 
 irregular, " some of the galleys pressing boldly forward, 
 while others were less impelled by the ardor of their 
 commanders," which is certainly a good way of putting it. 
 
 The known force of the enemy was materially greater 
 than that of the Americans. 
 
 The largest English vessel, the Confiance, commanded 
 by Captain Downie in person, had the gun-deck of a 
 heavy frigate, and mounted on it an armament of thirty 
 long 24s. 
 
 She had a spacious top-gallant-forecastle, and a poop 
 which came as far as the mizzen-mast. On her forecastle 
 she mounted one long 24, on a circle, and four heavy carron- 
 ades ; and on the poop, two heavy carronades, making an 
 armament of thirty-seven guns, in all. Her complement 
 of men is supposed to have been more than three 
 hundred. 
 
 The next vessel of the enemy was the Linnet, a brig of 
 sixteen long 12s, with a crew of about one hundred men. 
 
 They had two sloops ; the Chubb and the Finch. The 
 first carried ten 18-pound carronades, and one long 6; 
 the second six 1 8-pound carronades, one 1 8-pound colum- 
 biad, and four long 6s. Each of these sloops had about 
 forty men. 
 
 To these four vessels were added a force of galleys, or 
 gun-boats, in number, either twelve or thirteen ; Captain 
 McDonough gives the latter number ; Captain Downie, 
 the former. Thus, Downie's whole force consisted of 
 sixteen or seventeen vessels, mounting, in all, one hundred 
 and fifteen or sixteen guns, and manned by about one 
 thousand men. 
 
 On the third of September the British gun-boats sailed 
 from Isle aux Noix, to cover the left flank of their army, 
 then marching on Plattsburg. The boats were under the 
 orders of Captain Pring, and on the 4th that officer took 
 
510 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 possession of Isle aux Motte, where he constructed a 
 battery, and landed some stores for the troops. 
 
 On the 8th, Captain Downie arrived, with the four large 
 English vessels, and remained at anchor until the nth. 
 At daylight of that day the whole force weighed anchor 
 and proceeded, in a body. 
 
 The American guard-boat pulled in, soon after sunrise, 
 and announced the approach of the enemy. As the wind 
 was fair — a good working breeze from the northeast — 
 the English came down the lake rapidly, and Captain 
 McDonough ordered the ships cleared for action, and 
 preparations made to fight at anchor. 
 
 Eight bells were struck in the American squadron as the 
 upper sails of the British vessels were seen passing along 
 the neck of land in the main lake, on their way to double 
 Cumberland Head, in order to enter the bay. They had 
 the wind a little on the port quarter, the booms of their 
 small vessels swinging out to starboard. The Finch led, 
 followed by the Confiance, Linnet and Chubb, while the 
 gunboats, which, like those of the Americans, each carried 
 two latine sails, followed without much order ; keeping 
 just clear of the shore. 
 
 The first vessel which came round the head was a sloop, 
 which is reported to have carried a company of amateurs, 
 and which took no part in the engagement. She kept 
 well to leeward, standing down towards Crab Island, and 
 was soon lost to observation in the events which followed. 
 It is this vessel, undoubtedly, which has made the differ- 
 ence in the numbers of the enemy reported by the two 
 commanders. 
 
 The Finch came round next ; and soon after the other 
 large vessels of the enemy opened from behind the land, 
 and hauled by the wind, in a line abreast ; lying to until 
 their galleys could join. The latter proceeded to leeward 
 
BATTLE OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN. 511 
 
 and formed in the same manner as the larger vessels. 
 The two squadrons were now in plain view of each other, 
 and distant about three miles. 
 
 As soon as their gun-boats were in their stations, and 
 the different commanders had received their orders, the 
 English filled away, on the starboard tack, and headed in 
 towards the American vessels, in a line abreast — the 
 Chubb to windward and the Finch to leeward — most of 
 their gunboats being to leeward of the Finch. The 
 movements of the latter vessel had been a little singular 
 ever since she led round the Head— for she is said not to 
 have hove to, as the rest did, but to have run off with the 
 wind, halfway to Crab Island, then to have tacked, and 
 got into her station after the other vessels had filled. 
 
 This movement was either to reconnoitre, or to menace 
 the American rear. 
 
 The enemy were now standing in, close-hauled, the 
 Chubb looking well to windward of the Eagle, the vessel 
 which lay at the head of the American line. The Linnet 
 was laying her course for the head of the same vessel ; 
 and the Confiance was intending to fetch far enough 
 ahead of the Saratoga to lay that ship athwart hawse. 
 The Finch, with the gun-boats, was standing for the 
 Ticonderoga and Preble. 
 
 Captain McDonough had taken up his anchorage with 
 the eye of a seaman. As has been said, his line could not 
 be doubled, on account of the shoal ; there was not room 
 to anchor on his broadside out of reach of his carronades, 
 which formed so large a part of his armament ; and in 
 order to close, it was necessary, let the wind blow as it 
 might, to stand in upon his vessels bows on. This was 
 an experiment not rashly to be attempted ; yet the English, 
 accustomed to see it succeed in their European contests, 
 did not hesitate to adopt it on this occasion, most 
 
512 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 probably presuming upon their knowledge of the large 
 proportion of short guns in their adversaries' vessels. 
 
 The Americans were, as a matter of course, anchored 
 with springs. But, not content with this, McDonough 
 had laid a kedge broad off on each bow of the Saratoga, 
 and brought their hawsers in upon the two quarters, 
 letting them hang in bights under the water. This timely 
 precaution really gained him the victory. 
 
 As the enemy filled away the American vessels sprung 
 their broadsides to bear, and then, for a few minutes, the 
 solemn silence which always prevails before a naval 
 action, in a well-disciplined ship, was only broken by the 
 footsteps of the vigilant officers. 
 
 Suddenly the Eagle fired, in quick succession, the four 
 long- eighteens in broadside. In clearing the decks of 
 the Saratoga some hen-coops were thrown overboard, 
 and the poultry turned out, to run at large about the 
 decks. Startled by the reports of these guns, a young 
 cock flew upon a gun-slide, clapped his wings, and 
 crowed. 
 
 At this animating sound the men spontaneously gave 
 three cheers. This little incident relieved the solemn 
 time which elapsed between preparation and combat, and 
 had an especially powerful influence over the seamen — so 
 apt to be swayed by signs and omens. 
 
 Although the enemy's galleys now opened fire, 
 McDonough refrained from giving the order to reply, 
 for it was evident that the Eagle's guns, which continued 
 to try the range, did not yet reach. As soon, however, 
 as it was seen that her shot told, McDonough himself 
 sighted a long twenty-four, and the gun was fired. The 
 shot struck the Confiance near her hawse-hole, and passed 
 the whole length of her deck, killing and wounding 
 several men, and carrying away her wheel. It was the 
 
BATTLE OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN. 513 
 
 signal for the Americans to open with all their long guns, 
 under which the English flag-ship especially suffered. 
 
 Still they steadily held their course, in the most gallant 
 manner, confident that if they could once get their ships 
 into the desired position, the great weight of metal of the 
 Confiance would decide the fortune of the day. 
 
 But he had over-estimated his own powers of endurance, 
 and, probably, under-estimated the force of the Americans. 
 The anchors of the Confiance were hanging by the 
 stoppers, in readiness to let go, and her port bower was 
 soon cut away by shot, as well as a spare anchor in the 
 port fore-chains. In short, after a long endurance of a 
 galling fire from the Americans, the wind began to baffle, 
 and Captain Downie found himself obliged to anchor 
 while still distant a quarter of a mile from the American 
 line. The helm of the Confiance was put a-port ; the 
 ship shot into the wind, and a kedge was let go, while the 
 ship took a sheer, and brought up with her starboard 
 bower. In doing this her kedge was fouled, and became 
 of no use. In coming to, her halliards were let run, and 
 she hauled up her courses. 
 
 At this time the Linnet and the Chubb were still 
 standing in, further to the westward, and the former, 
 when her guns bore, fired a broadside at the Saratoga. 
 The Linnet soon after anchored somewhat nearer than 
 the Confiance ; getting an excellent position, forward ol 
 the Eagle's beam. 
 
 The Chubb kept under way, intending, if possible, to 
 rake the American line. The Finch, by means of her 
 sweeps, got abreast of the Ticonderoga, and was sup- 
 ported by the gun-boats. 
 
 The English vessels came to in very handsome style, 
 and, although the whole American line was now firing, 
 the Confiance did not discharge a single gun until she 
 33 
 
514 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 was secured. As soon as this was done her battery was 
 manned, and her side appeared one sheet of flame, as 
 she fired her whole broadside at once, mostly at the 
 Saratoga. The effect of this broadside, from sixteen long 
 24s, double-shotted, in perfectly smooth water, at point 
 blank range, and coolly sighted, was terrible for the little 
 ship which received it. Half her crew were prostrated, 
 although many were knocked down who had received no 
 real injury, but about forty men, or near one fifth of her 
 complement were either killed or wounded, on board the 
 Saratoga, by this one broadside. The hatches had been 
 covered, as usual, but the decks were so encumbered by 
 the bodies that it was found necessary to take off the 
 gratings, and pass them below. For a moment the men 
 seemed appalled, but then .they resumed their fire as 
 gallantly as ever. Among the killed by this broadside 
 was Mr. Gamble, her First Lieutenant. He was on his 
 knees, sighting the bow-gun, when a shot entered the 
 port, split the quoin, drove a portion of it against his 
 chest, and laid him dead, without breaking the skin. 
 
 Captain Downie was, a few moments later, killed by 
 an American shot, without breaking- the skin, as a dis- 
 mounted gun struck him in the groin. 
 
 By the loss of Mr. Gamble but one lieutenant, and he 
 an acting one, was left in the Saratoga. On the part of 
 the principal vessels the battle now settled into a steady, 
 animated, but, as guns were injured, a gradually decreas- 
 ing cannonade. The Chubb, while manoeuvring near 
 the head of the American line, received a broadside from 
 the Eagle, which crippled her, and she drifted down 
 between the opposing vessels, until near the Saratoga, 
 which ship fired a shot into her, and she immediately 
 struck. A midshipman was sent in a boat, to take pos- 
 session. The young officer hove the prize a line, and 
 
BATTLE OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN. 515 
 
 towed her down astern and inshore of the Saratoga; 
 anchoring her near the mouth of the Saranac. 
 
 This first success occurred within a quarter of an hour 
 after the enemy had anchored, and afforded great en- 
 couragement toourpeople ; although they well knewthaton 
 the heavily armed Confiance depended the fate of the day. 
 The Chubb had suffered much, and nearly half her ship's 
 company had been killed or wounded. 
 
 After about an hour's fighting, the Finch was also 
 driven out of her station by the Ticonderoga, and, being 
 crippled, she drifted down upon Crab Island Shoal, where! 
 after receiving a shot or two from the gun mounted in 
 battery, she struck, and was taken possession of by the 
 invalids from the hospital. 
 
 At the end of the line the British galleys early made 
 every effort to come to close action, and soon after the 
 Finch had drifted away they forced the Preble out of the 
 American line, that vessel cutting her cable, and shifting 
 her anchorage to a station considerably inshore, where she 
 rendered no more service that day. 
 
 The rear of the American line was certainly its weakest 
 point ; and having compelled the little Preble to retreat, 
 the enemy's galleys immediately attacked the vessel which 
 was next ahead in t«he line, the Ticonderoga. 
 
 This schooner was not only more powerful than the 
 Preble, but she was nobly fought by Lieutenant Cassin, 
 her commander, who coolly walked the taffrail, where he 
 could watch the movements of the enemy's galleys, amidst 
 showers of canister and grape. 
 
 He fired, in return, bags of musket balls, and other light 
 missiles, which kept the British gun-boats at a respectful 
 distance. Many of the latter were very gallantly fought, 
 and several times approached quite near, with the evident 
 intention of boarding, but the steadiness of the Ticon- 
 
516 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 deroga's fire beat them back, and completely covered 
 the rear of the line for the rest of the day. So desperate 
 were some of the attacks that the galleys got up within 
 boat-hook's length of the schooner. 
 
 While the fight was thus progressing in the rear of the 
 American line, the other extremity was suffering severely. 
 The English vessel, the Linnet, had a capital position, 
 and was most admirably fought, while the Eagle (which 
 received all her fire and part of that of the Confiance), 
 having had her springs shot away, found herself so situated 
 as to be unable to bring her guns fairly to bear upon 
 either of her opponents. Captain Henley had, previous 
 to the engagement, hoisted his top-sail yards, with the sails 
 stoppered, to the mast-heads. He now cut his cable, 
 sheeted home his top-sails, cast the brig, and ran down and 
 anchored by the stern, between the Saratoga and Ticon- 
 deroga, necessarily a little inshore of both. Here he used 
 his port battery, which was fresh, upon the Confiance 
 and the gun-boats. But this movement left the Saratoga 
 exposed to nearly the whole fire of the Linnet, which brig 
 now sprung her broadside so as to partially rake the 
 American ship. 
 
 Soon after this important change at the head of the line 
 the fire of the two ships began to materially diminish, 
 as gun after gun became disabled. The Saratoga, in 
 particular, had all her long guns disabled by shot ; while 
 most of her carronades were dismounted, either from the 
 enemy's fire, or from a disposition in the men to over- 
 charge them, which the paucity of officers rendered it 
 difficult to prevent. At length, but a single carronade 
 remained in the starboard battery, and on firing it, the 
 navel-bolt broke, and the over-heated and over-charged 
 gun not only flew off the carriage, but down the main 
 hatch. 
 
BATTLE OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN. 517 
 
 This left the ship of the American commanding officer, 
 in the middle of the action, without an available gun. The 
 only thing to be done was to immediately attempt to wind 
 the ship. 
 
 A stream anchor which was suspended astern was let 
 go. The men then clapped on the hawser that led to the 
 starboard quarter, and brought the ship's stern up over 
 the kedge ; but here she hung, there not being sufficient 
 wind or current to force her bows round. A line had 
 been bent to the bight in the stream cable, with a view to 
 help wind the ship, and she now rode by the kedge, and 
 this line, with her stern exposed to the steady and well 
 directed fire of the Linnet. The port battery having been 
 manned, Captain McDonough ordered all the men from 
 the guns, where they were uselessly suffering, and sent 
 them forward. By rowsing on the line, the ship was at 
 length got so far round that the port aftermost gun 
 would bear upon the Confiance, and it was instantly 
 manned, and began to fire. The next gun was used in 
 the same manner ; but it was soon apparent that the ship 
 could be got no further round, for she was nearly end on 
 to the wind. At this critical moment Mr. Brum, the 
 Master, thought of the hawser which had been led to the 
 port quarter before the action commenced. It was got 
 forward, under the bows, and passed aft to the starboard 
 quarter, when the ship's stern was immediately sprung 
 to the westward, so as to bring all her port guns to bear 
 on the English ship with immense effect. 
 
 As soon as the preparations to wind the Saratoga were 
 made, the Confiance attempted to perform the same 
 evolution. Her springs were hauled on, but they merely 
 forced the ship ahead ; and, having borne the fresh broad- 
 side of the American until she had scarcely a gun with 
 which to return the fire, and failing in all her efforts to gel 
 
518 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 round, her commanding officer lowered his flag, about 
 two hours and a quarter after the commencement of the 
 action. 
 
 By hauling again upon the starboard hawser, the Sara- 
 toga's broadside was immediately sprung to bear upon the 
 Linnet, which brig struck, in about fifteen minutes after 
 her consort. 
 
 At this moment, the enemy's galleys had been driven 
 back nearly or quite half a mile. They were irregularly 
 scattered, and setting fast to leeward, while they kept up 
 only a desultory firing. As soon as they found the large 
 vessels had submitted, they ceased firing, and lowered 
 their colors ; and not a single British ensign was left 
 flying in the bay, out of the sixteen or seventeen which 
 had entered it so gallantly less than three hours before. 
 
 Although this action was fought at anchor, it may be 
 truly said that it was won as much by seamanship as by 
 downright hard fighting. 
 
 The foregoing account, as has been said, is taken prin- 
 cipally from Cooper, whose account of this action is 
 acknowledged, on all sides, to be entirely impartial ; while 
 many capable persons have found fault with his account 
 of Perry's victory on Lake Erie. 
 
 In the long and bloody conflict of Plattsburg the Sara- 
 toga had twenty-eight killed and twenty-nine wounded ; 
 or more than one-fourth of all on board. The Eaode had 
 thirteen killed and twenty wounded ; about the same 
 proportionate loss. The Ticonderoga had six killed and 
 six wounded. The Preble had two killed. The Saratoga 
 was hulled fifty-five times, and the Eagle thirty-nine times. 
 
 After the first destructive fire of the broadside of the 
 Confiance, her fire became less formidable, the shot 
 passing higher at each discharge. By her second broad- 
 side nearly all the hammocks in the Saratoga's nettings 
 
BATTLE OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN. 519 
 
 were cut to pieces ; and it was seen, as the battle advanced, 
 that the English shot cut the standing rigging further and 
 further from the deck. 
 
 Few men were hurt, after the first fire, by anything but 
 grape, or by the shot of the well-fought Linnet. This 
 was a curious fact, considering the smooth water, and the 
 ships being always at the same distance. The American 
 officers came to the conclusion that the enemy had levelled 
 his guns to point blank range, and that the quoins were 
 not properly replaced, after each discharge had loosened 
 them. 
 
 When the Confiance made her abortive attempt to 
 wind, her decks were in great confusion, and after the 
 battle, when the charges of her guns were drawn, one 
 gun was found with a canvas bag, holding two round-shot, 
 rammed home and wadded, without any powder ; another 
 with two cartridges and no shot ; and a third with a' wad 
 below the cartridee. 
 
 According to the report of the Captain of the Linnet, 
 dated September 1 2th, the Confiance lost forty-one killed 
 and forty wounded. At a later date the English them- 
 selves stated the number of her wounded at 83. This 
 included the slightly hurt, no doubt ; and would make her 
 total loss one hundred and twenty-four ; and that number 
 was thought to be short of the truth. 
 
 The Linnet is reported to have had ten killed and four- 
 teen wounded ; the Chubb six killed and ten wounded ;. 
 while the Finch was reported by the English to have had 
 but two men wounded. No American official report of 
 the casualties on board the English vessels was ever given, 
 or at least published, nor was any report, of any kind, 
 given, of the loss in the English galleys, which were well 
 up, during the action, and must have suffered severely. 
 
 As soon as the Linnet struck a Lieutenant was sent to 
 
520 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 take possession of the Confiance. She was found to be 
 in a much worse condition than her special opponent, the 
 Saratoga. The Confiance had been hulled one hundred 
 and five times, had nearly if not quite half her people 
 killed and wounded, and her battery entirely disabled. 
 
 As the boarding officer was passing along the deck of the 
 prize he accidentally ran against a lock-string, and thereby 
 fired one of the Confiance's starboard guns, which sent its 
 shot towards Cumberland Head. Up to this moment the 
 English galleys had been slowly drifting to leeward, with 
 their colors down, apparently waiting to be taken posses- 
 sion of; but at the discharge of the gun, which they 
 appear to have understood as a signal, one or two of 
 them began to move slowly off, and were soon after 
 followed by the others, each pulling very few sweeps. It 
 appears that they did not hoist their colors again. 
 
 Captain McDonougdi made signal for the American 
 galleys to follow ; but it was found that their men were 
 needed at the pumps of the larger vessels, to keep them 
 from sinkinor the water beino- found over the berth-deck 
 
 o' o 
 
 of the Linnet. The signal to chase was then revoked. 
 
 As there was not a mast amono- the larger vessels 
 which would bear any canvas, the English galleys escaped, 
 going off, at first, slowly and irregularly, as if distrusting 
 their own liberty. 
 
 The turning point in the action just described was the 
 winding of the Saratoga, so successfully accomplished, 
 and next in importance was the defence of the rear of the 
 line by the Ticonderoga, under Lieutenant Cassin. Once 
 or twice the nearest vessels thought his vessel in flames, in 
 consequence of the awful rapidity of her fire. 
 
 The Saratoga was twice on fire, from hot shot thrown 
 from the Confiance, and her spanker was nearly con- 
 
BATTLE OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN. 521 
 
 sumed. The English flag-ship had a party of artillerists 
 on board and a furnace for heating- hot shot. 
 
 Captain McDonough, whose reputation as an accom- 
 plished officer was before high, gained a great accession of 
 reputation from this day's proceedings. His disposition 
 for receiving the attack was highly judicious and seaman- 
 like. By the manner in which he anchored his vessels, 
 with the shoals so near the rear of his line as to cover that 
 extremity, and the land of Cumberland Head so near his 
 broadside as necessarily to bring the enemy within reach 
 of his carronades, he made all his force completely avail- 
 able. The English were not quite near enough to give to 
 carronades their full effect, but this disadvantage was un- 
 avoidable, the assailing party having, of course, the choice 
 of the distance. 
 
 "The personal deportment of Captain McDonough in 
 this engagement was the subject of general admiration 
 in his little squadron. His coolness was undisturbed, 
 throughout all the trying scenes on board his own ship, 
 and, although lying against a vessel of double the force 
 and nearly double the tonnage of the Saratoga, he met 
 and resisted her attack with a constancy that seemed to 
 set defeat at defiance." The winding of the Saratoga, 
 under such circumstances, exposed, as she was, to the 
 raking fire of the Confiance and Linnet, especially the 
 latter, was a bold, seamanlike, and masterly measure, that 
 required unusual decision and fortitude to imagine and 
 execute. 
 
 Most men would have believed that, without a single 
 gun on the side engaged, a fourth of their people cut 
 down, and their ship a wreck, enough injury had been 
 received to justify submission ; but McDonough found 
 the means to secure a victory, even in the desperate 
 situation of the Saratoga. 
 
522 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 Captain Downie's personal conduct and gallantry were 
 beyond censure, yet the prudence and the nautical merits 
 of his mode of attack have been much censured. 
 
 The Confiance had been built in so short a time, and by 
 exertions so great, as to put it out of the power of the 
 Americans to construct a vessel of her size in sufficient 
 season to meet her, and it would be accusing the enemy 
 of imbecility to suppose that, after the known result of 
 many combats, he had not made his vessel of ample force 
 to ensure victory. 
 
 Few naval men will deny that a ship with the gun-deck 
 dimensions, metal and battery of a 44, ought to have been 
 fully equal, at least, to contend with two such vessels 
 as the Saratoga and Eagle. This admitted, it follows 
 that Downie had much the superior force. 
 
 The plan of the campaign that was destroyed by this 
 defeat ; the high objects in view ; the fact that the English 
 were the assailants, and that they could not but know the 
 force they were to attack, together with all the attendant 
 circumstances, were so many assurances that the battle of 
 Plattsburg Bay was fought, on the part of the enemy, with 
 a confidence of victory only justified by this known 
 advantage. The very name given to their largest ship 
 was a pledge to this effect. 
 
 Sir James Yeo, whose command extended to Lake 
 Champlain, complained that Captain Downie had been 
 hurried into action by the Governor General, before he 
 was prepared ; but he did not complain of an insufficiency 
 of force. That Downie went into action before his own 
 crew and vessel had been long subject to drill and' 
 preparation, is true ; but McDonough was laboring under 
 precisely the same disadvantage. 
 
 These are the incidents and drawbacks peculiar to 
 
BATTLE OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN. 523 
 
 sudden enterprises, and they must be met by the resources 
 of true seamen. 
 
 The Constitution took the Guerriere with a crew that 
 had been acting together but little more than a month ; 
 and she was manoeuvring before the English squadron, 
 off New York — a much more delicate business — within 
 five days of the time that a large proportion of her crew 
 had joined her. 
 
 Captain Downie's professional character, as well as his 
 published declarations, prove that he considered the 
 Confiance ready to meet an enemy. Sir James Yeo, 
 with greater reason than he had for his former complaint, 
 said that Captain Downie stood square into the bay to 
 make his attack — and by this exposed himself to a raking 
 fire, which, no doubt, contributed to the loss of the day. 
 
 The leading into a hostile squadron bows on had 
 frequently been practiced by the English in European 
 waters, with comparative impunity. But it was an 
 eminently hazardous experiment to make under the guns 
 of an American man-of-war. Still, Downie's bearing 
 was highly gallant, and assuring to his ships' companies. 
 The weatherly position he attained was much in his favor ; 
 and, judging from the force of his own vessel, could he 
 have got the berth he aimed at, there is great reason to 
 think he would have been successful. That he was foiled, 
 must be attributed to the immovable steadiness, coo] 
 deliberation, and admirable fire of the people he assailed. 
 
 Although many of the American officers were wounded, 
 but two commissioned officers were killed. These were 
 Mr. Gamble, whose death has already been alluded to ; 
 and Mr. Stansbury, the first lieutenant of the Ticon- 
 deroga. 
 
 Mr. Stansbury suddenly disappeared from the bulwarks, 
 forward, while superintending some duty with the springs. 
 
524. NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 Two days after the action his body rose to the surface, 
 near his own ship, and it was found to have been cut in 
 two by a round shot. 
 
 Many officers were knocked down, during the engage- 
 ment, without having blood drawn. At one moment there 
 was a cry on board the Saratoga, that Captain McDonough 
 was killed. He was lying on his face, on the quarter-deck, 
 nearly senseless, and it was two or three minutes before 
 he recovered. During most of the action he sighted a 
 favorite gun, and, while bending his body to sight it, a 
 shot cut the spanker boom in two, letting the spar fall 
 upon his back, a blow which might easily have proved 
 fatal. 
 
 In a few minutes the cry that "the Commodore" was 
 killed was again heard. This time McDonough was 
 lying on the deck, between two guns, covered with blood, 
 and again nearly senseless. A shot had driven the head 
 of the captain of his favorite gun in upon him, and 
 knocked him into the scuppers. He soon recovered, as 
 the blood turned out to be that of the unfortunate man. 
 
 Mr. Brum, the Master, a venerable old seaman, while 
 engaged in winding the ship, had a large splinter driven 
 so near his body that it actually stripped off his clothing. 
 He was thought to be dead, but soon recovered, regained 
 his feet, and, making an apron of his pocket-handkerchief, 
 coolly went to work again at the springs. 
 
 A few months after the battle this veteran died ; as it 
 was thought, from the injury. 
 
 Lieutenant Vallette had a shot-box on which he was 
 standing, knocked from under his feet ; and he, also, was 
 once knocked down by the head of a seaman, and at 
 about the same time received a severe splinter wound. 
 
 In short, very few escaped altogether ; and in this 
 desperate fight it appears to have been agreed, on both 
 
BATTLE OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN. 525 
 
 sides, to call no man wounded who could keep out of the 
 hospital. Mr. Smith, the First Lieutenant of the Eagle, 
 was severely wounded; but returned to his quarters, after 
 his wound was dressed. 
 
 On the part of the enemy, beside Captain Downie, 
 several officers were killed, and three or four were 
 wounded. 
 
 Beside the usual medal from Coneress for a successful 
 engagement, Captain McDonough received compliments 
 and gifts from several States, and was promoted. 
 
 The Legislature of New York presented him with a 
 small estate on Cumberland Head, which overlooked the 
 scene of his triumphs. 
 
 His officers and crews met with the customary 
 acknowledgments, and the country generally rated the 
 victory by the side of that of Lake Erie. 
 
 The Navy, best able to judge of all the circumstances, 
 has always placed the battle of Plattsburg Bay among the 
 very highest of its claims to glory. 
 
 The consequences of the victory were immediate, and 
 very important. 
 
 During the naval action, Sir Geo. Prevost had skirmished 
 in front of the American entrenchments, and was evidently 
 upon the point of bringing up his overwhelming force for 
 a more serious attack. As soon, however, as he ascer- 
 tained the fate of the British squadron, he made a precipi- 
 tate and most unmilitary retreat ; abandoning much of 
 his heavy artillery, stores, and supplies ; and from that 
 moment, till the end of the war, the northern frontier was 
 cleared of the enemy. 
 
 Commodore McDonough died, in 1825, of consumption, 
 at the age of 42, while in command of the Mediterranean 
 squadron, with his flag in the Constitution. 
 
526 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 XXXV. 
 
 CONSTITUTION IN ACTION WITH CYANE AND 
 LEVANT. 1815. 
 
 HIS remarkable action has always excited 
 great interest among naval men, on ac- 
 count of the nautical ability displayed by 
 Captain Stewart, and the very capital 
 manner in which his officers and men 
 seconded him, not only during the action 
 itself, but in his subsequent escape from 
 a superior force. 
 In the year 181 3, during the war with Great Britain, 
 the frigate Constitution (that favorite and most useful 
 ship, already celebrated for her capture of the Guerriere, 
 and for her remarkable escape from the pursuit of an 
 English squadron) was found to be so decayed as to 
 require extensive repairs. Her crew was therefore trans- 
 ferred to the Lakes, and when she was again ready for 
 sea, a new one was shipped for her, and Captain Stewart 
 was ordered to her command. 
 
 Charles Stewart was born in Philadelphia, in July, 1778. 
 Goine to sea in the merchant service at the a?e of thirteen, 
 he rose to the command of an East Indiaman while still 
 a youth. Upon the organization of the Navy, in 1 798, 
 he was appointed a Lieutenant. After seeing consider- 
 able active service in the West Indies, during which, in 
 command of the schooner Experiment, he captured three 
 French privateers, he went to the Mediterranean, in 1802, 
 
CONSTITUTION, CYANE AND LEVANT. 527 
 
 as first lieutenant of the Constellation. Here he saw- 
 service against Tripoli. The next year he had command 
 of the brig Syren, and convoyed the party, in the ketch 
 Intrepid, which destroyed the frigate Philadelphia. After 
 continued service against the Tripolitans he was named 
 the Senior Master Commandant, in 1804. Returning 
 home, he was promoted to Captain, and for some time 
 employed in New York in superintending the construction 
 of gun-boats, after which he returned to the merchant 
 service for several years. During the war of 181 2 he 
 commanded the Constellation and the Constitution. 
 
 After the war he was long and honorably employed, 
 both at sea and on shore, and was retired as Senior 
 Commodore, in 1856, at the age of 78. In 1862 
 he was made a Rear Admiral, on the Retired List He 
 died at Bordentown, New Jersey, November 6th, 1869, 
 aged 91, having been the senior officer of the Navy for 
 1 7 years, and having been 7 1 years in the service. 
 
 The repairs of the Constitution occupied so much time 
 that Stewart was not able to put to sea until the winter of 
 18 14, when he made a cruise down our Southern coast 
 and through the West Indies. 
 
 On her way from the Caribbean Sea she fell in with 
 and chased the Pique, an English 32, which escaped her 
 in the night ; but she soon after captured the English 
 man-of-war schooner Pictou, 14, and several merchantmen. 
 When the frigate arrived on the American coast she was 
 seen by two British frigates which were cruising in 
 company, and chased into Marblehead ; but shortly after 
 managed to get out again and reach Boston. 
 
 About the middle of December she left Boston on 
 another cruise and ran off to Bermuda, and thence to the 
 neighborhood of Lisbon. Not finding either an armed 
 
528 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 enemy or a valuable prize, she next went into the Bay of 
 Biscay, but with a like want of success. 
 
 Again she returned to the vicinity of Lisbon, and cruised 
 for some time in the very high road of commerce, but 
 only took one or two prizes, of very moderate value. 
 During this time she was in sight of the British ship 
 Elizabeth, 74, yet the state of wind and weather prevented 
 them from coming in collision. 
 
 Finding nothing to reward a further stay off Lisbon, 
 Captain Stewart, on the 20th of February, 18 15, ordered 
 the helm put up, and ran off, south-west, about sixty miles. 
 At one p. m. of that day a strange sail was seen on the 
 port bow, and the Constitution was hauled up two or three 
 points, and sail made, in chase. The stranger was 
 soon made out to be a ship ; and, half an hour later, a 
 second vessel was seen, further to leeward, which was 
 soon ascertained to be another ship. 
 
 The Constitution held her course, all three vessels 
 being upon a bowline, or close hauled, until 4 p. m., when 
 the nearest of the strange ships made a signal to the one 
 to leeward, and shortly after kept away and ran down 
 toward her consort, who was about eight miles to leeward. 
 
 No doubt was now entertained, on board the Constitu- 
 tion, that the strange sails were enemies. The nearest 
 ship had the appearance of a small frigate, and the vessel 
 to leeward that of a large sloop-of-war. 
 
 The first was seen to be carrying studding-sails on both 
 sides, while the second was running off under short 
 canvas, evidently waiting for her consort to close. 
 
 Captain Stewart came to the conclusion that they were 
 going to try to escape, and were keeping away on their 
 best point of sailing until nightfall, when it would be 
 comparatively easy to dodge him. He, therefore, crowded 
 upon the Constitution every sail that would draw, with a 
 
CONSTITUTION, CYANE AND LEVANT. 529 
 
 view to getting the nearest vessel under nis guns. In the 
 course of the afternoon the Constitution carried away her 
 main-royal-mast, a defective spar, and the chase began to 
 gain. Stewart now fired a few times from his chase guns, 
 but finding that the shot fell short, soon ceased. 
 
 By half-past five it was seen that it was impossible to 
 prevent the strange sails from forming a junction, and the 
 Constitution, then a little more than three miles distant 
 from the furthest ship, cleared for action. Ten minutes 
 later the two strange sails passed within hail of each 
 other, and, coming by the wind, with their heads to the 
 northward, hauled up their courses, and were evidently 
 clearing to engage. Soon they both suddenly made sail, 
 close by the wind, evidently in order to weather upon the 
 American frigate. But perceiving that the latter was 
 closing very fast, they again hauled up their courses and 
 formed upon the wind, the smallest ship ahead. 
 
 By six in the evening the Constitution had them within 
 gun-shot, and she then showed her ensign. The other 
 ships at once set the English colors. Five minutes later 
 the American ship ranged up abeam of the sternmost and 
 largest English vessel, at about a cable's length distance, 
 passing ahead with her sails lifting, until the three ships 
 formed nearly an equilateral triangle, the Constitution 
 being to windward. In this favorable and masterly posi- 
 tion the action began, the three keeping up a hot and 
 unceasing fire for about fifteen minutes, when that of the 
 English sensibly slackened. 
 
 The sea was now covered with a dense cloud of smoke, 
 and Stewart ceased firing. Soon the smoke cleared away, 
 and the moon having risen, the leading ship of the enemy 
 was seen under the Constitution's lee beam, while the 
 sternmost was luffing up, evidently intending to tack, 
 and cross the American frigate's stern. Delivering a 
 34 
 
530 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 broadside at the ship abreast of her, the Constitution threw 
 her main and mizzen top-sails, with the top-gallant-sails 
 set, flat back, shook everything forward, and let fly her 
 jib-sheets, so that she backed swiftly astern, compelling 
 the English vessel to fill away, in order to avoid being 
 raked. This ship now attempted to tack, to cross the 
 Constitution's fore-foot, when the latter filled, boarded her 
 fore-tack, shot ahead, and forced her antagonist to wear 
 under a raking broadside, and to run off to leeward to 
 escape the weight of the American fire. The Constitution, 
 perceiving that the largest ship was wearing also, wore in 
 her turn, and crossing her stern, raked her with effect, 
 although the Englishman came by the wind immediately, 
 and delivered her port broadside. As the Constitution 
 then ranged up close on her weather quarter, she struck. 
 A lieutenant was at once sent to take possession, the 
 prize proving to be the British ship Cyane, Capt. Falcon. 
 The other ship, which had run* off to leeward, had no 
 intention of abandoning her consort, but had been forced 
 out of the fight by the crippled condition of her running 
 rigging, as well as by the weight of the Constitution's 
 fire. She was ignorant of the capture of the Cyane, and, 
 at the end of about an hour, having repaired damages, 
 she hauled up to look for her consort, and met the 
 American frigate coming down in quest of her. It was 
 nearly nine o'clock before the two ships crossed each 
 other, on opposite tacks, the Constitution to windward ; 
 and the English sloop pluckily exchanged broadsides 
 with her, as they passed. She very naturally found the 
 Constitution's fire too heavy for her, and immediately bore 
 up, in doing which she got a raking broadside. 
 
 The Constitution then boarded her fore-tack, and made 
 sail after her, keeping up a very effective chasing fire 
 from her two bow guns, nearly every shot of which told. 
 
CONSTITUTION, CYANE AND LEVANT. 531 
 
 The two ships were, indeed, so near each other that the 
 ripping of the enemy's planks, as the shot struck, was 
 heard on board the American ship. There was no chance 
 for the English sloop, which was unable to stand this 
 treatment very long, and at 10 p. m. he came by the wind, 
 fired a lee gun, and hauled down his ensign. When taken 
 possession of she was found to be the Levant, 18, the Hon. 
 Capt. Douglas. 
 
 During this cruise the Constitution mounted fifty-two 
 guns ; and she had a complement of about four hundred and 
 seventy officers and men, a few of whom were absent in 
 a prize. The Cyane was a frigate-built ship, that properly 
 rated wenty-four guns, although in Steele's list she 
 appeared as only a twenty. But she mounted twenty-two 
 32-pound carronades on her gun deck, and ten 1 8-pound 
 carronades and two chase guns on her quarter deck and 
 forecastle ; making thirty-four guns in all. 
 
 The Levant was a new ship, rated as an eighteen. She 
 mounted eighteen 3 2 -pound carronades ; a shifting 18 on 
 her top-gallant forecastle, and two chase guns ; making 
 twenty-one in all. 
 
 There were taken from the Cyane 168 prisoners, of 
 whom 26 were wounded. The precise number of killed 
 on board of her was never ascertained. Captain Stewart, 
 probably judging from an examination of her muster-roll, 
 computed it at twelve ; while the English accounts differ, 
 some putting the killed at only four, and others at six. 
 Probably it was between the highest and lowest estimates. 
 Her regular crew was about one hundred and eighty-five, 
 all told ; and there is no reason to believe that it was not 
 nearly full. Captain Stewart supposed that she had about 
 one hundred and eighty on board during the action. 
 
 The Levant's regular complement is said to have been 
 one hundred and -thirty, all told ; but a statement was 
 
OOZ NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 published in Barbadoes, where some of her officers shortly 
 after went, that there were a good many supernumeraries 
 in both the English vessels, who were going to the 
 Western Islands, to bring away a ship that was building 
 there. 
 
 Stewart supposed the Levant to have had one hundred 
 and fifty-six men in the action, of whom he believed 
 twenty-three to have been killed and sixteen wounded. 
 This estimate may have been too high, but the exact truth 
 was never known. 
 
 It is believed that no English official account of this 
 action was ever published, but the Barbadoes statement 
 makes the joint loss of the two ships ten killed and 
 twenty-eighty wounded. Other English accounts make 
 it forty-one in all. Captain Stewart's account of the 
 wounded must certainly have been correct, whatever may 
 have been the other estimates he made. Their loss, when 
 exposed to the heavy and destructive fire of the Constitu- 
 tion, handled with the skill that that frigate was, could not 
 fail to be very considerable. 
 
 The Constitution had three men killed and twelve 
 wounded. 
 
 By midnight of the 20th the frigate was ready for 
 another engagement. She was not very much cut up, 
 for, although it was nearly four hours from the time the 
 action began until the Levant struck, the actual fighting 
 did not occupy three-quarters of an hour. 
 
 Considering that it was a night action the execution, 
 on both sides, was remarkable ; the English firing much 
 better than usual. 
 
 The Constitution was hulled oftener in this action, than 
 in both her previous battles, although she suffered less in 
 crew than in the combat she had with the Java. She had 
 not an officer hurt. 
 
CONSTITUTION, CYANE AND LEVANT. 533 
 
 The manner in which Captain Stewart handled his ship 
 on this occasion was the subject of praise among nautical 
 men, of all nations, as it was an unusual thing for a single 
 ship to engage two opponents and avoid being raked. 
 So far from this occurring to the Constitution, however, 
 she actually raked both her opponents, and the manner 
 in which she backed and filled, in the smoke, forcing her 
 two antagonists down to leeward, when they were en- 
 deavoring to cross her stern, or her fore-foot, is as brilliant 
 manoeuvring as any recorded in naval annals. 
 
 It is due to a gallant enemy to say that Captain Douglas 
 commanded the entire respect of the Americans by his 
 intrepidity and perseverance in standing by his consort. 
 The necessity of securing possession of the Cyane em- 
 ployed the Constitution for some time, and gave the 
 Levant an opportunity of making off ; but of this he nobly 
 refused to avail himself. 
 
 Captain Stewart proceeded, with his two prizes, to Porto 
 Praya, in Saint Jago, Cape de Verdes, where he arrived 
 on the ioth of March. At this place a vessel was chartered 
 for a cartel, and more than a hundred of the prisoners 
 were landed, to assist in fitting her for sea. 
 
 On the iith of March, at a little after noon, while a 
 party from the Constitution was absent in a cutter, to 
 bring the cartel close down to the frigate, Mr. Shubrick, 
 who was acting as First Lieutenant, was walking the 
 quarter-deck, when his attention was attracted by a 
 hurried exclamation from one of the English midshipmen, 
 that a large ship was in the offing. A severe reprimand, 
 in a low tone, followed from one of the English Captains. 
 On looking over the quarter Mr. Shubrick ascertained 
 the cause. The sea, outside the roads, was covered with 
 a heavy fog, which did not, however, rise very high, so 
 that above it the upper sails of a large vessel were visible. 
 
534 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 She was close hauled, on the wind, standing in shore, 
 and evidently coming into the roads. 
 
 After examining the strange sail the Lieutenant went 
 below and reported to Captain Stewart. The latter at 
 once remarked that, from the Lieutenant's description, 
 she must be either an English frigate or a large India- 
 man ; and he directed all hands to be called, so as to get 
 ready and go out to attack her. 
 
 The officer had no sooner given the order to call all 
 hands than he turned to take another look at the stranger, 
 when he discovered the canvas of two other vessels rising 
 over the fog bank, in the same direction. 
 
 They were evidently men-of-war, and heavy ships ; 
 and were at once reported to the Captain. That prompt, 
 cool, and decided officer did not hesitate an instant as to 
 the course he was to take. He knew very well that the 
 ships were probably English ; and that they would dis- 
 regard the neutrality of any port that had not force 
 enough to resist them, or which did not belong to a nation 
 they were bound to respect. 
 
 He immediately ordered the Constitution's cable cut, 
 and got underway, at the same time making signal for 
 his prizes to follow his motions. 
 
 In ten minutes after the order had been given, and in 
 fourteen minutes after the first ship had been seen, the 
 American frigate was standing out of the road, under 
 her three top-sails. The cool and officer-like manner in 
 which sail was made and the ship cast has been much 
 extolled; not an instant having been lost by hurry or 
 confusion. Her prizes followed her with like promptitude. 
 
 The harbor is to leeward of the island, and the north- 
 east trades prevail there, and the three vessels passed out 
 to sea hugging the easterly point ; and being then about 
 a gunshot to windward of the strange squadron. As 
 
CONSTITUTION, CYANE AND LEVANT. 535 
 
 soon as she was clear of the east point the Constitution 
 crossed top-gallant-yards, boarded her tacks, and set all 
 light sail that would draw. The English prisoners who 
 had been sent on shore at once took possession of a 
 Portugese battery, and fired at the frigate as she passed 
 out, thus drawing the attention of the incoming ships. 
 
 As soon as the Constitution and her prizes had gained 
 the weather beam of the enemy, the latter tacked, and 
 the six ships stood off to the southward and eastward, 
 with a ten-knot breeze, and carrying everything that 
 would draw. 
 
 The fog bank still lay so thick upon the water as to 
 conceal the hulls of the strange ships ; but they were sup- 
 posed to be two line of battle-ships and a large frigate ; 
 the vessel most astern and to leeward being the Commo- 
 dore. The strange frigate weathered upon all the 
 American ships, and gained upon the Cyane and Levant, 
 but fell astern of the Constitution ; while the larger 
 vessels on that frigate's lee quarter held way with her. 
 As soon as she was clear of the land the Constitution 
 cut adrift two of her boats, which were towing astern, the 
 enemy pressing her too hard to allow of their being 
 hoisted in. 
 
 The Cyane gradually dropped astern and to leeward, 
 rendering it certain that, if she stood on, the most 
 weatherly of the pursuing vessels would soon be along- 
 side of her ; so, at about one p. m. Captain Stewart made 
 sio-nal for her to tack. This order the Prize Master, Lieu- 
 tenant Hoffman, at once obeyed, and it was expected that 
 one of the chasing vessels would go about, and follow 
 her, but this hope was disappointed. 
 
 The Cyane, finding that she was not pursued, stood on 
 until she was lost in the fog, when Mr. Hoffman tacked 
 again, supposing that the enemy might chase him to lee- 
 
536 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 ward. This officer very prudently improved his advan- 
 tage by keeping long enough on that tack to allow the 
 enemy to pass ahead, should they pursue him, and then 
 he squared away for America, and arrived safely, in New 
 York, on the ioth of April. 
 
 The three ships still continued to chase the Constitu- 
 tion and the Levant ; and although, as they left the land 
 the fog lessened, it still lay so low and dense as to put in 
 doubt the exact force of the strange vessels. 
 
 The English officers who were prisoners on board the 
 Constitution affirmed that the ship which was getting into 
 her wake was the Acasta, 40, Captain Kerr, a ship which 
 carried 24-pounders ; and it was thought that the three 
 composed a squadron that was known to be cruising for 
 the American ships President, Peacock, and Hornet ; con- 
 sisting of the Leander, 50, Sir George Collier; New- 
 castle, 50, Lord George Stuart; and the Acasta. They 
 subsequently proved to be those very ships. 
 
 The vessel on the lee quarter of the Constitution was 
 the Newcastle, and by half-past two the fog had got so 
 low that her officers were seen standing on the hammock 
 cloths, though the line of her ports was not visible. 
 
 She now began to fire by divisions, and some opinion 
 of her armament could be formed as her guns flashed 
 through the fog. Her shot struck the water quite close 
 to the American ship, but did not rise again. 
 
 By three in the afternoon the Levant had fallen so far 
 astern that she was in the same danger as the Cyane 
 had been, and Captain Stewart made her signal to tack. 
 
 Mr. Ballard, her prize-master, immediately did so, and 
 a few minutes later the three English ships tacked, by 
 signal, and chased the prize, leaving the Constitution 
 steering in an opposite direction, and going eleven knots. 
 
 Lieutenant Ballard, finding the enemy bent upon 
 
CONSTITUTION, CYANE AND LEVANT. 537 
 
 following the Levant, and that the Acasta was to wind- 
 ward of her wake, ran back into Porto Praya, where 
 he anchored at about four in the afternoon, within one 
 hundred and fifty yards of the shore, and under a 
 strong battery. The enemy's ships followed her in, 
 having commenced firing as soon as it was seen that she 
 would gain the anchorage, and, after bearing their fire 
 for some time, her colors were hauled down. The 
 English prisoners who had seized the shore battery 
 also fired upon her; but little injury was done, as Mr. 
 Ballard caused his men to lie down on deck as soon as 
 the anchor was let go. 
 
 Sir George Collier was much criticised for the course 
 he pursued on this occasion. It was certainly a mistake on 
 his part to call off more than one ship to chase the Levant, 
 although it may be said that the position of the Leander, 
 in the fog, and so far to leeward and astern, did not give 
 the senior officer the best opportunity for observing the 
 true condition of affairs. There was certainly every 
 prospect of the Acasta' s bringing the Constitution to 
 action in the course of the night, if she had kept up the 
 pursuit. 
 
 The result would, of course, have been very doubtful, 
 as her consorts would have been far astern by that time ; 
 but she could probably have sufficiently disabled the 
 American frigate as to render her ultimate capture certain. 
 
 Whatever may be thought of the conduct of the enemy, 
 there could be but one opinion in regard to that of 
 Captain Stewart. 
 
 His promptitude in deciding upon his course when the 
 enemy were first sighted, the good judgment with which he 
 ordered the prizes to vary their courses, and the general 
 steadiness of conduct on board the Constitution, advanced 
 
o38 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 to an exalted position a professional reputation which was 
 already very high. 
 
 This action and the subsequent chase terminated the 
 exploits of the favorite ship which he commanded — as far 
 as that war was concerned. 
 
 Stewart, after landing- his prisoners at Maranham, 
 went to Porto Rico, where he learned that peace was 
 proclaimed ; and he at once carried the ship to New 
 York. 
 
 In the course of two years and nine months the 
 Constitution had been in three actions ; had been twice 
 critically chased, and had captured five vessels of war, 
 two of which were frigates, and one frigate built. 
 
 In all her service, as well before Tripoli as in this war, 
 her good fortune was remarkable. She was never 
 dismasted ; never got on shore ; and suffered scarcely 
 any of the usual accidents of the sea. 
 
 Though so often in action, no serious slaughter ever 
 took place on board of her. One of her Commanders 
 was wounded, and four of her Lieutenants had been 
 killed, two on her decks, and two in the Intrepid. But, 
 on the whole, she was what is usually called a "lucky ship." 
 This was probably due to the fact that she had always 
 been ably commanded ; and in her last two cruises had 
 as fine a crew as ever manned a ship. They were mostly 
 New England men, and it has been said that they were 
 almost qualified to fight the ship without her officers. 
 
LORD EXMOUTII AT ALGIERS. 
 
 539 
 
 XXXVI. 
 
 LORD EXMOUTH AT ALGIERS. A. D. 1816. 
 
 fISCOUNT Exmouth (Sir Edward Pellew), a 
 celebrated English Admiral, was born at 
 Dover, in 1757. His family was Norman, 
 but had been settled in Cornwall for many 
 centuries. Entering the English navy at 
 the age of thirteen, he soon distinguished 
 himself for his daring, activity, intelligence, 
 and all other qualities which go to make up 
 a good officer. 
 His first war service was at the battle of Lake 
 Champlain, in our own country, when he succeeded to 
 the command of the schooner Carleton, and won a 
 Lieutenant's commission. The next year he served in 
 Burgoyne's unfortunate campaign, in command of a 
 detachment of seamen, whose tremendous labor in the 
 lakes and rivers was entirely thrown away by Burgoyne's 
 capture. 
 
 After this he was employed actively against the French, 
 and was knighted for a very gallant action, when, in 
 command of the Nymphe frigate, he captured the 
 Cleopatra, a much heavier ship. In 1 794, in command 
 of the Arethusa frigate, he captured the French frigate 
 Pomone ; and in consequence was given the command 
 of a division, when he again distinguished himself. 
 
 Always noted for deeds of daring, one of the most 
 remarkable of these was his boarding the wrecked 
 
540 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 transport Sutton, shipwrecked on the coast of England. 
 He took charge, and by his personal influence and great 
 exertions, saved the lives of all on board. 
 
 In 1798, in command of the Impetueux, of the Channel 
 fleet, he participated in several actions. He then entered 
 Parliament, and was known as a strenuous supporter of 
 the policy of William Pitt. 
 
 In 1804 he was made a Rear- Admiral, and appointed 
 Commander-in-Chief in the East Indies, when he suc- 
 ceeded in nearly clearing those seas of the French cruisers, 
 which had done so much damage to English commerce. 
 
 He returned to England in 1809, and was immediately 
 appointed to the Command in the North Sea. After this 
 he served as Commander-in-Chief in the Mediterranean, 
 and in 1814 was raised to the peerage. 
 
 The atrocities committed by the Algerines, and the 
 barbarous massacre of the crews of more than three 
 hundred small vessels, at Bona, on the 23d of May, 
 181 6, induced the British Government to prepare an 
 expedition to act against the forts and shipping of Algiers. 
 This piratical city had often been attacked and bombarded 
 before, notably by the celebrated French Admiral Du- 
 quesne, in the latter part of the 17th century; but it was 
 reserved for Lord Exmouth and an English fleet to eive 
 
 o <z> 
 
 it a final blow. 
 
 On the 28th of July, 181 6, Lord Exmouth sailed from 
 Plymouth Sound, in command of a fleet bound to Algiers. 
 His flag-ship was the Queen Charlotte, of 100 guns, and 
 Rear-Admiral Milne, his second in command, was in the 
 Impregnable, 98. There were also three 74s, one 50, 
 two 40s, two 36s, five brigs, and four bomb- vessels. 
 
 Upon reaching Gibraltar, on the 9th of August, Lord 
 Exmouth was joined by the Minden, 74, and also received 
 offers of co-operation from Vice-Admiral Baron Van de 
 
LORD EXMOUTH AT ALGIERS. 541 
 
 Cappellen, of the Dutch navy, which Exmouth very 
 cordially received. The Dutch had four forty-gun ships, 
 a thirty, and a sloop of eighteen guns. 
 
 On the 13th of August each captain received a plan of 
 the fortifications they were to attack, and definite instruc- 
 tions, and the whole fleet, amounting to twenty-three 
 sail, with five gun-boats, and a sloop, fitted as an explosion 
 vessel, weighed anchor, and proceeded for their destina- 
 tion. 
 
 On the passage they were joined by a sloop-of-war, 
 which had taken off the wife and children of the British 
 Consul at Algiers. But the Consul himself had been most 
 arbitrarily detained by the Dey, together with the Surgeon, 
 three Midshipmen, and eighteen men belonging to the 
 sloop-of-war. (Any one curious in regard to these 
 remarkable transactions cannot do better than read the 
 book upon Algiers, by Mr. Shale r, American Consul 
 there at the time of the bombardment. Mr. Shaler, in 
 his work, points out the true way to take Algiers, and his 
 advice was afterwards followed by the French, when they 
 took the place.) 
 
 The fortifications of Algiers were deemed almost im- 
 pregnable, especially by the artillery of that time ; upon 
 the various batteries on the north side of the bay eighty 
 pieces of cannon and eight heavy mortars were mounted; 
 but the water was so shoal that a large ship could not 
 come within their reach. Between the north wall of the 
 city and the commencement of the mole (which was- 
 about 800 feet long, and which connected the town with 
 the lighthouse) were about twenty guns ; and a semi- 
 circular battery, mounting two tiers of guns, about forty- 
 four in all, stood on the northern projection of the mole. 
 
 To the southward of that, and nearly in a line with the 
 pier, was the lighthouse battery, of three tiers, mounting 
 
542 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 forty-eight guns, next to which was the eastern battery, 
 mounting sixty-six guns in three tiers, flanked by four 
 other batteries, of two tiers, mounting altogether sixty 
 guns, and on the mole-head were two long 68-pounders, 
 described as being twenty feet in length. The total 
 number of guns on the mole and pier was at least 220, 
 composed of 32, 24, and 18-pounders. 
 
 The " fish-market" battery, about 300 yards west from 
 the south mole-head, mounted fifteen guns, in three tiers. 
 Between that and the southern extremity of the city were 
 two batteries of five guns each. Beyond the city, in this 
 direction, was a castle and three other batteries, mounting 
 altogether about seventy guns. In the rear of the city, 
 and on the heights, were several other batteries ; so that 
 the total number of guns mounted for the defence of this 
 fastness of robbery, oppression, and cruelty, exceeded 
 1000. 
 
 On the 27th of August, at daybreak, the city of Algiers 
 was in sight, but the ships were lying nearly becalmed. 
 A boat in charge of a Lieutenant was despatched to the 
 Dey, to demand compliance with the following conditions : 
 the abolition of Christian slavery; the release of all 
 Christian slaves ; the repayment of the money recently 
 exacted for the redemption of Neapolitan and Sardinian 
 slaves ; peace with the King of the Netherlands ; and 
 the immediate liberation of the English Consul and the 
 officers and boats' crews of the Prometheus. 
 
 The boat with the flag of truce was towed in shore, 
 and was met, at 1 1 a. m., near the mole, by an Algerine 
 boat, in which was the Captain of the Port, who promised 
 a reply in two hours. In the meantime the sea breeze 
 sprang up, and the whole fleet stood into the bay, and 
 hove to, about a mile from the batteries. At 2 p. m., no 
 answer having been received, the boat sent with the 
 
LORD EXMOUTH AT ALGIERS. 543 
 
 message made signal to that effect, and returned to her 
 own ship. 
 
 Lord Exmouth at once demanded, by signal, if all the 
 ships were ready, and being answered in the affirmative, 
 the fleet bore up for the attack, in the order precisely 
 laid down. 
 
 About half-past two in the afternoon the flag-ship, 
 Queen Charlotte, anchored, with springs, about fifty yards 
 from the mole-head ; and while in the act of making a 
 warp fast to an Algerine brig on shore at the mouth of 
 the harbor, a shot was fired at the ship ; and at the same 
 moment two shots from the opposite end of the mole 
 were fired at the Impregnable, and other ships, as they 
 were advancing to take their stations. 
 
 Lord Exmouth, unwilling to sacrifice the mass of 
 Algerine townspeople standing on the parapet of the 
 mole, and gazing with astonishment at the strange ships, 
 waved his hand to them to descend, and at once gave 
 orders to commence firing, when the action became 
 general, as soon as the guns would bear. 
 
 On the Queen Charlotte's port bow lay the Leander, 
 50, occupying the place in line of a line-of-battle ship, 
 with her starboard after guns bearing upon the mole, and 
 her forward guns upon the "fish-market" battery. 
 
 Ahead of the Leander was the Severn, 40, her star- 
 board broadside bearing full upon the "fish-market" 
 battery. Close to the Severn was the Glasgow, 40, whose 
 port guns bore upon the town batteries. On the port 
 quarter of the Queen Charlotte was the Superb, 74, her 
 starboard broadside bearing on the 60-gun battery next 
 to the one on the mole-head. It was intended that the 
 Impregnable, 98, and Albion, 74, should take their places 
 close astern of the Superb, but the former, not being suf- 
 ficiently up when the firing began, brought up consider- 
 
544 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 ably outside of her appointed station, and beyond the 
 line of bearing within which the attacking force had been 
 ordered to assemble. The Impregnable, in consequence, 
 lay exposed, at the distance of five hundred yards, to the 
 lighthouse battery of three tiers, as well as to the eastern 
 battery of two tiers. The Minden pushed on and 
 dropped her anchor in the space between the Impreg- 
 nable and Superb, on the port quarter of the latter. The 
 Albion brought up near the Impregnable, but weighed 
 again, and, about three o'clock, anchored close astern of 
 the Minden. 
 
 The' end of her stream cable was then passed out of 
 the gun-room port of the latter, by which the Albion was 
 hove close to the stern of the Minden. 
 
 Thus the line-of-battle ships took their stations in a 
 northerly direction from the mole-head ; and the frigates 
 from the "fish-market ". battery, in a curved line to the 
 southwest. 
 
 The Dutch Admiral intended to have placed his 
 flag-ship, a frigate called the Melampus, in the centre of 
 his squadron, and against the batteries to the southward 
 of the city; but not being able to take this station, in 
 consequence of the Diana being too far to the southward, 
 he ran past that frigate, and anchored the Melampus with 
 her jib-boom over the Glasgow's taffrail. 
 
 The Diana and Dao-eraad anchored astern of the 
 Melampus, and the other two Dutch frigates further out; 
 the corvette remaining under way. The Hebrus, 36, 
 being becalmed, anchored a little without the line, on the 
 port quarter of the Queen Charlotte. The Granicus, 36, 
 hove to, in order to allow the large ships to take their 
 places ; after which she steered for the Admiral's flag, 
 which alone could be seen over the clouds of smoke 
 already formed, and anchored in a space scarcely exceed- 
 
LORD EXMOUTH AT ALGIERS. 545 
 
 ing her own length, between the Superb and Queen 
 Charlotte. 
 
 The skill with which Captain Wise, her commander, 
 took up this position elicited the admiration of all who 
 witnessed it. The brigs of the fleet either anchored or 
 kept under way, as most convenient. The bomb vessels 
 anchored about two thousand yards from the Algerine 
 batteries ; except one, which took up an inside berth ; 
 and the gun-boats and mortar-boats placed themselves 
 where they could most annoy the enemy. 
 
 The Leander'was especially charged with the Algerine 
 gun-boats and row-galleys, which she was not long in 
 destroying by her fire; and at about four p. m. she 
 ceased firing, that the barge of the Queen Charlotte 
 might set fire to an Algerine frigate which was lying 
 across the mole. This service was gallantly performed, 
 and the frig-ate was soon in flames ; the boat returning- 
 with the loss of only two men killed. Lord Exmouth 
 particularly complimented those employed in this service. 
 A young Midshipman, in command of a rocket-boat, 
 followed the barge, but, owing to the slowness of his 
 boat, was much exposed to a heavy fire from the 
 batteries, and was wounded, with nine of his boat's 
 crew ; while another Midshipman who was with him was 
 killed. 
 
 About half-past four Rear Admiral Milne sent a mes- 
 sage to Lord Exmouth, stating that the Impregnable had 
 sustained a loss of one hundred and fifty in killed and 
 wounded, and requesting that a frigate might be sent to 
 divert some of the fire from that ship. 
 
 The Glasgow attempted to perform that service, but, 
 it being perfectly calm, the frigate was unable, after an 
 hour's exertion, to reach the intended position, and was 
 obliged to anchor just ahead of the Severn, with her 
 
 35 
 
546 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 stern towards that ship, and thus become exposed to a 
 severe fire from the "fish market" and contiguous bat- 
 teries. Somewhat later the Leander, having also suffered 
 severely from these batteries, ran out a hawser to the 
 Severn, and sprang her broadside round upon them. 
 
 The mortar and rocket-boats had by this time set all 
 the vessels within the harbor on fire, and the flames soon 
 reached the arsenal and storehouses on the mole. The 
 city was also on fire in several places, from the shells 
 thrown by the bomb-vessels. The sloop fitted for an 
 explosion vessel was now run on shore, close under 
 a semi-circular battery, to the northward of the light- 
 house, and about nine at night this vessel, charged with 
 about 150 barrels of powder, was exploded. The effect 
 of it is not recorded, and was probably not much, as 
 similar explosions have since failed to produce any great 
 result. 
 
 The fleet continued a tremendous cannonade until ten 
 p. m., when, the upper tiers of the batteries on the mole 
 being nearly destroyed, and the lower tiers almost 
 silenced, the Queen Charlotte cut her cables and stood 
 off, with a light breeze from the land, directing the 
 rest of the ships to follow her. The breeze was so 
 light that the Superb and Impregnable, in standing ofX 
 suffered much from the raking- fire of a fort at the 
 upper angle of the city, which rises up the side of a hill, 
 the walls coming to an angle at the top. When the 
 Leander's cable was slipped she was found to have 
 sustained so much damage aloft that she was unman- 
 ageable, and fast drifting down on the mole, where the 
 enemy's ships were burning. Fortunately she got a 
 hawser to the Severn, and was towed off. Had she 
 taken the ground, she must have been destroyed, with 
 the greater part of her crew. 
 
THE CLERMONT — EULTON's FIRST STEAMBOAT — 1807. 
 
 FIGHT WITH ALGEKINE PIRATES. 
 
LORD EXMOUTH AT ALGIERS. 547 
 
 Two or three times the hawser parted, but was as often 
 reconveyed by the boats, under sharp musketry fire from 
 the mole. At length the Severn got a good breeze, and 
 the Leander was saved from her perilous situation. 
 
 Before two o'clock in the morning the whole fleet was 
 beyond the reach of the enemy's shot, being greatly 
 assisted in taking up an anchorage by the blaze of the 
 burning Algerine fleet, which illuminated the whole bay, 
 and lighted up the terraced town, with its white houses 
 rising one above the other to the fort, which dominated 
 the whole. 
 
 As if to add to the grandeur and wildness of the scene, 
 a storm of thunder and lightning came on, and lasted till 
 daybreak. 
 
 At daybreak in the morning the bomb vessels were 
 ordered to again take up their stations, in readiness to 
 resume the bombardment of the city; while Lord 
 Exmouth's Flag-Lieutenant was despatched with a flag 
 of truce, to repeat the demands made on the preceding 
 day. The Algerine officer who came out to meet the flag 
 of truce declared that an answer had been sent the day 
 before, but that no boat could be found to receive it. 
 
 On the 29th the Captain of the Port came off, 
 accompanied by the British Consul, who had been 
 imprisoned by the Dey; and the same afternoon an 
 English Captain landed, and had a conference with the 
 Dey, at his palace ; which resulted in the delivery to the 
 British of more than twelve hundred Christian slaves, the 
 restoration of nearly $400,000 for slaves redeemed by 
 Naples and Sicily, peace between Algiers and the 
 Netherlands, and $30,000 paid to the British Consul, as 
 compensation for the loss of his property, which had 
 been plundered. The Dey, moreover, made an apology 
 for his detention. 
 
548 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 The loss of the attacking party in this successful 
 bombardment was one hundred and forty-one killed and 
 seven hundred and forty-two wounded. The Dutch 
 squadron, which was highly complimented by Lord 
 Exmouth for gallant conduct, lost, of the above, thirteen 
 killed and fifty-two wounded. 
 
 This bombardment broke the Algerine power com- 
 pletely, and put an end, almost altogether, to her piratical 
 exploits. 
 
 Fourteen years afterwards the country was captured 
 by France, and has ever since remained in the possession 
 of that country. 
 
NAVAEINO. 
 
 54'J 
 
 XXXVII. 
 
 NAVARINO, 1827. 
 
 a/N the summer of 1827, an English squadron, 
 under Vice Admiral Sir Edward Codrinoton, 
 acting in concert with a division of French 
 ships, under Rear-Admiral De Rigny, and 
 a Russian squadron, under Rear-Admiral 
 Count Heiden, assembled in the Mediter- 
 ranean. 
 
 The object this allied fleet had in view was 
 the enforcement of a protocol, signed at St. Petersburg, 
 on April 4th, 1826, for the protection of the inhabitants of 
 the Morea from the cruelties practiced upon them by the 
 Turks, under Ibrahim Pacha. Russia would probably 
 have interfered alone, and England and France were, no 
 doubt, fearful of the possible consequences of allowing 
 Russia to do so, in the war then being carried on between 
 the Greeks and their Turkish oppressors. 
 
 A further agreement between the three powers was 
 come to in London, July 6th, 1827, and they insisted, in the 
 first place, upon an armistice between Turkey and Greece. 
 This was agreed to by the belligerents, but was violated 
 by Turkey almost as soon as her assent was given. This 
 conduct on the part of the Porte led directly to the short 
 but very terrible naval battle of Navarino, on the 20th of 
 October, in the same year. 
 
 On the 3d of September an Egyptian fleet, with troops, 
 entered the harbor of Navarino, where they were closely 
 
550 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 watched by the combined squadrons. On the 19th, finding 
 that the British squadron alone remained off the port, 
 Ibrahim Pacha, wishing to send relief to Patras, ordered 
 out a division of his fleet, but finding their movements 
 watched, they returned to Navarino. 
 
 Rear-Admiral De Rigny having rejoined the block- 
 ading squadron, a conference took place on the 25th, in 
 the tent of Ibrahim, who then agreed to suspend hostilities 
 against the Greeks until an answer could be obtained 
 from Constantinople, and that, in the meantime, his fleet 
 should not quit the harbor. Upon the faith of this 
 assurance, nearly all the Allied ships were withdrawn 
 from before Navarino. Part of the squadron was sent to 
 Malta, to refit ; the British Admiral went to Zante, and 
 the French to Milo, for provisions. The Dartmouth and 
 Armide, frigates, alone remained off the port. 
 
 Scarcely had the English Admiral anchored at Zante 
 when the Dartmouth hove in sight, with the signal flying 
 that the Turks had put to sea; and the Armide, proceed- 
 ing towards Milo, overtook the French Admiral before 
 he reached that place. Sir Edward Codrington, having 
 with him a frigate and two corvettes only, intercepted the 
 Turkish squadron, consisting of seven frigates, nine 
 corvettes, two brigs, and nineteen transports ; which, on 
 his firm remonstrance, all put back. A second division, 
 of six Egyptian frigates and eight brigs, had likewise put 
 to sea, but they also returned, and the whole re-entered 
 Navarino on the 4th of October. By the 15th the 
 different Allied squadrons were again assembled off 
 Navarino; and Ibrahim, thus blocked up, continued his 
 tyrannical proceedings inland. Various attempts were 
 made to communicate with him, but without success; and 
 a final conference was called, on the 18th of October, on 
 board Codrington' s flag-ship, the Asia ; at which it was 
 
NAVARINO. 551 
 
 decided to enter the harbor of Navarino, and from thence 
 renew the negotiations. On the evening of the 19th 
 Vice Admiral Codrington issued full instructions to the 
 whole force, pointing out the position for anchoring each 
 division, .but concluding with the well known advice of 
 Lord Nelson, " If a general action should take place, no 
 Captain can be better placed than when his vessel is 
 alongside one of the enemy." 
 
 The harbor of Navarino was the scene, four hundred 
 and twenty-five years before Christ, of a great naval battle 
 between Athens and Sparta, in which the latter suffered 
 an overwhelming defeat. 
 
 The harbor is about six miles in circumference. The 
 mainland bends round three sides of it, almost in a horse- 
 shoe, and the island of Sphacteria, two miles in length, 
 and a quarter of a mile in breadth, stretches across from 
 one headland to the other. The only available passage 
 into Navarino is at the southern end of the island, and is 
 about six hundred yards in width. On entering the 
 passage there appears at the right a bold promontory 
 dominated by a fort, originally built by the Venetians, 
 and under the fort the small walled town of Navarino, 
 near which Ibrahim's army was encamped. 
 
 On the southern extremity of the island, almost 
 opposite to the fortress on the promontory, another fort 
 was placed. The first fortress was very formidable, 
 mounting 125 guns, and, with that on the island, was well 
 placed to defend the entrance of the harbor, as well as 
 to command the anchorage within. At the northern end 
 of the island was a third battery, which also commanded 
 the harbor. 
 
 At about half-past one p. m., on the 20th of October, 
 the signal was made by the Asia to prepare for action, 
 and the combined fleet weighed anchor, and stood into 
 
552 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 the harbor. The British and French formed the weather 
 or starboard column, and the Russians the lee line. 
 
 The following were the vessels composing the allied 
 fleet; The Asia, of 80 guns, Vice-Admiral Codrington's 
 flag-ship; two 74s, the Genoa and Albion; four frigates 
 of various force, from 50 to 28 guns; and one corvette, 
 three brigs, and a cutter. 
 
 The French had two 80-gun ships, the Trident and 
 Breslau; one 78, the Scipion; one 60, the Sirene, flag- 
 ship; the Armide frigate, 46 guns, and two corvettes. 
 
 The Russian squadron consisted of the Azoff, 80 ; the 
 Gargoute, Ezekiel, and Newsky, j6; three 46-gun 
 frigates, and one 48. 
 
 The Turco-Egyptian fleet consisted of three ships-of- 
 the-line, one razee, sixteen frigates, twenty-seven cor- 
 vettes, and twenty-seven brigs, with six fire-ships. To 
 these must be added the guns in the forts, on shore, in 
 number about 200, and some armed transports, which 
 brought the number of Turkish guns up to about 2000. 
 
 About 2 p. M. the Asia, leading, arrived at the mouth 
 of the harbor, and passed unmolested within pistol-shot 
 of the heavy battery on the starboard hand. The Turks 
 and Egyptians were moored in the form of a crescent, 
 the larger ones presenting their broadsides towards the 
 centre, and the smaller ones inside, filling up the intervals. 
 The Asia anchored close alongside a ship-of-the-line 
 bearing the flag of the Capitan Bey, and on the port or 
 inner quarter of a large double-banked frigate with the 
 flag of Moharem Bey, Commander-in-chief of the Egyp- 
 tian squadron. The Genoa followed within one hundred 
 yards of her leader, and brought up abreast of a large 
 frigate astern of the Admiral; the Albion, in turn, 
 anchored astern of the Genoa. The Russian Admiral 
 was .to look out for four ships which were to windward, 
 
NAVARINO. 553 
 
 part of the Egyptian squadron, and those to leeward, in 
 the bieht of the crescent, were to mark the stations 
 of the whole Russian squadron, the ships of their line 
 closing with the English. 
 
 The French frigate Armide was to take her station 
 alongside the outermost frigate on the left, in entering 
 the harbor, and three English frigates next to her. The 
 smaller English vessels were to watch the movements of 
 the fire-ships. 
 
 Strict orders were given by Admiral Codrington that 
 not a gun should be fired unless the Allied squadrons 
 were first attacked by the Turks, and these orders were 
 rigidly observed. 
 
 The entry of the Allied fleets was silently permitted by 
 the Turks, who did not call to quarters, either with drum 
 or trumpet, and an ominous silence was preserved 
 throughout their line ; so it was difficult to suppose that 
 a most bloody battle was about to take place. 
 
 The Turkish fleet and batteries were prepared for 
 action, however ; and it so proved when the Dartmouth 
 frigate, which had anchored close to the fire-ships, and 
 whose Captain, perceiving certain movements on board 
 of them which induced him to believe that the Turks 
 were about to act on the offensive, sent a boat, under 
 command of a lieutenant, to request that the fire-ships 
 should quit the anchorage occupied by the Allies. Upon 
 the boat's proceeding alongside the fire-ship, a fire of 
 musketry was opened upon her, and the lieutenant and 
 several of the crew were killed. The fire was replied to 
 from the boat, and the sharp report of small arms, echoing 
 from the surrounding rocky eminences, seemed to awake 
 the Turks from a torpor. 
 
 Just at this critical moment the French flag-ship, the 
 Sirene, which was close alongside the Egyptian frigate 
 
554 NAVAL battles, ancient and modern. 
 
 Esnina, hailed, to say that she should not fire if the Esnina 
 did not. The words had hardly passed the French Cap- 
 tain's lips when the Egyptain fired her broadside slap 
 into the Sirene. So quickly that it seemed an echo, the 
 formidable broadside of the Sirene was heard in reply, 
 delivered point blank into the Esnina. At the same 
 moment the Turkish Admiral fired a shot, and upon this 
 the whole Allied fleet in a position to do so opened fire 
 upon the Turks. 
 
 The Asia, though abreast of the ship of the Capitan 
 Bey, was nearer to that of Moharem Bey ; and as the 
 latter did not fire at the Asia, the English flag-ship did 
 not fire at her. A messenger was sent to the Asia by 
 Moharem Bey, to say that he did not intend to fire, and 
 Admiral Codrington, still unwilling to believe a serious 
 engagement possible, sent a boat with a Mr. Mitchell, 
 who was acting as pilot and interpreter, to assure 
 Moharem of his desire to avoid bloodshed. 
 
 But Mitchell was treacherously shot dead when descend- 
 ing the side of the Egyptian ship. Soon after the Egyptian 
 opened fire, and as Admiral Codrington says, in his 
 dispatch, "was consequently effectually destroyed by the 
 Asia's fire, sharing the same fate as his brother Admiral 
 on the starboard side, and falling to leeward, a complete 
 wreck." The action then became general ; and the ships 
 were soon enveloped in dense clouds of powder smoke, 
 only lighted by the rapid flashes of the guns ; and very 
 soon these lurid flashes became the only guides by which 
 the gunners could 'sight their pieces. In this dreadful 
 turmoil the drill, discipline and experience of the 
 Europeans gave them the advantage. As their shot told 
 more truly than those of the Turks, each broadside of 
 the Allies tore through the hulls, swept the decks, and 
 wrecked the masts and rio-aing- of the Ottoman fleet. 
 
NAVARINO. 555 
 
 The Turks, raging, furious and desperate, fought with 
 blind and ill-directed courage. In working their guns 
 they seemed only anxious to fire rapidly, without taking 
 time to point their pieces. Less carried away by rage, 
 and a little more skillful, they should have overwhelmed 
 the Allies, for they had treble the number of guns. In. 
 the meantime the Allies kept up a close, cool and accu- 
 rate fire, and the Turkish losses soon became frightful. 
 
 Two fire-ships were soon in flames, and a third blew 
 up, while a fourth was sunk by shot. The forts opened 
 upon the Allies, and that of Navarino, especially, com- 
 mitted much havoc ; but almost as much among friends 
 as foes. 
 
 The Russian ships did not reach their assigned posi- 
 tions until about three o'clock, when the fire was at its 
 height. The Asia's fire having disposed of her two 
 opponents, that ship became exposed to a severe raking 
 fire from the Turkish inner lines, by which her mizzen- 
 mast was shot away, several guns disabled, and many of 
 her crew killed and wounded. The Master of the Asia 
 was killed in the early part of the action, while bringing 
 both broadsides to bear upon the Turkish and Egyptian 
 Admirals. Captain Bell, of the marines, was also killed, 
 and Sir Edward Codrington was struck by a musket-ball, 
 which knocked his watch out of his pocket, and battered 
 it to pieces. The Genoa, next astern the English 
 Admiral, suffered very severely, being engaged from 
 first to last, and doing excellent service. As the Turks 
 fired high, the carnage among the marines on the poops 
 of the large vessels was so great that it was thought best 
 to remove them to the quarter deck, and their loss was 
 especially great in the Genoa. Commodore Bathurst, 
 of that ship, was wounded three times; the last time 
 mortally, by a grape-shot which passed through his body 
 
55(J NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 and lodged in the opposite bulwark. The French 
 frigate Armide sustained for a long time, and without 
 being disabled, the fire of five Egyptian frigates. The 
 French line-of-battle ship Scipion was on fire no less than 
 four times, from a fire-ship which lay in flames across her 
 fore-foot. Each time the flames were extinguished; and 
 that without any perceptible want of regularity in her 
 fire. The English ship Albion, next astern of the Genoa, 
 was exposed to the united fire of a cluster of ships, 
 including one 74, and two 64-gun ships About half an 
 hour after the action commenced one of the Turkish 
 ships fell foul of the Albion, and her crew made an 
 attempt to board, but were repulsed with heavy loss. 
 The Turkish ship was in turn boarded and taken. The 
 English were in the act of releasing a number of Greek 
 prisoners secured in the hold of this ship, when she was 
 discovered to be on fire. The English, therefore, left her, 
 having cut her cables, and the Turk, enveloped in flames, 
 drifted clear of the Albion, and, shortly after, blew up, 
 with a tremendous explosion. 
 
 The two remaining large Turkish ships again opened 
 upon the Albion; but she returned the fire so vigorously 
 that the largest of the two was soon in flames. The 
 Albion was all the afternoon surrounded by blazing 
 ships ; but at dusk she got under way, and stood clear 
 of them. 
 
 The ships of all three of the Allies seem to have 
 behaved with equal gallantry ; but the performance of 
 the little cutter, the Hind, tender to the Asia, deserves 
 especial mention. She was of one hundred and sixty 
 tons, mounted eight light guns, and had a crew of thirty 
 men. She had been to Zante, and only returned as the 
 Allied squadrons were entering Navarino, and her gallant 
 Commander determined, notwithstanding his trifling force, 
 
NAVARINO. 557 
 
 to have his share in the glories of the day. He accord- 
 ingly entered with the rest, and, taking up a raking 
 position astern of a large frigate, at only a few yards 
 distance, opened upon her a sharp fire. The cutter was 
 exposed to the fire of several small vessels, and in 
 about three quarters of an hour they cut her cables, and 
 she drifted away between a large corvette and a brig, 
 which she engaged until the brig caught fire and blew 
 up. The Hind then continued to fire into the corvette, 
 until her remaining cable was cut, and she drifted clear 
 of her adversary. Still drifting, in the hottest of the 
 fire, the little Hind fouled a Turkish frigate ; her main- 
 boom entering one of the main-deck ports ; and the 
 Turks were about to board her. In this they were 
 repeatedly repulsed ; and at last the Turks manned a 
 large boat, to try to carry her in that way. The Hind's 
 crew knocked this boat to pieces with her carronades, 
 crammed to the muzzle with grape and canister; and the 
 cutter soon after drifted clear of the frigate, just as a 
 general cessation of fire took place. 
 
 Her loss, in all this fighting, only amounted to a Mate 
 and three men killed, and a Midshipman and nine men 
 wounded. 
 
 As we have said, the French ships behaved admirably, 
 as did the Russians. In fact, the position of the con- 
 tending ships was such that the mutual and perfect 
 co-operation of each ship of the Allied squadron was 
 absolutely necessary to bring about a favorable termina- 
 tion. Had the Russians or French not taken their full 
 share in the day's work, the British must have been 
 annihilated. 
 
 The close and continued cannonade caused complete 
 and dreadful destruction to the Turks. About forty of 
 their vessels, of different rates, fell a prey to the flames, 
 
558 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 exploding their magazines in succession, as the fire 
 reached them, and covering the waters of the bay with 
 their fragments and the burned and mutilated bodies of 
 their crews. By five p. m. the entire first line of the 
 Turks was destroyed, and by seven there remained 
 afloat, of all their formidable armament, only a few small 
 vessels which had been furthest in shore. These were 
 mostly abandoned by their crews, who had made their 
 escape to the neighboring hills. 
 
 Sir Edward Codrington reported that, on the morning 
 after the battle, " out of a fleet composed of eighty-one 
 vessels, only one frigate and fifteen smaller vessels are 
 in a state ever again to put to sea." 
 
 The allied fleets lost 177 killed and 480 wounded. 
 The Turks were estimated to have lost at least six 
 thousand killed. 
 
 This action created a great sensation throughout 
 Europe ; not only because no great naval action had 
 been fought for some years, but because the friends of 
 Grecian independence saw in the battle the probable 
 freedom of that oppressed State. But politicians were 
 alarmed at what they feared would be the deplorable 
 consequences of leaving Turkey disarmed, in the pres- 
 ence of ambitious and menacing Russia, as the battle he.d 
 already, it was said, " turned the Black Sea into a Russian 
 lake," and that great opportunity for Greece was lost 
 through the fears and vacillation of diplomatists. 
 
00 
 
 to 
 
 O ra 
 5C 
 
sinope. 559 
 
 XXXVIII. 
 
 SINOPE, 1853. 
 
 INOPE is a very ancient town, situated mostly 
 1 upon a peninsula, which juts out from the 
 coast of Anatolia into the Black Sea. 
 
 It was once far-famed as the capital city 
 of Mithridates, King of Pontus, as well as 
 the birth place of Diogenes, of whom, per- 
 haps, more people have heard, although he 
 was not a King. 
 After frequent and honorable mention in very ancient 
 history, we, later on, find it, when it fell into the all-con- 
 quering Romans' power, the seat of the government of 
 the celebrated Pliny, and the remains of the aqueduct 
 then built by him are still to be traced in the neighbor- 
 hood. 
 
 In 1470 Mohamet II included it in the Turkish Empire, 
 of which it has ever since remained a part. 
 
 The modern town has about ten thousand people, and 
 presents to the view of one arriving before it by sea the 
 peculiar, shabby, picturesque and dilapidated appearance 
 of most third-rate Turkish places, where red-tiled roofs 
 overhang mouldy, moss-covered, wooden buildings. Here 
 and there among- the dull red of the roofs rises the bright 
 and graceful minaret of a mosque; while in the back- 
 ground clumps of the funereal cypress show the spots 
 where the faithful lie at rest. Portions of a ruinous, 
 turreted wall are to be seen here and there ; but there 
 
560 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 are no forts or other defences worthy of the name, 
 •although for years it had been a Turkish "military" port, 
 where men-of-war were occasionally built or repaired. 
 
 Perhaps Sinope would never have been heard of in 
 modern times, but for a naval action which created an 
 unusual sensation throughout both the Christian and 
 Moslem worlds, and which alienated from the Russians, 
 at the very beginning of the Crimean War, the sympathy 
 of many who would otherwise have been favorable to 
 their designs. 
 
 The affair about to be narrated was an abuse of supe- 
 rior force, at a time when war was inevitable, but had not 
 been proclaimed, between Russia and the Ottoman Porte. 
 
 On November 30th, 1853, a Turkish squadron, con- 
 sisting of seven frigates, three corvettes, and two 
 steamers, were driven, by stress of bad weather, into the 
 anchorage of Sinope. In this, their own port of refuge, 
 they were surprised by the arrival of the Russian Vice 
 Admiral Nachimoff, with a fleet of two three-decked 
 ships, four 74s, three frigates, one transport, and three 
 steam-vessels. 
 
 Admiral Nachimoff at once summoned the Turkish 
 squadron to surrender to him. But, in spite of the 
 immense disproportion in force, the Turkish Admiral 
 resolved to resist his demands to the last extremity, and 
 to destroy his squadron rather than strike his flag. So 
 about midday, in response to a formal summons, he 
 opened fire upon the Russians. It seemed almost like 
 an act of madness, to which he was goaded by the 
 outrageousness of such a demand made upon him before 
 war was declared ; but we cannot help admiring his 
 desperate courage and determination, even if it was that 
 of despair ; for he could have had no hope of success 
 against such a force as the Russians had. 
 
SINOPE. 561 
 
 This remarkable action, thus begun, was maintained 
 until a full hour after sunset; the termination of the' 
 bloody fight being lighted up by the flames of the town 
 itself, which had been set on fire by the Russian shells. 
 
 At last the Ottoman squadron was blotted out of exist- 
 ence; and not till then did the reports of the guns cease, 
 and silence fall upon the waters of the harbor. 
 
 Of the twelve Turkish vessels, eight were sunk out- 
 right, at their anchors, by shot. The Captain of the 
 Mizamieh, of sixty guns, fought his ship to the last, with 
 terrible energy, and at last fired his own magazine, and 
 blew the vessel, and most of those who had survived the 
 action, to fragments. 
 
 The Captain of the Navik, of 52 guns, followed his 
 example, and immediately blew up his vessel. 
 
 The Russian fleet, in spite of their superiority, suffered 
 terribly from the desperate defence of the Turks. Several 
 of their vessels, completely dismasted, were obliged to 
 leave Sinope in tow of steamers; and none of them ever 
 did any more service, for after being for a long time 
 blockaded in Sebastopol, by the French and English 
 fleets, they were sunk in that harbor by the Russians 
 themselves. 
 
 Although so much of the town was injured by shot and 
 fire, and at least one hundred and fifty of the inhabitants 
 were killed or burned, strange to say, a fine fifty-gun 
 steam-frigate, upon the stocks, escaped destruction. A 
 visitor, soon after the battle, describes the scene as most 
 heart-rending and depressing, and expresses wonder 
 that more of the towns-people were not killed, as the fields, 
 inland, were covered with fragments of the blown up 
 ships, exploded shells, bolts, chains, spars and planks. 
 An anchor weighing fifteen hundred pounds was blown 
 inland more than a quarter of a mile. 
 36 
 
562 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 XXXIX. 
 
 LISSA, 1866. 
 
 ]|^ISSA is an island of the Adriatic, thirty-three 
 miles southwest of Spalatro, in Dalmatia. 
 In ancient times, four centuries before 
 Christ, it was settled by Greeks from 
 Lesbos, who named it Issa, from one of the 
 names of their own island, in the yEeean. 
 
 During the first Punic war the Isseans, 
 already expert seamen, helped the Roman 
 Duilius with their beaked ships, and the Great Republic 
 of antiquity in return assisted them in resisting ag- 
 gression. They were again allies against Philip of 
 Macedon. 
 
 In the year 966 the Venetians were in possession of the 
 island, but the Ragusans, from the mainland, drove them 
 out, only to return, and to establish firmly the reign of 
 the Doges. The principal town was twice entirely 
 destroyed, once by the Neapolitans, and once by the 
 Turks, and the present city, which rises in an amphithe- 
 atrical form from the shores of the principal harbor, only 
 dates from the year 1 571 . During the Napoleonic wars 
 the island was occupied by the French, and near it, in 
 1 8 10, an important naval action was fought, in which an 
 English squadron defeated the French. The English 
 then seized and kept possession of the island until the 
 grand settlement and apportionment, after the peace of 
 181 5, when it became the property of Austria. The 
 
lissa. 563 
 
 fortifications erected by the British were only dismantled 
 in 1870. The island is fertile, quite mountainous, and a 
 conspicuous landmark in the navigation ol the Adriatic. 
 
 In the course of the war between Austria and Italy, 
 which terminated in the entire liberation of the latter 
 country from the dominion of the hated " Tedeschi," who 
 had occupied Venice and the fairest parts of Lombardy 
 for so many years, Italy suffered two great defeats. One 
 was on land, at Custozza, where their army, though 
 unsuccessful, came out with honor, after proofs of courage 
 and conduct. 
 
 The navy of Italy, then comparatively small and untried, 
 was anxious to redeem the Italian honor and arms, by 
 meeting the Austrian fleet. Under the auspices of the 
 navy a desceat was therefore made upon the Austrian 
 island of Lissa. 
 
 On the 1 8th of July, 1866, the island was attacked and 
 taken by the fleet under Admiral Persano. But their 
 success was short-lived, for the Austrians came down the 
 next day, and inflicted the terrible defeat which, for the 
 time, completely disorganized the Italian navy. 
 
 This fleet was composed of eleven armored vessels 
 (including large and small, and the ram L'Affondatore), 
 two frigates, one corvette and three gun-boats, each 
 mounting two guns, five despatch vessels, and a few 
 smaller craft, hardly fit to enter into action. 
 
 Among the Italian vessels was the large ironclad frigate 
 Re d'ltalia, built during our civil war, for the Italian 
 Government, by Webb, of New York. This fleet was 
 commanded by Admiral Persano, and was in three 
 divisions. The first, under the direct orders of Persano 
 himself, consisted of eight armored vessels, and some 
 other lighter steamers ; the second division, under Vice- 
 Admiral Albini, consisted of six screw frigates, un- 
 
564 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 armored ; the third division, under Rear-Admiral Vacca, 
 consisted of three ironclad vessels. 
 
 The Austrian fleet, which came down to seek the 
 Italians, and to offer battle, as soon as the news of the 
 capture of Lissa was received, consisted of twenty-two 
 vessels. Seven of them were armored ; one was a screw 
 ship-of-the-line, called the Kaiser, of 90 guns ; four screw 
 frigates ; four gun-boats ; one corvette ; and a few small 
 craft. 
 
 In spite of the fact that the Austrian fleet would, 
 undoubtedly, come to dispute their conquest, the Italians 
 seem to have been taken rather by surprise, especially as 
 Admiral Tegethoff approached rapidly, and engaged very 
 promptly. The engagement, being under steam, com- 
 menced as soon as the guns of the opposing fleets would 
 bear, and was, at first, carried on with great resolution 
 on both sides. Very soon after the fight commenced the 
 Re d'ltalia, one of the best ships of the Italian fleet, was 
 rammed by two Austrian ships, also armored, and 
 received fatal injuries, from which she soon sank, carrying 
 down many of her crew. 
 
 She had been the flag-ship; but just before she went 
 into action Admiral Persanb had quitted her, and gone 
 on board the iron-clad ram, the Affondatore, without 
 notifying the commanding officers of the change, either 
 by signal, or otherwise. The action was then really 
 fought, on the part of the Italians, without a Commander; 
 for they received no signals from the ship from which 
 they had a. right to look for them; and, as the Re d'ltalia 
 was soon sunk, many thought that Admiral Persano had 
 perished in her. 
 
 The Italian fleet was thus without united action ; and 
 their manoeuvres were undecided and weak ; while the 
 Austrian fleet concentrated all its efforts under the 
 
lissa. 565 
 
 strong impulse of a skillful and very zealous Com- 
 mander, whose only thought seemed to be to win or 
 perish. In spite of this the Italian ships were most 
 bravely fought, and the victory was not either an easy or 
 bloodless one. 
 
 Many have thought that, had there been a capable 
 Commander, and unity of action, they would have prob- 
 ably gained the battle. 
 
 The Italian iron-clad Re di Portogallo, a sister ship of 
 the Re d'ltalia, especially distinguished herself by the 
 audacity of her movements and the ability with which 
 she was handled. She sank two Austrian vessels ; 
 having a long engagement with the Kaiser, sinking this 
 huge ship by a broadside poured into her, at a distance 
 of only a few yards. The Kaiser is said to have carried 
 down with her twelve hundred men; several hundred of 
 whom were Tyrolese sharp-shooters. 
 
 At half-past four in the afternoon the battle ceased; 
 having lasted for six hours. 
 
 The Italians retired to Ancona, a safe and strongly 
 fortified harbor on their coast, nearly opposite to Lissa. 
 The Austrian fleet had received such damage and loss 
 that they not only were unable to pursue the Italians, but 
 were soon obliged to desert the waters of Lissa, and 
 return to their naval port, Pola. 
 
 Although this was not a victory for the Austrians, in 
 the sense of large captures, they were most distinctly the 
 victors, in that the Italians deserted the field. That has 
 always been the test of victory, both by land and by sea. 
 Before the end of the battle the Italians lost a second 
 iron-clad, the Palestro, which blew up, and all on board 
 were lost. On the 6th of August, following, the Affonda- 
 tore, which had been anchored outside of Ancona, on the 
 lookout for the Austrian fleet, was swamped by the heavy 
 
56Q NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 sea caused by a sudden storm. She endeavored to take 
 refuge inside the mole, but too late. All her crew were 
 saved. The whole affair was a dreadful blow to the 
 Italian navy, and to their cause ; and was equally instru- 
 mental in advancing the morale and reputation of the 
 Austrian navy. 
 
 A good deal of light may be thrown upon this event 
 by a slight account of the officer responsible for it. 
 
 Admiral Count Charles Persano was born at Vercelli, 
 in 1806. He entered the Sardinian navy, and rose 
 rapidly to high rank; serving under Admiral Bruat, at 
 the bombardment of Odessa, during the Crimean war ; 
 and, for the remainder of that struggle, having charge of 
 the transportation and provisionment of the Sardinian 
 troops which joined the Allies ; a most responsible post. 
 
 In the year 1859, as a Rear- Admiral, he had command 
 of the Adriatic squadron of observation, and of the 
 blockade of Venice. The next year he commanded the 
 fleet at Naples, when Garibaldi seized and turned over 
 to him the Neapolitan fleet. Here he acted with great 
 judgment, and to the satisfaction of all, in distributing the 
 Neapolitan officers among the vessels of the national 
 fleet, and in composing difficulties and overcoming obsta- 
 cles incident to so sudden and great a change in govern- 
 ment. The reputation of no one stood higher than that 
 of Persano, for tact, ability, and firmness of purpose. 
 
 In September, i860, upon the invasion of the Marches 
 and Umbria, the Admiral was sent off Ancona, where 
 he distinguished himself, first in the blockade, and then 
 in forcing an entrance and taking possession of that fine 
 port. General Lamoriciere declared that he was discom- 
 fited not by the land force opposed to him, but by the 
 work of the fleet ; and it was with Persano that he held 
 a parley, and to him he surrendered his sword. During 
 
lissa. 567 
 
 this siege Persano gained great popularity, on account 
 of his consideration for the sufferings of the inhabitants. 
 
 For these actions he was made a Vice-Admiral, and 
 was elected a deputy, from the city of Spezia, to the 
 first Italian Parliament, which was convened in 1861. 
 When the Italian navy was constituted he became the 
 Admiral ; there being three Vice- Admirals and ten Rear- 
 Admirals also appointed. Soon after he became a 
 Senator, and Minister of Marine, under Ratazzi. 
 
 No man in Italy was more trusted and honored, and 
 few could be said to have had a more successful career. 
 
 In expectation of the approaching struggle with Austria 
 for the possession of the Venetian provinces, the Italian 
 government had, at immense sacrifices, devoted some 
 years to the development of its navy ; which, much supe- 
 rior to that of Austria, was to secure to the Italian flag 
 the dominion of the Adriatic. In the event of war the 
 command of the fleet fell naturally to the naval officer of 
 highest rank, and so, in March, 1866, Admiral Persano 
 was named to the command of the strong fleet collected 
 at Tarento. But the results accomplished by this naval 
 force fell far below the hopes of those who had conceived 
 and formed it. 
 
 Persano began by delaying for a long time the depar- 
 ture of his fleet from Tarento. Then, when he did 
 enter the Adriatic, he refused, although far superior in 
 numbers, and with crews filled with enthusiasm for the 
 cause, to accept the battle offered him by the Austrian 
 fleet, composed of fourteen ships only ; and he remained 
 idle, at Ancona, until July 8th. 
 
 Only upon repeated and decided orders of the Minister 
 of Marine did he finally leave port, but then only for a 
 few days' cruise in the Adriatic, during which he avoided 
 the Austrian fleet and coast. Another formal order was 
 
568 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 needed, from the highest authority, to force him to leave 
 Ancona again, and to proceed to the Island of Lissa. 
 Upon the taking of this island partly depended the success 
 of the naval operations in the Adriatic. 
 
 After a rather feeble bombardment of the Austrian 
 works, Persano, although he had certain information that 
 Admiral Tegfethoff was hastening to the relief of Lissa, 
 gave the order for landing, and pursuing operations on 
 shore. This ill-conceived proceeding of landing a portion 
 of his men, at a time when he was liable at any moment 
 to be attacked by sea, has been attributed to various 
 motives; none of them worthy ones. At any rate, when 
 the Austrians did appear, coming down from the north, 
 the Italian ships were not ready to meet them, and those 
 of the crews who had been landed had to re-embark, in 
 haste and confusion. Moreover, in presence of the 
 enemy, and while dispositions for battle were actually 
 going on, Persano left the Re d' Italia, his flag-ship, and 
 went on board the Affondatore, an inconspicuous and 
 untried vessel, built for a ram. His motive in doing so 
 was never explained satisfactorily by him, and is left to 
 conjecture. By his action he delayed the formation of the 
 line-of-battle, and deprived himself of the ability to direct 
 the movements of the fleet, as the officers had not been 
 informed of the change ; and, moreover, by his presence, 
 prevented the ram from taking the part in the battle for 
 which she was designed especially. Such being the state 
 of things, it is no wonder that the action, in spite of indi- 
 vidual exertions and gallantry, resulted disastrously for 
 the Italians. 
 
 This defeat, or disaster, was so mortifying, and so 
 confounded the designs of the Italian government, that 
 a storm of public indignation was aroused against 
 Persano, and the King was forced to order a court of 
 
lissa. 560 
 
 inquiry upon his actions. It is said that the Admiral 
 himself demanded one, but this does not clearly appear. 
 
 The court examined very many witnesses, and the 
 proceedings were very much protracted ; so that it was 
 the end of 1867 before their proceedings were reported 
 to the Italian Senate. The Senate then proceeded to 
 give judgment. Persano was acquitted of the charge of 
 cowardice by a small majority , but he was found guilty 
 of disobedience of orders, and negligence in the per- 
 formance of duty, by a large majority. The Ministry 
 had intended to prosecute him for high treason ; but, for 
 some reason, this was abandoned, and he was released 
 from arrest, and suffered to slink into retirement and 
 obscurity, a disgraced man. 
 
 By a vote of the Senate, he was required to pay the 
 expenses of the court of inquiry, which had been very 
 heavy, and was dismissed from the navy, and from all 
 his other offices. It was generally thought, in Italy, that 
 the Senate had been very lenient in thus dealing with 
 him ; and that he should have suffered death. 
 
 The whole of the facts of the case are not accessible 
 in this country, and perhaps would not be, even in Italy. 
 
 William, Baron Tegethoff, the Austrian Commander at 
 the battle of Lissa, was a native of Styria, being born in 
 1827. After passing through the Venetian Naval Col- 
 lege, he entered the Imperial Navy, in 1845, and in twelve 
 years became a Commander, serving on the coast of 
 Egypt, the Red Sea, the east coast of Africa, and in the 
 Mediterranean. After this he accompanied the Arch- 
 duke Maximilian, as Aid-de-Camp, in his voyage to 
 Brazil. In 1861 he had command of the Austrian 
 squadron in Greece, during the unsettled and exciting 
 
570 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 period which terminated in Otho's leaving the Greek 
 throne. 
 
 During the Schleswig-Holstein War he commanded 
 the Austrian squadron in the North Sea ; and, in con- 
 junction with some Prussian vessels, fought, with the 
 Danish fleet, the spirited and bloody, but inconclusive, 
 action of Heligoland. 
 
 For this he was made a Rear-Admiral, from May 9th, 
 1864, and two years later, was made Vice- Admiral, for 
 the action of Lissa. 
 
 After Maximilian's death, in Mexico, he was deputed 
 to proceed to Vera Cruz and obtain the remains of that 
 Prince. After three months' delay and considerable 
 diplomacy he obtained them, and returned to Trieste, 
 in January 1868. In March of that year he was made 
 Commander-in-Chief of the Austrian Navy, being then 
 only forty-one years of age. 
 
 Tegethoff is looked upon as the creator of the effective 
 Austrian Navy, which, before his time, was undisciplined 
 and inefficient. At his death, which occurred in 1871, 
 from chronic dysentery, contracted in Mexico, the Austrian 
 Navy numbered sixteen efficient iron-clad ships, besides 
 wooden vessels. 
 
 The Austrian Government has ordered that a ship of 
 their Navy shall always bear his name. 
 
MERRIMAC AND MONITOR. 571 
 
 XL. 
 
 MERRIMAC AND MONITOR. MARCH yTH, 1862. 
 
 HE United States Navy Department had 
 been informed that the Confederate 
 authorities had raised the hull of the fine 
 frioate Merrimac, which had been burned 
 at the Navy Yard at Norfolk, at the 
 breaking out of the civil war, and had 
 erected a huge iron casemate upon her. 
 With her engines in <jood workingf order, 
 it was confidently expected by the Confederates that this 
 novel and formidable craft would be able to capture or 
 destroy the Union fleet, in Hampton Roads, raise the 
 blockade at the Capes of Virginia, and proceed to 
 Washington, when the Capitol would be at the mercy 
 of her powerful battery. This battery consisted of ten 
 heavy rifled guns. 
 
 In those days nothing was known about ironclads, and 
 as week after week passed, and the monster, so often 
 spoken of by the Norfolk papers, which was to clear 
 out Hampton Roads, and to brush away the "insolent 
 frigates " which were blockading the James River at 
 Newport News did not appear, people began to regard 
 her as a bugbear. At any rate, the Union frigates were 
 very sure that, if they could once get her under their 
 broadsides, they would soon send her to the bottom. 
 
 About the 1 st of March, 1862, a Norfolk newspaper 
 contained a violent attack upon the Confederate authori- 
 
572 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 ties for their bad management in regard to the Merrimac, 
 or " Virginia," as they had re-christened her. The paper 
 declared that her plating was a failure, that her machinery- 
 was defective, and that she very nearly sank when brought 
 out of dock. This was all a ruse, for she was then 
 making trials of machinery, and had her officers and 
 crew on board and under drill. 
 
 The Navy Department was better informed than those 
 in the immediate vicinity, and hurried up the means it 
 had created to meet the ironclad. 
 
 In Hampton Roads, at that time, were the Minnesota, 
 a fine steam-frigate, the Roanoke, of the same size, but 
 crippled in machinery, and several other vessels of much 
 less power, together with numerous transports, coal-ships, 
 and others. 
 
 A few miles above, at Newport News, lay the Congress, 
 a sailing frigate of 50 guns, and the Cumberland, a heavy 
 sloop of 24 guns. These were the "insolent frigates" 
 which, during many preceding months, had entirely 
 prevented the Confederates from using the water com- 
 munication between Richmond and Norfolk. The danger 
 in leaving these vessels, without steam, in such a position, 
 was fully recognized, and they were to be replaced by 
 others about the middle of March. 
 
 On shore, at Newport News, was a camp of about four 
 thousand men ; and the Congress and Cumberland lay 
 just off this camp, in the fair way of the channel, and 
 about a quarter of a mile apart; the Cumberland being 
 the furthest up the James river. 
 
 On Saturday, the 8th of March, the Merrimac at last 
 appeared, accompanied by two or three tugs armed with 
 rifled guns, and joined, eventually, by two armed merchant 
 steamers from up the James. The Merrimac moved with 
 great deliberation, and was seen from the vessels at 
 
MERRIMAC AND MONITOR. 573 
 
 Newport News, coming down the channel from Norfolk, 
 towards Sewell's point, at about half-past twelve. She 
 could not then be seen from Hampton Roads, but when 
 she did at last show herself clear of the point, there was 
 great commotion there. But she turned up, at a right 
 angle, and came up the channel toward Newport 
 News. It is said by some that she came by a channel 
 not generally known, or, at least, not commonly used. 
 
 The tide had just turned ebb, and the time selected 
 was the best for the iron-clad, and the worst for the 
 vessels at Newport News, for their sterns were down 
 stream, and they could not be sprung round. 
 
 The Merrimac approached these ships with ominous 
 silence and deliberation. The officers were gathered on 
 the poops of the vessels, hazarding all sorts of conjec- 
 tures in regard to the strange craft, and, when it was 
 plain she was coming to attack them, or to force the 
 passage, the drum beat to quarters. By about two o'clock 
 the strange monster was close enough to make out her 
 ports and plating, and the Congress fired at her from a 
 stern gun. The projectile, a 32-pound shot, bounced off 
 the casemate as a pebble would. 
 
 The ironclad threw open her forward ports, and 
 answered with grape, killing and wounding* quite a 
 number on board the Congress. Then she steamed up 
 past that frigate, at a distance of less than two hundred 
 yards, receiving a broadside, and giving one in return. 
 The shot of the Congress had no effect upon the Merri- 
 mac; but the broadside of the latter, upon the wooden 
 frigate, had created great destruction. One of her shells 
 dismounted an 8-inch gun, and either killed or wounded 
 every one of the gun's crew. The slaughter at other 
 guns was fearful. There were comparatively few 
 wounded, the shells killing, as a general rule. 
 
574 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 After this broadside the Merrimac passed up the 
 stream, and the Congress' men, supposing she had had 
 enough of it, began to cheer ; and for many of them it 
 was the last cheer they were ever to give. The iron-clad 
 went up stream far enough to turn at right angles, and 
 ran into the Cumberland with her ram. The Cumber- 
 land began to fill, at once, and in a few minutes sank, her 
 flag flying, and having kept up her fire as long as her 
 gun-deck was above water. Her mizzen-top remained 
 out of water, but it was deeper under her forward part, 
 and her fore and main top went under. A small freight 
 boat, of the quartermaster's department, and some tugs 
 and row-boats put off from the wharf at the camp, to save 
 the lives of her crew. These were fired at by the Rebel 
 gun-boats, and the boiler of the freight boat was pierced, 
 and the wharf itself damaged, but the greater part of 
 those in the water were saved. 
 
 The Cumberland lost one hundred and seventeen out 
 of three hundred on board. Buchanan, the Captain of 
 the Merrimac, hailed Morris, the First Lieutenant of the 
 Cumberland, and temporarily in command, saying, " Do 
 you surrender?" "No, Sir!" shouted back Morris, whose 
 ship was then sinking. The last gun was fired by acting 
 Master Randall, now in the navy, but retired. The ship 
 heeled suddenly as she sank, and the ladders were either 
 thrown down, or became almost perpendicular, so as to 
 render it difficult to get on deck. The Chaplain was 
 drowned, on this account. One of the gunners' mates got 
 up safely, however, all the way from the magazine, and 
 swam to the mizzen-top. The marine drummer boy was 
 pushed and hoisted up by some of the men, holding fast 
 to his drum, which he saved, and creating laughter, even 
 at that terrible moment, by the way in which he clung 
 to it. 
 
MERRIMAC AND MONITOR. 575 
 
 When the survivors of the Cumberland reached the 
 shore they were enthusiastically received by the soldiers, 
 and flasks of whisky, plugs of tobacco, and other soldiers' 
 and sailors' luxuries, forced upon them. Captain Radford, 
 of the Cumberland, now Admiral Radford, was at Hamp- 
 ton Roads, sitting on a court-martial, when the Merrimac 
 ran out. He went on shore, got a horse, and rode madly, 
 in hopes of reaching Newport News in time; but he only 
 got there to see his pendant waving from the truck, and 
 sweeping the water which had swallowed up so many of 
 his fine crew. 
 
 In ramming the Cumberland the Merrimac had twisted 
 her prow or beak, but the leak it occasioned was not 
 noticed at once. She then turned down stream, to renew 
 her attack upon the Congress. The latter ship had been 
 set on fire by the shell of the first broadside, and one of 
 the seats of fire was aft, near the after magazine ; this was 
 never extinguished, and was the eventual cause of her 
 destruction. 
 
 Seeing the fate of the Cumberland, which sank in deep 
 water, the Congress slipped her chains, set the top-sails 
 and jib, and with the help of the tug Zouave, ran on the 
 flat which makes off from Newport News point. Here 
 she heeled over, as the tide continued to fall, leaving only 
 two 32-pounders which could be fought, and these were 
 in the stern ports, on the gun-deck. 
 
 The Minnesota and one or two other vessels had started 
 up to the relief of the Congress and Cumberland, but they 
 got on shore before they had achieved half the distance. It 
 turned out to be well, for they would otherwise probably 
 have shared the fate of the Cumberland, in which case the 
 lives of their crews would have been uselessly jeopardized. 
 
 It was about half-past two when the Merrimac came to 
 attack the Congress once more. She took up a position 
 
57G NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 about one hundred and fifty yards astern of her, and 
 deliberately raked her with rifled shells, while the small 
 steamers all concentrated their guns upon the same 
 devoted ship. A great many were now killed on board 
 the Congress, including two officers. The ship kept 
 up a fire from her two stern guns, having the crews 
 swept away from them repeatedly. At last they were 
 both dismounted. Nearly all the men in the powder 
 division, below, were killed by this raking fire. This 
 division was in charge of Paymaster Buchanan, who was 
 a brother of the Captain of the Merrimac. Those now 
 fared best whose duty kept them on the spar-deck. Even 
 the wounded in the cockpit were killed, and the shells 
 were momentarily setting fire to new places, rendering it 
 necessary to drench the quarters of the wounded with 
 ice-cold water. The commanding officer, Lieutenant 
 Joseph B. Smith, was killed by a shell at this time. 
 
 The Congress had now borne this fire for nearly an 
 hour, and had no prospect of assistance from any quarter, 
 and was unable to fire a shot in return. 
 
 Under these circumstances there was nothing to do but 
 to haul down the flag. A small gun-boat came alongside, 
 the commanding officer of which said he had orders to 
 take the people out, and burn the vessel. But before 
 many could get on board the steamer she was driven 
 off by the sharp-shooters of a regiment on shore. They 
 now all opened on the Congress again, although she had 
 a white flag flying, and could not be responsible for the 
 actions of the soldiers on shore. After about fifteen 
 minutes more, however, they all went down to attack 
 the Minnesota, which ship was hard and fast aground. 
 Fortunately they could not approach very near her, on 
 account of the state of the tide, and night now drawing 
 
MERRIMAC AND MONITOR. 577 
 
 on, the whole flotilla withdrew, and proceeded up the 
 Norfolk channel. 
 
 It was now necessary for the survivors of the Congress 
 to get on shore as soon as possible, and this was done, 
 by about dark, by means of the two boats which had the 
 fewest shot-holes in them. These made repeated trips, 
 taking the wounded first, and the officers last, and the 
 'wearied and exhausted people were hospitably received 
 in the camp. 
 
 The poor old ship, deserted by all but the dead, who 
 were left lying just as they fell, burned till about midnight, 
 when she blew up, with a report that was heard for many 
 miles. - 
 
 The next morning was fine, but hazy, but it soon 
 became clear, as if to afford an uninterrupted view of the 
 first ironclad fight. 
 
 The camp was early astir ; the regiments drawn up in 
 line of battle, while the survivors of the two ships' 
 companies manned the howitzers and field pieces in the 
 earthworks to the west of the camp. For it was certain 
 the Merrimac would return that morning, to complete 
 her work, while information had been received that 
 General Magruder, with a large force, was marching over 
 from Yorktown, to take the camp in the rear, and thus, in 
 conjunction with the ironclad, force a surrender. 
 
 About six o'clock the Merrimac was seen, through the 
 haze, coming down again, apparently intending to attack 
 the Minnesota, which ship was still aground. Her pro- 
 ceedings were watched with breathless interest by thou- 
 sands, on all sides of the broad sheet of water, which 
 formed an amphitheatre, so to speak, on the southern 
 side of which the spectators were filled with hope and 
 confidence, while to the north well-grounded apprehension 
 was felt. Passing up the James River channel again, the 
 
 37 
 
578 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 Merrimac opened fire upon the Minnesota with her bow- 
 guns, hulling - her once or twice, when, suddenly, there 
 darted out from under the shadows of the huge frigate 
 a little raft-like vessel, almost flush with the water, and 
 bearing on her deck a round, black turret. 
 
 At first no one in the camp seemed to know what it 
 was, or how it came there, but at last it was conceded that 
 it must be the strange, new ironclad, which was said to be 
 building in New York, by Ericsson. 
 
 It was indeed the "Monitor," and although too late to 
 prevent a terrible loss, she was in the nick of time to 
 prevent much more serious disaster. 
 
 And now for a few words about this remarkable vessel, 
 whose exploits were the cause of a revolution in the 
 building of ships-of-war, throughout the world. 
 
 And first, as to her name. Ericsson proposed to call 
 her Monitor, because she would prove a warning to the 
 leaders of the Southern rebellion, as well as to the 
 authorities of other countries who should be inclined to 
 break our blockade, or otherwise interfere in our affairs. 
 Captain Ericsson was a native of Sweden, and in his 
 youth had served in both the army and navy of that 
 country. Thence he went to England, to pursue his 
 profession as an engineer, and came out to America, to 
 superintend the construction of the United States screw 
 steamer Princeton, in 1839. Here he has remained ever 
 since, being now far advanced in years. In 1854 he 
 planned a shot-proof iron-plated vessel, the drawings for 
 which he forwarded to Louis Napoleon, saying, among 
 other things, that his invention would place an entire fleet 
 of wooden vessels at its mercy, in calms and light winds. 
 Louis Napoleon politely declined to accept his proposition 
 to build such a vessel for the French Navy. 
 
 When it became evident that a long and arduous 
 
MERRIMAC AND MONITOR. 579 
 
 struggle was before us, at the opening of the Civil War, 
 certain eentlemen entered into a contract to build such a 
 vessel for our Government, on Ericsson's plans, and under 
 his superintendence. The ironclad was contracted for in 
 October, 1861, to be ready in the shortest possible space 
 of time. The contract price paid for her hull was seven 
 and a half cents a pound, and Ericsson and his backers 
 were to forfeit payment for the whole, unless she was 
 found to work in a satisfactory manner. 
 
 His plans were only partly drawn, and it is said that 
 he frequently made his drawings, to overcome difficulties, 
 the same day they were to be worked from. 
 
 The hull was built by Rowland, at Green Point, Long 
 Island; the turret at the Novelty Works, New York; the 
 machinery and mechanism of the turret at Delamater's, 
 in New York ; while the massive port-stoppers, which 
 swung down by machinery, as the guns fired and the 
 turret revolved, were forged in Buffalo. 
 
 Wonderful to relate, this entirely novel structure was 
 finished in one hundred days from the time the plates for 
 her keel were laid. She was launched on the 30th of 
 January, 1862, having large wooden tanks under her 
 stern, to prevent her from running under water, as she 
 went off the ways. 
 
 She was delivered to the naval authorities, at the New 
 York Navy-yard, on the 19th of February, following. 
 After two trial trips it was found to be necessary to 
 hurry this novel and almost untried piece of compli- 
 cated machinery down to Hampton Roads, to meet the 
 formidable ironclad whose doings we have just been 
 relating 
 
 The officers and crew were in circumstances entirely 
 new to them. " Calmly and terribly heroic," says Dorr, 
 
580 NAVAL, BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN, 
 
 " was the act of manning this coffin-like ship," in .which 
 the crew was, as it were, hermetically sealed. 
 
 Lieutenant John L. Worden, of the Navy, having been 
 ordered to the command, proceeded to select a crew 
 from the receiving ships North Carolina and Sabine. 
 He stated fairly to the men the difficulties and dangers 
 which they might expect to encounter, and yet many 
 more volunteered to go than were required. The officers 
 were ordered in the usual way, except the First Lieuten- 
 ant, S. D. Greene, who was a volunteer. Chief Engineer 
 Stimers, of the navy, who had been employed as an 
 inspector of some of the work, and who was interested 
 in the performance of the vessel, went down in her as a 
 passenger, and took part, as a volunteer, in her first 
 action. 
 
 The Monitor's orders to Hampton Roads were issued 
 on the 20th of February, but necessary work detained 
 her ; and on March 4th Admiral Paulding, the Com- 
 mandant at New York, directed Worden to proceed the 
 moment the weather would permit ; and informed him 
 that a tue would be sent to tow him, and two small 
 steamers would attend. 
 
 On the afternoon of March 6th the Monitor left Sandy 
 Hook, with a moderate westerly wind, and a smooth sea. 
 The "Seth Low" was hired to tug her, and the Currituck 
 and Sachem formed the escort. At midday of the 7th 
 she was off the Capes of the Delaware, with a strong 
 breeze and a rough sea. Water came freely in at the 
 hawse-pipes, around the base of the turret, and in other 
 places. At 4 p. m., the wind still increasing, the water 
 broke over the smoke and blower pipes, which were six 
 and four feet high, respectively. This wet the blower 
 bands, which slipped and broke. A failure in the 
 machinery to supply air must soon be fatal, in such a 
 
MERRIMAC AND MONITOR. 581 
 
 craft, to all on board. The blowers being stopped there 
 was no draft for the furnaces, and the fire and engine 
 rooms soon filled with gas. 
 
 The engineer in charge, Isaac Newton, U. S. N., met 
 the emergency promptly, but his department was soon 
 prostrated by inhaling the gas, and they had to be taken 
 up into the turret, to be revived. 
 
 The water was coming in rapidly, and the hand-pumps 
 could not discharge it fast enough. Matters looked very 
 gloomy, and the tug was hailed, and directed to head for 
 the land. This she did at once, but made slow progress 
 against wind and sea; but by evening she had got the 
 Monitor into much smoother water; repairs were made, 
 the gas had escaped, and at 8 o'clock she was on her 
 course again. At midnight fears of disaster were again 
 aroused by very rough water, in passing over the Chinco- 
 teague Shoals ; and, to add to their troubles, the wheel-ropes 
 jammed, and the vessel yawed so that the towing hawser 
 was in danger of parting. 
 
 These difficulties were in turn overcome by the stout 
 hearts and skillful hands on board; and at four in the 
 afternoon of the 8th of March she passed Cape Henry. 
 Heavy firing was now heard to the westward, which Worden 
 at once conjectured to be the Merrimac fighting the 
 vessels in the Roads. He at once prepared the Monitor 
 for action, and keyed up the turret. A pilot boat which 
 came out to meet them soon put them in possession of 
 the news, and of the damage done to the ships at New- 
 port News, as well as the position of the Minnesota. 
 Reporting to the senior officer in Hampton Roads, 
 Women's first care was to find a pilot for that place. 
 None being found, acting Master Howard, who had a 
 knowledge of the locality, volunteered to act as pilot. 
 
 The Monitor then went up, and anchored near the 
 
582 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 Minnesota, at one o'clock on Sunday morning. Worden 
 went to see Captain Van Brunt, and informed himself, as 
 well as he could, of the state of affairs, and then returned 
 to the Monitor, after assuring the Captain that he would 
 develop all the qualities of that vessel, both for offence 
 and defence. 
 
 We now return to the moment when the Merrimac 
 came down again, and the Monitor went out to meet her, 
 Worden's object being to draw her away from the 
 Minnesota. The contrast between the opposing ironclads 
 was most striking, the Monitor seeming a veritable pigmy 
 by the side of the Merrimac. The two vessels met on 
 parallel courses, with their bows looking in opposite 
 directions. They then exchanged fire. Worden and the 
 engineers had been very anxious about the effect of heavy 
 shot striking the turret, and causing it to jam. The heavy 
 shot of the Merrimac did strike the turret, and, to their 
 great relief, it continued to revolve without difficulty. 
 Thus one great source of anxiety was removed. More- 
 over, it was plainly to be seen that the i i-inch solid shot 
 of the Monitor made a very considerable impression upon 
 the Merrimac' s plating. The Monitor, though slow, 
 steered well, and was much more agile than her long- and 
 heavy opponent, and she now ran across the Merrimac's 
 stern, close to her, in the hopes of damaging her propeller 
 or rudder, but in this she did not succeed. 
 
 After passing up on her port side, she crossed the 
 Merrimac's bow, to get between her and the Minnesota 
 again. The Merrimac put on steam, and made for the 
 Monitor, to ram her. Finding- that she would strike her, 
 Worden put his helm hard-a-port, and gave his vessel a 
 sheer, so that the blow glanced off from the quarter. 
 The Monitor was now obliged to haul off for a few 
 minutes, to do some repair or other, and the Merrimac 
 
rBK " MIAXTOKOMOH" (DOUBLE- I'URmiTED MONITOR;. 
 
 GUN-EOATS ON WESTERN RIVEK. 
 
 (Destruction of the Confederate Ram Arkansas.) 
 
MERRIMAC AND MONITOR. &&6 
 
 turned her attention to the Minnesota, hulling- her, and 
 exploding the boiler of a steam-tug lying alongside of 
 her. The Minnesota's battery was brought to bear, and 
 her 8-inch shot must have hit the Merrimac more than fifty 
 times, but glanced from her sloping roof without inflicting 
 damage. 
 
 The gallant little Monitor now came up again, and 
 interposed between the two. Her shot soon caused the 
 Merrimac to shift her position, and in doing so she 
 grounded for a few minutes, but was soon afloat again. 
 The fight had now lasted for a long time, and just before 
 noon, when within ten yards of the Merrimac, one of her 
 shells struck the pilot-house, just over the lookout hole 
 or slit. Worden had just withdrawn his face, which had 
 been pressed against it. If he had been touching it he 
 would probably have been killed. As it was, he was 
 stunned, and blinded by the explosion, and bears the indeli- 
 ble marks of powder blast in his face to this day. 
 
 The concussion partly lifted the top of the pilot-house, 
 and the helm was put a starboard, and the Monitor 
 sheered off. Greene was sent for, from the turret, to take 
 the command, but just at that time it became evident that 
 the Merrimac had had enough of it ; and, after a few more 
 shots on each side she withdrew, and slowly and sullenly 
 went up to an anchorage above Craney Island. Greene 
 did not follow her very far, and was considered to have 
 acted with good judgment ; it not being necessary to enter 
 into the reasons for his action here. He returned, and 
 anchored near the Minnesota, where he remained until 
 that vessel was extricated from her unpleasant predica- 
 ment, on the following night. 
 
 It is probable that the Monitor would, in firing at such 
 close quarters, have completely broken up the Merrimac's 
 armor plates, if a knowledge had existed of the endurance 
 
584 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 of the Dahloren gam. The fear of bursting the ii-inch 
 guns, in the small turret, caused the use of the service- 
 charge of fifteen pounds of powder. After that time thirty 
 pounds were often used. Then we must remember that 
 the crew had only been exercised at the guns a few times, 
 and that the gun and turret gear were rusty, from having 
 been kept wet during her late passage from New York. 
 
 The Monitor was 124 feet long, and 34 feet wide in the 
 hull. The armor raft was 1 74 feet long, and 41 feet wide. 
 Her stern overhung 34 feet, and her bow 1 5 feet. Her 
 side armor was of five one-inch plates, backed by twenty- 
 seven inches of oak. Her deck armor consisted of two 
 half-inch plates, over seven inches of plank. The turret 
 was twenty feet in inside diameter, covered with eight 
 one-inch plates, and was nine feet high. The top of the 
 turret was of railroad bars, with holes for ventilation. The 
 pilot-house was built of bars eight inches square, and 
 built up log-house fashion, with the corners notched. 
 She was very primitive in all her arrangements, compared 
 with the monitors Ericsson afterwards produced. 
 
 She carried two 1 1 -inch guns, which threw spherical cast- 
 iron shot, weighing 168 pounds. The charge of powder 
 has been mentioned. 
 
 In this engagement she was struck twenty-one times ; 
 eight times on the side armor; twice on the pilot-house; 
 seven times on the turret, and four times on deck. 
 
 The Merrimac carried ten heavy guns; sixty-eight- 
 pounders, rifled. One of these was broken by a shot from 
 the Cumberland, which shot entered her casemate, and 
 killed seven men. Captain Buchanan was wounded on 
 the first day, by a musket-ball, it is said; and the Merri- 
 mac was commanded, in her fight with the Monitor, by 
 Lieutenant Catesby Jones, formerly of the United States 
 Navy, as were, indeed, all her other officers. On the 
 
MERRIMAC AND MONITOR. 585 
 
 second day the Monitor injured many of her plates, and 
 crushed in some of her casemate timbers. 
 
 From the day she retired before the Monitor to the 
 nth of May, when she was blown up by her own people, 
 the formidable Merrimac never did anything more of 
 note. There was, indeed, a plan concocted to capture the 
 Monitor, as she lay on guard, in the Roads, by engaging 
 her with the Merrimac, while men from two small steamers 
 boarded her, and wedged her turret. Then the crew 
 were to be driven out, by throwing balls of stinking 
 combustibles below, by her ventilators. But nothing 
 came of it. 
 
 The end of the Monitor must be told. After doing- 
 good service up the James River, during the eventful 
 summer of 1862, she was sent down to Beaufort, South 
 Carolina. On the night of the 30th of December, when 
 off Hatteras, she suddenly foundered. About half of her 
 officers and crew went down in her: the rest making 
 their escape to her escort. The cause of her sinking was 
 never known ; but it was conjectured that the oak timbers 
 which were fitted on the top rim of her iron hull had shrunk 
 under the hot summer sun of the James River, and when 
 she once more got into a rough sea, admitted the water 
 in torrents. 
 
 Before we quit the subject of the Merrimac and 
 Monitor, it may be of interest to mention that just about 
 the time the Merrimac retired from the contest the head 
 of Magruder's column appeared on the river bank. But 
 the camp at Newport News was too strong and well 
 entrenched to be attacked without aid from the water. 
 Magruder was just a day too late, and had to march back 
 again. His troops were the same which, a few weeks 
 later, were opposed to McClellan, in the earthworks at 
 Yorktown. 
 
586 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 XLI. 
 
 FARRAGUT AT NEW ORLEANS. 
 
 BOUT the close of the gloomy and dis- 
 astrous year 1 861 , the Government of the 
 United States determined to regain con- 
 trol of the Mississippi, the greater part 
 of which, from Memphis to the Gulf, was 
 held by the Confederates, who were 
 thus enabled to transport immense sup- 
 plies from the southwest to the seat of 
 war. Moreover, the Rebels, as they were then called, 
 had, at New Orleans, a constantly increasing force of 
 rams and armored vessels, under able officers of the old 
 Navy, with which to defend the approaches from the 
 Gulf, as well as from up the river. 
 
 After long consideration, Farragut was chosen as the 
 naval officer to command in the Gulf. The story of his 
 southern birth, and of his steadfast loyalty to his flag, is 
 too well known to be here repeated. 
 
 His formal orders put him in command of the "Western 
 Gulf Blockading Squadron," and these were issued in 
 January, 1862. But confidential instructions were also 
 given him, by which he was especially charged with the 
 " reduction of the defences guarding the approaches to 
 New Orleans, and the taking possession of that city." 
 
 He was to be assisted by a mortar-fleet of schooners, 
 under Commander D. D. Porter. 
 
 Farragut had long before expressed a belief that he 
 
mm 
 
FARRAGUT AT NEW ORLEANS. 587 
 
 could take New Orleans, and he had little confidence in 
 a mortar-fleet, and would rather have dispensed with it ; 
 but since Porter had already been ordered to prepare it, 
 when he was detailed for the command, he acquiesced in 
 the arrangement. 
 
 He turned out to be right, as he generally was in 
 such matters. 
 
 On February 2d, 1862, Farragut sailed for the Gulf, in 
 the sloop-of-war Hartford, which was so long to bear his 
 flag, successfully, through manifold dangers. 
 
 The Hartford was a wooden screw-steamer, full ship- 
 rigged, and of nineteen hundred tons burthen. She was 
 of comparatively light draught, and, therefore, well suited 
 to the service she was called upon to perform. 
 
 She then carried a battery of twenty-two nine-inch, 
 smooth-bore guns, two 20-pounder Parrotts, and her fore 
 and main-tops had howitzers, with a protection of boiler 
 iron, a suggestion of Farragut's. This battery was 
 afterwards increased by a rifled gun upon the fore- 
 castle. Like Napoleon, Farragut believed in plenty of 
 guns. 
 
 The Hartford arrived at her rendezvous, Ship Island, 
 one hundred miles north-northeast of the mouths of the 
 Mississippi, on February 20th. 
 
 A military force, to co-operate with Farragut's fleet, 
 was sent out, under General B. F. Butler, and arrived at 
 Ship Island on March 25th. Butler's plan was to follow 
 Farragut, and secure, by occupation, whatever the guns 
 of the fleet should subdue. 
 
 Let us now see a little about the scene of action. 
 
 Farragut's son, in the "Life of Farragut," from which 
 we principally quote in this article, says (quoting another 
 person), that the Delta of the Mississippi has been aptly 
 described as "a long, watery arm, gauntleted in swamps 
 
588 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 and mud, spread out into a grasping hand," of which the 
 fingers are the five passes, or mouths. 
 
 At that time the mud brought down by the great river 
 formed bars at each pass, which bars are always shifting, 
 and require good pilots to keep account of their condition. 
 In peace times the pilots are always at work, sounding 
 and buoying, and the chances are that all the efforts of 
 the "Delta Doctors" will only end in transferring the 
 bars further out into the Gulf. 
 
 New Orleans, on the left bank of the river, is about 
 one hundred miles from its mouth, and was by far the 
 wealthiest and most important city of the Confederacy. 
 Loyall Farragut states that, in i860, it had about 170,000 
 inhabitants ; while Charleston had but about 40,000 ; 
 Richmond even a smaller population; and Mobile but 
 29,000 people. 
 
 Just before the war New Orleans had the largest export 
 trade of any city in the world ; and this fact, together with 
 the importance of its position from a military point of 
 view, made it the most important object for any military 
 expedition. 
 
 There is a great bend in the Mississippi, thirty miles 
 above the head of the passes, the lowest favorable locality 
 for defence, where two forts had been erected by the 
 United States Government, St. Philip on the left, or north 
 bank, and a little further down, Fort Jackson, on the right 
 bank. A single fort at this point had held a British 
 fleet in check for nine days, in spite of a vigorous shelling 
 by their guns and mortars. Fort St. Philip was originally 
 built by the Spaniards, but had been completely recon- 
 structed. It was a quadrangular earthwork, with a brick 
 scarp, and powerful batteries exteriorly, above and below. 
 Fort Jackson was more important, and rose twenty-five 
 
FARRAGUT AT NEW ORLEANS. 589 
 
 feet above the river and swamp, while St. Philip was only 
 nineteen feet above them. 
 
 The Confederates had taken possession of these works, 
 and had put them in complete order; Jackson mounted 
 seventy-five powerful guns, and St. Philip forty. Fourteen 
 of Fort Jackson's guns were in bomb-proof casemates. 
 The works were garrisoned by fifteen hundred men, 
 commanded by Brigadier General Duncan ; St. Philip 
 being commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Edward Hig- 
 gins, formerly an officer of the United States Navy. 
 
 Above the forts lay a fleet of fifteen vessels, under 
 Commodore J. K. Mitchell, formerly of the United States 
 Navy, which included the ironclad ram Manassas, and a 
 huge floating battery, covered with railroad iron, called 
 the " Louisiana." 
 
 Just below Fort Jackson the river was obstructed by a 
 heavy chain, brought from the Pensacola Navy-yard. 
 This chain was supported by cypress logs, at short 
 intervals ; the ends made fast to great trees on shore, 
 and the whole kept from sagging down with the current 
 by heavy anchors. 
 
 This contrivance was swept away by a spring freshet, 
 and was replaced by smaller chains, passed over eight 
 dismasted hulks, anchored abreast, and partially by logs, 
 as before. There was a battery at the end opposite 
 Fort Jackson. 
 
 A number of sharpshooters patrolled the banks below, 
 to give notice of any movements of the United States 
 forces. 
 
 Farragut's task was to break through the obstructions, 
 pass the forts, destroy or capture the Rebel fleet, and then 
 to place New Orleans under the guns of his own ships, 
 and demand its surrender. 
 
 He had six sloops-of-war, sixteen gun-boats — all steam- 
 
590 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 vessels — and twenty-one schooners, each with a 13-inch 
 mortar, and five sailing vessels, which were to act as 
 magazines and store-ships. The fleet carried over two 
 hundred guns, and was the largest that had ever been 
 seen under our flag, up to that time; but was afterwards 
 much exceeded by that which bombarded Fort Fisher. 
 
 There was little opportunity for General Butler and 
 his fifteen thousand troops to co-operate in the passage 
 of the forts ; so they only held themselves ready to hold 
 what Farragut might capture. 
 
 Farragut hoped to have taken the Colorado, a most 
 powerful frigate, up the river, but she drew entirely too 
 much water to be got over the bar. Great difficulty was 
 experienced in getting the Brooklyn, Mississippi, and 
 Pensacola into the river. The Mississippi, although 
 lightened in every possible way, had to be dragged 
 through at least a foot of mud. 
 
 When the arduous labor was finished, and the time for 
 action arrived, Butler's troops were embarked on the 
 transports, and Porter's mortar-schooners were placed 
 on each bank, below the forts ; being protected from the 
 view of those in the batteries by the forest trees, and by 
 having great branches lashed at their mast-heads, which 
 blended with the foliage on the banks. 
 
 The mortars threw shells weighing two hundred and 
 eighty-five pounds, and their fire was guided by a careful 
 triangulation, made by Mr. Gerdes, of the Coast Survey. 
 Fort Jackson received most of the shells, of which about 
 a thousand a day were thrown, for six days. The Con- 
 federates had a good many killed and wounded by this 
 means, and much damage was done, but the forts were 
 not silenced; and Lieutenant Weitzel reported, after their 
 surrender, that they were as strong as before the first 
 shell was fired. 
 
FARRAGUT AT NEW ORLEANS. 591 
 
 One schooner was sunk, and one steamer disabled by 
 the return fire from the fort. 
 
 In the course of the delay waiting for the result of the 
 bombardment, many of Farragut's ships were damaged 
 by collisions, caused by strong winds and currents, and 
 by efforts to avoid the fire-rafts which the enemy sent 
 down. Only one of the latter put the ships in any 
 danger, and that was at last turned off. These fire-rafts 
 were flatboats piled with dry wood, sprinkled with tar 
 and turpentine. They were towed out of the way by the 
 ships' boats. 
 
 Farragut had issued orders to his commanding officers 
 in regard to preparing their ships for this particular 
 service. After providing for the top hamper, and dis- 
 pensing with many masts and spars, he says, " Make 
 arrangements, if possible, to mount one or two guns on 
 the poop and top-gallant-forecastle ; in other words, be 
 prepared to use as many guns as possible, ahead and 
 astern, to protect yourself against the enemy's gun-boats 
 and batteries, bearing in mind that you will always have 
 to ride head to the current, and can only avail yourself 
 of the sheer of the helm to point a broadside gun more 
 than three points forward of the beam. 
 
 " Have a kedge in the mizzen-chains (or any convenient 
 place) on the quarter, with a hawser bent and leading 
 through in the stern chock, ready for any emergency ; 
 also grapnels in the boats, ready to hook on to and to 
 tow off fire-ships. Trim your vessel a few inches by the 
 head, so that if she touches the bottom she will not swing 
 head down the river. Put your boat howitzers in the fore 
 and main tops, on the boat carriages, and secure them 
 for firing abeam, etc Should any accident occur to the 
 machinery of the ship, making it necessary to drop down 
 the river, you will back and fill down under sail, or you can 
 
592 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 drop your anchor and drift down, but in no case attempt 
 to turn the ship's head down stream. You will have 
 a spare hawser ready, and when ordered to take in tow 
 your next astern, do so, keeping the hawser slack so long- 
 as the ship can maintain her own position, having a care 
 not to foul the propeller. 
 
 " No vessel must withdraw from battle, under any 
 circumstances, without the consent of the flao--ofricer. 
 You will see that force and other pumps and engine hose 
 are in good order, and men stationed by them, and your 
 men will be drilled to the extinguishing of fires. 
 
 " Have light Jacob-ladders made to throw over the side, 
 for the use of the carpenters in stopping shot-holes, who 
 are to be supplied with pieces of inch board lined with 
 felt, and ordinary nails, and see that the ports are marked, 
 in accordance with the ' ordnance instructions,' on the 
 berth deck, to show the locality of the shot-hole's. 
 
 " Have many tubs of water about the decks, both for 
 the purpose of extinguishing fire and for drinking. Have 
 a heavy kedge in the port main-chains, and a whip on the 
 main-yard, ready to run it up and let fall on the deck of 
 any vessel you may run alongside of, in order to secure 
 her for boarding. 
 
 "You will be careful to have lanyards on the lever of 
 the screw, so as to secure the gun at the proper elevation, 
 and prevent it from running down at each fire. I wish 
 you to understand that the day is at hand when you will 
 be called upon to meet the enemy in the worst form for 
 our profession. You must be prepared to execute all 
 those duties to which you have been so long trained in 
 the Navy without having the opportunity of practicing. 
 I expect every vessel's crew to be well exercised at their 
 guns, because it is required by the regulations of the 
 service, and it is usually the first object of our attention ; 
 
FARRAGUT AT NEW ORLEANS. 593 
 
 but they must be equally well trained for stopping shot- 
 holes and extinguishing fire. Hot and cold shot will, no 
 doubt, be freely dealt to us, and there must be stout 
 hearts and quick hands to extinguish the one and stop 
 the holes of the other. 
 
 "I shall expect the most prompt attention to signals 
 and verbal orders, either from myself or the Captain of 
 the fleet, who, it will be understood, in all cases, acts by 
 my authority." 
 
 After the bombardment had continued three days Far- 
 ragut, who had made up his mind to attempt the passage 
 of the forts in any event, called a council of his Cap- 
 tains, to obtain their opinion as to the best manner of 
 doinsf so. 
 
 Immediately after the council Farragut issued the fol- 
 lowing general order : — 
 
 "United States Flag-ship Hartford, 
 Mississippi River, April 20th, 1862. 
 "The Flag-Officer, having heard all the opinions ex- 
 pressed by the different commanders, is of the opinion 
 that whatever is to be done will have to be done quickly, 
 or we shall be again reduced to a blockading squadron, 
 without the means of carrying on the bombardment, as 
 we have nearly expended all the shells and fuses and 
 material for making cartridges. He has always enter- 
 tained the same opinions which are expressed by Com- 
 mander Porter ; that is, there are three modes of attack ; 
 and the question is, which is the one to be adopted ? 
 his own opinion is, that a combination of two should be 
 made ; viz., the forts should be run, and when a force is 
 once above the forts, to protect the troops, they should be 
 landed at quarantine, from the Gulf side, by bringing them 
 through the bayou, and then our forces should move 
 38 
 
594 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 up the river, mutually aiding each other as it can be done 
 to advantage. 
 
 " When, in the opinion of the Flag-Officer, the propitious 
 time has arrived, the signal will be made to weigh and 
 advance to the conflict. If, in his opinion, at the time of 
 arriving at the respective positions of the different divi- 
 sions of the fleet, we have the advantage, he will make 
 the signal for close action, number 8, and abide the result, 
 conquer, or be conquered, drop anchor or keep under 
 way, as in his opinion is best. 
 
 " Unless the signal above mentioned is made, it will be 
 understood that the first order of sailing will be formed 
 after leaving Fort St. Philip, and we will proceed up the 
 river in accordance with the original opinion expressed. 
 
 "The programme of the order of sailing accompanies 
 this general order, and the commanders will hold them- 
 selves in readiness for the service as indicated. 
 
 " D. G. Farragut, 
 
 " Flag- Officer Western Gulf Blockading Squadron!' 
 
 Having decided to run by the forts, he confided to 
 Fleet-Captain Bell the dangerous mission of proceeding, 
 with the gunboats Pinola and Itasca, to make a passage 
 for his fleet through the chain obstructions. 
 
 Lieutenant Caldwell, of the Itasca, and his party, with 
 great coolness and bravery, boarded one of the hulks, 
 and succeeded in detaching the chains. They were accom- 
 panied by the inventor of a new submarine petard, which 
 he placed under one of the hulks. But a movement of the 
 Pinola in the swift current snapped the wires, and it could 
 not be exploded. In spite of a very heavy fire directed 
 upon them, the party at last succeeded in making a suffi- 
 cient opening for the fleet to pass through. 
 
 Farragut wrote, the next day: " * * * Captain 
 
FARRAGUT AT NEW ORLEANS. 595 
 
 Bell went last nig-lit to cut the chain across the river. I 
 never felt such anxiety in my life, as I did until his return. 
 One of his vessels got on shore, and I was fearful she 
 would be captured. They kept up a tremendous fire on 
 him ; but Porter diverted their fire with a heavy cannonade. 
 :i: * * * g e ]l W ould have burned the hulks, but the 
 illumination would have given the enemy a chance to 
 destroy his gunboat, which got aground. However, the 
 chain was divided, and it gives us space enough to go 
 through. I was as glad to see Bell, on his return, as if he 
 had been my boy. I was up all night, and could not sleep 
 until he got back to the ship." 
 
 Farragut had determined to run by the forts at the end 
 of five days' bombardment; but he was detained for 
 twenty-four hours by the necessity of repairing damages 
 to two of his vessels. At first he had determined to lead, 
 in the Hartford, but was dissuaded from that, and 
 appointed Captain Bailey, whose ship, the Colorado, drew 
 too much water to get up, to lead the column, in the gun- 
 boat Cayuga, Lieutenant Commanding N. B. Harrison. 
 
 Long before this — on the 6th of April — Farragut had 
 himself reconnoitred the forts, by daylight, going up in the 
 gun-boat Kennebec in whose cross-trees he sat, glass 
 in hand, until the gunners in the fort began to get his 
 range. 
 
 On the night of the passage, April 23—24, the moon 
 would rise about half-past three in the morning, and the 
 fleet was ordered to be ready to start about two. 
 
 In this, as in most other important operations during 
 the war, the enemy were mysteriously apprised of what 
 was to be done. 
 
 At sunset there was a light southerly breeze, and a 
 haze upon the water. Caldwell was sent up, in the Itasca, 
 to see if the passage made in the obstructions was still 
 
596 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 open. At eleven at night he signalled that it was, and 
 just at that time the enemy opened fire upon him, sent 
 down burning rafts, and lighted immense piles of wood 
 which they had prepared on shore, near the ends of the 
 chain. 
 
 Soon after midnight the hammocks of the fleet were 
 quietly stowed, and the ships cleared for action. 
 
 At five minutes before two, two ordinary red lights 
 were shown at the peak of the flag-ship, the signal to get 
 under way, but it was half-past three before all was ready. 
 This was the time for the moon to rise, but that made little 
 difference, with the light of the blazing rafts and bonfires. 
 
 The mortar-boats and the sailing sloop Portsmouth 
 moved further up stream, to engage the water battery, as 
 the ships were going by. This they promptly did, and 
 then Captain Bailey led off, with his division of eight 
 vessels, whose objective point was Fort St. Philip. All of 
 these passed safely through the opening in the cable. 
 
 The forts opened on them promptly, but in five min- 
 utes they had reached St. Philip, and were pouring grape 
 and canister into that work. 
 
 In ten minutes more the Cayuga had passed beyond 
 range of the fort, to find herself surrounded by eleven 
 Rebel gun-boats. Three of these attempted to board her 
 at once. An i i-inch shot was sent through one of them, 
 at a range of about thirty yards, and she was at once run 
 ashore and burned up. 
 
 The Parrott gun on the Cayuga's forecastle drove off 
 another ; and she was preparing to close with the third, 
 when the Oneida and Varuna, which had run in close to 
 St. Philip, thus avoiding the elevated guns of that fort, 
 while they swept its bastions with grape and shrapnel, 
 came to the assistance of the Cayuga. S. P. Lee, in the 
 Oneida, ran full speed into one of the enemy's vessels, 
 
FARRAGUT AT NEW ORLEANS. 597 
 
 cut her nearly in two, and left her floating down the 
 current, a helpless wreck. 
 
 She fired right and left into two others, and then went 
 to the assistance of the Varuna, which had got ashore on 
 the left bank, hard pressed by two Rebel gun-boats, one 
 of which was said to be the Manassas. The Varuna was 
 rammed by both of them, and fifteen minutes after, she 
 sunk. In that time she had put three 8 -inch shells into 
 the Governor Moore, besides so crippling her with solid 
 shot that she surrendered to the Oneida. She also forced 
 another to take to the bank by her 8-inch shell. The 
 Varuna was commanded by Commander (now Admiral) 
 C. S. Boggs. It is said that, before sinking, he also 
 exploded the boiler of another small steamer. 
 
 The Pensacola steamed slowly and steadily by, firing 
 her powerful battery with great deliberation, and doing 
 especial execution with her n-inch pivot gun and her 
 rifled eighty-pounder. In return she received a heavy 
 fire, and lost thirty-seven in killed and wounded ; the 
 greatest number of any of the fleet. Her boats were 
 lowered, and sent to assist the sinking Varuna. 
 
 The Mississippi came up next in line to the Pensacola, 
 but escaped with light loss of life. She it was that met 
 the ram Manassas, and the latter gave her a severe cut, 
 below the water, on the port-quarter, and disabled her 
 machinery. But the Mississippi riddled her with shot, 
 boarded her, and set her on fire, and she drifted down 
 below the forts and blew up. 
 
 The Katahdin ran close to the forts, passed them 
 rapidly, got near the head of the line, and was engaged 
 principally with the ironclad Louisiana. The Kineo ran 
 by, close under St. Philip, and then assisted the Mississippi 
 with the ram Manassas : but she was afterwards attacked 
 by three of the enemy's gun-boats at once, and, having 
 
598 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 had her pivot-gun-carriage injured, withdrew, and con- 
 tinued up stream. 
 
 The Wissahickon, the last of the eight vessels of the 
 first division, was less fortunate. She got ashore before 
 she reached the forts, got off and passed them, and ran on 
 shore again above. 
 
 It must be remembered that these operations were 
 carried on in the darkness and thick smoke, lighted only 
 by the lurid flashes of more than two hundred guns. 
 
 The second division of the fleet was led by Farragut 
 himself, in the Hartford, followed by the Brooklyn and 
 Richmond. These were three formidable vessels. The 
 Hartford opened fire on Fort Jackson just before four in 
 the morning, and received a heavy fire from both forts. 
 Soon after, in attempting to avoid a fire-raft, she grounded 
 on a shoal spot, near St. Philip. At the same time the 
 ram Manassas pushed a fire-raft under her port-quarter, 
 and she at once took fire. A portion of her crew went to 
 fire-quarters, and soon subdued the flames, the working 
 of her guns being steadily continued. Soon she backed 
 off, into deep water; but this movement set her head down 
 stream, and it was with difficulty that she was turned 
 round against the current. When, at last, this was accom- 
 plished, she proceeded up the river, firing into several of 
 the enemy's vessels as she passed. One of these was a 
 steamer, packed with men, apparently a boarding party. 
 She was making straight for the Hartford, when Captain 
 Broome's gun, manned by marines, planted a shell in her, 
 which exploded, and she disappeared. 
 
 During the critical period when she was slowly turning 
 up river, the Admiral stood aft, giving orders, and occa- 
 sionally consulting a little compass attached to his watch- 
 chain. During most of the engagement, however, he was 
 forward, watching the progress of the fight. 
 
FARRAGUT AT NEW ORLEANS. 599 
 
 The Brooklyn was also detained by getting- entangled 
 with a raft, and running over one of the hulks which held 
 up the chain, during which time she was raked by Fort 
 Jackson, and suffered somewhat from the fire of St. Philip. 
 
 Just as she was clear, and headed up stream, she was 
 butted by the Manassas, which had not headway enough 
 to damage her much, and slid off ao-ain into the dark- 
 ness. Then the Brooklyn was attacked by a large steamer, 
 but she gave her her port broadside, at fifty yards, and set 
 her on fire. Feeling her way along, in a dense cloud of 
 smoke from a fire-raft, she came close abreast of St. Philip, 
 into which she poured such tremendous broadsides that 
 by the flashes the gunners were seen running to shelter, 
 and for the time the fort was silenced. The Brooklyn then 
 passed on, and engaged several of the enemy's gun-boats. 
 One of these, the Warrior, came under her port broad- 
 side, when eleven five-second shells were planted in her, 
 which set her on fire, and she was run on shore. The 
 Brooklyn was under fire an hour and a half, but did not 
 lose quite so many as the Pensacola. 
 
 The Richmond, a slow ship, was the third and last of 
 the centre division. She came on steadily, and without 
 accident, working her battery with the utmost regularity. 
 Her loss was not heavy, which her commander attributed 
 mainly to a complete provision of splinter nettings. 
 
 The gun-boat Sciota, carrying Fleet-Captain Bell, led 
 the third division. She steamed by the forts, firing as 
 she passed, and above them burned two steamboats. 
 Then she sent a boat to receive the surrender of an 
 armed steamboat, but the latter was found to be fast 
 ashore. 
 
 The Iroquois, Commander John DeCamp, had not such 
 good fortune. She passed so close to Fort Jackson as to 
 escape much injury, but received a terrible raking from 
 
600 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 St. Philip, and was also raked by the armed steamer 
 McCrea, with grape. She drove off the McCrea with an 
 eleven-inch shell and a stand of canister, and then went 
 through a group of the enemy's gun-boats, giving them 
 broadsides as she passed. The Iroquois' losses were heavy. 
 The gun-boat Pinola passed up in line, firing her eleven- 
 inch pivot and Parrott rifles at the flashes of the guns of 
 the forts, which were all that Commander Crosby could 
 see; then she emerged from the smoke cloud, steered 
 towards St. Philip, and by the light of the blazing rafts, 
 received the discharges of its forty guns. 
 
 The Pinola was the last vessel which passed the forts, 
 and she got up in time to fire a few shell at the enemy's 
 flotilla. 
 
 Of the other three gun-boats of the division, the Ken- 
 nebec got out of her course, became entangled in the 
 rafts, and did not get free until it was broad daylight, and 
 too late to attempt a passage. The Itasca, upon arriving 
 in front of Fort Jackson, received a shot in her boiler, 
 incapacitating her, and she was obliged to drift down 
 stream. 
 
 The Winona got astray among the hulks, and when she 
 came within range of Fort Jackson it was broad daylight, 
 and the fleet had gone on. Fort Jackson opened upon 
 her, and she soon lost all the crew of her rifled gun but 
 one man. Still she kept on, to endeavor to get through, 
 but St. Philip opening upon her, from her lower battery, 
 at less than point blank range, the little Winona was 
 forced to turn and descend the stream. 
 
 Thus 'did Farragut accomplish a feat in naval warfare 
 which had no precedent, and which is still without a parallel, 
 except the one furnished by himself, at Mobile, two years 
 later. 
 
 Starting with seventeen wooden vessels, he had passed, 
 
FARRAGUT AT NEW ORLEANS. 601 
 
 with all but three of them, against the swift current of a 
 river, there but half a mile wide, between two powerful 
 earthworks, which had long been prepared for him, his 
 course impeded by blazing rafts, and immediately there- 
 after had met the enemy's fleet of fifteen vessels, two of 
 them ironclad, and either captured or destroyed every 
 one of them. 
 
 All this was done with the loss of but one vessel from 
 his own squadron. Probably few naval men would have 
 believed that this work could have been done so effectually, 
 even with ironclads. 
 
 Captain Wilkinson, who was in this battle as executive 
 officer of the Confederate iron-clad Louisiana, in his 
 "Narrative of a Blockade Runner," says: "Most of us 
 belonging to that little naval fleet knew that Admiral 
 Farragut would dare to attempt what any man would ; 
 and, for my part, I had not forgotten that while I was 
 under his command, during the Mexican war, he had pro- 
 posed to Commodore Perry, then commanding the Gulf 
 Squadron, and urged upon him, the enterprise of captur- 
 ing the strong fort of San Juan de Ulloa, at Vera Cruz, by 
 boarding. Ladders were to be constructed, and triced 
 up along the attacking ships' masts, and the ships to be 
 towed alongside the walls by the steamers of the squad- 
 ron. Here was a much grander prize to be fought 
 for, and every day of delay was strengthening his adver- 
 saries." 
 
 The magnitude of Farragut' s novel enterprise was 
 scarcely realized at the North when the first news was 
 received. It was simply announced that he "had run by 
 the forts." The Confederates knew too well what resist- 
 ance and difficulties he had overcome, and what a loss 
 they sustained in New Orleans. 
 
 An officer who was in the engagement expressed an 
 
G02 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 opinion that if the passage had been attempted by day- 
 light the fleet would have sustained a fearful loss. 
 
 After the fleet had passed the forts Captain Bailey, in 
 the Cayuga, preceded the flag-ship up the river, and at 
 the quarantine station captured the Chalmette regiment, 
 encamped upon the river bank. 
 
 On the morning of the 25th, the Cayuga, still leading, 
 encountered the Chalmette batteries, three miles below 
 New Orleans. The Hartford and Brooklyn, with several 
 others, soon joined her, and silenced these batteries. 
 New Orleans was now fairly under Farragut's guns, and 
 this had been effected at the cost of thirty-seven killed 
 and one hundred and forty-seven wounded. 
 
 Farragut appointed eleven o'clock of the morning of 
 the 26th as the hour "for all the officers and crews of the 
 fleet to return thanks to Almighty God for His great 
 goodness and mercy, in permitting us to pass through 
 the events of the last two days with so little loss of life 
 and blood." 
 
 The ships passed up to the city, and anchored imme- 
 diately in front of it, and Captain Bailey was sent on 
 shore to demand the surrender of it, from the authorities, 
 to which the Mayor replied that the city was under martial 
 law, and that he had no authority. General Lovell, who 
 was present, said he would deliver up nothing, but, in 
 order to "free the city from embarrassment, he would 
 restore the city authorities, and retire with his troops, 
 which he did. 
 
 Farragut then seized all the steamboats which had not 
 been destroyed and sent them down to the quaran- 
 tine station, for Butler's troops. Among them was the 
 Tennessee, which the blockaders had been so long watch- 
 ing for, but which never got out. 
 
 The levee at New Orleans was at this time a scene of 
 
FARRAGUT AT NEW ORLEANS. 603 
 
 perfect desolation, as ships, steamers, and huge piles of 
 cotton and wool had been set on fire by the Confederates, 
 and an immense amount of property was destroyed. A 
 very powerful ironclad, called the Mississippi, was set on 
 fire, and drifted down past the city, in flames. Another 
 Was sunk directly in front of the Custom House, and 
 others which had been begun at Algiers were destroyed. 
 
 Several miles up the river, about Carrollton, were 
 extensive fortifications — all taken possession of by Com- 
 mander Lee — and an immense work, supporting chains, to 
 prevent Foote's gun-boats from descending the river. 
 
 Farragut had sent a party on shore to hoist the flag on 
 the Custom House and Mint, beloneine to the General 
 Government. The party acted with great firmness and 
 discretion, in spite of insults from a large and excited 
 crowd. At noon on the 26th, during the performance of 
 divine service referred to before, the officers and crews 
 of the vessels were startled by the discharge of a howitzer 
 in the main-top of the Pensacola. The lookout aloft had 
 seen four men mount to the roof of the Mint and tear 
 down the United States flag, and he had instantly fired 
 the gun, which was trained upon the flag-staff, and loaded 
 with grape. 
 
 The leader of these men, a desperado and gambler, 
 who thus imperilled the lives and property of the whole 
 of the citizens, was, by order of General Butler, tried for 
 the offence afterwards, was found guilty, and hanged by 
 a beam and rope thrust out of the highest window of the 
 Mint. 
 
 When Admiral Farragut arrived at the quarantine 
 station, after passing the forts, he had sent Captain Boggs 
 (whose vessel, the Varuna, was lost) in a boat, through the 
 bayous, to inform General Butler and Commander Porter 
 of his success. The Captain was twenty-six hours in 
 
G04 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 getting through. But General Butler, in the steamer 
 Saxon, had followed the fleet up near the forts, and had 
 witnessed the passage of the ships. He then hurried 
 back to his troops, and they rendezvoused at Sable 
 Island, twelve miles in the rear of Fort St. Philip, 
 whence they were carried up in transports and landed at 
 a point five miles above that work. At the same time 
 Commander Porter had sent six of his mortar-boats to 
 the bay behind Fort Jackson, where they arrived on the 
 morning of April 27th, thus making a complete invest- 
 ment. That night two hundred and fifty of the garrison 
 of Fort Jackson came out and surrendered themselves to 
 the Union pickets. 
 
 While Farragut was passing the forts, Porter, with his 
 mortar-boats, and their attendant steamers, continued the 
 bombardment. On the 24th he demanded a surrender, 
 but was refused, and for the three days following there 
 was little or no firing. During these days the garrisons 
 were occupied in re-mounting some of their dismounted 
 guns, and transferred others to the floating battery 
 Louisiana. 
 
 On the 28th, General Duncan, the commander of the 
 forts, learning that Farragut had possession of New 
 Orleans, accepted the terms offered by Porter. While 
 the articles of capitulation were being drawn up and 
 signed, on board the Harriet Lane, and flags of truce 
 were flying, the Confederate naval officers, after destroy- 
 ing three of their four remaining vessels, set fire to the 
 Louisiana, and cast her adrift. 
 
 Fortunately her magazine exploded before she reached 
 Porter's flotilla, or some of his vessels must have shared 
 her fate ; and, not improbably, all of them. 
 
 After the surrender had been consummated, he went up 
 the river, and captured the naval officers who were sup- 
 
FARRAGUT AT NEW ORLEANS. 605 
 
 posed to have been guilty of this perfidious and most 
 dishonorable, and murderous act, and put them in close 
 confinement, to be sent North, and dealt with as the 
 Government might see fit. John K. Mitchell, the 
 Commodore of the Confederate flotilla, sent a letter to 
 Farragut, justifying himself for destroying his vessels, and 
 excusing his attempt to blow up Porter's vessels, in this 
 wise : — 
 
 "Lieutenant Whittle was sent in a boat with a flap- of 
 truce to inform Commander Porter that in firing the 
 Louisiana, her magazine had not been effectually drowned, 
 and that, though efforts were made to drown the charges 
 in the guns, they may not have succeeded. This informa- 
 tion was given in consideration of the negotiations then 
 pending under flag of truce between him and Fort Jack- 
 son ; but while the message was on its way the explosion 
 took place, a fact that does not affect the honorable purposes 
 intended by it." 
 
 This letter seems almost too childish and disingenuous 
 to receive serious notice. It was almost the only instance 
 during the war when naval officers did not act in good 
 faith. 
 
 The Confederate naval officers claimed, in justification 
 of their action, that they were no party to the flag of 
 truce, nor were they included in the terms of surrender 
 of the forts, General Duncan treating only for the garri- 
 sons under his command, and expressly disclaiming all 
 connection with the navy. The whole was a pitiful 
 commentary upon the jealousies and want of united 
 conduct, which rendered Farragut' s task a little more 
 easy. Mitchell had always been considered an "ill- 
 conditioned" man, in the old navy, and the Government was 
 disposed to treat him, and some of his officers, pretty 
 rigorously; but matters were arranged, afterwards, in a 
 
606 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 correspondence which took place, upon their being sent 
 North, between the Secretary of the Navy and Mitchell, 
 that resulted in their treatment as ordinary prisoners. 
 
 In writing to his family, after his capture of New 
 Orleans, Farraoq.it said, "It is a strano-e thought, that I 
 am here among my relatives, and yet not one has dared 
 to say, 'I am happy to see you.' There is a reign of 
 terror in this doomed city; but, although I am abused as 
 one who wished to kill all the women and children, I still 
 see a feeling of respect for me." 
 
ATLANTA AND WEEHAWKEN. 
 
 607 
 
 XLII. 
 
 ATLANTA AND WEEHAWKEN. JUNE 17TH, 186; 
 
 N the latter part of the year 1861 an English 
 steamer, named the Fingal, ran past the 
 blockading vessels, and got safely into 
 Savannah. 
 
 That part was very well done, but the 
 getting to sea again was another matter, for 
 she was so closely watched that it was found 
 impossible to do so. All sorts of stratagems 
 were resorted to, and several starts made upon the 
 darkest nights, but there was always found a Federal 
 gun-boat, or perhaps more than one, ready to receive her, 
 all the more that she was a valuable vessel, and would 
 turn in plenty of prize-money to her captors. 
 
 At last, in despair of any more use of her as a blockade- 
 runner, the Rebel authorities determined to convert her 
 into an ironclad ship-of-war. She was cut down, so as to 
 leave her deck not more than two feet above the water; and 
 upon this deck was built a very heavy casemate, inclining 
 at an angle of about thirty degrees, and mounting four 
 heavy rifled guns. The battery-deck was built of great 
 beams of timber, a foot and a half thick. Her iron armor 
 was four inches thick, then considered quite formidable, 
 and was secured to a backing of oak and pine, eighteen 
 inches thick. Her sides about and below the water line 
 were protected by heavy logs or timbers built upon her, 
 so that from being a slim and graceful blockade-runner, 
 
G08 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 she attained a breadth of forty-one feet, with a length of 
 two hundred and four. The ports in her casemate 
 were closed by iron shutters, of the same thickness as 
 her armor. Her bow was formed into a ram, and also 
 carried, at the end of a spar, a percussion torpedo. 
 
 In fact, she was a very formidable craft, of the general 
 style of those built by the Confederates during the war. 
 The Merrimac was nearly all casemate, but the later built 
 ones had as small a casemate as was consistent with the 
 working of the guns they were intended to carry. 
 
 Thicker armor than hers had not yet come into use, the 
 English ironclad ships just then built, in consequence of 
 the success of the Monitor and Merrimac, not being any 
 more protected. 
 
 The first contest between a monitor and fifteen-inch 
 guns, and an ironclad with stationary casemate or turret 
 and rifled guns, was now to take place. 
 
 The Atlanta was commanded by an officer of energy 
 and ability, named Webb, formerly a Lieutenant in the 
 United States Navy. 
 
 The Confederate authorities were certain that this latest 
 production of their naval architects was to overcome the 
 redoubtable monitors, and they fully believed that, while 
 the Atlanta's armor would resist their heavy round shot, 
 her heavy rifled guns, at close quarters, would tear the 
 monitor turret to pieces, while the ram and torpedo would 
 finish the work begun by the guns. 
 
 The vessel, being ready, came down from Savannah, 
 passed through the Wilmington, a mouth of the Savannah 
 River, and so passed down into Wassaw Sound, improp- 
 erly named, in many books and maps, Warsaw. 
 
 Admiral Du Pont had taken measures to keep himself 
 informed as regarded this vessel's state of preparation, 
 and the monitors Weehawken and Nahant had been sent 
 
ATLANTA AND WEEHAWKEN. 609 
 
 to meet her and some other armored vessels preparing 
 at Savannah. 
 
 Both the Nahant and Weehawken were at anchor when 
 the strange vessel was seen. It was at daylight, and she 
 was then about three miles from the Nahant, and coming 
 down very rapidly. The Weehawken was commanded 
 by that capable and sterling officer, John Rogers, and he 
 at once slipped his cable, and made rapidly off, seaward, 
 as if in headlong flight, but, in the meantime, making 
 preparations for action. 
 
 At about half-past four, on this bright summer morning, 
 the Weehawken rounded to, and breasted the tide, ap- 
 proaching her enemy. 
 
 The Nahant had no pilot, and could only follow in the 
 Weehawken's wake, through the channels of the Sound. 
 
 The Atlanta fired the first shot, at about a quarter to 
 five, being - then distant about a mile and a half. This 
 passed across the stern of the Weehawken, and struck the 
 water near the Nahant. The Atlanta seemed to belying 
 across the channel, awaiting attack, and keeping up her fire. 
 
 The Weehawken steadily came up the channel, and at 
 a little after 5 a. m., having approached within about three 
 hundred yards, opened her fire. She fired five shots, 
 which took her fifteen minutes, and at the end of that time 
 the Atlanta hauled down the Confederate colors, and 
 hoisted a white flag. Such a rapid threshing is seldom 
 recorded in naval history, and is the more remarkable 
 when we remember that the commander of the Atlanta was 
 a cool and experienced officer, trained in the United States 
 Navy, and an excellent seaman. 
 
 Two passenger steamers, loaded down with ladies and 
 non-combatants, had followed the Atlanta down from 
 Savannah, to witness the capture of the Yankee monitors. 
 These now made the best of their way back to that city. 
 
 39 
 
610 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 The Atlanta had a crew of twenty-one officers and one 
 hundred and twenty-four men. Landsmen often wonder 
 why ships have so many officers in proportion to men, 
 but it is necessary. 
 
 The officers of the Confederate vessel stated her speed 
 to be ten knots, and they confidently expected to cap- 
 ture both the monitors, after which, as it appeared from 
 the instruments captured on board of her, she expected to 
 proceed to sea, and try conclusions with the Charleston 
 fleet. Her engines were first-rate, and her hull of a good 
 model, and there is no reason why she should not have 
 gone up to Charleston and broken the blockade there, 
 except the one fact that she turned out not to be equal 
 to the monitors. 
 
 The action was so brief that the Nahant did not share 
 in it, and of the five shots fired by the Weehawken, four 
 struck the Atlanta, and caused her surrender. The first 
 was a fifteen-inch shot, which, though it struck the case- 
 mate of the Atlanta at a very acute angle, smashed 
 through both the iron armor and the wooden backing, 
 strewed the deck with splinters, prostrated some forty 
 officers and men by the concussion, and wounded several 
 by the splinters and fragments of armor driven in. We 
 can imagine the consternation of a crew which had 
 come down confident of an easy victory. In fact, this one 
 shot virtually settled the battle. The Weehawken fired an 
 eleven-inch shot next, but this did little damage. The 
 third shot was from the fifteen-inch gun, and knocked off 
 the top of the pilot-house, which projected slightly above 
 the casemate, wounded the pilots, and stunned the men 
 at the wheel. The fourth shot carried away one of 
 the port-stoppers. Sixteen of her crew were wounded. 
 
 The Atlanta was valued by the appraisers, for prize- 
 money, at three hundred and fifty thousand dollars, a sum, 
 
ATLANTA AND WEEHAWKEN. 611 
 
 as Boynton remarks, easily won in fifteen minutes, with 
 only five shots, and without a loss of a single man on the 
 other side. More than this, it settled the value of that 
 class of vessels, as compared with monitors. 
 
 "As the fight of the Merrimac with the Cumberland, 
 Congress and Minnesota virtually set aside as worthless 
 for war purposes the vast wooden navies of Europe," so 
 it showed that great changes and improvements were 
 necessary in the broadside ironclads, if they were to be 
 opposed to monitors armed with guns of great power. 
 The result was a great increase in the thickness of armor, 
 which went on, as the power of the guns increased, until 
 now it is a question whether armor may not be abandoned, 
 except for certain purposes. 
 
612 
 
 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 XLIII. 
 
 KEARSARGE AND ALABAMA. JUNE 19TH, 
 
 1864. 
 
 'URING the summer of 1864, while Grant 
 and his army were fighting the terrible 
 battles which opened his way to the James, 
 through Virginia; and the whole country 
 was upon the very tenter-hooks of anxiety, 
 a piece of news came across the water 
 which gave more satisfaction to the country 
 at large than many a hard-won battle has 
 given, where a , thousand times the numbers were 
 engaged. It was the intelligence that the Alabama was 
 at the bottom of the sea. 
 
 We may borrow the words of Boynton, in his "History 
 of the Navy during the Rebellion," to put the reader in 
 possession of a part of the career of the notorious Ala- 
 bama, previous to her meeting with the Kearsarge. 
 
 No event of the great civil war excited such deep 
 indignation, such bitter resentment, as the career of the 
 Alabama. It was not alone because she committed such 
 havoc with our commerce — burning our merchantmen in 
 great numbers; nor was it because she had sunk the 
 Hatteras — a merchant steamer converted into a gun- 
 boat; but it was because England had sent out a British 
 ship, with British guns, and seamen trained in her own 
 practice-ship, a vessel English in every essential but her 
 flag, to lay waste the commerce of a country with which 
 
KEARSARGE AND ALABAMA. 613 
 
 she professed to be at peace. To add to the provocation, 
 this vessel was originally called the "290," to show, by 
 the large number who had contributed to fit her out, how 
 widespread was English sympathy for the cause she was 
 to support. The Alabama was not regarded as a Con- 
 federate vessel of war, but as an English man-of-war, 
 sent forth under the thin veil of another flag, to sink and 
 destroy our merchantmen. The short-lived triumph in 
 which England indulged turned out to be about as costly a 
 pleasure as she could well have taken ; and deeply mortified 
 as we were that the successful rover should escape our 
 watchful cruisers, and so long pursue, unmolested, her 
 work of destruction, in the end the pride of England was 
 more deeply and bitterly wounded than our own, while at 
 the same time she was held responsible for the destruction 
 of our property. England will probably have reason tc 
 remember the Alabama quite as long as the Americans. 
 
 The successful movements of this vessel were such as 
 to attract the attention of Europe as well as America. 
 Semmes, her commander, seemed to have been adopted 
 as a sort of English champion, and judging from the 
 expressions of most of the English papers, and what 
 Americans believed to be the effective though quiet 
 support of the English Government, the governing class, 
 at least, in Great Britain were as much pleased with the 
 success of the Alabama as were the people of the South. 
 There was enough of mystery connected with the oper- 
 ations to excite the imagination, and scarcely was any 
 phantom ship ever invested with a more unreal character 
 than was this modern highwayman of the sea. 
 
 She seemed to be everywhere, and yet nowhere to be 
 found when sought for by our ships ; and some were 
 inclined to think that our naval officers were not very 
 anxious to find her. The result showed how little reason 
 
614 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 there was for such an injurious suspicion. There could 
 be no more difficult task than to overtake a single 
 fast steamer to which all seas were open, and which 
 constantly shifted her cruising ground. She seldom 
 entered a port, getting coal and provisions from captured 
 vessels, and so could not readily be traced. She burned 
 or sunk the captured vessels, and then disappeared. 
 The public naturally magnified her size, speed and power, 
 but the Navy Department was well informed about her, 
 and knew just what sort of vessel to send in pursuit of her. 
 
 Early in 1862 Captain John A. Winslow, of the United 
 States Navy, was sent, in command of the steam-sloop 
 Kearsarge, to cruise on the coast of Europe for the 
 Alabama and her associate vessels. 
 
 He blockaded the Florida for some time, but was 
 forced to give her a chance to escape, by the necessity 
 of going for coal and stores. He lay two months off 
 Calais, where the Rappahannock was found, and at last, 
 in despair of getting to sea, the Rebel cruiser was dis- 
 mantled and laid up. 
 
 Soon after this he learned that the Alabama was at 
 Cherbourg, and he immediately sailed for that port, and 
 took up a position off the famous breakwater. 
 
 Semmes was now, for the first time, placed in a position 
 where he would either have to fight the Kearsarge, or 
 submit to be blockaded by a ship in every way a fair 
 match for him. 
 
 If he declined battle he would be disgraced in the eyes 
 of all Europe. Should he succeed, his victory would have 
 a great moral effect, especially from the scene of action 
 attracting general attention. People of all nations would 
 hear of it, and augur well for the Confederate cause, 
 whose attention would never be drawn by such a combat, 
 if it occurred on the other side of the Atlantic. 
 
KEARSARGE AND ALABAMA. 615 
 
 Putting a bold face upon his situation, he challenged 
 Winslow. Considering that his ship was somewhat 
 larger than the Kearsarge, that she carried one more gun, 
 and that he had trained English gunners, of whom much 
 was expected ; more than that, that his men were con- 
 fident, from success, and had the sympathies of most of 
 those about them, he had good reason to hope for success. 
 
 Winslow and his crew well knew the consequences 
 involved in the battle. They were indignant, as all 
 Northerners were, at the manner in which the Alabama 
 had been fitted out, quite as much as at her depredations 
 upon our commerce, and death would have been prefer- 
 able to them, to being towed, a prize, into Cherbourg 
 harbor. 
 
 The news of the approaching battle soon spread, and 
 was telegraphed in every direction. Crowds came down 
 from Paris, yachts collected, and bets were freely made 
 upon the result. 
 
 The writer was in Cherbourg some time after this 
 fight, and photographs of the Kearsarge, her officers, her 
 battery, and the state of her decks after the action, were 
 in many of the shop windows still. The Cherburgeois 
 seemed glad that the Alabama and her English crew- 
 had been conquered off their town. At any rate, it was 
 their interest to appear so, after the event. It was rather 
 curious that no photographs of Semmes or his officers 
 appeared in the windows. 
 
 At length, on Sunday morning, June 19th, 1864, the 
 Alabama, having made all her preparations, steamed out 
 of Cherbourg, accompanied by the French ironclad frigate 
 Couronne. The morning was a very fine one; the sea 
 calm, and with a light haze upon the water, not suffi- 
 cient to obscure the movements of the ships. The French 
 frigate accompanied the Alabama only so far as to make 
 
61.6 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 it certain that she would not be attacked until beyond 
 the marine league, or line of French jurisdiction. A 
 small steamer bearing an English yacht flag came out at 
 the same time, but attracted no particular attention. 
 
 The Alabama was first seen by the Kearsarge at about 
 half-past ten, and the latter immediately headed seaward, 
 not only to avoid all questions of jurisdiction, but to draw 
 Semmes so far from shore that, in case his vessel was 
 partially disabled in the coming fight, she could not 
 escape by running into French waters. 
 
 The Kearsarge then cleared for action, with her guns 
 pivoted to starboard. Having reached a point about 
 seven miles from shore, the Kearsarge turned short on 
 her heel, and steered straight for the Alabama. 
 
 The moment the Kearsarge came round the Alabama 
 sheered, presenting her starboard battery, and slowed her 
 engine. 
 
 Winslow's intention was to run his adversary down, if 
 opportunity presented, and he therefore kept on his 
 course. When about a mile distant the Alabama fired 
 a broadside, which did only very trifling damage to the 
 Kearsarge's rigging. Winslow now increased his speed, 
 intending to strike his enemy with full force, and in the 
 next ten minutes the Alabama fired two more broadsides. 
 Not a shot struck the Kearsarge, and she made no 
 reply; but, as the vessels were now. not more than seven 
 hundred yards apart, Captain Winslow did not deem it 
 prudent to expose his ship to another raking fire, and the 
 Kearsarge accordingly sheered and opened fire. The 
 ships were thus brought broadside to broadside ; but it 
 soon became evident that Semmes did not intend to fight 
 a close action, and Winslow began to fear that he would 
 make for the shore and escape. 
 
 To prevent this, Winslow kept his vessel at full speed, 
 
KEARSARGE AND ALABAMA. 617 
 
 intending- to run under the stern of the Alabama and 
 secure a raking position. 
 
 To avoid this the Alabama sheered, so as to keep her 
 broadside to the Kearsarge, and as both vessels were 
 under a full head of steam, they were forced into a circu- 
 lar movement, steaming in opposite directions round a 
 common centre, with the current setting them to the west- 
 ward. Had they fought on parallel lines, with the 
 Alabama heading inshore, she would have reached the 
 line of French jurisdiction, and thus escaped. But, being 
 thus compelled to steam in a circle, she was about five 
 miles from the shore when, at the close of the action, she 
 attempted to run into Cherbourg. 
 
 The firing of the Alabama was, throughout the action, 
 very rapid, but also very wild. During the first eighteen 
 minutes not a man was injured on board the Kearsarge. 
 Then a 68-pound Blakely shell passed through the star- 
 board bulwarks, about the main rigging, and exploded 
 on the quarter-deck, wounding three men at the after 
 pivot-gun, one of whom afterwards died of his wounds. 
 This was the only casualty among the crew of the Kear- 
 sarge during the whole engagement. 
 
 The firing of the Kearsarge was very deliberate, and 
 especial pains were taken with the aiming of the two 
 1 1 -inch pivot-guns. At the distance at which they were 
 fired, about half a mile, they were terribly effective. One 
 shell disabled a gun on board the Alabama, and killed 
 and wounded eighteen men. Another exploded in her 
 coal-bunker, and completely blocked the engine room. 
 Other shells tore great gaps in the Alabama's sides, and it 
 was soon evident that her race was run. For an hour 
 this fire was exchanged, the Kearsarge suffering little, 
 while almost every shot of hers struck the Alabama. The 
 vaunted English gunners, with their Blakely guns, did not 
 
618 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 seem to get the range. The Kearsarge's shell came with 
 due deliberation, but as certain as fate, crashing- through 
 her sides, exploding within her or upon her decks, and 
 sweeping away her crew, many of whom were literally 
 torn to pieces by the fearful missiles. She was rapidly 
 reduced to a wreck; her decks were strewn with the dead 
 and wounded, and the water was pouring in the gaps in 
 her sides. 
 
 Semmes now made one desperate effort to escape, and 
 suddenly bore up for the land, and made all sail that he 
 could. But he was too late. The Alabama was sinking, 
 and the water which poured into her soon put out her 
 fires. 
 
 One or two more shot brought down her flag. For a 
 moment it was uncertain whether it had been hauled 
 down or shot away, but soon a white flag was exposed, 
 and the Kearsarge's fire ceased. 
 
 In a moment more another gun was fired from the 
 Alabama, and this was at once returned. The Kearsarge 
 now steamed ahead, and was laid across the Alabama's 
 bows, with the intention of sinking her, but as the white 
 flag was still flying, the fire was reserved. Then it was 
 seen that the Alabama's boats were being lowered, and 
 an officer came alongside, to inform Captain Winslow 
 that the Alabama had surrendered, and was rapidly 
 sinking. Only two boats were in a condition to be sent 
 to the assistance of these people. These were promptly 
 lowered and manned, but before they could reach her 
 they saw the Alabama settle by the stern, raise her bows 
 high in air, shake her mizzen-mast over the side, and 
 plunge down to the bottom of the channel. The crew 
 were left struggling in the water, and the boats of the 
 Kearsarge picked up as many as they could, and hailed 
 the small English yacht steamer, which had come out of 
 
KEARSARGE AND ALABAMA. 619 
 
 Cherbourg in the morning, giving him permission, and 
 requesting him to assist in saving the prisoners. Both 
 parties saved such as they could reach, and when no more 
 were to be seen floating, the Americans, to their surprise, 
 found the yacht making off, instead of delivering the 
 prisoners she had picked up. 
 
 Winslow was astonished that such a thing should be 
 done, and, supposing some mistake, and that they were 
 disturbed by the catastrophe which had just occurred, did 
 not fire into them, as he should have done. Among the 
 rest, this Englishman, whose name was Lancaster, had 
 picked up the Captain of the Alabama. 
 
 The officer of the Alabama who came to surrender 
 himself and the ship had permission to return, with his 
 boat, to assist in saving life. He went to the English 
 yacht and escaped in her. None of them seemed to feel 
 any disgrace in making off in this way while the Kearsarge 
 was engaged in saving life. The saddest sight of all was, 
 that England was not ashamed of this man Lancaster, 
 and associated him with Semmes, in the banquets and 
 other recognition which the latter received in England. 
 
 It was afterwards understood that this Lancaster was 
 a " nouveau-riche" who had a yacht, and who was glad 
 to be seen and identified with any notorious person. 
 Many persons in England shared his feelings, and when 
 the Alabama was sunk, she was much regretted by the 
 rich men of Birmingham and Manchester, as well as by 
 those of the higher nobility, who would not, on any 
 account, speak on equal terms to those with whom they 
 were in complete sympathy in the matter of our war. 
 We must also consider that the man Lancaster had no 
 experience in any kind of warfare, and that he probably 
 knew no better, and even thought he was doing a clever 
 thing. 
 
620 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 In his letter acknowledging Captain Winslow's des- 
 patch announcing the result of this action, Mr. Welles, 
 the Secretary of the Navy, says : " The Alabama repre- 
 sented the best maritime effort of the best English 
 workshops. Her battery was composed of the well-tried 
 32-pounders of fifty-seven hundred weight, of the famous 
 68-pounder of the British navy, and of the only successful 
 rifled 100-pounder yet produced in England. The crew 
 were .generally recruited in Great Britain, and many of 
 them received superior training on board her Majesty's 
 gunnery-ship, the Excellent. The Kearsarge is one of 
 the first gun-boats built at our navy yards at the com- 
 mencement of the Rebellion, and lacks the improvements 
 of the vessels now under construction. 
 
 * * * " The President has signified his intention to 
 recommend that you receive a vote of thanks, in order 
 that you may be advanced to the grade of Commodore. 
 Lieutenant-Commander James S. Thornton, the execu- 
 tive officer of the Kearsarge, will be recommended to the 
 Senate for advancement ten numbers in his grade." * * 
 
 Thornton was well known in the navy for his firmness, 
 ability and courage. 
 
 In regard to the conduct of the English yacht, the 
 Secretary says, " That the wretched commander * * * 
 should have resorted to any dishonorable means to escape 
 after his surrender ; that he should have thrown over- 
 board the sword that was no longer his ; that before 
 encountering an armed antagonist the mercenary rover 
 should have removed the chronometers and other plunder 
 stolen from peaceful commerce, are not matters of surprise, 
 for each act is characteristic of one who has been false to 
 his country and flag. You could not have expected, how- 
 ever, that gentlemen, or those claiming to be gentlemen, 
 would, on such an occasion, act in bad faith, and that, 
 
GROSSER KURFUERST — " The Great Elector." 
 
 (First-class Ironclad, German Imperial Navy. Sunk by an Accidental Collision with the 
 
 " Kcenig Wilhelm," in the English Channel, May 31st, 1878.) 
 
 THE "NEW IRONSIDES." 
 
 (The heaviest Ironclad in the U. S. Navy.} 
 
KEARSARGE AND ALABAMA, 621 
 
 having - been called upon or permitted to assist in res- 
 cuing- persons and property which had been surrendered 
 to you, they would run away with either." * * * * 
 
 "The Alabama was an English built vessel, armed and 
 manned by Englishmen; has never had any other than 
 an English register; has never sailed under any recog- 
 nized national flag since she left the shores of England; 
 has never visited any port of North America ; and her 
 career of devastation since she went forth from England 
 is one that does not entitle those of her crew who were 
 captured to be paroled. This Department expressly 
 disavows that act. Extreme caution must be exercised, 
 so that we in no way change the character of this Eng- 
 lish-built and English-manned, if not English-owned, 
 vessel, or relieve those who may be implicated in sending 
 forth this robber upon the seas from any responsibility to 
 which they may be liable for the outrages she has com- 
 mitted." 
 
 The sagacity and far-sightedness of Mr. Welles in 
 preventing the English Government from having any 
 technical ground for escaping responsibility has since 
 been triumphantly approved by the action of the Geneva 
 Convention, in the damages brought in against England 
 for the actions of this vessel. Unfortunately the English 
 masses had to help to pay these damages, as well as the 
 classes which had in every way fostered the Rebellion. 
 
 It was stated in the English newspapers that the 
 Kearsarge was an ironclad in disguise; and much more 
 powerful, in every way, than the Alabama. Let us look 
 at the facts. 
 
 In the first place, the two vessels were much the same 
 in size, the Alabama being a little longer, and about one 
 hundred tons larger. 
 
 Captain Winslow covers the whole ground in the 
 
622 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 following- statement: "The Kearsarge's battery consists 
 of seven guns, two ii-inch Dahlgrens, four 32-pounders, 
 one light rifled 28-pounder. 
 
 "The battery of the Alabama consisted of one 100- 
 pounder, rifled; six 32-pounders, that is, one more gun 
 than the Kearsarge. 
 
 "In the wake of the engines on the outside the Kear- 
 sarge had stopped up and down her sheet chains. 
 
 " These were stopped by marline to eyebolts, which 
 extended some twenty feet, and this was done by the 
 hands of the Kearsarge ; the whole was covered by light 
 plank, to prevent dirt collecting. It was for the purpose 
 of protecting the engines when there was no coal in the 
 upper part of the bunkers, as was the case when the 
 action took place. The Alabama had her bunkers full, 
 and was equally protected. The Kearsarge went into 
 action with a crew of one hundred and sixty-two officers 
 and men. The Alabama, by report of the Deerhound's 
 officers, had one hundred and fifty. * * * * The 
 action lasted one hour and two minutes, from the first to 
 the last shot. The Kearsarge received twenty-eight 
 shots above and below, thirteen about her hull; the best 
 shots were abaft the mainmast, two shots, which cut the 
 chain stops, the shell of which broke the casing of wood 
 covering; they were too high to damage the boilers had 
 they penetrated. The Kearsarge was only slightly 
 damaged, and I supposed the action for hot work had just 
 commenced when it ended. 
 
 "Such stuff as the Alabama firing when she was going 
 down, and all such talk, is twaddle. 
 
 "The Alabama, toward the last, hoisted sail to get away, 
 when the Kearsarge was laid across her bows, and would 
 have raked her had she not surrendered, which she had 
 
KEARSARGE AND ALABAMA. 623 
 
 done, and was trying to get her flags down, and showing 
 a white flag over the stern. 
 
 "The officers of the Alabama on board the Kearsaree 
 
 o 
 
 say that she was a complete slaughter-house, and was 
 completely torn to pieces. This is all I know of the 
 Alabama. 
 
 "Of the one hundred and sixty-three officers and men 
 of the Kearsarge, one hundred and fifty-two were native 
 Americans, and two of the remaining eleven were 
 Englishmen." 
 
624 
 
 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT' AND MODERN. 
 
 XLIV. 
 
 MOBILE BAY. AUGUST 5, 1864. 
 
 ARRAGUT had returned to New York, after 
 arduous service in the Mississippi, which 
 cannot be told here, and had received 
 the hearty congratulations and hospitalities 
 of not only public bodies, but of all grate- 
 ful citizens. He had been made Rear 
 Admiral, a new rank in the United States, 
 and had been thanked by Congress for 
 his achievements. 
 But, after about four months of rest and relaxation he 
 was called to duty again, and early in January, 1864, he 
 once more hoisted his flag upon the Hartford and sailed 
 for the Gulf. His flag-ship had received much needed 
 repairs, and, on examination, it was found that she had 
 been struck two hundred and forty times by shot and 
 shell. 
 
 After a short stay at New Orleans, to settle naval 
 matters there, he visited Ship Island and Pensacola, the 
 established depots for supplies. 
 
 He was now preparing for the long desired attack 
 on Mobile Bay and its defences, which he had long con- 
 templated, and was only prevented from carrying out 
 before by the necessity of carrying out joint operations on 
 the Mississippi River. 
 
 It was impossible to prevent vessels from occasionally 
 entering Mobile, no matter how vigilant the blockaders 
 
MOBILE BAY. 625 
 
 were. Forts Morgan, Powell and Gaines protected the 
 principal channels, and the light blockade-runners would 
 creep along the shore, under cover of the night, under 
 charge of experienced pilots, and soon be under the 
 protecting guns of the forts. Now and then some 
 adventurous craft would suffer for her temerity, by being 
 captured, or driven on shore and riddled with shot and 
 shell ; but, still, too many got in. Most of these vessels 
 had clearances for Matamoros, a Mexican town on the 
 Rio Grande. 
 
 A steamer was captured off Mobile which was evidently 
 a blockade-runner. The Captain was sent on board the 
 flag-ship, to be interrogated by the Admiral. Farragut 
 recognized him as an old acquaintance, and one of the 
 most experienced merchant captains in the Gulf trade. 
 The Admiral asked him what in the world he was doine 
 
 o 
 
 close in with Mobile, when he was three hundred miles out 
 of his course for Matamoros. The Captain entered into a 
 long story about having been swept in shore by a north- 
 east gale. When he had finished, Farragut smiled and 
 said, "How could you be blown to the northward and 
 eastward by a northeast gale ? I am* very sorry for you, 
 but we shall have to hold you for your thundering bad 
 navigation. Among the articles captured in this vessel 
 were one thousand copies of a caricature of General 
 Butler, who has certainly had notoriety conferred upon 
 him in that way as often as any one who ever lived. 
 
 Personal reconnoissances and skirmishes with the 
 different forts about Mobile occupied the Admiral for some 
 time, and he recognized the importance of having light 
 draft ironclads to fight those which the enemy were pre- 
 paring. 
 
 He wrote, "I feel no apprehension about Buchanan's 
 raising the blockade at Mobile, but with such a force as he 
 40 
 
626 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 has in the Bay, it would be unwise to take in our wooden 
 vessels, without the means of fighting the enemy on an 
 equal footing. By reference to the chart you will see 
 how small a space there is for the ships to manoeuvre." 
 
 On the 2d of March he wrote, "I saw the Mobile ram 
 Tennessee yesterday. She is very long, and I thought 
 moved very slowly." 
 
 He was most anxious to make the attack upon Mobile, 
 as every week's delay rendered the work more dangerous. 
 But he was delayed by the necessity of awaiting ships. 
 
 In the meantime stirring work was going on inland, and 
 the armies grappling in the fight of giants. Farragut's 
 letters show that he was keenly alive to all that was going 
 on, although the mental strain upon him in keeping up 
 the blockade and in preparing for the undertaking he had 
 in view, was very great. 
 
 In a letter written in May he says, "We have the 
 Southern papers of the 17th, and yet they contain no 
 news. All is dark with respect to Grant and Lee. Grant 
 has done one thing. He has gone to work making war 
 and doing his best, and kept newsmongers out of his 
 army. The only comfort I have is, that the Confederates 
 are more unhappy, if possible, than we are." 
 
 "We started with few good officers of experience, but 
 shall end with some of the best in the world. Our fellows 
 are beeinninof to understand that war means ficrhtingr" 
 
 To Admiral Bailey, at Key West, he writes, "I am 
 watching- Buchanan, in the ram Tennessee. She is a 
 formidable looking thing, and there are four others, and 
 three wooden gun-boats. They say he is waiting for the 
 two others to come out and attack me, and then raid upon 
 New Orleans. Let him come. I have a fine squadron 
 to meet him, all ready and willing. I can see his boats 
 very industriously laying down torpedoes, so I judge that 
 
MOBILE BAY. 627 
 
 he is quite as much afraid of our going in as we are of 
 his coming out." 
 
 On June 21st he writes, "I am tired of watching 
 Buchanan and Page, and wish from the bottom of my 
 heart that Buck would come out and try his hand upon 
 us. This question has to be settled, iron versus wood, 
 and there never was a better chance to settle the question 
 as to the sea-going qualities of ironclad ships. We are 
 to-day ready to try anything that comes along, be it wood 
 or iron, in reasonable quantities. Anything is preferable 
 to lying on our oars. But I shall have patience until the 
 army has finished its campaign in Virginia and Georgia. 
 I hope it will be the close of the war." 
 
 On the 6th of July, he writes, "My birth-day; sixty- 
 three years old. I was a little down in the mouth, 
 because I thought we had not done as well as we oueht 
 to, in destroying a blockade-runner that tried to force her 
 way by us. But Dyer, in the Glasgow, ran her on shore 
 under the guns of Fort Morgan, and I had been trying 
 to get the gun-boats to destroy her, but they did bad 
 work, and the Rebels were at it, night before last, trying 
 to get her off. I determined to send a party to board 
 and set her on fire. Watson volunteered for the work, 
 and I sent him, with Tyson, Ensign Dana, Whiting, 
 Glidden, and Pendleton, and Master's Mate Herrick. 
 Jouett and McCann covered the party. Well, as you may 
 suppose, it was an anxious night for me ; for I am almost 
 as fond of Watson as yourself, and interested in the 
 others. I thought it was to be a hand-to-hand fight, if 
 any. I sat up till midnight, and then thought they had 
 found the enemy in too great force, and had given it up ; 
 so I laid down to rest. About half an hour later the 
 Rebel was reported to be on fire, and I was happy, 
 because I had heard no firing, and I knew the surprise was 
 
628 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 perfect. And so it turned out. The Rebels scampered 
 off as our fellows climbed on board. The boats returned 
 about 2 o'clock a. m., all safe, no one hurt. I was anxious 
 until their return. But no one knows what my feelings 
 are; I am always calm and quiet." 
 
 "I have never seen a crew come up like our's. They 
 are ahead of the old set in small arms, and fully equal to 
 them at the great guns. They arrived here a new lot 
 of boys and young men, and have now fattened up, and 
 knock the nine-inch guns about like 24-pounders, to the 
 astonishment of everybody." 
 
 One more extract — for these show the man : — 
 
 On July 20th, he wrote, "The victory of the Kearsarge 
 over the Alabama raised me up. I would sooner have 
 fought that fight than any ever fought on the ocean. 
 Only think! it was fought like a tournament, in full view 
 of thousands of French and English, with a perfect confi- 
 dence, on the part of all but the Union people, that we 
 would be whipped. People came from Paris to witness 
 the fight. Why, my poor little good-for-nothing Hatteras 
 would have whipped her (the Alabama) in fifteen minutes, 
 but for an unlucky shot in the boiler. She struck the 
 Alabama two shots for one, while she floated. But the 
 triumph of the Kearsarge was grand. Winslow had my 
 old First Lieutenant of the Hartford, Thornton, in the 
 Kearsarge. He is as brave as a lion, and as cool as a 
 parson. I go for Winslow's promotion!" 
 
 On the 31st of July all the monitors sent to Farragut 
 had arrived, except the Tecumseh, and she was at Pensa- 
 cola, to be ready in a day or two. 
 
 The preparations for the attack upon the Mobile 
 defences were now about completed, and Farragut had 
 apprised each of his Commanders of his plans for passing 
 into the Bay. 
 
MOBILE BAY. 629 
 
 Generals Canby and Granger had visited the Hartford, 
 and in this interview it was agreed that all the troops that 
 could be spared should be sent to co-operate with the 
 fleet in the attack upon Forts Morgan and Gaines. 
 
 Subsequently Canby found he had not force sufficient 
 to invest both forts ; so, at Farragut's suggestion, he 
 sent a body of troops to land on Dauphin Island, near 
 Fort Gaines. The Admiral appreciated the assistance 
 of the army in this case, and the responsibility of his 
 position. He was not the man to begin the attack without 
 having taken every precaution to insure success. He said 
 he was ready to take the offensive the moment the troops 
 were ready to act with him ; that there was no doing any- 
 thing with these forts so long as their back doors were open. 
 More than that, his communications had to be kept open 
 for supplies, which required a force of troops to cut off 
 all the enemy's land communications with Mobile. 
 
 The 4th of August had been fixed as the day for the 
 landing of the troops and the entrance into the Bay, but 
 the Tecumseh was not ready. General Granger promptly 
 landed his troops on Dauphin Island at that date. As it 
 turned out, all was for the best, for the Confederates were 
 busily engaged, during the 4th, in throwing troops and 
 supplies into Fort Gaines, all of which were captured a 
 few days afterward. 
 
 The attack was then postponed until the 5 th, and 
 Farragut wrote a letter to his wife that night, which is a 
 model of its kind, and shows he fully appreciated the 
 desperate work before him. 
 
 For it we must refer 1 the reader to his Life, by his son, 
 from which this account is principally taken. 
 
 The battle of Mobile Bay was, very properly the 
 crowning achievement of Farragut's naval career, for it 
 was the most brilliant action in which he ever took part. 
 
630 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 The defences of the Bay, at the time of his attack, 
 consisted mainly of three forts, Morgan, Gaines and 
 Powell. Fort Morgan was one of the old brick forts, 
 with a wall four feet eight inches thick. It is on the west 
 end of a peninsula which encloses the Bay, called Mobile 
 Point, and forms, with Gaines, the principal defence of 
 the main ship ,channel to the Gulf. It was armed with 
 eighty-six guns, of various calibre, some very heavy, and 
 in exterior batteries were twenty-nine additional guns. 
 The water battery had two rifled 32s, four 10-inch Co- 
 lumbiads, and one 8-inch Brookes rifle. The garrison, 
 officers and men, numbered six hundred and forty. 
 
 Fort Gaines is three miles northwest from Fort Morgan, 
 at the eastern extremity of Dauphin Island. This is also 
 a brick fort, and mounted thirty guns, with a garrison of 
 forty-six officers and eight hundred and eighteen men. 
 
 On the flats south and east of Fort Gaines innumerable 
 piles were driven, to obstruct the passage of vessels, and 
 from these, two lines of torpedoes extended towards Fort 
 Morgan, terminating at a point a few hundred yards from 
 that fort, marked by a red buoy. This portion of the 
 passage was left open for the use of blockade-runners, 
 and vessels using it had to pass within easy range of the 
 guns of the fort. 
 
 Six miles northeast of Fort Gaines is another narrow 
 channel, only fit for light draught vessels, called Grant's 
 pass. There was a redoubt there, mounted with four 
 very heavy guns. 
 
 Auxiliary to this land defence the iron-clad steamer 
 Tennessee lay about five hundred yards north of Fort Mor- 
 gan. She was two hundred and nine feet long and forty 
 feet wide, with an iron prow projecting two feet below the 
 water line. Her sloping sides were covered with armor 
 varying in thickness from five to six inches. She carried 
 
MOBILE BAY. 631 
 
 six rifled guns in casemate, two of which were pivot, and 
 the others broadside guns, throwing solid projectiles of 
 one hundred and ten and ninety-five pounds respectively. 
 The ports, of which there were ten, were so arranged 
 that the pivot guns could be fought in broadside, sharp 
 on the bow, and in a direct line with her keel. Her great 
 defect was in the steering-gear, which was badly arranged 
 and much exposed. Near her were anchored three 
 wooden gun-boats, the Morgan, Gaines and Selma. The 
 first carried one 63 cwt. eight-inch gun, and five 57 cwt. 
 32-pounders; the Gaines, one eight-inch Brooke rifle and 
 five 57 cwt. 32-pounders; the Selma, three eight-inch 
 Paixhans and one old-fashioned heavy thirty-two, con- 
 verted into a rifle and banded at the breech, throwing a 
 solid shot of about sixty pounds. 
 
 Farragut had long before issued general orders in 
 regard to the attack, and made no secret of his intention 
 to attack. They were as follows : — 
 
 '' Strip your vessels and prepare for the conflict. Send 
 down all your superfluous spars and spare rigging. Put 
 up the splinter-nets on the starboard side, and barricade 
 the wheel and steers-men with sails and hammocks. Lay 
 chains or sand bags on the deck, over the machinery, to 
 resist a plunging fire. Hang the sheet chains over the 
 side, or make any other arrangement for security that 
 your ingenuity may suggest. Land your starboard boats, 
 or lower and tow them on the port side, and lower the 
 port boats down to the water's edge. Place a leadsman 
 and the pilot in the port quarter-boat, or the one most 
 convenient to the Commander. 
 
 " The vessels will run past the forts in couples, lashed 
 side by side, as hereinafter designated. The flag-ship 
 will lead and steer from Sand Island N. by E., by compass, 
 
632 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 until abreast of Fort Morgan, then N.W., half N., until 
 past the middle ground, then N. by W., and the others, 
 as designated in the drawing, will follow in due order, 
 until ordered to anchor ; but the bow and quarter line 
 must be preserved, to give the chase guns a fair range, 
 and each vessel must be kept astern of the broadside of 
 the next ahead ; each vessel will keep a very little on the 
 starboard quarter of his next ahead, and when abreast of 
 the fort will keep directly astern, and as we pass the 
 fort, will take the same distance on the port quarter of 
 the next ahead, to enable the stern guns to fire clear of 
 the next vessel astern. 
 
 "It will be the object of the Admiral to get as close to 
 the fort as possible before opening fire; the ships, how- 
 ever, will open fire the moment the enemy opens upon 
 us, with their chase and other guns, as fast as they can be 
 brought to bear. Use short fuses for the shell and 
 shrapnel, and as soon as within 300 or 400 yards, give 
 them grape. It is understood that heretofore we have 
 fired too high, but with grape-shot, it is necessary to 
 elevate a little above the object, as grape will dribble 
 from the muzzle of the orin. 
 
 "If one or more of the vessels be disabled, their 
 partners must carry them through, if possible; but if they 
 cannot, then the next astern must render the required 
 assistance ; but as the Admiral contemplates moving 
 with the flood tide, it will only require sufficient power to 
 keep the crippled vessels in the channel. 
 
 "Vessels that can, must place guns upon the poop and 
 top-gallant forecastle, and in the tops on the starboard 
 side. Should the enemy fire grape, they will remove the 
 men from the top-gallant forecastle and the poop to the 
 guns below, until out of grape range. 
 
 "The howitzers must keep up a constant fire from the, 
 
MOBILE BAY. 633 
 
 time they can reach with shrapnel until out of its range." 
 * * * * "There are certain black buoys placed by 
 the enemy across the channel, from the piles on the west 
 side of the channel towards Fort Morgan. It being 
 understood that there are torpedoes and other obstruc- 
 tions between the buoys, the vessels will take care to pass 
 eastward of the easternmost buoy, which is clear of all 
 obstructions. The Admiral will endeavor to remove the 
 others before the day of attack, as he thinks they support 
 that which will otherwise sink, and at least to destroy 
 them for guides to the demons who hope to explode them. 
 So soon as the vessel is opposite the end of the piles, it 
 will be best to stop the propeller of the ship, and let her 
 run in with her headway and the tide, and those having 
 side-wheel gun-boats will continue on with the aid of 
 their paddles, which are not likely to foul with their drag- 
 ropes. 
 
 D. G. Farragut, 
 Rear- Admiral, Commander Western Gulf Squadron. 
 P. S. — Carry low steam. 
 
 D. G. F. 
 
 As has been already mentioned, Farragut had fully 
 determined to run into the bay, on the 4th of August, but 
 had been prevented from doing so by the non-arrival of 
 the monitor Tecumseh. But on the afternoon of the 4th 
 she arrived, and took up her anchorage behind Sand 
 Island, with the others of her class — the Winnebago, 
 Manhattan, and Chickasaw. 
 
 On the morning of the 5th, long before daylight, all 
 hands were called "up hammocks," and while the Admiral, 
 his Fleet-Captain and Fleet-Surgeon were having breakfast, 
 daylight was reported, with weather threatening rain. It 
 was Friday, a day of bad omen for sailors ; but the clouds 
 
634 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 worked round, and the day came fair, which was, on the 
 other hand, a good omen. The wind was west-southwest, 
 too, just where the fleet wanted it, for it would blow the 
 smoke upon Fort Morgan. 
 
 At four o'clock the wooden ships formed in double 
 column, lashed securely in pairs, in the following order, 
 the first mentioned of each pair being the starboard vessel, 
 or that next the fort. (The Admiral had concluded to let 
 another ship lead, and he was second.) Here is the 
 order : — 
 
 f Brooklyn, Captain James Alden. 
 
 ( Octorara, Lieutenant-Commander Green. 
 Hartford (flag-ship), Fleet-Captain Drayton. 
 Metacomet, Lieutenant-Commander Jouett. 
 
 f Richmond, Captain Thornton Jenkins. 
 
 ( Port Royal, Lieutenant-Commander Gherardi. 
 
 f Lackawanna, Captain Marchand. 
 
 1 Seminole, Commander Donaldson. 
 
 f Monongahela, Commander J. H. Strong. 
 
 ( Kennebec, Lieutenant Commander McCann. 
 
 J Ossipee, Commander Wm. E. LeRoy. 
 
 ( Itasca, Lieutenant-Commander George Brown. 
 
 J Oneida, Commander Mullany. 
 
 ( Galena, Lieutenant-Commander Wells. 
 
 The Brooklyn was appointed to lead, because she had 
 
 four chase guns and apparatus for picking up torpedoes. 
 
 At half-past five, while at the table, still sipping his 
 
 tea, the Admiral quietly said, " Well, Drayton, we might 
 
 as well get under way." 
 
 Immediately the answering signals were shown from 
 every vessel, and the wooden vessels promptly took up 
 their respective stations, while the monitors came out 
 from under Sand Island and formed on the right of the 
 wooden ships, as follows : Tecumseh, Commander T. A. 
 
MOBILE BAY. 635 
 
 M. Craven; Manhattan, Commander J. W. A. Nicholson; 
 (these were single-turreted, Eastern built, or sea moni- 
 tors). The Winnebago, Commander T. A. Stevens; 
 and the Chickasaw, Lieutenant-Commander Perkins, fol- 
 lowed. The two last were double-turreted, Western 
 built monitors, from the Mississippi river. 
 
 The leading monitor was abreast of the leading wooden 
 ship. 
 
 The Confederate vessels took up position in single 
 line, in echelon, across the channel, with their port bat- 
 teries bearing- to rake the advancing fleet. The ram 
 Tennessee was a little westward of the red buoy spoken 
 of already, and close to the inner line of torpedoes. 
 
 Farragut had ordered six light steamers and gun-boats 
 to take up a position outside, and open a flank fire on 
 Fort Morgan, but they could not get near enough to be 
 of much service. 
 
 And now the attacking fleet steamed steadily in. At 
 6.47 the first gun was fired by the monitor Tecumseh, 
 and Fort Morgan at once replied. As the wooden 
 vessels came within shorter range Farragut made signal 
 for "closer order," which was promptly obeyed, each 
 vessel closing up to within a few yards of the one ahead, 
 and a little on the starboard quarter, thus enabling such 
 ships as had chase guns to bring them to bear. 
 
 The battle had opened, but at that time the enemy had 
 the advantage, and the fleet now received a raking; fire 
 from the fort, battery, and Confederate vessels. This 
 they had to endure for fully half an hour, before they 
 could bring their batteries to bear with any effect. At the 
 end of that time the Brooklyn and Hartford were enabled 
 to open their broadsides, which soon drove the gunners 
 of the fort from the barbette guns and water batteries. 
 
 The scene on the poop of the flag-ship was now par- 
 
636 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 ticularly interesting, as all were watching eagerly the 
 movements of the leading monitor, Tecumseh. The 
 Admiral stood in the port main rigging, a few ratlines 
 up, where he could see all about him and at the same 
 time communicate easily with the Metacomet, lashed 
 alongside. Freeman, his trusty pilot, was above him, in 
 the top. Captain Drayton was on the poop, with the 
 officers of the Admiral's staff, while Knowles, the Signal 
 Quartermaster, attended to the signals. This petty officer, 
 with the three seamen at the wheel, McFarland, 
 Wood and Jassin, had been in every engagement of the 
 ship, and steadily and coolly they now attended to their 
 most important duties. All these were nearly stationary. 
 The men at the wheel merely gave a spoke or two of 
 helm, from time to time, in response to a short order. 
 
 On the deck below, the gfun crews were workine with 
 a will, and all was animation and bustle. 
 
 As the smoke increased and obscured his view, the 
 Admiral ascended the rigging, ratline by ratline, until he 
 was up among the futtock shrouds, under the top. 
 Captain Drayton, seeing him in this position, and fearing 
 that some slight shock might precipitate him into the sea, 
 ordered Knowles to take up a line, and make his position 
 secure. Knowles says, 'T went up with a piece of lead- 
 line, and made it fast to one of the forward shrouds, and 
 then took it round the Admiral to the after shroud, 
 making- it fast there. The Admiral said, 'Never mind, I 
 am all right,' but I went ahead and obeyed orders, for I 
 feared he would fall overboard if anything should carry 
 away or he should be struck." Here Farragut remained 
 until the fleet entered the bay. 
 
 Loyall Farragut gives a striking extract from the 
 journal of one of the Hartford's officers, as follows : "The 
 order was, to go slowly, slowly ; and receive the fire of 
 
MOBILE BAY. 637 
 
 Fort Morgan. * * * * The fort opened, having 
 allowed us to get into such short range that we appre- 
 hended some snare ; in fact, I heard the order passed for 
 our guns to be elevated for fourteen hundred yards some 
 time before one was fired. The calmness of the scene was 
 sublime. No impatience, no irritation, no anxiety, except 
 for the fort to open ; and after it did open full five minutes 
 elapsed before we answered. 
 
 "In the meantime the guns were trained as if at a 
 target, and all the sounds I could hear were, 'Steady! 
 boys, steady ! Left tackle a little ; so ! so ! ' Then the 
 roar of a broadside, and an eager cheer, as the enemy 
 were driven from their water battery. Don't imagine 
 they were frightened; no man could stand under that iron 
 shower ; and the brave fellows returned to their guns as 
 soon as it lulled, only to be driven away again. 
 
 "At twenty minutes past seven we had come within 
 range of the enemy's gun-boats, which opened their fire 
 upon the Hartford, and as the Admiral told me afterward, 
 made her their special target. First they struck our 
 foremast, and then lodged a shot of 1 20 pounds in our 
 mainmast. By degrees they got better elevation, and I 
 have saved a splinter from the hammock netting to show 
 how they felt their way lower. Splinters, after that, came 
 by cords, and in size, sometimes, were like logs of wood. 
 No longer came the cheering cry, ' nobody hurt yet' 
 The Hartford, by some unavoidable chance, fought the 
 enemy's fleet and fort together for twenty minutes by 
 herself, timbers crashing, and wounded pouring down — 
 cries never to be forgotten." 
 
 By half-past seven the Tecumseh was well up with the 
 fort, and drawing slowly by the Tennessee, having her 
 on the port beam, when she suddenly reeled to port and 
 went down, with almost every soul on board, destroyed 
 
638 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 by a torpedo. Commander Craven, in his eagerness to 
 engage the ram, had passed to the west of the fatal buoy. 
 If he had gone but the breadth of his beam to the east- 
 ward of it, he would have been safe, so far as the torpedoes 
 were concerned. 
 
 This very appalling disaster was not immediately 
 realized by the fleet. Some supposed the Tennessee 
 had been sunk, or some signal advantage gained over the 
 enemy, and cheers from the Hartford were taken up and 
 echoed along the line. But the Admiral, from his lofty 
 perch, saw the true state of things, and his anxiety was 
 not decreased when the leading ship, the Brooklyn, just 
 ahead of him, suddenly stopped. Hailing the top, above 
 him, he asked Freeman, the pilot, " What is the matter 
 with the Brooklyn ? She must have plenty of water 
 there." "Plenty, and to spare, Admiral," the pilot 
 replied. Alden had seen the Tecumseh suddenly en- 
 gulfed, and the heavy line of torpedoes across the channel 
 made him pause. 
 
 The Brooklyn then began to back ; the vessels in the 
 rear pressing on those in the van soon created confusion, 
 and disaster seemed imminent. " The batteries of our 
 ships were almost silent," says an eye-witness, "whil'j the 
 whole of Mobile Point was a living flame. 
 
 "What's the trouble?" was shouted, through a trumpet, 
 from the flag-ship to the Brooklyn. "Torpedoes !" was 
 shouted back, in reply. " Damn the torpedoes !" said 
 Farragut. " Four bells ! Captain Drayton, go ahead ! 
 Jouett, full speed !" And the Hartford passed the 
 Brooklyn, assumed the head of the line, and led the fleet 
 to victory. It was the one only way out of the difficulty, 
 and any hesitation would have closed even this escape 
 from a frightful disaster. Nor did the Admiral forget 
 the few poor fellows who were struggling in the water 
 
MOBILE BAY. 039 
 
 when the Tecumseh went down, but ordered Jouett, of 
 the Metacomet, to lower a boat and pick them up. This 
 was done, the boat being- commanded by a mere boy, an 
 Acting Master's mate, by the name of Henry Clay 
 Nields, a native of Chester County, Pennsylvania, who 
 lately died, a Lieutenant-Commander. This gallant fellow 
 and his small boat's crew pulled coolly into a perfect flurry 
 of shot and' shell, and while doing so (remembering the 
 standing orders about boats showing flags), he coolly 
 got his out and hoisted it, and then took his seat again, 
 and steered for the strug-crling- survivors of the Tecumseh. 
 This was as conspicuous an act of gallantry as was per- 
 formed on that eventful day. 
 
 A Confederate officer, who was stationed in the water 
 battery at Fort Morgan, says the manoeuvring of the 
 vessels at this critical juncture was a magnificent sight. 
 At first they appeared to be in inextricable confusion, and 
 at the mercy of their guns, and when the Hartford dashed 
 forward, they realized that a grand tactical movement 
 had been accomplished. 
 
 The Hartford had passed nearly a* mile ahead before 
 the line could be straightened, but the vessels were soon 
 able to pour in a storm of shell, shrapnel and grape, that 
 completely silenced the batteries ; not, however, before 
 they had all suffered more or less. The Oneida, having 
 the most exposed position, at the rear of the column, was 
 severely handled. The wisdom of lashing the vessels 
 two-and-two was now manifest ; for this ship, though in a 
 helpless condition, was easily towed along by her consort, 
 the Galena, with the flood-tide. The Admiral's theory, 
 "that the safest way to prevent injury from an enemy is 
 to strike hard yourself," was exemplified in his warning to 
 his captains, to run close to Fort Morgan, and use shell, 
 shrapnel and grape freely. It is said that the Richmond 
 
G40 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 and Brooklyn were saved from destruction at the time 
 the line was being straightened, by the rapid broadsides 
 of shrapnel which those ships poured into the water 
 battery. The aim of the artillerists on shore was discon- 
 certed by the dense smoke which enveloped the ships, 
 and they were driven from their guns by the rapid firing. 
 An officer who was in the engagement remarks, that it 
 was " painfully apparent, judging from the number of 
 shot that passed over the rail of my ship, that a few yards 
 to the west would have increased the damage and 
 casualties." 
 
 As soon as the Hartford had crossed the torpedo- 
 ground and was steaming rapidly up the channel, Bu- 
 chanan, on the Tennessee, saw the blue flag of Farragut. 
 He made a dash to ram the latter's flag-ship, but failed 
 to do so, the ships merely exchanging shots. By 
 this time the Brooklyn and Richmond had passed safely 
 over the obstructions, and were following in the wake of 
 the Hartford. The Tennessee now turned her attention 
 to the Brooklyn, making for her starboard bow ; but 
 when within about -one hundred yards of that ship, she 
 starboarded her helm and passed within two hundred 
 feet of her, pouring in a broadside which went through 
 and through her, doing great damage. Passing on, she 
 attempted the same manoeuvre with the Richmond, the 
 next in line, apparently first attempting to ram, and then 
 sheering off. Captain Jenkins saw her approaching, and 
 placed marines on the forecastle, with orders to fire into 
 the great ram's ports whenever the iron shutters opened, 
 at the same time giving orders to use solid shot in his 
 heavy guns, and to aim at the Tennessee's water-line. 
 The two vessels passed each other at their best speed. 
 
 Whether from the rapidity of the movement or the 
 precaution taken by Captain Jenkins to disconcert the 
 
MOBILE BAY. 641 
 
 aim of the gunners, the Tennessee's shot passed over the 
 Richmond. 
 
 She also missed the Lackawanna, but the fire from her 
 heavy guns created sad havoc when they struck, while 
 the shot from the Union fleet failed to make any impres- 
 sion on her mailed sides. 
 
 Captain Strong, in the Monongahela, now attempted 
 to ram her, but she avoided the blow, and the two vessels 
 collided at an acute angle, the ram swinging alongside of 
 the Monongahela's consort, the Kennebec, whose sharp 
 cutwater sheared her barge in two. A shell from the 
 Tennessee exploded on the Kennebec's berth-deck, and 
 came near setting her dangerously on fire ; but, by the 
 cool conduct of the officers, confidence was quickly 
 restored. 
 
 The ram then attacked the crippled Oneida, running 
 under her stern and delivering two broadsides in rapid 
 succession, destroying her boats and dismounting a 
 twelve-pound howitzer upon her poop. Captain Mullany 
 was severely wounded at this time, after having escaped 
 injury off the forts, where he had borne so heavy a fire. 
 
 The Tennessee then returned to her anchorage under 
 the guns of Fort Morgan. 
 
 As soon as he was clear of the fire of the forts, Farra- 
 gut had turned his attention to the enemy's gun-boats. 
 Their heavy raking fire had been a source of great 
 annoyance. One shot from the Selma, alone, had killed 
 ten men and wounded five. After the fleet had passed 
 the obstructions these vessels had continued the contest, 
 keeping up with the leading ships and exchanging shots, 
 thus separating themselves widely from the Tennessee. 
 
 Soon the Gaines was in a sinking condition, and her 
 commander ran her aground, under the guns of Fort 
 Morgan, where she was afterwards set on fire. 
 41 
 
642 . NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 A few minutes after she had quitted the fight, the Selma 
 and Morgan, seeing the hopelessness of the encounter, 
 also retreated, the former up the bay, and the latter 
 down towards Navy Cove, some distance to the east- 
 ward. 
 
 It was then that the Admiral made the signal, "Gun- 
 boats chase enemy's gunboats." In a moment the Meta- 
 comet had cut the lashings which confined her to the flag- 
 ship, and was off. 
 
 The Metacomet was the fastest of all the smaller 
 vessels, and so it came that she encragfed the Morgan. 
 Just then firing was interrupted by a thick rain-squall. 
 During the squall the Morgan, as was learned afterwards, 
 grounded upon a long spit which runs out for about a 
 mile from Navy Cove. 
 
 In the meantime the Metacomet, Port Royal, Kenne- 
 bec, and Itasca had started after the Selma, and the 
 Metacomet captured her, three or four miles up the bay. 
 The Morgan backed off the shoal, and proceeded to Fort 
 Morgan; and that same night, under a starlit sky, her 
 captain, Harrison, made a hazardous but successful 
 retreat up to Mobile, being pursued and fired at by 
 several of the Union gun-boats. 
 
 Farragfut's fleet now came to anchor about three miles 
 up the bay, with anchors hove short. They had scarcely 
 done so when they saw the ram Tennessee steering 
 directly for the flag-ship. Buchanan had anticipated 
 Admiral Farragut, for the latter had intended to attack 
 the ram the moment it was dark enough for the smoke 
 to prevent Page, the commander of the fort, from dis- 
 tinguishing friend from foe. He had already made a 
 plan to go in with the three monitors, himself in the 
 Manhattan, and board her, if it was found feasible. He 
 now accepted the situation, and signalled the fleet to 
 
MOBILE BAY. 643 
 
 "attack the ram, not only with their guns, but bows on, at 
 full speed." 
 
 The Monongahela was under way at the time, and 
 Strong immediately dashed off for the ram at full speed ; 
 but the Tennessee paid no attention to her, merely 
 putting her helm aport, which caused the Monongahela 
 to strike her obliquely. The ram also fired two shots at 
 the Monongahela, which pierced her through and through, 
 while Strong's shot glanced harmlessly from her sloping 
 sides. 
 
 The Chickasaw at this time hit the ram with a solid 
 bolt, which merely penetrated her armor, without doing- 
 serious damage. 
 
 The next vessel to bear down on the Tennessee was 
 the Lackawanna, and she suffered more than the ram. 
 She had a fair stroke at her, and stove her bow in for 
 some feet above and below the water-line, while the shock 
 to the Tennessee was slight, and she quickly righted, and 
 moved steadily for the Hartford. The latter now took 
 the aggressive, and, following in the wake of the Lacka- 
 wanna, struck the ram a fearful blow, and then poured 
 in a broadside, but all without effect. 
 
 The ram had one great advantage. She was sur- 
 rounded by enemies, and could fire continually, while the 
 Union vessels had to use the utmost care not to fire into 
 or collide with one another. This did happen to the 
 flag-ship, just as she was preparing to attack a second 
 time, for the Lackawanna ran into her, and cut her down 
 nearly to the water's edge. 
 
 In the meantime the monitors, Manhattan, Winnebago 
 and Chickasaw, had been pounding the ram with their 
 heavy shot, and her steering apparatus and smoke-stack 
 were shot away, and her port-shutters jammed, while one 
 15-inch shot had found a weak spot, and penetrated her 
 
644 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 armor. Admiral Buchanan was wounded, and the Ten- 
 nessee showed a white flag and surrendered. 
 
 The success was complete, but had cost the Union fleet 
 three hundred and thirty-five men. 
 
 Of one hundred and thirty souls in the Tecumseh, 
 seventeen were saved, and one hundred and thirteen 
 drowned. The other casualties, fifty-two killed and 
 one hundred and seventy wounded, were distributed 
 as follows : Hartford, twenty-five killed, twenty-eight 
 wounded ; Brooklyn, eleven killed, forty-three wounded ; 
 Lackawanna, four killed, thirty-five wounded; Oneida, 
 eight killed, thirty wounded ; Monongahela, six wounded ; 
 Metacomet, one killed, two wounded ; Ossipee, one killed, 
 seven wounded; Richmond, two slightly wounded ; Galena, 
 one wounded ; Octorara, one killed, ten wounded ; Ken- 
 nebec, one killed, six wounded. 
 
 Knowles, the Signal Quartermaster already mentioned, 
 says that the Admiral came on deck just as the poor 
 fellows who had been killed were being- laid out on the 
 port side of the quarter-deck. He says, "It was the only 
 time I ever saw the old gentleman cry, but the tears came 
 in his eyes, like a little child." 
 
 The losses among the enemy's vessels were confined 
 to the Tennessee and Selma — ten killed and sixteen 
 wounded. The loss in the forts is not known. 
 
 Next morning Farragut published the following : — 
 
 (GENERAL ORDER No. 12.) 
 
 United States Flag-ship Hartford, 
 
 Mobile Bay, August, 6, 1864. 
 " The Admiral returns thanks to the officers and crews 
 of the vessels of the fleet for their gallant conduct during 
 the fight of yesterday. 
 
 " It has never been his good fortune to see men do 
 
MOBILE BAY. 645 
 
 their duty with more courage and cheerfulness ; for, 
 although they knew that the enemy was prepared with 
 all devilish means for our destruction, and though they 
 witnessed the almost instantaneous annihilation of our 
 gallant companions in the Tecumseh by a torpedo, and 
 the slaughter of their friends, messmates and gun-mates 
 on our decks, still there were no evidences of hesitation in 
 following - their Commander-in-chief through the line of 
 torpedoes and obstructions, of which we knew nothing, 
 except from the exaggerations of the enemy, who had 
 given out, 'that we should all be blown up as certainly as 
 we attempted to enter.' 
 
 " For this noble and implicit confidence in their leader, 
 he heartily thanks them. 
 
 " D. G. Farragut, 
 
 " Rear- Admiral Commanding TV. G. B. Sqitadron." 
 
 The gallantry of Acting Ensign Nields, in going to the 
 rescue of the survivors of the Tecumseh has been alluded 
 to. In connection with that lamentable event it is related 
 that when the monitor was going down, Commander 
 Craven and the pilot, whose name was Collins, met at 
 the foot of the ladder leading to the top of the turret ; 
 Craven, knowing that it was through no fault of the 
 pilot, but by his own order, that the course had been 
 changed to the other side of the buoy, stepped back, 
 saying, "After you, Pilot." "There was nothing after 
 me," said Mr. Collins, in relating the event, " for when I 
 reached the top round of the ladder the vessel seemed to 
 drop from under me." Among those who went down 
 with Craven was Chief Engineer Faron, who rose from 
 a sick bed, in the hospital at Pensacola, to go on board 
 the Tecumseh. 
 
 Admiral Farragut highly complimented Fleet-Surgeon 
 
646 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 Palmer, for certain extra service. It happened that the 
 Admiral's steam barge came into the bay, under the 
 port side of the Seminole. Fleet-Surgeon Palmer, having 
 attended to the wounded on board the flag-ship, and 
 leaving them in the hands of his assistants, wished to visit 
 the wounded of the other vessels, and the Admiral gave 
 him the steam barge. He had just shoved off when the 
 Tennessee was seen steaming for the Hartford. The 
 Admiral beckoned to Palmer, just before he made the 
 general signal, and desired him to "go to all the monitors, 
 and tell them to attack that Tennessee." Afterwards 
 he wrote to Dr. Palmer, and expressing some opinions 
 in regard to war duty, says, * * * "I am happy to 
 say that, from my own experience, war is the time when I 
 have always found the medical officers ready and willing 
 to do their duty without regard to personal risk." * * * 
 
 When a shot perforated the starboard boiler of the 
 Oneida, scalding thirteen men, one gun's crew wavered 
 for a moment as the steam rushed out, but, at the order 
 of Commander Mullany, " Back to your quarters, men !" 
 they instantly returned to their gun. Mullany soon after 
 lost his arm, and was wounded in several other places. 
 
 The incident of Farragut's being lashed aloft has 
 created much controversy. The fact of his being lashed 
 in the futtock shrouds was shown in a picture by Page, 
 which was afterwards presented to the Emperor of 
 Russia. The fact was, that the Admiral did not remain 
 long anywhere. While the fleet was entering the bay, 
 he was in the port main rigging, where he was secured 
 by Knowles, the Quartermaster, as has been mentioned. 
 But when the ram made her attack he had come down 
 on deck, and, as the Hartford was about to ram the 
 Tennessee, he got into the port mizzen rigging, where, 
 as his Flag-Lieutenant, J. Crittenden Watson, says, "I 
 
MOBILE BAY. 647 
 
 secured him by a lashing passed with my own hands, 
 having first begged him not to stand in such an exposed 
 place." 
 
 Surgeon General Palmer writes : "The Richmond waved 
 to me as I passed in the Loyall (the steam-barge), and 
 told me that Admiral Farragut had partly signalled for 
 me to return, which I did immediately. When I got near 
 enough to the Hartford, the Admiral himself hailed, and 
 directed me to go on board the captured ram and look 
 after Admiral Buchanan, who was wounded. It was 
 difficult, even from a boat, to get on board the Tennessee, 
 and I had to make a long leap, assisted by a strong man's 
 hand. I literally scrambled through the iron port, and 
 threaded my way among the piles of confusion, to a ladder, 
 by which I mounted to where Admiral Buchanan was 
 lying, in a place like the top of a truncated pyramid. 
 Somebody announced me, and he answered (tone polite, 
 but savage) T know Dr. Palmer;' but he gave me his 
 hand. I told him I was sorry to see him so badly hurt, 
 but that I should be glad to know his wishes. He 
 answered, T only wish to be treated kindly, as a prisoner 
 of war.' My reply was, 'Admiral Buchanan, you know 
 perfectly well you will be treated kindly.' Then he said, 
 T am a Southern man, and an enemy, and a rebel.' I 
 felt a little offended at his tone, but rejoined carefully that 
 he was at that moment a wounded person and disabled, 
 and that I would engage to have his wishes fulfilled. As 
 to the present disposal of his person, that Admiral Far- 
 ragut would take him on board the Hartford, or send him 
 to any other ship he might prefer. He said he didn't 
 pretend to be Admiral Farragut' s friend, and had no right 
 to ask favors of him, but that he would be satisfied with 
 any decision that might be come to. Dr. Conrad, lately 
 an assistant Surgeon in our Navy, told me he was Fleet- 
 
648 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 Surgeon, and desired to accompany Buchanan wherever 
 he might go. (It had been proposed by Dr. Conrad to 
 amputate the injured leg of the Confederate Admiral, but 
 Palmer dissented from his opinion, and declined to have 
 the operation performed, and for his skillful management 
 of the case received grateful acknowledgments, in after 
 life, from Buchanan.) "I promised that he should, and 
 returned to the Hartford, and reported to Admiral 
 Farragut, circumstantially. This generous man seemed 
 hurt at Buchanan's irritated feeling, and said he (Bu- 
 chanan) had formerly professed friendship for him. I 
 saw there must be some embarrassment in bringing them 
 together, and therefore proposed that I should have a 
 steamer to take all the wounded to Pensacola, and another 
 one to send all ordinary invalids to New Orleans." 
 
 To carry out this suggestion Farragut addressed a 
 note to Brigadier-General R. L. Page, commanding Fort 
 Morgan (formerly of the United States Navy), informing 
 him that Admiral Buchanan and others of the Tennessee 
 had been wounded, and desiring to know whether he 
 would permit one of our vessels, under a flag of truce, 
 to convey them, with or without our wounded, to Pen- 
 sacola, on the understanding that the vessel should take 
 out none but the wounded, and brings nothino- back that 
 she did not take out. This was acceded sto, and all the 
 wounded sent. 
 
 In his official report to the Navy Department, Admiral 
 Farragut, after awarding praise to many of the officers, 
 mentioning them by name, says, " The last of my staff to 
 whom I would call the attention of the Department is not 
 the least in importance. I mean Pilot Martin Freeman. 
 He has been my great reliance in all difficulties, in his 
 line of duty. During the action he was in the main-top, 
 piloting the ships into the bay. He was cool and brave 
 
MOBILE BAY. 649 
 
 throughout, never losing his self-possession. This man 
 was captured, early in the war, in a fine fishing-smack, 
 which he owned, and though he protested he had no 
 interest in the war, and only asked for the privilege of 
 fishing for the fleet, yet his services were too valuable to 
 the captors, as a pilot, not to be secured. He was ap- 
 pointed a first-class pilot, and has served us with zeal and 
 fidelity, and has lost his vessel, which went to pieces on 
 Ship Island. I commend him to the Department." 
 
 The importance of Farragut's success was fully appre- 
 ciated, both North and South, while an English Service 
 paper named him as " the first naval officer of the day, as 
 far as actual reputation, won by skill, courage and hard 
 fighting, goes." 
 
 General Granger's troops, after Forts Gaines and 
 Powell had surrendered, had been transferred to the rear 
 of Fort Morgan, and that work was invested on August 9th. 
 
 Page was summoned to surrender, but firmly refused, 
 and seemed disposed to hold out stubbornly. It then 
 became a question of time. Troops were poured in, 
 heavy siege guns placed in position, and the investing 
 lines drawn closer and closer. Even the captured Ten- 
 nessee's formidable battery was turned against the fort. 
 A battery of four nine-inch Dahlgren guns, manned by 
 seamen from the fleet, and under the command of 
 Lieutenant Tyson, of the Navy, also took part in the 
 siege. General Granger, in his report of the operations, 
 compliments them highly, not only for their faithful work 
 "in getting their guns into the difficult position selected 
 for their batteries," but for "their distinguished skill and 
 accuracy during the bombardment." 
 
 After a furious cannonade, on August 2 2d, which was 
 gallantly responded to by Morgan, that fort surrendered 
 unconditionally on the 23d. 
 
650 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 The total number of prisoners captured in the defences 
 of Mobile was one thousand four hundred and sixty-four, 
 with one hundred and four guns. 
 
 Mobile forts being once secured, Farragut next turned 
 his attention to the dangerous work of taking up torpe- 
 does, twenty-one of which were picked up in the main 
 ship channel, from which many beside had been swept 
 away, and many had sunk. 
 
 On September ist despatches arrived from the North, 
 marked 'Important' These proved to be from the Navy 
 Department, warning him not to attempt an attack upon 
 the Mobile defences unless he was sure that he had a 
 sufficient force, as powerful reinforcements would be sent 
 to him as soon as possible. We can imagine his satisfac- 
 tion in looking round him, and feeling that the work was 
 done. 
 
 In his congratulatory letter to Admiral Farragut, 
 Secretary Welles said: "In the success which has attended 
 your operations, you have illustrated the efficiency and 
 irresistible power of a naval force led by a bold and 
 vigorous mind, and the insufficiency of any batteries to 
 prevent the passage of a fleet thus led and commanded. 
 
 "You have, first on the Mississippi, and recently in the 
 bay of Mobile, demonstrated what had been previously 
 doubted, the ability of naval vessels, properly manned and 
 commanded, to set at defiance the best constructed and 
 most heavily armed fortifications. In these successive 
 victories you have encountered great risks, but the 
 results have vindicated the wisdom of your policy and the 
 daring valor of your officers and seamen." 
 
 The further operations about the City of Mobile need 
 not be gone into. 
 
 Farragut' s health had somewhat failed, with the strain 
 of the previous two years' work and a long stay in the 
 
MOBILE BAY. 
 
 651 
 
 Gulf climate, and he was ordered home in November, 
 1864. Upon his arrival in New York great preparations 
 were made for his reception, and formal congratulations 
 were presented to him from the City of New York ; the 
 Chamber of Commerce, and other bodies. 
 
 On December 2 2d a bill creating the rank of Vice- 
 Admiral was introduced into Congress, and passed both 
 houses. On the 23d the President signed it, and named 
 Farragut for the office, which nomination was immediately 
 confirmed by the Senate. 
 
 On July 25th, 1866, Congress passed a law creating the 
 grade of Admiral, which had never before existed in our 
 Navy, and, as a matter of course, the office was immedi- 
 ately conferred upon Farragut. 
 
 Thus was gratified his most legitimate ambition. When 
 there was a talk of making him a candidate for the Presi- 
 dency he said, "I am greatly obliged to my friends, but 
 am thankful that I have no ambition for anything but 
 what I am, an Admiral." 
 
 le solferino (a. Efieron), 1865. 
 (First-class French Ironclad, with Ram.) 
 
652 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 XLV. 
 
 CUSHING AND THE ALBEMARLE. OCTOBER, 
 
 1864. 
 
 HE Sounds and waters of North Carolina 
 were early the scenes of important enter- 
 prises by the combined Army and Navy 
 of the United States. The Hatteras forts, 
 Roanoke Island, Newbern, Plymouth and 
 other places were early captured, some of 
 them after regular actions. A position was 
 gained from which the important inland 
 communication was threatened, which was vital to the 
 Confederacy, while the commerce of the Sounds was 
 entirely put a stop to. 
 
 It was important for them to regain what they had lost, 
 and to this end they put forth every effort. 
 
 Among other means they commenced and hastened to 
 completion a formidable iron-clad vessel. In June, 1S63, 
 Lieutenant-Commander C. W. Flusser, an excellent and 
 thoroughly reliable officer, had reported that a battery 
 was building at Edward's Ferry, near Weldon, on the 
 Roanoke River, to be cased with pine sills, fourteen 
 inches square, and plated with railroad iron. The slanting 
 roof was to be made of five inches of pine, five inches of 
 oak, and railroad iron over that. 
 
 Unfortunately, the light-draught monitors, which should 
 have been on hand to meet this vessel, turned out failures, 
 and the light wooden gun-boats and "double enders" 
 
CUSHING AND THE ALBEMARLE. 653 
 
 employed in the Sounds had to encounter her. She was 
 accompanied by a ram, which the Union fleet had no 
 vessel fit to meet. 
 
 In April, 1864, the Albemarle being completed, the 
 Confederates were ready to carry out their plan of 
 attack, which was first to recapture Plymouth, by the 
 assistance of the ram, and then send her into Albemarle 
 Sound, to capture or disperse our fleet. A force of ten 
 thousand men, which they had collected, made an advance, 
 and gained possession of the town. 
 
 Lieutenant-Commander Flusser was then at Plymouth, 
 with four vessels, the Miami, a "double-ender," and three 
 ferry-boats, armed with nine-inch guns, and exceedingly 
 frail in structure, called the Southfield, Ceres and White- 
 head. At half-past nine, on the evening of April 18th, 
 he wrote to Admiral Lee that there had been fighting- 
 there all day, and he feared the enemy had had the best 
 of it. "The ram will be down to-night or to-morrow. 
 * * * I shall have to abandon my plan of fighting the 
 ram lashed to the Southfield. * * * I think I have 
 force enough to whip the ram, but not sufficient to assist 
 in holding the town, as I should like." 
 
 Six hours after writing this, Flusser lay dead upon the 
 deck of his ship. 
 
 Very early on the morning of the 1 9th of April the 
 Whitehead, which had been stationed up the river, reported 
 that the ram was coming: down. 
 
 The Whitehead was in a critical position when she 
 discovered the ram, for she was between her and a rebel 
 battery. Some obstructions had been placed to stop the 
 Albemarle, but she passed them easily. A narrow passage 
 or " thoroughfare " led down to Plymouth beside the 
 main channel, and the Whitehead managed to run into 
 this, unperceived by the ram, and so got down ahead of 
 
654 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 the Confederate vessel, which did not attack until half- 
 past three in the morning. When the ironclad was 
 seen comine down, the Miami and Southfield were lashed 
 together, and Flusser, from the Miami, ordered them to 
 meet her, at full speed. 
 
 The Albemarle came on silently, with closed ports, and 
 struck the Miami a glancing blow on her port bow, doing 
 some damage, but causing no leak. She then crushed 
 the side of the Southfield, so that she at once began to 
 sink. As she passed between the two vessels, the forward 
 lashings parted, and the Miami swung round. The after 
 lashings were cut, and, after a number of the Southfield's 
 men had succeeded in reaching the Miami that vessel 
 steamed off down the river, leaving her consort to sink. 
 The officer left in command by Flusser's death thus speaks 
 of this unfortunate affair : — 
 
 " As soon as the battery could be brought to bear upon 
 the ram, both steamers, the Southfield and Miami, com- 
 menced firing solid shot from the ioo-pound Parrott rifles 
 and 1 1 -inch Dahlgren guns, they making no perceptible 
 indentations in her armor. Commander Flusser fired the 
 first three shots from the Miami personally, the third being 
 a ten-second Dahlgren shell, 1 1 -inch. It was directly 
 after that fire that he was killed by pieces of shell ; several 
 of the gun's crew were wounded at the same time. Our 
 bow hawser being stranded, the Miami then swung round to 
 starboard, giving the ram a chance to pierce us. Necessity 
 then required the engine to be reversed in motion, to 
 straighten the vessel in the river, to prevent going on 
 the bank of the river, and to bring the rifle-gun to bear 
 upon the ram. During the time of straightening the 
 steamer the ram had also straightened, and was making 
 for us. From the fatal effects of her prow upon the 
 
CUSHING AND THE ALBEMARLE. Q55 
 
 Southfield, and of our sustaining injury, I deemed it 
 useless to sacrifice the Miami in the same way." 
 
 The gun-boats being driven off, the Confederates cap- 
 tured Plymouth on April 20th. As it was expected that 
 the Albemarle would at once enter the Sound, and attack 
 the squadron there, all possible preparations were made 
 to meet her. 
 
 Four of the squadron were "double enders," the Miami, 
 Mattabesett, Sassacus and Wyalusing. The smaller 
 vessels were the Ceres, Commodore Hull, Seymour and 
 Whitehead. They were all armed with 9-inch guns and 
 100-pound rifles. 
 
 The Senior Officer in the Sounds, Captain M. Smith, 
 ordered the large vessels to pass as close as possible to 
 the ram, delivering their fire, and rounding to immediately 
 for a second discharge. He also suggested the vulnerable 
 points of the ram, and recommended that an endeavor be 
 made to foul her propeller, if possible. 
 
 He also directed, among other things, that a blow of 
 the ram should be received as near the stern as possible, 
 and the vessel rammed was to go ahead fast, to prevent 
 her from withdrawing it, while the others attacked the 
 propeller. If armed launches accompanied the ram they 
 were to be met by the smaller vessels, with shrapnel, 
 when approaching, and hand grenades when near. He 
 leaves the question of ramming to each commander, on 
 account of the peculiar construction of the " double- 
 enders." 
 
 Small steamers were placed on picket, at the mouth of 
 the Roanoke, and on the 5 th of May the ram made its 
 appearance, and chased the picket boats in. Signals were 
 made, and the vessels got under way, and stood up to 
 engage the ironclad. The Albemarle was accompanied 
 by a small steamer which she had captured not long 
 
656 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 before. At about half-past four in the afternoon the 
 Albemarle opened the battle by a shot which destroyed 
 a boat and wounded several men on board the Mattabe- 
 sett. The second shot damaged the same vessel's rig- 
 ging. By this time the Mattabesett was very near the little 
 steamer, which immediately surrendered. The Mattabe- 
 sett then gave the ram a broadside, at about one hundred 
 and fifty yards, then rounded to under her stern, and 
 came up on the other side. Her shot either broke, or 
 glanced off the ram's armor, without any effect. She had 
 the muzzle knocked off of one of her two guns, by a shot 
 from the ram, but continued to use it during the remainder 
 of the action. 
 
 The Sassacus came gallantly on, in like manner, deliv- 
 ering her fire at the Albemarle. The latter then 
 attempted to ram the Sassacus, but the latter crossed her 
 bows, by superior speed. 
 
 At this time the ram had partially turned, and exposed 
 her side to the Sassacus, when the wooden double-ender 
 rushed at her, under full steam, in hope of either crushing 
 in her side, or of bearing her down until she should sink. 
 The Sassacus struck the ironclad fairly, and received, at 
 the same moment, a ioo-pounder rifle shot, which went 
 through and through her. She struck the Albemarle a 
 heavy blow, careening her, and bearing her down till the 
 water washed across her deck. 
 
 The Sassacus kept her engines going, in the attempt 
 to push the ram down, while many efforts were made to 
 throw hand grenades down her deck hatch, and powder 
 down her smoke stack, but without success, as there was 
 a cap upon the stack. 
 
 Soon the ram swung round, and as soon as her guns 
 would bear, another ioo-pound rifle shot went through 
 the side of the Sassacus, through her coal bunker, and 
 
CUSHING AND THE ALBEMARLE. 657 
 
 crashed into her starboard boiler. Instantly the whole 
 ship was filled with steam, which scalded and suffocated 
 her crew. All her firemen were scalded, and one was 
 killed; and twenty-one men were instantly placed hors 
 de combat. She was forced to withdraw from action. 
 
 The other gun-boats continued the fight, and the 
 Miami endeavored to explode against the ram a torpedo 
 which she carried. But the Albemarle was skillfully 
 handled, and succeeded, each time, in avoiding the blow, 
 iwo of the other gun-boats endeavored to foul the pro- 
 peller of the ram by laying out seines in her track. 
 Although the nets seemed all about her, she escaped 
 them. An observer from the shore has likened this 
 curious scene to a number of wasps attacking a large, 
 horny beetle. 
 
 In fine, the Albemarle proved invulnerable to the guns 
 of the gun-boats, even when discharged almost in contact 
 with her sides. 
 
 The action lasted for three hours, or until night came 
 on. Everything that brave men could do to destroy the 
 enemy it was their duty to encounter was done by the 
 gun-boats, but the ironclad went back to Plymouth with- 
 out serious damage, and without the loss of a man, after 
 being the target, at short range, for more than, two 
 hundred shot from n-inch and 9-inch guns, and more 
 than one hundred shot from 100-pounder rifles. 
 
 The gun-boats, other than the Sassacus, were very much 
 damaged, and it was plain that they were unfit to meet 
 the Albemarle, however ably handled or gallantly fought. 
 
 The ram came out again on the 24th of May, but did 
 not enter the Sound, apparently fearing torpedoes. The 
 next day a party left the Wyalusing in a boat, with two 
 torpedoes, to endeavor to destroy the Albemarle, as she 
 lay at Plymouth. 
 42 
 
658 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 They carried the torpedoes across the swamps on a 
 stretcher, and then two of the party swam across the 
 river with a line, and hauled the torpedoes over to the 
 Plymouth shore. These were then connected by a* bridle, 
 so that they should float down and strike on each side 
 of the ram's bows. Unfortunately, they were discovered, 
 and the plan failed. 
 
 Lines of torpedoes were then placed at the mouth of 
 the Roanoke, to destroy the ram if she should come 
 down again, and as this proceeding could not be kept 
 secret, the ironclad did not again venture down. She lay 
 quietly at Plymouth until the latter part of October, a 
 constant threat to our fleet in the Sounds, and preventing 
 any attempt to recapture the town. She was very 
 securely moored to a wharf, and a guard of soldiers was 
 placed on board, in addition to her crew. 
 
 Every night fires were made on shore, to prevent the 
 approach of an enemy unseen. More than this, she was 
 surrounded by large logs, moored some thirty feet from 
 her hull, all round, to keep off any boat which might 
 approach with a torpedo. From the mouth of the Roan- 
 oke to where the Albemarle lay is about eight miles, and 
 the stream there about two hundred yards wide. 
 
 The banks were well picketed by the enemy. 
 
 About a mile below Plymouth was the sunken wreck 
 of the Southfield, and about her were some schooners, 
 which also formed a picket-station in mid-stream. 
 
 It seemed impossible for a boat to get up the river and 
 not be discovered, and yet Lieutenant William B. Cush- 
 ing, of the United States Navy, not only undertook to 
 do so, but succeeded in destroying this formidable craft, 
 "the terror of the Sounds." 
 
 Admiral Ammen, of the Navy, has given a capital sketch 
 
CUSHING AND THE ALBEMARLE. 659 
 
 of Cushine, in the United Service Magazine, from which 
 we shall borrow freely. 
 
 "William B. Cushing was born in Wisconsin, in Novem- 
 ber, 1842, and entered the Naval Academy in 1857, but 
 resigned in March, 1861, entering the naval service 
 afloat, as an Acting Master's Mate. His disposition and 
 temperament would not permit him to remain at a naval 
 school in time of war, as he would not have been able to 
 give a single thought to theoretical study. 
 
 "In October, 1861, he was restored to his rank as 
 Midshipman, and on the 16th of July following he was, 
 with many other young officers, made a Lieutenant, owing 
 to the exigencies of the service growing out of the civil 
 war. 
 
 "Henceforth, for nearly three years, his career was 
 singularly conspicuous in deeds of daring, in a service 
 where a lack of gallantry would have brought disgrace. 
 It is plain, therefore, that it was the sagacity of his plans 
 and his boldness in carrying them out that distinguished 
 him. 
 
 "At the close of the war he was barely twenty-two and 
 a half years of age, rather slightly built, about five feet 
 in height, and boyish looking. He had large, gray eyes, 
 a prominent, aquiline nose, yellowish hair, worn quite 
 long, and withal, a rather grave expression of counte- 
 nance. When speaking his face would light up with a 
 bright and playful smile. A comrade likened his springy, 
 elastic step, high cheek bones and general physiognomy 
 to that of an Indian. The first impression of a stranger 
 who heard him speak, either of what he had done or hoped 
 to do, would be that he was a boaster — but with those who 
 knew him best there was no such idea ; his form of speech 
 was a mere expression, frankly uttered, of what he had 
 done, or what he intended to do." 
 
660 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 The foreo-oingf is Admiral Ammen's estimate of the 
 man. To some of it the writer must dissent. He accom- 
 panied Cushing on a short journey soon after the Albe- 
 marle affair, while the country was still ringing with his 
 brilliant exploit, and when steamboats, railroads and hotels 
 were refusing to accept any money from either him or his 
 chance companions ; and all sorts and conditions of men 
 were being introduced to him, to have the honor of shaking 
 his hand ; and yet a more simple, boy-like, unassuming 
 manner no one placed in such a position ever had. 
 
 He early received command of a small steamer, engaged 
 in blockading, and would make expeditions in the inland 
 waters, in his boat, sometimes lying concealed all day, but 
 always having some definite object commensurate with 
 the risks involved. He more than once obtained 
 important information in this way. 
 
 Not only did he have frequent engagements, in his 
 little vessel, with field batteries of the enemy, but was 
 successful in destroying schooners with supplies, salt- 
 works, and other things which tended to cripple his enemy. 
 
 In the winter of 1864, when blockading the Cape Fear 
 River, Cushing determined to pay a visit to Smithville, in 
 a boat, with only six men. In entering the river he had 
 to pass Fort Caswell, and at Smithville, two miles above, 
 he knew there was a battery of five guns, and a consider- 
 able garrison. 
 
 About eleven o clock at night he landed, one hundred 
 yards above the battery, came into the village, and into 
 a large house with a piazza, which was the headquarters 
 of General Hebert. 
 
 A Major and Captain, of the General's staff, were 
 about going to bed, in a room on the piazza, when, hearing 
 footsteps, and supposing his servant was there, the Major 
 threw up a window, and a navy revolver was at once 
 
CUSHING AND THE ALBEMARLE. G61 
 
 thrust in his face, with a demand for surrender. He 
 pushed the pistol aside, and escaped through the back 
 door, calling to his companion to follow, as the enemy 
 were upon them. The latter failed to understand, and 
 was taken prisoner by Cushing, and carried off. He 
 pushed off down the river, knowing that an immediate 
 alarm would be given. It ,was a beautiful moonlight 
 night, but Cushing escaped unharmed. 
 
 This audacious effort to capture General Hebert was 
 characteristic of Cushing, and was only frustrated by the 
 fact that the General happened to spend the night in 
 Wilmington, instead of his own quarters. 
 
 At the capture of Newbern, Cushing distinguished him- 
 self, in command of a battery of navy howitzers. 
 
 In landing in the marsh Cushing had lost his shoes, 
 and, while pressing on, he encountered the servant of a 
 Captain Johnson, of the army, who had a pair of spare 
 boots slung over his shoulder. Cushing asked who was 
 the owner of the boots, and said, "Tell the Captain that 
 Lieutenant Cushing, of the Navy, was barefooted, and has 
 borrowed them for the day," and then, in spite of the 
 remonstrances of the servant, put on the boots in haste, 
 and pursued his way to the fight. 
 
 In the destruction of the Albemarle we see Cushing in 
 another, and a truly heroic light. The newspaper cor- 
 respondents had managed to make his task as difficult 
 as possible, for they had, for several weeks, apprised the 
 public, and of course the enemy, that Cushing was on his 
 way from the North, with a torpedo-boat, to blowup the 
 Albemarle. No method could have been taken to 
 render the enemy more watchful, and the destruction of 
 the ironclad impossible. 
 
 We have already spoken of the "cordon" of logs, 
 enclosing her as in a pen ; the extra guards and fires, the 
 
662 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 howitzers ready loaded, and the pickets down the river. 
 The enemy was very vigilant, and Cushing's approach 
 was discovered. Yet we find him perfectly cool amidst 
 a heavy fire from small arms and howitzers, standing 
 forward in his launch, pushing his way at full speed over 
 the logs, and only intent upon lowering his torpedo and 
 striking the enemy's vessel at the proper time. He did 
 this most effectually, but, at the very moment of doing 
 so, a shell from one of the heavy guns of the Albemarle 
 struck the torpedo-boat, and she went down, swamped 
 by the column of water and spray which rose high in the 
 air when the torpedo exploded. 
 
 Nothing could be more graphic or characteristic than 
 Cushing's report of the affair, as follows : — 
 
 "Albemarle Sound, N. C, 
 October 30th, 1864. 
 
 " Sir : — I have the honor to report that the Rebel iron- 
 clad "Albemarle" is at the bottom of the Roanoke river. 
 On the night of the 27th, having prepared my steam- 
 launch, I proceeded up towards Plymouth with thirteen 
 officers and men, partly volunteers from the squadron. 
 The distance from the mouth of the river to the ram was 
 about eight miles, the stream averaging in width some 
 two hundred yards, and lined with the enemy's pickets. 
 
 "A mile below the town was the wreck of the South- 
 field, surrounded by some schooners, and it was under- 
 stood that a gun was mounted there to command the 
 bend. I therefore took one of the Shamrock's cutters in 
 tow, with orders to cast off and board at that point, if we 
 were hailed. 
 
 "Our boat succeeded in passing the pickets, and even 
 the Southfield, within twenty yards, without discovery, 
 and we were not hailed until by the lookouts on the ram. 
 
CUSHING AND THE ALBEMARLE. 663 
 
 The cutter was then cast off, and ordered below, while 
 we made for our enemy under a full head of steam. The 
 Rebels sprung their rattle, rang the bell, and commenced 
 firing, at the same time repeating their hail, and seeming 
 much confused. 
 
 "The light of a fire ashore showed me the ironclad 
 made fast to the wharf, with a pen of logs around her, 
 about thirty feet from her side. 
 
 "Passing her closely, we made a complete circle, so as 
 to strike her fairly, and went into her, bows on. By this 
 time the enemy's fire was very severe, but a dose of 
 canister, at short range, served to moderate their zeal 
 and disturb their aim. 
 
 "Paymaster Swan, of the Otsego, was wounded near 
 me, but how many more I know not. Three bullets 
 struck my clothing, and the air seemed full of them. In a 
 moment we had struck the logs just abreast of the quarter 
 port, breasting them in some feet, and our bows resting 
 on them. The torpedo-boom was then lowered, and by 
 a vigorous pull I succeeded in diving the torpedo under 
 the overhang, and exploding it, at the same time that the 
 Albemarle's gun was fired. A shot seemed to go 
 crashing through my boat, and a dense mass of water 
 rushed in from the torpedo, filling the launch, and com- 
 pletely disabling her. 
 
 "The enemy then continued his fire, at fifteen feet 
 range, and demanded our surrender, which I twice 
 refused, ordering the men to save themselves, and, 
 removing my own coat and shoes, springing into the 
 river, I swam with others into the middle of the stream, 
 the Rebels failing to hit us. The most of our party were 
 captured, some were drowned, and only one escaped 
 besides myself, and he in another direction. Acting 
 Master's Mate Woodman, of the 'Commodore Hull,' I 
 
664 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 met in the water half a mile below the town, and assisted 
 him as best I could, but failed to get him ashore. 
 
 Completely exhausted, I managed to reach the shore, 
 but was too weak to crawl out of the water until just at 
 daylight, when I managed to creep into the swamp, close 
 to the fort. While hiding, a few feet from the path, two 
 of the Albemarle's officers passed, and I judged, from their 
 conversation, that the ship was destroyed. 
 
 " Some hours' travelling in the swamp served to bring 
 me out well below the town, when I sent a negro in to 
 gain information, and found that the ram was truly sunk. 
 Proceeding to another swamp I came to a creek, and 
 captured a skiff belonging to a picket of the enemy, and 
 with this, by eleven o'clock the next night, had made my 
 way out to the ' Valley City.' 
 
 "Acting Master's Mate William L. Howarth, of the 
 ' Monticello,' showed, as usual, conspicuous bravery. He 
 is the same officer who has been with me twice in 
 Wilmington harbor. I trust he may be promoted when 
 exchanged, as well as Acting Third Assistant Engineer 
 Stotesbury, who, being for the first time under fire, handled 
 his engine promptly and with coolness. 
 
 "All the officers and men behaved in the most gallant 
 manner. I will furnish their names to the Department 
 as soon as they can be procured. 
 
 " The cutter of the Shamrock boarded the Southfield, 
 but found no gun. Four prisoners were taken there. 
 The ram is now completely submerged, and the enemy 
 have sunk three schooners in the river, to obstruct the 
 passage of our ships. I desire to call the attention of 
 the Admiral and Department to the spirit manifested by 
 the sailors on the ships in these Sounds. But few men 
 were wanted, but all hands were eager to go into action, 
 many offering their chosen shipmates a month's pay to 
 
CUSHING AND THE ALBEMAKLE. 665 
 
 resign in their favor. I am, sir, very respectfully, your 
 obedient servant, W. B. Gushing, 
 
 Lieutenant, U. S. JV." 
 " Rear-Admiral D. D. Porter, 
 " Commanding N. A. Squadron. 
 
 " The name of the man who escaped is William Hoft- 
 man, seaman on the ' Chicopee.' He did his duty well, 
 and deserves a medal of honor. 
 
 " Respectfully, W. B. Cushing, U. S. N." 
 
 Cushing, for this daring piece of service, was himself 
 advanced to the rank of Lieutenant-Commander. 
 
 Such men are never mere imitators, and his unvarying 
 success in whatever he undertook was due to his clever 
 planning and admirable execution. Attempts by those 
 of inferior qualities in such respects would end in their 
 capture or death. 
 
 Admiral Ammen goes on to say, in summing up the 
 character of Cushing, " that, notwithstanding his extra- 
 ordinary qualities, he perhaps lacked that attention to the 
 practical and laborious details of his profession without 
 which no officer can attain eminence or usefulness, even, 
 in the higher grades. His ability to comprehend was 
 undoubtedly of a high order, but possibly a deficient 
 training when a mere youth left him apparently averse to 
 acquiring the practical details of his profession. 
 
 "The fact is, that Cushing had such pre-eminent quali- 
 ties, that those who appreciated him felt a certain chagrin 
 or disappointment that he did not seem to possess those 
 ordinary qualities through which he could acquire the 
 knowledge necessary to extraordinary success as the 
 leader of large forces. 
 
 "Cushing's life in war was active and heroic in the 
 extreme ; in peace he seemed to suffer, as it were, from 
 
666 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 inanity, or more properly speaking, from the apparent 
 lack or absence of a strong purpose. 
 
 " After the close of the war he was for some two years 
 Executive Officer of the ' Lancaster,' a position which 
 required close attention and study, to fulfill its duties in 
 the best manner. 
 
 "Afterwards he served three years in command of the 
 'Maumee,' on the Asiatic station. He was promoted, in 
 the regular order of vacancies, to Commander, January 3 1 , 
 1872, and soon after was ordered to the command of the 
 'Wyoming,' on the home station, and was relieved at the 
 end of a year, the vessel being put out of commission. 
 
 "In the spring of 1874 he was ordered to the Wash- 
 ington Navy Yard, and the following August was detached, 
 at his request. He then seemed in impaired health, and 
 expressed a desire to go South ; after the lapse of a few 
 days he showed signs of insanity, and was removed to 
 the Government Hospital, where he died, December 1 7, 
 1874, at the age of thirty-two years and thirteen days. 
 
 " His becoming insane was a great regret and surprise 
 to his many friends and admirers, in and out of the naval 
 service ; it was, however, a consolation for them to know 
 that it was not the result of bad habits or of causes within 
 his control. His misfortune, and that of the naval service 
 to which he belonged, was seemingly a lack of rigid, early 
 training, necessary to healthful thought in ordinary times, 
 and to a continued development of those points in naval 
 education which are so useful in peace, and so essential 
 to success in the higher grades, whatever nature may have 
 done to fit the man for action. 
 
 " There are few Cushings in the histories of navies; 
 they can have no successful imitators ; they pass away, as 
 it were, before they reach their destined goal, regretted 
 and admired." 
 
FORT FISHER. 
 
 667 
 
 XLVI. 
 
 FORT FISHER. DECEMBER, 1864, JANUARY, 
 
 1865. 
 
 FTER the fall of the forts at Mobile, Wil- 
 mington alone remained a port where 
 blockade-runners could enter and escape 
 again, with their return cargoes. Having 
 two entrances, one north of Cape Fear, 
 at New Inlet, shoal and tortuous, and 
 commanded by the extensive fortifications 
 on Federal Point, called Fort Fisher, and 
 the other the main channel of the Cape Fear River, and 
 these two entrances requiring about sixty miles of blockade, 
 it was almost impossible to prevent swift vessels from 
 running in with important supplies for the Confederate 
 Army, and from getting to sea again, with cotton. 
 
 Sherman was now preparing for his march to the sea, 
 which, if successful, would insure the fall of Charleston 
 and Savannah, without further effort from the Navy. 
 
 Grant was beleaguering Lee, at Petersburg and Rich- 
 mond, and the latter was dependent upon Wilmington for 
 many indispensable articles brought into that port, for his 
 army, by the English blockade-runners. Many of these 
 had been captured or destroyed, but the temptation was 
 great to try again, and greedy and desperate men, with fast 
 steamers, took their lives in their hands, and by audacity 
 and good seamanship, favored by a dark night, often 
 succeeded. 
 
668 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 It was certain that the principal Confederate Army 
 remaining could not long be kept in the field if important 
 articles not produced in the Confederacy could not be 
 continuously imported from England. Indeed, after the 
 capture of Fort Fisher, a telegram from Lee was found 
 there, which declared that he could not hold Richmond if 
 Fort Fisher should be captured. 
 
 While Grant, therefore, was ready to follow Lee, either 
 north or south, and Sherman was about making his bold 
 manoeuvre, and the captured harbors were closely held, 
 and the lesser ports and coasts closely watched, it seemed 
 more than ever necessary to capture Wilmington; and to 
 do this, Fort Fisher must be taken. 
 
 The writer participated in both attacks upon Fort 
 Fisher, and has contributed a paper to the United Service 
 Magazine upon the operations there ; but for the sake of 
 conciseness, will follow the official report, and the account 
 of Boynton, adding some reminiscences. 
 
 In September, 1864, the Navy Department received 
 assurances from the Secretary of War, that the necessary 
 land force for the reduction of Fort Fisher and the other 
 Wilmington forts would be supplied in due season, and 
 preparations for the naval part of the expedition were 
 begun at once. A very powerful naval force was assem- 
 bled in Hampton Roads, and the command offered to 
 Admiral Farragut. But the Admiral's health had been 
 much impaired by the anxieties, and exposures, and 
 constant strain upon his nervous system, in consequence 
 of his service of two years in a climate not very favorable 
 to health. He, therefore, declined the command, to the 
 great regret of the public, as well as the Navy Department. 
 
 The Secretary of the Navy then naturally turned to 
 Admiral Porter, who had shown, in the very trying service 
 on the Western rivers, great energy and skill. He 
 
FORT FISHER. 669 
 
 accepted, with alacrity, and was at once put in com- 
 mand of the lamest fleet which ever sailed under the 
 American flapf. 
 
 Causes into which it is now not worth while to enter 
 delayed the expedition, as the co-operating land force was 
 not at once forthcoming, and a bombarding force of thirty- 
 seven vessels, and a reserve squadron of nineteen, lay in 
 Hampton Roads, awaiting orders to proceed. 
 
 The season was almost over when fine weather might 
 be expected, and the time was near when those storms 
 which had given the name to Cape Fear might be expected 
 in that locality. Before the war it was considered fool- 
 hardy to dally in that vicinity at all, and yet our blockaders 
 staid there, night and day, winter and summer, shine or 
 storm, for nearly four years, and even our monitors laid 
 out gales there, at anchor, with the whole Atlantic ocean 
 to the eastward of them. 
 
 The Secretary of the Navy became anxious at the delay 
 in the movements of the military part of the expedition, 
 and addressed a letter to President Lincoln, which was as 
 follows : — 
 
 "Navy Department, 
 
 October 28th, 1864. 
 
 "Sir: — You are aware that, owing to shoal water at 
 the mouth of the Cape Fear River, a purely naval attack 
 cannot be undertaken against Wilmington. Had there 
 been water enough for our broadside ships, of the Hart- 
 ford class, the naval attacks of New Orleans, Mobile, and 
 Port Royal would have been repeated there. I have, as 
 you are aware, often pressed upon the War Department 
 the importance of capturing Wilmington, and urged upon 
 the Military authorities the necessity of undertaking a 
 joint operation against the defences of Cape Fear River ; 
 but until recently there never seems to have been a period 
 
670 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 when the Department was in a condition to entertain the 
 subject. 
 
 "Two months ago it was arranged that an attack should 
 be made on the ist of October, but subsequently post- 
 j:>oned to the 15th, and the naval force has been ready- 
 since the 15th instant, in accordance with that agreement. 
 One hundred and fifty vessels of war now form the North 
 Atlantic Squadron. The command, first offered to Rear- 
 Admiral Farragut, but declined by him, has been given 
 to Rear-Admiral Porter. 
 
 "Every other squadron has been depleted, and vessels 
 detached from other duty to strengthen this expedition. 
 The vessels are concentrated at Hampton Roads and 
 Beaufort, where they remain, an immense force lying idle, 
 awaiting the movements of the army. The detention of 
 so many vessels from blockade and cruising duty is a most 
 serious injury to the public service; and if the expedition 
 cannot go forward for want of troops, I desire to be 
 notified, so that the ships may be relieved and dispersed 
 for other service. 
 
 "The importance of closing Wilmington is so well 
 understood by you that I refrain from presenting any new 
 arguments. I am aware of the anxiety of yourself, and 
 of the disposition of the War Department to render all 
 the aid in its power. The cause of the delay is not from 
 the want of a proper conception of the importance of the 
 subject; but the season for naval coast operations will 
 soon be gone. 
 
 "General Bragg has been sent from Richmond to Wil- 
 mington, to prepare for the attack; and the autumn 
 weather, so favorable for such an expedition, is fast 
 passing away. The public expect this attack, and the 
 country will be distressed if it be not made. To pro- 
 crastinate much longer will be to peril its success. 
 
FORT FISHER. 671 
 
 "Of the obstacles which delay or prevent military 
 co-operation at once I cannot judge; but the delay is 
 becoming exceedingly embarrassing to this Department, 
 and the importance of having the military authorities 
 impressed with the necessity of speedy action has 
 prompted this communication to you. 
 
 " I have the honor to be, etc., etc., 
 The President. " Gideon Welles." 
 
 At length the .War Department supplied the much 
 needed land force. General Butler was placed in com- 
 mand of it, and General Weitzel, an engineer officer, was 
 sent with him. 
 
 The long delay had enabled the enemy to gain informa- 
 tion of the object of all this preparation, and they placed 
 additional troops within supporting distance of the forts. 
 
 Fort Fisher is situated on a neck of land between the 
 ocean and the Cape Fear River, called Federal Point. 
 The plan was to land the troops some distance above the 
 fort, and intrench across the Point to Cape Fear River, 
 so as to prevent reinforcements being sent from Wilming- 
 ton, and then to attack both by land and water. 
 
 The fort and its connected batteries mounted about 
 seventy-five guns, while the armament of all the works 
 erected for the purpose of guarding the approaches to 
 Wilmington was about orte hundred and sixty guns, 
 many of them of the largest calibre then used in forts. 
 Among them were some 150-pounder Armstrongs. 
 Admiral Porter, who had been at Sebastopol, says, in an 
 official report, "that Fort Fisher was much stronger than 
 the famous Malakoff." 
 
 A novel idea was to be carried out in this attack, which 
 was popularly attributed to General Butler. 
 
 A vessel with a very large quantity of powder on 
 
672 NAVAL isATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 board was arranged as a huge torpedo, to be carried in 
 as close as possible to the fort, and then exploded. It 
 was supposed that it would level the walls, explode the 
 magazine, and kill or stun the garrison. 
 
 The explosion produced no result of importance, as we 
 shall see hereafter. 
 
 The attack was decided upon for the 24th of December, 
 although General Butler had not arrived with his troops. 
 The larger vessels of the fleet and the ironclads had 
 anchored twenty miles east of New Inlet, literally at sea, 
 and in a position where it would have been thought fool- 
 hardy, in peace times, to have remained at that season. 
 Here they rode out some heavy weather, the monitors, at 
 times, being completely submerged by the huge seas, with 
 only the tops of the smoke-stacks and turrets visible. 
 
 The powder boat was a purchased gun-boat, called the 
 Louisiana. She had about two hundred tons of powder 
 on board, and was commanded by Commander A. C. 
 Rhind. The vessel was painted lead color, and she 
 had a false smoke-stack erected abaft the real one, and 
 in general appearance and color resembled the ordinary 
 blockade-runners. She was sent in on the night ot the 
 23d, or rather, at two o'clock on the morning of the 24th. 
 So little was the explosion considered an act of war by 
 the garrison that they supposed it a blockade-runner 
 which had been chased ashore and blown up, to prevent 
 her from falling- into the blockaders' hands. 
 
 The attacking fleet carried nearly five hundred guns. 
 Among these were some of the largest guns then in use. 
 The three monitors mounted 1 5-inch guns ; the battery 
 of the New Ironsides was of 11 -inch guns; there were 
 many 11 -inch guns, and 100- and 150-pounder Parrott 
 rifles on board the smaller vessels while the heavy 
 frigates ? Minnesota, Wabash and Colorado, mounted each 
 
FORT FISHER. 673 
 
 forty 9-inch guns. No such armament had ever been 
 brought to bear upon a fort ; and probably no fort was 
 better able to resist it, for it was an immense bank of 
 earth, with the guns far apart, and huge traverses of earth 
 built up between them. This arrangement had a double 
 advantage ; for it was more difficult to reduce the work than 
 if the guns had been contained in a smaller space, while 
 their fire, thus distributed, was more effective against ships. 
 
 But, extensive and formidable as these great earthworks 
 were, they were overmatched by the guns afloat. No 
 men could stand to guns, and no guns could long con- 
 tinue serviceable, under such a storm of shot and shell as 
 was poured upon them. 
 
 On the 24th of December, early in the morning, the 
 ships stood in, the grim and ponderous Ironsides leading 
 the way, followed by the monitors. They took position 
 about three-quarters of a mile from the fort, opening fire 
 as soon as in station. Then came the great frigates, 
 sloops and gun-boats, and all opened a most rapid and 
 terrible fire. 
 
 In about an hour the fort was silenced, the garrison 
 being driven to cover. There were one or two explosions 
 of magazines, and some buildings were set on fire. Un- 
 fortunately, during this day no less than six of the ioo- 
 pounder rifles burst, killing and wounding more men than 
 the guns of the enemy, and destroying confidence in these 
 pieces, which had hitherto done good work, and had been 
 rather favorites. The ships sustained very little damage. 
 
 On the next day, Christmas, the transports arrived with 
 the troops, and the latter were landed about five miles 
 above the fort, under cover of the gun-boats, while the 
 ironclads and other vessels renewed their fire upon the 
 fort, but more deliberately than the day before. General 
 Weitzel reconnoitred the fort, and some soldiers actually 
 
 43 
 
674 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 entered a part of it, but the General reported a successful 
 assault impracticable, and the troops were re-embarked. 
 The Navy was naturally indignant at this, but there was 
 no help for it. The commentary upon the opinion of the 
 Engineer is that the fort was taken by assault, a fortnight 
 afterwards. 
 
 On December 29th, the Secretary of the Navy, after 
 consultation with the President, sent a telegram to 
 General Grant, at Petersburg, stating his belief that 
 the works could be taken by a suitable land force, to 
 co-operate with the Navy, and asking for the necessary 
 troops. General Grant sent about eight thousand men, 
 under General Terry, and they reached the neighborhood 
 of Fort Fisher on January 13th. 
 
 In the meantime the fleet had ridden out some very bad 
 weather and one severe southeast gale, most of the large 
 vessels lying in the bight under Cape Lookout. 
 
 On January 12th the fleet, with the transports with 
 troops in close company, sailed again for New Inlet, all 
 being - in fair fightingf condition, and not damaged or 
 dispersed by the gale, as the enemy had hoped. 
 
 On the 13th the fleet was pounding away at the 
 earthworks again, the Ironsides being within one thousand 
 yards of the northeast angle, and the monitors much 
 closer, as they drew less water. The wind was off shore, 
 and light, and the water smooth, or they could not have 
 gone in so close, there being but a few inches of water 
 under the keels of the ironclads. The fire was continued 
 all that day, and at intervals during the night. 
 
 The fire of the ironclads was directed, during the whole 
 of the second bombardment, at the land face of the main 
 fort, where the assault by the troops was to be made; 
 and although they were nearly concealed by the high 
 traverses, which made an angle with the line of fire, it 
 
FORT FISHER. 675 
 
 was seen that many guns were struck and disabled, but 
 the full extent of the damage was not known till after 
 the surrender. Then it was found that every gun on 
 that face of the fort had been disabled, principally by the 
 heavy shot and shell of the ironclads, which lay so near 
 the fort, and fired deliberately, and in perfect security. 
 
 It was the northeastern face which was to be assaulted 
 by the troops of General Terry. The sea front had been 
 under the fire of the wooden ships, which had to lie further 
 off, and their fire was less effective, and the face less 
 injured. It was decided to assault this face with the 
 sailors and marines of the fleet. There were seventeen 
 guns on the land face, with immense hills for traverses, 
 extending a third of a mile. The other face, that to 
 be assaulted by the sailors and marines, was about one 
 mile in length, terminating on the right flank in a mound 
 fifty-three feet high, mounted with two very heavy guns. 
 
 The arrangement of guns and traverses was such that, 
 in an assault, each would have to be taken separately. 
 
 On the morning of the 15 th the ships went once more 
 into position, and fired rapidly. The soldiers and sailors 
 made arrangements for the assault; throwing up breast- 
 works and rifle-pits towards the fort. From 1 1 a. m. to 
 about half-past two, a tremendous fire was kept up, and 
 the heavy embankments crumbled under the shot and 
 shell, while more guns were disabled. 
 
 Still, the garrison, of about 2300 men, lay sheltered in 
 their bomb-proofs, ready to come out and repel the 
 assault as soon as the fire of the fleet should cease. 
 
 At half-past two the naval column was ready to advance, 
 and the fire from the fleet, at a given signal, suddenly 
 ceased, the quiet seeming quite unnatural after the con- 
 tinuous roar of artillery. 
 
 The naval column then moved along the beach, to as- 
 
676 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 sault the sea-face of the main work. This was defended by 
 palisades, as was the land face, and was about forty feet 
 high, and very steep — difficult for an armed man to climb. 
 
 As the fire from the fleet ceased, the garrison came out 
 of the bomb-proofs, and, manning the parapet of the sea- 
 face, began to shoot down the assaulting sailors and 
 marines. Loaded pieces were handed up to those on the 
 parapet, so the fire was very rapid. The beach was 
 soon strewn with dead and wounded, many staggering 
 into the water and falling there. 
 
 A few of the men, with many of the officers, reached 
 the foot of the mound, but they could get no further, and 
 the bulk of the naval force retreated down the beach 
 again, entirely exposed, and losing heavily from the 
 deliberate musketry fire of the garrison. Those who had 
 reached a place of partial shelter, about the foot of the 
 mound, were obliged to remain there until approaching 
 darkness and hard fio-htino- on the other face grave them 
 an opportunity to get away. The loss in this attempted 
 assault was very heavy, twenty-one officers of the navy 
 having been killed or wounded, with a proportionate 
 number of sailors and marines. 
 
 The lives lost were not utterly thrown away, however, 
 for the naval attack made a diversion, distracting atten- 
 tion from the movements of the troops. 
 
 Soon after the naval advance, and about the time that 
 it was evident that it had failed, the veteran troops from 
 the James River assaulted, with the determination, steadi- 
 ness and dash which they had learned at Petersburg, 
 Cold Harbor, Spottsylvania, and a dozen other scenes 
 of hard fighting. The guns on the land face were all 
 disabled, but there was a howitzer fire from a sally-port, 
 which did much damage, although it did not stay the 
 advance of those well-dressed lines an instant. Reaching 
 
FORT FISHER. 677 
 
 the foot of the lofty earthworks, the pioneers' axes soon 
 cleared away the palisade, and the troops entered the two 
 western traverses. An entirely novel and fierce combat 
 now took place, as each mound was captured in turn. 
 
 For more than five hours this hand-to-hand struggle, 
 a fight to the death, went on in those traverses. There 
 was nothing exactly like it during the whole war. The 
 Ironsides fired into the traverses ahead of our troops until 
 this was rendered, by the darkness, as dangerous to friend 
 as foe. Night came, and still the struggle went on. 
 Shouts and yells, shrieks and groans, musket-shot and 
 clash of bayonet, with the flash of small arms, marked the 
 centre of the fight. Thus traverse after traverse was 
 won, until about ten o'clock at nieht the last one, at the 
 mound, was taken ; then was heard a tremendous peal of 
 cheers, and the garrison poured, pell-mell, down to Federal 
 Point. Here they laid down their arms and surrendered. 
 The fact was at once telegraphed to the fleet, by signal 
 lanterns, and round after round of hearty cheers went up 
 from every ship. 
 
 The " impregnable " Fort Fisher was taken. The Cape 
 Fear River, the great port of the blockade runners, was 
 closed, and the Confederacy at last completely isolated. 
 
 The next morning the light-draught vessels at once 
 began to work in over the New Inlet Bar, and for some 
 days they were busy in capturing forts, and in sweeping 
 the Channel for torpedoes, and removing obstructions. 
 
 About seven o'clock in the morning there was a 
 tremendous explosion within the Fort, which threw masses 
 of earth and timber, and bodies of men, high into the air ; 
 while a dense balloon-shaped cloud of powder smoke and 
 dust hung in the air for a long time. 
 
 It was the main magazine which had blown up. It was 
 never known how it happened. Many officers and sea- 
 
678 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 men of the fleet, as well as soldiers, lost their lives by 
 this explosion. 
 
 Upon landing from the men-of-war, to see what this 
 celebrated place might be like, we met, in the first place, 
 boats conveying* the wounded of the Navy to the Hos- 
 pital ship, while upon the beach parties were collecting 
 for burial those who had been killed, and ranging- them in 
 rows. This beach, as well as the whole of the land front 
 of the fort, was strewn with an immense number of frag- 
 ments of shell, muskets, musket-balls, bayonets, cartridge 
 boxes and belts, articles of clothing and dead bodies. 
 
 As we approached the land face, we began to find the 
 bodies of soldiers, instead of those of sailors, lying in the 
 strangest attitudes, just as they happened to be when the 
 death bullet struck them. The faces of some still showed 
 the deadly purpose of battle, while others were as peace- 
 ful as if they had died in their beds. Many of these 
 bodies had rolled down the steep earthwork after being 
 shot, and were lying against the palisades, covered with 
 dust and powder grime. Upon gaining a point of view 
 from one of the traverses, one was struck by the great 
 extent of the fort. Before us lay the huge smoking 
 crater caused by the morning's explosion, while fatigue 
 parties of soldiers were engaged in collecting the wounded 
 and the dead, and in piling up, in great stacks, the small 
 arms of the captured garrison, as well as those of our 
 own dead and wounded. Peeping into the bomb-proofs, 
 which were full of dead, and filthy beyond description, 
 from long occupation during the bombardment, the next 
 sight was the guns. These were, many of them, not only 
 dismounted, but partially buried in the earth and sand, by 
 the terrible explosions of the eleven- and fifteen-inch 
 shells. In many cases the gun's crew were buried with 
 them, as an occasional hand or foot, peeping out, testified. 
 
FORT FISHER. 679 
 
 At the northeastern angle of the fort, in two huge 
 embrasures, were two very heavy guns, a 68-pounder, 
 and an 8-inch Blakeley rifle, both of English make. These 
 two guns had fired principally at the ironclads, and the 
 latter had returned the compliment. Our fire often caused 
 the gunners to leave them, but they generally returned 
 at the first slacking of the fire. Just before the assault, 
 one of them had the carriage disabled, and it was now 
 slewed round with its muzzle to the westward. 
 
 At Battery No. 4 was found an Armstrong 1 50-pounder, 
 marked with the "broad arrow," and mounted on an 
 elegantly made and polished carriage, with Sir Wm. 
 Armstrong's name on the trunnion of the gun, in full. 
 This piece was said to have been presented to the Con- 
 federacy by some English admirers. But Armstrong 
 guns, of less calibre, were found in all the fortifications 
 about Cape Fear. 
 
 These latter works were evacuated by the Confederates 
 in great consternation and hurry ; in some instances they 
 only spiked very fine guns. 
 
 Fort Anderson, on the right bank, held our flotilla for 
 some time. Just abreast of it were two lines of torpedoes, 
 both floating and sunken, and this fort was not evacuated 
 until after a heavy bombardment of thirteen hours, and 
 an expenditure of about five thousand shell. 
 
 It was very natural for the Confederates to suppose 
 that Fort Fisher would come off victoriously from the 
 second attack, as she was much better garrisoned and 
 armed, and prepared in every way, than at the time of 
 the first attack, in December. 
 
 The success in the second attack was considered to be 
 due to the change in the commanding officers ; the troops 
 who carried the muskets were the same. 
 
 All the forts in the river were of the most approved 
 
680 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 and careful construction, and they contained, in all, about 
 1 70 heavy guns ; while lines of piles, and torpedoes to 
 be fired by electricity, filled the approaches to them. 
 
 It was remarked by an officer high in authority, that 
 the engineers who built such works, at the expense of so 
 much time and labor, must have had an abiding faith in 
 the Confederacy. Fort Fisher was nearly four years in 
 course of construction. 
 
 After the capture of the forts the armed cruiser 
 Chickamauga, which had already created such havoc 
 among our coasters, and which was ready for sea again, 
 and watching an opportunity to slip out, was run high up 
 the river, and, in a small creek, destroyed by her own crew. 
 
 Even in the most eventful and tragical occurrences 
 there are some humorous sides. 
 
 After the capture some fine blockade-running steamers 
 came into Smithville, quite ignorant of the change in 
 affairs, as they always arrived "in the dark of the moon.'' 
 Lights were shown from the regular stations, to guide 
 them in, and when they anchored they were quietly taken 
 possession of. 
 
 They were generally from Bermuda, and loaded with 
 arms, blankets, shoes and medicines for the Confederate 
 army. On board one of them were found some English 
 army officers, who had come over from Bermuda on a 
 " lark," and to try what blockade-running was like. When 
 the vessel was boarded these gentry were found at supper, 
 with champagne opened, to toast their successful run 
 and their escape from serious damage from some shot 
 which had struck the vessel as she was passing the outside 
 blockaders. Their disgust may be imagined at being 
 shipped to New York, in confinement, and thence back to 
 Bermuda, by the first opportunity. 
 
BRAZIL AND PARAGUAY. 
 
 681 
 
 XLVII. 
 
 SOME NAVAL ACTIONS BETWEEN BRAZIL, THE 
 ARGENTINE CONFEDERATION AND PARA- 
 GUAY. 1865-68. 
 
 HE first naval event of importance in this 
 long and deadly struggle (which began, as 
 all the later South American wars have 
 begun, about a question of boundary), was 
 the battle of the Riachuelo. 
 
 The river Parana, the southern boundary 
 of Paraguay, enters the river Paraguay 
 between the Paraguayan fort of Humaita, 
 and the town of Corrientes, in the Argentine Confedera- 
 tion; and just below Corrientes is the Riachuelo, which 
 has given its name to this battle. 
 
 Riachuelo means a streamlet or brook. The channel 
 of the main river is here about five hundred yards wide. 
 It is much broader both above and below. The Para- 
 guayans had invaded the territory of Entre-Rios, and 
 just north of the "streamlet" had established a position, 
 where they had a strong battery of flying artillery, upon 
 the bank of the main river. 
 
 In April, 1865, the first Brazilian naval division ascended 
 the river, towards Corrientes. The Brazilian Admiral, 
 Tamandare, did not come with them, being occupied in 
 Buenos Ayres, as was notorious, in imitating the conduct 
 of Nelson at Naples, and of Marc Antony at Alexandria. 
 The fleet was under the command of Commandante 
 
682 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 Gomensoro, who was soon afterwards superseded by 
 Vice-Admiral Barroso. 
 
 The fleet anchored almost in sight of Corrientes, on the 
 Chaco, or western bank. It consisted of nine steamers, 
 all sea-going. They were the Amazonas (flag-ship), a 
 heavy paddle-ship, of six guns ; the Jequitinhonha, Bel- 
 monte, Mearim, and Beberibe, each of eight guns ; the 
 Paranahyba, of six guns; Iparanga, seven; Iguateme, of 
 five, and the Araguay, of three guns, fifty-nine in all. 
 
 Lopez, the President and absolute Dictator of Paraguay, 
 determined to try to capture this fleet. 
 
 His soldiers all were devoted to him, and those of the 
 higher classes who were not so, he kept under, by a system 
 of terrorism worthy of his father's predecessor, Dr. 
 Francia. Anything which he determined should be done 
 had to be done, or the offender suffered imprisonment 
 and torture, followed by death. Driven in this way by 
 fear, his officers accomplished wonderful things. He 
 seldom conferred upon any one a higher rank than that of 
 Captain, and officers of that grade frequently commanded 
 regiments and brigades. The men were brave and 
 patient, and satisfied with the scantiest food and clothing. 
 They despised the Brazilians, many of whom were negroes 
 or mulattoes, calling them "cambas" and "macacos'' 
 — niggers and monkeys. Some of the most wonderful 
 instances of daring, devotion, and calm courage were 
 exhibited by these Indians during this long war; and 
 when it closed, nearly all the men in the country, and 
 many of the boys, were dead, killed in battle. 
 
 As an instance of their heroic devotion we may mention, 
 that of a Paraguayan soldier, solitary and alone, and 
 surrounded by overwhelming numbers of armed enemies. 
 Being called upon to surrender, he coolly replied, " No 
 tengo orden " — I have no orders — and continued to fight 
 
BRAZIL AND PARAGUAY. 683 
 
 until pinned to the ground by a dozen bayonets. Nor 
 was this by any means a solitary case. 
 
 Having- determined to try to capture the Brazilian vessels, 
 Lopez adopted in part a plan formed by an English Chief 
 Engineer in his fleet. This man had formerly served in 
 the Brazilian Navy, and understood them thoroughly. 
 
 Lopez' vessels were to run down with the current and 
 reach the Brazilian squadron just at daylight. Each 
 Paraguayan vessel was to select her antagonist, run at 
 her, and board, with plenty of men, armed with their 
 favorite swords and knives. 
 
 Lopez, who was personally a coward, and who never 
 took part in any action himself, thought he had great 
 military genius, and would interfere upon this occasion, 
 as upon many others. The plan of Watts, the English- 
 man, would have caught the Brazilians asleep, and with 
 their fires banked, so that they could not move. 
 
 Lopez gave instructions for his vessels to run past the 
 Brazilians, then turn, come up stream, and board. He 
 detailed eight hundred men, in addition to the crews of 
 the vessels, as boarders. These he harangued, and told 
 them to go and bring him back the fleet and the prisoners 
 of the "Cambas." "No!" cried the Paraguayans, in 
 reply, "What do we want with prisoners? We will kill 
 them all." 
 
 Lopez smiled, distributed cigars, their one great luxury, 
 and sent them away. 
 
 He sent on this expedition nine steamers, river boats, 
 about all he had. They were the Tacuari (flag-ship), 
 Paraguari, Igurey, Marquis Olinda (captured early in the 
 war), Salto-Oriental, Ipora, Peribebui, Jejui and Ibera. 
 These carried thirty-four guns. They were to tow down 
 some of the " chatas " or flat-boats used by the Para- 
 guayans, which each mounted one heavy gun, and carried 
 
684 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 a number of men. These boats were very low in the 
 water, of light draught, and very hard to hit. 
 
 Pedro Mesa was the Captain of the Paraguayan Navy. 
 He was fat, and sick, and old, and had no knowledge 
 whatever of naval warfare. He tried to decline the com- 
 mand of the expedition, which, as the whole navy was in 
 service, naturally fell to him. But Lopez would not 
 listen to it, and ordered him on board ; and the instruc- 
 tions of Lopez must be obeyed, on peril of death. 
 
 Finally the flotilla got off. But there was much delay 
 from defective machinery, and one of the steamers, the 
 Ibera, had to be left behind. Owing to this it was broad 
 daylight before they came down near the Brazilians, and 
 there was consequently no surprise. Mesa carried out 
 his orders literally, as it behooved any one to do who 
 served Lopez, and ran past the Brazilians a very consid- 
 erable distance, having received their fire as he passed. 
 The latter slipped their cables and got under way, so that 
 it was ten o'clock in the morning before the fleets came 
 in contact. In spite ot the bad manoeuvre of going down 
 the stream first, the fight opened well for the Paraguayans. 
 The Jequitinhonha, which carried, among other guns, two 
 68-pounders and a Whitworth rifle, grounded, and was 
 abandoned, after being well peppered by the Paraguayan 
 battery of Bruguez, on the left bank. The Paranahyba 
 had her wheel shot away, and was boarded and taken ; 
 and the Belmonte, riddled with shot, had to be run on 
 shore, to keep her from sinking. 
 
 In this battle the difficulty was for the Paraguayans to 
 hold on to the Brazilian vessels after they got alongside 
 them, for the latter, being screws, managed to slide away 
 from them. Strange to say, grappling irons had been 
 forgotten. 
 
 Colonel Thompson says that whenever the Paraguayans 
 
BRAZIL AND PARAGUAY. 685 
 
 boarded, a portion of the Brazilian crew would jump 
 overboard, some of whom were drowned, and some swam 
 ashore, all the latter being killed as soon as thev landed. 
 
 Burton remarks that the failure to bring grappling irons 
 on an expedition where boarding the enemy was to be a 
 feature, reminded him of an English attack upon some 
 Sikh batteries, where the English engineers forgot to 
 bring spikes. 
 
 The Paraguayan launches, which had been towed down 
 below the Brazilians, got adrift, and as they could not get 
 up again, against the current, were eventually captured. 
 
 At the end of the first period of the action the Brazilians 
 had lost three vessels in a very few minutes, and their 
 case seemed very doubtful. 
 
 Just then a man of ability came to the front, and saved 
 the day. The chief pilot of the Brazilian fleet was the 
 son of an Italian emigrant, named Gastavino. This man, 
 seeing that the Brazilian commanding officers had entirely 
 lost their self possession, and were doing nothing, and 
 giving no orders, took matters into his own hands. He 
 drove the Amazonas at the Paraguayan flag-ship,.- cleared 
 her deck with grape, and ran her down. Next he finished 
 the Salto and Olinda, in the same manner ; the Amazonas 
 being so high out of water that the Paraguayans could 
 not board her as she came in contact with them. He 
 wound up by sinking the Jejui with his guns. The Mar- 
 quis Olinda had previously had a shot in her boilers, and 
 almost all her crew were either scalded, or killed or 
 wounded by grape- The other Paraguayan vessels, 
 Tacuari, Igurey and Salto, also suffered in their boilers, 
 and had nearly all their crews killed or wounded. 
 
 During the height of the engagement, the Brazilian 
 Paranahyba and the Paraguayan Tacuari fouled. The 
 Paraguayans boarded, sword in hand ; at sight of them, 
 
686 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 most of the crew of the Paranahyba jumped overboard. 
 Her decks were filled with the desperate Paraguayans, 
 and the other Brazilian vessels were afraid to use their 
 guns upon her, for fear of injuring the few of their people 
 who were bravely resisting. These few brave men made 
 so good a resistance that the Paraguayan commander, 
 Mesa, became alarmed for his own safety, and endeavored 
 to retire to his cabin. In so doing he was mortally 
 wounded by a musket ball. The next officer in command 
 to Mesa was hopelessly drunk, and the Brazilians 
 succeeded in backing the Paranahyba away, and she 
 escaped, after much slaughter. 
 
 The battle lasted eight hours; and at last the four 
 remaining Paraguayan steamers slowly and sullenly 
 retreated up the stream. 
 
 These must also have been taken or destroyed if Vice- 
 Admiral Barroso had done his duty, and pursued with 
 vigor. For his very equivocal conduct on this occasion 
 he was made a Baron. The pilot, who really fought the 
 battle, and saved the day to the Brazilians, was made a 
 Lieutenant. 
 
 The English Engineer, Watts, by his ability and good 
 conduct secured the retreat of the four Paraguayan 
 vessels, it is confidently asserted. For this Lopez gave 
 him the lowest order of his Legion of Honor, and, three 
 years afterwards, towards the close of the war, he had 
 him arrested and shot, as a traitor. 
 
 Mesa died of his wound in a few hours. He would 
 have been shot by Lopez, if he had returned unwounded, 
 at any rate; and not undeservedly. 
 
 Both sides claimed a victory; but the Brazilians cer- 
 tainly had the best of it, and had put a stop to the offen- 
 sive campaign of Lopez ; as they could now blockade the 
 river above Corrientes, and their presence there compelled 
 
BRAZIL AND PARAGUAY. 687 
 
 the withdrawal of the Paraguayan advance corps in Entre 
 Rios, and the evacuation of Uruguayana. Had Lopez' 
 squadron been successful he would have had command 
 of the whole river, and must have held it until the 
 Brazilians got their iron-clads down. 
 
 The Brazilians were unable to raise their sunken 
 vessels, being driven off by the flying batteries of Bruguez, 
 until such time as they were not worth working at. 
 
 Parts of the crews of the destroyed Paraguayan vessels 
 got on shore on the Chaco side of the river. The Brazil- 
 ians sent an armed boat to take them off, but the Para- 
 guayans killed all the crew, and seized the boat. These 
 men were in the desert Chaco for three days and a half, 
 without food, and at last, when the Brazilians left the 
 river free, crossed over safely to their own side. 
 
 Their desperate devotion was something wonderful. 
 The Paraguayan captain of the Olinda was wounded, and 
 taken, a prisoner, on board the Amazonas, where he had 
 his arm amputated. Rather than remain a prisoner, and 
 thus be declared by Lopez a traitor, fce tore off the band- 
 ages and ligatures, and died. 
 
 On the thirteenth of the month the Brazilian fleet ran 
 down the river, past the field batteries at Riachuelo, and 
 operations ceased for the time. 
 
 The Brazilian officers confessed that at one time it was 
 "touch and go" with them. 
 
 Had the Paraguayans carried grappling irons, and gone 
 straight alongside at first, it is altogether probable that 
 they would have captured the whole Brazilian fleet. 
 But the screw steamers, having been allowed time to 
 get up steam, slipped away from their opponents, who 
 were inexperienced as watermen, and who were baffled 
 by the high sides and boarding- nettings of their man- 
 of-war-built enemies. 
 
G88 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 It is a curious fact that not one of the Brazilian 120 
 and 150-pounder Whitworth shot hit a Paraguayan 
 vessel ; and the Paraguayans only knew that they had them 
 by afterwards finding the shot, some of them five miles 
 inland. 
 
 A large picture of the Amazonas at the battle of Ria- 
 chuelo was exhibited in the Brazilian department of the 
 Centennial Exhibition, at Philadelphia. 
 
 THE BATTLE OF THE BANK. 
 
 When the land forces of the Allies at last invaded 
 Paraguay, they reached the Parana, after some prelim- 
 inary skirmishing; and, with 50,000 men, and 100 guns, 
 prepared to cross that river, to effect a lodgment on 
 Paraguayan soil. Lopez had a force of two or three 
 thousand men in observation at Encarnacion, and seeing 
 these ready to oppose a crossing, the Allies altered their 
 plans, and marched down the Parana, intending to cross 
 at Paso la Patria. 
 
 On March 21st, 1866, the Allied fleet came up to 
 Corrientes, and anchored, in line-of-battle, extending from 
 .Corrales to the mouth of the Paraguay. 
 
 Their fleet was now an imposing one for river warfare. 
 They had eighteen steam gun-boats, carrying from six to 
 eight guns each, four iron-clad vessels, three with case- 
 mates, and one, the Bahia, a monitor, with revolving 
 turret, and two 1 50-pounder Whitworth guns, in all one 
 hundred and twenty-five guns. 
 
 Two of the steamers and the ironclad Tamandare were 
 sent up the Parana, to reconnoitre, but soon returned, 
 after getting on shore and being in some jeopardy. 
 There was a work on the right or Paraguayan bank, some 
 distance from the confluence, called Itapiru. In the 
 
BRAZIL AND PARAGUAY. 689 
 
 Allied reports it is designated as a fortress. It was really 
 a dilapidated battery, of about thirty yards internal 
 diameter; and at that time armed with one rifled, 12- 
 pounder field gun. 
 
 The Parana is here quite deep, except in one place, 
 where there was only twelve feet of water in the northern 
 channel, and here some scows, loaded with stones, had 
 been sunk, which closed that channel. The Paraguayans 
 had, at this point, the steamer Gualeguay, armed with two 
 1 2-pounders, and two flat-bottomed boats, with an 8-inch 
 gun mounted in each. 
 
 On the 2 2d the Gualeguay towed one of these boats 
 down half a mile below Itapiru, and moored her close in 
 under the right bank. The scow at once opened upon 
 the Brazilian fleet, and, in a short time, had put four 
 eight-inch shot into the Admiral's ship. 
 
 Three ironclads were sent up as soon as possible, and 
 approached the scow, keeping up an incessant fire. The 
 Paraguayans made excellent practice, in the meantime, 
 with their eight-inch guns, seldom failing to hit one of 
 their opponents. At last the ironclads approached within 
 about one hundred yards, and the crew of the scow 
 left and took to the woods. The Brazilians then lowered 
 and manned three boats, and sent them to take possession 
 of the scow and her gun. As they reached her, some 
 infantry, numbering about one hundred, who were con- 
 cealed in the woods, gave the boats a volley, which killed 
 or wounded about half of their crews ; the rest made off 
 and returned to their vessels. 
 
 The ironclads then continued to fire at the abandoned 
 scow, and at last blew up the magazine, and she sunk. 
 The gun was not injured, and was recovered by the 
 Paraguayans. 
 
 On the 27th they towed the other gun-boat to the same 
 
 44 
 
690 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 place, and opened upon the Brazilian fleet again, and the 
 ironclads renewed the same tactics as before. This time 
 the Paraguayans had their boat very close in to the bank, 
 and kept their cartridges on shore, to avoid being blown 
 up. Most of their 68-pound shot struck the ironclads, 
 but flew in pieces. Some penetrated, however. One 
 struck the Tamandare at the edge of a port, broke in 
 pieces, and the fragments entered, killing every one in 
 that part of the casemate, including the first and second 
 Captains, three other officers, and eighteen men killed, 
 and fifteen wounded. The Tamandare was driven off 
 by this shot. The two other ironclads kept up the fire, 
 responded to by the Paraguayan musketry from the 
 woods, and at nine o'clock at night the Brazilians retired, 
 having effected nothing. Next day four ironclads and 
 four wooden gun-boats came up to engage this doughty 
 Paraguayan 8-pounder. On this day the ironclad Barroso 
 got four holes through her plates, and all the rest of them 
 were more or less damaged, until, at last, the Paraguayan 
 gun was struck, and fairly broken in two. Strange to 
 say, not a Paraguayan was hurt. 
 
 On the night of the 29th, these irrepressible people, 
 having recovered the 8-inch gun from the first scow, 
 endeavored to bring a boat from Humaita, to mount it 
 upon. Their audacity was such that they towed it, with 
 canoes, down the Paraguay to the confluence, and then 
 up the Parana, and all this under a bright moonlight. At 
 last the Brazilians saw them, before they had reached 
 their goal, and the gun-boats steamed up, to capture an 
 empty scow. The men had made off, in the canoes, up 
 the Parana. 
 
 These Paraguayan gun-boats thus constantly engaged 
 the whole Brazilian fleet. But it must be remembered 
 that a mere float, of this kind, bearing a gun, was very 
 
BRAZIL AND PARAGUAY. 691 
 
 difficult to hit. For a week after this, the steamer Guale- 
 guay went out every afternoon, and fired at the Brazilian 
 fleet with her two 12-pounders. This was done princi- 
 pally for Lopez' amusement, and he, at a safe distance, 
 had excellent long glasses mounted, with which he watched 
 the performances. The Brazilian fleet would dash up 
 the water, all about the Gualeguay, with every kind of 
 missile, from a 68 to a 150-pounder, and yet this steam- 
 boat never received any damage but one hole in her 
 smoke-stack. 
 
 In some of the subsequent bombardments, Lopez would 
 take up his quarters in a secure bomb-proof, and receive 
 exact reports of every gun fired ;. what it had effected, and 
 so forth. But he never exposed himself for a moment. 
 
 The Allied artillery, on the left bank of the Parana, kept 
 up a heavy fire upon the post of Itapiru. But there was 
 nothing there to receive any damage, the 1 2-pounder 
 being snugly stowed away for an occasion. This con- 
 tinued for some time ; until, at last, the Brazilians occupied 
 a sand bank, or bar, in the river, opposite Itapiru, and 
 mounted eight guns there, with two thousand men in 
 trenches. From this point they reopened a fire upon the 
 work, which seemed a perfect bugbear to them. 
 
 On the 10th of April the Paraguayans attacked this 
 bank, or bar; and the naval part of the enterprise consisted 
 in their coming in canoes. 
 
 Nine hundred men were embarked, in divisions of four 
 hundred and fifty each ; with a reserve of four hundred 
 at Itapiru. It was a dark night, and the canoes, propelled 
 by paddles, arrived at the bank, or bar, at four o'clock in 
 the morning. It was a complete surprise ; and the Para- 
 guayans delivered one volley, and then charged with the 
 bayonet, taking the trenches. They were soon driven 
 out of them again, however, by overwhelming numbers ; 
 
692 NAVAL BATTLES ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 retook them, and were again driven out. The Brazilian 
 guns opened with canister, and the Paraguayans lost 
 heavily from this source. Two hundred of them were 
 dismounted cavalrymen, armed only with their swords, 
 but they did great execution, charging up to the guns, and 
 taking them ; but being again driven off by heavy 
 musketry fire. 
 
 As soon as the firing was heard below several gun- 
 boats and ironclads came up, and surrounded the island, 
 while the garrison was reinforced from the left bank. 
 
 At last the Paraguayans were almost all killed or 
 wounded, and those who could move pushed off in their 
 canoes, some paddling with one arm who had the other 
 one wounded. The daylight had appeared, and they were 
 forced to stem a heavy current, under the fire of the 
 Brazilian vessels, at close quarters; and yet fifteen 
 canoes got back to their own shore. 
 
 The Paraguayans lost fourteen officers killed, and seven 
 wounded. Gf the soldiers three hundred returned, almost 
 all wounded, and they left five hundred men on the bank, 
 or bar. Among the prisoners taken by the Brazilians was 
 a Lieutenant Romero ; and Lopez forced his wife to write 
 a letter disowning him as a traitor to Paraguay, because 
 he had allowed himself to be taken alive. 
 
 In this affair the Brazilians lost about a thousand, killed 
 and wounded, many more than the whole attacking force. 
 The fire of their own steamers destroyed a number of 
 these. 
 
 Six Brazilians were afterwards tried for cowardice in 
 this enorag-ement, and were shot. 
 
 In February, 1868, the Brazilian iron-clad vessels suc- 
 ceeded in passing Humaita, the extensive works above 
 the confluence of the rivers, which had so long kept them 
 in check. 
 
BRAZIL AND PARAGUAY. 693 
 
 On the 13th three new monitors had arived from Rio 
 Janeiro, and joined their squadron. They were built in 
 Rio Janeiro, and had twin screws, with four inches of iron 
 on the hull, which was only one foot out of the water, 
 when prepared for action in fresh water. They had each 
 one revolving turret, six inches thick, with one heavy 
 Whitworth gun in each. The circular port for the gun 
 was barely larger than the muzzle, and when run out was 
 flush with the face of the turret. Elevation and depres- 
 sion of a gun so placed was obtained by means of a 
 double carriage, which raised or lowered the trunnions. 
 
 On February 18th everything was ready, and at half- 
 past three in the morning the Brazilians began to bombard 
 the Paraguayan works most furiously. 
 
 The large casemate ironclads, each with a monitor 
 lashed alongside, then steamed up to the batteries at 
 Humaita. The fire of these batteries was well sustained, 
 and true, as the Paraguayan fire had always been, but 
 their cast-iron shot flew to pieces on the armor of the 
 ironclads, which passed without serious damage. After 
 passing the works they continued straight on, past more 
 batteries, at Timbo, to Tayi. The batteries at Timbo 
 were water batteries, and injured the ironclads more than 
 all the others they had passed. In this passage one of 
 the Brazilian monitors received no less than one hundred 
 and eighty shot; and another one was hit one hundred 
 and twenty times. Their plates were dented and bent, 
 and the bolts started, but there was little or no loss of 
 life on board them. 
 
 If one or two of the Brazilian ironclads had remained 
 between Humaita and Timbo, instead of all running by 
 the latter place, the works of the former would have been 
 really closely invested ; and as the object of running the 
 batteries was to cause the surrender of Humaita, the 
 
694 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 movement was to that extent a failure. The Paraguayans 
 evacuated their works at their leisure, taking guns and 
 stores. 
 
 THE RIVER FIGHT AT TAYI. 
 
 Twice, in the year 1868, the Paraguayans attacked the 
 Brazilian monitors lying off Tayi, just above the influx 
 of the river Bermejo. 
 
 These desperate attacks showed the most heroic 
 bravery and devotion, but were never successful. 
 
 Upon one occasion the iron-clad vessels Lima-Barros 
 and Cabral were attacked, and on another the Barroso 
 and the monitor Rio Grande. 
 
 After the last attack, in July, the Brazilians threw a 
 boom across the stream, which would detain their enemies, 
 descending in their canoes, long enough to give time 
 for preparation. 
 
 These Paraguayan boats were admirably adapted for 
 navigating those waters, where there was a rapid current 
 and many sand-bars, constantly shifting, with channels, 
 more or less deep, between them. 
 
 The canoes were built so that only a part of the central 
 section was borne by the water, and they were conse- 
 quently easily turned, while they glided over the water, 
 propelled by spoon-shaped paddles. Some of these craft 
 were very large, and would carry a cargo of many tons. 
 
 On the first occasion that the ironclads were attacked 
 by means of these canoes, an expedition consisting of 
 twelve hundred men was organized, under the command 
 of a Captain Xenes, and armed with swords and hand- 
 grenades only. 
 
 The men were all paraded before Madame Lynch, the 
 mistress of Lopez, who, after distributing cigars among 
 them, with great condescension, told them to "go, and 
 
SHIPS GETTING UNDER WEIGH. 
 
 BARQUE UNDER CLOSE-REEFED TOP-SAILS. 
 
 BARQUE THROWN ON ONE SIDE. 
 
 MANAGEMENT OF VESSELS, No. 2. 
 
BRAZIL AND PARAGUAY. 69r> 
 
 bring me back my ironclads." The men answered her 
 with "vivas," and went contentedly off upon their des- 
 perate undertaking. 
 
 It was a dark night. The canoes were lashed in pairs, 
 with eighteen or twenty feet of slack rope between each 
 pair. By this means they hoped to make sure of board- 
 ing, the canoes of each pair swinging round on opposite 
 sides of the bows of the Brazilians. 
 
 There were forty-eight canoes, each carrying twenty-five 
 men. The Lima-Barros and Cabral were in advance ol 
 the main body, up the stream. Many of the canoes were 
 carried past them by the current, into the midst of the 
 Brazilian fleet. But about half of them hit the advanced 
 vessels, and the Paraguayans sprang on board, unper- 
 ceived. The crews were sleeping on the decks, outside, 
 and some fifty were at once killed by the boarders. The 
 remainder rushed below, and into the turrets, and secured 
 the ports and hatches. The Paraguayans attempted to 
 throw hand-grenades into the, port-holes, and "ran about 
 seeking ingress, like a cat attacking a trapped mouse," 
 in the meantime loading the Brazilians with all sorts of 
 epithets, and daring them to come out and fight with the 
 sword, like men. 
 
 The Lima-Barros and Cabral were thus virtually cap- 
 tured, but by this time the rest of the fleet were aroused, 
 and soon two more ironclads came steaming up to their 
 relief. They swept the Paraguayans from the decks with 
 grape and canister, and those who were not blown to 
 pieces in this manner were obliged to take to the water, 
 and swim for life. Very few of them survived to tell the 
 tale. 
 
 It is surprising that people so utterly fearless and 
 devoted never made very serious attempts to blowup the 
 Brazilian ironclads, especially as there were so many ways 
 
G9G 
 
 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 of doing so, and plenty who were ready to attempt it, 
 even at the sacrifice of their own lives. 
 
 The best informed foreigners who were in Paraguay 
 at this time think that they wanted the vessels themselves 
 so much that they hesitated to destroy them, hoping that 
 an opportunity to board them successfully would occur at 
 some time. The same persons thought that if they had 
 even had one fairly good ironclad they would have com- 
 pletely cleared the river of the Brazilians. On the part of 
 Paraguay the war was premature. Lopez had ordered 
 armored vessels and rifled guns of heavy calibre in 
 Europe, but so late that the war was upon him, and the 
 river blockaded, before they could be delivered. 
 
 THE DREADNOUGHT. 
 
 (The most powerful Ironclad of the English Navy.) 
 
HUASCAR. 
 
 697 
 
 XLVIII. 
 
 THE CAPTURE OF THE HUASCAR. OCTOBER 
 
 8TH, 1879. 
 
 HIS recent and important action between 
 iron-clad vessels, at sea, is remarkable in 
 many ways, and is especially interesting to 
 naval men, as armored vessels had, with 
 perhaps a single exception, not come 
 together before, upon the high seas. 
 
 Fortunately, we have accounts of the 
 battle from Lieutenants Mason and Ingfer- 
 soil, of the United States Navy, Clements Markham, 
 Lieutenant Madan, R. N., and others — of whose accounts 
 this article will be a condensation. 
 
 The action took place in the forenoon, off Mexillones 
 de Bolivia. 
 
 The " Huascar," a Peruvian man-of-war, was of the old 
 type of English turret ships, and had been employed 
 continuously, at sea, for many months, so that her bottom 
 was very foul, while her boilers were not in condition to 
 make steam properly. These two causes had very much 
 reduced her speed. Her commander, Admiral Grau, 
 had wished to overhaul her, but his representations were 
 overruled, from considerations of policy, and she was 
 despatched to the south, upon what proved to be her last 
 cruise under the Peruvian flag. 
 
 When in order, she was known to be much faster than 
 the Chilian vessels which she was to encounter, and her 
 
698 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 loss may fairly be put down to this disregard of profes- 
 sional advice and warning. 
 
 The Chilian ironclad, " Almirante Cochrane," her prin- 
 cipal opponent, as well as the " Blanco Encalada," which 
 participated in the latter part of the action, were nearly 
 new casemated vessels ; and their constructor, Mr. Reed, 
 had said that they ought to sink the "Huascar" in five 
 minutes. 
 
 This latter vessel had done good service in the war 
 between Peru and Chili, in interfering with the only 
 transportation possible for the Chilians, who were the 
 aggressors, and who carried the war into the Peruvian 
 boundaries. Her commander, Rear- Admiral Grau, was 
 an excellent officer, and rendered himself quite famous by 
 his sudden dashes into Chilian ports, capturing transports 
 and lighters, and interfering with the submarine cable, so 
 necessary for the success of the Chilian operations. 
 
 The "Huascar" had made four successful cruises, or 
 rather " raids," to the southward, in one of which she had 
 captured the " Rimac," a fine steamer, having on board a 
 fully-equipped battalion of cavalry and a large amount of 
 military stores. Among other curious things which came 
 under the latter head was a complete outfit of water-skins, 
 which were being sent to the Chilian Army at Antofa- 
 gasta, to enable it to carry water, in crossing the desert 
 of Atacama, to operate upon the province of Tarapaca. 
 
 This desert had been discovered to contain an immense 
 deposit of nitrate of soda, and the struggle which had 
 been impending for some years between the two nations 
 was precipitated by the desire of Chili to possess this 
 source of wealth. 
 
 Soon after this success the " Huascar" appeared off the 
 harbor of Antofagasta, at night, and with a "Lay" torpedo 
 attacked a Chilian wooden corvette lying there. Instead 
 
HUASCAR. 699 
 
 of striking the enemy's vessel, the torpedo made a half 
 circle, and came back upon the "Huascar." A lieutenant 
 of the latter vessel, seeing the imminent danger, jumped 
 overboard, and swam to meet the torpedo, which was 
 moving slowly, and diverted it from its course, saving the 
 " Huascar." The name of this lieutenant was Firmin Diaz 
 Canseco. 
 
 The hext day after this unsuccessful attempt she had 
 an engagement with the shore batteries and two corvettes, 
 in which she did much damage, and received some 
 herself. She, at this time had exchanged a native crew for 
 one composed mostly of foreigners, and men trained as 
 gunners, who could give a better account of the 300- 
 pound shells thrown by her guns. 
 
 In September, 1879, there had been a very considerable 
 change in the officers of the Chilian squadron, and a 
 change of policy, as well. The " Almirante Cochrane," 
 and "Blanco Encalada" (the latter the flag-ship of 
 Commodore Riveros), proceeded north, accompanied by 
 the wooden corvettes " O'Higgins " and "Covadonga," 
 and the armed transports "Loa " and " Mathias Cousiiio." 
 They expected to find the "Huascar" in Arica, but arrived 
 there only to find that she had sailed for the south ; and 
 they at once returned to Mexillones Bay, where they 
 coaled, and awaited instructions and events. 
 
 On the morning of October 5th the "Huascar" appeared 
 in the harbor of Coquimbo, in company with the corvette 
 "Union." There were a number of foreign men-of-war 
 lying there, and their officers were much struck by the 
 handling of the Peruvian vessels; so quiet, able, and 
 seamanlike, opposed to the usual noisy manner of carrying 
 on duty to be observed in South American men-of-war. 
 They did not even blow off steam when slowing down. 
 
 There was corresponding quiet on shore, where were 
 
700 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN 
 
 batteries armed with the heaviest modern guns ; and the 
 Peruvians were allowed to retire unscathed, after thor- 
 oughly searching the harbor. They went out again before 
 daylight, but hung about to the southward of the port, 
 getting news, from mail steamers, of the Chilian vessels 
 comingf to the northward. 
 
 During the next two days they moved up the coast ; 
 and Admiral Grau determined to look into Arica, where 
 the Chilian squadron was supposed to be. Leaving the 
 "Union" on the look-out, the " Huascar" ran in towards 
 the anchorage of Antofagasta, at about half-past one, on 
 the morning of October 8 th. Finding nothing there, she 
 ran out, and joined the "Union" again, in about two 
 hours. Both vessels now headed north. Soon after they 
 made out the smoke of three vessels comingf down the 
 coast, southward, and about six miles distant. These 
 were quickly recognized as vessels of war, and the 
 "Huascar's" course was changed, at about 3.30 a. m., to 
 southwest. 
 
 The Chilian squadron at Mexillones, having coaled, 
 put to sea on the night of the 7th, in two divisions. The 
 first division, consisting of the slower vessels, the 
 "Blanco," "Covadonga," and "Mathias Cousino," sailed 
 at 10 p. m., and steered down the coast, towards Anto- 
 faeasta; the second division, under commander La Farre, 
 consisting of the "Cochrane," "O'Higgins," and "Loa," 
 sailing on the morning of the 8th, before daylight, with 
 orders to cruise twenty-five miles off Point Angamos. 
 This was done in consequence of telegraphic instruction 
 from the Chilian authorities. The Commodore had 
 intended to move south, along the coast, in similar divi- 
 sions, the first skirting the coast, and looking in at the 
 bays, while the second kept pace with them, about forty 
 miles off shore. 
 
HUASCAR. 701 
 
 The result was the same, whichever plan had been 
 followed. 
 
 At half-past three in the morning of the 8th of Octo- 
 ber, the weather being fine and clear, the smoke of two 
 vessels approaching, under Point Letas, and distant 
 about six miles, was reported from the top of the 
 "Blanco." 
 
 At daylight the enemies recognized each other. 
 
 The " Huascar" ran to the southwest for an hour, under 
 full speed, making nearly eleven knots; the "Blanco" 
 and "Covadonga" following, and making less than eight 
 knots. The "Mathias Cousino" was first sent in towards 
 Antofagasta, but, later, turned and followed her consorts. 
 Riveros, the Chilian Commodore, soon saw that such a 
 chase was hopeless ; but still, on the chance of an acci- 
 dent to the machinery of the " Huascar," or her consort, or 
 of their turning to the northward, and being cut off by 
 his second division, he determined to continue it. 
 
 The Peruvians could not afford to run any risks with 
 their ships. If the "Huascar" was lost, it would entail 
 serious consequences to the Peruvian cause; and it was 
 therefore proper for Grau to attempt escape. Finding 
 that he could outrun his pursuers, he reduced his speed, 
 and turned his ships' heads to the northward. Not very 
 long after this, smoke was seen to the northwest, and, 
 having diverged a little from her course, to reconnoitre, 
 the "Huascar" recognized the Chilian "Cochrane," and 
 her consorts. At about the same time the "Huascar" 
 was seen from the "Cochrane," and the "Loa" was sent 
 to reconnoitre. 
 
 Grau had supposed that the "Cochrane" only steamed 
 eight knots, and thought he could easily run away from 
 her, so he stood toward the "Loa," for a short time, 
 Finding, however, that the "Cochrane" was changing hei 
 
702 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 bearings more rapidly than he had anticipated, he stood 
 more to the eastward, and ordered "full speed." 
 
 The "Union," which had been on the "Huascar's" 
 port quarter, now, at about 8 a. m., crossed her stern, and 
 passed to starboard of her, at full speed. This vessel 
 made the best of her way to Arica ; followed, until dark, 
 by the Chilian ships "O'Higgins" and "Loa." 
 
 There appears to have been a good deal of criticism 
 upon the commanding officers of these three ships — the 
 first for not engaging, and the others for not continuing 
 the pursuit. 
 
 The three ironclads were now comparatively close to 
 each other, and Grau saw that his only chance of escape 
 lay in his speed. There were but three courses open to 
 him. 
 
 First — to turn boldly and meet the " Cochrane," and, 
 though inferior in gun power, endeavor to ram or cripple 
 her, before the " Blanco" could come up. 
 
 Secondly — to endeavor to escape to the northeast, 
 between the " Cochrane " and the shore, trusting to have 
 superior speed. 
 
 Thirdly — to turn round and engage, or escape past, 
 the " Blanco." 
 
 Grau chose the second course. 
 
 At nine a. m., the " Cochrane " having approached with- 
 in about four thousand yards, and it being evident that 
 she could cross his bows, Grau ordered his crew to quar- 
 ters and entered his iron-cased conning tower, where he 
 was alone. In going to quarters, on board the " Huas- 
 car," an accident took place, in shifting the steering-gear 
 from the usual situation to the protected one, in the tur- 
 ret chamber, under the conning tower. 
 
 While a make-shift tackle was being rove the " Huas- 
 car" yawed considerably. 
 
HUASCAR. 703 
 
 At half-past nine, the " Cochrane " being about 3000 
 yards distant, the " Huascar " opened fire with her turret 
 guns. The second shot ricochetted, and entered the 
 " Cochrane's " unarmored bow, doing some damage, but 
 not exploding. At this time the Chilian " Blanco " was 
 about six miles astern. The " Cochrane " did not answer 
 the " Huascar's " two shots ; but stood on until within two 
 thousand yards, when she opened fire. The first shot 
 penetrated the " Huascar's " armor on the port side, 
 entered the turret-chamber, and exploded, set fire to the 
 wood-work, killed or wounded twelve men, and jammed 
 the wheels on which the turret revolved, for the time 
 being. The " Huascar" fired a 300-pound Palliser chilled 
 shell, and struck the " Cochrane's " side armor, at an 
 angle of about thirty degrees. The plate struck was 
 six inches thick, and was indented, and scored out to a 
 depth of three inches, the bolts started, and the backing 
 forced in. 
 
 The " Huascar" soon after stood a little to port, with 
 the intention of ramming the " Cochrane," but the latter 
 avoided this, by turning an equal amount to port, and 
 keeping parallel with her antagonist. 
 
 Five minutes after the " Huascar's " conning tower 
 was struck by a shell, which exploded in it, shattered it, l 
 and blew Admiral Grau to pieces — only one foot and a 
 few fragments of his body being found. Grau usually 
 directed the movements of his vessel with his head and 
 shoulders above the tower, and the shell, therefore, proba- 
 bly hit him at about the waist. 
 
 This shot also killed Lieutenant Diego Ferre, the Admi- 
 ral's Aid, who was at the fighting wheel, and only sepa- 
 rated from the conning tower by a light wooden grating. 
 Ferre' s death appears to have been caused by concussion, 
 as no wounds were found upon his body. This shot also 
 
704 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 damaged the fighting wheel, and the ship ran off to the 
 eastward until the damage was repaired, when she again 
 headed to the northward. 
 
 About this time a shell penetrated the armor of the 
 turret, which was trained on the port-quarter, in the thick- 
 est part, to the left of the port of the right gun. This 
 shell killed or disabled most of the two guns' crews. 
 
 Among these were two gun-captains, Englishmen, who 
 had been trained on board the gunnery-ship, " Excellent," 
 and Commander Carbajal, who had come to inform the 
 second in command, Commander Elias Aguirre, that he 
 was now in command. 
 
 The left gun was not injured, and relief crews were 
 sent to it ; but the firing was very wild. The right gun 
 was disabled by the compressor and cap-square being bent. 
 At this time Lieutenant Rodriguez, who was looking out 
 of the gun-port, had his head taken off. This, in connec- 
 tion with the previous casualties, so demoralized the Peru- 
 vians that most of the subsequent fighting was done by 
 the foreigners of the " Huascar's " ship's company. By 
 this time the fire from the Nordenfelt guns and the small 
 arms of the Chilians had driven most of the officers and 
 men of the " Huascar " down into the ward-room. Some 
 of these were wounded, but the most were merely taking 
 refuge there. 
 
 The " Cochrane " now attempted to ram, coming at 
 right angles to her adversary. She missed the " Huas- 
 car," going close astern of her, but a shot from one of 
 her port-guns pierced the armor of the " Huascar," on 
 the starboard quarter, exploding, and doing much dam- 
 age — among other things, carrying away the steering 
 apparatus. 
 
 The "Huascar" now again headed to the eastward: 
 but a shell pierced the armor, abreast of the engine-room, 
 
HUASCAR. 705 
 
 covering the engine with fragments of all kinds, and kill- 
 ing and wounding many persons. Among these were 
 Surgeon Tavara, and Mr. Griffiths, the master of the 
 English schooner " Coquimbo," captured a few days 
 before, and whose crew had been forced to render service 
 during the action. 
 
 The relieving tackles, by which the "Huascar" was 
 now steered, were not only exposed to shot, but had 
 a very bad lead, and the steering was very uncertain, not 
 only from that cause, but because Commander Aguirre 
 had to command the vessel from one of the look-out hoods 
 of the turret, and the word had to be passed clear aft, on 
 the lower deck, to the men at the relieving tackles. There 
 was, probably, not much real control of the "Huascar" 
 after the conning tower was destroyed, Grau killed, and 
 the main steering- wheel disabled. 
 
 The "Cochrane" now again attempted to ram the 
 "Huascar," firing her bow-gun, at two hundred yards, and 
 coming on at right angles. She again missed her blow, 
 and passed astern. 
 
 It was by this time ten o'clock, and the " Blanco " arrived 
 on the scene of action, passing between the "Huascar" 
 and the "Cochrane," just as the latter was preparing to 
 ram, for the third time. The "Cochrane," to avoid the 
 imminent danger in which she was placed by her consort's 
 ram, was forced to turn to port, and then to run north- 
 ward, increasing her distance to about twelve hundred 
 yards. 
 
 The "Huascar" then turned to starboard, and headed 
 for the "Blanco," with the intention of ramming her, at 
 the same time firing some ineffectual shots at her. The 
 "Blanco" sheered to starboard also, and passing close 
 under her stern, poured a broadside into that vulnerable 
 part, which killed or wounded all the men at the relieving 
 45 
 
706 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 tackles, as well as many of the wounded, and the others 
 who had taken refuge in the officers' quarters. The 
 wounded were now removed to the coal-bunkers and 
 store-rooms; and the "Huascar" stood to the westward. 
 
 On account of a number of shot having passed through 
 her smoke-stack, driving down soot, debris of all kinds, 
 and smoke into the fire-room, it was impossible to see 
 the gauges. In consequence, the water got too low in 
 one of the boilers, and the tubes were burned through, 
 which caused a great escape of steam; so that the 
 Chilians thought they had struck one of the boilers. 
 
 There had been four men stationed at a Gatling gun, 
 in the "Huascar's" top, but three were killed, and the 
 other driven below, by the fire from the Chilian tops, 
 although the "Huascar's" top had a screen of boiler- 
 iron. 
 
 About half-past ten the flag-staff, with the "Huascar's" 
 colors, was shot away, and for some moments all firing 
 ceased, as it was supposed she had surrendered; but a 
 Frenchman, who was a loader at one of the guns, went 
 aft, and hoisted another flag at her gaff. Just then another 
 shot penetrated the turret of the "Huascar," killing or 
 mortally wounding every man in it, including Commander 
 Aeuirre. This shot had such terrible effect that when this 
 officer's body was found and identified, all the upper part 
 of the head was gone, the lower jaw only remaining. In 
 addition his body was most fearfully mutilated. Another 
 officer was terribly wounded by this shot. 
 
 The command of the " Huascar " had now devolved 
 upon the fourth officer, Lieutenant Pedro Garezon. 
 The vessel was almost unmanageable, and on fire in 
 several places, but the engines were kept going, and 
 an occasional gun fired. 
 
 The " Cochrane " now returned, and again tried to ram, 
 
HUASCAR. 707 
 
 and was only prevented from doing so by a chance move- 
 ment of the " Huascar." 
 
 Both Chilian ships then followed up the Peruvian, using 
 great guns, musketry and machine guns. They were 
 both in good condition, although the "Cochrane" had 
 been struck on her unarmored stern, and had some ten 
 men killed and wounded. 
 
 The " Covadonga " now came up, and joined the other 
 Chilian vessels, and Lieutenant Garezon, after a council 
 with the surviving officers, determined to sink the 
 " Huascar," by opening her valves, and thus deprive his 
 enemies of the satisfaction of taking possession of her. 
 
 Chief Engineer McMahon succeeded in partially ac- 
 complishing this, by opening the circulating valve of the 
 condensers, but to do this he had to stop the engines. 
 They were at work on the main injection valve when 
 Lieutenant Simpson, of the "Cochrane," who had boarded 
 her, interfered with the operation, revolver in hand. 
 
 While this was going on, some of the "Huascar's" 
 men waved towels and handkerchiefs, and the Chilians, 
 on seeing this, ceased firing, and the " Huascar's " flag 
 was then hauled down. 
 
 It was at this moment that Simpson boarded her, and 
 then came surgeons and engineers from the Chilians. 
 
 On taking possession they found three or four feet of 
 water in the hold. Some of the holes made by projectiles 
 in her sides were nearly awash, and in a few minutes 
 more the vessel would have sunk. She was also found 
 to be on fire in several places, one of which was danger- 
 ously near the magazine. Fortunately the sea was smooth. 
 The valves were closed, the steam pumps started, and 
 the fires extinguished. The wounded and the prisoners 
 were then transferred to the Chilian ships. 
 
 The "Huascar's" engines were uninjured, as were three 
 
708 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 out of her four boilers, and they were able to get her into 
 port, at Mexillones, that same afternoon ; and in two 
 days, after temporary repairs, she was sent to Valparaiso. 
 Here p roper plates were found, which had been sent out 
 from England for the " O'Higgins ;" and by the 8th of 
 the succeeding December she was in active service again 
 under the Chilian flag. 
 
 The scene presented on board the " Huascar," when 
 boarded by her captors, was most terrible. Hardly a 
 square yard of her upper works had escaped injury, 
 including her smoke-stack, conning tower, boats, davits, 
 mast and chain-plates. Her bulwarks, poop, forecastle 
 and hatch-combings were much injured, while her capstan 
 was struck and knocked entirely overboard. During the 
 latter part of the fight, indeed, the Peruvian had been 
 little more than a floating target for the Chilian's accurate 
 fire. 
 
 Eighteen dead bodies were taken out of the cabin, and 
 the turret was full of the remains of the two sets of guns' 
 crews. 
 
 The light wood-work, ladders and bulkheads were all 
 destroyed. The ship's log-book had been destroyed, but 
 complete working drawings of the " Blanco" and " Coch- 
 rane" were found on board, 
 
 The action lasted one hour and a half; and during this 
 time the "Huascar " lost her commander and the three 
 next senior officers, either killed or disabled, and had 
 twenty-eight officers and men killed, and forty-eight 
 wounded, out of a crew of about two hundred. 
 
 Nearly every time she was struck the greatest 
 temporary damage possible was inflicted, and yet no 
 permanent injury was caused. The armor was really a 
 disadvantage to her, for it served to explode the enemy's 
 projectiles, which only stopped when they struck at the 
 
HUASCAR. 709 
 
 very smallest angles. The backing and inner skin only 
 served to increase the number ol fragments, which were 
 driven in with deadly effect. The shell which passed 
 through the thin sides of the forecastle did not explode, 
 and did but little damage. Each shell which pierced the 
 armor exploded, and each explosion set the ship on fire 
 in a new place. The Chilian small-arm men and the 
 Nordenfelt machine gun drove all the Peruvians off the 
 deck, and away from the unprotected guns there. The 
 "Cochrane" fired forty-five Palliser shells. The "Blanco" 
 fired thirty-one. It is thought that the "Huascar" fired 
 about forty projectiles from her turret guns. 
 
 The " Cochrane" was hit three times. The " Blanco " 
 was untouched, while the "Huascar" received at least 
 sixteen large Palliser shells, besides Nordenfelt bullets 
 and shrapnel. The shot-holes in the "Huascar" were so 
 jagged and irregular that no ordinary stoppers could be 
 of any service. 
 
 The officers who have given us the account of this 
 action make a number of practical deductions and sug- 
 gestions of great importance, but not necessary to be 
 quoted here. 
 
 STEEL TORPEDO BOAT AND POLE. 
 
710 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 XLIX. 
 
 BOMBARDMENT OF ALEXANDRIA. 
 JULY 11TH, A.D. 1882. 
 
 'T would be rather presumptuous for any one 
 to attempt at this time to give the real 
 causes of the bombardment of Alexandria, 
 and of the subsequent operations of the 
 British army in Egypt. The Egyptian 
 leader, Arabi Pasha, has been tried, and the 
 tribunal, while sparing his life, sentenced him 
 to be banished to Ceylon, where he is now. 
 Nothing definite was made public, however, as to the 
 assurances of support and sympathy which he is supposed 
 to have had, not only from the Sublime Porte, but from 
 other nations. 
 
 Egyptian politics may be symbolized by a tangled skein 
 which time alone can unravel. Some day it may be 
 known whether the ostensible reasons brought a great 
 calamity about, or whether secret and less worthy motives 
 caused the action of the British ministry, and controlled 
 their fleet and army. 
 
 In the summer of 1882 Arabi Pasha, who had complete, 
 control of the military force of Egypt, although the 
 Khedive had not been formally deposed, was strengthen- 
 ing the forts about Alexandria, and increasing their 
 armament. As he was opposed to English or any 
 foreign control in Egypt, England naturally felt alarm 
 for the safety of the Suez Canal, which is so vitally 
 
Ilfllllil !'■& ...rf ■ WJMs', , ^r^i':!:i ; ::;1iiM'Pi 
 
BOMBARDMENT OF ALEXANDRIA. 711 
 
 important for her communications with her great Eastern 
 empire, as well as for her general commerce. Admiral 
 Sir Beauchamp Seymour, with a powerful squadron of 
 the largest ironclads and a number of gun-boats, had been 
 ordered to Alexandria, in observation. 
 
 The city of Alexandria, named from its founder, Alex- 
 ander the Great, has experienced many vicissitudes. The 
 modern city is built on a peninsula, which was formerly 
 the Island of Pharos, and on the isthmus connecting it 
 with the mainland. The ancient city was on the main- 
 land, where its ruins cover a vast extent of surface. 
 
 Founded nearly three and a half centuries before the 
 Christian era, it rose, under the liberal and beneficent 
 sway of the Ptolemies, to great eminence as a seat of 
 learning, as well as of commerce. Under the Roman 
 Empire it continued to be a very splendid and influential 
 city, second only to Rome herself, and engrossing the 
 lucrative traffic with India. Its library was one of the 
 wonders of the world — 400,000 volumes being in the 
 Museum, and 300,000 in the temple of Serapis. The 
 former was accidentally destroyed by fire during the war 
 with Julius Caesar; and the latter was burnt by command 
 of Caliph Omar, upon the Mohammedan conquest, in the 
 year 640. After the discovery by the Portuguese of the 
 route to India by the Cape of Good Hope, its commerce 
 fell off, and its population dwindled to a few thousands. 
 Gradually it revived again, and for a long time has been 
 the most important commercial city of the Levant, with a 
 very large foreign as well as native population. But, to 
 return: On July 6th, 1882, Admiral Seymour sent an 
 ultimatum to Arabi and his council, which had the effect 
 of stopping work upon the fortifications for a short time, 
 and produced a promise that such work should not be 
 renewed. 
 
712 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 But on the following night a powerful electric light, on 
 board the ironclad Alexandra, of the English squadron, 
 disclosed the fact that, under cover of the darkness, guns 
 were being mounted on the forts commanding the 
 entrance to the great port, or western harbor — there 
 bein£ two harbors, one east and one west of the isthmus. 
 New guns were placed in position on the north side, also, 
 on the peninsula where the Harem, or residence of the 
 Khedive is situated, and which forms the protection to 
 the main anchorage. Earthworks were also being thrown 
 up there by a very large force. 
 
 Seymour telegraphed these facts to the British govern- 
 ment, summoned a council of his officers, and made 
 preparations for battle. He then sent a demand to the 
 Egyptian authorities for the surrender of the forts to 
 him within twenty- four hours, with a view to disarma- 
 ment, under penalty of bombardment. 
 
 There was a French fleet in the port, which had been 
 ordered to take no part in any aggressive measures ; and 
 there were also naval vessels of several other nations, 
 among which were some of our own, the commanders of 
 which had been very active in affording refuge to Ameri- 
 cans resident in Egypt, as well as to citizens of other 
 countries who were not represented by men-of-war. 
 
 The French fleet, seeing hostilities imminent, got under 
 way, and steamed out into the offing, followed by the 
 other foreign men-of-war and merchant vessels. Many 
 of these were crowded with refugees, but there were left 
 in the city a large number of Greeks, Italians, Maltese, and 
 Syrians. 
 
 The British ships then proceeded to take up their 
 stations before the forts, and a panic ensued among the 
 inhabitants, who quitted the city, as did most of the 
 Europeans who had remained. This they effected with 
 
BOMBARDMENT OF ALEXANDRIA. 713 
 
 great difficulty, and there was a prospect of the renewal 
 of the massacre which had taken place some weeks 
 before. The cash chest of the European Director of 
 Customs, which were managed for the benefit of the 
 foreign bondholders, was seized by Arabi, but the officials 
 managed to get away. 
 
 On the ioth of July a deputation of Egyptian notables 
 came off to the English flag-ship, to know the meaning 
 of these warlike preparations. They had not heard of 
 the ultimatum, which had not reached them, by some 
 blunder, whether on the part of the English or the natives 
 does not appear ; and, indeed, the document was brought 
 off to them while they were still on board the ship, by 
 messengers who had been searching for them. They 
 then went on shore, to consider it. 
 
 Very early next morning, the i ith of July, a deputation 
 of Egyptian officials came off to say that they were willing 
 to dismount the guns of the forts themselves. This would 
 appear to be all that the English Admiral had originally 
 demanded ; but whether he suspected a ruse, or whether 
 he was determined to take offensive measures at any 
 rate, he refused to entertain the proposal, saying that the 
 time for negotiation had expired. 
 
 At seven in the morning the first shot was fired from 
 the Alexandra, and eight English ironclads, of the heaviest 
 description, with five heavy gun-boats, opened upon the 
 different forts. These were the heaviest guns and the 
 thickest armor, by far, that had ever been in action. To 
 mention only one, the Inflexible had four 8i-ton guns, 
 and armor from sixteen to twenty-four inches thick, 
 and measures 11,400 tons. 
 
 The Egyptian forts constituted two distinct systems of 
 defence. The first consisted of those which protected 
 the new port and eastern town ; and the second those 
 
714 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 which covered the entrances to the outer western harbor. 
 Seymour divided his fleet so as to simultaneously bom- 
 bard the whole. His ironclads and wooden gun-boats 
 were fitted, in addition to heavy guns, with torpedoes, and 
 Nordenfelt and Gatling machine guns. 
 
 The Invincible (flag-ship), Monarch and Penelope, with 
 the Temeraire outside, took up a position at the entrance 
 of the western harbor, about opposite Fort Meks, and 
 about twelve hundred yards from another important 
 work, Fort Marsa-el-Kanat. 
 
 They attacked these forts, on the shore of the mainland, 
 while the Superb, Sultan, and Alexandra attacked and 
 totally destroyed the lighthouse fort, and another near it 
 on the peninsula. The Inflexible took up a position 
 between the two divisions, and with her enormous guns, 
 assisted in the work of both. 
 
 The gun-boats attacked the "Marabout" batteries, at the 
 entrance of the harbor, running close in, and soon silencing 
 them. One of the gun-boats afterwards covered a landing 
 party, which blew up the heavy guns in Fort Meks. 
 
 The Egyptian artillerists surprised the English by the 
 determination with which they fought their guns ; but 
 they were all silenced by four o'clock in the afternoon— 
 rather a long time, it would seem, for vessels carrying- 
 guns of such power, if they were properly pointed. By 
 this time four of the forts had been blown up, and the 
 Khedive's palace and harem was in flames. The English 
 fire ceased about half-past five in the afternoon. 
 
 The casualties of the English were five killed and 
 twenty-eight wounded. This is rather a high number, 
 considering the character of the vessels employed. The 
 Egyptians seemed to have fired only solid shot, and these, 
 in some cases, entered the ships, and caused most of the 
 injuries by splinters. 
 
THE VICE ADMIRAL POPOFF. 
 (Circular Ironclad of the Russian Navy. 
 
 ITALIAN IRONCLAD, "DUILIO." 1880. 
 
 (With Projecting Ram and Torpedo Apparatus. The most powerful War Vessel afloat. Thickness 
 of Armor, 16 to 24 inches. Armament, four 100-ton guns. Ordinary charge for each gun, 551 pounds 
 of powder and a 2000-pound projectile.) 
 
BOMBARDMENT OF ALEXANDRIA. 715 
 
 The Egyptian loss was great, but will probably never 
 be known. It is said that the gunners in the forts were 
 mostly blacks — Soudanese — who are as remarkable for 
 their bravery and bull-dog tenacity, as they are for the 
 very dark color of their skin. 
 
 The English are reported to have burst the guns in the 
 ruined forts with dynamite. 
 
 Fort Napoleon, a very strong work, somewhat inland, 
 and dating from the French occupation, and Fort Gabarrie, 
 had not been thoroughly bombarded on the first day, and 
 still held out ; and arrangements were made to have the 
 Invincible, Monarch and Penelope go in the next day to 
 attack them. In the meantime the Invincible had silenced 
 some outlying batteries, and had sent on shore a party 
 which had burst nine large guns. During the night the 
 Egyptians had repaired an outside battery, but when the 
 inflexible and the Temeraire opened on it, it did not reply, 
 and was found to be abandoned. On the mornine after 
 the bombardment the Khedive's palace was still burning, 
 and there were other fires in the town. 
 
 The wind had risen, and a swell was coming in, which 
 prevented accurate firing, and at one p. m. all fire ceased, 
 on both sides, having not, of course, been so sustained 
 and continuous as on the preceding day. A white flag- 
 was now shown in the town, and a gun-boat was sent up 
 the inner harbor to the Arsenal, with a flag of truce flying. 
 The Arsenal is the official residence of the Ministers of 
 War and Marine, but the gun-boat found no one there, 
 in authority, and no one, in consequence, able to tell the 
 meaning of the white flag flying in the city. The officer 
 sent up, therefore returned to Seymour. Night now drew 
 on, and the fires in the town were evidently extending. 
 
 At daybreak, next morning, the whole of the forts 
 were found to be abandoned, and the English Admiral 
 
716 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 telegraphed to the fleet not to open fire. Half the city 
 appeared to be in flames, with a dense cloud of smoke 
 hanging over it. The conflagration was, in fact, tremen- 
 dous, and involved the whole European quarter and the 
 Grand Square. The Egyptian army had retreated. 
 
 Towards morning a body of about one hundred 
 Europeans fought their way down to the beach, and were 
 taken off by armed boats from the fleet. They had spent 
 a terrible night, defending - themselves in the building" of 
 the Ottoman Bank, and other buildings adjacent. During 
 the night hundreds of people were massacred, mostly 
 Christians, and for the two succeeding days Alexandria 
 was the scene of horrors hardly equalled by Paris during 
 the Commune. 
 
 An uncontrolled soldiery, released convicts and the 
 scum of the population were let loose, and murder and 
 pillage went on. Petroleum was used to fire many 
 buildings in the best part of this fine and flourishing city. 
 
 The Khedive was helpless, and really in great danger 
 of his life, in his palace at Ramleh. 
 
 Seymour and his officers and men looked on at " this 
 sad spectacle of awful and unexpected catastrophe, which 
 they had no power to prevent." 
 
 It is hard to tell whether to blame most the want of 
 statesmanlike forethought, or the want of military per- 
 ception in the English naval Commander, who precipi- 
 tated this dreadful state of affairs, without having the 
 means, in the shape of troops, to land and seize the 
 town. 
 
 To disinterested observers it was an indefensible 
 act, to bombard a city with such a mixed population, 
 many of whom were prone to rapine and murder, without 
 having the power promptly to put things in order. 
 
 The English Government seems to have thought 
 
BOMBARDMENT OF ALEXANDRIA. 717 
 
 Admiral Seymour's conduct good, for they have just 
 made him a Baron. 
 
 The sailors and marines of the fleet were landed as 
 soon as it was ascertained that Arabi's forces had 
 retreated. These were joined by detachments from the 
 German and American men-of-war, for the purpose of 
 protecting their consulates, in the first place, and then they 
 assisted in extinguishing fires, seizing marauders, and 
 rescuing many terror-stricken people from the most 
 imminent danger; patrolling the streets, and assisting, in 
 every way, to restore order. 
 
 As regards the bombardment itself, it may be said that 
 the Egyptian batteries were served steadily and rapidly ; 
 and their aim was good. The officers appear to have 
 set a good example to their men, appearing often upon 
 the parapet, to watch the effect of their shot. All the 
 batteries facing the sea were destroyed by the heavy 
 guns opposed to them, and their guns dismounted. An 
 explosion of a magazine, in one fort, is said to have 
 killed all of the garrison. The faces of the batteries were 
 pulverized, and large holes were made in the masonry 
 of the lighthouse, and the large stone fort adjoining was 
 reduced to ruin, and all its guns dismounted. The loss 
 of life in the garrisons of these forts must have been 
 frightful. The harem palace was damaged extensively by 
 shell and by fire. 
 
 The Arab quarter behind Fort Pharos caught all the 
 shell which missed the batteries ; and here all was chaos 
 and destruction. 
 
 Of the English ships, the Penelope was struck five 
 times, and had eight men wounded, and one gun disabled. 
 The Invincible was struck many times, and six shots 
 penetrated. She had six .wounded, and some spars shot 
 away. The Monarch, which kept under way, was not hit. 
 
718 
 
 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 The Superb had her funnel injured, and plates damaged. 
 The Alexandra suffered slight damage in her hull. The 
 Sultan had her main-mast and funnel shot through, and 
 her hull pierced several times in the unarmored part. 
 Two of the 1 8-ton guns of the Alexandra were disabled 
 by shot, which passed in at the port-holes. 
 
 THE ALEXANDRA. 1877. 
 
 (Ironclad, English Navy. Her appearance after being launched.) 
 
OUR NEW NAVY. 
 
 719 
 
 L. 
 
 OUR NEW NAVY. 
 
 INCE the last of the naval battles recorded 
 in preceding chapters was fought more 
 than a decade has elapsed, and in that time 
 the advance in ships, engines, and guns 
 has been such that a war-ship, even of the 
 time of the bombardment of Alexandria, or 
 the engagement between the Huascar and 
 her Chilian opponent may be considered 
 almost completely obsolete. 
 The use of armor for ships is so recent, only dating 
 from the time of our civil war, that modern war-ships 
 have been little in action. In fact the war between 
 England and the United States, in 1812-15, was the last 
 important naval war previous to the introduction of 
 steam. The revolution in naval tactics caused by steam 
 was very great, but our civil war afforded little experi- 
 ence in fleet actions, the important naval affairs being 
 for the most part attacks of fleets upon land fortifica- 
 tions. The only fairly well-matched, stand-up fight of 
 that war between vessels was that of the Kearsaree and 
 Alabama. 
 
 Steel has come into use for the hulls of vessels — and 
 the invention, by our own citizens, of nickel-steel, and 
 of the Harvey process for plates, has caused a revolu- 
 tion in the application of defensive armor. 
 
 We may instance the armor for the battle-ship Maine, 
 
720 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 which vessel will carry on her sides alone four hundred 
 and seventy-five tons of metal — Harveyized nickel-steel. 
 The plate which was tried at the Naval Proving Ground, 
 at Indian Head, on the Potomac, and upon the proof of 
 which depended the receiving of the whole quantity from 
 the contracting company, was thirteen feet seven inches 
 long, seven feet wide, and twelve inches in thickness at 
 the top, tapering to six inches. These measurements 
 may give some idea of the tremendous power of the 
 implements employed in forging and tempering such a 
 mass of metal. 
 
 It successfully resisted four shots from an eight-inch 
 rifled gun, firing, at only a few yards' distance, the best 
 armor-piercing shot, breaking the latter to fragments. 
 Then a ten-inch gun was tried upon the same plate. 
 Again the shot was broken up, and the plate, already hit 
 four times before, was cracked, but remained still capa- 
 ble of affording perfect protection. It is not at all prob- 
 able that any one plate would be hit five times in the 
 course of an action — and so this armor is considered as 
 near perfection as it is possible for metallurgists to 
 come, in the present state of knowledge. The Maine 
 and Texas, and the battle-ships of the Iowa class, as 
 well as the great monitors, Puritan and Monadnock, all 
 of which vessels are of the latest construction, have 
 these plates, thereby saving much weight, and allowing 
 of additional armor protection to the upper works. 
 The heavy armor extends from one barbette to the 
 other, in the Iowa being about 180 feet, and from four 
 and a half feet below the water line to three feet above 
 it. At the level of the belt is a curving steel deck, three 
 inches thick, to deflect plunging shot; while the mass of 
 coal is so arranged in the bunkers as to protect the boil- 
 ers and machinery. 
 
OUR NEW NAVY. 721 
 
 The Iowa carries four 1 2-inch rifles, mounted in 
 pairs in two turrets, eight 8-inch rifles, also mounted in 
 pairs in turrets, six rapid-fire 4-inch rifles, and an am- 
 ple secondary battery of twenty 6-pounder and six 
 i-pounder rapid-fire guns, and two gatlings — all high 
 powered breech-loading guns of the best American 
 manufacture. 
 
 In the last few years there have also been great 
 changes and improvements in different forms of explo- 
 sives, the development of torpedo boats and torpedo- 
 catchers, and modes of defence against such attacks. 
 Almost all the large vessels have double bottoms, 
 divided in many separate cells like honeycombs — and 
 packed with a preparation of cocoa-nut fibre, which 
 swells when in contact with water, thus effectually stop- 
 ping shot holes. There are also many transverse bulk- 
 heads, making many compartments of the vessel's hull ; 
 while the engines are so cut off by them that one is in- 
 dependent of any injury to the other. There are also 
 many small engines, for various purposes, and electric 
 light makes the deepest part of the interior of the great 
 ship's hull as plain as the upper deck, in full sunlight. 
 Lastly, the great increase in speed and power of engines 
 tend to make the war-ship a very different thing from 
 what she was at the time spoken of in the previous 
 chapter. 
 
 There are, of course, limitations to the ranee and 
 efficiency of the new Navy, owing to the necessity of 
 replenishing supplies of fuel, — a most difficult and ex- 
 tremely costly process in many parts of the world. 
 Such modern cruisers as the Columbia carry, to be sure, 
 an immense quantity of coal — and there are others, such 
 as the New York and the Olympia, which not only 
 possess great speed, but also carry more fuel than most 
 
 46 
 
722 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 vessels of their class. They need to do so, for our coal- 
 ing stations abroad are very few. 
 
 Some nations', especially the Italians, who have a very 
 formidable navy, and one far above their means, have ex- 
 perimented extensively with petroleum, in its crude form, 
 as a fuel, and, it is stated, with a certain degree of success. 
 But this for the most part is a consideration for those 
 nations which have no mines of coal under their own 
 control, and we must remember that, in time of war, the 
 supply of petroleum might be cut off even more effectu- 
 ally than that of coal. But to return : — The use of steel 
 for the hulls of vessels, the armor, protective decks, 
 and other purposes of construction, has greatly multi- 
 plied the strength of those parts, while it has made the 
 whole much lighter, so that the same expenditure of 
 steam will carry the structure much farther and much 
 faster. We have already stated that nickel-steel is able 
 to resist very effectually the most modern projectiles 
 from« the latest guns. When, a few years ago, such 
 qualities were claimed for it by us, the English experts 
 in such matters rather sneered at the idea, and said that 
 more extensive trials should be had before they could 
 believe in its value. The experiments were so tri- 
 umphantly successful that not only was all opposition 
 withdrawn, but the object then was to get hold of the 
 process as soon as possible. Nickel-steeHs what may be 
 called a great fact, and subsequent discoveries in metal- 
 lurgy will never destroy its value for certain purposes. 
 
 The Harvey process was another thing upon which 
 the Europeans looked with great doubt until the perfect 
 success of armor made in that way, in trials against 
 very powerful guns at short range, opened their eyes. 
 This process consists in the hardening of the outside 
 surface of a thick plate to a certain depth, leaving the 
 
OUR NEW NAVY. 723 
 
 back part of the plate with the toughness of the untem- 
 pered metal, so that the shot which strikes it has to 
 encounter obstacles of two kinds — the hardness which 
 breaks it up, and the toughness which prevents serious 
 entry. 
 
 As it is, the contest between gun and armor is con- 
 tinually going on. When armor is found which resists 
 very powerful guns and the newest explosive, a more 
 powerful gun is built, which makes another increase in 
 armor necessary. At the present time there is no pre- 
 dicting how long this contest may go on, for the im- 
 provements in guns and armor keep equal pace. 
 
 New explosives have the same story to tell. They 
 vary in name and in effect, but most of them are based 
 upon the same chemical principles. Some keep better 
 than others, and are thus best suited for preservation 
 in the magazines of ships, where, especially in case of 
 faulty construction, or of prolonged stay in hot climates, 
 the delicate chemical combination of which the modern 
 explosive consists is very much more likely to undergo 
 change than the old-fashioned "black power" — especially 
 when the latter was well made. 
 
 There is, therefore, constant experimenting, and con- 
 stant change in opinion in regard to explosives. 
 
 Torpedoes are another source of trouble to experts in 
 naval warfare ; the fact being that they have never been 
 sufficiently tried in actual service to settle completely 
 their respective values. Of the mobile torpedoes one 
 was used with destructive effect during the Chilean War, 
 and some spar-torpedoes were effective during our Civil 
 War, and during the Russo-Turkish War, where mobile 
 torpedoes were also used, but it is still a matter of doubt 
 with many naval officers of experience as to what part 
 the mobile torpedo is to play in any future contest. 
 
724 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 As regards torpedo-boats, which launch their tor- 
 pedoes one at a time, and directly in the line in which 
 the boat is pointed, the opinion is that they will prove 
 very useful for coast and harbor defence, but unfit for 
 severe weather or heavy seas, very wearing upon their 
 crews, liable to accidents of a serious nature, and only 
 able to carry fuel for short runs. Many of the accidents 
 to this class of boats have involved loss of life, and, 
 while the French and English have increased their 
 number, other nations, such as the Italians and the 
 Germans, have rather decided against their increase. At 
 one time in the last decade the Italians encouraged tor- 
 pedo-boats, and in Germany one of the most successful 
 of all builders is the Shichau Company, which has built 
 boats for all the world but France, America, and 
 England. 
 
 The "torpedo catchers," so called, are quite different 
 affairs from the ordinary torpedo-boat. They are quite 
 large and swift vessels compared with the ordinary tor- 
 pedo-boat, and are intended as " counter-miners," and, 
 by speed, and ability to keep the sea better, to prevent 
 the swarm of ordinary torpedo-boats from doing serious 
 damage. Sufficient experience has not been gained in 
 the experimental trials to know just how much these 
 vessels will do in case of actual warfare, but much is 
 expected of them. Very lately a well-known English 
 builder of torpedo boats and other small craft has 
 launched a boat which is said to have made twenty- 
 seven knots, or about the average speed of a pas- 
 senger train on a good railroad. 
 
 Submarine torpedo-boats have received much attention 
 of late years, when improvements and inventions, espe- 
 cially in electricity, have rendered them comparatively 
 easy to handle. In France and Spain, especially, very 
 
:;< 
 
OUR NEW NAVY. 725 
 
 successful boats have been experimented with. In our 
 own country, where the idea originated early in the 
 century, there have been several submarine boats built 
 which have remained for a long time under water, beino- 
 directed by the crew in any wished-for course. Not long 
 ago Congress appropriated a large sum for building a 
 sub-marine torpedo boat ; but experiments conducted to 
 show whether an explosion effected by such means would 
 not be also fatal to the boat herself, led to hesitation on 
 the part of the authorities as to expending the money in 
 that way, and to a proposal to build surface torpedo 
 boats instead. 
 
 Speed is becoming more and more a factor in naval 
 problems. Speed, fuel capacity, a powerful battery, and 
 protection, especially to the vital parts and to the crew, 
 are now recognized as the requisites which go to make 
 a fine, or capable ship, and one most likely to be gener- 
 ally useful in war. Among such vessels may be men- 
 tioned the New York, O/ympza^nd the Co/umdia, of our own 
 navy. The battle-ships, so called, come under a different 
 category — being heavily armored, and supposed to be 
 able to resist heavy projectiles at close quarters. We 
 have a few of these under construction, but none of the 
 great size which we see in some foreign navies, princi- 
 pally for the reason that many of our ports will not 
 admit vessels of such great draught of water — and that 
 our authorities consider smaller vessels capable of being 
 more readily manceuvered. The largest battle-ships we 
 are building will only measure 10,200 tons, while in foreign 
 navies they have them of 15,000 tons. But the best 
 naval opinion is that the latter are too large ; and experts 
 are advocating a return to smaller size and greater num- 
 ber—just as a reaction has taken place against no-ton 
 guns. 
 
726 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 We have now approaching completion the lozva, Indi- 
 ana, Massachusetts and Oregon, all of 10,200 tons, with 
 twin screws, and carrying sixteen guns in the main 
 battery, beside smaller ones of the most modern type. 
 
 The Maine and Texas are battle-ships of the second 
 class — of about 9000 tons, with twin screws, and carry- 
 ing about ten guns in the main battery, and a proportion 
 of rapid-fire smaller guns. 
 
 Such great battle-ships as these have never been tried 
 in a close general engagement, and, though viewed with 
 some distrust — especially since the accidental sinking by 
 collision of the Victoria — nations go on building them in 
 rivalry, and the end is not yet. In case of a grand battle 
 between fleets of these giant ships, the force being any- 
 where near equal, the chances would be in favor of the 
 fleet which is best handled. That is all that anyone can 
 say at present. It may give the reader some idea of these 
 great armaments to say that, in 1894, England had in her 
 Mediterranean fleet twenty-four vessels of the first class, 
 none less than 7350, and most of them above 10,000 tons. 
 Thirteen of these were battle-ships, and eleven protected 
 cruisers. 
 
 France and Russia, combined, had at the same period 
 in those parts thirty-three ships, none of which were 
 below 4000 tons, and most of which were of 10,000 tons 
 or more. 
 
 In addition to this we must count numerous torpedo- 
 boats, despatch vessels and gunboats in such fleets. 
 
 The Italian navy is now a very powerful one, and con- 
 tains in its list some of the largest men-of-war afloat ; 
 and the German navy has made great strides in advance. 
 The Spaniards have some fine ships, but mostly of the 
 fast cruiser class, armed with powerful guns. 
 
 We have heard very much of late regarding the 
 
OUR NEW NAVY. 727 
 
 Chinese and Japanese navies. The vessels which 
 compose these forces have mostly been constructed in 
 France and England — and a few, of moderate size, have 
 been built at home. The Chinese have a very fine gun- 
 factory, as well as shops for repairs, but many of their 
 vessels, especially in what has been called their Southern 
 fleet, are in very bad condition as to hulls, engines — and 
 especially as to the discipline of the crews. This has 
 become much worse since they dispensed with the ser- 
 vices of European officers. Their Northern fleet is in 
 much better condition, but time alone can prove what it 
 is worth. Neither China nor Japan have any vessels 
 above 8000 tons displacement, and many are much 
 smaller. Their important fighting craft consist of what 
 are called cruisers — protected and unprotected — but 
 armed with excellent modern high-powered guns, and 
 torpedoes of the latest model. 
 
 The vessels of the Japanese navy are kept in excep- 
 tionally good condition in every respect, and their 
 officers are considered the more able, and their men, 
 with a natural aptitude for the sea, are in excellent train- 
 ing and discipline. Thus Japan should prove superior 
 to China, if only on account of the better personnel. 
 Many of the Japanese officers have passed through our 
 own naval school with credit, and others have been 
 educated in the German service. Some of them, thus 
 educated, have already attained high command — and all 
 show great enthusiasm and military ardor. 
 
 Naval battles between these two fleets will, no matter 
 how deficient they may be in some respects, be most 
 instructive lessons to the navies of the world at large. 
 
 While we do not pretend to say that we need such a 
 navy as England (the national life of which country 
 depends upon her ability to furnish food and clothing 
 
728 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 from abroad for her population), it is evident to anyone 
 who thinks for a moment that a country like ours, with the 
 most extensive coast-line of any, should have a moderately 
 large and very effective navy, if only as a matter of sea- 
 police for our own shores, while the protection of our 
 vessels and of citizens living and doing business abroad 
 comes under another head. 
 
 Persons, especially those living in the interior of our 
 great country, are apt to think, and to say, that there is 
 little chance of our becoming embroiled with any of the 
 nations of whose great navies we have just been speak- 
 ing. But we have to go back a very few years to show 
 in what danger we have been of having our coasts in- 
 vested by hostile fleets for want of proper force to resist 
 them. Spain was very threatening in the troubles about 
 Cuba in 1873. The attitude of Italy, with her powerful 
 vessels, at the time of the difficulty about the New 
 Orleans riots, was disquieting for a time, and, had her 
 financial condition been better, that country would have 
 certainly made a naval demonstration here. Then there 
 was the still more threatening attitude of Chili, which 
 might have been very serious. However sure we might 
 be of eventually putting down that warlike little country, 
 immense damage might have been done by her in a 
 naval raid on our west coast. There is constant need 
 for ships in China ; not only for the protection of Ameri- 
 cans, but to assist in keeping down piracy, a very present 
 danger in that part of the world. Few months pass that 
 it is not necessary to send ships to Hayti, always on the 
 verge of revolution, or actually in the throes of civil war; 
 and the same may be said of the countries comprising 
 Central America. Then Brazil may be added to the list 
 of unsettled countries, and we have a large and impor- 
 tant trade there. Of the troubles in Hawaii, and of the 
 
OUR NEW NAVY. 729 
 
 cruising against the seal robbers in the North Pacific, 
 the whole country has heard more than enough, and 
 everyone knows that without a navy we should be per- 
 fectly helpless in such emergencies. The very establish- 
 ment and maintenance of great dock-yards and naval 
 stations at Vancouver, Halifax and Bermuda by England 
 admonishes us to at least partially prepare to resist the 
 threats of naval coercion which was that nation's favorite 
 mode of treating with us not so many years ago. 
 
 The necessary police of the seas is recognized by all 
 nations, and all who can afford to do so should take a 
 part in it. Frequent visits to foreign ports by men-of- 
 war increase the influence and materially assist the busi- 
 ness consideration of citizens who may reside abroad for 
 business purposes, and thus directly increase the national 
 revenue ; while there is damage to our national pride 
 when men-of-war of other nations have to protect our 
 citizens abroad, as has frequently happened in times of 
 trouble, from want of a sufficient number of ships in our 
 navy to permit of wide distribution. There are many 
 persons in our large country who would be mortified 
 and shocked at such a thing as the bombardment of 
 New York or of San Francisco with lono--rano-e 
 guns — either of which events has been possible within 
 the last ten years. Such a proceeding would not only be 
 humiliating to us as a nation, but would probably cause 
 more damage than a powerful fleet of defensive iron- 
 clads would cost to build and maintain — not to speak of 
 such a thing as ransom-money demanded. 
 
 There is no fear of any nation making an effectual 
 landing upon our shores: the only danger is that some 
 swift and sudden blow, when we are unprepared, might 
 cause immense damage to our great seaboard and lake 
 cities, which would not only cost untold millions in dam- 
 
730 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 age, and in the subsequent expenditure necessary to re- 
 pay the blow, but in the injury to our national pride and 
 prestige among nations. 
 
 MERCHANT VESSELS. 
 
 The decay of merchant shipping in our country from 
 the proud position it held before the great Civil War is 
 due to many causes, chief among which is the substitu- 
 tion of iron for wood, and steam for sails. There are 
 very many people living, and still active, who remember 
 the time when the whole of the passenger traffic between 
 Europe and the United States was in the hands of 
 Americans — for the reason that their ships were more 
 staunch, more comfortable, and very much faster, while 
 their seamen were more enterprising. The same was 
 the case with the China trade ; the American clippers 
 carried all before them : while, in the race to the 
 Pacific, in the early days of California, none could com- 
 pare with our vessels in rapidity and the comfort of pas- 
 sage. 
 
 For some years those interested in such matters al- 
 most despaired ; but there is a brighter outlook ahead 
 now. The great lake fleet of steamers and sailing ves- 
 sels has vastly increased. The tonnage passing through 
 the Sault de Ste. Marie is really greater than our whole 
 ocean tonnage of forty years ago : and the improvement 
 in the quantity and size of merchant vessels built during 
 the last few years for ocean service, while not keeping 
 pace with the lake traffic, on account of foreign competi- 
 tion, is still very gratifying. 
 
 We have already spoken of the ability shown by 
 Americans, during the last few years, to produce the 
 best armor in the world, guns equal to any, and war- 
 ships of the very first class, in hull and machinery. 
 
OUR NEW NAVY. 731 
 
 This is all a preparation and education for taking our 
 proper place as builders of the very best merchant ves- 
 sels. Builders could not afford the extensive apparatus 
 and machinery necessary for such construction unless 
 they had been encouraged by government orders in the 
 beginning. Such works as those at Bethlehem, in 
 Pennsylvania, would never have constructed the largest 
 steam-hammer in the world, if it had not been for the 
 encouragement afforded by government orders. Now 
 they are prepared to forge shafts, and other great 
 pieces, for the largest merchant steamers, for the ob- 
 taining of which we formerly had to send abroad. 
 
 As for plants for iron or steel ship-building, we now 
 have many. Cramps' establishment, in Philadelphia, is 
 said to be the third largest in the world — and will soon 
 rank higher ; there are other great works for merchant 
 vessels on the Lakes and the Mississippi, and at New- 
 port's News, near Hampton Roads. After these come 
 the works at South Boston and the different establish- 
 ments at New York. The purely naval building-yards 
 and plants at the New York navy yard, and at Norfolk, 
 are well known ; while the Union Iron Works at San 
 Francisco have turned out some of the finest vessels 
 afloat, both men of war and merchantmen. There £re 
 also such works in Bath, Maine. 
 
 But the least effect of these great plants is shown in 
 their production up to this time. They are not only 
 educational to ship and engine builders, but they foster 
 a number of most valuable trades — such as ship-car- 
 penters, plumbers, copper-smiths, joiners, and many 
 others. Above all come the naval designers or archi- 
 tects. Men so trained are well paid, and are required 
 to turn out the very highest grade of work ; and thus 
 we are forming a force, at many points of our great 
 
732 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 country, fitted, when the time comes (and it must soon 
 come), to build up our sea-going mercantile marine to an 
 equality with the sister service on the Great Lakes, so as 
 to enable it to carry our products abroad, and bring back 
 the returns, without depending upon foreign bottoms for 
 that service. A few years ago there was no place in 
 this country where a young man could go to learn the 
 business of designing and building iron vessels — now 
 there are many such places — and they are constantly in- 
 creasing in number. 
 
 MACHINERY. 
 
 Not the least wonder of our day is the improvement 
 in the machinery of steam-vessels of all kinds. 
 
 The engineer's department of a first-class cruiser or 
 battle-ship is a bewildering and wonderful sight to one 
 not accustomed to it. The complicated engines, with 
 their numerous cylinders, which use the steam over and 
 over, seem almost too delicate, and too like a fancy crea- 
 tion, to be capable of driving the propellers at such a rate 
 as they do. Instead of the rude levers of former days, 
 these giant machines are managed by the turning of 
 wheels which look like playthings as compared with the 
 forces which they control so easily. 
 
 The boilers not only serve to drive the main engines, 
 but there are others devoted to different uses ; among 
 which the principal are the distilling of salt into fresh 
 water, and thus giving an abundant supply of one of the 
 very first necessaries of life, and rendering the vessel 
 and the crew independent of the shore in that respect. 
 It is also most conducive to health ; for much of the 
 disease found on ship-board, within even recent times, was 
 due to the character of the water obtained from the shore. 
 Then there are the electric dynamos, and their boilers, 
 
e4 
 w 
 
 5 
 
 u> , 
 
 Q 
 W 
 
 '_ 
 
 b 
 
 w 
 
 O 
 P4 
 
OUR NEW NAVY. 733 
 
 which must run when the ship is at anchor, as well as 
 when she is under weigh; while her steam steering- 
 gear, when in motion, renders her guidance very easy in 
 the hands of one man, when four or six would be re- 
 quired at the wheels of vessels in the/old days. 
 
 As for war-ships, the vessel is under complete control 
 of one man, the Captain, who, with the helmsmen, occu- 
 pies the fighting-tower. He is informed by indicators 
 of what is going on all over the great craft below him, 
 and his orders to the engineers, to the gun divisions, and 
 to all other parts, are transmitted in the same way. But 
 ordinary speaking-tubes and such matters are not forgot- 
 ten, in case hostile shot should destroy the other means 
 of communication ; while, far below the water-line, is the 
 old-fashioned steering-wheel, secure from shot or shell, 
 to be used in case the more delicate and more exposed 
 steering-gear should be shot away. The number of 
 trained and experienced men which such a complicated 
 machine as a modern war-ship or first-class passenger 
 vessel requires, is very great. There is less need for 
 old-fashioned sailors — who could go aloft in any weather 
 to reef and furl — but there is seamanship still required 
 to navigate, to heave the lead, to man and manage boats, 
 and many other things, beside the mere drilling and 
 working of artillery and small arms. It requires some 
 training even to be able to take care of one's self in bad 
 weather, especially in a large ship, where places to hold 
 on are far apart. Of course, in a modern ship the en- 
 gineer's force, as well as those immediately in charge of 
 dynamos, of electric lights, and of search-lights, com- 
 prise a much larger proportion of the whole ship's com- 
 pany than in former times ; and the vigilance, experience, 
 and foresight which have to be displayed in the depths 
 
734 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 of the vessel is equal to that required upon the spar- 
 deck and bridge. 
 
 OFFICERS AND MEN. 
 
 Now that our administrations, of both political parties, 
 have for some years committed themselves to a gradual 
 increase of our navy, to consist of the very newest ships 
 and guns, it may be safely supposed that in a few years 
 we shall have a respectable navy, in point of numbers, as 
 it is now in point of quality. 
 
 After all, the best ships are of no use without the pres- 
 ence of men trained to manage them, and to conduct 
 successfully the well-being and discipline of a large num- 
 ber of people. In a first-class man-of-war, the elements 
 may be compared to a civil organization in this way: 
 the Captain is the Mayor, except that he has much more 
 power and authority than most mayors ; the Lieutenants 
 are the executive and police officers, as well as leaders 
 in battle ; the Junior officers are in training for such po- 
 sitions. The Marine officer and his men represent the 
 militia, adding police duties ; and the medical staff looks 
 out for the general health. Then there is the Paymaster 
 and his clerk, who attend to financial matters of all kinds ; 
 the engineer corps, which keeps the whole thing going, 
 and lights as well as propels the great machine. Lastly, 
 there is a Chaplain, who not only attends to divine ser- 
 vice (as required by the Articles of War), but in many 
 ways makes his influence known. The subdivision of 
 duties on board a man-of-war often makes landsmen won- 
 der whether such a course is necessary ; but the experi- 
 ence of many generations teaches that it is. 
 
 NAVAL ACADEMY. 
 
 It may be of interest to our readers to know some- 
 thing about the way in which the officers of the navy are 
 
OUR NEW NAVY. 735 
 
 trained for their important duties. For many years after 
 the foundation of the navy, boys of tender years were 
 appointed midshipmen through the influence of friends 
 of the President or the Secretary of the Navy. They 
 then were sent to sea at once, in a cruising man-of-war, 
 and, after five or six years, went to a naval school, as it 
 was called, for a few months. At the end of six years 
 they became passed-midshipmen, if found able to pass 
 a simple examination ; after which they had to wait for 
 vacancies in the list above them to become lieutenants, 
 commanders, and captains. The latter was, up to the 
 time of the late civil war, the highest grade in the navy, 
 and corresponded in rank with colonel in the army. 
 Those officers who commanded squadrons or stations 
 were, by courtesy, termed commodores. The manner 
 of education of the young officers who were destined to 
 high command in the navy had long been felt to be 
 faulty, although under it such officers had been reared as 
 Farragut and Rowan, Porter, and John Rodgers ; and it 
 was thought that a school something on the lines of West 
 Point, which had long existed for the army, would be of 
 benefit to the service and to the country. About this 
 time a change took place in the manner of appointment 
 of naval cadets, and the Congressmen of the various 
 States had them put in their hands, with a limited number 
 left in the hands of the President, who was apt to bestow 
 them on the sons of worthy officers of the army or navy 
 who had died in the service. This is the usual practice at 
 present. Representatives are notified when an appoint- 
 ment falls due in their district, and some Congressmen 
 put such appointments up for public competition among 
 the lads of proper age and health, who, on going to the 
 Naval Academy to enter, have to pass a close physical 
 examination, as well as one in elementary branches of 
 
736 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 learning. Many are rejected, from one cause or another, 
 and the custom has arisen of appointing an alternate, 
 who maybe examined for the position if the first one 
 fails, either physically or mentally. Those who are suc- 
 cessful in the examination receive $500 a year, during 
 their academic course, which is an ample sum for their 
 support at the school. During the course many drop 
 out ; some from ill conduct ; some from inability to follow 
 the course ; and some few from failure of health ; although 
 the healthy regimen and good hours often improve boys 
 who are a little delicate or backward. But it must be 
 remembered that it is useless for any lad who is thoroughly 
 lazy and unambitious to enter there, as he is sure to be 
 weeded out. Many classes do not graduate more than 
 half of their original members. 
 
 The Naval Academy, at Annapolis, Maryland, was 
 founded in 1845, through the enlightened policy of Mr. 
 Bancroft, the celebrated historian, who was then the Sec- 
 retary of the Navy, under President Polk. Commander 
 Buchanan (who was afterwards Admiral Buchanan of 
 the Confederate Navy) was the first officer in charge. 
 
 The site of the Academy was secured by the transfer 
 from the War to the Navy Department of Fort Severn 
 and its surroundings, one of the defences of Annapolis, 
 at the mouth of the Severn river, near its entrance into 
 Chesapeake bay, and with plenty of water for naval 
 work. In 1849 a Board was organized to make regula- 
 tions which were to conform, as much as possible, to 
 those of the Military Academy at West Point. In 1851 
 the course of study was fixed at four years, with annual 
 examinations, and summer cruises in practice ships to 
 familiarize the lads with sea duties. There was also a 
 board of visitors, to be appointed by the President, who 
 reported, annually, upon the annual examinations and 
 
DESPATCH BOAT DOLPHIN. 
 
 COAST DEFENCE MONITOR MIANTONOMOH. 
 
OUR NEW NAVY. 737 
 
 the general condition and requirements of the school. 
 This board consisted of Senators and citizens distin- 
 guished for their acquirements in science, as well as 
 officers of different corps of the Navy. 
 
 Owing- to the Civil War the school was transferred, in 
 1861, to Newport, Rhode Island, where it remained until 
 1865, when it was returned to Annapolis. The grounds 
 have been greatly enlarged and improvements of every 
 kind made, until now it is one of the most beautiful and 
 perfect establishments in the world. There is no place 
 in Europe, devoted to naval training, which has any- 
 thing like the space, the buildings and material, and the 
 equable climate which the Annapolis school possesses. 
 Although the country is flat, the fine expanses of water, 
 and the wealth of foliage, give the situation great 
 attractions, while the old and historic town of Annapolis, 
 so connected with the Colonial period and the Revolu- 
 tion, retains its curious plan, and its old church, court- 
 house, and residences, much as they were when 
 Washington resigned his commission. 
 
 When the school was re-established at Annapolis the 
 course of studies was rearranged to suit the advance in 
 such matters as steam, gunnery, and mathematics — and 
 has remained much the same ever since — only adopting 
 improved methods as the occasion arose. 
 
 The course of instruction is a long one — too long- to 
 be given here, but we may mention some of the studies 
 pursued. There are seamanship and naval construction, 
 naval tactics, practical exercises, signals, swimming, 
 gymnastics, etc., ordnance and gunnery, including infan- 
 try tactics, field-artillery and boat-howitzer exercise, 
 great guns, mortar practice, and fencing ; mathematics 
 up to the calculus ; steam engineering, with practical 
 exercise, and the theory, fabrication, and designing' of 
 47 
 
738 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 steam engines ; astronomy, navigation, and surveying ; 
 physics and chemistry ; mechanics, and applied mathe- 
 matics, and theoretical naval architecture; English 
 studies, and history and law ; French and Spanish ; 
 drawing and chart-making; and other kindred studies. 
 
 Any one who shows great aptitude is put into the en- 
 gineering branch, and enters the Engineer Corps ; others 
 enter the Marine Corps, as second lieutenants ; and 
 sometimes, when there are no vacancies, those who grad- 
 uate honorably, although at the foot of their class, are 
 enabled, by Act of Congress, to take an " honorable dis- 
 charge " from the service, with a year's pay. 
 
 When a lad succeeds in passing the examination and 
 entering the Naval Academy, he is required to sign arti- 
 cles which bind him to serve in the Navy eight years, in- 
 cluding his time at the Academy, unless sooner dis- 
 charged. The system of examination comprises 
 monthly, semi-annual, and annual examinations, which 
 are conducted in writing, the members of a class all 
 receiving the same questions. If a cadet fails to pass 
 the semi-annual or annual examinations he is dropped. 
 
 With the theoretical studies there are the sail, spar, 
 boat, gun, and small-arm drills, all of which, with good 
 conduct, go to make up the total of "marks" of the 
 cadet. Misconduct or insubordination leads to the 
 receipt of " demerits," which may become so numerous 
 as to prevent a cadet from continuing at the Academy, 
 even when distinguished in his studies. Some of the 
 same officers who have charge of the cadets during the" 
 scholastic year are detailed for the practice ships during 
 the summer cruise, so that they have complete knowl- 
 edge of the acquirements of their pupils. The summer 
 cruise of the cadets at Annapolis corresponds to the en- 
 campment of the West Point cadets ; being almost 
 
OUR NEW NAVY. 739 
 
 entirely practical in its nature. The cadet engineer 
 class, instead of a long voyage, go on board a practice 
 steamer, and visit navy-yards, and ship-yards, rolling- 
 mills, foundries, machine-shops, etc., where practical 
 illustration may be had of a part of their studies. The 
 academic grounds, inside the walls, consist of fifty 
 acres, while outside there are one hundred acres more. 
 On this fine property there are a great number of build- 
 ings, for quarters, mess-halls, class rooms, armory, 
 steam-building, etc., beside an observatory, all of which 
 are amply provided with models and apparatus. There 
 is a fine library, contained in a lovely old house formerly 
 inhabited by the governor of Maryland ; a chapel ; and 
 numbers of houses for officers' quarters. There is also 
 a hospital, and, on the outlaying land one of greater 
 size, which is used in epidemics, and for the seamen of 
 the practice-ships, and the marines of the guard. At 
 large and convenient docks upon the Severn are moored 
 the practice ships, steamers, steam and sailing launches, 
 and cutters, for the use and instruction of the cadets. 
 The average number of these is about two hundred, and 
 they are, as a rule, exceedingly well-trained in battalion 
 drill, so that a dress-parade during the evenings of the 
 spring and fall months, with the faultless drill and evo- 
 lutions, and the music afforded by the fine band, never 
 fails to attract crowds of strangers, as well as the town's 
 people and officers' families. 
 
 MARINE CORPS. 
 
 It is proper, at this point, to give some account of the 
 United States Marine Corps, of which many persons not 
 familiar with naval affairs have a very vague idea. 
 
 They are sea-soldiers, or soldiers enlisted for service 
 either on shore or on board ships-of-war, and who are 
 
740 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 known as Marines, although all sea-going persons are 
 really marines. 
 
 Most powers which possess navies have also marines, 
 France being an exception. They constitute a separate 
 military body from the seamen and other enlisted men 
 of a war-ship, and are trained to fight either as infantry 
 or as artillerists, and especially for participation in naval 
 engagements. They are organized, clothed and equipped 
 very much like soldiers of the army, and their preliminary 
 instruction is the same. In fact, some of their very best 
 service has been on shore ; while their being accustomed 
 to the sea makes them doubly valuable for expeditions 
 by water. Their headquarters, barracks and depots are 
 on shore, and from them details are made when required 
 for service on shipboard. These detachments vary in 
 size with the ship, from a dozen men under a ser- 
 geant to a hundred under one or more commissioned 
 officers. 
 
 The history of sea-soldiers is very ancient, dating back 
 to at least five centuries before the Christian Era, when 
 there was a class of soldiers which constituted the fight- 
 ing men of a war-ship, while an entirely different class 
 navigated, managing- the oars and sails. Some of the 
 most gallant acts which have distinguished G ur own 
 navy have been performed by the marines, who have 
 served without blemish in every quarter of the world, 
 and in all the wars in which we have been engaged. 
 The marines have generally manned some of the broad- 
 side guns whenever hard fighting was going on, and 
 have always been relied upon under the most despe- 
 rate circumstances ; nor have they failed to justify that 
 reliance. 
 
 Our own Congress has nineteen times, by joint reso- 
 lution, tendered thanks to the marines for their gallant 
 
OUR NEW NAVY. 741 
 
 behavior, and some of the greatest generals have added 
 their tributes to those of naval commanders. Napoleon 
 Bonaparte, when viewing the marines of the English ship 
 Bellerophon, where he took refuge after his downfall, 
 exclaimed: "What mio-ht not be done with a hundred 
 thousand such men?" General Winfield Scott, when 
 commanding in the Mexican War, said of our marines 
 that he " put them where the heaviest work was to be 
 accomplished, and had never found his confidence mis- 
 placed." General Grant, on the quarter-deck of the 
 Vandalia, which man-of-war was taking him to Egypt, on 
 his voyage round the world, remarked of the marines at 
 their exercise, that they were " as fine soldiers as he 
 had ever seen." 
 
 In our own service the marine corps is as ancient as 
 the navy. In Revolutionary days they wore green coats 
 with white facings, but their uniform has from time to 
 time become more and more assimilated with that of 
 the infantry of the army. 
 
 REVENUE MARINE. 
 
 Another branch of the public service connected with 
 the sea is the Revenue Marine, of which very little is 
 known outside of maritime States, although it is one of 
 the most important and hard-working branches. 
 
 This sea force was organized in 1 790, more than a 
 century ago, for the protection of the revenues of the 
 General Government from duties upon imports. The 
 Act of Congress provided for the building and equipping 
 of the revenue cutters, "to be officered and manned by 
 one master and not more than three mates, who should 
 be appointed by the President, and be deemed officers 
 of the customs." 
 
 This was done under the administration of Alexander 
 
742 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 Hamilton, then Secretary of the Treasury, and one of 
 the shining lights of our early days as a nation. He 
 sucro-ested giving the officers military or naval rank, 
 "which," he added, "will not only induce fit men to en- 
 o-ao-e, but attach them to their duties by a nicer sense of 
 honor." 
 
 The first vessels built for this service were brigs or 
 schooners, and they were commanded by excellent offi- 
 cers and sailors, who were proud of their position. They 
 had not only to look after the collection of the revenue 
 from imports, but to preserve order in ports, and had many 
 other onerous duties. They had to make returns of all 
 vessels boarded, as well as any special duties which the 
 Secretary of the Treasury might direct. They were to 
 succor vessels in distress — and, to this day, the Revenue 
 vessels cruise on our coasts during the very worst win- 
 ter weather to succor vessels, and many a cargo, as well 
 as many lives, have been saved by their exertions. 
 
 Any one, even those who are not familiar with ships, 
 can tell a revenue vessel by the flag she carries — be- 
 cause, while the union is the same as in other flags of the 
 United States, the stripes run vertically instead of hori- 
 zontally. 
 
 Formerly the revenue cutters were almost always of 
 schooner rig, and generally very neat and trim, and very 
 beautiful and picturesque vessels, especially under sail, 
 but at present and for many years past, the " Cutters " 
 are able sea-going steamers. In former days the rev- 
 enue cutters, in addition to the protection afforded to 
 commerce, had to attend to the placing of buoys, and 
 the supply of lighthouses, under the direction of Collec- 
 tors of Customs of districts. But in 1852 the present 
 Light House Board was established — and special vessels 
 devoted to that service, than which there is none better 
 
OUR NEW NAVY. 743 
 
 in the world. The Revenue Marine has often taken 
 part with the Navy in operations of various kind, such 
 as the War of 1 8 1 2 ; the Florida War ; the Mexican War ; 
 the Paraguay Expedition ; the Civil War ; the Seal Fish- 
 ery patrol, and numerous other occasions, eivino- the 
 best of service cheerfully and promptly. 
 
 As regards appointment of officers in the Revenue 
 Marine, we may say that the service is entirely separate 
 from the Navy, and controlled by the Treasury Depart- 
 ment. This Department appoints cadets, not less than 
 eighteen and not more than twenty-five years of age, who 
 maybe promoted to third lieutenants after two years' ser- 
 vice, and after having passed a satisfactory examination. 
 This takes appointments out of the line of personal or 
 political preference. The cadets are first sent on a 
 practice cruise at sea in a revenue cutter, and then 
 trained in practical seamanship and navigation, and dur- 
 ing the winter study mathematics and other thino-s neces- 
 sary to fit them for their duties. If successful in passing 
 as third lieutenants they have a reasonable chance of 
 rising to Captain. Revenue cutters, beside their ordinary 
 duty, are often called upon to make special cruises in 
 search of missing vessels, or to enforce neutrality laws 
 when expeditions may be fitting in our ports against 
 neighboring and friendly governments. Since Alaska 
 has been acquired some of the most remarkable cruises 
 have been made in Arctic waters, not only for the succor 
 of whalers, but for the protection of the natives from 
 smugglers who would try to introduce poisonous spirits. 
 Officers of the revenue service are also detailed as in- 
 spectors and assistant inspectors of life-saving stations, in 
 which capacity they have done excellent service, and 
 added much to the value of that noble branch of our 
 public work. 
 
744 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 The whole of the Revenue Marine Service is in charge 
 of a chief, called the Chief of the Revenue Marine, in 
 the Treasury Department, at Washington, forming a 
 separate bureau. This chief must be a man of ability, 
 for he has great responsibility, and must have legal 
 and scholarly attainments in order to be able to meet all 
 the calls upon him. In regard to nautical matters he is 
 supposed to avail himself of the advice of competent 
 senior officers of the service, and also as far as the per- 
 sonnel of the Revenue Marine is concerned. 
 
 MARINE HOSPITAL SERVICE. 
 
 It may be of interest to many persons in the interior 
 of our country, who are not brought in contact with 
 water transportation, or even with river boats of any kind, 
 to know what is meant by the " Marine Hospital Service'," 
 which has existed from our earliest days as a nation, and 
 yet has nothing in common with the Revenue Marine, 
 or with the Naval Service. The Naval Service has its 
 own hospitals, and the Revenue Marine make arrange- 
 ments for their sick and wounded at proper places. The 
 Marine Hospital Service provides for all sick men who 
 follow the water in the merchant service, whether they 
 are salt water or fresh water men, whether they are on a 
 Mississippi steamboat, or on a vessel just arrived from 
 a China voyage. Its authority, under the law, dates 
 from the year 1798, but it also provided that a tax of 
 twenty cents a month should be exacted from every 
 officer and seaman for the support of hospitals. In the 
 following year the same provision of tax was made for 
 the navy, and all officers and men have paid it for nearly 
 a hundred years ; so that the Marine Hospitals and 
 the Naval Hospitals have never cost the nation anything, 
 the money for their support having come purely from 
 
OUR NEW NAVY. . 745 
 
 this personal tax. Every merchant sailor pays that ; and 
 every naval person, from an admiral to a messenger boy, 
 has twenty cents a month deducted from his pay for hos- 
 pital service. 
 
 The Marine Hospital Service has of late years been 
 more serviceable than ever, especially in the prevention 
 of the introduction of cholera and of yellow fever into 
 our'country. 
 
 The organization is complete and excellent. There is 
 a supervising Surgeon-General, who has great powers 
 and great responsibilities, a medical purveyor, surgeons, 
 passed-assistant surgeons, and assistant surgeons. These 
 treat an immense number of cases, and not a few have 
 lost their lives in combating epidemics. These officers 
 are selected by examination and entirely removed from 
 any politics, and are bound to go wherever they are 
 ordered, and obey regulations. 
 
 LIGHT HOUSES. 
 
 Another interesting and most exceedingly important 
 institution connected with naval affairs is the United 
 States Light House Establishment. From small begin- 
 nings this has grown to be one of the most important 
 administrative branches of our government, and one 
 which, we may say with pride, reflects the greatest 
 honor upon us in the eyes of the world at large ; for a 
 reliable and thorough system of the kind is a blessing 
 and a safeguard to mariners and travelers of all nation- 
 alities. 
 
 The first light house built in the country which is now 
 the United States of America is said to have been that 
 at Little Brewster Island, in Boston Harbor, Massa- 
 chusetts, about 17 1 5. Then followed others, all sup- 
 ported by the Provinces in which they were placed, of 
 
746 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 course. There were by the year 1789 twenty-five 
 light houses on the Atlantic coast, ranging from Maine 
 to Georgia. They were supported by a tax upon 
 vessels which used them, and the tax was paid as part 
 of the port dues, according to the lights the vessel must 
 have passed in reaching her destination. In 1789, the 
 National Government took charge of such matters, and 
 the collectors of customs appointed by the President had 
 charge of Hants, and collected the dues. The service 
 was often unsatisfactory, and so, in May, 1838, Congress 
 created a Board of naval officers to determine where lights 
 were actually needed, and to settle other points in the 
 same connection. This led to increased usefulness, 
 and at last, in 1852, the Light House Board was created 
 by Act of Congress, which has usefully existed ever 
 since, the result of their work beino- a liorit house 
 system equal to any. 
 
 The new Board consisted of three officers of the navy, 
 three officers of the engineer corps of the army, and 
 three civilians, one of whom was the Secretary of the 
 Treasury, and the remaining two persons of high scien- 
 tific attainments. Such a constitution took its mem- 
 bers out of the pale of political appointment, and 
 enabled them to lay out plans which they could them- 
 selves hope to see carried into effect. 
 
 This Board divided the Atlantic and Pacific coasts, the 
 Gulf of Mexico, the Great Lakes, and the great western 
 rivers into districts, to each of which an inspector, who is 
 an officer of the navy, and an engineer, who is an officer 
 of the army, is assigned. These, under direction of the 
 Board, keep up the light houses and lights, and are 
 charged with the discipline of the light keepers. They 
 make constant visits and report upon the condition of 
 lights, and of the behavior of the keepers, so that the 
 
OUR NEW NAVY. 747 
 
 system is as nearly perfect as it can be made when we 
 consider the exposed position and solitude of many of 
 the lights. The great subject of light ships, of whistling 
 buoys, of gas-lighted buoys, and other warnings to 
 mariners, belongs to the same subject, but would require 
 a large book to treat them properly. Our people at 
 large do not appreciate the service of our light house 
 establishment, not only on the sea coast, but on the 
 great rivers and lakes, because they do not see it. If 
 they did see it, they would see what it has accomplished, 
 and how commerce would be hampered without it. 
 
 It is a magnificent work, and now, in our country, the 
 immense number of lights, beacons, lightships, buoys, 
 and fog-signals are kept up entirely by the general gov- 
 ernment, without making any charge in the way of light 
 duties against ships of any country. 
 
 TRAINING SHIPS. 
 
 Naval Training Ships, for the education of appren- 
 tices, are to be noticed in connection with other matters 
 treated of in this chapter. This was begun at least fifty 
 years ago, when it was thought to be proper to correct 
 the large proportion of foreign seamen in our Navy by 
 training native-born boys to man our squadrons. Many 
 boys were, under the law then enacted, enlisted to serve 
 between the ages of thirteen and twenty-one, and to be 
 brought up as naval sailors. For a time things went 
 very well. A large number of boys became excellent 
 seamen and petty officers before they arrived at twenty- 
 one. But many boys enlisted under the idea that the 
 apprentices were to be made midshipmen, and, as that 
 did not take place, great dissatisfaction occurred, and the 
 system was gradually broken up. 
 
 In 1863 a renewed attempt was made at establishing 
 
748 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 a Naval Apprentice System, and a great deal of labor 
 of brain was spent by officers upon it. There was suc- 
 cess, but it was hampered very much by the fact that all 
 the boys put in the apprentice ships took away from the 
 number of men allowed by law to man cruising vessels 
 of the Navy. Still, the officers persevered, and there is 
 now, at New York, and Newport, a well established 
 naval apprentice system, which graduates many lads of 
 intelligence and sufficient education to make them valu- 
 able persons on board our modern men-of-war, when 
 they become petty officers. 
 
 The Naval Training Ships for Apprentices must not be 
 confounded with the Training Ships belonging to Phila- 
 delphia and to New York and Boston, which have been 
 in successful operation for some years. These vessels 
 are loaned By the government to the cities which pay the 
 expense of their maintenances, except the salaries of the 
 officers, who are detailed from the Navy. The " School 
 Ships," as these are commonly called, are sailing vessels 
 of the old type, without their guns, so that they are more 
 comfortable ; and every effort is made to preserve the 
 health of the boys who are received. These ships make 
 — as a general rule — two voyages in the year. One is 
 to Europe, in summer, and one to the West Indies in the 
 winter. In the Philadelphia ship there are generally 
 about eighty or ninety boys, with a sufficient number of 
 old sailors to teach them how to pull and haul. Some 
 of the graduates of this ship, after two years' service 
 and study, have obtained very good berths in merchant 
 vessels; and are in a fair way to being masters. But it 
 all depends upon themselves and how much they are 
 really worth. 
 
 A wrong impression has gone out about these train- 
 ing ships, in many quarters, which is that boys who were 
 
DYNAMITE CRUISER VESUVIUS. 
 
 TORPEDO BOAT CUSHING. 
 
OUR NEW NAVY. 749 
 
 bad, or unmanageable, went to them. In old times bad 
 boys were sent to sea to be beaten into shape, but they 
 do not take that kind now. 
 
 To be admitted on board an apprentice ship a lad 
 has to be physically sound, and to have good certificates 
 as regards his moral character. The great mistake per- 
 sons make is in regarding these ships as penal institu- 
 tions for the reform of boys. On the contrary, the 
 moment a lad is convicted of theft, or of any disgraceful 
 proceeding, he is discharged; and the standard on board 
 is kept high in that way. What we have said will be 
 sufficient to indicate the purposes of the Training Ships. 
 
 LIFE-SAVING SERVICE. 
 
 A most interesting department of the government 
 service connected with nautical matters is the "Life- 
 Saving Service of the United States," to give it its legal 
 title. This admirable institution was first organized by 
 Act of Congress, in 1878. It is remarkable that it is 
 the only existing government institution of the kind in the 
 world, and our general government is abundantly 
 justified for its creation by the results. 
 
 In England, and the British Islands generally, where 
 so many wrecks occur, owing to the large traffic and 
 the uncertain and stormy weathers so frequently met 
 with, the admirable life-boat system is provided and 
 supported by a society, to which society all honor is due. 
 But their life-boats would be of little service on our 
 coasts or lakes, where an entirely different kind of craft 
 is, for the most part, in use. The British life-boat 
 system is of very great interest, but has no place here. 
 
 Previous to 1878 the principal systematic efforts in the 
 direction of succoring ship-wrecked persons along our 
 coasts were due to the Massachusetts Humane Society, 
 
750 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 which, as early as 1 789, had caused huts to be erected 
 at some of the most desolate points on that coast for 
 the shelter of ship-wrecked persons who were fortunate 
 enough to reach the shore. The first life-boat station 
 was established by this society at Cohasset, the scene 
 of many dreadful wrecks, in 1807. This society still 
 exists and does much good, although, of course, 
 superseded at some points by the government estab- 
 lishment. In other parts of the country such societies 
 were established, and saved many lives and much 
 property, but are now, for the most part, discontinued. 
 The first step toward a distinctively national life-saving 
 service was taken in 1848, when Congress appropriated 
 $10,000 for providing surf-boats and other appliances for 
 rescuing life and property from shipwreck on the New 
 Jersey coast, where such disasters are so common, 
 owino- to the numbers of vessels bound to the ereat 
 ports, and the nature of the coast. Buildings and 
 apparatus were provided at eight different points along 
 this coast, and the system worked so well that the next 
 year a larger appropriation was made for the coast of 
 Long Island, and to increase the number upon the Jersey 
 coast. Then the system grew very rapidly, extending 
 to Rhode Island, North and South Carolina, Georgia 
 and Texas, as well as the Great Lakes, especially Lake 
 Michigan. It now extends to the Pacific Coast, and 
 even points on our great western rivers. Up to 1878 it 
 was a branch of the Revenue Marine Service, but in 
 that year Congress separated it, and made it a definite 
 establishment under its own head. 
 
 As now organized there are twelve districts and more 
 than 200 stations, which are known as life-saving stations, 
 life-boat stations, and houses of refuge. The life-saving 
 stations have quite nice and pretty houses, with wide doors 
 
OUR NEW NAVY. 751 
 
 on the ground floor, out of which the life-boat is rolled 
 when about to be put in service, and in another room 
 are stored the life-car, wreck-gun, lines, and other appa- 
 ratus. Up-stairs there are rooms for the men of the 
 crew, and extra cots for use in emergencies. 
 
 At life-boat stations the houses are smaller, being 
 made to accommodate only the life-boat, gear and crew. 
 The houses of refuge are found only on the long, lonely 
 stretches of the Florida coast, and can accommodate 25 
 persons. Here are stored wood, food for that number 
 for ten days, means of lighting a fire, and other such 
 things, which would allow of ship-wrecked persons who 
 reached there refreshing themselves so as to be able to 
 march. These houses have also a boat-house with a 
 galvanized iron boat and oars. 
 
 There are regular inspectors, who are officers of the 
 Revenue Marine, who visit these stations regularly, and 
 see that the men are in good drill, can handle boat and 
 apparatus properly, and that everything is kept in order 
 for instant use. ■ 
 
 Each station is in charge of a keeper, who selects his 
 own crew under proper regulations. He is by law an 
 inspector of customs, must prevent smuggling, and take 
 in charge any wrecked property which may come on 
 shore, and is responsible for everything in the station 
 and for the conduct of his men. 
 
 The keeper and his men are always hardy and skilled 
 men, familiar with the surf, and the methods of handling 
 a boat in it. At night they patrol the beach with lan- 
 terns and 'night signals, and also keep strict watch by 
 day, especially in bad weather. This system of patrol- 
 ing is a distinctive feature of the United States Life- 
 saving Service, and its proved value in discovering 
 stranded vessels causes it to be maintained with oreat 
 
752 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 vigilance and the manner of its performance to be strictly- 
 watched. Any evasion of this duty is promptly punished. 
 When stations are only a few miles apart, on such fre- 
 quented and dangerous coasts as those of New Jersey 
 and Long Island, the patrolmen pass, at night, along the 
 beach until they meet the patrol from the next station ; 
 then they exchange tokens to prove that they have met, 
 and set out to return. It is boasted by the Life-saving 
 Service that most lives are saved on wrecked vessels, 
 when it is humanly possible to reach them, either by boat 
 or line ; and it is also boasted that no life-boat man has 
 ever shown the ''white feather" in the discharge of his 
 duties. 
 
 No more interesting or instructive sight can be wit- 
 nessed on cur ocean or lake shores than a life-saving 
 crew T at its exercise. Dunne the Columbian Exhibition 
 at Chicago crowds were always attracted when these 
 exercises took place. Especially interesting was the 
 throwing of the line by means of the bomb-gun, the 
 establishment of communication with a supposed wreck, 
 and the bringing safely on shore by this means several 
 men. 
 
 THE FLAG. 
 
 Perhaps it may be of interest to give some slight 
 sketch of the history of the Flag, in this connection, the 
 flag of which we are all so proud, and which flies over 
 such an extent of country and has penetrated the most 
 remote seas. The hoistinof of the "colors," or national 
 flag, on board a ship-of-war is a matter of considerable 
 ceremony, and the same is the case when it is hauled 
 down at sunset. 
 
 When the time for " colors " comes — which is gener- 
 ally at eight o'clock in the morning — the music is called 
 (the band paraded, if there is one), and, as the bell 
 
OUR NEW NAVY. 753 
 
 strikes, the flag is run up to the gaff, or the staff, while 
 everyone faces toward it and raises the cap and the band 
 plays one of the national airs. In the evening, as the 
 sun dips below the horizon, the same ceremony takes 
 place. Different-sized flags are used according to the 
 weather ; from the " storm-flag," hardly bigger than a 
 boat-ensign, to the great flag which flies on the Fourth 
 of July and other grand occasions, but always, when in 
 port, a ship-of-war in commission has the flag flyino- 
 during the day. During-the day, also, every boat which 
 leaves a man-of-war for any purpose, must show her flag, 
 and this is especially necessary in foreign ports, where 
 so much of the time of our national vessels is passed. 
 Most persons know that the " stars and stripes," or " old 
 glory," as the soldiers used to call it during the civil 
 war, was not at once adopted upon the breaking out of 
 hostilities between England and her American colonies. 
 The national flag of the United States assumed the form 
 which it now has after many experiments, and was the 
 subject of much thought and discussion. 
 
 The flags used by the Colonies before their separation 
 from the mother country would naturally be those of 
 England, and these were mostly borne during such times 
 as the French and Indian wars. But it was not always 
 the case, for several flags, differing more or less from 
 those of the kingdom, were adopted by some of the 
 Colonies at different times previous to the Revolution 
 which was followed by independence. But the Colonies, 
 as a rule, used what was called the " Union Flag," which 
 was the cross of St. George and that of St. Andrew 
 combined, and typifying the union of England and 
 Scotland. 
 
 When the Colonies revolted a committee was appointed 
 by the Continental Congress to consider the subject of a 
 
 48 
 
754 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 proper flag. Dr. Franklin was the chairman of the com- 
 mittee, which assembled in the camp at Cambridge, on 
 January I, 1776. They selected and displayed the flag 
 of the " United Colonies." It was composed of seven 
 red and six white stripes, with the red and white crosses 
 of St. George and St. Andrew conjoined on a blue field 
 in the corner, denoting the union of* the Colonies. This 
 was the basis of our present national colors, but it was 
 some time before these were adopted. 
 
 In the beginning of the hostilities the Connecticut 
 troops had standards displaying the arms of the Colony, 
 with the motto. The flag displayed by General Putnam 
 had a red field with the motto of Connecticut: "Qui 
 transtulit sustinet " (" He who transplanted us will sustain 
 us "), on one side ; on the other, "An appeal to Heaven." 
 The floating batteries at the same time had a flag with 
 a white ground, a tree in the middle, and the motto 
 "Appeal to Heaven." 
 
 Trumbull, who was both soldier and artist, in his cele- 
 brated picture of the battle of Bunker Hill, represents 
 our troops as displaying a flag combined of the two last 
 mentioned — a red flag with a pine tree on a white field 
 in the corner — and it is probable that just such a flag 
 was used in that battle. 
 
 When, in 1775, South Carolina displayed a flag at the 
 taking of Fort Johnson by Colonel Moultrie, it is de- 
 scribed as one having a crescent in the quarter of a blue 
 field. There were various others, but they were soon 
 supplanted by the " Great Union Flag " we have spoken 
 of already. 
 
 In 1776, a flag was presented to Congress by Colonel 
 Gadsden for the use of the infant navy. It had a yellow 
 field, a rattlesnake with thirteen rattles, coiled to strike, 
 and the motto, " Don't tread on me." The device of a 
 
OUR NEW NAVY. 755 
 
 rattlesnake was a favorite one with the colonists at this 
 period, and was frequently adopted as a heading by the 
 newspapers of the day ; being represented as cut into 
 thirteen parts, and the initial of one of the colonies on 
 each, with the motto "Join or die." The British used to 
 make great fun in those times of many peculiarities of 
 the .Rebels, as they were called, and one of the jokes 
 was directed against the fondness of the Americans for 
 the number thirteen, which was suggested, of course, by 
 the number of the Colonies. Some of the witticisms in this 
 connection were personal and rather vulgar, but one was 
 that " every well-organized rebel household has thirteen 
 children, all of whom expect to be generals and members 
 of the high and mighty Congress of the thirteen United 
 States when they attain thirteen years ; that Mrs. Wash- 
 ington has a mottled torn cat (which she calls in a com- 
 plimentary way Hamilton) with thirteen yellow rings 
 round his tail, and that his flaunting- it suggested to the 
 Congress the adoption of the same number of stripes 
 for the rebel flag." 
 
 The Province of Massachusetts adopted a flag to be 
 worn by the cruisers of that Colony, which was white, 
 with a green pine tree in the middle, and the inscription 
 "Appeal to Heaven;" being the same as that used on 
 the floating batteries. The great Union flag, without 
 the crosses, and with a rattlesnake and " Don't tread on 
 me," was also used as a naval flag. Different corps also 
 carried different flags, with many devices, in the land 
 service, but the "Great Union Flag," which was first un- 
 furled on the first of January, 1776, over the new Conti- 
 nental army at Cambridge, was particularly the banner 
 of the United States. 
 
 The stars and stripes, substantially as we see them to- 
 day, were not adopted for the standard of the United 
 
756 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 States until some time after the Declaration of Independ- 
 ence. On the 14th of June, 1777, Congress passed a 
 resolution, which was not made public until the following 
 September, that the " flag of the thirteen United States be 
 thirteen stripes, alternate red and white, that the union 
 be thirteen stars, white in a blue field, representing a 
 new constellation." The new constellation, which it was 
 intended should be represented, is supposed to be Lyra, 
 which in ancient times was the symbol of harmony and 
 unity among men. The difficulty of representing a con- 
 stellation on a standard probably led to a modification 
 of the plan, and a circle of thirteen stars was chosen, 
 signifying union and eternal endurance. Red is the em- 
 blem of courage and fortitude ; white, of purity ; and 
 blue, of constancy, love, and faith. 
 
 The flag, as thus authorized, was used at the surren- 
 der of Burgoyne at Saratoga, October, 17th, 1777. 
 Admiral George Preble, whose history of the flag is the 
 greatest and most exhaustive work upon the subject, 
 says : " It will probably never be known who designed 
 our union of stars, the records of Congress being- 
 silent upon the subject, and there being no mention or 
 suggestion of it in any of the voluminous correspond- 
 ence or diaries of the time, public or private, which 
 have been published. It has been asked why the stars 
 on our banner are five-pointed, while those on our coins 
 are six-pointed, and always have been so. The answer 
 is, that the designer of our early coins followed the 
 English, and the designer of our flag, the European 
 custom. In the heraldic language of England, the star 
 has six points ; in the heraldry of Holland, France, and 
 Germany, the star is five-pointed." 
 
 But, in the same work, an account is given, which 
 is of the highest interest, in regard to the actual manu- 
 
OUR NEW NAVY. 757 
 
 facture of the flag which we know so well, and revere 
 so greatly. 
 
 In June, 1776, almost a year before the present flag 
 was adopted by solemn resolution of Congress, General 
 Washington was in Philadelphia for about a fortnight, 
 being called on from New York to advise with Congress 
 on the state of affairs just previous to the Declaration 
 of Independence. 
 
 At that time there lived in. Philadelphia a Mrs. Ross, 
 whose house is still standing at what was formerly No. 
 89, and now 239 Arch street. It is little changed to-day 
 from its general appearance of more than a century ago. 
 
 Mrs. Ross was a well-known upholsterer, and a com- 
 mittee, which had been considering the important question 
 of a flag, visited her, in company with General Washing- 
 ton, as the most likely person to be able to carry out their 
 views, and asked her to make a flag from a certain 
 design of which they produced a rough drawing. At her 
 suggestion, it is said, this was redrawn by General Wash- 
 ington in pencil in Mrs. Ross' back parlor. From this 
 she made a specimen flag, which was afterwards adopted 
 by Congress. Mr. Canby, who wrote a paper about 
 this origin of the actual flao\ which he read before the 
 Pennsylvania Historical Society, in 1870, was a de- 
 scendant of Mrs. Ross on the mother's side, and at the 
 time he wrote the paper there were three daughters of 
 Mrs. Ross living, and a niece, then ninety-five, who all 
 relied for their accounts of the transaction upon what 
 Mrs. Ross had told them. They said that when " Colo- 
 nel George Ross and General Washington visited Mrs. 
 Ross and asked her to make the flag, she said : " I don't 
 know whether I can, but I'll try ; " and directly suggested 
 to the gentlemen that the design was wronor t ne stars 
 being six-cornered and not five-cornered (pointed), as 
 
758 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 they should be. This was altered and other changes 
 made. 
 
 Whether this account is correct or not has been made 
 a matter of much discussion by persons interested in the 
 early history of our country. There is one thing certain ; 
 it came from report of three people, reduced to writing, 
 and not from tradition. Mr. Canby said that he was 
 eleven years old when Mrs. Ross died in his father's 
 house, and he well remembered her telling the story. 
 The mother and two of the sisters of Mr. Canby were 
 then living and in good memory. One of his aunts sue. 
 ceeded to the business, and continued making flags for 
 the navy-yard and arsenals, and for the mercantile 
 marine for many years, until, being conscientious on the 
 subject of war, she gave up the government business, 
 but continued the mercantile until 1857. 
 
 It is altogether probable that General Washington, 
 with Colonel Ross, who was no relation of Mrs. Ross, 
 and Robert Morris, did call upon Mrs. Ross to make 
 flags, for General Washington knew Mrs. Ross very 
 well. In fact, she made his shirt ruffles and many other 
 things, especially while he resided in Philadelphia as 
 President of the United States. 
 
 The first change in the flag provided by the Act of 
 Congress which we have quoted was in the year 1794. 
 Then Congress' passed a resolution : "That from and 
 after the first day of May, Anno Domini one thousand 
 seven hundred and ninety-five, the flag of the United 
 States be fifteen stripes, alternate red and white. That 
 the union be fifteen stars, white in a blue field." This 
 was approved on January 13th, 1794. Already new 
 States had been formed. 
 
 The next change was in 1818 ; when the resolution of 
 Congress was that: " From and after the fourth day of 
 
OUR NEW NAVY. 759 
 
 July next, the flag of the United States be thirteen hori- 
 zontal stripes, alternate red and white ; that the union be 
 twenty stars, white on a blue field; and that, on the ad- 
 dition of a new State into the Union, one star be added 
 to the union of the flag; and that such addition shall 
 take effect on the fourth day of July next succeeding 
 such admission." The present arrangement of the stars 
 on the flag is well known, and the arrangement is such 
 as to admit of addition when a new State is admitted. 
 
 In regard to the use of flags in the navy we may 
 say that there are no admirals or vice-admirals at pres- 
 ent allowed by law. Our navy now has only rear-admi- 
 rals. When the three grades existed the distinguishing 
 flags were of blue bunting, bearing four, three, or two 
 stars, according to the rank of the officer : and, in the 
 same way, carried at the main, fore, or mizzen. 
 
 Sometimes it happens that two or more admirals 
 are in company, and then the senior flies the blue 
 flag, the next in rank the red, and the last the white, 
 each with the stars as described. The Secretary of the 
 Navy, when on aboard a vessel of the navy always flies 
 a flag peculiar to his office — being a blue flag with the 
 stars — in other words, the union of the national flag. 
 
 When the President embarks in a naval vessel the fact 
 is denoted by hoisting the national colors at the main, 
 he being Commander-in-chief of the Army and Navy. 
 
 The courtesy of the flag on board a man-of-war em- 
 braces so many points that they would be wearisome to the 
 ordinary reader. We may only say that, in the case of 
 two vessels meeting at sea, the national flag is always 
 displayed. If one ship is a warship and the other a mer- 
 chant vessel of another country, or of her own, and she 
 does not respond, the man-of-war is apt to compel her to 
 do so, especially under any suspicious circumstances. 
 
M 
 
 o'd 
 
 760 NAVAL BATTLES, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 
 
 When a man-of-war leaves a harbor at an earlier hour 
 than that usual for hoisting the colors she always 
 hoists hers first as she proceeds seawards, and each ship 
 lying in the port hoists her ensign until the outgoing 
 vessel has passed, when it is hauled down again, to 
 await the regular hour for hoisting it with the honors. 
 
 In seaports, when the flag of a newly-arrived man-of- 
 war is saluted, that flag is always shown at the fore of 
 the saluting vessels at the first gun, and promptly hauled 
 down when the last Q-un of the salute is fired. 
 
 # 
 
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
 lllllllllllllilllliill 
 
 018 458 313 6 
 
 Ml 
 H 
 
 mm 
 
 QKw 
 
 RuKun 
 
 HI 
 
 .: V. ' ■ ■ I 
 
 (VnaainflBBwH