■■ ilii r !«?, 1 U'M i 'i'i: r kU](\m ii'j Dsi'ii'OtiiH! i^' tlit Rnnk ' "^ / ^ycTz" ''^-^, p I Donelson Campaign Sources Supplementing Volume 7 of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies in the War of the Rebellion H . ^ Compiled for use at «iE ARMY SERVICE SCHOOLS Fort Leavenworth, Kansas ARMY SERVICE SCHOOLS PRESS December, 1912 0. OF 0. fflAY 7 i914 i 5^ INTRODUCTION In introducing critical historical study, which has for the past six years formed an important part of the Staff College course, into the Army School of the Line course, the Donelson campaign has been chosen for a number of reasons, among which might be mentioned that: the forces dealt with on both sides are relatively small; the sources are contained, so far as the Official Records of the War of the Rebellion are concerned, in a single volume or nearly so, and the student has here of necessity to find his own way through the sources to the facts since there has not yet been written on this campaign any secondary work of sufficient value to consti- tute a guide. Yet there are considerable important data outside Volume 7 of the Official Records which are essential to an understanding of this campaign, but which are scattered through many volumes which it would take the student a long time to find and of which the Service Schools' library does not contain enough copies for the common use of the class. The present volume has been compiled by Captain Conger to meet the situation by supplementing the reports and correspondence found in Volume 7 by reports and corre- spondence found elsewhere, newspaper articles, private letters, regimental histories, memoirs, and recollections of participants. Farrand Sayre, Major, 8th Cavalry, Director, Department of Military Art, Army Service Schools. Fort Leavenworth, December, 1912. iii FeREWGRB The study of military history along the lines of original research has become recognized as an essential element in the education of any officer who is to be fitted in time of peace to exercise higher command or perform higher staff duties in time of war. It is essential for him, in the first place, to form a clear mental conception of war. This is only possible to gain, in the absence of actual and extensive personal war experience, from a close, searching study of war-remains and the application to them of the methodic tests. Second, it is important for him to be able to judge, by possessing a knowledge of historical method, of the value of secondary historical works, and to learn to avoid the numerous authors, often of high repulations, whose writings are not only devoid of any real value but do positive harm to readers not trained in historical criticism by giving them untrue im- pressions and wrong interpretations and inculcating false principles. No one can explore for himself the sources in the whole field of military history. Indeed many of the sources are a sealed book to our students either for lack of knowledge of a foreign language or because of the policy of some governments which jealously guard the documentary sources pertaining to their wars as their most precious military secrets. The covering of a broad field of historical study is, however, not only desirable but, for some purposes, necessary; for instance for the study, of strategy along modern lines. How then shall we find our way in the vast numbers of secondary works which overflow our libraries, works dealing out fiction, romance and "lies men have agreed upon" — as Napoleon and others have defined history — but giving the unsuspecting reader little or nothing of value? The only guide in this wilderness of books is a knowledge of historical method. He who understands what history is and how history is written, and he alone, will be Ti able, not only to choose between the works of value and the worthless, but to discriminate between the credible and dubious statements and sound and fallacious deductions. In the third place, the student gains by this method the abihty to deal scientifically with the many-sided sources of information in war. For the same tests of "good faith" and "accuracy" and the determination of "weight" which we learn to employ in dealing critically with historic sources must be apphed surely, quickly and instinctively, to all the bits of information which come to us through the fog of war, if we are to read the situation aright and not be misled into wrong measures. So much for the staff officers and commanders, but how about the regimental officers from Second Lieutenant to Colonel? What has historical research to teach them? History as it is now generally written deals with armies, army corps, divisions, and gives occasional reference to a brigade. What the regimental officer wants to know are tactics and troop leading. Did or did not a certain regiment, company or patrol, carry out its mission and how was it done? Why did this or that attack succeed or fail? These and many other questions a study of historical sources alone will answer. Colonel Ardant du Picq, in his Etudes sur le Combat, well puts the plea for the tactical point of view in military history as will be seen from the following quotation from his "Circular letter sent to all senior oflftcers having war experience": 'In the past century, after the improvements of the rifle and of the field artillery by Frederick, and the martial successes of Prussia; in the present day, after the improvements of the new rifle and the field piece, and the recent victories which are partly due to those im- provements, we find all those of the Army who are accustomed to thinking aloud, wondering: "How shall we fight tomorrow?" "We have no creed in the matter of combat."— And the most conflicting methods contend for the approval of military men. Why? — A general error as to the point of departure. It might be said that nobody will understand that the experience of yesterday is needed for the knowledge of tomorrow, — and yesterday is nowhere definitely recorded. It is found only in the memory of those who 1 Translated by Captain C. F. Martin, 15th Cavalry. vii know how to remember because thej^ knew how to see, and those "men have never spoken — I am appealing to one of them now. The most meager detail noted at the time of its occurrence in battle is more instructive for me, a soldier, than all the Thiers and the Jomini in the world, who speak without doubt for chiefs of States and of Armies, but who never show what I want to know— a battalion, a company, a squad in action. It being then the question of a regiment — of a battalion, of a company, of a squad, it is interesting to know: "The dispositions taken to wait for the enemy, or the order of march to move in his direction;— what does this disposition or this order of march become under the separate or the combined influence of the accidents of terrain and the approach of danger? "Whether this order is changed, whether it is modified upon drawing nearer. What it becomes upon arriving in the region of the guns, in the region of the bullets. "At what moment, at what distance a particular formation, spon- taneous or ordered, is taken up before acting, in order to act, whether to use fire action or shock action, or to use both at the same time. "How the firing was commenced, how it has been done, how the soldiers aimed. (That is shown by the results:— so many shots fired, so many men hit, — when it is possible). "How the charge was made,— at what distance the enemy fled before it,— at what distance it fell back before the fire or the demeanor, or before such or such movement of the enemy,— What it cost.— What could be noted concerning all these same things among the enemy. "The demeanor,— that is the order, the disorder, the cries, the silence, trouble, coolness among the leaders, among the soldiers among ourselves, among the enemy, before, during, after. "How the soldier, throughout the action, has been managed, how manageable he has been, how at such a moment he had the tendency to leave the ranks in order to drop behind or to rush forward. "At what moment, if control was lost by the leaders, it was no longer possible; at what moment this control was lost by the battalion commander,— at what moment by the captain, by the section leader, by the squad leader; at what moment on the whole (if such a condition existed) was there no longer anything but a disorganized impulsion, to the front or to the rear, carrying leaders and soldiers pell-mell. "Where, when, did the halt take place? "Where, when, were the soldiers gotten back in hand by the leaders? "At what moments before, during, after the day's work was the roll called in the battalion, in the company?— The results of these roll- calls. "How many dead, how many wounded, on both sides;- the kinds of wounds; —among the officers, — among the non-commissioned officers, — the corporals, the soldiers, etc., etc." viii All the details in short that can throw light on either the material side or the moral side of the action ; that can show it up at close range, at the closest possible range; — all these are infinitely more instructive for us, as soldiers, than all the discussions imaginable as to the plans and the general conduct of the campaigns of the great generals or as to the great maneuvers on the battle fields. From the colonel to the riflemen we are soldiers, not generals, and it is our trade that we want to know. Certainly one can not obtain all possible details concerning a single affair. But certainly from a succession of sincere accounts should come an ensemble of characteristic details most hkely to show in a striking, irrefutable manner what takes place, perforce, necessarily, at such or such a moment in an engagement;— to give the measure of what can be obtained from the soldier, however good it maybe; to serve consequently as a basis of a (possible) rational method of fight- ing, and to put us on guard against the methods a priori, the pedantic, school-book methods. Whoever has seen has made for himself a method based upon his own knowledge, his own personal experience as a soldier.— But ex- perience is long, life is short. The experience of each one can there- fore only be completed by that of others. We can it is true progress to a certain extent in tacUcal knowledge by theoretical and applicatory studies but unless our theories and problems are based on a close study of history they are as likely to lead to wrong conceptions as to real progress. Especially is this true of one who is teaching tactics to others whether he be instructing junior officers, non-commissioned officers or private soldiers. It is axiomatic that only the officer having had actual war ex- perience or who is well grounded in historical study can be a safe guide to others. To be a really good instructor he must have both qualifications. To the beginner some of the data herein may seem of little importance and the question may be asked: why has this been given a place? The answer Hes in the purpose of the volume which is to serve in the training of the student in the handling of sources of all kinds and estimating each at its real worth. Should some officers desire to make use of this book and Volume 7 of the Official Records of the War of the Rebellion to pursue a study privately of the sources pertaining to the Donelson Campaign, they are advised, in case they are un- dertaking research work of this character for the first time, ix to study first the Introduction to the Study oj History by Langlois and SeignobosS an Outline of Historical Method by F. M. Fling^, or some similar work, and then take up the application of the critical tests not alone to each document but to each "conception" or "affirmation" contained therein. After this has been done the synthetic process, the con- struction of the facts, will be found a comparatively simple matter. 1 Two professors of history at the Sorbonne, Paris; English translation by G. G. Berry published by Henry Holt and Company, New York. 2 Professor of Modern European History at the University of Nebraska, published by J. H. Miller, Lincoln, Nebraska. A third work on historical method should be mentioned for those who read German, Lehrbueh der historischen Methode, by Bern- heim. Professor of History at Greifswald University, Germany, published by Duncker & Humblot, Leipzig. No English translation of this work has yet appeared. CONTENTS Reports: Brigadier General C. F. Smith 1 Colonel J. G. Lauman, 7th Iowa ------ 5 Colonel August Mersy, 9th Illinois 9 Major J. S. Cavender, 1st Missouri Light Artillery - - 11 Colonel Bausenwein, 58th Ohio ----- 13 Congratulatory Orders: Brigadier General Grant 14 Brigadie.r General Lew Wallace 15 Brigadier General McClernand 15 Naval Records — Taken from Official Records Union and Confederate Navies, Series I, Vol. 22: Report and Orders of Flag-Officer Foote, Fort Henry - 18 Report, Commander Walke, Fort Henry - - - - 22 Report, Lieutenant Shirk, Fort Henry - - - - 23 Report, Lieutenant Phelps, Fort Henry - - - - 23 Letter General McClernand to Flag Officer Foote - - 24 Information given by Confederate Gunner - - - - 25 Additional Report, Flag-Officer Foote, Feb. 10 - - - 25 Letter, Flag-Officer Foote to General Tilghman - - - 26 Report, Flag-Officer Foote, Fort Henry, Feb. 11 - - 27 Letter, General Grant to Commander Walke - - - 28 Report of Commander Walke, Feb. 8 - - - - 28 Newspaper Items, Tennessee ------ 29 Report of Commander Walke, Feb. 10 - - - - 30 Order of Flag-Officer Foote to Lieutenant Phelps - - 31 1st Report of Commander Walke, Feb. 15 _ - - 31 2d Report of Commander Walke, Feb. 15 - - - - 82 Report of Lieutenant Thompson, Feb. 17 - - - - 34 Report of Commander Dove, Feb. 16 ----- 37 Testimony of Gen. Lew Wallacein the Case of Commander Dove 38 Confederate Correspondence 41 Newspaper Narratives: Cincinnati Gazette, Fort Henry 49 Boston Journal ------.-. 57 St. Louis Democrat ---- 64 Cincinnati Gazette, Tennessee River . - - - 69 New York Times, Fort Donelson 72 Missouri Democrat, Fort Donelson ----- 84 Charlestown Courier, Fort Donelson ----- 96 Richmond Dispatch, Fort Donelson 101 Nashville Patriot, Fort Donelson 102 xi Regimental Histories: 7th Illinois Infantry 103 Fort Henry (artillery company) - . . . 109 & 134 3d Tennessee Infantry -------- 113 10th Tennessee Infantry --.-:-- 115 26th Tennessee Infantry 116 30th Tennessee Infantry 117 32d Tennessee Infantry 122 42d Tennessee Infantry 124 48th Tennessee Infantry - 126 49th Tennessee Infantry - 127 50th Tennessee Infantry 128 Porter's Battery 129 Fort Donelson Heavy Artillery ------ 139 Goochland Light Artillery 141 9th Battalion, Tennessee Cavalry 147 Forrest's (old) Regiment Cavalry . - - . . 143 Personal Correspondence : Letters of Colonel J. G. Lauman 153 Letter of Lieutenant T. O. Churchill - . . - lei Letters of Colonel Newsham 167 Letter of Gen. Grant 206 Military Society Papers: Letters of General Rawlins to Society of the Army of the Tennessee . - - - i69 Memoirs: Extracts, Article by General Lew Wallace, Fort Donelson ~| Extracts, Autobiography of General Lew Wallace - j Personal Narrative of General Grant - . - - igg Magazine Article 207 Biographical Notes 215 Maps in pocket at end of book. ABBREVIATIONS B. «& L. = Battles and Leaders of the Civil War, published by the Cen- tury Co. M. A. T. = Military Annals of Tennessee. Moore = Moore's Records of the War of the Rebellion. N. R. = Official Records of the Union and Confederate Navies in the Civil War. P. H. = Pictorial History of the Civil War. R. R. = OflScial Records of the Union and Confederate Armies in the Civil War. S. H. S. P. = Southern Historical Society Papers. •^ THE LEXINGTON THE ESSEX {Two Years After Fort Henry) THE LOUISVILLE lit-- iSHrf'"" ■■■■ ...W' *■ '^-=-— - '•■^intttrs; * tiiiau THE TYLER THE CINCINNATI 'i liK PiTT.SHUBCi THE CONESTOGA REPORTS Brigadier General C. F. Smitli's Unfinished Report of the Capture of Fort Donelson ' H'^ Quarters 2"^^ Division District of West Tenn*^ Pittsburg, Tenn^ March 29, 1862 The Asst Adj't Gen' H*^ Quarters District West Tenn Savannah, Tenn. Sir 1 present to the Major Gen' commanding the District the following as the Report of the operations of my Division during the a.ttack on Fort Donelson, The first Brigade commanded by Colonel McArthur, 9*^^ Ills., consisting of the 9"\ 12*'^, and 4P* Ills. Infantry, was detached during almost the entire period of our three days operations, and hence its service did not come under my personal notice, save to a very limited extent. It is well known to me however they did gallant service; and as no official notice has been taken of this so far as I am aware, I take pleasure in transmitting herewith the reports of the Reg'nt' Commanders, with a list of the casualties in the Brigade, amounting to 70 killed, and 340 wounded.^ The 2"*^ Brigade commanded by Col Morgan L Smith, of the S^^ Mo, consisting in part of his own Reg'nt, and the 11*^ Ind*, was in like manner detached, and as the Report of General Wallace indicates, performed most distinguished services.^ If Copied by the Editor, from General C. P. Smith's manuscript in pencil in possession of his daughter, Mrs. Marshall Oliver, Annapo- lis, Maryland. ) From Magazine of American History, edited by Mrs. Martha J, Lamb, January, 1886, p. 82. See also R. R. S. N. 109, p. 7. 2 See R. R. 7-215-219. 3 See R. R. 7—238-239. 2 REPORT Co'^ C of the 2^ (Capt F) and I, of the 4*'^ regular Cav- ah-y (Lt Powell) — the squadron commanded by (the) captain (of) the former— belonging to the Division were detached from it, from before the fall of Fort Henry until after the fall of Fort Donelson. It is within my knowledge they did gallant and effective service for which they have thus far received no credit. I take pleasure therefore in transmit- ting with this the Report of Lt Powell (Capt F. being absent on account of ill health) and commending both officers to the favorable notice of the government. ^ That part of the Division under my immediate orders was organized as follows: the 3*^ Brigade, commanded by Col John Cooke 7^^ Ills consisted of his own regiment com- manded by Lt Col Babcock, 50*^ Ills (Col Bane), 12**' Iowa (Col Wood), 52"^ Ind'-* (Col Smith), & 13*^ Missouri (Col. Wright). The 4*^' Brigade commanded by Col Lauman, 7*^ Iowa, consisting of his own regiment commanded by Lt Col Parrott. 2'"^ Iowa, Col Tuttle, 14**^ Iowa, Col Shaw, 25^'' Indiana, Col Veatch, and 16*^ M^ (commonly called Western sharp shooters) Lt Col Compton, the 2^ Battalion, 1^* M° light-artillery, commanded by Major Cavender, con- sisting of 3 batteries of 4 Parrott guns each— 10 & 20 pound- ers, commanded respectively by Captains Welcker, Richard- son, and Stone. Arriving on the evening of February 12*^ at a short dis- tance from the outwork of the enemy on his right, the in- vestment of the place was partially commenced by throwing the 4*^' Brigade on our left, and the 3*^ Brigade on its right, joining the l*"* division on the right with the first (McArthur) Brigade in reserve, with a battery in advance on the road leading to Dover and Fort Donelson. Early on the following morning (13^**) the regiments were posted in order of investment, in easy cannon range of the enemy's line of defence from the West — his extreme right to the South— a somewhat central position with refer- ence to that line, going as far off as possible to the left of the 1^' division. The ground covered by the division was thickly wooded, and exceedingly hilly and broken. The enemy's works were 1 See R. R. 7—172. GENERAL C. F. SMITH 3 on the highest ground in the vicinity; he had an Infantry breastwork in front of his main line (vulgarly called rifle pits) crested with logs from under which they fired; the whole strengthened by a wide abattis from felled timber of large size. Ignorant of the ground we had to feel our way cau- tiously; as soon as the regiments were measureably in posi- tion, orders were given to Brigade commanders to cover our front of attack with as many skirmishers as possible, well supported by their regiments, keeping a strong reserve; to press forward as steadily and rapidly as the ground would admit, and if the opportunity offered to assault with the bayonet. During this time Major Cavender's batteries, by sections or pieces, were posted to the best apparent advantage, well supported, with orders to open on the enemy. This was handsomely done and quick response made. Our pieces were skifted from time to time, and served with good effect, better as we afterward knew from the enemy than was sus- pected; their long ranges sending shells into the Fort, and causing sharp loss and great moral effect. Our casualties were numerous on this day. The Reports of the different commanders partially confirmed by my personal observations satisfied me that an assault on almost any part of the entire front covered by us was not practicable, without enormous sacrifice of life. At night-fall the skirmishers were recalled and the troops ordered to remain in position, but from necessity without fires, as the night was very inclement— rainy, snow and sleet and cold — the discomfort of the men was very great. On the next day (14'^) the same system of annoyance was kept up but, under the orders of the Commanding gen- eral to a more limited extent. At night-fall the advance parties were recalled as before. Our casualties of this day were not so numerous as the day before. The night inclem- ent as before with the same discomfort. During the course of this day I made a personal reconnoiseance of the ground on our extreme left and satisfied myself that the only ap- parent practicable point of assault was in that quarter— the 4 REPORT enemy's extreme right being protected by an impassable slough which fact was communicated to the Commanding general. Under the orders of the Commanding general the Divi- sion remained quiet on the next day (15*'^) except to keep up the annoyance by skirmishers and slow artillery fire, until towards 3 o'clock P. M. when I received the general's per- sonal order to assault the enemy's right — a half mile or more from my habitual position. On the receipt of the order the artillery was ordered to open heavily and the Brigade com- manders to press forward with large numbers of skirmishers and make a dash at any available opening; whilst the 2"'^ Iowa— supported by the 52"*^ Ind"" (belonging to the 3d Brigade, but which had been posted to guard the left) 25*'' Ind*", 12*^ Iowa, &c — was ordered to lead the assault'. This regiment was ordered to rely on the bayonet and not to fire a shot until the enemy's ranks were broken. Right gal- lantly was the duty performed. The left wing of the regi- ment under its Col (Tuttle) moved steadily over the open space down the ravine and up the rough ground covered with large timber in unbroken line, regardless of the fire poured into it, and paused not until the enemy broke and fled. It was quickly followed by the other wing under its Lt Col (Baker) in the same manner; the united body pursu- ing the enemy through their encampment and towards the enemy's works just above, where they skirmished for a con- siderable time. The movement of this regiment was a very handsome exhibition of soldierly conduct. The 52"^ Ind"" ordered to follow and support the 2"*^ Iowa, from the nature of the ground and want of tactical knowl- edge, instead of going to the left as I had intended, came up (in) confusion, and instead of moving forward, remained be- hind the earthwork just taken, from where and from some unexplained cause fired fatal shots into their friends in front. They remained in this position until sent to reform in the rear. The 25*^ Ind^ following in order moved in advance to the support of the 2"^ Iowa, and covered it when that regi- IR. R. 7-223, 227, 229. COLONEL LAUMAN 5 ment for want of cartridges retired behind the intrench- ments just taken from the infantry of the enemy. As soon as the outwork was taken 1 sent for a section of Stone's battery, which soon arrived and opened upon the enemy with happy effect silencing- a heavy gun —24 pounder^ . Meantime the regiments of the S'^ (Cooke's) Brigade arrived but as it was getting late I deemed it better to dispose of the troops for the night and be in readiness for a renewed assault on the morrow— the crest of the enemy's works being only some 400 yards distant, and the ground more or less favorable. ^ Increasing the artillery on the ground first taken by a couple of 20 pounder Parrott guns, the 4**" Brigade was dis- posed to guard the position, with the 3'^ Brigade in reserve several hundred yards in rear. The 9*^ and 12^*^ Ills (1"^ Brigade) having reported at this time, the latter was thrown forward around the base of the hill towards the enemy's main work; the 9*^ remaining in reserve.^ The night was cold, but neither the hail storm Extracts from Private Journal of General C. F. Smith, February, 1862 ^ Sat. 15th. Assaulted & took the enemy's outworks on the left. Greatly exposed to encourage and keep in posi- tion the Vols. My horse and self both hit. Sun. 16th. All dispositions made by me for a continued as- sault when the enemy gave up & we marched in. Report of Colonel Jacob Q. Lauman, Seventh Iowa Infantry, Commanding Fourth Brigade, Second Division.'' Hdqrs. Fourth Brigade, Second Div., U.'S. Army, Fort Donelson, February 18, 1882. General: I have the honor to report the following movements of the Fourth Brigade, Second Division: 1 R. R. 7—226. 2 R. R. 7- 217-226. 3 R. R. 7-215-218. i: Magazine of American History, January, 1886, p. 40. 5 From R. R. 109—9; Moore IV— 152. 6 REPORT We left Fort Henry on the morning of the 12th instant, arriving near Fort Donelson the same evening. Immediate- ly on our arrival I received your order to move the Seventh low^a Infantry to the front to support a battery of Major Cavender's rifled 20-pounder Parrott guns, w^hich were placed in a position to command a portion of the rebel works ' . I obtained permission from you to associate the regiment of Birge's Sharpshooters in the movement, and placed the two regiments in position, where they remained during the night. In accordance with your orders on the morning of Thurs- day, the 13th instant, I moved the left wing of my brigade, consisting of the Fourteenth Iowa (Colonel Shaw) and Twenty-fifth Indiana (Colonel Veatch), from their encamp- ment toward the enemy, who were intrenched about a mile distant therefrom. - The advance was made steadily and in as good order as the nature of the ground would admitof un- til we reached the ravine at the base of the hill on which were the enemy's fortifications. Here we halted until the line could be formed, when the Twenty-fifth Indiana, under Colonel Veatch, moved steadily up the hill and toward the intrenchments under a most galling fire of musketry and grape, until their onward progress was obstructed by the fallen timber and brushwood. Having, however, succeeded in gaining an advantageous position, they held it unflinch- ingly for more than two hours, and until ordered to fall back out of range of the enemy's fire. The loss of this regiment in killed and wounded was very severe. The Fourteenth Iowa advanced at the same time and took position on the right and across a ravine, and did good execution. Whilst these two regiments were taking the above positions, the Seventh Iowa Infantry, under Lieutenant-Colonel Parrott, came up in fine style and took a position in the center, be- tween the Twenty-fifth Indiana and the Fourteenth Iowa. The First Regiment Sharpshooters, Western Division, Lieut. Col. B. S. Compton, were posted on the hill to the extreme right, except a detachment of about sixty who were deploy- ed as skirmishers, and rendered most effective service in that 1 R. R. 7-231. 2 R. R. 7— 227-231. COLONEL LAUMAN 7 capacity, and proving by their deadly aim that they are a most valuable arm of the service. We held this position un- til night, v^hen we fell back to the position occupied in the morning. On the following day we remained in camp, skirmishing with the rebels during the day and night. On Saturday, the 15th instant, at about 2 o'clock, I received your order to advance with my whole brigade and assault the heights on the left of the position attacked by us on the previous Thursday. The brigade was promptly in motion in the following order: The Second Iowa, Colonel Tuttle, led the advance,^ followed by the Fifty-second Indiana (tempor- arily attached to my brigade), who were ordered to support them. This regiment was followed closely by the Twenty- fifth Indiana, the Seventh Iowa, and the Fourteenth Iowa. The Sharpshooters were previously deployed as skirmishers on our extreme right and left. Colonel Tuttle led the left wing of his regiment in line of battle up the hill, suppoited by the right wing, advancing at a distance of about 150 yards in the rear. So soon as he came within range of the enemy's fire he led his men forward, without firing a gun, up to and charged into'the rebels' works driving the enemy before him and planting his colors on their fortifications. He was close- ly followed by the other regiments in the order of advance before named. The enemy was closely pursued and driven behind their inner works. Night coming on. we held the position we had gained, and remained under arms until morning, intending at dawn of day to recommence the at- tack. In this engagement the Second Iowa suffered terribly. Captains Slaymaker and Cloutman fell just as they entered the enemy's fortifications. Cloutman was instantly killed and Slaymaker died gallantly shouting to his men to go for- ward and consummate the work. In the morning, as day dawned, we were attracted to the inner fortifications by the sound of a bugle, and saw the rebels displaying a white flag. I instantly dispatched Lieutenant Colonel Parrott to ascertain the intent of it, who reported that an oflficer wished to see me. I repaired to the spot and received from him offers of capitulation, which I at once forwarded to you. The result is well known. It would 1 R. R. 7—229. 8 Rp]POR'r afford me much pleasure to particularize the various in- stances of personal bravery displayed on the occasion by officers under my command, but when all behaved so well it would be invidious to particularize; but I cannot refrain from mentioning- in this connection the bravery of Colonel Tuttle, Lieutenant Colonel Baker and Major Chipman (who received a severe wound in the thighs of the Second Iowa; Colonel Veatch and Lieutenant Colonel Morgan, of the Twenty-fifth Indiana, and Colonel Shaw, of the Fourteenth Iowa; also Lieutenant Colonel Parrott and Major Rice, who led the Seventh Iowa, and to whom I return my warmest ac- knowledgments for the gallant manner in which they led their regiment into the engagement on the 13th and 15th. They did all that men could do, and well sustained the reputation of the Seventh Iowa. For the kindness, attention, and skill manifested by the surgeons and assistant surgeons for so many consecutive hours towards the unfortunate wounded I return my most sincere thanks. The total loss in killed and wounded is as follows: Sec- ond Regiment Iowa Infantry Volunteers -- Killed, 41; wounded, 157; total, 198. Twenty-fifth Regiment Indiana Volunteers— Killed, 14; wounded, 101; total, 115. Seventh Regiment Iowa Infantry —Killed, 2; wounded, 37: total, 39. Fourteenth R'^giment Iowa Infantry — Killed, 3: wounded, 23; total, 26. First Regiment Sharpshooters — Killed, 1; wounded, 3; missing, 1; total, 5. Recapitulation— Whole number killed, 61; whole number wounded, 321; whole num- ber missing, 1: total, 383. I herewith append the reports of the colonels of regi- ments attached to my brigade, to which I invite your par- ticular attention. ' With sentiments of high regard, I remain, respectfully, your most obedient servant, J. G. Lauman, Colonel, Copimandlng FoiirtJi Brigade, Second Division. Brig. Gen. C. F. Smith, Commanding Second Division. 1 R.R. 7— 227-231. Report of Col. August Mersy, Ninth Illinois Infantry. ^ Hdqrs. Ninth Regiment Illinois Volunteers, Camp near Dover, Tenn., February 7.'v, 1S(>2. Sir: In compliance with Special Orders, No. 2, dated February 17, 1862, from headquarters Second Division, I submit the following report of the movements and opera- tions of my command since February 4, 1862: February 4, in obedience to orders of brigadier-general commanding forces at Paducah, Ky., five companies of the regiment, viz. A, B, C, D, and E, under command of Col. A. Mersy, embarked on board the V. R. Wilson with all their baggage and five days' rations at about 5 p.m. of the said day. The boat moved up the Tennessee River at about 6 p.m. February 5, the boat arrived at Bayley's Landing at about 10 a.m. to-day, when the companies immediately dis- embarked. The colonel commanding reported to Brigadier- General McClernand, commanding the forces, by whose order we were temporarily assigned to Colonel Wallace's brigade, who ordered us to go into camp about half a mile from the river at about 3 p.m. In compliance with verbal orders from General McClernand we embarked on board the W. H. B. and crossed the river and rejoined the balance of the regiment that came up from Paducah this morning on the W. H. B. ; went into camp for the night. February 6, in obedience to order of Colonel McArthur, commanding brigade, the Ninth Regiment placed their baggage on board the Keystone and took up their line of march in the direction of Fort Henry at about 12.30 p.m. in rear of the column. Arrived at Fort Heiman, opposite Fort Henry, at about 8 p.m., and encamped for the night in the vicinity of a former rebel encampment. February 7, in compliance with order of brigade commander, the regiment left camp and marched to the bank of the river and there awaited the construction of a bridge required to enable them to embark on a boat to cross the river. The bridge not being finished, the regiment went into camp near the river. February 8, the orders for crossing the river being countermanded, the regiment, in obedience to orders of brigade commander, moved on the 1 From R. R. 109—11. 10 ■ REPORT ridge to the rear of our camping ground on the night of the 6th instant and went into camp; brought our baggage from the boat and pitched tents. February 12, in obedience to orders of brigade commander, the Ninth Regiment, with two days' rations, embarked on board the Hannibal and crossed the river to Fort Henry, where we disembarked and marched in the direction of Fort Donelson on the Cumber- land River; marched to within two miles and a half of the fort and went into camp; removed our camp about one mile and a half to the right at about 11 o'clock at night. ' Febru- ary 13, in compliance with orders of brigade commander, the regiment moved forward to support a battery which was planted on the main road to the fort. At about 11 a.m., by order of brigade commander, the regiment moved about one mile and a half to the right to cover, if need be, the retreat of McClernand's division. Remained here until about 6 p.m., when, in obedience to orders of brigade commander, the regiment moved farther to the right to support Taylor's battery. At 10 o'clock at night the regiment moved the camp a half mile in advance. February 14, in obedience to orders of brigade commander, the First Brigade took position on the extreme right, the Ninth Regiment on the left of the Forty-first Illinois Regiment and encamped for the nights Pickets were thrown out in front of our camp. February 15, at daylight, a sudden and spirited attack was made by the enemy on the right of the regiment. After a hard fought and bloody contest of two and a half hours' duration, the regiment was compelled to fall back, our ammunition being exhausted; when, in obedience to orders of brigade commanders, Colonels McArthur and Oglesby, the regiment withdrew from the field of battle in good order. ' The colonel commanding desires to express his high appreciation of the conduct of all the men of this command, and cannot, without injustice, designate cases of individual bravery, as the bearing of all the officers, non-commissioned officers, and men was such that it would have done credit to veterans. 1 R. R. 7—215. 2 R. R. 7—218. 3 R. R. 7-186 186, 216. MAJOR CAVENDER 11 I annex a list of all the killed and wounded officers, non- commissioned officers, and men. ^ Aug. Mersy, Colonel, Commanding Ninth Regiment Illinois Volunteers. J. Bates Dixson, Acting Assistant Adjutant-General. [Indorsement.] But eight companies of the Ninth Illinois Regiment participated in the within mentioned action. Company H being detached as provost guard at Paducah, Ky., and Com- pany A detached the day previous to the action to support a battery. Report of Major John S. Cavender, First Missouri Light ^ Artillery." Hdqrs. Second Battln., First Missouri Light Artillery, Fort Donelson, Tenn., February 72. Sir: I arrived here (towed by the Alps) on the 12th in- stant, about 11:20 a. m., and seeing or hearing nothing of 1 From N. R. 22 - 4«7. (See Narrative in B. & L. 1—480.) ForRe- port of Flag Officer A. H. Foote, see R. R. 7—166. 32 REPORT our army, I threw a few shell into Fort Donelson to an- nounce my arrival to General Grant, as he had previously desired. I then dropped down the river a few miles and anchored for the night, waiting General Grant's arrival. On the morning of the 13th instant, I weighed anchor and came again to this place, when I received a dispatch from General Grant notifying me of his arrival the day before, and suc- ceeded in getting position almost entirely investing the enemy's works. "Most of our batteries" (he writes) "are [now] established, and the remainder soon will be. If you will advance with your gunboats at 10 o'clock a. m., we will be ready to take advantage of every diversion in our favor." I immediately complied with these instructions by throwing some 139 15-second and lO-second shell into the fort, receiv- ing on return the enemy's fire from all their batteries, most of their shot passing over us, and but two striking us, oneof which was 128 pounds solid [shot]. It passed through our port casemate forward, glancing over our barricade at the boilers, and again over the steam drum, it struck and, burst- ing our steam heater, fell into the engine room without striking any person, although the splinters wounded slightly some half dozen of the crew. I then dropped down to this anchorage, but, the sound of distant firing being heard, we again attacked the fort, throwing in some 45 shell and re- ceiving but little damage. I returaed to this place to await for further orders, when I received a second dispatch from General Grant that you were expected on the following morning. I am, sir, most respectfully, your obedient servant, H. Walke, Commander^ U. 8. Navy. Flag -Officer A. H. Foote, Commanding, U. S. Natml Forces, Western Waters, Cairo, III. Report of Commander Walke, U. S. Navy, Commanding U. S. S. Carondelet^ U. S. Gunboat Carondelet, Cumberland River, February 15, IS 62. Sir: I hereby report the part which the gunboat Carondelet took in the bombardment of Fort Donelson on the 14th instant. 1 From N. R.— 590. COMMANDER WALKE 33 Agreeable to your instructions we weighed anchor at 2 p.m. and steamed up the river, slowly approaching the fort and keeping a little in advance of our position, on your extreme left, against the eastern bank of the river. At 3 p.m. commenced firing at about a mile distant from the fort, continuing a deliberate and well-directed firing from the instant your vessel commenced, and keeping up the same until about 5:30 p.m., and until all the fleet had dropped down the river out of the enemy's range. • During the engagement one of our rifled guns burst, at about 5 p.m., our officers and men serving the remaining two guns faithfully as long as the enemy were within reach. We suffered most severely in the latter part of the action, being disabled by a shot striking our wheelhouse and jam- ming the wheel, and being the last out of the enemy's reach. I am sorry to add that an 8-inch shell, apparently from our flotilla, burst astern of us, the fragments of which penetrated our casemate. We were struck with 35 of the enemy's shot, 128-pounders to 32-pounders, solid. Four of our crew were killed and 32 wounded, some dangerously, one of whom is our pilot. In all, 46 wounded since the battle and capture of Fort Henry. Our boats are so much cut up that I have but one fit for service. We leak badly forward and aft, and require extensive repairs above and below watermark, and in almost every department. The officers and crew (on duty) conducted themselves with admirable coolness and fidelity during the engagement. But I must, in justice to J. R. Hall, gunner, U. S. Navy, and Edward E. Brennand, master's mate, state that their intrepid and efficient conduct, under all emergencies, de- serves my highest commendation. We are in want of coal, provisions, and ammunition. I have the honor to be, sir, most respectfully, your obedient servant. H. Walke, Commander, U. S. Navy. Flag-Offlcer A. H. Foote, Commanding U. 8. Naval Forces, Western Waters. P. S.— As we dropped out of the action, the Pittsburg, 34 REPORT as she turned, struck us on our starboard quarter and broke off our starboard rudder iron. H. Walke. [The retained copy of this report in the Walke papers contains an additional postscript, as follows:] P. S. — The above 8-inch shell was fired from the gun- boat Tyler and exploded a short distance astern of us, and a fragment (which is in ray possession) struck the Carvndelet and penetrated her stern casemating, from whence it was taken by the carpenters when they were repairing the Carondelet at Mound City. H. Walke. Report of Lieutenant Thompson, U. S. Navy, Commanding U. S. S. Pittsburg.' U. S. Gunboat Pittsburg, Cairo, III., February 17, 1862. Sir: I would respectfully report to you my movements from Tuesday evening, 11th instant, to date, including my participation in the attack by the gunboats on Fort Donelson. Underway.— Kt Cairo, Tuesday, 7:15, p.m., we got underway, in company with the St Louis (flagship) and Louisville, and started up the Ohio River. Accident to boiler. — Wednesday, 2:45 p.m., a bolt came out of the boiler, which did not prevent the boat's run- ning, as, owing to the skill and activity displayed by the chief engineer, the boiler was repaired sufficiently well to prevent our being left behind to make repairs, so, at 4 o'clock, we were ready to continue up the river in company with the other boats of the flotilla. Alarm of fire.— -While those repairs were being made an alarm of fire was given, owing to the bulkhead on the star-, board side of the engine taking fire from its too close proximity to the boiler. Prompt action in extinguishing the fire saved us, perhaps, from a fearful calamity. Pilot— At Paducah we took on board another pilot, who remained with us until Saturday, 15th, 2 p.m., when I 1 From N. R. 22—592. LIEUTENANT THOMPSON 35 allowed him to be transferred to a transport in need of the services of a pilot. Wednesday, 12th. —Wednesday, 12th, 8 p.m., arrived at Smithland, at the mouth of the Cumberland River, and there took another pilot, who was dismissed on our return to Smithland on Monday, 17th, at 3:20 p.m. Thursday, 13th, protection to 6oi^ers. —Thursday, 13th, had 100 bread bags filled with coal and stowed around the boilers as likely to afford some protection to the latter against shot. Subsequently, during the day, increased that pro- tection by adding the men's hammocks to the coal bags. Anchored 2 miles from Donelson.~10:15 p.m. came to anchor during a heavy fall of snow alongside the Carondelet, about two miles this side of Fort Donelson. Friday, 6:30 a.m., carpenter and his men at work pre- paring cots. 2:10 p.m., weigh anchor and start toward the fort, gradually approaching same, in company with the other gunboats, until at 2:40 p.m., we fired a round of 15-second shell from our three bow guns. Still approaching with caution nearer and nearer the fort, we continued firing shell, reducing the 15-second to the 5-second fuze, until within about 450 yards of the fort, up to which time, 4:15 p.m., we had expended 111 rounds of powder, throwing 105 shells and six rounds of grape, when, discovering that the flagship had fallen astern and all the other boats but one were drifting out of range, and that we could not float much longer from the way the boat was making water, I fell down stream and only kept afloat long enough to get out of range of the enemy's guns by running my guns aft, thus lightening her at the bow, where she had received two large shot between wind and water. That was the termination of my action in that affair, which lasted just one hour and thirty-five minutes. Injuries. —The injuries sustained by the boat are numer- ous, having received at least 30 shots. The principal dis- asters are the two shot holes on bow, already alluded to. The next in importance, perhaps, is a 128-pound round shot through the pilot house, in which at the time were the four pilots, none of whom were injured. The probable cause of 36 REPORT that shot entering is owing to the pilot house having been previously struck by a rifle shot near the same spot, which shot parted and thus weakened the joints of the iron plates in that particular locality. Another shot entered the middle bow port, and passed out at the stern, through the cabin, first cutting its way through a stack of hammocks and coal bags, escape pipe, wheelhouse, etc., not touching a man. We are fortunate in having to report but two. men se- verely wounded and not a man killed. The names of the wounded are George Smith, 2d, seaman, whom it was diffi- cult to draw from his gun after receiving his wounds, he insisting that he could still go on fighting. The other, quite as brave a seaman, Thomas Merwin by name, had his skull fractured; he also wished to join in the fight again after be- ing for a few moments in the hands of the surgeon. Both men are doing as well as could be expected. During the whole time of engaging with the enemy, both officers and men (the majority of each for the first time under fire) behaved with proper coolness, and would gladly, I believe, if our disabled condition had not precluded the possibility of it, have continued the action with gusto, ap- pearing to have just reached the height of the fighting point when we were compelled to drop downstream. The two men wounded, I believe to have been struck by pieces of one of the cast-iron chocks which was hit by one of the many balls received in and around that quarter. The pumps on board were not sufficient to keep the boat afloat, nor had we material of which to construct others. Had this been the case we might in a short time have put the boat in a condition to renew the attack, if desirable, for a while longer. At 4:15, after dropping down the river about a mile and a half, we made the boat fast to the shore; had leaks stopped by working steadily through the night as well as the work could be done under the circumstances. Re- mained here until Saturday, 2:15 p.m., when we got under- way for Cairo. 9:45 p.m. came to anchor about 35 miles above Smithland, the fog rendering it dangerous to run. Sunday, 16th, 1:35 p.m. —Got underway again for Cairo. 3:15, joint of the safety valve loosened, causing steam to COMMANDER DOVE 37 escape so fast as to fill the gun deck in a few moments. Hav- ing repaired valve, at 11:30 got underway, and Monday, 17th, 3:20 a.m., arrived at Smithland and sent ashore the pilot, as before stated; continued on our way down the river until 9:50, when we arrived at Cairo, having been absent, say, five days and fourteen hours. Referring to the accompanying communications from the engineer and carpenter of the boat, I remain, sir. Most respectfully, your very obedient servant, Egbert Thompson, Lieutenant, Commanding. Flag-OflBcer A. H. Poote, Cairo, III. Report of Commander Dove^ U. S. Gunboat Louisville, Off Dover, February 16,1862. Sir: At 2:30 p.m. yesterday, shortly after your departure, I received the enclosed dispatch (No. 1)- from General Grant. It seemed of so much importance for us to keep up a show of force that I decided not to accompany the Pittsburg down the river. I immediately went on board the Carondelet and St. Louis to see their condition and consult with their commanders. The Carondelet could not well be moved, but I ordered up the St. Louis and followed up with this vessel. The St. Louis threw a few shells, and toward dark both vessels re- turned to their former anchorage. At 8:30 p. m. yesterday I received the dispatch marked No. 2, ^ and early this morning went on board the vessels to give instructions. The condition of the Carondelet's wounded would not allow them to be moved or the guns to be used. I sent my own and those of the St. Louis on board one of the trans- ports and got underway, steaming up toward the batteries at Fort Donelson, both vessels cleared for action. On approaching near enough two white flags were seen flying from the upper one. I then stopped the gunboats and " 1 From N. R. 22—588. 2 Not given. Probably that printed in R. R. 7—618. 3 Not given. 38 TESTIMONY proceeded in the tug with a white flag flying, and landed at the foot of the hill below the fort. I was met by ^ major, who offered me his sword, which 1 declined to receive, think- ing it most proper to consult with General Grant. I took the major on board the tug and proceeded up to General Buckner's headquarters, where I found General Wallace and his aids. General Grant arrived about a half hour after- wards. The fort had surrendered, but what were the con- ditions I was not officially informed. The transports are all up at Dover to receive the prisoners. The Carondelet being most disabled of the gunboats, will go down this afternoon. I will remain here with this vessel and the St. Louis until further orders, or until the fall of the river compels me to go down. The St Louis will make a short reconnois- sance up the river, at General Grant's suggestion, this after- noon. This vessel will remain off the town. The Graham arrived to-day with the mortar and gun- boat ammunition. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, Benj. M. Dove, Commander. Flag-Officer a. H. Foote, Commanding Mississippi Flotilla. Testimony of Major=Qeneral L. Wallace, in the case of Commander Dove, U. S. Navy. Interrogatory 1. Please state your name and rank in the U. S. Army. Answer. Lewis Wallace. I have the honor to be a major-general in the U. S. Army. Question 2. In what service during the rebellion have you engaged in which Commander Dove took part? Answer. In the combined expedition which resulted in the cap- ture of Forts Henry and Donelson. Question 3. Please state to the board, from what you saw of him at Donelson or other places on the Cumberland and Mississippi rivers, your opinion as to his conduct and abilities; also as to his judgment. Answer. I am a poor sailor and must be permitted to judge Com- mander Dove by results. GENERAL WALLACE 39 I recollect well — indeed, I shall always remember— the disappoint- ment of the army at Donelson when Commodore Foote's attack upon the water battery failed. Our first news of the affair was that the ironclads had all been dis- abled, and, with the commander, gone down to Cairo for repairs. Next day in the afternoon, if my memory is right as to the time. Gen- eral Charles F. Smith and myself, under orders, assaulted the rebel line, he on the left of our position, I on the right. While my division was engaged, the guns of the fleet opened fire again. I recollect yet the positive pleasure the sounds gave me. I recol- lect thinking, too, of the obstinacy and courage of the commodore, and how well timed his attack was, if, as I made no doubt, it was made to assist General Smith and mj'self — I say the commodore, for at the moment I supposed him yet in command. Now, as to whether the attack was of assistance to us, I don't think there is room to question it. It distracted the enem3''s attention, and I fully believe it was the gunboats, the awful ironclads especially, that operated to prevent a general movement of the rebels up the river, or across it, the night before the surrender. That opportune attack by the fleet was, I thought, and yet think' of very great assistance, both in bringing about the surrender so early and in producing for the reason given the net result in the way of prisoners, and that it saved to the ironclads their reputation for in- vincibility in the minds of both the national and rebel armies— a repu- tation based upon the astonishing success at Donelson — is, I think, equally indisputable. Had the fleet not made an appearance that way, or had it gone down the river with the commodore, we would have had the same difficulties upon the Tennessee River when the expedition was sub- sequently extended up to Savannah and Pittsburg Landing as now almost close the Mississippi. At the time I was not aware who was in command of the fleet. Since that I have been informed it was my gallant friend. Commander Dove. I can not help believing that the navy on the Western rivers was as much indebted to him for his promptitude and judgment at Donelson as were General Smith and myself, and General Grant with us. Question 4. Please state to the board under what circumstances you met Commander Dove on the morning of February 16, 1862. Answer. At daybreak that morning, on the extreme right of our lines, I formed my division for an assault upon the rebel works. The formation was in progress when a white flag was brought out, and the officer in charge, a Major Rogers, of the Second rebel Mississippi, reported as enquiring for me. I rode forward and met him. He had been sent by General Buckner to inform me, as com- manding officer on the right, that he had capitulated during the night. 40 TESTIMONY Upon this I instantly ordered my command to advance and take possession of the enemy's works and secure the prisoners and pubHc property. Sending Major [W. E] Rogers under escort of one of my aids to General Grant, I rode into Dover to General Buckner's headquarters. I found the general, with his staff, at breakfast. Before the war, he and 1, and everyone at the table, had been friends, between whom, on several occasions, military courtesies had been interchanged. By invitation, I joined the party and breakfasted with them while waiting for General Grant. We had been thus engaged, eating and talking the battles over, for probably three-quarters of an hour, when an officer of the fleet was announced, and Commander Dove entered. After introducing himself to Buckner, he addressed some en- quiries to me, relative, I think, to the capitulation and its terms. I explained the situation to him, and told him that I was waiting for General Grant. After some general conversation I think he retired. His appearance surprised me, and I remember giving way to some jealous suspicions. I even called the attention of Lieutenant [Addison] Ware, one of my aids, to the commander's promptitude, and remarked that the navy seemed to be abroad very early; they were looking for swords, perhaps. I flattered myself, however, that this time I had been about three-quarters of an hour ahead of him. This is about all the circumstances I now recall having reference to Commander Dove. Lew Wallace, Major-General Eighth Army Corps and Commanding Middle Department.^ 1 General Lew Wallace commanded the Middle Department, March 22, 1864, to February 1, 1865. CONFEDERATE CORRESPONDENCE Port Donelson, February 4, 1862 — 4.05 p.m.' (Received 5th.) General Floyd : Gun-boats and transports in Tennessee River. Enemy landing in force five miles below Fort Henry. TiLGHMAN. Bowling Green, February 6, 1862.^ General Floyd : Fort Henry has fallen, says Colonel Head, commanding Fort Donelson. Bridge over Tennessee destroyed, says tele- graph operator. You had better keep yourself informed of the state of affairs in Clarksville through General Pillov^^, as you move. For General Johnston: W. W. Mackall, Assistant Adjutant- General. Confidential] Hdqrs. Central Army of Kentucky, ^ Bowling Green, February 7, 1862. General T. 0. Hindman, Commanding Advance Forces: General: It is desirable that you should at once send all your sick and baggage here. The loss of the Tennessee River and the probable loss of the Cuml- liand renders our position here not so formidable, and it mi..- )e necessary for us to change front. Talk loudly of an aa cince as the only means of extricating us, that is, if you It. Ik at all, and our invincible determination to hold on to Bow ing Green at all hazards and to the last extremity. I suppo.-,e, of course, the 1 From R. R. 110—263. 2 From R. R. 110—266. 41 42 CONFEDERATE enemy has heard of the fall of Henry. You had better draw nearer to us; not nearer than Oakland. With high respect, your obedient servant, W. J. Hardee, Major -General. Headquarters Western Department,^ Bowling Green, Ky., February 8, 1862, General Hardee, Commanding Bowling Green: General Johnston directs you to order Brigadier-General Floyd to send a battery to [re] port to Brigadier-General Pillow at Clarksville, Tenn. I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, W. W. Mackall, Assistant Adjutant General. Bowling Green, February 8, 1862.^ General Floyd: Although the employment of your forces after arriving at Clarksville has been left to your discretion, I deem it proper that you ascertain whether the enemy will hold his force to attack Fort Donelson in conjunction with gun-boats or move them against Clarksville direct. W. W. Mackall. Headquarters Second Brigade, February 8, 1862.^ General Floyd : Sir: We have heard firing down the river. As we are on the outpost it becomes my duty to inform you of the fact at once. I have posted the necessary infantry pickets, and would suggest that a cavalry detachment be sent over im- mediately and sent as a scouting party down the railroad in the direction of the bridge recently destroyed by the enemy. I have also heard that th e enemy are landing troops at that 1 From R. R. 110—266. 2 From R. R. 110—267. CORRESPONDENCE 43 point. These facts and suggestions are respectfully sub- mitted for your consideration. Respectfully, your obedient servant, Jno. McCausland, Colonel, Commanding Second Brigade. Bowling Green, February 9, 1862.^ General Floyd, Clarksville: General Beauregard recommends you to make as many small traverses as possible in your v^orks for protection against shells. Construct them of sand-bags if you have them; otherwise of timber filled in with earth. W. J. Hardee, Major- General. Fort Donelson, February 8 [10], 1862.^ General Floyd : I reached this place in time to walk through the work before dark. The works are not completed, nor do I con- sider them well conceived. But I find them fully as well prepared for defense as I expected. I will push everything with all the energy I can command. The trouble is the want of everything— tools, lumber, and the necessary equip- ments of the artillery. From the imperfect examination of the ground and its surroundings I feel very confident of holding it against an assault by infantry, and if I am allowed time to complete the works and mount all the guns I have confidence in being able to resist an attack of their gun-boats if they are vulnerable to all metal. The enemy are reported in strong force both sides of the Tennessee River and on the road approaching this place. He still occupies Fort Henry and holds Tilghman there yet. Their body of infantry is still below Fort Henry. It is said by scouts and citizens that there are two gun-boats eight or ten m'les below here. It is absolutely necessary for the healtl < ' the troops that their tents shall be pushed forward as <., dly as possible, 1 From R. R. 110—267. 2 From R. R. 110—268. 44 CONFEDERATE and I shall stand in great need of General Buckner. Will you order him down as early as possible. I will communicate more fully to-morrow, and advise you by telegram via Cum- berland City and couriers frequently that you may keep General Johnston well informed of our condition and wants. Your obedient servant, GiD. J. Pillow, Brigadier -General, C. S. Army. Fort Donelson, [February 10^] 1862—9 o^clockJ Brigadier-General Floyd: I have reached this place and find everything quiet. Enemy said to be [in] force on Tennessee River, and two gun-boats ten miles below. I have written you. GiD. J. Pillow, Brigadier -General. Fort Donelson, February 10, 1862.^ General Floyd : I request that you send General Buckner and Colonel Brown down immediately, as they are greatly needed. GiD. J. Pillow, Brigadier -General. Bowling Green, February 11, 1862.^ General Floyd : I give you full authority to make all the dispositions of your troops for the defense of Fort Donelson, Clarksville, and the Cumberland you may think proper. Acknowledge receipt of this. A. S. Johnston. Bowling Green, February 11, 1862.^ Brigadibr-General Floyd: Twice to-day I have telegraphed to you to command all the troops and use your judgment. Your report of the effect of our shot at Henry should encourage the troops and insure our success. If [at] the long range we could do so 1 From R. R. 110—268. 2 From R. R. 110—269. CORRESPONDENCE 45 much damage, with the necessary short range on the Cum- berland [we] should destroy their boats. A. S. Johnston. Bowling Green, [February] 12, 1862^ General Floyd: Cumberland City: My information from Donelson is that a battle will be fought in the morning. Leave a small force at Clarksville and take the remainder, if possible, to Donelson to-night. Take all the ammunition that can be spared from Clarks- ville. The forces at Elkford and Whippoorwill bridges have been ordered to Clarksville. A. S. Johnston, General. Bowling Green, [February] 72, [1862].'^ General Floyd, Cumberland City: What nuTnber of men have you at Clarksville? What number at Donelson, and what are your means of defense at Clarksville? Answer at once. W. J. Hardee. Bowling Green, [February] 12, 1862.^ General J. B. Floyd, Cumberland City: Have ordered two infantry companies stationed at Whippoorwill and Elkford bridges to report to you. W. J. Hardee. Cumberland City, February 72, 1862 J General Floyd: (Forward to General Johnston, Bowling Green, Ky.) Steam-boat just arrived brings me a dispatch from my picket below Eddyville; says gun-boat and transports passed up 10 o'clock last night. I have heard ten heavy discharges 1 From R. R. 110—271. " ~~ 46 CONFEDERATE of artillery. I leave immediately for Donelson. Shall sus- pend order for Backner to fall back at present. GiD. J. Pillow. Fort Donelson, February 12, 2862.^ General Floyd sville: We shall h oattle in the morning, I think certainly, and an attack b i-boats. The enemy are all around my position and within distance to close in with me in ten min- utes' march. One i^un-boat came to-day and fired fifteen or twenty shells and retired. We gave no reply. I have sent up to Cumberland City for Baldwin's two regiments. Feel sanguine of victory, though I am not fully ready. I have done all that it was possible to do, and think I will drive back the enemy. GiD J. Pillow, Brigadier -General, C. S. Army. Operator will repeat to General Johnston and Governor Harris. GiD. J. Pillow. Cumberland City, [February] 12, [1862].^ Governor Isham G. Harris, Nashville, Tenn.: One gun-boat made its appearance in sight of Fort Don- elson this morning about 10 o'cock and opened a fire on the fort without injury, which fire the fort returned, when the boat retired. The Federals have landed in force, and the battle with light artillery commenced this evening. They are reported to have 10,000 or 12,000. We have the same number, probably more, to meet them. The steamer giving this news says when it left the battle was raging, but knows nothing further. I will telegraph you as fast as the news comes. Generals Pillow and Buckner are there. R. C. Wintebsmith. Cumberland City, February 13, 1S62—1.30 a.vi.- General Johnston : I anticipated your order which overtook me here. Ship- ping the balance of the troops from this point to Fort Donel- 1 From R. R. 110—271. 2 From R. R. 110—272. CORRESPONDENCE 47 son. I will reach there before day, leaving a small guard here. Jno. B. Floyd, Brigadier- General. Fort Donelson, February 2,"?, [l 1 'Z I 1 2 3 4 Place where Gen. McClernand landed. Creek. 1111 Fort. Intrenched Camp. 13 3 4 — Gunboats commencing attack. Ill 1 — Gunboats at time of surrender. Distance from island to Fort, one and a quarter miles. River op- posite Fort, three fourths of a mile wide. Instead of a right angle, as in this diagram, let it be gentle curve or bend in the river, and you will have a general view of the locality. The country around is much broken, and intersected by creeks, and covered with forests. At one angle of the encampment there is a road which leads to the town of Dover, on the Cumberland, twelve miles distant. The magazine is in the center of the work, and is well protected. The Fort and the camp are both surrounded by ditches. A combined plan of attack was agreed upon. Com. Foote was to steam up the western or shallow channel, now containing water suf- ficient to float the boats over all obstructions, while the force under McClernand should gain the rear of the camp. At the same time Gen. Smith was to move upon the other bank, and attack the redan. A re- connoissance showed that the largest portion of the rebels were M'ith- in their intrenchments, and that the force in the redan was compara- tively small. Com. Foote being aware of the condition of the roads, desired Gen. Grant to move at an earlier hour than that assigned for the gunboats, but Gen. Grant was confident his forces could reach their positions in time. In this he was undoubtedly mistaken, as the sequel proved. The distance was much greater than had been sup- posed, and the roads were mortar-beds after one regiment had passed. Gen. Grant did not accompany the column, but remained by the river. Com. Foote assured him that the troops would be behind, informed him FORT HENRY 59 that he should proceed at the time fixed upon, and added: "I shall take it before you will get there with your forces." The gunboats were anchored four miles below the fort, opposite Gen. Grant's camp. At half-past ten o'clock a signal was made for them to get under waj', and in a few minutes the fires which had been banked up were in full blast. Com. Foote had prepared his instruc- tions several days previously, and upon mature thought saw nothing to be changed. They were brief and plain. The three iron-clad boats were to keep in line with him, steadily advance, and keep bows on — to do just as he did. The three not clad were to follow at a proper dis- tance in the rear, and throw shell over those in advance. To the commanders and crews he said that in a battle it was verv necessary to success that they should keep cool. He desired them to fire with deliberate aim and not to attempt rapid firing, for three reasons, namely, that with rapid firing there was always a waste of ammunition; that their range would be wild; that the enemy would be encouraged unless the fire was effectual; that it was desirable not to heat the guns. With these instructions he slowly led his fleet up the shallow channel under cover of the island, thus avoiding long-range shot from the rifled guns which it was known the enemy had in position to sweep the main channel. He steamed slow to allow the troops time to gain their position.. The columns of troops were in motion. At starting the bands en- livened the movement, till the ho; rible condition of the roads compell- ed them to cease. The fleet slowly gained the head of the island and came into the following position: FORT. 60 BOSTON JOURNAL The distance from the head of the island to the Fort is a mile and a quarter. As soon as the four boats came into position, the Cincinnati opened fire at thirty-four minutes past twelve o'clock, with an eight- inch Dahlgren gun, throwing a shell with a fifteen-second fuse into the Fort. The Carondelet and the St. Louis each gave the same kind of missile, while the Essex threw an eighty-pound shell. The rebels instantly replied, and the firing became general, though not at first rapid. The commanders obeyed the instructions, kept their boats in a line with the Cincinnati, and fired with deliberate aim. The consequence was, that almost every shell dropped in the right place. As only the bow-guns were used, there were only twelve guns brought to bear upon the Fort, and in return about the same number of guns were brought to bear by the rebels upon the boats. As soon as the four boats were sufficiently advanced, the Lexington, Tyler, and Conestoga reached the head of the island, elevated their guns and joined in the fight, taking deliberate aim and dropping their shells in- to the Fort and camp. Steadily onward moved the boats, so nearly equal that at times they were almost in even line, throwing their sliells as if practising at a target. And now there was a visible commotion in the rebel camp. The first shell from the Cincinnati threw the troops into disorder, and at the fourth round, unable to stand the terrible hail which was bringing sure destruction, they broke and fled, leaving arms, ammunition, pro- visions, blankets, tents— everything, and poured out of the intrench- ment a motley, panic-stricken rabble, taking the road toward Dover. A portion jumped on board a small steamboat which was lying in the creek above the Fort, and escaped up the river. A few shells from the boats would have stopped them, and doubtless would have caused ter- rible slaughter, but Com. Foote had a definite purpose in view — taking of the Fort, and he was not to be swerved from that. When the cannonade opened, the troops which were marching to gain the rear of the enemy, impeded by the swollen creeks, were not more than half-way to their designated positions, but with the first gun from the Cincinnati they gave a loud hurrah, and of their own ac- cord broke into the double-quick, fearing thej- would be too late to have a hand in it. Their fears were well grounded, and the promise of Com. Foote to Gen. Grant was fulfilled, as the sequel will show. Straight onward moved the boats, swerving neither to the right nor the left. As they neared the Fort their fire became more and more destructive. The sand-bags and gabions were knocked about, cover- ing the guns and smothering those who served them. At an early moment in the fight the rifled gun of the rebel burst, but they did not slacken fire or seem discouraged. They fired with great accuracy, as will be hereafter seen, selecting the weakest spots of the gunboats, as their commander, Gen. Tilghman, said, for their points of sight. The FORT HENRY 61 gunboats were repeatedly hit, and those portions which were not plated with iron were badly riddled. The fight had lasted fifty minutes with scarcely a casualty on our part, wlien a twenty -four pound shot entered the Essex, passed through the thick oak planking surrounding the boilers and engines, and enter- ed the starboard boiler, instantly disabling her, filling the entire boat with steam, and scalding a large portion of her crew. She at once dropped behind, and floated down with the stream, till taken up by a tug and towed to the encampment. The rebels were greatly en- couraged. They revived their flagging fire, and evidently felt that victory was still to be theirs. But not for a moment faltered the fleet. They kept right on, straight toward the batteries, as if nothing had happened. They were now in close range. Their shells tore up the embankments as they exploded directly over the guns. One eighty- pound shell killed or wounded every person serving one of the guns, while the shots of the enemy which struck the iron plating glanced off, doing no harm. There was no sign of backing out — none of stopping on the part of Com. Foote— and those who beheld the fleet supposed from the in- dications that he was going to run straight on to the shore and pour in his fire at two rods' distance. Such coolness, determination, and en- ergy had not been counted on by the rebel general, and at forty-six minutes past one, or one hour and twelve minutes from the commence- ment of the fi^ht, when the gunboats were within three or four hun- dred yards of the Fort, the rebel flag came down by the run. In an instant all firing ceased. The rebels had raised a white flag, signify- ing a desire for a truce, but the smoke hid it from view, and no one on board the fleet observed it, and the shells were pouring in at such a I'ate which would not admit of delay, after the thought had once taken possession of the rebels' minds that it was time to give in. Conditions were of minor consideration. The St. Louis being nearest, immediately sent a boat on shore, and the Stars and Stripes went up with a wild huzzah from the crews. Gen. Tilghman, who commanded the rebels, asked for Commodore Foote. Word was sent from the Cincinnati that Commmodore Foote would be happy to receive him on board that gunboat, and the Cincin- nati's gig was sent to the shore. The rebel General entered it and soon stood before the Commodore. Gen. Tilghman asked for terms. "No, sir," said the Commodore, "your surrender must be unconditional."' "Well, sir, if I must surrender, it gives me pleasure to surrender to so brave an oflBcer as you." "You do perfectly right to surrender, sir; but I should not have surrendered on any condition." "Why so? I do not understand you." "Because I was fully determined to capture the Fort or go to the bottom." 62 BOSTON JOURNAL The rebel General opened his eyes at this remark, replied: "I thought I had you, Commodore, but you were too much for me." "But how could you fight against the old flag?" " Well, it did come hard at first; but if the North had only let us alone there would have been no trouble. But they would not abide by the Constitution." Commodore Foote assured him that he and all the South were mistaken. The Essex was formerly a ferry-boat used at St. Louis. She was enlarged and fitted up for the gunboat service, but is very differently constructed from the other boats. Her boilers are not below the water-line. They are surrounded by stanchions of white oak plank- When on board the Essex, a few weeks ago, I remarked to Capt. Porter that a shot entering one of the ports might be attended with unpleasant results. He agreed with me, but said that was a contin- gency they could not guard against. The shot, however, which did the damage, did not come through one of the ports, but struck a few inches above, on the only spot at the bow where there was no plating! Only one of the boats is wholly plated— the Benton. The others are plated at the bows and at the sides, in part. The Essex had the least mail of all. It is singular that the ball which did so much damage should have struck at the only vulnerable place at the bows. The flag-ship Cincinnati fired one hundred and twelve shot; the St. Louis one hundred and sixteen; the Carondelet about one hundred; the Essex fifty-five; the Conestoga, Lexington and Tyler, a few each; making in all about four hundred shot. The rebels replied spiritedly and with good aim, which is highly praised by Commodore Foote. They fired over three hundred shot. The Cincinnati was struck thirty-one times, the St. Louis seven, the Essex four. The Carondelet, I believe, did not receive a shot. Gen. Tilghman remarked to Commodore Foote, that "he knew the weak places of the boats, that he had accurate knowledge of their construc- tion, and aimed accordingly." But notwithstanding this, all, with the exception of the Essex, are ready for a fight to-day. One of the one hundred and twenty-eight pound shots struck an angle of the pilot- house on the Cincinnati with a force that jarred the entire boat from stem to stern, but did not penetrate the two and one half inch mail, beneath which, at the side of the pilot, stood the Commodore, his head but a few inches from the place. The boats have proved a success. When the rebel flag came down from the mast, the troops were a long distance from their assigned positions. The fight was over, and they had not seen it, and, what was more gaUing, they had not been able to participate in achieving the victory. Gen. Grant evidently did not understand that Commodore Foote was a man of his word, who be- lieves in energetic action at close quarters. In giving me these details, Commodore Foote incidentally remarked that he was decidedly in favor of close action. FORT HENRY 63 Under ordinary circumstances he should adopt the plan of Com- modore Du Pont at Tybee, but in this case he was satisfied with the plan he had adopted, and which he had resolved to carry out, no mat- ter what the events of the moment. He was satisfied that while one casemated gun on shore was equal to five afioat, a gun behind an em- bankment merely was but little more than one one on shipboard. He received the surrendered property, and two hours later turned it all over to General Grant, and proceeded to make other arrangements. The troops, if they had been in position as was designed, would doubtless have bagged the entire rebel force; but being behind time, the fleet-footed rebels were far on their way towards Dover, when they got possession of the road in the rear of the intrenchments. A portion of the force was immediately started in pursuit, while another poi'tion was detailed to accompany the three gunboat'5 sent by Com- modore Foote up the Tennessee River to destroy the railroad at Clarkaville, and get possession of the three rebel gunboats afloat. The Tyler, Lexington, and Conestoga, all of them fast boats, under command of Lieut. Phelps, were sent. They are not iron-clad, but it is not known that there are any batteries upon the river. I have upon former occasions made the readers of the Journal somewhat acquainted with Commodore Foote, with his personal ap- pearance, his sterling qualities as a man and a Christian gentleman. He has now shown that he is an able commander — not only able to plan, but to execute. To him belongs in a great measure the credit of organizing this formidable naval force, of creating it with scanty materials, and against great difficulties. When he was informed that the rebels had ten to twenty thousand men in camp, he remarked that he was sorry for it, because if they stood their ground there must be a terrible slaughter, for he should take the Fort, or his vessels would go to the bottom. This evening, notwithstanding his onerous duties, he has found time to sit down and give me these details. To him in particular are the readers of the Journal indebted for this full account. Aside from all these quahties of character, he is not afraid to have all men know that he recognises his obligations to his Divine Maker. A gentlemen remarked to him that he was getting nervous, and was afraid he did not sleep well. "I never slept better in my life than night before last, and I never prayed more fervently than on yesterday morning; but I couldn't sleep last night for thinking of those poor fellows on the Essex," was the reply. No wonder that under such a commander the victory is ours. He has done his duty from patriotic and conscientious motives, and a grateful people will reward him. The other officers and men, one and all, did their duty nobly. Commodore Foote informed me that his instructions were obeyed to the letter. 64 St. Louis "Democrat" Account. CAIRO, FEBRUARY 7, 1882. Three of the gunboats, the Cincinnati, the Essex and the St. Louis, having returned from the capture of Fort Henry, and having obtained all the particulars from officers and men, I hasten to write you the de- tails which I was unable to transmit by telegraph. How the Attack was Conducted. The attack was begun yesterday noon, the first gun fired from the ' Federal fleet, just after twelve o'clock. Only four of the gunboats were engaged— the Cincinnati, (the flag-ship,) the Essex, the Caron- delet, and the St. Louis. These moving up towards the Fort abreast— The Conestoga, Tyler and Lexington remaining behind, but within easy hail. The order of the approach was, the Essex on the right; next to her the Cincinnati, then the St. Louis, and the.Carondelet on the left. This disposition of the boats commends itself at once as an admirable stroke of Commodore Foote's undoubted naval genius. The object was to bring to bear the best guns of the fleet, and, at the same time, to prevent the exposure of the broadside of any of the boats to any of the enemy's guns. Had there been such exposure, it it is easy to imagine the destruction and probable failure which would have occurred, for the boats are extremely vulnerable in their after- parts. This order of approach having been assumed at the beginning, was preserved throughout the engagement, the fire opening at the distance of about one mile, and continuing with terrible effect until the surrender, when the fleet was not more than flve or six hundred yards from the Fort. Commodore Foote, it seems, pursued the same tactics that ren- dered him so famous in his attack upon the China forts a few years since, the English firing at a long distance and suffering severely, W'hile he ran immediately under the guns of the Chinamen, and poured such a hot and effective fire into their wooden walls, that they inflicted but little damage to the boats, and were quickly and completely dis- abled and beaten. Gen. Tilghman, the rebel commander of Fort Henry, upon his capture, promptly testified to the splendid manner in which the at- tack was conducted, saying that when he discovered the purpose of the Commodore, his chief object was to disable the flag- ship, and by getting the flag-officer out of the way, to disconcert the other boats, and enable him to pursue his firing with better effect. This accounts for the hearty manner in which his compliments were paid to the Cin- cinnati, she having received thirty-one shots out of about fifty, of which the whole fleet bear the marks. The Commodore comphmented Gen. Tilghman upon his gallant defence of the Fort, at the same time assuring him that he would have pursued the purpose of his attack, FORT HENRY 65 even to the landing of his boat at the very bank under the Fort, and that the Cincinnati, had the fight continued, should have kept head on until she was sunk. Another reason given by the rebel general for the concentration of fire upon the flag-ship, was the fact that she seemed to have got a better range than any of the other boats, and that her fire, just before the surrender, was most terrific. The Cincinnati bears many honorable scars. Several shots have left their marks upon her iron -plated sides, showing in each case a shallow and raking dent. One of her largest guns was struck on the right side of its muzzle, the shot chipping out a piece of the metal as large as a man's two hands, and actually splitting the muzzle eighteen inches down from the mouth. This will disable the gun entirely. Another gun, a thirty-two-pounder, I believe, bears a deep dent on its side, about eighteen inches from the mouth. Just behind the foi'ward port gun, and where the sides of the boat are not covered with iron, several shots have gone entirely through the bulwarks. One of these com- pletely decapitated one of the gunners; another passed through the bulwarks, scattering the splinters right and left, glancing along the timbers over the machinery, and passing into the wheel, but not doing much damage. The most terrible effect of the enemy's fire upon the Cincinnati, is seen on her upper works, the deck seeming to have been swept with the destructive missiles, the smoke-stacks pierced in sev- eral places, and the small boats riddled and almost destroyed. One large shot struck the iron-plated pilot-house, leaving an ugly mark, but doing no damage. The concussion was violent, and is described by the pilots as surprising the Commodore and them into a very decided grunt. But one man was killed outright on the Cincinnati. A few were wounded with splinters, whose names I have sent you. Capt. Pratt was badly hurt by a spent ball striking his leg. The men de- scribe the crash of the balls through the timbers of the vessel as a terrible sound, but none of them flinched, say their oflicers, but the party manning the gun at which one of their number was beheaded. At the ghastly sight thej' scattered and fell back for a moment, but immediately rallied and stood their ground. The Cincinnati came into port with the large rebel flag flying under the Stars and Stripes, her appearance being greeted with many cheers and congratulations among the persons on the Cairo levee. The Essex, which has always seemed an unfortunate boat, not- withstanding the pains taken with her and the admirable naval and fighting qualities of her commander, Capt. W. D. Porter, and his man- ly crew, was very unluckj' in this engagement. For half an hour she bore her part in the contest most gallantly, her magnificent armament playing with fearful effect upon the Fort, when she received a most fearful shot immediately over the forward port-gun. Capt. Porter, at the moment was peering out the port-hole, watching the effect of his firing, and a young man named Brittain, son of the celebrated Dr. Brittain, of New York City, was standing by his side, his hand on the Captain's shoulder. The ball divided his head, completely carrying 66 ST. LOUTS DEMOCRAT away its crown, and scattei'ing- his brains upon tlie person of a pay- master who was standing by liis sid«. This terrible messenger of death tiew along the ship, through the bulkheads which were to pro- tect the machinery of the boat, and crashed into the middle boiler. Immediateh', with a rushing sound, the scalding steam filled every part of the vessel. The two pilots, both well known in St. Louis, who were standing noblj' at their work, so absorbed, as it seemed, in their duties, that they had neglected to close the trap-door which leads from below to their house, were enveloped by the blistering vapor and almost immediately scalded to death. Tliey made a desperate strug- gle to get out of the pilot-house, running their arms through the look- out holes, which were not large enough to pass their bodies, and vain- ly striving to get their heads through for fresh air. The tars who had stood so gallantly to their guns, were appalled at this new and terrible enemy, and many of them were seen to throw themselves out of the port holes into the river. Capt. Porter was badly scalded on the face and hands. At this writing, however his wounds are said not to be so bad as was tirst anticipated. The large number of wounded and missing by this unroward event. I have already sent you. At this dis- aster the Essex was disabled, and began to fall back, which Commodore Foote observing, was for the moment perplexed. He thought first of falling back with her, and by fastening to her, to bring her again into line, but the second thought decided him to let her go; and pressing more eagerlj- forward with the Cincinnati, urged on by the plain neces- sity of close and desperate fighting, bore down upon the Fort, with a fiercer front than ever, hurling his messengers of death and destruc- tion so rapidly upon the enemy, that all resistance was useless, and they were compelled to capitulate. The St. Louis and Carondelet did splendid work, but did not seem to receive so much attention from the enemy. They are marked in several places, but did not lose a man. Commodore Foote informs me that but eleven of the guns of the four boats were used, and the rebel officers represent that, out of the seventeen guns with which the Fort was armed, but eleven were brought to bear upon the boats— so that no advantage can be claimed by either side. The guns of the Fort were all of heavy calibre, the largest being a one hundred and twenty-eight-pounder— a beautifully finished piece from the Tredegar Works at Richmond. They had one rifled cannon, a thirty-two-pounder, which burst during the engage- ment, and became useless. Their guns were most skilfully handled. and all our officers give them the credit of a most gallant and deter- mined defense of their fort. The rebels report but five killed and eight or ten wounded. The number of prisoners is now stated to be fifty-four. The disposition of Gen. Tilghman and staff" I have already sent you. They will probably be sent to this place to-day or to-morrow. When the flag of the Fort was lowered, it was not quite taken out of sight of the boats, and Commodore Foote did not know but some FORT HENRY 67 trick was about to be played upon him, so he remained quiet for a few minutes, waiting further demonstrations. Soon a small white yawl put out fi'om the Fort, containing two officers, and on approaching the Cincinnati was liailed by Master Hoel. The officers said they wanted a conference with the Flag-Officer, which was at once granted tliem. One of our boats then put out for the Fort, containing Captain Stembel of the Cincinnati, and Captain Phelps of the Conestoga, which boat had now come up lo the scene of the action. Entering the Fort, they immediately reared the American flag and brought off the rebel flag. Gen. Tilghman and staff tlien came on board the Cincinnati, and asked to be shown to Commodore Foote. At the interview, the General de- sired to know the terms of surrender, to which the Commodore re- plied: "An unconditional surrender." And so it was accepted. The amount of army plunder which fell into our hands is repre- sented as very large, consisting of cannon, ammunition, tents, baggage, and muskets. The rebel infantry forces encamped outside of the Fort, whose numbers are variously estimated from three to ten thousand, quit their position before and during the fight, getting off in such a hurry that much valuable property was left. General Grant, with an advance guard, took possession of the Fort about an hour after the surrender, Commodore Foote turning every thing over to him. Whether Gen. Grant pursued the en- emy that night or the next day, I cannot positively learn. The gun- boats Tyler, Conestoga, and Lexington passed up the river toward the railroad bridge, and have not been heard from at this writing. The steamer Golden State is just in from Paducah, and brings no later news than that bi'ought by the gunboats, though a boat was hourly expected down the Tennessee. The general comment on the fight at this place is marked by much complaint of General Grant, though how justly or unjustly such complaint may be made cannot now be ascertained. It is known that Commodore Foote desired a brigade of infantry to go along the bank of the river with his boats, but this was not granted. Gen. Grant, it is thought, is much to blame for his inadequate transportation. He might have had boats enough to have landed all his force at once, and to have surrounded the enemy instantly. As it is, they have all escaped but those left in the Fort to man the guns. It is hoped that the rebel army has been vigorously pursued. Yours, G. W. F. Results of the Victory. CAIRO, FRIDAY NIGHT, FEB. 7, 1862. The reduction of Fort Henry and the capture of General Tilgh- man, staff and men, though they maj' be justly regarded as compris- ing one of the most brilliant feats of the war, are not more gratifying 68 ST. LOUIS DEMOCRAT in themselves tlian important in their results. It is not very difficult to imagine the effect which the affair will have upon the rebel leaders generally, and upon the camp at Columbus particularly. At that im- pregnable point, as they have been pleased to regard it, they will now have a lively and rather disturbing appreciation of the effectiveness of the guuboat service of the West. Commodore Foote has shown what it is in his power to do with hut four of his boats, and they bring- ing to bear but eleven of their guns. Fort Henry was, perhaps, as strong an earthwork as any yet constructed by the rebels. It was mounted with seventeen heavy guns, eleven of which, equal in calibre to those on the gunboats, were taxed to their utmost in defence of the Fort, but yet. in the wonderfully short space of one hour and twenty minutes, were entirely silenced and surrendered into the hands of Commodore Foote. These guns, too, were mounted by some of the finest artillerists of the South, yet were insufficient. With this instructive lesson before their eyes, it would seem rea- sonable to conclude that not even in Columbus will the rebels venture to dispute the palm with Commodore Foote, when in command of his full fleet of twelve boats and their full armaments. If they make the fight, we have a reasonable assurance that that place will meet the same destruction that was so summarily visited upon Fort Henry. In this connection, we may allude to a significant bit of informa- tion: that the whole gunboat fleet is to be put in complete readiness at once, each boat in the late action to repair as well as she can until the order to move is given, which may be issued at any moment. Another important result of the Fort Henry victory is the open- ing of Tennessee to the army under Gen. Grant, and the seizure and perhaps the destruction of the Nashville and Memphis Railroad, thus severing the connection between Bowling Green and Columbus, and threatening the rear of both these important points. Gen. Grant's division, including the brigade under Gen. Wallace, which we take for granted has ere this joined him. will number at least twenty thousand men. To this, we learn, additions of a large character will be rapidly made. A regiment passed up to-day on the Empress. One or two more are coming down the Central Railroad tonight, and will be for- warded immediately. The i-ailroads in Illinois, we hear, have been appropriated for twelve days for the transportation of troops. The Quartermaster's department here is very much hurried, while activity and hopefulness are noticed in all army circles. All this, I think, is the natural and important result growing out of the reduction of Fort Henry, and we may justly regard it as the be- ginning of a development which has for its speedy' maturity either the capture of Bowling Green and Columbus, or the evacuation of both- more probably the latter. The spinal column of the rebellion is un- doubtedly broken just in the small of the back, at the railroad bridge over the Tennessee River. The great medicine-man, Beauregard, comes west too late for a cure. TENNESSEE RIVER 69 We are looking for important news from above to-night. A boat may get down before midnight with the rebel prisoners on board, and satisfactory information from Gen. Wallace's movement. Yours, etc., G. W. F. Cincinnati "Gazette" Narrative. * ON BOARD THE FLAG -SHIP gT. LOUIS, ) NEAR PADUCAH, February 12. ( I have just learned the following interesting particulars of an ex- pedition up the Tennessee River. The telegraph has, I believe, meagrely sketched some of the facts. What I give you is "ex cathe- dra.'^ On the sixth instant, soon after the surrender of Fort Henry, Commodore Foote gave orders to Capt. S. L. Phelps, of the Conestoga, to proceed up the Tenne'-see River, in command of a division consist- ing of the Tyler, under the command of Lieut. Gwin; the Lexington, under command of Lieut. Shirk ; and his own vessel. After dark of the same day, the flotilla arrived at the railroad-crossing twenty-five miles above Fort Henry, and destroyed a large amount of camp equipage abandoned by the fleeing rebels. The draw of the bridge was found closed, and the machinery for working it disabled. About a mile and a half above the bridge were several rebel transport steamers, making good headway up the stream. Capt. Phelps ordered a squad of men to open the draw. This was done in about an hour. The Tyler being the slowest of the gunboats. Lieut. Gwin landed a force to destroy a portion of the railroad track, and to secure such military stores as might be found, while Captain Phelps and Lieut. Shirk, with the Con- estoga and Lexington, followed the fugitive rebels with great speed. In five hours the Conestoga succeeded in forcing the rebels to abandon and burn three of their boats, loaded with niilitary stores. The first one fired by the rebels, the Samuel Orr, had on board a quantity of sub- marine batteries, which very soon exploded. The second one was freighted with powder, cannon, grape, balls, etc. Fearing an explosion from the fired boats, (there were two of them close together,) Capt. Phelps had stopped at a distance of one thousand yards, but even then the skylights of the Federal boats were broken by the concussion; the light upper deck was raised bodily, doors were forced open, and locks and fastenings everywhere broken. The whole river for a half a mile round, was completely beaten up by the falling fragments, and the showers of shot and balls. The house of a reputed Union man was blown to pieces. It is suspected there was some such design in landing the boats in front of the doomed house. The Lexington having fallen astern, and without a pilot on board, Capt. Phelps concluded to wait for both of the boats to come up. * From Moore, IV— 120. Cf. Newspaper items on p. 29, ante, also. Report Phelps R. R. 7—153. 70 CINCINNATI GAZETTE They all proceeded up the river. Lieut. Gwin had destroyed some of the trestle-work at the end of the bridge, burning- also a lot of camp equipage. J. N. Brown, formerly a lieutenant in the Federal navy, now of the confederates, had fled with such precipitation as to leave his papers behind him. Lieut. Gwin got possession of these; they con- sisted of an official history of the rebel floating preparations on the Mississippi, Cumberland and Tennessee. Lieut. Biown, it appears, had charge of the construction of the rebel giinboats. At night, on the seventh, the flotilla arrived at a landing" in Har- din County, Tennessee, known as Cerro Gordo, where they found the steamer Eastport being converted into a rebel gunboat. Armed boats" crews were immediately sent on board. On reaching her, it was found that she had been scuttled and the section-pipes broken. These leaks were soon stopped. A number of rifle shots were fired at the Federal boats, but a couple of well directed shells dispeised the rebels. On examination, Capt. Phelps found that there were large quan- tities of lumber prepared for filling up the Eastport; that the vessel itself, two hundred and eighty feet in length, was in excellent con- dition, and already half finished. A considerable quantity of the iron plating was lying on the bank, and everything at hand to complete her. Lieut. Gwin remained with tlie Tyler to guard the prize, timber, etc.. while the other boats proceeded up the river. Soon after daylight, on the eighth, they passed Eastport, Missis- sippi, andat Chickasaw, further up near the State line, seized the steam- ers Sallie Wood and Muscle, the former laid up, and the latter freight- ed with iron, destined for Richmond, for rebel use. The flotilla proceeded up the river, entering the State of Alabama, and ascending to Florence at the foot of the muscle shoals. On com- ing in sight of the town of Florence, three steamers were discovered by our men, but they were immediately set on fire by the rebels. Some shots were fired from the opposite side of the river below. A force was landed, and considerable quantities of supplies marked "Fort Henry,'* were secured from the burning wrecks. Some had been loaded and stored. Our flotilla took possession of as much of these stores as they could bring away, and destroyed the remainder. A large qtiantity of iron plating, evidenth intended for the Eastport, was found here also. A deputation of the citizens of Florence waited upon Capt. Phelps, desiring that they might be made able to quiet the fears of their wives and daughters with assurance that they would not be molested; also, praying that the Captain would not destroy the railroad bridge. As for the first proposition, the anxious fathers and husbands were as- sured that the Federals were neither ruffians nor savages, and that they were on an errand of protection to loyalty and enforcement of law. As to the second proposition. Captain Phelps said that if the bridge were away, he could ascend no higher, and that it could possess, so far as he saw, no military importance, as it simply connected Florence with the railroad on the south bank of the river. TENNESSEE RIVER 71 Our brave command had seized three rebel steamboats, one of them a half- finished gunboat, and had forced the rebels to burn six others loaded with supplies. This was a heavy blow- to the enemy. Two rebel boats are still known to be in the Tennessee River, and are doubtless hidden in some of the creeks, where they will be found when there is time for the search. On the night of tlie eighth, the flotilla returned to where the Eastport lay. The crews of the different boats secured two hundred and fifty thousand feet of the best quality of ship and building lumber, all the iron, machinery, spikes, etc., intended to be used in the com- pletion of the gunboat. The saw-mill used in preparing the lumber was destroyed. In the absence of the Uonestogaand Lexington, Lieut. (J win enlist- ed twenty-five Tennesseeans, who gave information of the encamp- ment of Col. Drew's rebel regiment, near Savannah, Tenn. A portion of the six hundred or seven hundred men composing the regiment were known to have been "pressed" into the service, and all were badly armed. Captain Phelps determined to make a land attack on this en- campment. Lieut. Sliirk, with thirty riflemen, went on board the Con- estoga, leaving his vessel to guard the Eastport. The Conestoga and Tyler went up toward the encampment, but after landing one hundred and thirty riflemen, and a twelve-pound howitzer, it was discovered that the rebels had left. A large quantity of stores, shoes, etc, were found on the grqund, the fugitives having been greatly alarmed when they departed. A mail -bag, containing letters full of military infor- mation, was found, and is now in possession of Commodore Foote. Proceeding a few miles down the river, to a point where the rebels had a small armory, our men captured seventy rifles and fowling- pieces. Returning to Cerro Gordo, our men took the Eastport, Sallie Wood and ^vluscle in tow, and came down the river to the railroad- crossing. The Muscle sprung a leak, and all efforts failed to prevent her from sinking. She was abandoned, and with her a quantity of fine lumber.. In the ofl&cial report of this important expedition, Capt. Phelps says that he met with the most gratifying proofs of loyalty everywhere across Tennessee and in the portions of Mississippi and Alabama visited by him. Most affecting instances greeted him hour- ly. Men, women, and children several times gathered in crowds of hundreds, .shouted his welcome;, and hailed tlie National flag with an enthusiasm not to be mistaken. It was genuine and heartfelt. The loj^al people braved everything to get to the river bank to see the old flag once more. Their tales of persecution and suffering were heart- rending. Tears flowed freely down the cheeks of men as well as women, as they spoke of the fondly cherished hope of again living under the Stars and Stripes. At Savannah, Tenn., Capt. Phelps was assured that, of the several hundred troops of which I have already spoken, more than one half would have hailed their capture by our men as a delivei-ance from 72 NEW YORK TIMES bondage. In Mississippi tlie people spoke with less freedom about the Union cause. They said they were actually afraid of their own shadows, so great was the reign of terror in their midst. The selection of Captain Phelps for this important expedition, has proven one of the best that could have been made. In a man who, like him, unites with the loyalty of a patriotic American citizen the coolness and intrepidity of an experienced commander, there can behi- tle wanting to make him equal to any emergency that the service of our country, in her hour of peril, may present. He has done much, and will do more to establish the high character of the calling in which he is engaged. Commodore Foote has just cause for self-congratulation in de- vising the expedition, and placing at its head a man who has so nobly acquitted himself. Of this valiant officer, however, more anon. Mack. New York *' Times" Account J IN CAMP NEAP FORT DONELSON. } SATURDAY, FEB. 15, 1862. f It was determined by Gen. Grant to make the attack upon Fort Donelson from two directions — by land from the direction of Fort Henry, and by water up the Cumberland, assisted by an adequate col- umn of troops on the banks. Tuesday night, the Fifty-seventh Illinois, Col. Baldwin, arrived at Fort Henry, on the steamer Minnehaha. Gen. Grant directed Col. Baldwin to return immediately down the river, stop all traasports with troops, proceed down the Tennessee and up the Cumberland, keeping in the rear of gunboats, which would be found ready to start at Paducah on his arrival. The order also added that he should reach the vicinity of Fort Donelson Wednesday afternoon, disembark his troops, and be ready, in conjunction with the column from Fort Henry and the gunboats, to make an attack upon Fort Donelson Thursday morning. The plan seemed easy of ac- complishment, so far as keeping "on time" is concerned, but in this respect quite a failure ensued. Cooks were immediatelj' set at work to provide the three days' rations ordered, and this took until midnight to accomplish. The Minnehaha then started out and reached Paducah about daylight, stopping and turning back on the way some eight or ten transports, loaded with troops. Upon reaching Paducah, we found that only a portion of the gun- boat fleet had arrived, and this necessitated another delay. Toward night, however, the stragglers came slowly creeping up the river, and soon after the whole fleet started, and by ten o'clock we had reached Smithland, at the mouth of the Cumberland River. The scene here was magnificent beyond description — the night was as warm as an evening in August in our more northern latitudes, a full moon looked 1 From Moore, IV— 170. FORT DONELSON 73 down from an unclouded sky, and glanced off from bayonets, plumes, and sword-hilts without number. At intervals long jets of fleecy smoke burst out along the parapets of the two forts on the height overlooking the town, and the boom of the welcome went reverberat- ing over the hills, till from the long distances in Kentucky it came back like a whisper. In turn the bands on the boats charmed the ear with most eloquent music, which, added to the effect of scores of gaily dressed ladies promenading the upper decks, gave the scene more the character of some vast drawing-room gathering — so much like was it. that no one would have been surprised had the whole crowd suddenly resolved into eddies of whirling waltzes or the swift changeful cur- rents of quadrille or gallopade. It was midnight before the fleet again got under way, and from that time our progress against the rapid sweep of the Cumberland was of the slowest possible description. On the morning of Thursday, by about nine o'clock, we made Eddyville — a small town on the east bank of the river, and distant only about forty-five miles from Smithland. If one may judge from the demonstrations of those who stood on the shore watching our passage, a more loyal town than Eddyville exists nowhere beneath the sun. The women waved handkerchiefs of all colors, or in lieu of that an apron or bonnet; the men swung their hats and vociferated alternately "Hurrah for the Union!" and "Hurrah for Lincoln!" until hoarse beyond utterance; even the dogs of Eddyville were loyal, and barked and wagged their tails in patriotic joy at the national inun'dation. There was only one case, however, that bore the marks of sincerity. An old man, whose head was white as a snow- drift, stood on the shore leaning heavily on his cane and watching with seeming apathy the passage of the boats, whose full appearance his faded eyes probably failed to catch. Just as the Minnehaha passed opposite him the magnificent band of the Fifty-seventh struck up "Yankee Doodle." Its strains seemed to awaken stirring memories in the old man's mind — off went his hat, and with a vim that sent his hair flying around his head like a snow-bank lifted by the wind, he gave three hearty cheers for the Union — the Union in which himself, his children, and his grandchildren had been born, reared and pro- tected. Eddyville is a nice little town, and probably is quite as good as the ancient scriptural city which numbered at least one righteous man among its inhabitants. It is probably some time since the high bluffs, which environ it have had their echoes busy translating the patriotic airs of "Hail Columbia," "Star f^pangled Banner," and "Yankee Doodle," and much good, I hope, may the exerciee do those for whose benefit it was intended. It was close upon midnight when the fleet reached the point be- low the Fort, where the disembarking was to take place; and then a savage wind was driving hail, sleet and snow directly in our teeth, as the work of landing the troops was commenced. A more disagreeable job never was undertaken and finished; the storm had cleared off. 74 NEW YORK TIMES leaving the ground frozen hard and covered to the depth of an inc with snow. The cohimn which thus readied here, by way of the Cumberland, numbered not far from ten thousand men, who were conveyed in fourteen transport steamers; the column which came from Fort Henry, across the counti'y, under Gen. Grant in person, was composed, in round numbers, of twenty thousand men, and included infantry, some fifteen or seventeen batteries of artillery, and from twelve to fifteen hundred horsemen. Before pi-oceeding further in the history of affairs, I will write of the movements of this force. The land forces left Fort Henry at ten o'clock Wednesday morn- ing. The route lay along the Dover road, and as there had been no rain for the last few days, and the weather was mild and cheerful, the progress was comi)arative]y rapid. In some four hours after starting, the head of the column had entered the ravines to the rear, and taken up a position within about two miles of Fort Donelson. This position was not taken till after frequent and short delays, the surroundings were carefully examined, and their entire freedom from masked bat- teries and other favorite secession man-ti'aps fully ascertained. The rest of the day was spent in bringing the remaining {)art of the forces into position, which was done by extending both up and down a line parallel witli the river, and then bending in the extreme right and left, thus enclosing the Fort in a semi -circular line, and completely surrounding it. This was not done without much trouble. The enemy's pickets and sharpshooters seemed endless in number, and had to be driven from every ravine and hill-top, at an expense of much blood-letting. No very serious damage resulted, however, to our forces, and by night they liad driven the rebels completely within the line of their fortifications, and liad sharpened their appetites for a more serious brush on the day following. Thursday morning dawned beautifully, and seemed to smile upon the efforts of the National troops. The men cheerfully accepted the omen, and determined to make the most of the weather and their rifles during the day — a determination which was fully carried out ere night, and which gave many a poor fellow a leaden passport for ferriage over the dark river. Among the operations projected, was one to force a reconnois- sance close up to the Fort, and thus early settle the character of the neighboring ground with a view to the more important operations of the future. The ground around the Fort is a rolling upland, covered wiih heavy timber and dense undergrowth, and broken for miles around into ravines, bordered by precipitous bluffs, whose sides, steep and rocky, almost forbid the passage of even a goat. The Fort itself is situated upon a high bluff', which slants with an easy descent to a point at the water's edge on the north, and is probably not less than one hundred feet above the level of the water. To the rear the bluff has been to some extent levelled for the distance of a mile. On this artificial table-land stands the Fort, whose lines of fortifications and FORT DONELSON 75 rifle-pits cover the entire levelled space. Bordering this fortified por- tion is a ravine of no grf-at depth, across which, and forming its outer boundary, is a timbered ridge, or rather a series of ridges, for it is di- vided at intervals by ravines which flow in all directions like streams emptying into a river. Moving toward this ridge about ten A. M. Thursday, was a body of National troops, composed in all of about five regiments of infantry and some three or four batteries of artillery. The National troops were met, at a distance of a thousand yards or so, by a heavy force of the enemy, and a sharp engagement ensued, which, however, was confined mainly to artillery practice and "bushwhacking" on both sides. The enemy gradually gave ground, and in an hour had taken refuge within their works, and our troops were in possession of the series of hills which lies adjacent to the ravine next to the outer line of fortifications. The distance from these ridges to the nearest defences of the rebels was not more than three hundred yards, and being cov- ered with timber, while they are slightly higher than the works, they afforded a capital position for our sharpshooters, of which they were not slow to avail themselves. Among the rest who disposed themselves along these ridges were Birge's celebrated regiment of riflemen, and from that time forward, a secession head above the parapet, for ever so brief a period, was sure to go down with a hole bored through it about the size of one that might be made with a three-quarter auger. This regiment did most effectual service. Each member is dressed in gray, with a gray felt cap, whose top is rigged "fore-and-aft" with squirrel-tails dyed black. Their vvaapon is a heavy rifle, carrying a conical ball, with an effective range of about one thousand yards. On this occasion, as in- deed upon every other since, they fought pretty much in the places and after the manner that happened best to suit individual fancies. Lying flat behind a stump, one would watch with finger on trigger for rebel game with all the excitement of a hunter waylaying deer at a "salt-lick." Woe to rebel caput that was lifted ever so quickly above the parapet for a glance at Yankee operations. Fifty eyes instantly sighted it, and fifty fingers drew trigger on it, and thereafter it was seen no more. Writhing over on his back, the sharpshooter would reload and then twist back, in all the operation not exposing so much as the tip of his elbow to the enemy. About eleven o'clock three regiments— the Fourth Illinois on the left, the Forty-ninth on the right, and the Eighteenth in the centre- under command of Col. Morrison, started on double-quick down the declivity with a view of storming the outer breastwork. As they reached the bottom of the bluff Col. Morrison received a ball in his hip, and fell from his horse. Seeing their leader fall, and nobody ap- pearing to take his place, the regiments wavered, and finally fell back, gaining the top of the hill in good order, but with considerable loss. Again, in the course of the day, the Twenty-fifth Indiana made a break for a breastwork in front of them, but were met by a force of 76 NEW YORK TIMES the enemy triple their own, and were, after fighting desperately for nearly an hour, forced to retire. These were the main efforts of the land forces during the day, aside from the bushwhacking — this was kept up as long as the light would permit a man to sight a barrel. Once during the night the enemy sallied out in force, and made a determined attempt to capture Taylor's Chicago battery, but were driven back with a heavy loss as their only recompense. The whole daj' was of the busiest and most exciting description. There was not a single instant from ten -o'clock until night tliat the woods were not filled with the sharp crack of small arms, the heavy roar of artillery, and the swift, whistling rush of the rebel grape-shot as it scoured incessantly through the timber— a per- fect tempest of iron hail. Our total loss through the day was believed at the time to reach about thirty killed and one hundred and seventy wounded. This large number of casualties resulted, to a great extent, from the imprudence of the men themselves. They were so anxious to fight, that they hes- itated at no exposure to obtain a shot at the enemy. A large number of the wounds were caused by falling limbs, which were wrenched off by the fiery showers of grape sent from the rebel batteries. During the time that the land foi'ces were engaged, the iron-clad gunboat Carondelet, went up and singly engaged the rebel batteries. She fired one hundred and two shots, and received no great damage in all the tremendous fire to which she was exposed, save in the case of a single shot. This, a monster mass of iron, weighing at least one hundred and twenty-eight pounds, entered one of her forward ports and wounding eight men in its passage, dashed with terrific force against the breastwork of coal-bags in front of the boilers, and there was stopped. Soon after this she retired from the unequal conquest, having covered herself with glory for having so long singly withstood the enormous force of the rebels' entire water-batteries. Thus ended the operations of Thursday. The results, although accompanied by a comparatively heavy loss on our side, were in the main satisfactory. The courage and eagerness of our troops were tested, the range and bearing of the enemy's guns obtained, and a thorough examination made of all the grounds adjacent to the Fort. Friday, the work of disembarking the troops and stores brought by the transports was commenced. By noon the forces had all landed, and were on their way to join the main body. The only event of importance that occurred during the day, was a heavy engagement between the gunboats and the Fort. About two P. M. the Fort threw a few shells at the transports, but, however, failed in reaching them by about half a mile. Soon after the whole fleet of seven guubaats moved up— the four iron boats in advance and ahead, the three wooden boats at a discreet distance in the rear. At about a mile the iron boats opened from their bow-guns, and were re- plied to promptly by the Fort. FORT DONELSON 77 I secured a position about half-way between the boats and Port, a little out of the line of fire, and there for two hours had the pleasure of listening to a concert of the most gigantic order. At first the roar from Fort and boats was unbroken for a single instant, so rapid was the firing, while the air high overhead seemed filled with a million of hissings, as the heavy storm of shells tore furiously ahead on their mission of destruction. In about half an hour, the fire from the Fort began to slacken, and shortly after was continued from only three guns —the rest apparently having been silenced by our fire. At this time the boats were within some four hundred yards, and were on the point of using gi-ape-shot, when a shot disabled the steering ap- paratus of the Louisville, by carrying ofT the top of the wheelhouse, and knocking the wheel itself into fragments. There was a^tiller aft, and this was instantly taken possession of by the pilot — but he had scarcely reached it, ere the rudder was carried away by a shot from the Tyler. Of course the boat became instantly unmanageable, and swung around, receiving a shot in the woodwork towards the stern, which, I believe, wounded several seamen. Under these circumstances, it was thought best to retire, and accordingly the whole fleet fell back to the position it had occupied in the morning. The most serious damage sustained during the action was from one of those monster one hundred and twenty-eight-pound shots, which passed through a bow-port of the Louisville and dismounted the second gun on the starboard quarter, killing three men and wounding six others. A captain of one of the guns was cut completely in two, and spattered his brains over Capt, Dove, who stood by him, and otherwise so man- gled him that scarcely a resemblance to humanity remained. The same boat also received a shot near the water-line, which, while it did not penetrate the hull, started the timbers so as to set her leaking badly. During the night, however, all damage was repaired, and this morning she is as ready for active service as ever. The total loss on the Louisville was six killed and eight or ten wounded. One of the other gunboats had some of her woodwork shot away, but was not materially damaged. The iron boats in action were : Louisville, Capt. B. M. Dove. St. Louis, Lieut. -Com. Paulding. Carondelet, Lieut. -Com. Kelte. Mound City, Lieut. -Com. . The other three boats were the wooden ones— Tyler, Lexington, and Conestoga. There is a boat about to leave for Cairo, and I have concluded to mail this without awaiting the result of the final assault. Affairs look encouraging—the Fort is completely invested, and will probably be stormed either this afternoon or to-morrow morning. The rebels have a flag flying from the Fort which is thought to be a black one. 78 NEW YORK TIMES Fort Donki.hon, Monday, Feb. 7 7, 1802. My last letter closed with the doings of our troops up to Friday night, and at that point in the progress of the siege I will resume the history of events. Friday night was one of the severest description. The men being without tents, and in many cases without fire, suffered intensely. Hundreds were frost-bitten, and from facts related to me since the surrender by some of the rebels, I have no doubt but that many of our wounded men, who fell in the fight of Friday, and were unable to walk in were actually frozen to death. This circumstance is a terrible one, and inexpressibly shocking, but there was no help for it. During the various conflicts of Friday, the scene was constantly changed from point to point, and not again visited by our troops. Men would fall at these places, and being unable to get away, were obliged to stay where they fell. In some cases, a few of our wounded were cared for by the rebels, although they were without fire, and could give them but Uttle valuable assistance. Saturday morning opened cold and lowering, as if in sympathy with the bloody drama which its first gray beams inaugurated. All the day the tide of battle raged along the ground which had hitherto divided the hostile forces, and swallowed in its bloody depths more brave lives than were lost in all the days before. On the extreme right of the National line was Gen. McClernand's division, composed of three brigades, as follows: FIRST BRIGADE— COL. OGLESBY COMMANDING Eighth Illinois, Lieut. -Col. Rhoades. Eighteenth Illinois, ('ol. Lawler. Twenty-ninth Illinois, Col. Reardon. Thirtieth Illinois, Lieut.-Col. Dennis. Thirty-first Illinois, Col. John A. Logan. Swartz and Dresser's batteries. Stewart's, Dollin's, O'Harnett's, and Carmichael's cavalry. SECOND BRIGADE—COL. W. H. L. WALLACE Eleventh Illinois, Lieut.-Col. Hart. Twentieth Illinois, Col. Marsh. Forty -fifth Illinois, Col. Smith. Forty-eighth Illinois, Col. Harney. Twenty-fifth Kentucky, Col. Shackleford. Taylor's and McAUister's batteries. Seventh Illinois cavalry, Capt. Kellogg. Fourth Illinois cavalry, Col. Dickey. THE THIRD BRIGADE as made up, is commanded by Gen. Payne, who, however, was not present. It has only two regiments: Eighth Wisconsin, Col. Murphy. Forty- ninth Illinois, Col. W. R. Morrison. FORT DONELSON 79 These tliree brigades occupied the entire ground from the centre of the National line to its extreme right. The balance of the line from the centre to the extreme left, was lield by the second division under Gen. C. F. Smith. Early on the morning of Friday— almost before it was fairly light — the enemy poured forth in a mass of not less than tliree thousand men, and hurled themselves with tremendous force against the Forty- fifth and Twelfth Illinois regiments, that were nearly on the exti-eme right. Accompanying them were twelve batteries of artillery. The Forty-fifth and Twelfth sustained the shock manfully for a short time, and then withdrew. Tlie Eighteenth and Nintii Illinois soon after came to their supjiort, and for a short time held the enemy in check. Soon after, the Thirtieth, Thirt^^- first and Eleventh Illinois regi- ments, the Eighth Missouri, Fifty -eighth Ohio, and Twenty-fifth Kentucky, and Wiilard's battery were added to the National force, and the fight became of terrific proportions. McAllister's battery took position on an eminence, and for four hours their heavy twenty-four- pounders were not silent for a single instant. During all this time they were exposed to a heavy fire from the rebels, who had erected batteries so as to command McAllister's position from three points — two directly in front, and one on his right. Taylor's battery stood a little to the rear of the other, and somewhat to the left — the other National batteries were distributed at various points along the line, as tlie nature of the ground would permit— all kept the air incessantly filled with their music, and with showers of grape and shell. This is but an outline of the position of the National forces, for there can be strictly no correct sketch given, as at no time during the fight were the regiments stationary. Now they pushed forward, again fell back, withdrew, and were replaced by others. The fight itself was prolonged and desperate. Now it rolled over a hill, anon poured along a ravine, always in the woods, and always marking its track in characters of blood. The conflict was not conducted accord- ing to any particular military plan — men stationed themselves behind trees, logs, rocks, anything that would afford shelter, and blazed away whenever a hostile head appeared. The Twenty-fifth Kentucky regiment was on the extreme right, and was attacked by a swarm of the enemy with such vigor that they broke and fled in disorder. At another part of the National line the attack was conducted by such overwhelming numbers that the line was broken through, and the battle seemed well-nigh likely to become a total rout on the part of the National forces. It was at this last gap broken through the National line that McAllister's battery was sta- tioned, and where for a time it fell in the hands of the rebels. The battery had only one hundred and fifty rounds of ammunition, and at about ten o'clock these were all fired away — not a single shot was left. Capt. McAllister in vain endeavored to obtain a supply from the rear; a shot from the enemy passed through tliree of his horses; anotiier tore off the trail from one of the guns; a third smashed the wheel of a 80 NEW YORK TIMES second gun. Just at this time, a heavy force of the enemy obtained a cover near him, and opened fire at about two hundred yards with musketry. Hitching six horses to the only undamaged gun, he endeav- ored to haul it off, but the weight was so great, and the road in such a muddy condition, tluit it was found impossible to get along with it, and after dragging it a half-mile, it became mired, and he was reluctantly obliged to leave it. The horses were driven on, dragging the limbers and empty caissons, and the guns were left to their fate. In the course of the day a tremendous charge on the part of our troops reoccupied the lost ground, closed up the gap and recovered the pieces. They were found where they were left, their great weight — being twenty-four- pound siege-guns probably preventing the enemy from taking them away. The fight raged from daylight until nearly noon without a mo- ment's cessation, and resulted in the enemy's being driven back to his intrenchments. The battle-ground extended over a space some two miles in length, every inch of which was the witness of a savage con- fiiet. The rebels fought with the most determined bravery, and seemed bent upon breaking through the right wing at any cost. They poured against our lines a perfect flood, and it was only by a bravery that equalled their own, and a resolute determination to conquer that out- lasted their efforts, that our gallant soldiers were at length enabled to stay the fierce tide, and finally to hurl it back to its former boundaries. Our men determined that they would win, and win they did, with a gallantry that entitles every man to the name of hero. The whole of the fight was of the most terrific character. Without a single moment's cessation the rebels poured into our forces perfect torrents of canister, shell, and round shot, while their thousands of riflemen hurled in a destructive fire from every bush, tree, log, or ob- struction of any kind that afforded shelter. The roar of the battle was like that of a heavy tornado, as it sweeps through some forest on its mission of destruction. Small arms kept up an incessant cracking, mingling with which came up occasionally the roar of company or di- vision firing, while over all came every moment or two the resonant thunders of the batteries. Never fought men better than did ours on this bloody day. They clung to a position till driven from it by the direst necessity, and in many individual cases, men refused to reti-eat, but stuck to their tree or bush till the enemy's force rolled about them and swallowed them up. Many in this way were taken prisoners, while others found a speedier, bloodier end to their daring. The victory was a costly one. Some of the regiments were cut completely to pieces, others were re- duced to a size that scarcely left them a respectable company, while all suffered more or less severely'. Lieut. -Col. Quinn, of the Twentieth Illinois, while gallantly urging on his men in the hottest of the fight, was struck by a grapeshot that cut his heart completely out. The mortality among officers was terrible. Major Post, of the Eighth FORT DONELSON 81 Illinois, Capt. Rigby, acting Major of the Thirty-first Illinois, LienL - Col. White, of the same regiment, Lieut. -Col. Smith, of the Forty- eighth; Capt. Craig, company A, and Lieut. Skeats, company F, all of the Eighteenth; Capt. Wilson, company F. Eighth, Capt. Swartout, company H, Eighth Missouri: Capt. Shaw, company B, Lieut. Vore, company E, and Lieut. Boyce, all of the Eleventh Illinois; Adjt. Kirk- patrick, of the Thirtieth, Capt. Mendel, of the Seventh, Capt. Brokeck, of the Forty-ninth Illinois, Lieut. Mausker, of the Eighteentli Illinois; Adjt. Chipman and Capt. Slaymaker, of the Second Iowa, were among those who met their death on this bloody battlefield. Our entire loss is not yet known, but will reach a figure not much shortof six hundred, killed and wounded. The number of men wound- ed is beyond all precedent, but in an unusually large number of cases, they are not of a serious nature. The enemy used, generally, the "buck and ball" cartridge; that is, a cartridge with one ball and three buckshot. Almost everybody got a scratch from one of the latter; one could scarcely go anywhere where the air was not filled with them. Affairs had scarcely quieted down, on the right wing, ere the ball was opened in Gen. Smiths division on the left. The Second, Seventh, and Fourteenth Iowa, and the Eleventh and Twenty-fifth Indiana Regiments had a sharp engagement, with a very brilliant success. In front of them was the outer breast- work of the enemy, and this it was determined to storm. About three o'clock a heavy body of men was thrown forward as skirmishers, between whom and the rebels there ensued an exchange of compliments of a very exciting nature. Fin- ally, after fighting an hour or so, with no great damage to either par- ty, the Iowa Second rushed forward, charged the breast-work on a run, and with a tremendous cheer swarmed over the top and carried it with the bayonet. They were soon after supported by the rest of the column, and the rebels were driven into their next line by a savage fire of musketry that swept them down by scores. The whole operation was exceedingly brilliant, and reflects high credit upon Gen. Smith, who personally superintended the operation, exposed himself precisely as if he had been a private soldier, and was among the first to mount the breast-work. The whole thing was ac- complished in the face of immense odds, and with a comparatively small loss — the number of killed and wounded would not probably exceed sixty or seventy men. Soon after the taking of this work, batteries were brought up, a' rebel gun was silenced that had persistently, but with no effect, been playing all the afternoon on the National lines, and preparations were completed for a renewal of hostilities, in the morning, upon the next line of breast-works. Thus ended the bloodiest day of all in the history of the siege of Fort Donelson. No day has ever before seen in this war a conflict more determined, or an endurance more unyielding. There was at no time a doubt as to the result, or a heart that quailed as it entei'ed the lines, where the bullets fell like a hailstorm. Even the sight of the savage 82 NEW YORK TIMES wounds, or the still more sickening one of the ghastly faces of the dead, seemed to have no effect upon our men. It did not unnerve or unman them. They fought on just as tranquilly as though the hideous angel of deatli had been a ihousand leagues away. When a man was wounded, his comrades would help him to the rear, and then return instantly to their position, and resunu> I heir tighting as if nothing had happened. Of cases of individual daring there were a multitude, some of which I hope to present i'l another letter. All the regiments fought gallantlj', with, perhaps, one or two exceptions. The Kentucky regiment which retreated has but^lately been recruited; the meji are undisciplined, and lack that confidence in themselves and each other which is obtained by military training. The Forty -fifth Illinois is also accused of having made a rather pre- cipitate and unwairanted retreat, but probably they have sufficient reasons to satisfy themselves at least, and possibly the public. The next morning, Sunday, General Buckner, commander of the Fort, to the great astonishment of everybody sent out a request for a cessation of hostilities until noon, that some arrangement might be agreed upon for a surrender of the position. Gen. Grant required an unconditional surrender, and this, after some grumbling on the part of the rebel commander, was agreed to. Soon after the Stars and Stripes were lloating from the parapet of the Fort, and swung gracefully a lit- tle later from the cupola of the courtliouse in the little town of Dover. APPEARANCE OF FORT DONELSON. The first thing that strikes one upon entering Fort Donelson, is its immense strength. Fort Henry was thought to be almost a Gibral- tar, but its strength is weakness compared to that of Donelson. Along Dover, the Cumberland River runs nearly north. A half-mile or so below it makes a short bend to the west for some hundred yards or so, and then turns again, and pursues its natural course due north. Right in this bend on the left bank of the river, and commanding it to the north, arc two water -batteries, side by side, and nearly down to the water's edge. The main battei'y has nine guns, all looking straight down the river. The left-hand gun is a ten-inch columbiad — the rest are thirty-two- pounders. The other battery has three guns — the middle one a formi- dable rifled sixty-four-pound columbiad— the others, sixty-four-pound howitzers. All these guns are protected by breast -works of immense thickness, the tops of which are composed of coffee -sacks filled with earth. Back of these batteries the shore rises with a pretty steep as- cent till it forms a hill, whose top is nearly or quite one hundred feet above the water. On top of this hill is Fort Donelson, an irregular work, which encloses about one hundred acres. The only guns in the Fort are four light siege -guns, a twelve-pound-howitzer, twotwentj'- four-pound guns, and one sixty-four-pound howitzer. West of the Fort, in the direction of the place occupied by Gen. Grant, and south towards Gen. McClernand's position, the country is a succession of FORT DONELSON 83 hillH. For several hundred yards around the fort tlie tinil)er has all been cut down so as to afford a fair sweep for the confederate guns. Surrounding the whole Fort and town, and distant from the former about a mile, is a trench for riflemen, which runs completely around from the river-bank above Dover almost to a point near the river some distance below the water-batteries. Directly west of the Fort, and within the rifle-pit, are formidable abattis, which would render an advance from that direction almost an impossibility. Soon after entering the Fort, we found that Gen. Pillow had been in command, but, in comj)any with Gen. Floyd, had that morning made a precipitate retreat up the Cumberland upon a rebel ti-ansport. Accompanying Floyd was his brigade, consisting of the Fifty-first and Fifty-seventh regiments Virginia infantry; all the rest of the garrison, some twelve thousand men, remained, and were captured. The num- ber of guns captured was about one hundred and forty-six — all of which were batteries of light artillery, except the heavy guns mount- ed in the Fort and watei'-batteries. There were also from t(Mi to fift' en thousand stand of smail arms, the larger part of which are shot-guns, rifles, and flint-lock nniskets. The regiments which surrendered were as follows: Col. Gants' battalion, Ninth Tennessee cavalry, eight hundred men. Forrest's brigade, Louisiana cavalry, one thousand one hundred men. Forty-ninth Tennessee infantry. Col. Bailey. Thirtieth Tennessee, Col. J. M. Head. Fifty-third Tennessee, Col. Vorhees. Fiftieth Tennessee, Col. Abernethy. Tenth Tennessee, Col. Hieman. First battalion. Col. Colms. Fifty-First Tennessee, Col. Suggs. Fourteenth Mississippi, Col. . Fourth Mississippi, Col. Drake. Third Mississippi, Col. . Twentieth Mississippi, Col. . Twentieth Kentucky, Col. . Third Tennessee, Col. Brown. One Alabama regiment, Col. Hughes. Second Kentucky, Col. . There were in addition to this force a large number of field-bat- teries, and three companies that worked the water -batteries, com- manded respectively by Captains Ross, Beaumont and Graham. The troops were mainly in citizens' clothes, their only military in- signia being black stripes on their pants. Many of the officers had the regular gray uniform, while others wore the army blue, the only dif- ference from the United States style being in the great profusion of gold lace. 84 MISSOURI DEMOCRAT In coMversation with many of the officers and men, I learn that a majority of the Tennessee regiments enhsted for twelve months, and since they have been in service, have not received a cent of pay, but have been obliged to defray their own expenses from the begin- ning. Their hatred of Pillow and Floyd is bitter, as it is thought that these worthies deserted them in a most cowardly manner. The feel- ing was so strong against Floyd, that several of the confederate soldiers fired at him as he was leaving, and it is asserted by many that he was killed. Floyd some time since proved himself a thief, and noAv has shown himself, in addition, a coward. Last evening and to-day, the troops are being embarked on the transports and sent down the river. What disposition will be made of them, I do not know. The loss of the rebels is not exactly known, but is undoubtedly severe. Every house in Dover was filled with dead and wounded; and from this and other circumstances it is probably not far from the truth to estimate their loss as fully equal to ours, and quite probably greater. The rebels, during the three days, succeeded in capturing quite a large number of National soldiei-s, in all, probably, from sixty to one hun- dred. Wiien Floyd and Pillow left, they took all the prisoners with them, and they are now probably caged at Nashville. Missouri "Democrat" Narrative' Fort Don ELSON, Monday, February IT. Wednesday was quietly consumed in moving from Fort Henry, and getting into position before the rebels, a mile and a half from the Cumberland and the Fort against which we were moving. It was a most glorious day. The atmosphere was cool and invigorating, yet with a bright sun and genial breeze wafted up from the South, it seemed more like a day in May than one still in the winter solstice. Its effect upon our ti'oops was excellent. Enthusiastic and eager to meet the enemy any time, they left their camps, which manj' of them were destined never again to see, with a cheerfulness and buoyancy of spirits, which would lead ignorant spectators to suppose that some gala-day entertainment was at hand. Most of Gen. McClernand's division had crossed the slough of despond, which encircles Fort Henry, the afternoon before. Gen. Smith's division began their transit across the river at a seasonable hour, and by nine o'clock the entire army, about eighteen thousand strong, were on the move to the eastward. The character of the movement of the armj^ from Foi't Henry will probably be best under- stood by the following orders of the night previous." * * * The army being well started, Gen. Grant and staff left their head- quarters on the steamer Uncle Sam, about ten o'clock, and followed rapidly after a division which had taken the ridge or more southerly 1 From Moore IV— 176. 2 The order referred to is F. O. 11; it will be found in R.K. 7—605. FORT DONELSON 85 route. The roads, after once getting beyond the low grounds in the immediate vicinity of the Fort, were admirable. The sandy soil had soon absorbed the great amount of rain which had fallen a few even- ings previously, and which had so retarded the advance of our army on Fort Henry — and now fairly on the high land, infantry, artillery, and cavalry moved forward without delay. The route for the most part led along the high land of the ridjjes, through a denselj- wooded country, with signs of a human habitation, or even of cultivation, but rarely visible. I might here state that all of the section between Forts Henry and Donelson is of this character — a mere succession of hills and valleys, thickly wooded with oak and "second growth", and with here and there a chister of pine groves, whose evergreens contrasted prettily with the barren vegetation sur- rounding. The ridges vary from one hundred to three hundred feet in height. Through most of the valleys are pure streams of water, which, as they approach the Tennessee and Cumberland, to which they are tributaries, gradually assume, on account of the back-water from them, the magnitude of large streams, which in no small degree an- noyed our generals in their manoeuvring of their commands. We pressed on amid the moving columns which lined the road without any incident worthy of special note, until about one o'clock, when, emerging from the woods into a little cleared valley, we found Gen. McClernand and staff. Several regiments were drawn up in line of battle order on our right, and through the valley and up the ridge, in front and to the north-east of us, we could see the gleaming of the bayonets of Ogiesby's brigade, our advance. Receiving information that the enemy had been seen on the ridge in front of us, Gen. Grant immediately ordered the hills to be occupied by our forces, moving in line of battle order. It was finely executed — the men pushing forward with even front through the brush, over brooks and fences, until the desired point had been reached. In the meantime, while this order was being carried out, sharp musketry firing was heard up the hill over which the road led, and oc- cupied by Gen. Ogiesby's brigade. It was but brief, however, and upon going forward it was ascertained that a small advance force of the enemy had been met by the Eighth Illinois, under Lieut.- Col. Frank Rhodes, and, after a slight skirmish, driven back with a loss of a few killed and wounded on their side, and four wounded of the Eighth, who were now being promptly attended to by the surgeons. The Eighth, Thirtieth, and Thirty-first Illinois were drawn up on the road in line of battle, and in the front Capt. Swartz had got a couple of his guns in position, ready for any emergency. Gen. Grant here gave orders for a still further advance to the next ridge to the north and left of us, and then returned to the further advance of the brigades behind. Retrograding to the open field, Gen. Smith was met, who stated that his division was close behind, and would soon be up to support any advance which might be made. 86 MISSOURI DEMOCRAT After considerable scouring of the woods to tlie north, it was dis- covered that what rebels were to be seen were on the road to the front of us. Our advance soon after discovered their encampment on a barren hillside, directly in front of us, and on the main road leading to the Cumberland. A further movement on the part of Gen. Oglesby's divi- sion discovered more forces posted on a high ridge leading west of this encampment, and as our regiments swept around from their respective positions on the road to the right and left, and gradually coming round with a face to the north, tliere we were face to face with the enemy. This, however, was not discovered instantly. The encampment-of the enemy very naturally was the chief point of attraction, and toward it, having got his troops in proper position, Gen. Grant first directed his attention. But few troops were visible about it, and at first it was difficult to ascertain where the rebel forces had been distributed. One of the twelve-pound rifled James's cannon, of Dupee's battery, was ordered to stir them up a little, but although he threw a shell with such ac- curacy, not a response could be got, and were it not for indications of a large force posted on the ridge to the west of the camp, it would have seemed their chivalry liad repeated their Fort Henry achievement, and had decamped on our approach. Thus were matters at half-past three o'clock p.m., when Oglesby's brigade, which occupied the road on the hill, were ordered to advance. They filed down the hill, antici- pating an immediate opening of the fight, with a determination and confidence most inspiriting. Some were still smoking their pipes with easy nonchalance, while all went forward with a spirit and will which well foreshadowed the gallant deeds subsequently performed by them. The Eighteenth, Eighth and Thirtieth, reaching the bottom of the hill, filed out into an open field to the left, and formed in line of battle. Other regiments went on the ridge still farther to the west. It was not until these movements had all been executed that it was at last discovered that we were now directly in the face of a large body of the enemy. Then it was ascertained that we were at the rear of the Fort outside their redoubt and breastworks, extending on either side on the summits of the ridges to the right and left of us. By this time the day was nearly at an end Our heavier artillery was not yet in position, and the General concluded that it was advisable to make no assault on them that night. So, giving orders for placing the ar- tillery in proper position, and providing against their retreat, he quietly waited the approaching dawn. The night was most supremely beautiful, and will probably long be remembered by those who survived the terrible scenes subsequently enacted amid the wilds of the hills surrounding. Our troops, just now arrived in face of the enemy and in range of their batteries, lay on their arms with cheerful anticipations of the morrow. The evening air was still, mild, and genial, and the bright moon shone forth equally beauti- ful over friend and foe. FORT DONELSON 87 Were it not for the oamp fires dimly visible here and there, to the rear of either force, and the occasional crack of tlie rifle of some daring sharpshooter who had crept up under the intrenchments to get a shot at some heedless enemy, there was little to denote to a sti'aiiger, who might have accidentally wandered to some of the nt^ighboring ridges, that amid the hills and valleys surrounding, were fifty thousand or 8ixt.v thousand men, only waiting for the coming dawn to begin what was destined to prove the bloodiest and most terrible conflict ever witnessed on this continent. Thursday opened as clear and serene as the day before it. Upon the first coming of the dawn our skirmishers had descended into the valley, and our artillery, posted on the hills, had opened an experi- mental fire, which being occasionally returned by the enemy, gave us some information in regard to the position of their batteries. The night before we were in possession of but little information in re- gard to the character of their fortifications, and although it was generally supposed we were in front of some rather formidable works, I do not think even our generals were prepared for the dis- closures which the operations of the morning had made known to them. Instead of an outer work, to temporarily impede our approach, it was soon ascertained that we were directly in front of the rear of the forbifijation of the Fort itself. These works begin- ning on the Cumberland, at tiie southerly side of Dover, and the main fort, ran around on the top of the high ridges before us to the head of the back-water on the north, here and there with the bastion- works of a formidable character, and at all points with formidable batteries sweeping the inore available approaches. These ridges vary from one hundred and fifty to three hundred feet in height, and are covered with the most dense timber and undergrowth, concealing, in a great measure, the character of the enemy's defences; the few balls which they were induced to occasionally favor us with, afforded, for the most part, our only clue as to the calibre of their guns. During the night previous, Gen. Oglesby, in advancing along the ridge running toward the river above the fi'ort, and which formed our right wing, suddenly came upon a battery sweeping the road upon which he was advancing. The enemy, either not aware at the time of the vicinity of the force, or wishing it to advance still further, re- frained from opening, and the General managed to withdraw his men without suffering anything worse than a bad scare. If the battery had given them the contents of their gnus, the fire must have deci- mated the entire brigade. Some few guns were discharged by our men in the confusion of the moment, and the horse of a certain chaplain became frightened and began a flight which bid fair to land the non- combatant plump over the batteries. A few agonizing " Whoas," and still more emphatic pulls, howc^ver, checked the rebellious tendencies of the beast, and tlie parson, I noticed, eschewed horses ever after. This morning. Gen. O.'s brigade forced the enemy from this position, and subsequently from another, and advanced the right wing 88 MISSOURI DEMOCRAT still fartlier toward the river. A subsequent movement completed the lines of circumvallation nearly to the river itself, and gave us a posi- tion rendering the arrival of any more reenforcernents from Nashville hardly probable. The operations of the day partook largely of a series of recon- noissances. The artillery posted on the hill would send a ball across the valley on an enquiring errand, and in replj- would get a solid ball or shell, which, lodging in close proximity to our artillerists, would be hunted up and-examined, and inferences drawn as to the character of the batteries pitted against them. This practice resulted in ne cas- ualties on our side of importance, and revealed a good deal of informa- tion in regard to the position of their redoubts. The severest casualty of the morning was in the Seventh Illinois. In advancing down a road on a ridge connecting the two hills on which the opposing forces were drawn up, a bittery of three guns, from the hill above, opened suddeidy with grape and canister. Fortunately the battery had been discovered a moment before, and the men had to a great extent availed themselves of the protection of the neighboring trees, before the storm of iron hail was fairly among them. Your correspondent, who was advancing with the rest, has a very friendly recollection of a huge oak, but for whose protecting shelter the readers of the Demo- crat would probably have suffered the small loss of this imperfect narrative of subsequent scenes. Capt. Menkle, and many a brave fellow of the Seventh, dropped to the ground beneath this fire; but the regiment bravely advanced, scattered the skirmishers of the enemy lying in the valley, and maintained the position they were sent to occupy. In the meantime Birge's sharpshooters were doing good execution both to the rii;ht and left of this position. In squads of skirmishers they crawed up the ravines of the ridge on which the batteries and the rifle-pits of the enemy were located, und lying concealed behind stumps and logs, wo to the unwary rebel who dared to show his head above the intrenchments. The continual crack of the Dimmick rifle could be heard from these ravines all day, and at last became a perfect terror to the enemy. Lying in this position these men. for half a day, completely silenced the battery which covered the road over which the Seventh had advanced in the morning. In vain attempt after attempt was made to man the guns, but hardly had the gunners grasped their swabs ere a score of bullets would drop them in their tracks. The enemy were not without their sharpshooters, too, who would in turn attempt a response, but so vigilant were the Birges, that but few of their bullets did much harm. I have heard of but eight or ten casualties in the entire regiment. Thus passed Thursday morning. Gen. McClernand gradually closing in toward the river on the right, and Gen. Smith slowly and surely completing his line of circumvallation on the left. In the afternoon. Gen. McClernand determined to make a for- midable assault of a redoubt of the enemy, fronting about the centre FORT DONELSON 89 of his right wing. The redoubt was about the only one which could be distinctly seen by us, owin^ to the timber and undergrowth. At this point the ground was for the most part void of large timber, the bar- ren extending even beyond the road on the ridge over which our troops passed. The batteries of this redoubt had got a very perfect range here, and gave our troops considei*able uneasiness, by blazing away at them whenever they passed over the brow of the hill. Three regi- ments were detailed for the work— the Forty-eighth, Seventeenth, and Forty-ninth Illinois. They advanced in line i)f battle order, the Forty-ninth, Col. Morrison, on the right, the Seventeenth, under command of Major Smith, (both Colonel and Lieutenant-Colonel being absent,) in the centre, and the Forty-eighth, Col. Hainey, on the left. Col. Morrison, as senior Colonel, led the attack. The advance was a most beautiful one. With skirmishers advanced in front, the three regiments swept down the hill, over a knoll, down a ravine, and up th(^ high hill on which the redoubt was situated, some two hundred and fifty or three hundred feet in height, covered with brush and stumps, all the time receiving a galling fire of grape, shell and mus- ketry, with a precision which would have done them credit on the parade-ground. The breastworks were nearly reached, when Col. Morrison, who was gallantly' leading on his men, was struck by a musket-ball. The captain of the company on his right also fell, and the Forty -ninth fell into some confusion; but unappalled, the Seven- teenth still g illantly pressed forward, and penetrated even to the very foot of the works. But it was not in the power of man to scale the abattis before them. Brush piled upon brush, with sharp points front- ing them everywhere, met them wherever they turned; and so, after a few interchanges of musketry with the swarming regiments which had been concentrated here, the order for retiring was given. It was done in good order, by filing off to the left and obliquing into the woods l)elow; but many a gallant soldier was left behind underneath the intrenchments they had vainly sought to mount. They were not, however, destined to die unavenged. Scarcely had our retiring col- umns got out of range, ere Taylor's Chicago battery opened on the swarming rebel masses, with shell and shrapnel with fearful effect. Every gun was aimed by the Captain himself, and every one of them did honor to his marksmanship. About the same time that these stirring scenes were being enacted on our right wing, the enemy made a formidable sortie on our left. The Twenty-fifth Indiana, one of the regiments of Gen. Smith's di- vision, having at one time during the course of the day got into an exposed position, the enemy promptly availed themselves of the opportunity afforded them, and made a most formidable sortie from their intrenchments. Although taken at a disadvantage, the Twenty- fifth met the advancing forces bravely, and although suffering severely, with the aid of other regiments, which promptly proceeded to their assistance, drove them bauk to their hiding places. The lesson seemed to be most salutary. No further sorties were made in this direction. 90 MISSOURI DEMOCRAT During the day much uneasiness was felt as to tlie whereabouts of the gunboat fleet. It was, therefore, with no little gratification that information was at hist received, about noon on Thursday, that the avant courier of the fleet, the Carondelet, Lieut. Walke, had arrived below the Fort. In the afternoon the report of her guns was received with cheer upon cheer by the troops encircling the be- leaguered Fort. Lieut. Walke's operations this afternoon, although partaking more of the nature of a reconnoissance, were considered by the rebel officers, as I have since ascertained, as one of the most formidable attacks they had to encounter. Hidden behind a jutting promontory of the river-bank, the Carondelet itself secure from the heavier shots of the columbiads of the Fort, hurled shell upon shell into the water- batteries of the fortifications. The commander of these batteries has recently informed me thai the fire of the Carondelet did more actual damage to his guns than the heavy bombardment following the suc- ceeding day. The night of Tliurday will long be remembered by the troops surrounding Donelson. The weather, which for the two previous days had been so mild and genial, toward the close of the afternoon became chillj- and lowering. About six o'clock a heavy rain set in. During the warmth of the day before, when momentarily expecting to meet the enemy, whole regiments had cast aside their overcoats and blankets, and without tents, and, in the great majority of cases, occupying positions rendering a fire a sure mark for the enemy's batteries, with nothing to eat but cold rations, their condition was de- plorable indeed. To add to their discomfort, when thoroughly saturated with rain, a pelting snow-storm set in, continuing all night. As can be imagined, with an enemy in front, continually annoying and annoyed, but little sleep was indulged in. The only demonstration of im- poi'tance on the part of the rebels, during the night, w'as a formidable attempt on the right wing to obtain Taylor's battery. The Twentieth Indiana, lying in the woods below it, however, after a brisk skirmish in the midnight darkness, sent the intruders liack to their fortifications again. The weather of Friday was in striking contrast to that of the morning previous. The ground was covered with snow to the depth of a couple of inches, and a breeze that would have done honor to the Arctic regions, swept across the desolate ridge upon which our army was laying. The inhabitants of the country roundabout averred that they had rarely experienced so severe a day. Still was our force on the outer edge of the formidable works, that, wander where one might, he was sure to find rising up before him. The entrance to these works was still to be gained— the location even of the door was still to be found. I must admit, that riding along our lines on Friday again, and witnessing the formidable field-works of the enemy, (between five and FORT DONELSON 91 six miles in extent,) which reared themselves evei'y where to the front of us, I feai'ed bluit the task of reduciiifi;' them would be at the best a matter of considerable time. But, cold and hunj^ry, and with garments stiff with frost, the soldiers were still hopeful and firm. I did not find a sinf^le discouraged man, or one, if he were so, who would admit it. The universal sentiment was. as bluff Col. Oglesby expressed it, " We came here to take that fort, and tve will take it," and it is this self- same spirit of dogged determination, and steady, long-enduring courage, peculiar to the Anglo-Saxon of the North, that at last out- wore tlie perhaps more impetuous bravery of the opposing force. Nothing of special note transpired alotig the lines on Friday; the sharpshooters, notwithstanding the cold, ensconced themselves in their old positions on the hillsides, and were as great a terror as ever to the gunners of the batteries above them. Cavender, Taylor, Woods, (of McAllister's battery,) Dresser, and Swartz would occasionally exchange a valentine, as they were playfully called, but there were no such bloody affairs as had characterized the operations of the day previous. The batteries, too, had got the range of one another's positions so accurately, that I imagine both parties had preferred, in absence of any positive orders to the contrary, to linger beside the cam}) fire, just out of range of the other's guns, tlian to indulge in idle badinage. Tiie long-expected gunboat fleet, together with the reenforce- ments, had, however, come to hand, and it was expected that the latter could be brought up, so as to join with the other forces in a general assault in the rear, while the gunboats attacked in front. The distancie from the river to the left of our right wing was, however, so great that but few regiments arrived even before dark. Gen. Grant's judgment, therefore, much against his will, led him to adjourn the assault until he had all his available force in proper position. The bombardment of the gunboat fleet began about half-past two, and continued two hours. Pour of the iron -clad and two of the wooden boats participated in the fight, which was of a fearful nature. Expecting the assault on the rear of the Fort, I was not present to witness the naval attack, and shall not attempt, therefore, to give any detailed account of it. It is, however, described by the officers en- gaged in it as altog(>thei- exceeding in fierceness the boml)ardment of Fort Henry. At all events, the effect upon the boats was much more severe, and subsequent investigations have led me to believe that the injury inflicted on the rebels was not so great either as at the fortifica- tion. This latter is, probably, owing to the fact that the twelve guns of the Fort commanding the river were at a considerable elevation, and it therefore was much more difficult for the naval gunners to get their exact range, or, once obtained, to keep it, while the boats were steadily advancing. The rebel officers commanding the river batteries also assure me that the practice of our gunners in the excitement of the bombardment was much inferior to that displayed in the reconnoissance — when matters were conducted with more deliberation. But be this as it 92 MISSOURI DEMOCRAT may, it was gallantly conducted, and gallantly fought, and earned for Flag-Officer Poote and his gallant corps of officers additional laurels. It was not until four of his boats, under the terrific force of the enemy's shots, were fairly at the mercy of the current, that the signal for re- tirement was given, and that it was reluctantly ordered, and still more reluctantly obeyed, who can doubt? In the way of a test of the resisting powers of the iron -clad boats, the affair was, however, a great triumph. Although under a perfect shower of iron pellets, from the mammoth one hundred and twenty-eight-pound to the rifled thirty-two-pound shot, and each boat hit from twenty to fifty times, the mortality was comparatively slight. It is probable, too, that the boats might undergo a score of as severe ordeals without being in- capacitated to the extent they were. The balls which demolished pilot-houses and cut rudder -chains can only be regarded as chance shots, which in a dozen or more contests would never happen to fall in the particular place which in this instance proved so disastrous. Saturday, whicli was destined to witness the grand denouement of the tragedies which had a scene about Donelson,'was cold, damp, and cheerless. Our troops, however, had but little time to cogitate upon the weather, or any other subject, ere they were called upon to attend to more serious matters. The enemy, during the night, had transferred several of their batteries to portions of their works within a few hundred feet of which our extreme right wing was resting. Up- on the firstcoming of dawn these batteries suddenly opened on the Ninth, Eighteenth, Twenty-ninth, Thirtieth, and Thirty-first regi ments, comprising Oglesby's brigade, and who had the advance. Sim- ultaneously with the opening of the batteries, a force of about twelve thousand infantry and a regiment of cavalry was hurled against the brigade with a vigor which, made against less steady and well-dis- ciplined troops, must surely have resulted in their entire demolition. Sudden and unexpected as was the sally on the part of the enemy, it did not find the gallant Illinoisians unprepared to meet them. The attack was made in columns of regiments which poured in upon the lit- tle band from no less than tliree different directions. Every regiment of the brigade found itself opposed to three, and in many cases to no less than four different regiments. Undismayed, however, by the greatly superior force of the enemy, and unsupported b}' adequate ar- tillery, the brigade not only held their own, but upon two occasions actually drove the rebels fairly into their intrenchments, but only to be pressed back again into their former position, until at last, having expended every round of their ammunition, they were obliged to re- tire and give way to the advancing regiments of Colonel W. H. L. Wallace's brigade of the Eleventh, Twentieth, Seventeeth, Forty-fifth, Forty-eighth Illinois, and Forty-ninth Indiana regiments. Here again was the battle continued with redoubled vigor, now one side and now another giving away. Our troops fought with the coolness of veterans and the desperation of devils. I would not di- minish the gallantry of our own troops by saying that the enemy did FORT DONELSON 93 not fight bravely and well. They did both. An exact statement of the varying fortunes of the field for the three or four hours following the first attack, it is iniposssible at present to definitely present. Suf- fice it to say, our troops /ott (//if, and not only fought, arid fought cour- ageously, but fought cooly and scientifically. In the thickest of the fight, where officers had to remove the dead bodies of their men out of the way of the backward wheels, regiments cooly performed ma- noeuvres which Scott in his Tactics pronounces impossible to be made on the battle-field. The battle, for the most part, was fought in a forest with a thick undergrowth beneath, and regiments acted mostly on the principle of hitting a head wherever it could be found. Swarming on all sides of them, they were not at a loss to find thetn. One regiment was only driven from before them when another sprung up to take its place, and there is hardly a regiment of the force engaged but was opposed to triple its numbers. Thus went the tide of battle for five hours— now gaining a little, but upon the whole obliged to retire. Officers and men dropped upon all sides. Field-officers were borne killed and wounded from the field, and their next. in command coolly took their place and continued the fight. Lieut.- Col. White, of the Thirty-first, Lieut. - Col. Smith, of the Forty-eighth, Lieut.- Col. Irvin, of the Twentieth, and Major Post, of the Eighth Illinois, and scores of company officers were all killed, gallantly leading on their men. Cols. Logan, Lawler, and Ransom were wounded, but yet firm in their determination never to yield. And still with unyielding courage the gallant Illinoisians and Indianians would not acknowledge themselves vanquished. When the last cartridge had been expended, and orders were given to retire, for other regiments to take their place, soldiers, grim with smoke and powder, would angrily inquire for what, and beg to be allowed to use the bayonet. But it was not in the power of mortal men, occupying the position ours did, and exposed to such a raking artillery fire as the enemy subjected them to, to maintain their ground against the over- whelming force which the rebels continued to push against them. Ogleby's, W. H. L. Wallace's and McArthur's brigades were suc- cessively obliged to I'etire; a portion of Swartz's and McAllister's bat- teries had been lost and gained, and lost again, and it was not until the advancing enemy had reached Craft's brigade, and Taylor's and Wil- lard's batteries could be brought into action, that we were able to stem the tide. These two batteries outdid themselves. Grape, canis- ter and shrapnel, and an uninterrupted musketry fire from the First Nebraska, Forty-eighth and Fifty-eighth Ohio, proved too much for the so far victorious foe, and they at last were obliged to retire. By this time it was noon. Gen. Grant had just returned from the landing, where he had a conference with Commodore Foote. That ofiicer had informed the (General that it was impossible for him to put his gunboats in a condition to make another attack, for several days at least. Notwithstanding this, upon being informed of the severe re- 94 MISSOURI DEMOCRAT pulse our troops had met with in the morning, he saw that some im- mediate action on our part was necessary to retrieve the day. He immediately gave order to his generals of divisions to prepare for an immediate and general attack along the entire lines. The regi- ments which had suffered most severely in the morning were with- drawn. Gen. Lew Wallace was given a division composed of two regi- ments of his own brigade, (the Eighth Missouri and Eleventh Indi- ana,) and several other regiments whose loss in the action of the morn- ing had been but slight, and was given the job of clearing the ground we had lost in the morning, while Gen. Smith, commanding the left, received orders to storm the works vmder which his division was lying. Gen. Smith is, emphatically, a fighting man. and as maybe imag- ined, the events of the morning had tended to decrease in no measure his pugnacity. When he received his long-desired orders for an as- sault of the enemy's works, his eyes glistened with a fire which, could it have been seen b3' his maligners, would have left them in no doubt as to his private feelings in regard to the present contest. All the ar- rangements were complete by three o'clock, and his column was put in motion soon after. The force under his command was as follows: Col. Cook's brigade Seventh Illinois, Fiftieth Illinois, Twelfth Iowa, Thirteenth Missouri, Fifty-second Indiana. Col. Lauman's brigade — Second Iowa, Seventh Iowa, Fourteenth Iowa, Twenty-fifth Indiana, Fifty-sixth Indiana. Under cover of Capt. Stone's Missouri battery, this force began the assault. It was a formidable undertaking, which, under a less brave and skillful commander than Gen. Smith, might have proved a disastrous failure. The hills at this point are among the most precipitous of those upon which the enemy were posted. Selecting the Second and Sev- enth Iowa, and the Fifty-second Indiana for the storming party. Gen. Smith deflected the main portion of his division to the right, and hav- ing succeeded in engaging the attention of the enemy at this point, himself headed the storming party and advanced upon the works from his extreme left. It was a most magnificent sight. Unappalled by the perfect storm of bullets which rained about him, the General on horseback, and with his hat on the point of his sword, preceded his troops, and inspired them with a, furore there was no withstanding. Steadily, with unbroken line, the gallant Hawkeyes and Indiani- ans advanced. The enemy's grape and canister came ploughing through their ranks, but not a shot was fired in return. Closing up the ranks as one after another of the brave fellows dropped to the earth, and animated by the fearless example of their undaunted leader, they pressed steadily on. The works gained, one tremendous volley was poured into the astonished enemy, and, with fixed bayonets, a charge was made into their ranks which there was no withstanding. They fled in confusion over the hills, and at last we had penetrated the rebel Sebastopol, and the misfortunes of the morning were retrieved. FORT DONELSON 95 Capt. Stone's battery, which, in the mean time, had been doing tre- mendous execution in the rebel ranks, was promptly advanced to the position gained, and instantly, supported by the remainder of his di- vision, the point was secured against any force the enemy could bring to bear against it. In the mean time, Gen. Lew. Wallace had completed his prepara- tions for an attack on the enemy occupying the position he had wrested from us in the morning, some two miles and a half to the right. Just as his column was being put in motion, a messenger arrived with the joyful tidings that Smith was inside of the intrenchments. With a cheer that resounded far and near, the irresistible Eighth Missouri and Eleventh Indiana, which occupied the front, advanced on the double-quick into the encounter they had so long been seeking. These two regiments, from their superiority in drill and fighting ca- pacities, have been considered a "crack corps", and most nobly did they uphold to the letter their enviable reputation. They did not tarry long to bother with powder and ball, but with a shout of itself terrific enough to appal their foes, gave them the cold steel with a will which will long be remembered. Shell and round shot, grape and canister were hurled at them in vain Still onward they pressed, and regiment after regiment fled before them. Valiantly sup- ported by the First Nebraska, Thirteenth Missouri, and other regiments of Colonel Thayer's and Crafts' brigades, a steady advance was made, until by dusk the ground which had been so hotly contested in the morning, was ours again, and once more the rebels were forced to seek the protecting shadow of the earthworks. The effect of these successes upon the army was electrical — six hours before, with gunboats disabled, and the enemy in possession of a portion of our ground, the position of affairs was gloomy, indeed. But now all was changed. Elated with victory, and the knowledge that at last they had obtained a foothold in the enemy's fortification, and savage at the thought of the privations they had encountered, and at being so long balked in the possession of their prey, oflficers and men alike clamored for an immediate assault that night. Gen. Grant, however, mindful of the risks attending such an operation, even with troops exhibiting such veteran characteristics as those under his command had displayed, wisely postponed the final coup de main till the coming of the morrow's light. What the morrow brought forth, and how the rebels, worn out and dispirited by the protracted beleaguerment, concluded to give up their stronghold and lay down their arms, is already well known. The more detailed particulars of the surrender of Fort Donelson, and its cordon of field-works, the departing mail allows me no time to speak of. G. W. B. 96 Charleston Courier Narrative^ ^'■Personne^^,'- the correspondent of the Charleston Courier, writes from Augusta, Ga., under date of February twenty-first, as follows: It has been my good fortune to enjoy an interview with Lieut. F. H. Duquecron, one of the officers engaged in the recent battle of Fort Donelson, who has arrived here disabled by a wound in the leg, re- ceived during that terrible contest. From one fragmentary conversa- tion I have woven the following interesting narrative of events preceding, but not including, the surrender of the confederate -army. Though incomplete, the fact that it is the first connected account yet given to the public, of the scenes which have so stirred the Southern heart for the last ten days, and that the participant was a Charlestonian by birth, must render the history peculiarly welcome to every reader of the Courier. Lieut. Duquecron is an officer of the Fourteenth Mississippi regi- ment, Col. Baldwin, and his statement, therefore, embraces only the incidents which came under his observation, with reference to his regiment. Previous to the month of February, the Mississippians had been stationed at Bowling Green. Affairs at Forts Henry and Donelson, however, being in a precarious condition, and the certainty of a Fed- eral advance having been ascertained, the regiment was ordered to the latter point, to support the troops already concentrated around the Fort. Here they arrived on Sunday morning, the ninth of February, and landed at a little place called Dover, about a mile and a half from • our stronghold, on the river. It was reported then that the enemy were in sight, and a line of battle was immediately formed, in antici- pation of an attack. The day passed away, however, without any other demonstration than an occasional encounter between the pickets. Monday went by in the same way. Tuesday, a regiment or battaUon of cavalry, (I could not learn which,) called the "Forrest Rangers", un- der command of Col. Forrest, of Mississippi, was sent out as a scouting party, met the enemy in considerable force, and engaged them in a severe skirmish, but with what loss is not known. On Monday night the Federal camp-fires were plainly discernible; large bodies of troops could be seen in motion, and scouts reported the enemy to be concen- trating in great numbers, and extending their lines in front. I may briefly interrupt the narrative here to say that Fort Donel- son is located on the bank of the Cumberland River, but of the char- acter or strength of the work my informant knows nothing beyond the fact that it was under the command of Gen. Pillow. The surround- ing country is a succession of hills, sometimes heavily timbered, but for the most part covered with thick undergrowth and small woods. This had been cut down by both armies, to allow full scope for the play of their artillery, and, whether so intended or not, subsequently seriously obstructed the movements of the troops. In front of the 1 From Moore IV— 182. 2 The pen-name of Felix J. Fontaine. PORT DONELSON 97 Fort, at a distance of half a mile, more or less, the confederates had thrown up a long line of intrenchmenta, the Federals being likewise protected behind defences of a similar character. Wednesday morning found both armies prepared for serious work. At daylight our artillery opened a heavy fire, and from this time until nightfall, the cannon from the Fort, and the rifles of the sharpshooters, played incessantly between the yet couchant armies. For either party on the outposts, it was certain death for a man to show his head. A picked regiment from Illinois, nine hundred strong, acting as skir- mishers and sharpshooters, fired with deadly aim at every living object exposed, while the keen eyes that flashed along the rifle-barrels of Tennessee and Kentucky, allowed no Federal invader to escape the well-directed bullets which flew from them. Still the casualties were few. Whether the gunboats commenced their attack upon the Fort this day, my informant does not know, but his impression is, that they did. Thursday witnessed a repetition of the events of Wednesday, varied perhaps with the exchange of a few volleys from the infantry behind the intrenchments. The shot and shell of the Federals made sad rents in our ranks, and in return they received a compound interest of destruction. Great numbers were killed and wounded, the latter, on our side, being sent to the little town of Dover mentioned above, from whence they were removed to other and safer localities. Friday was another warm day, the enemy's assaults being fierce and more vigorous than before. The cannonading was terrible; the rain of shot and shell incessant. The air was filled with flying missiles, and the rattle of musketry now sounded ominously along the entire line, not continuous, but at intervals, as occasion made necessary. The gunboats, said to be seven in number, again opened fire, and, in the language of the narrator, "blazed away as if they would tear everything loose". During the day a desperate charge was made by two Illinois regiments upon the Second Kentucky and the Tenth Ten- nessee, but with equal desperation they were met by the brave con- federates, who poured volley after volley into their ranks, and drove them back to their intrenchments with almost sickening slaughter. This seemingly satisfied the enemy of the impracticability of making a breach anywhere in our lines, and for that day at least no other at- tempt of the kind was made. Saturday, however, was a glorious day; glorious for the indomi- table daring and perseverence displayed by our troops, and glorious in its results. There was our little army of eighteen thousand, composed of the men of Tennessee, Kentucky, Virginia, Texas, Mississippi and Ala- bama, confronted by an army of at least fifty thousand of the best fighting stock of the North and West, well drilled, well armed, well fed, and well officered. What a spectacle must have been presented when that mere handful, as it were, stood face to face with an enemy 98 CHARLESTON COURIER three times their number, and yet faltered not in the determination to "do or die" for the cause in which they were eiilisted. How great, too, must have been their moral as well as physical heroism when the order to "charge" ran through their lines, and they dashed into legions, whose ample proportions seemed capable of overwhelming and crush- ing them out of existence. Our troops were under the command of Floyd, Buckner, B. R. Johnson and Pillow. Aligned behind their entrenchments, three o'clock on the morning of Saturday found them resting on their arms, awaiting the decisive movements which were to determine the "fate of the day. The snow lay upon the ground to the depth of three inches — soon to be the pall of the bi'idegroom death to many a brave fellow — and a cold, blinding sleet came slanting down like a shower of lances. At early dawn the firing commenced, as usual, with the artillery. Portress and battery responded to each other with fearful vindictive- ness, and every man felt fi'om that hour that the time had arrived when the mettle of the respective antagonists was to be put to a final test. Time progressed. It became a military emergency that the right wing of the Federals should be turned. They were thirty-five thoiasand strong, and posted on the surrounding hills, under Gen. Grant. This movement took place in the morning. Artillery, cavalry and infantry, under command of Gens. Pillow, Floyd, and Buckner, in battle array, passed out of the intrenchments, and the struggle commenced. The onset was terrible. Our left wing, numbering not more than eight or ten thousand, fouglit as if they were irresistible, and the Federals everywhere gave back before their impetuous ad- vance. Charges were made upon the enemy's intrenchments at various points, and in every instance they were driven in confusion from the works. Four of the Federal batteries, several hundred stand of arms, and three hundred prisoners, were captured. The latter are still in our possession, and by this time are probably in a confederate prison. The charge which resulted thus successfully took place between twelve and one o'clock in the day, the principal regiments engaged in it being Floyd's brigade and several from Mississippi and Tennessee. * It was in one of these charges that Lieut. Duquecron received his wound, and from that time he is consequently unable to state any- thing of " his own personal knowledge." From others he afterwards learned that later in the day — towards evening — the Federals receiving, according to their own account, a reenforcement of nearly thirty thou- sand men, made an attack upon our right wing, and were again repulsed with tremendous slaughter, both of our own and their troops. Subsequently, while lying in a temporary hospital, he was informed that as the enemy were hourly increasing in numbers, the probability was that the Fort would have to be abandoned or surrendered. Of the circumstances of the surrender on Sunday morning he knows nothing beyond the fact that the enemy's army completely 1 Cf. Report Maj. Doss, R. R. 7—344. FORT DONELSON 99 suri'ounded our own in the shape of a crescent, whose either end rested on Cumberland River, to the right and left of Fort Donelson. Through this line a part of our troops may have cut their way to Nashville or elsewhere, but his impression is, that a considerable number of those who made their escape did so by means of boats with which they crossed the Cumberland from Dover and other points in the rear of our position. During Saturday no attack was made by the gunboats, several of them having been seriously crippled and Commander Foote being wounded. During the entire engagements of the three days, Generals Floyd, Pillow, and Buckner behaved with a gallantry which excited the admiring cheers of their entire command. They were constantly among the brave men who were falling by scores, encouraging them by their eloquence and example. As the Fourteenth Mississippi advanced to make a charge, Gen. Floyd rode up, and raising himself in his stirrups, his words were: "Be steady, boys, and aim low." Col. Baldwin, commanding the regiment, was detached for the time being, and acted as a Brigadier-General in another part of the field, his place being supplied by Major Doss, of the Choctaw Agency. Lieut. D. says that the enemy fought nobly. Those who were taken prisoners were from Minnesota, Illinois, Ohio and Indiana. As in other engagements during the war, it was found necessary to adopt some mark by which friend could be recognized from foe, and that adopted was a white band on the arm. The flag carried for the same purpose had a blue ground with a white globe in the centre This and the confederate flag were always borne together. The appearance of the field, and the hospitals during and after the fight, is represented to have been horrible. On the first, the dead lay on every side. Wherever the eye rested, there was a gory corpse. They could be counted not by scores but by hundreds. Subsequent reports bring us intelligence that at least four thousand of the Federals and fifteen hundred confederates were killed and wounded. The latter were carried to Nashville as rapidly as steamboats from Dover could convey them; no less than four boat-loads starting at nearly the same time. The attention paid to their wants, however) was excellent. There were plenty, both of physicians and refreshments* I have endeavored to learn the names of some of the killed and wounded, but the following is the fullest list I can yet make out. KILLED Lieut.-Col. Clough, of Texas; Lieut. -Col. Robb, of Clarksville; Capt. May, of Memphis; Capt. Porter, of Nashville. FOURTEENTH MISSISSIPPI KEGIMENT Judge Rogers, Monroe County, Mississippi; Sergeant John Clark, R. M. Bell, J. Q. Wall, George James. 100 CHARLESTON COURIER WOUNDED Major Hewitt, Second Kentucky regiment, (since reported dead); Capt. Many, of Nashville; Capt. Crigier, Fourteenth Mississippi; Capt. Gholson, Fourteenth Mississippi; Lieut. Duquecron, Fourteenth Mis- sissippi. Company C, to which the latter gentleman belonged, had seven- teen killed and wounded. Col. Baldwin, of the same regiment, had his horse shot under him. We had four light field -batteries in the figlit, namely, those of Captains Porter, Graves, Jackson, (a Virginia battery,) and ano"ther, name unknown. It is the opinion of Lieut. D. that ten thousand troops were not taken prisoners. First, tlie character of tlie men does not admit of the supposition; and second, tlie avenues of escape were such that thou- sands must have got away, though in a disorganized condition. Some of them could have crossed the Cumberland, and others have stolen through the Federal lines. It was the general belief at Nashville, that fully five thousand of Gen. Floyd's division were safe. What became of the cavalry, of which there were several splendid regiments, is not known; but throughout the day they fought nobly, and are reported to have done great execution in several charges. The opinion prevalent in the army of the West is, that if the troops retired from Bowling Green could have concentrated at Donel- son, or a reenforcement of ten tliousand fresh men been added to the exhausted army at noon on Saturday, despite the fact that seventy- five or eighty thousand Federals were opposed to us, we should have put them to utter rout. It is much easier, however, to criticise a battle after it is over than before — especially if one has not been there. Lieut. Duquecron left Fort Donelson on Saturday night on a steamboat in company with the prisoners, and arrived at Nashville Monday morning about eight o'clock. At that time the city was in a ferment, and apparently all the enemy had to do was to step down and ask permission to come in to have the request granted. He intimates that a strong Union feeling exists there, and in proof of the state- ment quotes the assertions of Gen. McClernand that he was daily in receipt of information from the city concerning the strength and dis- position of our forces. Dui'ing the panic which followed the battle, the streets were thronged with people in the greatest state of excitement. The government stores were thrown open to the poor, or anybody who chose to avail themselves of the privilege of taking away all they could carry. Barrels of meat and barrels of fiour were also thrown into the river, while enough soldiers and idle men were in the city to have made a long and not ineffective stand against any force brought against it. The armory at Nashville has been moved to Atlanta, together with much valuable machinery. When Lieut. D. arrived in the city, he was told that it had been surrendered at three o'clock on Sunday after- noon, and from this false statement probably originated the absurd FORT DONELSON 101 reports that have since gone the length and breadth of the Southern Confederacy. Certain it is, that up to Wednesday night, Nashville had not fallen into the hands of the enemy, though it was likely to do so in a few hours. Gen. Johnston having indicated his inability to defend the place effectively. Our army has fallen back upon Murfreesboro', upon the line of the Chattanooga and Nashville Railroad, thirty miles from the latter city, where it is supposed another stand will be made. So much for the battle of Fort Donelson, and the much -vexed question — "Has Nashville fallen?" Incomplete as the above account necessarily is, from the limited opportunity afforded the narrator for seeing the general movements upon an extended battlefield, it will not be devoid of interest, and may possibly shed fresh light upon the sad reverse we have experienced. Richmond Dispatch' THE FALL OF FORT DONELSON After three days of the most desperate fighting ever witnessed on this continent, (so declares a veteran regular officer,) the most des- perate fighting against the most tremendous odds, in which day after day the multitudinous host of invaders was driven back past thtirown camp, our glorious Spartan band from sheer exhaustion has been borne down by a new avalanche of reenforcements piled upon the already enormous weight against which they have hitherto struggled with complete success, and has suffered one of those misfortunes which are common to war, but which entail no dishonor on our cause, and which will only animate to the most stern and undying resistance every true Southern heart. If these bloody barbarians, whose hands are now soaked to the elbows in the life-blood of men defending their own homes and firesides, dream that they are now one inch nearer the sub- jugation of the South than when they started on their infernal mission, they prove themselves to be fools and madmen as well as savages and murderers. They have taught us a lesson, we admit; they have ad- monished us to be more wary and circumspect, to husband with greater care our limited resources, and not to underrate our enemy. But they have also placed between them and us a gulf that can never be crossed by their arts and arms, and a universal determination to die, if die we must, for our country, but never permit her to be subjugated by the most malignant, the most murderous, the meanest of mankind, whose name is at this very moment such a by-word of scorn and re- proach throughout Europe, for their combined cruelty and cowardice, that their own ambassadors cannot stand the storm of the world's contempt, and are all anxious to fly back to the United States. Their success at Fort Donelson, gained only by vast superiority of numbers, will only have the effect of converting the whole population of the 1 From Moore IV, 187. 102 RICHMOND DISPATCH South—men, women, and children — into an immense army, who will re- sist them at every step, and everywhere "welcome them with bloody hands to hospitable graves.'' The glorious valor of our troops at Fort Donelbon is not dimmed in the slightest degree by their inability to hold their ground against overwhelming odds ; but, on the contrary, shines through the black clouds of disaster with a radiance which will kindle the whole South into a blaze, and surround their own names with a halo of imperishable renown. The Nashville Patriot i List op Confederate Losses at Fort Donelson (Corrected Copy) Regt. Colonel Acting Com. No. Eng. Kill. Wo'd. 48th Tenn. . Voorhies 230 1 42d do. ..Quarles ...:... 498 11 53d do. Abernethy 280 6 12 49th do. ..Bailey 300 4 13 30th do. . . Head 654 11 30 18th do. ..Palmer 615 4 40 lOth do. ..Heiman 750 1 5 26th do. ..Lillards 400 11 85 41st do. . .Farquaharson. . 450 2 6 32d do. ..Cooke 558 3 35 3d do. ..Brown 650 12 75 51st do. ..Clark 80 60th do. Sugg .... 650 2 4 2d Ky. ..Danson .... 618 13 57 8th do. ..Burnett Lt. -Col. Lyon 300 19 60 7th Texas . . Gregg 300 20 30 15th Ark. . Gee 270 7 17 27th Ala ..Hughes *. 216 1 1st Miss. ..Simonton .... Lt.-CoL Hamilton . 280 17 76 3d do. ..Davidson Lt -Col. Wells 500 5 19 4th do. ..Drake 535 8 38 14th do. . . Baldwin. Major Doss 475 17 84 20th do. . . Russell Major Brown 562 19 59 26th do. Reynolds . . . Lt.-Col. Boon . . . 434 12 71 50th Virg. Major Thornburgh. 400 8 68 51st do. . Wharton 275 5 45 56th do. ..Stewart 350 36th do. . . McCaushn 250 loss not known, but severe Tenn. Battalion Major Colms 270 do. do Major Gowan . 60 3 3 do. do. Cavalry Gantt 227 1 do. do. do Capt. Milton 15 do. do. do Forrest 600 8 15 Artillery Murray's 80 2 do Porter 113 9 do Graves . . 50 4 do Maney 100 5 9 do Jackson 34 do Guy 58 do Ross 166 2 2 do Green 76 1 Total ..13,829 231 1,007 1 From Moore IV— 187. REGIMENTAL HISTORIES History of the Seventh IlHnois Infantry. By D. Lbib Ambrose » Monday Morning, February 3d, 1862.— The regiment takes passage on board the steamer City of Memphis, for parts unknown. Being nearly all day loading the camp and garrison equipage, the steamer does not move until 5 o'clock, p. m. We now steer up the Ohio river; pass Paducah at midnight. The fourth dawns beautifully, finding us moving up the Tennessee river. Rumor has it that Fort Henry is our destination. The drums are now beating, colors flying and hearts beating high, for the face of the Seventh is Dixieward. The gun boats are leading the way, and five steamers follow in the wake of the Memphis. 'Tis evening now. We see in the dim distance Fort Henry's walls and the flaunting stars and bars. We disembark four miles from the Fort and go into camp on the bank of the river. Some one remarks that there is mud here, and so say we, and the most terrible mud. As the soldiers move through the camp this evening, their cry is: "No bottom!" Wednesday, 5th — This morning a fog hangs over the surrounding- hills. About ten thousand troops are concentrated here. The gun- boats are anchored in the river, waiting for the land forces. A large number of troops are landing on the other side of the river. Every- thing this evening looks warlike. Thursday, 6th.— It is raining this morning; has been all night. There may be poetry in war, but there is no poetry in Camp Halleck (the name given to this camp by general orders). Mud predominates and the camp fires burn dimly. Soon the rain ceases and the clouds vanish; the sky becomes clear, and the sun sheds forth refreshing light, which is very welcome to the wet Seventh. But ere it is noon we have marching orders. The gun-boats, terrible looking monsters, 1 Published by the Illinois Journal Company, Springfield, 1868. The Author states m the Introduction: "Histories of wars are seldom written by eye witnesses of the scenes which they attempt to depict and the events which they pretend to describe; but are generally made up from the statements of those who wish to gain notoriety, and are embellished by the aid of the writer's imagination. * * * "It is our design in giving a history of the Seventh Illinois Volunteer Infantry to give a complete and accurate history of every man who had the honor of a member- ship in it, without favor or partiality. And in so doing, we have called to our assist- ance the different officers who commanded the regiment, who happened to have in their possession material points of histoiy which we were not able to obtain. * * * "We now throw ourself upon the generosity of the public, disclaiming any pretensions to literary merit, hoping that we will be dealt with gently." 103 104 REGIMENTAL HISTORIES are now steaming up towards Fort Henry. The army is put in motion. We look away ; and around the hills and up the ravines we see the beautiful starry banners flying. It is our fate to be one of the rear regiments, and while waiting for the assembly to beat, the regiment ascends a bill close by, from where we first behold a rebel camp. We see the ensign of treason floating defiantly over the Fort. Mad, mad, men! that they would thus insult the mother that gave them birth. But ah! they are now being circumvented. The gunboats still keep steaming up towards the Fort. We predict that ere the Gun sinks to rest, that banner, the representative of a wicked people, will be struck down, and that upon her staff the old Union's flag will flutter in the wind, and cast around Fort Henry her flashing light. Up a winding ravine we pass, over the hills we climb. The troops are aiming to get to the rear of the Fort, ere the bombardment commences. The roads are cut up terribly. The artillery mires down upon the hills; the Seventh lifts them out. We are now away on the Tennessee bluffs. Looking up the river we see a smoke; we hear a sullen roar. What means it all? It is a smoke and a roar from the gun -boat Essex. The ball is now open. In quick succession the mad machines of war give vent to their death dealing elements. The troops seem eager for the fray, but it is evident the way the artillery is miring down, that it will only be a naval battle. Shot and shell, like living monsters, are now flying over and into Fort Henry. Moving on, the imposing scene is lost to our view; but like the rumble and roar of distant thunder, the echoes roll over the bluffs and cliffs of the Tennessee. All day we keep winding around through the woods, seeking to get to the rear of the Fort. Towards evening a messenger comes riding back and his voice rings out, "Fort Henry's flag is down and the rebels are flying." It being impossible for the advanced troops to get to the rear in time to cut oflf the retreat, they now move up and take possession of the works. We go into camp in the woods one mile fi'om the rebel works. Having been ordered to leave our knapsacks with the wagons this morning, we have in consequence no blankets nor overcoats to-night. It is cold. The soldiers are suffering; a bleak winter wind is blowing around them, but a rebel flag went down to-day, and the soldiers' hearts are glad, glad because in its stead floats the old Union's loved banner. ' Friday, 7tli. — This morning the soldiers stand in groups, shivering around the camp fires. A chilling north wind whistles fiercely through these forests of pine. Last night an accident happened Company I, by the falling of part of a tree, wounding Captain Mendell, First Sergeant John l*]. Sullivan, and Sergeant Luke Norton. The latter's arm was broken; the Captain is hurt very badly, but we hope not seriously, for we will need the Captain in the coming battles. We move camp to-day inside the fortifications. Loud huzzas rend the air as the soldiei-s behold the old flag waving over the Fort. Our quarters to-night are close by the Fort in rebel barracks. We now have our 1 Cf. F. O. 1, B. R. 7—125 and Report Cook,— 219. SEVENTH ILLINOIS INFANTRY 105 blankets and overcoats. The cold winds do not reach us; we are com- fortable and happy. Saturday, 8th. This morning we are still at the Fort. This place looks as though it had passed through a terrible storm. We will now take a stroll over the works. They have been furrowed by sweeping shell. Dark and wild must have been the storm around here, ere the flag was lowered. It seems as though nothing of human construction could have survived it. Thirty remained at the guns. We walk a little farther, and oh! what a spectral sight! What a mangled mass, what a dark picture! They are fallen rebel soldiers. The thirty who remained in the Fort and worked the guns in those hours of darkness, have been excavated from the rubbish. It is sad to think how they fell; how they died fighting against the old flag— against the country which fostered their fatiiers and them in the lap of human freedom. I will turn from this scene; it is too heart rending. I will wend my way to the bivouac fires. This evening the few captives of Fort Henry are forwarded to Cairo. Among the number are General Tilghman and his Assistant Adjutant General. Sunday, 9th. This morning troops are landing. Everywhere around Fort Henry, inside and outside the fortifications, the camp fires are burning. About twenty thousand troops throng the woods. General Grant is evidently preparing for some great work. Monday and Tuesday, 10th and 11th. — Troops are landing all the while, from Illinois, Indiana and Ohio. The great northwest seem to be flocking in. The Seventh move their camp back in the woods and pitch their tents on high ground. We are more comfortable now; not so much crowded. We are out where the free winds blow. It is ru- mored that General Grant designs moving upon the rebels in their stronghold at Fort Donelson. We may advance soon. Ere another sun shall have been far on its journey, the army perhaps will be tramping, and while it is drifting on its path, may the God of heaven who smiled upon Europe's great battle fields, smile upon the army of the Republic as she flings her banners to the wind and battles for the world's last hope, for liberty, fidelity, and truth. Wednesday Morning, 12th. — There is a clear blue sky overhead. Aids and orderlies are moving hither and thither; drums are beating and bugles are blowing as 'f to say, "Up boys and be ready, for Grant is on his restless steed.'' The army is soon in motion; the banners are fluttering, and pennons flying. We look away through the woods and behold tlieir beautiful light streaming around stalwart men. It is early when our brigade (the 3d) commanded by our Colonel, "John Cook," moves from camp in the woods near Fort Henry. The Seventh at the appointed time takes up the line of march, under the command of Lieu- tenant Colonel Babcock. The regiment is in fine spirits; the hearts of the men beat high. In their mind's eye they weave wreaths of fame. They seem lo foi-esee themselves crowned with glory. But do they dream that they will see blood flow at their feet; that some of their 106 REGIMENTAL HISTORIES number will go down in their glory ere the sun makes many more circuits around the world? A great many regiments have moved on before us. At ten min- utes past one o'clock we hear the report of artillery. It comes from the gun-boats on the Cumberland. We move on briskly, and go into camp two miles fi-om Fort Donelson. The siege of this rebel Gibralter has already commenced. The gun -boats keep muttering. Echoes come from the river like echoes from wrathful thunder. But by and by the regiment falls asleep on their bed of leaves, and all night long we hear in our dreams the bolts of Avar, and behold the surga of men in terrible battle. Thursday, 13th. —This is a beautiful still morning, though its still- ness is occasionally interrupted by the heavy cannonading on the Cumberland. After hastilj' eating our breakfast, we are ordered into line. Soon Colonel Babcock gives the command ''forward! " Going a short distance W'e are ordered to "halt!" "unsling knapsacks!" "draw overcoats!" We throw them in the fence corners, and move forward on double-quick time. Soon we are in the fray. While marching over a hill and down towai'ds a ravine, the Seventh encounters a masked battery. It is our first encounter- our initiation. But oh, how fierce! we are only seventy-five yards from the battery's wrath- ful front. Grape and canister fall thick and fast. There is a little hesitation, but with their gallant Colonel and enthusiastic Major, the men stand the tempest. Colonel Babcock, with his quick perception discovers at once the situation of his regiment, and with the ready aid of Major Row^ett, succeeds in making a flank movement, passing from the rebel battery's immediate front to a more congenial locality. In this, our first engagement, one noble soldier has fallen. It seems almost a miracle that more did not fall. But only one went down — the gallant Captain Noah E. Mendell, of company I. The principal fighting to-day has been done by the sharp- shooters. There is a lull now. Nothing is heard save an occasional shot from the gun -boats. Darkness has come and we bivouac for the night; soon it commences to rain; then changes from a cold rain to sleet and snow. Oh! how cold the winter winds blow. We dare not build any camp fires, for Grant's edict has v.Msely gone forth, forbid- ding it. The soldiers suffer to-night. Some of them have no blankets. During the latter part of the night. Colonel Babcock. with his men, could have been seen pacing up and down a hill to keep from freezing. Oh! what a long cheerless night; and with what anxiousness the soldiers w^ait for the morning's dawn. Friday, 14th. — Never was morning light more welcome than this morning's light is to the army of the Tennessee, for with it comes the camp fires. Everywhere, on the hill and in the ravines, their cheering light is seen. But the soldiers are still suffering. Their blankets are frozeiT, their clothes are w-efc. They stand everywhere shivering around the camp fires. It is still raining and sleeting, (having changed SEVENTH ILLINOIS INFANTRY 107 from sleet and snow). The loyal hearts would start tears of love, could they see how this mighty army is thus standing down on the banks of the Cumberland, with not a murmur heard to escape them. Imagining myself not one of these, but imagining myself disinterested, that I may be freed from accusations of egotism, I would say that manhood stands here — men of fidelity; men of unexampled devotion to the country, the flag and freedom. But how sad the fact to know that there are some who would know it not. Though it is cold, and the winds blow, and the soldiers are suffering, it is not long until the firing commences. We are now in range of the rebel batteries. The cannon balls are flying over our heads, snapping off the tree tops, and performing general havoc in the woods. We ai'e now remaining at "a stand,'' in rear of the fort, and while here we hear heavy cannonading in the direction of the Cumberland. It is the gun -boats feeling Fort Donelson's strength. The sharp- shooters are doing their work. They greatly annoy the enemy by keeping them from their guns. No general fighting to-day, but the siege goes bravely on. It is night now. It bids fair to be one of winter's cold, rayless nights; no moon, no stars are seen. Dark, threatening clouds fling their curtains adown the sky, telling the boys in blue that they will suffer. Saturday, 15th. — It snowed again last night, but this morning the sky is clear; the clouds have disappeared, and the sunlight is seen again on the Cumberland hills. How cheeringly does it fall around the weary soldiers. It is indeed a blessing sent from heaven, for Grant and his army. But hark! we hear the rattle of musketry. It comes from the right wing. Soon we learn that Lawman's, McArthur's and Oglesby's brigades are engaged. The battle is now raging fur- iously. Our regiment is ordered to hasten to the left. Down the ravines, over the hills and across the abattis, the Seventh, led by the brave Colonel Babcock, and cheered by the gallant Rowett, go thund- ering on to where the wild battle storm rages. Arriving at the scene of action, we find the Second Iowa and an Indiana regiment in posi- tion near the enemy's works, breasting manfully a rebel battery play- ing upon them from a hill inside the outer works. Rushing into the conflict, Colonel Babcock forms the regiment under the galling fire. At this moment the veteran General Smith, moving through the fear- ful storm, draws rein to his charger in front of the Seventh, and says to Colonel Babcock, "I never saw a regiment make such grand move- ments under such a fire in all my military life as your's has just made. Colonel, I thank God for your command at this moment. Charge that rebel battery! charge it with your steel and silence its work of death!" The Seventli's bayonets are soon up and bristling. The battle is now raging furiously. The general casts his eyes towards the west, and beholding the sun fast sinking towards the horizon's bar, he turns to Colonel Babcock and says, "I countermand the order given you to charge that battery. It is now too late; I will leave that work for you 108 REGIMENTAL HISTORIES to do to-morrow." The direful death-dealing elements are still flying thick and fast. The Seventh is now baring its bosom against the angry storm. Its colors are planted and flying over the works. Si- multaneously with the Second Iowa the Seventh Illinois pass over the outer works, but they go no farther; the rebel batteries' deadly sweeps check them. The gallant Iowa boys claim the honor of being the first to scale Fort Donelson's walls. They claim it rightly, too, and history will award to tliem the honor of being a little ahead of the Seventh Illinois. As it is said the brave are always generous, the Seventh Illinois will demonstrate it by giving the Iowa boys the credit of what they claim, feeling at the same time that they will give the Seventh Illinois the credit of being with them very soon after they scaled the defenses, when together we drove the rebels back in con- fusion. Night now comes on, putting a stop to the carnival of blood. It is dark now, though as we look around we can see, faintly, the bodies of the gallant dead. It is indeed heart rending to see how many noble men have perished, and to see how many are wounded and how many are dying. Blood from thousands has flowed to-day, and as the sun went down it shed its light upon the field, adding beauty and hallowed glory to the crimson life blood flowing from the Anglo Saxon's heart, down through rippling rills and gurgling brooks to where the beautiful Cumberland flows. Sunday, 16th. This morning we still occupy the position gained last evening. There is no firing this morning. Why this quiet? Why this stillness? The enemj- may be preparing for a more deteiinined resistance. But no, there is a truce! Grant is now holding communi- cation with the rebel General Buckner. Buckner gives terms upon which he will surrender. Grant says, '■'■No, I demand an unconditional surrender. I propose to move immediatelij upon your uoi'ks.^^ He waits for an answer. All are in suspense now. Go with me to yonder ele- vation; look eastward; the sun is far on its journey, while over the broad land church bells are ringing, and while the loyal people are breathing a prayer to heaven for the army and ntivy, fifty thousand warriors are being drawn up in line of battle. Away yonder in the woods, we see the General moving, followed by his staff, and in the language of Campbell in his description of the battle of the Baltic. "As their war steeds went surging on their path, There was silence deep as death, And the boldest held his breath For a time." But hark! what mean those shouts that come roiling down the line? "Fort Donelson is ours!" The rebel flag has been lowered, and afar we see the white flag waving. An unconditional surrender has been made of the whole rebel force and munitions of war. With colors flying and drums beating, we pass into Fort Donelson. Our quarters to-night are those lately occupied by the rebels. The Seventh feels good, knowing that they have helped to gain a brilliant victory, adding new glory to the old flag. 109 Fort Henry' By Jesse Taylor, Jackson, Tenn. About the lat of September, 1861, while commanding a camp of artillery instruction (Weakley) near Nashville, Tenn., I received a visit from Lieut. -Col. Milton Haynes, First Regiment Tennessee Artillery, who informed me of the escape of a number of steamers from the Ohio, and of their having sought refuge under the guns of Fort Henry; that a "cutting out" expedition was anticipated from Paducah; that, as there was no experienced artillerist at the fort, the Governor, I. G. Harris, was anxious that the deficiency be immediately supplied; that he had no one at his disposal unless I would consent to give up my "Light Battery" (subsequently Porter's and later still Morton's) and take command at Fort Henry. Anxious to be ot service, and believing that the first effort of the Federals would be to penetrate our lines by the way of the Tennessee River, I at once consented to the exchange, to the loudly expressed disapproval and wonder of my friends. Arriving at the fort, it required only a glance at its surroundings to convince me that extraordinary bad judgment or worse had selected the site for its erection. I was surprised to find it situated in a bottom commanded by high hills on both sides of the river, within good rifle range. The fact was at once communicated to the military authorities of the State, who replied that the "location had been selected by a competent engineer, and with reference to mutual support with Donel- son." Knowing that the crude ideas of a sailor concerning fortifica- tions were entitled to but little consideration when brought in conflict with those entertained by a West Pointer, I decided to quietly ac- quiesce, and to submit to whatever the fates or blundering stupidity miglit hold in store. But an accidental observation of a water-mark left on a tree caused me to carefully examine for this sign above, below, and in the rear of the fort, and from the result to become convinced that we had a mightier and more irresistable foe to contend with than any the Federals could bring against us. This enemy was the river itself. Continuing my investigation by making inquiries of tlie old set- lers, I was confirmed in my fears that the fort was not only subject to overflow, but that the highest point in it would be, in the usual Febru- ary rise, at least two feet under water. This alarming fact was also submitted to the proper State authorities, and elicited a curt notifica- tion that the State forces had been turned over to the Confederacy, and that I should communicate with Gen. Polk on the subject. This sug- gestion was at once acted on - not only once, but frequently, and with the urgency the importance of the subject demanded— which finally resulted in being referred to Gen. A. S. Johnson, who, on the matter being brought to liis attention, immediately dispatched an officer of engineers (Maj. Gilmer) to investigate; but it was now too late to ef- fectually remedy the defect, though an effort was made by beginning to fortify the heights on the west bank, immediately opposite the fort. 1 From M. A. T.— 860. Cf. article by the same author in B. & L., 1—868. 110 REGIMENTAL HISTORIES The armament of the fort at the time I assumed command con- sisted of six smooth-bore thirty -two pounders and one six-pounder iron field piece, manned by (."'o. B, First Regiment Tennessee Artillery, Lieut. Stanckievitch commanding. By Feb. 1, 1861, this armament had been increased, by the persistent exertions of Gen. Lloyd Tilghman, Col. A. Heiman, and myself, to two forty -twos, eight thirty -twos, one one hundred and twenty-eight pounder (CoUimbiad), five twenty-four- pounder siege-guns, and one six-inch rifled gun. We had also six twelve-pounders, but of such a "pot metal" appearance that it was deemed best to subject them to a test before giving them position; and as two of them burst when tried with an ordinary charge, the oth- ers were set aside as useless. Much of the powder supplied was of a very inferior quality, so much so that it was deemed necessary to adopt the dangerous expedient of adding to each charge a propor- tion of quick-burning powder. That this was required will, I think, be admitted when it is understood that to obtain a random of one mile — the distance from the fort to a small island below — it was necessary to give an elevation of anywhere from eight to fifteen degrees. During the winter of 1861-62 the gun- boats made frequent appear- ance in the Tennessee, and, coming up under cover of the island al- ready mentioned, would favor us with an hour or more of shot and shell; but as their object was evidently to draw our fire, and thus ob- tain the position and range of our guns, though often sorely tempted by the provoking accuracy of their fire, we deemed it best notto make any return. On Feb. 4 the Federal gun-boats, followed by countless transports, appeared in the river below the fort. Far as eye could see the course of the river could be traced by the dense volume of smoke issuing from the vast flotilla, indicating that the long-threatened attempt to pene- trate our lines was to be made in earnest. The gun-boats took up po- sition about three miles below, and opened a bi-isk fire on the fort, at the same time furiously shelling the woods, thus covering the debark- ation of their army on the east bank of the river. The 5th was a day of unusual animation on the quiet waters of the Tennessee. All day long the flood-tide of arriving and the ebb of returning transports never ceased. Late in the afternoon three of the gun -boats, two on the west side of and under cover of the island and one to the east near the fort, took position and opened a vigorous and well directed fire, which was received in silence until a loss of one killed and three wounded induced me to order the Columbiad and rifle to open. Six shots were fired— three from each piece— and with such effect as to force the boats to drop out of range. At night Gen. Tilghman called a council of his most trusted officers. Cols. Heiman, Forest, and Drake, Maj. Gilmer and Captain Hayden, of engineers, are all the names I can now recall as having been present. The strength of the Federals was variously estimated, the lowestplac- ing their force at twenty -five thousand. To oppose this foi-ce Gen. Tilghman had less than four thousand men, mostly raw regiments FORT HENRY ARTILLERY 111 armed with shot-guns and hunting rifles; in fact, the hest equipped regiment in tlie command — the Tenth Tennessee — was armed with old Tower of London flint-lock muskets that had done the State service in the war of 1812. The general opinion and final decision were that suc- cessful resistance to such an overwhelming force was an impossibility, and that the army should fall back and unite with Pillow and Buckner at Douelson. Gen. Tilghman recognizing thedifticulty of withdrawing undisciplined troops from the front of an active opponent, turned to me with the question, "Can you hold out for one hour against a determined attack?" I replied that I could. "Well then, gentlemen, rejoin your commands and hold them in readiness for instant movement." The garrison left at the fort consisted of a part of Co. B, First Tennessee Artillery, Lieuts. Watts and Weller, with flfty-four men, First Lieut. Stanckievitch and thirty men having been detached with some light field-pieces to aid in the retreat. The forenoon of the 6th was spent by both sides in making pre- parations for the coming struggle. The gun-boats formed line of battle abreast under cover of the island. The "Carondelet," thirteen guns; "Louisville," thirteenguns; "Essex," thirteen guns; and "St. Louis" or "Mound City," thirteen guns (I am doubtful as to the name), formed the van or front. The "Conestoga," seven guns; "Lexington," seven guns; and "Tyler," seven guns, formed the rear line. So soon as the line of battle was developed I assigned to each gun the vessel to which it was to devote its compliments and directed that the guns be kept constantly trained on the advancing boats. Accepting the volunteered services of Captain Hayden, of the engineers, to assist at the Colum- biad, I repaired to and took personal supervision of the rifled gun. The gun-boats opened fire while under cover of the island, and, advancing steadily, increased its rapidity until, as they swung into the main channel above the island, they appeared one sheet of leaping, liv- ing flame. The fire, though exceedingly rapid, was very accurate. The van being now less than a mile distant, the command was given to fire. And just let me say that as pretty and as simultaneous a broad- side was delivered as I ever saw flash from the sides of a "crack" fri- gate. After the first command to fire the order was, "load and fire at will." The action had now become general, and for the next twenty or thirty minutes was as hot, rapid, and accurate as one could wish, the advantage evidently inclining to the fort. The iron-clad "Essex" had dropped out of the fight disabled. The fleet had hesitated, halted, and seemed falling back, when a suc- cession of untoward and unavoidable accidents happened in the fort which restored the confidence and advance of the flotilla — viz.: the rifled gun, from which I had just been called by duty, burst with dis- abling effect, not only to its own detachment, but to the guns near it. Going to the Columbiad as the only effective gun remaining, I met Gen. Tilghman, and for the first time knew that he had returned to the fort, he having crossed to the west bank of the river that morn- ing, and was, I supposed, with the retreating army. While consult- 112 REGIMENTAL HISTORIES ing with him, a sudden exclamation of anger or surprise called my attention to the Columbiad, which I found spiked with its own priming- wire. The wire, having been too hastily inserted, was caught by the ram-home blow of the rammer, and so bent in the vent as to effectu- ally spike the gun for that day. The Federal commander, observing the silence of the two heavy guns, renewed his advance and increased the accuracy of his fire. Two of the thirty -twos were struck almost at the same instant, and the flying fragments of the shattered guns and burst shells disabled every man at the two guns. His rifle-shot and shell penetrating the earth-works as readily as a pistol-ball would a pine plank, so disabled other guns as to leave us but four capable of service. Gen. Tilghman held a hasty consultation with Major Gilmer, Lieut. Watts, and myself. The decision reached was that continued resistance would only result in useless loss of life, and that the object of the de- fense being accomplished, the only thing remaining to be done was to surrender. He thereupon ordered me to strike the colors, now become a dangerous as well as painful task. Tlie flag-staff had been struck a number of times. The topmast hung so far out of the perpendicu- lar that it seemed likely to come down by the run at any moment. The flag-halyards had been cut, but fortunately fouled at the cross trees. Beckoning — for it was useless amidst the din to call — to Sergt. Jones, an old man-of-war man, to follow, we ran across to the flag- staff and up the lower rigging to the cross-trees, and by our united efforts and habit of manipulating ropes, succeeded in doing that which, though I fully recognized the necessity, was the most painful duty it had ever been my lot to perform — lower the flag under which I had been fighting. The view from that elevated position was at that time grand, ex- citing, and striking. At our feet the fort, with her few remaining guns, was sullenly hurling innocuous shot against impervious sides. The fleet — now within two hundred yards of the fort, in perfect secu- rity from harm — was sending, with the accuracy of target practice, her missiles of destruction, which swept the fort from "stem to stern." To the north and west, on both sides of the river, were the hosts of "blue-coated gentry,'' an anxious and highly interested army of spec- tators of the drama going on before them. To the east was to be seen the feeble fox'ce of the Confederacy making its. way toward Donelson. In the morning we were assured that the February rise in the river had come and was coming with a boom. When the action began the lower parts of the fort were already flooded. When the colors were struck the water was waist deep there. Wlien the Federal cut- ter came with the oflicers to receive the formal surrender, contrary to all established precedent it pulled in at the sally-port. Between the fort and where the infantry support had been was a sheet of water a quarter of a mile or more wide, and running like a mill-race. If the Federals had delayed forty-eight hours, I believe there would not have FORT HENRY ARTILLERY 113 been a single hostile shot exchanged. The Tennessee would have ac- complished the work the magazine would have been flooded. Well, the fight was over, and we, tlie little garrison, were prison- ers of war, but our small army had been saved. It had been required of us to hold out for one hour. We had held out, by Federal time, over two hours. I had been too actively employed to make much note of time, so set down the Federal report. We went into action with nine guns. We had two more (forty-twos), but without shot or shell for them. Of the fifty-four men who went into the fight, nine were killed and sixteen seriously wounded. Several more were slightly hurt. Of the Federal loss I shall only say that when the "Essex" dropped out of line I could see her men wildly throwing themselves into the swollen waters of the Tennessee; that Admiral Foote reported his boat, the flagship, as struck thirty-eight times; and that the com- manding officers of the different gun-boats, with most of whom I en- joyed a warm personal friendship, complimented me most highly on the accuracy of our practice. This I do firmly believe, that with effective guns, the same accu- racy of fire would have sunk or driven back the fleet sent against us. And this excellence of practice was attained by a lot of Tennessee lads who only a few weeks previous had been following the plow, standing behind the counter, or sitting on the rough benches of an old field school-house. My personal connection with Co. B was severed by the surrender, though I heard with pride of its doing good and gal- lant service at Fort Hudson and again at Mobile. Third Tennessee Infantry^ By John S. Wilkes, Pulaski, Tenn. The regiment reached Fort Donelson on the 8th of February, and almost immediately went into line of battle and began to throw up a line of defense, consisting of a slender breast-work of logs and earth with a rifle pit behind it. John C. Brown as senior Colonel had since July been continuously in command of a brigade composed of this regi- ment and others, and at Fort Donelson his brigade, besides his own regiment, was composed of the Eighteenth, Thirty -second, and Forty - first Tennessee Infantry, the Fourteenth Mississippi, and Porter's and Graves's field batteries — Lieut. -Col. Gordon being in command of the Third Tennessee. The position of the brigade was on the right of the line of defense, and on Wednesday, the 12th, about 12 M., before the 1 From M. A. T.— 177. Cf. Reports R. R. 7—346, 349. The author was Commissary Sergeant of the regiment upon its organization in May, 1861; he became Commissary upon its reorganization in September, 1862. The regiment formed part of Gen. Buckner's command in Bowling Green from September, 1861 till ordered to Fort Donelson. The author says of Col. Brown and the regiment: "Col. John C. Brown was a strict discip inarian, hill of the magnitude of the work ahead and determined that his regiment, composed of picked material, should not be excelled. Under his instruction, and with the cooperation of his able line of officers, the regiment soon became noted for its fine appearance, profliciency in drill and military bearing. * * * The men were inured to camp life and anxious for the conflict." 114 REGIMENTAL HISTORIES works were half coaiplebed, the enemy appeared, and dnring that day Thursday, and Friday, kept up an incessant firing of sharp-shooters. Upon the rig-ht of the regiment was Porter's light battery of six guns, and on tlie left Graves's battery commanded the long, wide vallej' separating the brigade from Col. Heiman's right. These batteries were admirably luindled, and for two days kept at bay the enemy, infantry being constantly depkiyed in the rifle-pits. On Saturday morning an attempt was made to turn the enemy's right, clear the Wynn's Ferry road, and fall back to Nashville. The Third Tennessee was deploj-ed in the rifie pits, where the Wynn's Ferry road crosses the line.of in- trenchments. Before it reached its position the attack had alieadj- commenced on the extreme left, and soon afterward the Fourteenth Mississippi were thrown forward as skirmishers, supported by the Third and Eighteenth Tenn.^ssee, who upon reaching the summit of the hill, were met by a terrific fire, but returned it with spirit, and the enemy retired still farther upon their left. At twelve o'clock, the Third, Eighteenth, and Thirty-second Tennessee Regiments were led by Col. Brown across the open field on the right of Wynns Ferry road, under the fire of a batterj^ posted on that road, and captured one sec- tion of the battery. A further charge was ordered and made. It met a terrific fire, which was returned with deadly effect, and the gallant Graves coming to the rescue at full speed with his battery, the enemy were forced to leave the field, and the road was entirely open and free; but the regiment was immediately ordered back to the position it had left in the morning; but a part of this line was already occupied by the enemy, and they could not be dislodged. On the next morning the garrison was surrendered. The weather was terribly cold and stormy. The rifle-pits were full of ice; the ground was hard frozen; the regi- ment had been in line of battle and under continuous fire for four days. It had 743 men able for duty and actually engaged; loss, 13 killed, 56 wounded, 72- captured. The commissioned officers were carried pris- oners to Fort Warren, Mass., and Camp Chase, O., and the privates and non-commissioned officers to Camp Douglas, 111. Many died from the exposure of the siege, some escaped from prison, some took the oath of allegiance, which was freely and invitinglj- offered them; 607 were exchanged on the 23d of September, 1S62, after a confine- ment of seven months. They immediately reorganized the regiment, retaining their old number, but making many changes in their field, staff, and line officers, and in the arrangement of the companies. Col. ,Tohn C. Brown, before the reorganization, was promoted to the rank of Brigadier and ordered to report for duty to Gen. Bragg, then at Chattanooga, moving his column into Kentucky. 115 Tenth Tennessee Infantry.^ By Lewis R. Clark, Clarksville, Tenn. The Tenth Teiuiessee Regiment was organized at Fort Henry, May, 1861: Colonel, Adolphus Heiman; Lieutenant-Colonel, Randall W. McGavoek; Major, William Grace; Adjutant, John Handy, suc- ceeded by La Fayette McConnico. * * * This regiment remained at Fort Henry from the time of its orga- nization in May, 1861, perfecting itself in drill and discipline, until the bombardment by the United States forces on Feb. 6, 1862. The forces at Fort Henry were commanded by Brig. -Gen. Lloj^d Tilghman. Col. Heiman, of the Tenth Tennessee, commanded a brigade composed of his own regiment and the Fourth Mississippi, and Lieut. -Col. McGavoek commanded the Tenth Tennessee. After a bombardment lasting about four hours, the sixty-four pound rifled gun in the fort ex- ploded, killing and wounding six or seven of our men, and the hundred ahd twenty-eight pound smooth-bore gun was dismounted by the force of its recoil. There was no infantry engagement at Fort Henry. Be- fore the white flag was hoisted, Gen. Tilghman ordered the infantry forces to withdraw and fall back to Fort Donelson. As Col. Heiman passed through the works, he shot one of the enemy who was entering the fort to get a close look at the Confederates. Col. Heiman resumed command when he overtook the regiment about two miles from Fort Henry. It was a very trying march to Fort Donelson, where we ar- rived quite late at night, having waded a number of small streams much swollen by rains and melted snow. We were constantly har- assed by pressure from the enemy's cavalry, which we had to resist several times by forming in line of battle and driving them back. The fighting commenced at Fort Donelson on Feb, 13, 1862, with the enemy in overwhelmingly superior numbers. Our works were as- saulted several times during the day. and shelled repeatedly during the night. The next day showed a steady continuance of the fight, which was rendered very trying by the bad weather, the ground being covered with snow in a slushy, half melted condition, freezing at night and thawing in the day-time. The third day we repulsed an attack of the enemy and drove them several miles. It was owing to the terrific losses inflicted upon the assaulting forces by our regiment that it earned the sobriquet of "The Bloody Tenth." Among the enemy's forces engaged in our front, the Second Iowa — which was a magnifi- cent body of men — suffered the most severely. By this time our men were completely worn out. With three days of steady, hard fighting, and two nights of sleepless exposure in the trenches to guard against an apprehended assault, we were thoroughly exhausted. Then rumors came that we were about to be surrendered. Captains John H. Ander- son and William M. Marr escaped and joined other commands; but the 1 From M.A.T. — 282. The author's name does not appear in the roster of officers of the regiment upon its organization but upon its reorganization at Clinton, Miss., October 2, 1862, he is given as Captain of Co. K. For regimental reports by Col. Hei- man see R. R. 7—148, 366. 116 REGIMENTAL HISTORIES great majority of the men were so tired and exhansted that tliey slept in spite of Mieir efforts to keep awake, and tlie next morning, Feb. 16, 1862. we found ourselves prisoners, and stacked our arms, after inflict- ing a loss upon the enemy in killed and wounded equal to the total (Confederate loss in killed, wounded and prisoners. We were carried to several different prisons. The field and staff officers were taken ro Fort Warren, the line officers to Johnson's Is- land, and the non-commissioned officers and men to Camp Douglas, at Chicago. At Camp Douglas we were kindly treated for a montli or two, while under the charge of Col. Mulligan, who had himself been captured with his command by Gen. Price in Missouri. But when Mulligan's command was relieved from this duty, we became guarded by "home guards'' and "sixty-days men,'' who, having no chance to punish their enemy in the field, treated us who were in their power with atrocious barbarity in numerous ways, and even to the extent of shooting through the barracks at night, killing and woundingprisoners asleep in their bunks. We were removed from Camp Douglas in September, and arrived at Vicksburg, Miss., where we were exchanged on the 24th of that month. Reorganized at Clinton, Miss, October 2, 1862. Twenty=sixth Fennessee Infantry ' By H. a. Craw^pord, Dayton, Tenn. In the latter part of September, 1861, the regiment was ordered from Knoxville to Bowling Green, Ky., and was placed in the brigade commanded by Col. W. E. Baldwin, of the Fourteenth Mississippi Regiment, and assisted in building the fortilications in and around that place. In January, 1862, we received orders to go to Russellville, Ky., and remained there until ordered to Fort Donelson, which was about the 10th of February, 1862. On the night of February 13th, the regiment boarded the steamer "John A. Fisher," at Cumberland City, on theCumberland River, reached Fort Donelson just before daylight the 14th, and was at once placed in line of battle. Nobly and gallantly did the rvveiiby-sixtli do its duty in this ever- memorable battle, under command of the brave and heroic Col. Lillard. assisted by as brave and true officers and men as ever went to battle from the "Volunteer State.'' Among the noble men of the Twenty -sixth Tennessee who fell in this great battle, none wei'e more lamented than the gallant young- Captain McClung, of Co. F; Lieutenant A. H.Swaggerty, of Co. C; and Assistant Surgeon G. W. Jones. The regiment was surrendered with the Arm^^ at Fort Donelson on the 16th of February, 1862, and sent to prison the field officers to Fort Warren, the other officers to John- son's Island, and the privates to Camp Morton, near Indianapolis, Ind. The privates were exchanged at Vicksburg, Miss., in September, 1862, 1 From M. A. T.— 410. Of. R. R., 7—345. THIRTIETH TENNESSEE INFANTRY 117 wliere they were met by their officers, who had been exclianged in Virginia. The regiment was reorganized at Knoxville, Tenn., the last of September or tlie first of October, 1862. Thirtieth Tennessee Infantry' By J. J. 'i'UKNKR, (lALLATIN, TENN. This regiment, of some nine liundred and seventy-five rank and file, was raised in the latter pai-t of tl)e summer of 1861, in tiie counties of Sumner, Robertson, Smith and Davidson. It wasorganized the first week in October, and soon went into camp at Red Springs. The offi- cers were: J. W. Head, Colonel; R. H. Murphy, Lieutenant-Colonel; J. J. Turner, Major; C. S. Douglass, Adjutant; F. M. Dully, Assistant Quartermaster; J. C. Bridgewater, Assistant Commissary; J. M.Head, Surgeon; J. S. Lane, Assistant Surgeon; I. L. Roach, Sergeant-Major; and G. W. Featherston, Chaplain. Tlie several companies were com- manded by Captains B G. Bidwell, W. A. Buntin, J L. Jones, Wm. Mays, W. T. Sample, J. IL Turner, J. L. Carson, W. A. Lovell, H. Barksdale, and T. C. Martin. In November the regiment was ordered to Fort Donelson, where the Tenth Tennessee Regiment had been located some time, with the exception of a few companies at Fort Henry. We were soon joined by Col. Bailey's Forty-ninth Tennessee Regiment, Col. Suggs's Fiftieth Tennessee Regiment, Major Colms'a First Tennessee Battalion, and Captain McCoot's company of cavalry that belonged to Col. Foi-rest's celebrated cavalry command. Soon after our arrival there Gen. Tilgh- man was placed in command of the defenses of the CUimberland and Tennessee rivers; but owing to the small number of troopn and the want of heavy artillery, little had been done to protect these points against. the formidable land and naval foices that war era pidlj prepar- ing to. invade Tennessee by these rivers. With the aid of the new regiments and a large force of tiegroes, the fortifications and defen- ses on the rivers were pushed with great vigor dni'ing the months of November, December, and January, and the forts were about com- pleted, and all of our large gnus placed in position and protected by heavy earth-works. We were fully apprised of the vast preparations by the land and naval forces of the enemy to attack both positions so soon as the rivers should rise. During the first days of February both rivers commenced to rise rapidly, and we had learned of our defeat at Fishing Creek and the advance of Buel on Howling Green, and that the Federal fleet and army were coming up the Tennessee River. Every hour we expected to hear the clash of arms. About 12 a.m. February 6 we could dis- tinctly hear the booming of heavy artillery at Fort Henry. It soon increased to a regular roar, and all knew what it meant. The long roll was beat, and soon the regiments at Fort Donelson started to the aid 1 M. A. T. 441. Cf. R. R., 7—377. 118 REGIMENTAL HISTORIES of their coinrades; but on arriving in a few miles of Fort Henry we met the infantry in full retreat, and badly disorganized. The engagement hud lasted some tliree hours. The river was so high that the gun-boats were able to come up very close, and by reason of the superiornumberand size of their artillery — having forty- three heavy guns, and the fort but eleven medium pieces, they nearly demolished the fort, disabled most of our artillery, and forced the garrison of some eighty, inclndijig Gen. Tilghman and staff, to surren- der. Seven out of eleven of Gen. Tilghman's guns were disabled, yet he hit the gun-boats fifty-nine times, and great!}' injured them. The Confederate infantry numbered two thousand six hundred and ten and seventy-five artillerymen, while the Federal infantry numbered some sixteen thousand. The former were soon compelled to retreat rap- idly or be captured. The troops from Fort Henry were at once reorganized and their wants supplied. Reenforcements commenced to arrive in a day or two from Nashville, Bowling Green, and Hopkinsville, and by the evening of the 12th of February our entire force consisted of some twelve thousand five hundred, but badly armed and clothed. Few of them had ever been ui\der fire. In the meantime the fleet of gun-boats at Fort Henry liad descended the Tennessee River and come up the Cumberland to within a short distance of Fort Donelson. The Federal infantry from Fort Henry had marched across the country, and some twenty -five thousand of their infantry and cav- alry were landed below us under cover of the gun -boats. On Wed- nesday, the 12th, the gun-boats came up in sight of our batteries and complimented them with a few shell, the fire being promptly re- turned. In the meantime Col. Forrest, with his own and Gant's cavalry, felt of the enemy, and found he was gradually surrounding us and preparing for an early assault. On Wednesday evening Gens. Pillow, Buckner, Floyd, and John- ston had fully organized our forces, arranged the line of battle, and commenced a line of earth -works, beginning at the fort near the river and extending in a semi -circle some three miles to the riv^er above Dover. By Thursday morning these rifle-pits were sufficient to protect our infantry against small arms, but not against artillery. About one month before the siege Cai)tain B. G. Bidwell, of the Thir- tieth Tennessee Regiment, and Captain T. W. Beaumont, of the Fif- tieth Tennessee Regiment, with tlieir companies, were assigned to the batteries at the river, none of them having had any military experience previous to that time. Our guns consisted of a ten-inch Columbiad, a sixty-four pounder rifle, eight smooth-bore thirty-two pounders, and two carronades of little value, and in the fort a large howitzer and two ten-pounders. The batteries were under command of Captain Dixon, of the engineer corps, an able and experienced officer. On Thursday, February 13, about 10 a.m., the gun-boat "Caron- delet" came in sight and opened on our batteries, tiring one hundred THIRTIETH TENNESSEE INFANTRY 119 and thirty-nine seventy-five pound and sixty -four pound shells, which were well replied to. One of the last shots from this boat disabled a thirty-two pounder commanded by Captain Bidwell and killed Capt. Dixon, after which Captain Jacob Culbertson took command of the heavy artillery. The "Carondelet" was badly injured, having been shot through, and losing some twelve men killed and wounded; but she was repaired for action that night. On Friday, the 14th, about 3 P.M., the fleet — having been equipjjed for the fight by chains, lumber, and bags of coal to protect their decks and sides — advanced upon the batteries. The fleet was commanded by Flag-Officer Foote,and con- sisted of the iron -clads "Carondelet," "St Louis,'" "Louisville " and "Pittsburg," and the wooden gun-boats "Taylor" and "Conestoga." The entire fleet advanced, keeping up a constant fire, the iron-clads being in front and the wooden boats following. As soon as they were in range the batteries opened on them, and one of the severest and most terrible contests of tlie war ensued, lasting for about one hour. The fleet came within three hundred yards of the batteries, each firing as rapidly as possible. Our battery had only twelve guns, and the rifled piece was soon disabled by a careless gunner. The guns of the fleet numbered at least sixty, and were much superior in size. Iron-clad and wooden gun -boats had before this been a terror to in- fantry and land batteries; but our raw yet brave and determined men, under command of Capts. Culbertson, Bidwell, and Beaumont, stood to their guns, continued to fire with the precision and steadiness of trained veterans, and demonstrated their superiority over gun-boats. The fight closed by the retreat of the entire fleet, all of their boats having been severely injured or disabled, and with a heavy loss of officers and men, including Flag-officer Foote. Our batteries did not have a casualty to men or guns after the first day. Captain Bidwell estimated that the fleet fired two thousand shot and shell and the bat- teries about four hundred shots, which was admitted by the Federal officers. The fleet lost ten killed and forty -four wounded, and all their boats were badly disabled. The accuracy and. coolness of our gunners are shown bj' the fact that the "Carondelet" alone was struck fifty- four times, as since conceded by Rear-admiral Walker; and Flag-Offi- cer Foot admits that the "St. Louis" was hit between wind and water fifty-nine times by our batteries. This relieved us from all danger from the gun-boats, and when known the rebel yell was heard for miles, as all feared the result — Major Gillmer, chief engineer, having informed our Generals that the boats could pass our batteries. During Thursday and Friday the Thirtieth Tennessee was situ- ated between Drake's and Heiman's brigades, in the trenches, and was not actively engaged, though in full view of Gen. Logan's attack on Heiman's position, protected by Maney's battery, and various repul- ses of the enemy. While in this situation we were constantly annoyed by the Federal sharp-shooters ai.d artillery in our front, and by shell from the rear during the gun-boat fight. On Saturday, about 3 a.m., I received an order to move the regiment to the extreme right, and oc- 120 REGIMENTAL HISTORIES cnpy the trenches then held by Bncknei''s division. Owing to the fact that when the order was received Lieut.- Col. Murphy was sick and Col. Head unwell, both being at the fort, and as my men had scarcely slept for three days and nights, and had lain in the trenches for two days and nights in the mud, rain, sleet, and snow, without fire or ade- quate clothing to protect them from such exposure, it was hard to arouse them and get them ready to march. We were delayed by the sleet in marching through the woods, and therefore did not arrive till nearly day, filing into the trenches while Buckner's division moved to the extreme east of our position, to make an opening for the escape of all save the garrison brigades. Col. Head took six companies and occupied the left of the position, while I took the companies of Capts. Carson, Sample and Martin, and occupied the trenches on the extreme right, so as to protect the water batteries and connect with the fort. At daylight the Federal sharp-shooters opened on us from every available point, to which we could make no reply by reason of our shoi't- range guns; so we had to keep well under cover or be picked off. A more cheerless day we never spent. It was cloudy and very cold. For five hours we could hear the clash of arms on the east, and we expected the army to go out, leaving us to hold the fort and surren- der. During the night and day tlie Federals had been reenforced by some twelve thousand fresh troops from the transports below us, who were in position to attack as by 2 p.m. About 2:30 p.m. the fight seemed to cease on the left or eastern part of our line, while in our front we could see and hear the Federals landing and moving into po- sition preparatory to an attack on our position. Fearing an immedi- ate attack, I ordered my officers to keep a careful watch. About 3:30 P.M. Captain Carson informed me that the Federals were moving on the works in large numbers. I at once mounted my horse and rode to a point overlooking our woi ks, and could see the enemy in two lines, and numbering several thousand, moving rapidly upon us. I immediately ordered my men into position and to hold their fire until the enemy were at close range, which was obeyed to the letter. Just at this moment I saw the advance of Buckner's division arriving in sight, headed by Colonel Hanson's gallant Second Kentucky and fol- lowed by the Third and Thirty -second Tennessee regiments. I gal- loped up to Col. Hanson, who was in front, and asked for aid. With- out a word he double-quicked his men up to near the position of Capts. Carson and Sample, who with their men were contesting the ground with a courage I have never seen surpassed. In overwhelm- ing numbers the enemy came over our works, and forced us to fall back with heavy loss to an interior and shorter line. At this point we were reenforced by all of Buckner's division. Porter's battery, the Thirtieth, Forty-ninth, and Fiftieth Tennessee, and Colms's Bat- talion. The Federals had here concentrated a very large force, but we held them in check till dark, when firing ceased. Our aggregate loss in this fight before the surrender was not heavy. The Federal THIRTIETH TENNESSEE INFANTRY 121 loss, however, was very severe, as I saw the next day in passing over the battle-field and from tlie reports of the various commands. The Second Iowa and Twenty- fifth Indiana, that first charged the works held by my three companies, lost three hundred and thirteen men killed and wounded. The Federal charge at this point was made by Lauman's brigade of thirty -three hundred, and was headed by Gen. O. F. Smith, and they were reenforced till they numbered not less than ten thousand. This closed the fighting at Fort Donelson, which lasted four days and nights, and nearly every contest had been a vic- tory for the Confederates. The Federals had been heavily reenforced day and night until their forces numbered some fifty -five thousand men, while the Confederates never exceeded thirteen thousand, and with no hope of being reenforced or getting additional supplies. At a conference of the general officers on Friday night it was de- termined to cut out on Saturday- leaving the garrison brigade consist- ing of the Thirtieth, Forty-ninth, and Fiftieth Tennessee, Colms's Bat- talion, and the heavy artillery to hold the fort and western part of the works, while the remainder cut through and escaped. This order was carried out, but for some cause Gen. Pillow ordered the troops back, after they had repulsed the enemy and were ready to retreat and save themselves. At a general conference in Dover Saturday night it was agreed that the Confederates could no longer hold their position and resist the immense army that surrounded them. Gens. Pillow, Floyd, and Col. Forrest were unwilling to be surrendered, and Floyd and Forrest es- caped with their commands. Our brigade had formed to go out about midnight, and got as far as Dover and there remained till 3 a.m. await- ing orders, and most of the men from sheer exhaustion sleeping on the frozen ground. I then received orders to march back to the fort, hoist the white flag, and prepare for a surrender; and while going back we met Col. Forrest moving out. I was left in command of the regiment, and on Sunday morning, Feb. 16, the entire army — except Floyd's and Forrest's commands — about nine thousand officers and men, surrendered; the Federal force then numbering over fifty thousand. The surrender was a surprise to nearly everyone, as the army was not demoralized or discouraged, for during the four days fighting it inflicted upon its opponents a loss of some five to one of its own loss. The universal sentiment of oflicers and men was that the sur- render was unnecessary, and could have been prevented by going out and retreating Saturday; second, by going out Saturday night and fol- lowing the route taken by that gallant and intrepid soldier, N. B. For- rest; or third, by crossing the troops to the north bank of the river, and letting them escape in detail. The surrender was a sad blow to the Confederacy, as'it forced a speedy evacuation of Kentuckey and middle Tennessee, and must now be regarded as the result of incompetency and bad generalship. 122 REGIMENTAL HISTORIES The scene of Sunday's sui'render will never be forgotten bya Con- federate soldier who had to witness and go through its sickening de- tails and humiliation. On Monday night my regiment and Palmer's Eighteenth Tenn- essee, numbering some fourteen hundred, were embarked on one boat like so many cattle and shipped to St. Louis, suffering tor several days from cold, exposure, and poor rations, and without any means of cook- ing them. Thirty=second Tennessee Infantry' (Colonel E. C. Cook) By J. P. McGuiRE, Nashville, Tenn. Under misapprehension of a general order from army headquar- ters, the medical officers of this regiment burned all the rolls, rosters, records, and books of the regiment and all its companies, shortly be- fore the surrender of the Army of Tennessee at Greensboro. N. C, in April, 1865. Therefore, this sketch is necessarily imperfect, and is written altogether from memory, by one who was a participant in all the battles and impoi-tant events in which the Thirty-second Tenn- essee was engaged. In the spring and summer of 1861 many volunteer companies or- ganized in middle Tennessee, reported to the Governor of the State, and were ordered to rendezvous at Camp Trousdale, Sumner county, where they were placed under the command of Col. (afterwards Briga- dier-general) Bushrod Johnson, with Lieut. J. P. McGuire acting tem- porarily as Adjutant. After remaining in camp a short while ten com- panies formed themselves into a regiment and offered their services formally to the Confederate Government for twelve months.- * * About this time we were ordered to East Tennessee to do patrol duty in Chattanooga and surrounding country, and to guard biidges from Bridgeport, Alabama, to Chattanooga. In December we were ordered to Bowling Green, Ky., by rail, and reached thereabout Christ- mas, when we went into winter-quarters. The military spirit was in- tense, and all had addressed themselves to it so diligently that by Feb- ruary we were fairly drilled and under pretty good discipline. About February 1, 1862, we were ordered to Russellville, Ky.. to report to Gen. Buckner, and remained there a short while engaged in drilling and inspection, preparatory to active service. We were not kept waiting long, and without knowing whither we were bound, orders came to prepare rations and be reacy to move at "a moments notice." Railroad transportation was furnished us from Russelville, Ky., to Clarksville, Tenn., and reaching the latter place we bivouacked on the west side of the Cumberland River for a few days, when we took the old steamer "City of Nashville" and were transported to Fort Donel- 1 From M. A. T. 469. Cf. Report Col. E. C. Cook, R. R. 7—356. 2 The author then became Brevet Second Lieutenant of the 7th Company. THIRTY -SECOND TENNESSEE INFANTRY 123 son, near Dover, Tenii. "We reached Dover after dark, marched back about two miles and bivouacked for the night. Next morning we took our position in the hue of defense immediately on the right of and sup- porting Graves's Kentucky battery. Our position was to the right of the center of our land line of defense, and perhaps a mile and a half from the fort. We proceeded at once to build rifle pits and to fell the timber in our front, and otherwise strengthen our position, for we were told the enemy under Gen. Grant was moving by land on Fort Donelson, via Fort Henry on the Tenessee River, which latter point they had alreadj' invested, while a heavy fleet of gun-boats was mov- ing up the Cumberland on the fort. At day-hreak next morning we discovered the enemy's sharp- shooters posted in our front, as well as some of their field artillery. They had also extended their position farther to our left, and were threatening the positions occupied bj' the Tenth, Forty-first, and Fifty- third Tennessee regiments and Maney's battery, all being in plain view of our position. On our right were Colonel Palmer's Eighteenth Tennessee Regiment and Col. John C. Brown's Third Tennessee. About 11 o'clock of this day an assault was made upon our line by the enemy's infantry, near the right of Brown's regiment, but was easily repelled. About 1 p.m. a very stubborn attack was made on the posi- tion occupied by the Tenth, Forty-first, and Fifty-third Tennessee regiments, and for a considerable time it appeared that this part of the line would be broken. Although pooi'ly armed, these regiments, with Maney's battery, maintained their position, repelling every assault, inflicting terrable loss upon their assailants, and gaining a glorious victory. Graves's battery, too, which was posted on the crest of the hill overlooking their position, did splendid service. The enemy charged right up to our breastworks, so that when driven back their dead and wounded lay thick upon the ground for hundreds of yards back to the woods, which took fire from their guns, and many of their wounded perished in the flames, as they were prevented by Graves's battery and the infantry wliich had just defeated them from removing either their dead or wounded. The shrieks of the wretched wounded men were truly heart-rending. The weather was cold, and with the closing of the day a heavy snow-storm set in which stopped the burn- ing of the woods, but brought a state of affairs almost as deplorable for their wounded as that which they had just experienced. Cannon- ading began next morning between our batteries and the enemy's fleet, and lasted till late in the afternoon, when fate again decided against the enemy, who, with some vessels entirely destroyed and others badly damaged, was compelled to move off with his magnificent fleet. However, next morning the battle was renewed and with in- creased earnestness. About 9 A. M. the Thirty-second Tennessee Regiment, supported by Col. Palmer's Eighteenth Tennessee Regi- ment, was ordered to attack the enemy. Moving forward about a mile and finding no enemy, and feeling that we were being cut off. 124 REGIMENTAL HISTORIES Col. Cook halted the regiment and corrected the alignment. We were in the midst of a dense forest and heavy undergrowth, and there was so much smoke we could see only a short distance in front of us. Col. Cook, thei'efore, appealed to Capt. Finney's company for an officer and six or seven men bo volunteer as skirmishers. Lieut. J. P. McGuire and the requisite number of men responded promptly, but before they had time to even attempt it the enemy opened upon us with both in- fantry and artillery, and seemed to have been in ambush for us. Be- ing at close range and unable to drive the enemy, the regiment was withdrawn. Our loss in numbers was comparatively slight, but In- cluded our gallant Lieutenant-Colonel, William P. Moore, who was mortally wounded and died soon afterward. About 3 p. M. we reached our former position, and about 4 p. m. a very vigorous assault was made on the extreme right of our line and in plain view of our regi- ment, but on a neighboring hill. The enemy was successful in this attack, and occupied our trenches immediately in rear of Fort Donel- son, and it was thought from that position they would be able to com- mand the fort, but night coming on no further attempt was made in that direction. We all believed the next day would be a bloody one, but to the surprise and mortification of nearly all of us daylight re- vealed the white flag all along our line. Gen. Bucknerhad surrendered during the night, or on the morning of February 16, 1862. Shortly after daylight the various commands of our army were formed, stacked their arms, and surrendered formally to Gen. Grant. Detailed men were then sent out to bury the dead, which being- done, we were ordered aboard a steam -boat, being now prisoners of war, and sent down the river to Cairo, 111. Forty=second Tennessee Infantry^ (Colonel Quarles) By Thomas. A. Turner, Ashland, Tenn. The company in which I enlisted and served (G) was organized when Governor Isham G. Harris made his first call for troops, but failed to get in, so soon was the order filled. We kept together, how- ever, and continued to drill once a week, so that when a second call was made we were ready, and Capt. (Dr.) Isaac B. Walton marched us over to the railroad near Cedar Hill, in Robertson county, and we pitched our tents at a place since known as Camp Cheatham. I think this was about the 1st of October, 1861. In the oi-ganization of our regiment we had only five companies of Tennesseans, the other five being Alabamians. The Tennessee companies were commanded by Captains Isaac B. Walton, I. N. Hulme, Levi McCollum, J. R. Hubbai'd, and Whitfield. The Alabama companies were commanded by 1 From M. A. T.— 516 Of. reports Col. Heiman, comdg. Brigade, R. R. 7—366 and Lt. McGinnis, Actius Adjt. R. R. 7—370. FORTY-SECOND TENNKSSEE INFANTRY 125 Captains John H. Norwood, McCampbell, Henry Leadbetter, and Gibson. We elected W. A. Quarles Colonel; Isaac B. Walton, Lieutenant- colonel; and Levi McC'ollum, Major. Our field officers were all Ten- nesseans. Our Alabama companies expressed some dissatisfaction at this, so on our arrival at Camp Duncan (fair-grounds, Clarksville, Tenn.) our Lieutenant-colonel — I B. Walton — being an honorable, up- right, Christian gentleman, with great magnanimity tendered his resignation, reducing himself to the ranks, in order that an Alabamian might be chosen in his stead. His place was conferred upon Capt. John H. Norwood, than wliom no man was braver. We were again removed, and stationed at Fort Sevier, overlook- ing Cumberland River, just below Clarksville. On Thursday, Feb. 13, 1862, we were ordered to Fort Donelson, at which place a battle had aheady begun. This w^as our first engagement. We went down the Cumberland River on board the steamer 'General Anderson," landing at Dover about 2 o'clock p. M. amidst a shower of shells from the enemy, in which several of our men were wounded. Quarles's regiment was instantly oi"dei*ed to the left wing to support the Thirtieth Ten- nessee, which was being charged by the enemy, but before we reached the scene of action the gallant Tliirtieth had repulsed the foe. We were next ordered to the right wing to support a battery commanded by Capt. Green. At this point the Federals had made a charge, at- tempting to capture certain artillery, but were met and driven back by the Tenth Tennessee, commanded by Col. Heiman. The enemy made a most desperate effort to capture this battery, and succeeded in dismounting every gun in it. They also killed or wounded almost every gunner, together with many of the horses. After they were re- pulsed, we were ordered into the ditches, to protect us from shells and sharp-shooters. It was here that we began to understand the serious- ness of war. Here around us lay our brethren, mangled, cold, stiff, dead. Among the dead here I remember to have noticed six of the gallant old Tenth. Soon night came on, and with it cold rain, then sleet, then snow; and to make our distress complete, our men were nearly all without coats — the evening of our arrival being very warm, we were ordered to leave our baggage at the wharf, which we did, and never heard of it again; hence, in this condition the Forty-Second Regiment fought the battle of Donelson, and in this condition they were surrendered on the morning of the 16th of February, 1862. I simply state iiere that though Friday was a busy day the enemy were repulsed wherever they made an attack, and every Confederate soldier's heart beat high in anticipation of a glorious victory. Saturday the same feeling prevailed I mean among the private soldiers (of whom I was one) -and there never was greater surprise in any camp than in that of the Forty -second Tennessee, when it began to be whispered early Sunday morning that the troops who had fought so bravely were to "pass under the yoke," not whipped, but surrendered. 126 REGIMENTAL HISTORIES In the engagement at Fort Donelson the Forty -second had quite a number killed and wounded. Being only partially acquainted with other companies than my own, I am not able to give names. Our company (G) lost one killed — George Dye, private. Wounded: G. W. Weakley, Orderly Seargeant; J. E. Turner, private. The other com- panies suffered, but I can not give names or numbers. Forty=eighth lennessee Infantry^ (Colonel Voorheesi By Joseph Love, Culleoka. Tenn. On the 12tli of December, 1861, the companies to compose the Forty-eiglith Tennessee Infantry arrived at Camp Maney, a few miles north of Nashville, Tenn. Six of these companies were from Maury county, three from Hickman, and one from Lewis. In a few days a regimental organization was effected. Two companies (K and E), Capts. Jamison and George W. Gordon, were ordered the next day to Clarksville; from thence to Kentucky, south of Bowling Green, to do guard duty Capt. Jamison at Whip-poor-will, and Capt. Gordon at Elk Fork Bridge. The Captain of Co. E, George W. Gordon, deserves more than a passing notice. Of commanding appearence, gray -haired, full of vigor though in his sixtieth year, he was altogether my ideal of a Christian soldier. While we were guarding the bridge at this place he would call the boys ai-ound him at the close of day and ask God's blessing upon those under his command. He carried a moral atmosphere with him wherever he went. His genial manners made him a favorite in prison, and his friends looked forward with certainty to his promotion when exchanged. He was taken sick on his way from prison to Vicks- burg; and there, in one of its beautiful cemeteries, away from those he loved, sleeps one of the purest men 1 ever knew. The regiment was ordered from Camp Maney to Clarksville; from thence to Danville, on the Tennessee River; from thence to Fort Henry; after the fight there to Fort Donelson — Cos. E and K joining the regiment at Fort Donelson on Friday night, Februarj' 15. It was the last infantry to leave Kentuck3-, being engaged in the battle on the 16th and 17th, Col. Heiman, of the Tenth Tennessee, commanding the brigade; lost only one man in a charge Saturday evening. In the retreat from Fort Henry the baggage and clothing of the regiment were captured, and when the regiment reached Donelson a detail was made from each company to return home and collect clothing, etc.; and the measels having broken out in the regiment, we surrendered only three hundred and sixty men. With those detailed and recruits from the hospital, and those who made their escape from Fort Don- elson, a small battalion was formed at Corinth, with five new compa- nies from Lawrence and Wayne counties, and placed under Col. Nixon till we were exchanged. 1 M. A. T.— 546. Cf. Reports Heiman, R. R. 7—150; B. R. Johnson— 358. 127 Forty=ninth Tennessee Infantry^ (Colonel J. E. Bailey) By Polk C Johnson, Clarksville, Tenn. In December, 1861, it was orgajiized by the election of James E. Bailey, Colonel; Alfred Robb, LientenatU -colonel; and D. A. Lynn, Major. R. E. Douglas was appointed Adjutant, and Dr. W. B. Will- iams, Surgeon. * * * After its organization the regiment remained at Fort Donelson, drilling, building fortifications, etc., until the battle of Fort Donelson, except that two companies were sent to Fort Henry, but ordered back before the attack on Fort Henry. When the enemy was moving on Fort Donelson a part of the regiment (volunteers) were sent out as cavalry under the command of Colonel N. Brandon, of the Fourteenth Tennessee, who was at home on leave of absence, and had a skirmish with them, when they were worsted with a loss of six or eight wounded and ten or twelve captured. During the battle of Fort Donelson the regiment was in the fort supporting the water batteries, under command of the gallant Captain Reuben Ross, Thos. H. Beaumont, and B. G. Bidwell, until Saturday evening, February 15, 18(52, when the Federals captured our works on the right, and were rapidlj^ advancing upon the fort. Col. Bailey, then commanding the fort, promptly ordered the Forty-ninth and Fif- tieth Tennessee regiments to attack the enemy, which was gallantly done, and the enemy driven back to the woks. In this attack Lieu- tenant-colonel Alfred Robb, of the Forty- ninth Tennessee, was mor- tally wounded by the side of Col. Bailey, his old law partner. No braver or better soldier or man ever died. He went into the battle upon a large white horse, and being himself a very large man, was a fine target for the sharp-shooters. He was shot through the breast by one of these, and when shot put his hand on his breast, and saying he was shot, started to the rear. Several men followed him, and he would have fallen from his horse in fifty yards but for their assistance. The men managed to get him to his quarters. During the night he was carried to the boats at Dover to be sent to Clarksville with the other wounded. Two boats were at the wharf, one fastened to the bank and the other on the side of this boat. He was placed on the first boat to be carried through to the second; in crossing from the one boat to the other the boats separated— the men holding his legs let loose and his body fell into the river, and he would have been drowned had it not been for his faithful old colored servant (uncle Abram Robb) who, holding his arms, pulled him into the boat. He died at his home Feb- ruary 17, 1862. Uncle Abraham still lives, respected by both white and black. IM. A. T.— 552-553. The author is not mentioned in the list of regimental officers given, but mentions himself as having been A. A. A. G. of Quarles' Brigade in 1864. Cf. Report Col. Bailey, R. R. 7—391. 128 REGIMENTAL HISTORIES We were surrendered with the army on February 16, and sent to prison — the field officers to Fort Warren, and the officers to Johnson's Island, and the privates to Camp Douglas, Chicago, 111. The privates were exchanged September 17, 1862, at Vicksburg, Miss., where they met their officers, who had been exchanged in Vir- ginia. The regiment was reorganized at Clinton, Miss., September 29, 1962, when Col. James E. Bailey was again elected Colonel. Fiftieth Tennessee Infantry^ (Colonel Sugg) By C. W. Tyler, Clarksville, Tenn. In the early fall of 1861 a few companies of infantry under com- mand of Col. Randall W. McGavock, of Nashville, were stationed at Fort Donelson, on the Cumberland River, about thirty miles below Clarksville, Tenn. This command was known as McGavock's bat- talion, and was the nucleus of the Fiftieth Tennessee Regiment, which afterwards became the garrison regiment at Donelson. Lieut. J. H. Holmes was the Adjutant of this battalion; Clay Roberts, Quartermas- ter; Thomas Shameral, Commissary; and Lieut. George W. Pease, a gallant young Pennsyivanian, who had left home and cume South just previous to the breaking out of the war, was acting by appointment of governor Harris as drill master of the raw troops. Although he was a stranger and from the North, this young man soon became very popu- lar with all the soldiers. He served with the regiment during the en- tire war, and rose to the rank of Lieutenant-colonel. For the brave stand he took in behalf of the South, his father disinherited him; and after the war, his family, except one sister, refused to see him or allow him to visit them. He died in Memphis, Tennessee, in 1874 or 1875. On the night of November 19th, 1861, at 10 o'clock, the company to which I belonged (afterwards Co. E, of the Fiftieth) left Clarksville for Fort Donelson to join McGavock's battalion. At 2 o'clock the next morning we reached the landing at Donelson, and climed the muddy hill to the fort, prepared to play our part in the great drama. From time to time other companies were added to ours, and at length on Christmas day, 1861, we organized as a regiment by the elec- tion of field officers. * * * We had built log-huts and gone into winter-quarters inside the fort, and were quite comfortable. Our friends in Clarksville sent us good things by nearly every boat; and some of the companies of the regiment were raised in the immediate vicinity of the fort, and their friends and relatives visited them frequently'. On January 19th, 1862, we marched to Fort Henry, twelve miles across the country, on the Tennessee River. We returned in about ten days, and on February 6th were ordered back, but learned of the 1 From M.A.T.— 558. Cf. Report Col. Head, Brigade Commander, R. R. 7-377. FIFTIETH TENNESSEE INFANTRY 129 surrender of the fort and of our brigade commander, Gen. Tilghman, before we reached it. On the 11th Forrest's battalion of cavah'y had a fight near Fort Donelson, kiUing two or three Federals and capturing one. This man when brought in was a show. He was the first man in blue uniform we had ever seen, but the sight of them soon became common enough. During the battle of Fort Donelson, which took place February 14th and 15th, 1862, the regiment remained most of the time in the fort. Capt. Beaumont's company (A) was detailed to man the heavy guns at the river, and had a terrific artillery duel with the enemy's gun-boats, finally driving them back and foiling them in their efforts to pass tlie fort. Lieut. W. C. Allen, of Capt. Beaumont's company, was compli- mented in an official report for his gallantry on this occasion. On the evening of the 15th four companies — B, C, D, and E — were sent out to reenforce Col. Roger Hanson's Second Kentucky Regiment, which had been literally cut to pieces. The Forty-ninth Tennessee was with us, and Lieut. -Col. Alfred Robb of tliat regiment was killed on the occasion. That night about 12 o'clock we evacuated the fort and marched up to Dover, two miles. There we stood shiver- ing in the cold for hours, while the three CJenerals — Buckner, Floyd, and Pillow— held a council of war in the old hotel on the river-bank. The enemy's camp-fires blazed brightly all around us, and looked cheerful enough as we stamped our feet in the snow. We expected orders to cut our way through them, but instead we were ordered back to the fort, and reached it just before daylight. In a short while a courier came from General Buckner to Colonel Sugg with an order to raise a white flag over the fort. Curses both loud and deep followed this intelligence. There was no white flag in the regiment, nobody expecting to need one, but Ordnance Sergeant R. L. Cobb had a white sheet, which was run up at daylight. Nearly half the regiment escaped from the fort. All the field officers, and about five hundred and fifty others, remained and were surrendered. The regimental officers were sent to Fort Warren, the company officers to Johnson's Island, and the non-commissioned oflacers and privates to Camp Douglas, Chicago. All that summer they remained in prison. On September 18, 1862, the regiment was exchanged at Vicksburg, Miss., and officers and men once more met on the soil of the Confederacy. Porter's Battery' By John W. Morton, Nashville, Tenn. BATTLE OF FORT DONELSON The company marched with Gen. Buckner 's division to Fort Donelson, at which place it arrived on the evening of the 12th of Febru- ary, 1861, where it fired its first gun and made its first record. It was 1 From M. A. T.— 855. 130 REGIMENTAL HISTORIES assigned to position on the right center of the outer works, supported by tlie Fourteenth Mississippi Regiment (Baldwin's) immediately around the guns, the Third Tennessee (Brown's) on the left, and the Eighteenth Tennessee (Palmer's) on the right. Col. Cook's Thirty- second Tennessee was to the left of Brown, and Hanson's Second Kentucky was on the right of Palmer. The position occupied by the battery was exposed right, left, and front, being at the apex of the angle in the woiks, formed where the intrenchinents turn in passing from the river above Dover around westerly to the water-batteries. The writer, in company with Gov. James D. Porter and Maj. W. F. Foster, visited the battle-grounds at Fort Donelson in 1878; and, after a careful survey of the entire line of works and the water -batteries, a map was prepared by Major Foster, who was formerly the efficient Chief Engineer of Stewart's Confederate Corps, Army of Tennessee. The space to be defended was almost quadrangular in shape, di- vided into two parts by Indian Creek, which was filled by an almost impassable backwater. The ground between the valleys was a rugged, hilly upland, covered with a dense undergrowth. The defenses for light artillery were very meager. Porter, Graves, and Maney had their men constantly exposed when in action. The timber south of the fort had been felled, which, with the ravines and valleys flooded with backwater, greatly retarded and embarrassed the movements of the Confederates within the advanced works. These works were un- finished and defective. The Federals had moved with rapid but cautious step, and at sun- down on the 12th had wound their coils completely around the Con- federate works without resistance, save a little artillery -firing by the opposing batteries and some sharp and deadly shots from Bei-ge's well- trained sharp-shooters, which caused a suspension of work on the Confederate trenches. Our first night in the ditches in the presence of the enemy was balmy and spring like. The stars twinkled with unusual brightness, the moon beamed with tranquil light upon the sleeping hosts, and not a sound was heard save a shot from some stray picket, the seemingly peaceful prelude to the storm of hail and deadly strife so soon to follow. The dawn of the 13th was ushered in by the boom of the Federal artillery and the sharp crack of the skirmisher's rifle, which hastily brought the boys in gray to their feet, provoking a spirited artillery- fire all along the front. There was a great deal of coquetting along the lines by the Federals. As early as eight o'clock Gen. Cook sallied forth against the right center with his Iowa boys, but found the music and its accompaniment from Graves's and Porter's batteries too warm for comfort, and soon retired behind a neighboring hill. The artillery of the enemy assaulted the center of the Confederate left, which was promptly responded to by the artillery on that part of the line. For over two hours a spirited artillery-fire was kept up along the entire line, when about eleven o'clock McClernand's hoosier boys made a PORTER'S BATTERY 131 dashing charge on the prominence occupied by Maney's battery, sup- ported by Heiman's brigade but were repulsed. They made two other desperate efforts to carry Heiman's position, but were forced to retire before the storm of shell and canister poured into their ranks from Porter's, Graves's, and Maney's batteries, and the hail of bullets from our infantry. Col. John C. Brown, in his official report, says: "Capt. Graves, in less than ten minutes, knocked one of the enemy's guns from its carriage, and almost at the same moment the gallant Porter disabled and silenced the other.'' It was during this assault that the young and brave Albert S. Fall, gunner in Porter's Battery, lost his life. He was handling his gun with great coolness and skill, when the writer, who was within a few feet of him admii'ing the quiet and determined man- ner in which he was aiming his gun, suddenly saw him drop his head forward on the breech of the piece, a Minie-ball having penetrated his skull, killing him instantly. While these assaults and sorties were being conducted on the left and center, Gen. C. P. Smith was not altogether idle. He made three distinct charges upon Hanson's position, which were pushed, as Jordan says, "with more spirit than judgement, and were readily repulsed by Hanson's and Palmer's regiments and Porter's Battery." The weather thus far had been unusually mild and pleasant for the season, but on Thursday afternoon a driving rain-storm of sleet and snow set in, with a keen, icy north wind which made the cold so excessive that soldiers of both sides suffered intensely. The half -clad Confederates were only kept from freezing by the continued work throughout the night strengthening the intrenchments. No one knows the terrible discomfort and horrible suffering of that fearful night so well as the hungry and exhausted soldiers of both armies. The morning of the 14th came with two inches of snow and a con- tinued chilly north wind. The lines were all readjusted. No assault was made, though a rambling fire from the artillery and sharp-shooters was kept up all along the lines through the day. At three p.m. a furious cannonade by the fleet of gun-boats was made on the water batteries, and although terrific and at short range no damage was done our batteries; but the heavy charges from our guns with wonderful accuracy went crashing through the iron and massive timbers with such resistless force, causing slaughter and de- struction throughout the fleet, that the defiant gun-boats were forced to retire down the river badly crippled and vanquished. It is said that the five gun-boats received no less than one hundred and forty severe hits from the Confederate guns. Fifty-four Federals in the fleet were killed and wounded, and not a Confederate hurt. The hitherto invin- cible iron-clads worsted and driven back greatly elated the Confede- rates. It had been decided in a council of general officers on the night of the 14th to attack the enemy's right at daylight on the 15th, and open communications with Charlotte in the direction of Nashville. This 132 REGIMENTAL HISTORIES movement had become necessary in consequence of the vastly superior and constantly increasing force of the enemy, who liad already com- pletely invested our works, and the uncertainty of Confederate reen- forcements — in fact, none were expected, on the contrary. General Albert Sidney Johnston had ordered a withdrawalof the troops in case the works could not be held. Gen. Pillow in person took charge of the extreme left of the Confederate lines. Gen.Bushrod R. Johnson, com- manding the center, was directed to move out of the trenches with his division, except Heiman's brigade, which was ordered to extend its lines and hold the works occupied by Johnson. Gen. Buckner. was ordered to attack the enemy's right center, leaving Head's Thirtieth Tennessee to hold his works. At five A.M. Gen. Pillow hotly engaged the enemy with Baldwin's brigade, which was soon followed by Gen. B. R. Johnson's division. Porter's Battery, with Buckner's division, was held in reserve to cover the rear of the withdrawing army where the Wynn's Ferry road crosses the Confederate intrenchments, and did not become engaged until about nine a.m. The fight was hotly contested all along this part of the line. The Confederates, with great vigor and courage, were able to turn the Federal right and press it back upon its center, thus open- ing up the Wynn's Ferry road to enable the army to withdraw. Gen. Pillow, greatly elated at the victory, ordered Gen. Buckner to hasten to his old lines on the Confederate right, which were now in great peril from an attack by the veteran C. F. Smith. Gen. Buckner de- clined to obey, as he did not consider Gen. Pillow superior in command, but urged upon Gen. Floyd to carry out the original plan of evacuation. After some delay, and a good deal of vacillation on the pai-t of Floyd, Buckner directed his division to reoccupy their old works. While this was being accomplished, Gen. C. F. Smith in person led six stout regiments upon Hanson's works, which were now defended by the gallant Turner with only three companies of Head's regiment. Tur- ner fell back some hundred yards to the crest of a ridge, where he was joined by Hanson. Brown had partially reoccupied his old position to the left of Hanson, and by the rapid and galling cross-fire from the Third and Eighteenth Tennessee regiments, aided by the guns of Porter's Battery, the line was saved, which prevented the water-batteries from being captured that evening. Bailey's, Suggs's, and Quai'les's regiments very soon reenforced this new line, and one section of Graves's battery, under the personal direction of the heroic Graves, took position at the intersection of the new with the old lines, and as usual was most conspicuous for its effective work. Mor- ton's section of Porter's Battery, which had been delayed in reaching its former position, was promptly thrown into action to the left of Graves, under a heavy fire. The horses were shot down and the guns run into place by hand. Until dark the desperate conflict raged. Lieut. Hutchison, of Porter's Battery, was severely shot through the neck. Lieut. Culbertson of the same battery, was hit; and the gallant Capt. Thomas K. Porter, who, Hanson said, "always directed his guns at the PORTER'S BATTERY 133 right time and to the right place," was disabled by a severe and dan- gerous wound, and was born from the field. Capt. Porter's marked coolness and dash, and the efficient and inlelligent manner in which he handled his guns, elicited the unbounded admiration of all who saw him. While being carried bleeding from the field, he said to me, "Don't let them have the guns, Morton." I replied, "No, Captain; not while I have one man left," little mindful that my apprehensions would be so neai-ly carried out. The cannoneers had been greatly re- duced by frost-bites, wounds, and deaths, until toward the close of this engagement I had only three men left at one gun. One of these was wounded and left where he fell, we being unable to remove him at the moment. Pat Kine, acting number one, who was always at his post, seeing the dead and wounded lying thick around us, impelled by that generous and gallant nature and impulsive disposition so char- acteristic of the Irish race, threw himself in front of me saying: Lieu- tenant, Lieutenant, get lower down the hill, or they will kill you;" and actually embraced me, as if to make a shield of himself to the enemy's bullets for my protection. I replied: "No, Pat; let us give them one more round.'' He promptly seized hisramming-staff and while in the actof driving the charge home, was shot through theheartand dropped underneath his gun. Night soon closed the bloody combat. Porter's Battery, from its active participation in the four-days' conflict, its advanced and exposed position, lost eight men killed out- right and twenty-five wounded, making a total in killed and wounded of thirty-three out of forty-eight officers and men engaged actively at the guns. The remainder of the company were drivers, teamsters, and artificei'S, and, with the horses, were protected in a ravine at some distance from the battery. After recovering from the protracted confinement occasioned by his wound Capt. Porter returned to the army, and was assigned to duty as Chief of Artillery to Buckner's division, and afterwards held the same position on Cleburne's staff. He was wounded at Hoover's Gap, and upon recovery was transferred to the Confederate Navy as executive officer of the "Florida." After the war he commanded a California merchant-steamer, and died in 1869. The teamsters and drivers of the battery escaped with Lieut. Burt, as they were near by, and dropped in with Forrest's cavalrj-, all of whom left the works before day of the morning of the surrender. I, with some twelve or fifteen men, suffered seven months' confinement at the Alton, Camp Chase, and Johnson's Island prisons. When ex- changed in the fall of 1862, at Jackson, Miss., I got permission to report with my little squad to Gen. Bragg at Murfreesboro, who at my re- quest ordered me to report to Gen. Forrest, where the Porter Battery was reorganized and known throughout Forrest's campaigns as Mor- ton's battery. 134 REGIMENTAL HISTORIES Casualties at Fort Henry' Company B, First Tennessee Light Artillery Boswell, Hiram "'i Douglas, John | Kalichan, James } killed in action at Fort Henry, Feb. 6, 1862. Lee, Michael | McCabe, Edward I Renfro, William, killed at Fort Henry, Feb. 11, 1862. Garner, R., died of wounds received at Fort Henry. Aug. 7, 1862. Jones, C. C, died at Alton, 111., Feb. 27, 1862.- Carter. Henry, died at Alton. 111., March 3, 1862.- Jones, T. L.. died at Alton, 111., March 20, 1862.^ Fight Between the Batteries and Gunboats at Fort Donelson^ By H. L. Bedford [ The following paper was read before the Confederate Relief and Historical Association at Memphis, and was kindly sent us for pub- lication:] In compliance with your request to furnish your Society with in- cidents connected with the battle between the batteries and the gun- boats at Fort Donelson, I respectfully offer this paper: The reports of Colonel James E. Bailej', commander of the garri- son proper^, and of Captain Jacob Culbertson, commander of the water batteries'', are correct, and. as official documents, I suppose are com- plete; but they do not convey to the reader the disadvantages under which the batteries labored in this contest. The operations of the army at this place having proved disastrous to the Confederate cause, it has been condemned as a strategic point, and no one seems particu- larly anxious to acknowledge the responsibility of its selection. It was the general impression at the Fort that its location had been ordered by the Tennessee authorities as being the most eligible point on the Cumberland River, in close proximity to Fort Henry, on the Tennessee. The original intention evidently was the obstruction of the Cumberland. The engineer in charge, Lieutenant Dixon, while tracing the outlines of the earthworks, never dreamed that a persistent stand against an invading army would ever be attempted, and I feel warranted in suggesting that General A. S. Johnston regarded it simply as a protection to his i-ear. When I received orders in October, 1861, to report there as In- structor of Artillery, Colonel E. W. Munford, aide to General Johnston, informed me that he was instructed by his chief to impress upon me that the Cumberland river cut his rear, and the occupation of Bowling Green was dependent upon the proper guarding of that stream. If, 1 From M. A. T.— 871. 2 May have been from wounds or from exposure. 3 From Southern Historical Society Papers, Vol. XIII— 165. 4 R. R. 7—391. 5 R. R. 7—392. FORT DONELSON HEAVY ARTILLERY 135 then, Fort Donelson was intended to prevent the passage of gunboats, its location was an admirable one; it accomplished its mission, and its founder need feel no hesitation in claiming its paternity. Nor does the final result of the operations of the land forces necessarily convict General Johnston of a mistake in the reinforcement of Donelson. At that time he was believed to possess that ability as a general which events soon verified, and his condemnation will have to rest on surer proofs than the charges of flippant writers. To the average mind the whole matter resolves itself into the simple question : Whether Gen- eral Johnston sufficiently reinforced Fort Donelson to successfully re- sist the forces that invaded the State of Tennessee under General Grant by way of Fort Henry; and, if so, is he fairly cliargeable with the blun- ders of his generals, in allowing themselves to be cooped in temporary trenches until reinforcements to the enemy could come up the Cum- berland? Any close student of the "Operations at Fort Donelson," embraced in series No. 1, Vol. 7, of the "Records of the Rebellion," will probably detect by whom the mistakes were made. It is doubtless there recoi'ded when and where the opportunity of withdrawing the Confederate forces was disregarded; that General Johnston was un- fortunate in the selection, or rather the grouping of his lieutenants, on this occasion, is beyond controvers}'. His army consisted of raw recruits; his generals were ready made for him; their commissions were presumptions of merit; there had been no opportunity for de- velopment, and he had no alternative but to accept the patents of ability issued to them by the War Department. The senior general arrived at the eleventh hour, and seems to have been lacking in dispo- sition or in power to hold his second in due subjection. The latter had been on the ground for about a week; he was full of energj'^ and physical activity, and possessed rare executive ability. He was rest- less under restraint, probably prone to insubordination, and it was almost impossible for him to yield his scepter to a new comer. He gave orders affecting the whole army without any known rebuke or remonstrance from his chief. The performances of these two chieftains afford an apt illustration of a very homely old saying that will readily recur to most of you. This rule of duality of commanders, according to some of the official reports, seems to have obtained in the heavy batteries, but as it was not then known or recognized, it did not create any confusion. W^hen I reported there for duty very little in the way of defence had been accomplished. Two 32-pounder carronades had been mounted on the river, and three 32-pounders were temporarily mounted on the crest of the bluff. ' The carronades were utterly useless, except against wooden boats at close quarters, while the three guns on the hill, on account of position, could not be made effectual against ironclads. The garrison, in command of Lieutenant-Colonel Randle McGavock, consisted of a part of Colonel Heiman's Tenth Tennessee regiment, the nucleus of Colonel Sugg's Fiftieth Tennessee (then called Stacker's regiment), and Captain Frank Maney's light battery. 136 REGIMENTAL HISTORIES As there were no heavy artillerists, Captain Beaumont's company of Fiftieth Tennessee had been detailed for that duty. At the time of my arrival, there was considerable excitement at the Fort. Smoke was seen rising a few miles down the river, the long-roll was being beat, and there was hurrying to and fro; companies were getting under arms and into line with the rapidity of zealots, though wanting in the precision of veterans. The excitement subsided as the smoke disappeared. In a short while the companies were dismissed, and the men resumed their wonted avocations. The local engineer was also in charge of the works at Fort Henry, and was, necessarily, -often absent. His duties were onerous and manifold; I. therefore, volun- teered to remount the three 32-pounders and place them in the per- manent battery; and as the completion of the defence was considered of more importance than the drilling of artillery, I was kept constantly on engineering duty until after the investment. General Tilghman arrived about the middle of December, and took command. He mani- fested a good deal of interest in forwarding the work. The Fiftieth Tennessee regiment (Colonel Suggs) was organized; the Thirtieth Tennessee (Colonel Head), and the Forty-ninth Tennessee (Colonel Bailey), reported, and these, with Maney's light battery, constituted the garrison, Lieutenant-Colonel McGavock having rejoined Colonel Hieman at Fort Henry. The work for the completion of the defences and for the comfort of the soldiers, was pushed on as rapidly as the means at hand would permit. There was no lagging, nor lukewarmness, nor shirking of duty. As one of the many evidences of tlie zeal manifested by the garrison, I would state that whenever a detail for work of any magni- tude was made from any of the regiments, a field officer usually accompanied it, in order to secure promptness and concert of action. This, I believe, was the invariable rule with the Fortj^-ninth Ten- nessee. At the time of the arrival of reinforcements, the water batteries were not in that state of incompleteness and disorder which the report of a general officer charges, nor was there any gloom or despondency hanging over the garrison'. It is true there was some delay in getting the 10-inch (-olumbiad in working condition, but no one connected with the Fort was responsible for it. The gun was mounted in ample time, but upon being tested it came very nearly being dismounted by the running back of the carriage against the hurters. It was necessary to increase the inclination of the chassis, Avhich was accomplished by obtaining larger rear traverse wheels from the iron works just above Dover. It was still found, even with a re- duced charge of powder, that the recoil of the carriage against the counter-hurters was of sufficient force to cut the ropes tied there as bumpers. There was no alternative but to dismount the piece and lower the front half of the traverse circle; by this means the inclina- tion of the chassis was made so steep that the piece was in danger of 1 See Report Pillow, R. R. 7—278. FORT DONELSON HEAVY ARTILLERY 137 getting away from the gunners when being run into battery, and of toppling off in front. Any paper upon the subject of Fort Donelson would be incomplete without the mention of Lieutenant-Colonel Wilton A. Haynes, of the Tennessee artillery. He was, in the nomenclature of the volunteers, a "West Pointer," and was an accomplished artillerist. He came to Fort Donelson about the middle of Januai-y, and found the "Instructor of Artillery" engaged in engineering duty, and nothing being done in familiarizing the companies detailed for artillery service with their pieces. He organized an artillery battalion, and made a requisition on General Polk, at Columbus, for two drill officers, and whatever of pro- ficiency these companies attained as artillerists is due to him. He was physically unable to participate in the engagements and this may ac- count for the failure of recognition in the official reports. The artillery battalion as organized by Colonel Haynes was fully competent to serve the guns with success, but General Pillow deemed otherwise and px'oceeded to the mistake of assigning Lieutenant Dixon to the command of the heavy batteries, instead of attaching him to his personal staff, and availing himself of that officer's familiarity as an engineer with the topography of the battle-ground and of the sur- rounding country. The assignment was particularly unfortunate, inasmuch as Dixon was killed before the main fight and the batteries were not only deprived of his services for that occasion, but the Con- federate army lost an able engineer. It must be remembered, however, that the great fear was of the gunboats. It was apprehended that their recent achievements at Fort Henry would be repeated at Donelson, and it was natural that the commanding general should make every other interest subservient to the efficiency of the heavy batteries. The river defenses consisted of two batteries. The upper one was on the river bank immediately abreast of the earthworks; It was crescent shaped, and contained one 3'2-pound calibre rifie gun and two 32-pounder carronades. The other battery was some hundred and fifty yards lower down and consisted of eight 32-pounders and one 10-ineh Columbiad. This lower battery, although essentially a straight line, ran en echelon to the left over the point of a hill that made down obliquely from the earthworks to the river, witli the right piece resting on the brink of the river bank, and the Columbiad over in the valley of a stream, emptying into the river, some hundred and fifty yards lower down. The back water in this stream protected the batteries from a direct assault. About nine hundred yards below the lower batter}^, a floating abattis was placed in the I'iver for the purpose of preventing the pas- sage of boats. This was done by anchoring full length trees by the roots and allowing the tops to float. In ordinary stages of water this might have offered some impediment, but at the time of the attack the river was very high and the boats passed over without the least halt or break in their line of approach. In all the accounts that I have seen from the Federal side, the armament of the water batteries is over-estimated. Flag-Offlcer Foot 138 REGIMENTAL HISTORIES reports that there must have been about twenty heavy guns, and General Lew Wallace places it at seventeen. Admiral Walke, while correctly slating the number in the lower battery, is in error in claim- ing that the upper was about the same in strength. On the morning of the 12th of February the finishing touches were put to the Columbiad, and the batteries were pronounced ready for gunboats, whereupon Lieutenant Dixon proceeded to the assignment of the guns. Captain R. R. Ross, of the Maury Company Light Artillery, whose company had been ordered to heavy batteries by General Pillow, was placed in command of the rifle gun and the two carronades. Captain Beaumont's company, A, Fiftieth Tennessee, and Captain Bidwell's company. Thirtieth Tennessee, worked the 32-pounders, and the Columbiad was turned over to my command, with a detachment of twenty men under Lieutenant Sparkman, from Captain Ross's company, to work it. I received private instructions to continue the firing with blank cartridges, in the event the gun should dismount itself in action. The drill officers. Lieutenants McDaniel and Martin, were assigned to the 32-pounders, while Captains Culbertson and Shaster had special assignments or instructions, the nature of which I never knew. As the artillerists, who were to serve the rifle and Columbiad, had no experience with heavy guns, most of them probably never having seen a heavy baotery until that morning, it was important that they should be instructed in the manual of their pieces. Drilling, therefore, began immediately, but had continued for a short time only when it was most effectually interrupted by the appearance of a gunboat down theriver, which subsequently was ascertained to be the Carondelet. She fired about a dozen shots with remarkable precision, and retired without any response from the batteries. On the morning of the 13th drilling was again interrupted by the firing of this boat, and the same thing happened in the afternoon. It really appeared as if the boat was diabolically inspired, and knew the most opportune times to annoy us. Sometime during the day, probably about noon, she delivered her fire with such accuracy that forbearance was no longer endurable, and Lieutenant Dixon ordered the Columbiad and rifle to respond. The first shot from the Columbiad passed imme- diately over the boat, the second fell short, but the third was distinctly heard to strike. A cheer of course followed, and Lieutenant Dixon, in the enthusiasm of the moment, ordered the 32-pounders to open fire, although the enemy was clearly beyond^their range. The Carondelet, nothing dannted, continued the action, and soon one of her shells cut away the I'ight cheek of one of Captain Bidwell's guns, and a flying nut passed through Lieutenant Dixon's head, killing him instantly. In this engagement the flange of one of the front traverse wheels of the Columbiad was crushed, and a segment of the front half of the traverse circle was cupped, both of which proved serious embarrassments in the action next day. FORT DONELSON HEAVY ARTILLERY 139 On the morning of the 14th, dense volumes of smoke were seen rising from down the river; it was evident that transports were land- ing troops. Captain Ross became impatient to annoy them, but having no fuse shells to his guns, he came over to the Columbiad and advised the throwing of shells down the river. The commander declined to do so without orders, whereupon Captain Culbertson, who had succeeded Lieutenant Dixon in the command of the batteries, was looked up, but he refused to give the order, upon the ground that it would accomplish no good, and that he did not believe in the useless shedding of blood. Captain Ross, not to be outdone, set himself to the task of procuring the necessary order and returned to the Columbiad about 3 o'clock P. M. with a verbal order from General Floyd to harass the transports. In obedience to this order, we prepared to shell the smoke. A shell was inserted, the gun was given the proper elevation, the lanyard was pulled, and the missile went hissing over the bend of the river, plunged into a bank of smoke, and was lost to view. This was called by an army correspondent, claiming to have been on one of the gunboats, "a shot of defiance." Before the piece could be reloaded, the prow of a gun- boat made its appearance around- the bend, quickly followed by three others, and arranging themselves in line of battle, steamed up to the attack. When they had arrived within a mile and a half of the batteries, a solid shot having been substituted for a shell, the Columbiad began the engagement with a ricochet shot, the rifle gun a ready second. The gunboats returned the fire, right centre boat opening, the others following in quick succession. After the third discharge the rifle re- mained silent on account of becoming accidentally spiked. This had a bad effect on the men at the Columbiad, causing them considerable uneasiness for their comrades at the upper battery. The Columbiad continued the action unsupported until the boats came within the range of the 32-pounders, when the engagement became general, with ten guns of the batteries opposed to the twelve bow guns of the ironclads, supplemented by those of the two wooden boats that remained in the rear throwing curvated shells. As the boats drew nearer, the firing on both sides became faster, until it appeared as if the battle had dwindled into a contest of speed in firing. When they arrived within three hundred yards of the lower battery they caine to a stand, and then it was that the bombardment was truly terrific. The roar of cannons was continuous and deafening, and commands, if necessary, had to be given by signs. Pandemonium itself would hardly have been more appalling, but neither chaos nor cowardice obtruded themselves, and I must insist that General Wallace and Admii-al Walke are mistaken in their asser- tions that the gunners were seen running from tlieir guns.> It is true there was some passing fi-om the batteries to the Fort, but not by the artillerists in action, and as the passage was over an exposed place, in fact across the field of fire of the gunboats, it is a fair presumption that the transit. was made as swiftly as possible. Of one thing I am certain, there was no fleeing from the Columbiad, and although her discharges 1 See B. & L., 1—413, 434. 140 REGIMENTAL HISTORIES were necessarily very slow, I think every one in hearing that day will testify that her boom was almost as regular as the swinging of a pen- dulum. If these two Federal officers saw her condition when surren- dered, they will admit that it was not likely that panic-stricken cannoniers could have carried her safely through such a furious bom- bardment, especially to have done the execution with which she is accredited. In his contribution to the Century, of December, 1884, doubtless by the cursory reading of Captain Bidwell's report, General Wallace is lead into the mistake of saying that each gunner selected his boat and stuck to her during the engagement. I am satisfied that the experienced officers who acted as gunners did not observe this rule. The Columbiad was rigidly impartial, and fired on the boats as chance or circumstances dictated, with the exception of the last few shots, which were directed at the Carondelet. This boat was hugging the eastern shore, and was a little in advance of the others. She offered her side to the Columbiad, which was on the left and the most advanced gun of the batteries. Several well-directed shots raked the side and tore away her armor, according to the report of Lieutenant Sparkman, who was on the lookout. Just as the other boats began to drift back, the Carondelet foi'ged ahead for about a half length, as though she in- tended making the attempt to pass the battery, and it is presumable that she then received the combined fire of all the guns. It is claimed that if Hannibal had marclied on Rome immediately after the battle of Cannae, he could have taken the city, and by the same retrospective reasoning, it is probable that if Admiral Foote had stood beyond the range of 32-pounders he could have concentrated his fire on two guns. If his boats had fired with the deliberation and ac- curacy of the Carondelet on the previous day, he could have dismounted those guns, demolished the 32-pounders at his leisure, and shelled the Fort to his heart's content. But flushed with his victory at Fort Henry, his success there paved the way for his defeat at Donelson, a defeat that might have proved more disastrous could the Columbiad have used a full charge of powder and the rifle gun participated in the fight. After the battle three of the gunboats were seen drifting helplessly down the stream, and a shout of exultation leaped from the lips of every soldier in the fort. It was taken up by the men in the trenches, and for awhile a shout of victory, the sweetest strain to the ears of those who win, reverberated over the hills and hollows around the little village of Dover. While the cannoniers were yet panting from their exertion, Lieu- tenant-Colonel Robb, of the Forty-ninth Tennessee, who fell mortally wounded the next day, ever mindful of the comfort of those around him, sent a grateful stimulant along the line of guns. Congratulations were the order of the hour. Generals Floyd and Pillow personally complimented the artillerists. They came to the Columbiad, called for the commander, and after congratulating him upon the performances of that day, promised that if the batteries would continue to keep back the gunboats, the infantry of their command would keep the land GOOCHLAND LIGHT ARTILLERY 141 forces at a safe distance. That officer, who had been watching the smoke of the transports landing reinforcements, as he stood there be- fore these generals, just thirty -six hours before surrender, receiving their assurances of protection, wondered if they were able to fulfill the promise, or if they were merely indulging an idle habit of braggadocio. H. L. Bedford. Bailey, Shelby County, Tenn. The above and foregoing is a true copy of the original which was read and filed among the archives of said Association, December 9th, 1884. C. W. Frazer, Attest: President. R. J. Black, Secretary. Movements of the Goochland Light Artillery, Captain John H. Quy' To the Editor of the Dispatch: On the 26th of December, 1861, in obedience to orders. Captain John H. Guy's Battery, the Goochland Light Artillery, left Dublin Depot, Pulaski county, Va., on the Virginia and Tennessee railroad, for General Al^^ert Sidney Johnston's army, in Kentucky. After much delay we reached Bowling Green, Januai'y 6, 1862, and pitcht d our tents about two miles west of that city. General Floyd's Brigade remained in camp nearly three weeks in daily expectation of an engagement with the enemy. However, no battle came off. It was reported that General Johnston's army, in the vicinity of Bowling Green, exceeded 60,000 men. This report was without foundation, as was demonstrated by subsequent information. The latter part of January, 1862, General Johnston's command was ordered to other sections of country; the most of his army was sent to Shiloh, Miss.; General Floyd's Brigade to Russellville, Ky. My battery encamped here about ten days. * * * From Russellville, Ky., General Floyd's Brigade was sent to Fort Donelson, Tennessee. My battery proceeded to Clarksville, Tennessee, from which point we could occasionally hear the reports of heavy ar- tillery in the direction of Donelson, like mattering thunder in the distance. We remained here a day or two, and then marched to Cum- berland City, a small boat-landing on the river, from where we were conveyed by a steamer to Fort Donelson, leaving all our baggage be- hind, which we never saw again. We reached our destination Thursday evening, February 13, 1862. ANNOYED BY SHELLS Upon our arrival at the wharf, opposite a little village, Dover, situated on a hill, interspersed with small trees and overlooking the 1 From S. H. S. P. XXIV— 316; reprinted txom. The Richmond Dispatch, February 10, 1895. 142 REGIMENTAL HISTORIES river, about six liundred yards east of the fort, the enemy annoyed us considerably at short intervals by shelling our steamer. The quarters were made rather uncomfortable for us. Occasionally a shell would explode before reaching the wharf, in the road, or the main street that leads up into the village, which caused some excitement and solicitude for a brief while. Only a few casualties, however, resulted. The enemy's position from where our steamer was being shelled was probably two miles and a half distant. Fragments of shell flew pro- miscuously about the steamer, though doing no material damage. While on the steamer I saw a piece of shell strike a pile of wood near the engine, scattering it in various directions. The engineer was knocked down, and escaped with slight injury. I was also struck on my chest with splintered wood, but was not injured. As soon as practicable we disembarked our cannon, &c., at once proceeded up the street, through the village, and filed to the right of our army, where we remained temporarily. As it was late in the evening, we did not obtain a position for our battery. Just as soon as the shadow of darkness came on we moved a short distance to the left and encamped that night in a ravine. The weather was very severe. It was raining, snowing, and freezing, accompanied by a sharp wind. With considerable diflSculty we succeeded in procuring some fuel to make fires to keep from freezing. We had no tents, and suffered intensely from exposure and want of adequate rations. We had to make fires to warm ourselves, occa- sionally, in ravines and places where the enemy could not observe the light from our fires. I understood that a number of soldiers froze to death in the breastworks. This condition confronted us while at Donelson. About 4 o'clock the next morning the battery was oi'dered on the left of the army. Owing to the proximity of the enemy this movement had to be executed with caution and as quietly as possible. Although the undertaking was one fraught with difficulty and danger, yet we succeeded in obtaining a position about the dawn of day, and hastily threw up light earthworks, which was very difficult to do in conse- quence of the frozen condition of the ground. During the daj- several of General Forrest's men, with improved firearms, came near our bat- tery and at once communicated with those fellows, who could be seen in trees, by means of leaden messengers, informing them that the position they occupied was totally at variance with our wishes. They soon took in the situation. Some descended with involuntary celerity, while others retired more hastily than they ascended. DESPERATE BATTLE On the evening of the 14th of February, 1862, the enemy's gun- boats made a desperate and powerful attack on Fort Donelson. The cannonading was terrific and incessant for several hours. Finally they were repulsed, sustaining great damage and loss of life. During the bombardment sohd shot from the gunboats often passed over and GOOCHLAND LIGHT ARTILLERY 143 beyond our troops on the right, falling between the respective armies. Early Saturday morning, February 15, 1862, General Floyd's Brigade was ordered to assault the enemy on his riglat line of defence. This order was rather unexpected. Breakfast was being prepared at the time, and there was much confusion in camp. The battle soon began, and the rattle of musketry and boom of cannon continued until about 1 o'clock P. M. The enemy had superior numbers, and was fre- quently reinforced during the fight. The Confederates were con- tinuously engaged in the battle without relief or reinforcement, yet, under the disadvantages the enemy was driven back probably two miles, sustaining considerable loss, and the Confederates occupied his position. It may be mentioned that General Grant's headquarters tent was captured in this engagement with contents. This was a hard fought battle, every foot of ground being stubbornly contested. It was the intention of General Floyd to pursue the enemy. A gun from my battery, with my detachment, and other troops, was ordered in pursuit. After proceeding a short distance this order was countermanded, and we returned to our original position. The reason for this was, that in view of information received, tlie enemy having been heavily reinforced, the undertaking would have been hazardous, probably involving a great sacrifice on our part. It may not be inap- propriate to mention an incident which occurred about 10 o'clock that morning. BUCKNER RALLIED THEM During the battle a regiment of Confederate infantry wavered, but General S. B. Buckner soon rallied them. This happened about thirty paces to the left of my battery. The general's remarks on the occasion made an impression on those who heard him, and if I remember cor- rectly, he said, " Mississippians, look at those Virginians driving the enemy from our soil. Is it possible that you are going to leave them to do the flighting? No, never; your general will lead you," and he gallantly led them into action. Not many years ago I happened to meet General Buckner at the White Sulphur Springs, W. Va., and mentioned the foregoing to him. He remembered it well. Upon being asked what regiment it was he rallied on the occasion referred to, he replied the 14th Mississippi. REGAINED THE GUN Another incident happened that morning which may not be amiss to relate, though rather of a personal character. About 300 yards to the right of my battery, in an open field on a ridge, a section of artillery was actively engaged with the enemy's, when one of the cannoneers was instantly killed and others seriously wounded by a shot from the enemy's guns. The remainder of the detachment retired from their gun to the rear of the ridge, where a regiment of infantry was held in reserve. General Pillow, observing what had transpired, came up hurriedly to a detachment of my battery and inquired of us "where we 144 REGIMENTAL HISTORIES were from." He was informed that we were from Virginia. He then said, "Will you follow me?" We replied that we were not afraid to follow him anywhere. He said, "Come on," and we followed him in double-quick time across the open field. The bullets flew thick and fast about us. I expected every moment to be either killed or wounded. We, however, in a brief time succeeded in reaching the de- serted gun. General Pillow at once directed the camion himself, and a few shots from us soon disabled the enemy's piece of artillery. This was "a consummation devoutly wished for." NUMBERS ENGAGED In view of the fact that the enemy had been heavily reinforced that evening, the Confederates, being much exhausted from con- tinuous fighting and want of rest, were compelled to fall back to the position they formerly occupied. Consequently the Federals regained the position they occupied that morning, late in the evening. According to the report that evening the Federals had upwards of 40,000 men on the field, while the Confederate army did not exceed 13,000 available men. This statement was made in my presence by Generals Floyd and Pillow, on the steamer from Fort Donelson, to Nashville, Tennessee, February 16, 1862. Hostilities on our left had ceased, with the exception of occasional picket-firing, but late in the evening the enemy made repeated and vigorous assaults upon the right of the Confederate line of works. The fight was a desperate one and continued until darkness caused a cessation of hostihties. The enemy had gained some advantage. The Confederates lost part of their works near the fort. "GREEK MEETS GREEK" I was informed that evening during the battle, that two Kentucky regiments of infantry (both Second Kentucky), one Confederate and the other Federal, charged bayonets on each other. The conflict was desperate, neither gained any decided advantage over the other, though the loss on both sides was considerable. "When Greek meets Greek, then comes the tug of war." Strange as it may seem, it is said that these two regiments were commanded by brothers— Colonels Hanson. I mention the above incident because I think it worthy of remark, as similar instances were not of frequent occurrence during the late war. CAPITULATION That night a council of war was held by Generals Floyd, Pillow, and Buckner. This was, indeed, a critical condition of affairs. Owing to the peculiar situation of our army and the disparity of numbers, the enemy having more than three men to our one, it was deemed prudent to capitulate. Accordingly, General S. B. Buckner was selected to perform that duty, and he surrendered Fort Donelson to General U. S. Grant on the morning of the 16th of February, 1862. About 9,000 Con- federates were made prisoners on that memorable occasion. It may GOOCHLAND LIGHT ARTILLERY 145 be proper to state that early in the morning before the surrender took place a large number of our soldiers were conveyed across the river and landed on the Tennessee side by a steamer and escaped being captured, and those captured were conveyed to Johnson's Island and Camp Douglass, 111. After remaining in prison nearly one year a large number of them were exchanged. The capture of Fort Donelson was one of General Grant's first important victoi'ies. Not knowing what had transpired during the night, while a com- rade and myself were sleeping comfortably on a bank of snow, laying upon nine or ten heavy blankets, and covered by an equal number, which we captured the preceding day on the battle-field, we were quietly aroused at daybreak by our captain, John H. Guy, who said to us that "we must get to the wharf at once; if we did not we would be left." Neither of us had the remotest conception that a surrender was about to take place. GETTING AWAY We arose from our quiet place of repose and packed our knap- sacks. Upon looking around we failed to see any of our troops. The works had been abandoned. The condition of affairs was not compre- hended by us. We, however, proceeded to the wharf, as directed, which was nearly two miles distant. The strange situation of our troops was discussed. Upon our arrival at the wharf we found assembled a large number of our soldiers, many of whom were much excited. I then saw a steamer of considerable dimensions landing some of our troops on the Tennessee side. I was ignorant of the cause of the peculiar proceedings going on at that time. I did not understand them; but very soon I fully comprehended the true condition of affairs and gravity of the situation, especially when I saw various kinds of provisions and munitions of war being thrown into the river, and I determined not to be captured, if there was any possible means of escape. The steamer General Anderson was just returning for another load of soldiers, and my only hope of escape was on the steamer. I anxiously awaited its return, but, instead of coming near me, as I ex- pected, it stopped about 100 yards above where I was standing. Several thousand soldiers had now congregated at the wharf, and the pos- sibility of my escape seemed very improbable. To force my way through this immense body of men was impossible. This was a pre- dicament, indeed, delay was dangerous. I at once resolved, if possible, to get on board of that steamer. The only chance was for me to wade the surging Cumberland river for some distance. Whether justifiable or not, I had a hori-id conception of being captured and subjected to the horrors of a prison pen. I proceeded to make my way in the direction of the steamer, keeping as near as possible to the bank of the river, though up to my waist in mud and water, and coming in contact with melting snow and ice the most of the time. After no little perseverence I succeeded in accomplishing my object, though before reaching the steamer I was nearly over my shoulders in the 146 REGIMENTAL HISTORIES water, very cold, and much exhausted. On board of the steamer there happened to be a barrel of whiskey, which had been bayoneted by soldiers. I needed a stimulant, and at once procured some in a tin cup and drank it, then took a position by the engine and warmed and dried myself as thoroughly as possible. The members of my battery also came off on this steamer, one of whom, Private Perkins, was pulled out of the water into the steamer by a colored man The commotion among our soldiers at this time was very great, many of them were frantic with excitement, and attempted to get on board of the steamer, though failed to accomplish their object. GUNBOATS General Floyd stood on the deck of the steamer with his sabre drawn, exclaiming, "Come on, my brave Virginia boys.'" The steamer was soon filled to its utmost capacity. Just as the steamer moved from the landing General Floyd received information that the enemy's gun- boats were in sight, coming up the river. The engineer of the steamer was ordered to put on full head of steam and proceed up the river as speedily as possible. Thus Generals Floyd and Pillow made their escape from Fort Donelson aiid reached Nashville the next morning. The most of the 56th Virginia Infantry came off on this steamer. Lieutenant Thomas, of Company F, later captain, now Sergeant of the Police Court, Richmond Va., is one of the survivors of the old 56th Virginia Regiment. General Forrest, with his cavalry, succeeded in cutting their way out, and arrived at Nashville in a day or two. A member of my battery, W. M. Sharp, came off with his command. There was much interest and some excitement manifested by the people of Nashville in consequence of the fall of Fort Donelson. Hopes were entertained by many of the citizens that their city would be de- fended and not evacuated, and it was reported for several days that the Confederates would fortify Nashville, and not fall back further; but this idea, if ever contemplated, was abandoned. BACK TO VIRGINIA After remaining in this city nearly a week, orders were received for General Floyd and remainder of his command to proceed to Vir- ginia. The troops soon boarded the cars, and were conveyed to Mur- freesboro'. Near Murfreesboro', on the macadamized road, we (four of my battery) were fortunate enough to find two of our company's baggage-wagons. The baggage had been destroyed at Dover, Tenn. One of these wagons was loaded with coffee, and the other with some provisions brought from Nashville, which were subsequently turned over to the commissary at Norristown, Tenn. We were pleased to meet four members of our battery, who were left in charge of these wagons. During our travel through Tennessee, the people were very hospitable to us. We marched from there to Chattanooga, and en- NINTH BATTALION TENNESSEE CAVALRY 147 camped about one week at the base of Lookout Mountain. We then took the cars to Knoxville, and remained here a week, and then marched across the Cumberland mountains to Morristown, Tenn., thence by rail to Virginia, and arrived in Abingdon, Va., the latter part of March, 1862. Upon our arrival in Abingdon we were much surprised on being informed that General Floyd had been relieved of his command by President Davis, and Colonel Stuart, of the Fifty-sixth Virginia Regi- ment, was commandant of the post. The command of General Floyd was soon ordered to the Army of Northern Virginia. Subsequently General Floyd commanded State troops in Southwest Virginia. My company having been captured at Fort Donelson, and not having any command to report to, I was tendered a position by the medical director of my brigade in his department, which I accepted, and held for some time. Finally, my company was exchanged, and I rejoined it at ChafRn's Bluff, about ten miles below Richmond, Va. Thomas J. Ridijell, M. D. Private in Goochland Artillery, Floyd's Brigade, late C. S. A., Richmond, Va. Ninth Battalion Tennessee Cavalry^ By H. Clay Mack, McKinney, Texas The Ninth Battalion Tennessee Confederate Cavalry, composed of volunteers, good and true men, was organized at "Camp Maury," near Nashville, in December, 1861, and was composed of six full com- panies, three companies of which (A, B, and E) were from Maury county, two companies (C and D) from Hickman, and one company (F) from Wayne. The following constituted the original roll of field and staff oflBcers: George Gantt, Lieutenant-colonel; B. W. Porter, Major; Hunter Nicholson, Adjutant; B. M. Hatcher, Quartermaster; G. W.Mayberry, Commissary. * * * On the approach of the Federals to Forts Henry and Donelson the battalion was ordered to the latter place. The first attack being made on Fort Henry, it was ordered there two days before that place fell into the hands of the enemy, and on the evening, before the fort was reduced by the United States flotilla experienced its first active field service, which consisted in reconnoitering the movements of the enemy. On the next day. Fort Henry having fallen, the battalion reported for duty at Fort Donelson, where, under Colonel N. B. For- rest, it took part in the defense of our works until the 15th of Febru- ary, 1862, when it was included in the surrender made on the morning of the 16th. The field officers of the battalion were imprisoned at Fort Warren; officers of the line first at Fort Chase, then at Johnson's Is- From M. A. T.— 748. 148 REGIMENTAL HISTORIES land; and the privates at Camp Morton. After a wearisome, restless, and unhappy period of seven months imprisonment, by the terms of the general exchange of prisoners the battalion was placed again on South- ern soil at Vicksburg, and from thence was removed to Jackson, Miss., for the purpose of reorganization and equipment. Forrest's (old) Regiment, Cavalry By D. C. Kelley, Nashville, Tenn. Notwithstanding the many changes through which this regiment passed from its first organization in Memphis, Tenn., October, 1S61, to its surrender at Gainesville, Ala., May 11, 1866, there was persistent re- fusal to accept any other name than that which heads this sketch, or to be known by any number. Its field officers were as follows: N. B. Forrest, Lieutenant-col- onel; D. C. Kelley, Major; C. A. Schuyler, Adjutant; Dr. S. M. Van Wick, of Huntsville, Ala., Surgeon; J. P. Strange, of Memphis, Ser- geant-major. As first organized the regiment was composed of Capt. Overton's Company (A), Brandenburg, Ky., some ninety men; Capt. Logan's Company (G) Harrodsburg, Ky., forty-five men; Kelley Troopers (Company F), Madison county, Ala., ninety men; Capt. Trewhitt's Company (E), Gadsden, Ala., eighty men; Capt. Bawt's Company (B), South Alabama, eighty men; Capt. Miilner's Company (H), Marshall county, Ala., eighty-five men; Capt. Gould's Company (D), Texas, ninety men; and Capt. May's Company (C), Memphis, Tenn., ninety men. Later, as will be seen by the roster at the close of this sketch, it became by degrees almost entirelj' a regiment of West Tennessee troops. Immediately after the organization of the regiment six of the eight companies then composing it, under command of Maj. Kelley, were put in motion for Fort Donelson. The first expedition was to the neighborhood of Cadiz, Ky., to protect an engineer party of sappers and miners, who were engaged in the obstruction of the Cumberland River a little above Cadiz. The only remarkable feature of this first expedition was that the whole command was fed and foraged by the generous Kentuckians for two weeks, as a complimeiit to their pre- sence, without charge to the Confederate Government. Lieut. -col. Forrest arrived with the remainder of the regiment about the time this expedition was over. In this brief sketch we can only give the names of the engagements in which the regiment took part; first of which was a cavalry attack upon the gun-boat "Conestoga," in which the victory remained with the sharp-shooters, the gun-boat retiring after a combat lasting several hours. This occurred in the Cumberland River near Canton, Ky. This had been preceded, by two daj^s, by the From M. A. T.— 761-765. FORREST'S (OLD) REGIMENT CAVALRY 149 capture of a transport on the Ohio River loaded with Government sup- plies, by a battalion of the regiment under Maj. Kelley; and was quickly followed by the brilliant affair of Sacramento, Ky., in which Forrest, in cooperation with Col. Starnes, utterly routed a superior body of Federal cavalry', and by his reckless daring set the key-note of his future greatness as a cavalry leader. Maj. Kelley, in notes written soon after the occurence, thus depicts Col. Forrest as he ap- peared in this combat and chase of Sacramento: "It was the first time I had seen the Colonel in the face of the enemy, and when he rode up to me in the thick of the action I could scarcely believe him to be the same man I had known for several months. His face was flushed till it bore a striking resemblance to a painted Indian warrior's; and his eyes, usually mild in expression, were blazing with the intense glare of a panther springing upon its prey. In fact, he looked as little like the Forrest of our mess -table as the storm of December resembles the quiet of June." Soon after the regiment was ordered to Fort Donelson to meet the advance of the Federal army on that devoted post. They reached there Feb. 10th. On the 11th a battalion of the regiment under Maj. Kelley successfully held in check the advance of the Federal troops from the direction of Fort Henrj', so that on the next day it was found that the heavier column of the enemy had changed to a parallel road. Here, on the morning of the 12th, Colonel Forrest was joined by the battalion under Maj. Kelley, and a dashing charge made, which delayed all farther advance of the enemy for that day. About three o'clock the cavalry were ordered within the fortifications. The men who had been in the saddle for two days, and fighting a great part of the time, worked on the fortifications all night. Next clay a part of the regi- ment, armed with long range-guns, did excellent work pitted against the sharp-shooters of the enemy. It seems well for us to correct some of the false impressions made by writers in reference to a number of events in the battle of Fort Donelson. General Lew Wallace, in the Century for December, 1884, in speaking of Feb. 14, says: "The supineness of Gen. Floyd all these years remains incomprehensible. A vigorous attack on the morning of the 13th might have thrown Grant back on Fort Henry." Gen. Wallace, as well as other writers, in mentioning the fact, seem to for- get that Gen. Floyd himself only arrived that morning, and parts of his own command were not in place early on themorning of the 14th; so that he had no advantage over the Federal forces in the matter of concentration that would have enabled him to strike the blow here contemplated. This much is due the generalship at Fort Donelson, which needs all to be said in favor of it that can be truthfully said. The delay of the Federal forces, helped so timely by the cavalry, enabled the Confederates to complete their earth-works, and conduced to the brilliant victory of the 15th. On that da.y from 4 A.M. to 6 P.M., Forrest's Reginient was in the thick of the tight. A movement upon the part of this regiment turned the Fedei-al right, and was the begin- 160 REGIMENTAL HISTORIES ing of their first recoil. Later in tlie clay, in two separate charges — one led by Col. Forrest, the other by Maj. Kelley they completed the capture of two different batteries, the batteries and their support hav- ing been seriously crippled by our infantry and artillery. We turn to a later point in the battle — one graphically described by Gen. Wallace indicating the time when the Federal brigade formed into line in the deep gorge just in front of a dense thicket, and was immediately attended by a battery which came up on a run and swung across the road. From the description of the place and occurrence, this was just after the writer had led a successful charge on a battery situated near a white house on the Wynn's Ferry road, capturing three guns. He was seated at the head of his command in full view of the Federal battery at the time it was swung into position. Five minutes later, under orders, his regiment of cavalry was moved under cover, and their place taken by a division of infantry. The ten-minutes fight which Gen. Wallace regarded as a serious matter, did not amount to more than a five-minute skirmish, without effect on either side. He represents the Federals as pausing on the approach of Gen. Grant. I know that the Confederates retired under orders, not on account of any advance of the Federal forces. While one can not be sure of time on the field of battle, I am inclined to place this event a full hour later than Gen. Wallace places it— viz., 3 o'clock in the afternoon. There was no fighting from this time on our left and the Federal right. We now turn to Gen. Wallace, and what occurred on our right in reference to the attack of the Federal General Chas. F. Smith. It is true, while the trenches on our extreme right were deserted, or al- most so, that Gen. Smith did succeed in finding a lodgment in a de- tached portion of our works. It is equally true that on the return of the Confederate brigade Smith's advance was not only rendered im- possible, but only the coming on of night prevented his entire dislodg- ment. Gen. Wallace is correct when he says that it was Gen. Pillow's in- flation with the idea of an easy victory next day which led to a change of the plans after the Confederates had won the ground neces- sary to their evacuation of Fort Donelson. It is equally true, however, that Gen. Pillow but represented the feeling of the whole army, per- haps with the exception of Gen. Buckner. It was not till after night- fall that Gen. Buckner's gloomy view of the situation began to impress itself upon the other Generals. When Forrest was called to a coun- cil of the Generals early in the night, and on his return reported that it was believed at head-quarters that the enemy had regained the ground from which they had been driven during the day, the writer earnestly protested, on the ground that he had remained with the cavalry gathering up arms on the battle-field till after sunset, and left it without seeing any movement upon the part of the Fedeials to re- gain the position east of the Wynn's Ferry road. Forrest declared that he was satisfied that the fires which the scouts supposed to be camp-fires of the Federal army were in reahty only rekindled fires of FORREST'S (OLD) REGIMENT CAVALRY 151 the night before renewed by the wounded men left upon the field to prevent freezing in the bitter cold of the night. Scouts were also sent out from our head-quarters, and made similar reports; but nothing could relieve the somber view of the situation taken by General Buck- ner. The contagion caught Gen. Floyd, and finally penetrated the emotional nature of Gen. Pillow, and led to the conduct which will ever stain the one as unsuited to military affairs and the other as totally deficient in soundness of judgment. Gen. Pillow had won high credit as a soldier during the day, and had fought his men with eminent success, unsurpassed in any action of the war. Gens. Floyd and Buckner had been almost useless through- out the day, and now in the evening paralyzed Gen. Pillow with their fears. Besides the above proof that Gen. Wallace is mistaken when he claims that he occupied on the night of the 15th the ground which McClernand had occupied the night before, secondly, I know that in riding out with cavalry and artillery men over the frozen ground — many of whom in closing up brought their horses to a gallop, so that the hoof -beats could have been easily heard a mile in the stillness of the night -no Federal gun, even of a picket, was heard to break upon their march. Further, the writer paused at day -break within half a mile of the ground occupied by McClernand's head -quarters, and re- mained till 8 o'clock in the morning without seeing or hearing any indications of the presence of any Federal forces. There was not a Captain in the Confederate army at the close of the war, with four years experience, who would have hesitated in deciding that the army from Fort Donelson could have begun its march at any time from 4 o'clock in the afternoon to midnight without having attracted the notice of the Federal forces, and could have been eight or ten hours in advance before the enemy would have discovered the movement or begun in earnest a pursuit. Through Gen. Forrest the cavalry made a proposal to go in ad- vance until we had cleared the way for the army beyond the Federal lines, and then cover their retreat, which both then and now we do not hesitate to believe could have been done with the completest success. Forrest alone, of all the officers brought into the council, showed a mili- tary genius equal to the hour. His chagrin at the purpose to surren- der was intense. His view of the position of the Federal army on the night after the battle proved accurate; his belief in the ability of the infantry to make the march, was founded in a knowledge of human endurance in men who had shown the pluck and nerve of the day be- fore. Incapacity growing out of inexperience and want of high mili- tary instinct, threw away our armj' at Fort Donelson. Forrest was a man of military genius to perceive the thing to be done, and possessed a heroic will to stand by what he believed to be the duty of the hour. Gen. Buckner's soldierly conduct in remaining with the army, after surrender had been determined upon, has in the eye of history redeemed him from the just censure which belongs to him for inaction 152 REGIMENTAL HISTORIES daring the day and unwarrantable despondency at night. His mis- takes by day and by night alike doomed the Confederacy to the loss of the army which had so bravely won the victory of the 15th. Again in the saddle at three a.m. on the 16th, prepared to cut their way through at all hazards, the regiment followed their dauntless leader out of the entrenchments before the formal surrender. For the next ten days they were drawn on for the most unremitting duty in securing and forwarding the army stores left in Nashville, Tenn., by the retreat of Gen. Johnston. In this time, by almost Herculean effort, there were saved of supplies left in Nashville, "six hundred boxes of clothing, a quarter of a million pounds of bacon, and forty wagon-loads of ammunition." PERSONAL CORRESPONDENCE Letters of Col. J. Q. Lauman to his Wife and Brother^ Headquarters of 7th Iowa Infantry, Benton Barracks^ Jany. 1st, 1862. My Dear Wife: I arrived in St. Louis yesterday at 10 o'clock and proceeded at once to the Barracks. It was Mustering day and I was just in time to be mustered for pay.- As soon as it was ascertained that I had arrived the officers began to drop in and gave me a liearty welcome. In a short time after the boj^s were out on dress parade, when I appeared and took command, — then you should have heard the shout break forth from the boys, I know it would have done you good. After the parade the boys crowded around me, sick, wounded and infirm were all there, and all delighted to see me back again. I was invited to sup with Col. Warren, which I did, and to dine with him to-day (New Years) which I did not, as I had to go to the city to look up my Horse Equipage which Sherman, the orderly, lost coming down. He had it checked from Burlington to Mendota or Peoria but took the Peoria Road by Chenoa, thence to St. Louis by the Alton & St. Louis R. road. When he arrived here he was minus his baggage consisting of said equipage and a trunk. My Saddle cover, Holsters, saddle and bridle are all gone. I am rather comfortably quartered, a little crowded, but things will soon assume their right shape again. I drank my coffee and tea out of tin tea cups without cream and it relished well. I just received my trunk. The pies were jammed a little but still eatable. The butter looked grand. I slept on a hard bed last night but slept well. I slept on the same sheet and pillow-case that I used the night before the battle of Bel- mont. Lt. Col. Parrott and myself occupy the same room. My leg is doing well.- I feel ^rsf rate. I think the boils are about forsaking me too. If that is so I will not sorrow at their departure. I will now begin to get up my regiment which I fear will be a slow process. Genl. Sherman, who is now in command here (Kentucky, 1 The publicatiou of the following letters has kindly been permitted by General Lauman's son, George V. Lauman, Lieutenant Colonel 1st Illinois Volunteer Infantry during the Spanish-American War. Other letters, of the dates of January 12, 15, 24, and February 1, are omitted for lack of space. It is hoped that Colonel Lauman will in the near future publish General Lauman's entire correspondence or at least those portions of it relating his experiences in General Grant's Army from Belmont to Vicksburg. The letters here given are printed in their entirety from typewritten copies, furnished and authenticated by Colonel Lauman. The Editor is also indebted to Colonel Lauman for the photograph of General Lauman reproduced in the appendix and for other valuable assistance and information. 2 Col. Lauman was wounded at Belmont. 153 154 PERSONAL CORRESPONDENCE Sherman who was superseded for insanity) says they will not be ready for service this winter. He may change his views should troops be wanted in the meantime. Revd. Mr. Clark, the chaplain, made his appearance in camp to-day in good health — don't be too long about writing as I am very anxious to hear from you. And believe me to be your affectionate husband, J. G. Lauman. P. S.: — It being "New Year" I saw no one in St. Louis. Kiss the children for me — and to all of you I wish a "Happy New Year." good night. Benton Barracks, Jany. 8, 1862. I have now been from home ten days and have had a pretty fair trial of this famous "Camp of Instruction," and pronounce it a most unmitigated humbug. We have been brigaded and I am now under command of a Genl. who knows precisely as much about Military matters as a Horse does about holiday, and no more, and we turn out every day at two o'clock for drill in this Camp of Instruction, what a farce, and are paraded around for two hours by a man who has to be told what command to give and how to do it every time, and this is called a Camp of Instruction— but we are getting along. My limb is nearly well, the wound, am glad to say closed, a little tender yet, the boils nearly well. I walk without a cane, and without limping much. I have had a swollen face for about four days, but that is now subsiding, and I feel better this evening than I have done for some time. My regiment is slowly improving, and we will probably be paid this week. I have not yet heard from my Saddle, Bridle, covers and Holsters. I shall probably hear from them the last of the week, or good-bye Horse equipage. I have not yet seen Harry [Doolittle, Reg. Color Sergt. 2d Iowa Inf. — a family friend, later a Captain], he can't come to see me. I can't go to see him. Military discipline, I suppose, forbids. I am glad you are not here in this gloomy place. It has rained, snowed and sleeted nearly every day since I have been here. Col. Warren loaned me a saddle and Bridle so I have been able to make my appearance on parade regularly. My Secesh Horse was lost, and we had to advertise twice, I seemed to be in a streak of bad luck, but he was returned and a good old fellow he is, but the first day I rode him it was very icy and he smooth shod the result was a fall, but I escaped unhurt. Dr. Witter, the Surgeon, did not get much of the mince pie, but he had his share. He dined with us one day. We had a very poor dinner but a good mince pie. I have some of the apples you put in my carpet sack, and part of the cake I cheated Harry out of. I hope he enjoyed it as much as I did. I am better fixed here than I have been anywhere (except at Ironton), since I have been campaigning. We have comfortable rooms COLONEL LAUMAN 165 for quarters. I board for the present in the same building with our quartermaster. I sleep on a bunk with some loose straw on the boards with my quilt which makes it comfortable. We have a stove and plenty of fuel and old Beauregard, the orderly, comes morning and evening to do up the chores— by the way those narrow sheets you supplied me with are no great things, I put one on my bed with my old one, but I have to make a search for it every morning as it gets into a rope and is hard to find. Some of these days I will tear one in two and sew the parts on the others so I will at least have two sheets that will be wide enough to hold their places. I have not been around much as this is the only nice day I have had since I came into camp, but I think from this time on I will be able to circulate. I found my prayer-Book in Captain Gardner's possession, who by the way, has been very sick but is now recovering, and will soon be returned to us. I have to close this this up in a hurry as I am most out of candle, and will be in the dark. I am going to send Ben Barber to Iowa on a recruiting expedition. Benton Barracks, Mo., Saturday Morning, Jany. 11, 1862. We are under marching orders, and leave here on Monday after- noon by Steam Boat bound South. I do not know our destination but suppose it is to take part in the great Southern movement. My health is good, but I think my regiment should have had a chance to recruit in numbers. We now report 328 fit for duty and only 578 present, that is sick, lame and lazy, as poor Lt. Col. Wentz used to say. Unless my saddle and rig comes to hand to-day I will have to purchase in St. Louis on Monday. — quite a bore aint it. My boys are all eager for the fray— and I will take with me every man that can walk. Ben Barber has just come to know your name for a soldier whose wife has a daughter and it is to be named for you. We are all busy making preparation, the Genl. (Sherman) has just told our Quartermaster that our destination is New Orleans — doubtful — Cairo I expect. The box sent by the Ladies of Christ Church came duly to hand, and is in fine condition. We will take it along, and dispense its contents in "Dixie Land'" when they will be appreciated fully I know. I have had Photographs taken which I will send you by express. Well if I did not know they were my own likeness, hair and all, I would not believe it — they look like some old Arab of the desert. St. Louis, Jany. 17, 1862. Here we are again. We could not make our way through the gorge, and last evening we came up on the Iron Mountain R, R. After standing for an hour or more in the cold and it was cold I assure you, I concluded to march the men through the streets whilst the proper officers were obtaining some kind of shelter for us during the night. I had marched through several streets and at last came out on 4th St. and who should I run against but our friend Homes, who interested 156 PERSONAL CORRESPONDENCE himself with his friends and in ten minutes the Chamber of Commerce was at our disposal, the boys entered with feelings of thankfulness and I am proud to say they behaved well. Refreshments were soon pro- vided and the boys passed a comfortable night. This morning they had breakfast provided by the Commissarj' and the boys left the Hall in the best kind of spirits, and are now standing on the banks of the river awaiting transportation to Dixie. I went out with Homes— had I'oast Tiarkey and fixings for dinner at 7 o'' clock P.M. '^ "' Our regt. is sovie, 1 tell you. 1 went to the express office on my way here and to my inexpressible surprise found my "horse rig" so '■'Ridhard^s himself again.'' I wrote you from the S. B. Continental and liave kept you pretty well posted. Harry came to see me on the landing and has just parted with me. He looks well. Capt. Jack Slaymaker I saw as we left on Monday for the South. I see from the papers no account yet of a battle fought in Ky. Suppose they are awaiting tlie famous Iowa 7th to lead the van. The ice is so thick it is feared we cannot cross the river to-day and the Military authorities are in consultation what to do with us. Whether to keep us in town another day or send us back to the bar- racks — as they determine will suit me. Port Holt, Ky., Jany. 21, IS 62. Eli Saul of whom you wrote did not enlist in a state of intoxica- tion. He did so because he desired to do so, and yesterday he called on me to say that it was still his desire and determination to remain with the regiment, — so you see I can do nothing. We arrived at Cairo on Saturday night and were ordered to Birds Point by the oflflcer in authority the next day, but Genl. Grant returning before we got off changed our destination to this place so we landed here yesterday morning spending the first night on the cars, the 2nd on the "Memphis City". We are now comfortably fixed. I am in my old tent with a stove and the men never seemed more cheerful and lively. They like it and so do I. Our friends here gave me a warm reception. Genh Grant was glad to see me, and offered to put me in command of Fort Jefferson with four regiments beside my own, but as I was not well provided with tents for a winter campaign I declined and he sent me here for the present. Last night I was serenaded at my quarters by some kind friends unknown to me, the songs were all sentimental and Gussy should have been here to enjoy it. Among other things they sang "Let me kiss him for his mother" and they sang and played well. The fact is we are among friends. Col. Daugherty is at Birds Point and I will go over to see him soon. Perhaps to-day. The weather with the exception of a few days, has been the same as when you were here, mild and delightful, they bring water to you here with ice floating in it, just as of old. I have met with the re- porters of the press Carroll of the Louisville Journal, of the Chicago papers and old Horace Culdown of the N. Y. Tribune. COLONEL LAUMAN 157 I have no floor in my tent yet but expect to have one in a Short time. We are getting things in shape, and I never was better pleased than to get away from Benton Barracks, although as you know we had a hard time of it since. The great expedition of which we expected great things has returned without accomplishing anything — waiting for us to lead the advance. We have purchased a i^eO.OO Mess Chest and formed a Mess. Revd. Mr. Clark, for the present Steward, and we are going to live nice. I send you a card so you can see what utensils we have in the chest. Mr. Clark, Lt. Col. Parrott, Major Rice, Quarter Master Forsha and myself constitute the Mess. You never in your life saw such a sea of mud as Cairo presents at this time. We are encamping oji a sand ridge near where we first pitched our tents. My health is good. I am not quite rid of the boils yet. The cars ran over one of my "boys" coming down. He will lose his legs — per- haps his life — but it was his own fault. Fort Holt, Ky., (Cairo) Jany. 23, 1862. I called yesterday to see my friend Col. Daugherty who is now and has been for a long time at Birds Point. How shall I attempt to de- scribe the meeting- -to say he was rejoiced to see me would be tame. He shook his stump of a leg about which is not yet healed and declared "he was now well, the sight of me had cured him," and then for two hours we fought the Battle of Belmont over again: I found him quite as indignant at the Illinois Genl. and Cols, as I was if not more so— but the Military men here know who fought the battle. He says Grant and McClernand expect to be made Major Genls. for the valor they displayed on that occasion - and Col. Cook of the 7th III., now in command of this post, told me to-day, that he went down with the flag of truce the next day, and he could mark our track from the time we came under fire until we reached the Boats on our return. Daugherty says Col. Buford's regiment only received one fire. He can leave his bed for only a few moments at a time, but his stump is healing and before many weeks he will be about again. He still retains command. Lieut. Col. Hart of this regiment, related a little incident to me yesterday. Col. Buford, who was temporarily in command when we arrived here on Saturday night, ordered us to Birds Point and sent to Col. Purcell to have the Barracks cleared out for us — the Col. in obedience of these orders, attempted to clear out the Barracks of Daugherty 's regiment who were off on the expedition with Genl. Grant, but the sick who were left behind refused to vacate say- ing they would fight first, — their regt. would be back in a day or two at furthest, and as they had built them they would yield to no one. About this time one of the soldiers inquired what regiment was to come in if they wentout, and they were told the Iowa 7th, — their tune changed in a moment, they gave three cheers for the Iowa 7th, and said they would not give up their quarters but they would make room for their comrades of the 7th and soon all were at work to clear up and prepare 168 PERSONAL CORRESPONDENCE for the 7th and their own regt. but our destination was changed, and we are now on the spot we occupied when we first came to this part of the country — and we are nicely fixed I assure you. We are on a sandy ridge facing the South, with Cairo and Birds Point in full view — but our present location I fear will not last long, the Ohio river is rising so fast that if it continues for three days longer we will have to evacuate. — Indeed, to-day we received orders to be in readiness to march at a moment's notice, so we commenced packing up — but a sub- sequent order said remain awhile longer. We should all have left with regret. My boys appear to be getting better and I could now take-with me nearly five hundred men. I am improving the discipline and after awhile will bring it back to the old standard. Several of the wounded are with us from Mound City, hobbling around on crutches but in good spirits. We are living with our new Steward. Mr. C'lark is a good pro- vider. We had Turkey and cranberry sauce for dinner — and corn- bread and cod-fish for Tea. We are living well as long as we can any- way. We have had dull weather, cloudy, until to-day, when the sun came out and it was very pleasant indeed. To-night the stars are out in all their splendor — and just cold enough to make fire agreeable and necessary. Beauregard wants to know how Billy Belmont is getting along. I drew a National Color, the stars and stripes, before we left St. Louis. The Tattoo is just beating and I will soon go to bed — good night. Smithland, Ky., Jany., 25, 1862. I arrived here this morning before day, and now, 4 o'clock p. M., I am in full command of this post. It consists of a Fort, mounting two guns, one a 32 pounder, the other a 64 pounder, near the town, and another Fort about a half mile distant, mounting a 32 pound gun. Stockades surround the enclosure and extend a long way out so as to form quite a protection for the troops. There will be another regi- ment here this evening, and it is the design of Genl. Hallack to have a large force assembled here. I have been assigned to the command — how long that will last I cannot tell. Maybe long, perhaps a short time. I give myself no trouble about it. I hold myself at all time^ ready to move at a moment's warning. It is a beautiful place — and my quarters are the nicest I ever had. About 150 miles below Evansville, 60 above Cairo at the mouth of the Cumberland River — I have appointed Capt. Harper Provost-Marshal — and Lieut. Bennett A. A. A. Genl. Capt. McMullin I have assigned to the distant Fort, and I will soon be in full blast. Indeed, Captain Harper's ofHce in town has been crowded the whole day. I think he is well calculated for that respon- sible post. I have a force of about two hundred cavalry besides artil- COLONEL LAUMAN 159 lery and infantry, and my regiment will improve in discipline as well as in health. The town is a beautiful little place. Mostly secesh, but inclined to be quiet. The drums are beating for Dress parade and I must close. Fort Henry, Tennessee, Feby. S, 1862. You have heard all the news no doubt long before this or at least before this will reach you. Wfe had a hard march from where we landed (below the Fort) until we reached it and then found the enemy had run away and left everything behind. The bread baking in the ovens and meat cooking. We should have bag'd tlie whole force, but we will soon have another chance at them — but it is a horrible climate, rain, snow and sleet and mud enough to give one the horrors. This morning we received orders to hold my command in readiness to march at a moment's notice if necessary, with two days' rations so I have been loitering about all the morning, expecting to receive orders. There could not well be a worse day for marching. I do not know our destination. There are many surmises, some think it is Fort Donelson, on the Cumberland River. I have many of my old friends with me, Col. Ogelsby, Wallace, Marsh and Cook. Taylor's Battery is also here. You should have heard and seen them as we left the boat to march on this Fort. Officers and men ran out of their ranks to shake hands with me and then the cheering was wonder- ful. We were few in numbers but we presented a bold front and I suppose felt as if we could do as much and as good service as the best Regt. among them. I was assigned the Right of the Brigade in the march and would have held that position in the fight if there had been one. We were under Genl. C. F. Smith, Division Commander. I rode ahead of my Regt. and got into the fort ahead of my command. I wanted to see how things looked after a battle. There were but four killed in the Fort and thirteen wounded, one of whom died shortly after. The killed were horribly mangled, in fact, torn all to pieces. After I had satisfied my curiosity I rode back and joined my Regt. We bivouacked just outside the Fort, Col. Parrott and I lying on the ground under a big tree with nothing to cover us but a worn and torn blanket. Beauregard made a big fire and we managed to pass the night very well. At daylight we took up the line of march and entered the Fort where we now are. We will be moved back as soon as we can build a bridge to cross a slough so as to get our baggage back. We have a bad place now but, as I said, before this leaves we may be marching. You must look for news of us through the papers as the camp is full of reporters. We are at present in Col. Cook's Brigade, composed of the 7th and 50th 111. and 7th and 12th Iowa. The 14th Iowa have just arrived so we have now three Iowa Regts. with us. We are collecting a large force here. I trust large enough to make clean work of it as we go. I forgot to leave my valuables behind until I got away on towards the enemy and heard the Gun Boats and the Fort 160 PERSONAL CORRESPONDENCE popping away at each other and then I thought if they got me they might have the bal. Fort Henry, Tennessee, Feby. 11, 1862. I am well and again under mai'ching orders. To-morrow morning we start for Fort Donelson, some 15 miles distant, on the Cumberland River. We are in strong force. We have some 25,000 men, and some 6 Regiments more to arrive this evening. I am in command of a Bri- gade, so for the present an acting Brigadier. The 7th, 2nd and 14th Iowa, 25th Indiana and Birges Sharpshooters, with a Battalion o~f the Curtis Horse form my Brigade. If the Rebels stand you will hear from us sure -Good-bye, love to all.— Kiss the children. — In Haste, Good-bye.— God bless you. Fort Donelson, Tennessee, Feb. 17, 1S62. Dear Wife: I am again safe. My life is still prolonged. Let me hope it is for some good purpose. We have had a great battle, the fight lasting for three days, but you will hear of it, and the great result to flow out of it long before this reaches you. I commanded the Fourth brigade of the Second division, and my command made their mark. * * * Poor Jack Slaymaker was killed, gallantly leading his men to the charge on the last day— indeed, the only day the Second were in the engagement. Capt. Cloutman fell, also bravely doing his duty. Harry was wounded very severely, but the surgeons say he will recover. I left my command to see him and poor Jack last evening. I have ordered Jack's remains to be properly cared for, to send home to his parents, and will see that it is done properly, although my time is so occupied I have scarcely time to write this note, nor do I know when or how it will leave here. I am now in command of Fort Donelson, and my brigade are quartered in the fortifications. We will be ordered forward soon, I hope, and I sincerely trust our success will be the harbinger of a speedy close of the horrid rebelUon. I received your two letters just before we were ordered into action, and I had to laugh over your congratulations at my good quarters in Smithland, when for two nights I had been camped under a tree, and it raining and showing on me, without a tent. But my health is improving. My cold under which I have been suffering is getting better, and I am able to endure a great deal of hardship. Gen. Smith (Paducah Smith) is a good soldier. The reputation of the Iowa Seventh is as bright as ever, although their loss is trifling. The state may well be proud of their troops. I lost all of my bedding yesterday, and doubt very much if I find it again. We marched out of camp leaving everything behind, and our friends helped themseves. I will look after Harry— I think he will do well. Dr. Marsh says the wound in his stomach did not penetrate far COLONEL LAUMAN 161 enough to do any serious injury. I trust this may be so. He is in good spirits, and bore his flag like a hero. Love to all. Good bye. Yours affectionately, J. G. Lauman. Fort Donelson, Tennessee, Feb. 19, 1862. Dear Brother: The battle is fought, the dead are buried and the wounded cared for, and we are again settling down to the old routine of military disci- pline. But what a scene we have passed through, and what a victory we have won! We have already sent off eight or nine thousand pris- oners, and we have more yet to send. But such a lot of humanity I never saw before — all butternut color; but they can shoot, as many of our boys can testify. I have made my report to Gen. Smith, which I suppose will be published, and before this reaches you, you will know more about the battle than I do. I have already seen that the Iowa Seventh was all cut up on the first day's fight. I hope you did not let any of these reports disturb you. We had a hard time. For three nights we lay in the open air without tents, and some without blankets, raining and snowing all night. The last night we remained under arms all night, prepared to repel an assault; but when morning came — and oh! how long it was in coming — the enemy attracted our attention to their white flag, and I received proposals for capitulation, which we promptly for- warded to Gen. Smith, and through him to Gen. Grant. Gen. Grant refused terms and insisted on unconditional surrender, and an hour was given them to consider. At the end of that time the loud shouts of the men gave indications that the surrender was unconditional. Then commenced the I'ejoicings. I claimed for my brigade the right to enter first, which was accorded; when with drums beating and colors flying we entered the fort. The Rebels were drawn up in line, with their arms in great heaps, and looked quite woe-begone, I assure you, as the victors passed along. My brigade is in the fort, of which I have command. Gen. Smith's division is quartered all around about. The fortifications extend over the country for miles, and the other divisions of the army encamped at other points. The greatest loss was on our right, in McClernand's division. The enemy endeavored to cut through at that point, and fought with great desperation — loss very heavy. But you know all this and more, and this will be stale news to you. I found the pistols I lost at Belmont at Fort Donelson, or others just as good. Capt. Rhiza will return to Burlington, he informed me today, for a short time. So he informed me, but he may not be able to get off. If he does, I will send a flag, secesh, captured in the fort. They either destroyed or secreted their flags, as none could be found. I have not yet seen the reports of my commanding officer, but Gen. Grant has caused a highly complimentary order to be read to the troops. Gen. Smith is a good officer, and as brave as a lion. I am proud to be under 162 PERSONAL CORRESPONDENCE him. I had a good brigade, and I beheve they like me. I hope the rebellion will receive such a shock from this that they will not be able to hold up their heads for some time to come. I am obliged to Jennie for her kind and very acceptable letter, and hope she will write again. I received a letter from Gov. Kirkwood covering the resolutions of the legislature of Iowa, and had them read to my regiment last even- ing. Tell Lou that Harry Doolittle is doing well. I went to the boat to see him, but it had started before I got theie. He will remain for the present at Padueah, I suppose. I met, as I was on my way to Dover, where the boat was lying, Drs. Marsh and Nassau of Iowa Second, who gave me this information. Among the hundreds of wounded and dead, it is almost impossible to keep the whereabouts of anyone. I must now bring this to a close. Let Lou see this and it will be the same as though I had written to her. Capt. Slaymaker's remains were forwarded to St. Louis for preparation to send home. I cut off a lock of his hair and sent it to Betty for his friends, fearing something might occur that the coffin could not be opened when it got home. Give my love to all, and if anything should befall me, take good care of wife and little ones, and believe me to be your affectionate brother, Jacob. Letter of First Lieutenant James O. Churchill 1 1th Illinois Infantry Hospital, S. W. Cor. 5th & Chestnut Sts., / St. Louis, Mo., April 10th, 1862. ) My Dear Parents: Mrs. Filley said in her last, that I would write at length, as soon as I was strong enough, and give you full particulars of my present surroundings, and a description of what had occuredtome since I wrote you from Fort Henry about the 10th of February. In order to do this, it will require a very long letter, and as Dr. Barnes will allow me to write but a few moments each day, on account of my weak physical condi- ton, it will take several days to complete it, consequently the letter will appear to be an old one when you receive it. It might be called, "Wounded on the field and in hospital." I wrote on February 10th, that we would probably be ordered to Fort Donelson, which is located on the Cumberland, about twelve or fifteen miles from Fort Henry, on the Tennessee river. We received the anticipated marching orders on Tuesday the 11th, early in the afternoon, and moved at 4 p. m., arriving in sight of the works on the afternoon of the 12th. Lieut. -Col. T. E. G. Ransom had command of the regiment (the 11th Illinois infantry). Col. W. H. L. Wallace, being in command of our brigade, the 2d in McClernand's Division. 1 From Loyal Legion Papers, Missouri Commandery. Vol. I, p. 146. LIEUTENANT CHURCHILL 163 This brigade consisted of the 11th, 20th, 45th and 48th Regiments of Illinois infantry, 4th UUnois cavah-y, and Taylor's and McAllister's Illinois batteries. Col. Oglesby's, the 1st brigade of our division, took the right of the line of investment, and we took position on their left. Our regiment was on the riglit of the brigade, and our company ("A") on the right of the regiment, and next to John A. Logan's regi- ment, the 31st Illinois, which was on the left of Oglesby's brigade. The weather was very cold, snowing much of the time. We were allowed no fires, for fear of disclosing our position to the enemy, so we had to take our "hai'd tack" without its almost necessai'y accompani- ment, hot coffee. Some of the boys, however, went into a ravine to the rear two or three times, and made several camp kettles, with which many filled their canteens. We had no tents, but they would have been of little use, as we were in line of battle most of the time, night and day. We would lie down in the snow, each man with his musket in hand, and be instantly on our feet at Ransom's oft repeated "fall in," as the picket firing became heavier and nearer. Our sufferings from cold were very great, and the men seemed to be in a half frozen state, and were anxious that something should "turn up" to ameliorate or change their condition. On Friday afternoon the gunboats opened fire upon the enemy's works. Quite often the balls would pass over our heads with a pierc- ing shriek, cutting off the tops of trees, which fell upon and about us. Shortly after daylight, on Saturday the 15th, the fighting com- menced in earnest, almost the entire army of the enemy coming out on their left, and impetuously attacking Oglesby's brigade and ours, with the intention of cutting their way out on the Nashville Road. About 11 o'clock the 1st brigade (Oglesby's) got out of ammunition and fell back. Logan's regiment was the last to go. At his request we covered his retreat, by moving by the right flank in his immediate front. I was quite near him much of the time. He is a brave soldier; his eyes flashed like fire, and he was con- tinually yelling to his men to "Give it to 'em." As he fell back he was shot through the arm. Shortly after Ransom was shot in the shoulder. My time was fully occupied in pulling the dead and wounded back out of the way, and getting cartridges from their boxes, and replenish- ing those of the men who were fighting. They kept a good line, and not one attempted to run away. A very large man of our company by the name of Thompson, told me that morning, when we saw the enemy moving toward us, that he had a premonition that he would be the first man killed; it proved true; a half hour after he was shot through the heart. The next man killed was Corporal Cronemiller, who was shot through the forehead, and fell back into my arms, the hot blood spurting into my face. In short, I will state here, that between 7 a.m. and 12 m., our company had 10 killed and 23 wounded, or 33 out 67. Our regiment 330 killed and wounded out of 452, 164 PERSONAL CORRESPONDENCE Ransom was absent not over five minutes to get his wound dress- ed, during which time the regiment was commanded by Major Nevins. Our brigade was ordered to retire shortly after Oglesby had fallen back, but the aid sent to our regiment was killed before reaching us. The ground was quite hilly, and we did not see the other regiments on our left, when they moved away. At about 11:30 the enemy's in- fantry closed in on our flanks, and Forrest's cavalry moved around and took position in our rear, and we were entirely surrounded. My at- tention was first drawn to this by the fact thatjour men were being shot in the back, and on looking to the rear saw the cavalry and immedi- ately notified Ransom, who at the time, was near the right flank of our rapidly shortening line. ^ He at once ordered the regiment to "face to the rear and charge cavalry,"' which we did on the run, he in advance. Up to this time I had not been hit, although I had received two balls through my coat, and one through the left leg of my pants. When I had gone, I suppose, about 100 feet, I felt as though I was suddenly struck with a leaden whip across the thighs, and was pitched headlong into a hole. My company passed on over me; I had been struck in the left thigh, just below the hip, by a 72-caliber (nearly f inch), musket ball, which flat- tened on the bone, and came out nearly in front. This came from the infantry on our left. Of course I learned this afterwards, as I did not know at this time with what, or exactly where, I had been hit. I at once got up and fol- lowed on. Before reaching the cavalry line I selected the point at which I would go through, and when within ten feet of it, on turning my eyes to the right, saw a cavalryman with his rifle pointed at, and within six feet of me; I threw my revolver (which was in my left hand), round, but before I got a "bead" on him, he fired and I fell on, and among a pile of dead and wounded. In falling, my right wrist struck a sharply pointed stub, my hand opened and my sword flew beyond reach. This time it was a "minie" ball that had struck me in the center of the right hip-socket from above, splitting off the outer half, and pass- ing down by the thigh bone, fractui-ed it four inches below the head, and lodged above the knee. The sensation was the same as the first, this time as before, I could not tell in which hip or thigh I had been hit. I attempted to get up, but could only raise my head— my hips and lower limbs were as of lead. In a moment the enemy's infantry were passing over me, and in less than five, only their stragglers could be seen. They commenced robbing and tearing the clothing from the dead and wounded. I remonstrated, and told them that it was not in accordance with civilized warfare; that there was no objection to their stripping the dead, but the wounded required all they had to keep them from freezing. The stragglers of an army are usually the worst men in it, and purposely fall to the rear to rob the dead and wounded. Its general character should not be judged by them. 1 Cf. Reports: W. H. L. Wallace, R. R. 7—196-7; Ransom R. R. 7—199, 200. LIETTENANT CHURCHILL 166 The dead and wounded were thick about me ; within a radius of fifteen feet, I counted fifteen dead men, and a number of wounded. I saw two men near by stripping Sergt. Bellman, of my company, who was dead. I asked them to bring me something from his pocket; one of them brought and handed me his pocket-comb, which I now have, and will give to his father as a memento when I see him. The air was filled with the cries of the wounded, to which it was pitiful to listen, some with boyish voices were calling "Mother," others shrieking as though in great agony, many groaning, and occa- sionally one swearing like a Spanish trooper. Presently there came along three Confederate surgeons, who commenced to examine the wounded, selecting those they thought would live, who were turned over to the ambulance corps, and taken off as prisoners of war. They gave me a thorough examination, after which I asked them what they proposed to do with me. They told me my right hip and thigh were both broken, that the blood was fast dripping from the left leg, that it was no use to take me off, as I would "peg out" long before morn- ing. I had fallen between the legs of a wounded man, my head resting on his stomach; they dragged him from under me, and it fell to the , ground in the snow. 1 told one of the surgeons that I would like to be taken to the hospital. He appeared to be a very pleasant gentleman. He said, "To tell you the truth, we haven't the facilities to get our own men off. We are taking as prisoners now only those of you we think will live. If I can return and take you, I will." A dead man lay at right angles to my position, his head against my right side, and another so that liis head was against mine; to avoid it, I had to turn my neck to the left. The head of a third was against my left breast. This man was not yet dead, groaning occasionally. I asked him where he was wounded; he was unable to reply. Seeing blood on his coat, I reached over, and found, and put my finger into a large bullet hole in the left breast. I now felt a vei-y severe cutting pain just above the hips; on reaching down I found I was lying on a two inch limb of a neighboring fallen tree, my body being suspended as if over a swing rope about six inches from the ground. Seeing several Confederates near by I called them; they came to me, when I told them I desired to be lifted from the limb, and away from the dead man at my right, so I would not be obliged to turn my head to one side. The head occupied nearly two inches of the space where mine would be if lying straight. One man took hold of my head, another my feet, and one my shoulders. The one at my feet lifted them first, fully three feet high. I could feel the broken thigh bone cutting its way through the muscles below. I gave such a piercing shriek that he dropped my legs as though frightened. I told them to try it again, and to all lift together. The one at my hips lifted first this time, and I felt the sharp cutting bone coming through the flesh. I put my hand down and could feel the end just under the skin. 166 PERSONAL CORRESPONDENCE gave another yell, with the same result as before. Then I told them that would do, and they left in the direction of Dover. Sergeant John Lamb, of my company, came hobbhng up to me. He had been shot through the heel, and could walk but slowly and with great pain. I told him he would cei-tainly be taken prisoner, as they were already gathering them up; whereupon he turned and started away, but was, I have since learned, caught by the enemy, and taken to Nashville. On looking to my left, I saw a Confederate cavalry man riding toward the fort. I hailed him. He rode up and asked what I would have. I told him I wanted to see his gun; that I had just been shot by the cavalry, and would like to know what arm they used. He passed it to me. On examination I found it to be a Colt's revolving rifle, nearly new, of 56 caliber. He said his regiment was armed with them, and liked them very much, and that they were a very effective weapon. I replied that I was satisfied with their eflBciency and was a sample of it, then thanked him, and he rode away. He had scarcely left me, when I heai-d heavy musket firing in the rear. It drew nearer me by degrees, when suddenly I saw a large number of Confederate infantry passing by, many directly over me. I held up my hand, and none stepped on me. They were immediately followed by the "blue coats." I heard a voice say, " Hulloa, what is the matter with you?" On looking up I recognized Lieut. Morgan Potts. I knew him before the war. He ran on the Illinois Central Railroad as an express messenger between Dunleith and Bloomington, Illinois. I asked him what troops these were. He said the 8th Missouri and 11th Indiana -that he was a first lieutenant in the 8th and in com- mand of his company.' He asked me what he could do for me; I told him nothing now, but to go on with his companj^ and stop when he came back. The Confederates passed down the ravine below me, and over the rise on the opposite side, near where our regiment fought in the morning, formed at once in battle line, and opened fire. The two Federal regiments, not being in an advantageous position for an engagement, fell back past me — I judged by the firing about forty yards — formed in line of battle, and the fight opened. The " Rebs " fired low, and the bullets "sist" all around me, but as I was not in condition to dodge, I had to take what came. Several struck the log near me, and the splinters flew in my face. This log was next to the soldier on my left; from it came the limb that was giving me so much pain and annoyance. It seemed as though the battle lasted an hour, when both parties stopped firing, and the enemy retired towards Dover, I could hear no noise now, except the cries and groans of the wounded. Some of those near by I could individually recognize as thej' grew fainter and fainter, and finally ceased altogether. The soldier on my left had stopped groaning before the lastbattle, and putting my hand on the fore- head, found it was cold. The heads of the other two felt like pieces of ice. I was bare-headed, having lost my cap when I fell the first time. I could feel that it was growing very cold; judged it must be 16 or 20 1 Cf. Reports 8th Missouiri and 11th Indiana, R. R. 7—233, 234. LIEUTENANT CHURCHILL 167 degrees below freezing; the trees snapped, and the branches and twigs moved with a sharp, crispy sound. Night had come, and I was evidently between the respective picket lines. All ^hope of being taken from the field vanished, and I was left to my reveries. My mind was unus^ually active, and involuntai'ily ran to subjects singularly ap- propriate to the surroundings. I thought of the cold December battle of Hohenlinden, and recited Thomas Campbell's poem on that subject, and reviewed Napoleon's return from Moscow, and thought of the sufferings of his soldiers and soliloquizing, said, "Some of them lived, and why not I?" I must have remained in this thoughtful mood fully two hours, when I began to feel great pain, which was caused by the limb upon which I was lying, apparently cutting into my side and back. My head was resting against the dead man's on my right, and was getting very cold. In attempting to raise it, I found it fast; my hair had frozen in the snow and to the ground. I worked my hand under it, and by using my fingers as a lever, prie(J it out, and turned mj^ neck so as to bring my head against the dead man's shoulder on my left. I did not forget to change it every few moments during the rest of the night, so it would not freeze down again. I then got out my knife, and bringing it across to my left side, tried to cut off the limb. After cutting at it for nearly half an hour, I found I had made no impression upon it. It was of very hard half- seasoned oak, and my position was such that I could but just reach it. I was now seized with an intoler- able thirst, and commenced reaching about me, and filling my mouth with snow. Putting my hand under me, the central part of my body • being six inches from the ground, and held up by the limb, I found the snow had been melted under my hips by the hot blood, but now there were several small icicles of it from my pants, which were like boards, and the wounds had apparently frozen up. This undoubtedly saved my life, otherwise I would probably have bled to death. In feeling back of my head for snow, I felt a metallic substance. It proved to be a canteen filled with something frozen solid; it evi- dently belonged to the soldier who was drawn from under me. I took it by the strap and pounded it against the log, reaching over the face of the dead man at my left, until I had broken the contents in pieces, then taking my knife, I cut out one side of it; when, what should I find it to be, but frozen coffee, and what a feast I had. Ask any soldier what he prefers when worn out after a long fatiguing march — he will answer "hot coffee," without sugar or milk to demoralize it. Mine was cold, but good and strong, and I ate of it until the last fragment was gone. This over I again relapsed into my soliloquizing mood, and reviewed all that had occurred the past twenty-four hours, which seemed to me as many daj'S. Then I thought of the remark of the Duke of Wellington at Waterloo, at the anxious hour, when he said, "Would to God that night or Bliicher would come." With me it was "Would to God that day, or any one would come." During the night I would occasionally give a hearty yell, to see if my voice was growing 168 PERSONAL CORRESPONDENCE weaker, but strange as it may appear, I could discern no change. Finally welcome streaks of light began to appear in the east. Shortly after daylight, private Madden, of Company "B" of my regiment, came to me, and said he was hunting the body of his Captain (Shaw). I knew where he had fallen and directed him to the.spot, and advised him to leave at once, or he would be captured, as I expected the enemy would be around shortly. He being alone could do nothing for me. [ J H. Madden is now. (1886), a merchant at Danville, Illinois, and a colonel and A. D. C. on the staff of Governor Oglesby.] On raising my head, I saw our assistant-surgeon, O. G. Hunt, looking about among the dead. I hailed him and he said, "I have been hunting for you for some time; supposed you were dead." He had a rubber canteen across his shoulder, which he handed me. It was filled with whiskey, and I drank of it until he took it from me. He told me the fort had just surrendered, which was gratifying news. He then left me and returned in a short time with seven or eight men of my company, carrying a camp cot. I gave them instructions how to lift me, which they carried out to the letter, and laid me carefully on it putting a blanket over me and one under my head, then started with me for the river. It was now about 10 a.m., Sunday. I had been lying there since noon on Saturday, or twenty-two hours. After going about half a mile the cot was letdown, the blanket slowly drawn back, and a man leaned over and kissed me. I imme- diately recognized First Lieutenant Fields, of my company. It looks very silly for any man to kiss another, but this was pardonable. It was a kiss of true affection, and I might say, congratulation, that I had been found alive, and it was so received and appreciated. Poor fellow, how little we thought then I would outlive him. He was mortally wounded at Shiloh, and is probably dead before this. On arriving at the river it was found that the hospital boats were full, and I was carried on board General Grant's headquarters boat, the "New Uncle Sam." My boots, pants, and stiffly frozen clothing, were cut to pieces to get them off; then my cot was carried aft, and set down beside that of Colonel John A. Logan, who had been wounded in the arm, as before stated. * * * Your loving Son, James. Letters from Colonel Thomas J. Newsham, Adjutant General of General C. F. Smith's Division to Gen. W. F. Smith' "Edwardsville, Illinois, Jtine 10th 1885. "Thursday the 18th of February 1862 the General's (Smiths) division held the left of General Grant's line investing Donelson— on that day the best brigade of the division at General Grant's request was sent to reinforce McClernand on the right of our line— another brigade was sent on the morning of the 14th, and the evening of that day another 1 From Magazine of Americaii History, January, 1886, p. 40. COLONEL NEWSHAM 169 brigade was sent by General Smith to help the same part of our line leaving us only the new troops which were constantly arriving from Cairo, and by Saturday the 15th we had not a single regiment of our old Paducah division, even our artillery was gone to the right by the General's (Grant's) orders. "Saturday we opened a brisk fire along our front and maintained the same all day. About 3 p m of Saturday the General and myself were sitting at the base of a large tree on the high ground on our ex- treme right when General Grant rode up with his staff and said 'Gen- eral Smith all has failed on our right — You must take Fort Donelson.' Smith sprung to his feet and brushing his moustache with his right hand said 'I will do it,' and turning to me said 'Capt Newsham ride to the left and get the regiments there under arms at once.' I did so and found the 2d Iowa, Colonel Tuttle on our extreme left having just arrived that morning. I had just got the men in line when the General (Smith) rode up and asked what regiment it was there in his front. I answered it was the 2d Iowa. He turned to the men and said 'Second Iowa you must take the fort -take the caps off your guns — fix bayonets and I will support you.' We then moved in the following order: the 2nd Iowa the 7th Iowa the 25th Indiana the 14th Iowa the 7th Illinois, moving out of the woods by the left flank until the colors reached the edge of the wood, then forward by column by wings, crossed the small stream — then through the abattis and up the hill — the General and myself im- mediately behind the first line and until within 20 paces of the line of works when the enemy oj^ened on us with double barrelled shot guns loaded with buckshot in our very faces. Great gaps were made in our line and through one of these in our front the General rode and we rode into the fort in advance of our line — in fact the General could have placed his hand on the heads of the rebels who were firing at our advancing men — the fight soon became a hand to hand one and for one hour and ten minutes until dark the battle raged fiercely; through it all the General was calm but terrible, recklessly exposing himself, and by his presence and heroic conduct led the green men to do things that no other man could have done. After making the required disposi- tions for the night he retired to his own camp at the foot of a white oak tree (our tents having been given for the use of the wounded) where he and his staff laid down in the snow, without food, waiting for daylight to renew the attack. The next morning before daylight the General called me and asked me to go to the front and see that every- thing was ready for a forward movement as soon as daylight appeared. ( We had 4 regiments inside the works, and 8 regiments close up under the same.) Arriving there I found the men all quite ready and wait- ing only for daylight, when the Col. of the 2nd Iowa came to me and said there was a rebel officer on the picket line who wanted to know if there was an officer present who could negotiate for terms of sur- render. I told him no, but I would soon have one there who could do so; turning to go for the General, I soon met him and told him what had happened. He rode to the front, and the rebel Major asked the 170 PERSONAL CORRESPONDENCE General what terms he would give to them with a view to surrender the fort and army. Genl. Smith said, 'I make no terms with rebels with arms in their hands — my terms are unconditional and immediate surrender.' The Major then said, 'it will take me three-quarters of an hour to go to the Head Quarters and return.' The General replied, 'I will give you one half hour to be back here with your answer — if not here in that time I will move on your works. Go.' Turning to me the General said, 'Captain, go and tell General Grant what I have done.' By this time it was light enough for me to see to ride pretty fast, and, arriving at the little Jog cabin which was General Grant's Head Quarters, I found General Grant eating breakfast with his staff, and reported to him as directed. Grant said, 'Tell Smith that I ap- prove all that he has done.' I was about to leave for the front again, when Grant said, 'Hold on, Captain; I will ride back with you;' which he did, and, arriving where Smith was, the rebel officer had just returned and Grant did the talking. '•Such in brief, was the part played by General Smith at Fort Donelson." In a letter dated October 29, 1885, Colonel Newsham gives other interesting facts. He says that just after the capture of the enemy's breastworks "Gen. Smith sent me for artillery and I brought two ten pounder Parrott guns inside and opened fire — the General told me the guns were too light and urged me to procure heavier ones, which I did by bringing up two twenty pounders. . . . As I passed out the second time in quest of the heavy guns and near Gen. Grant, he asked me if 'Smith wanted anything.' — Without any authority from Gen. Smith, I told Gen. Grant that he wanted some of his old regiments. Gen. Grant at once sent Capt. Rawlins to the right of his line to get the 9th Illinois (a regiment that Gen. Smith loved); when the fight closed for the night, and after making the required dispositions of the men inside (now 4 regiments) we started out to go to the camp for the night. Just outside there was a regiment drawn up in line of battle with about 50 men with bandages on their arms and legs. The General asked me what regiment it was; I answered the 9th; he asked what those white bandages were on the men for? — I told him they were on men who when they heard that he wanted them had left the field hos- pital and joined the regiment to do and die for him. We were now about the right of the regiment and the grand old hero at once took off his cap and i-ode down the fi-ont of the regiment bareheaded. The officers and men stood silent until he had passed, and then a cheer from their full hearts broke forth that told him how they appreciated the mark of respect he had paid them. We at once retired to our dreary camp, wet, cold and hungry— no tents— nothing to eat— but a great fire to warm us. We laid down after talking of the fight and the desperate work expected in the morning, and slept as best we could. ... On Sunday morning, the 16th, after we started in and the sur- render had been consummated, we rode at the head of our division, COLONEL NEWSHAM 171 the 2nd Iowa, in advance, and having passed the rebel battery on our right we came upon five rebel regiments standing in line with arms piled on the ground. Some of the officers came to General Smith and offered their swords which the General declined, saying, 'Gentlemen keep j^our swords.' We rode to the little town of Dover and there met General Buckner who extended his hand to General Smith, who declined to take it, when Buckner said: 'General Smith, I believe I am right:' the General answered, 'that is for God to decide, not me, for I know that I am right.' About 10 a.m., Buckner asked us to breakfast but the General declined, and we returned to the place of honor — the captured works on the right of the enemy's line, where after seeing that all the men had food we ate some hard tack and raw pork about 1 p.m. — the first food that had passed our lips since Friday morning. "When I begin to write of him I loved so much my pen is too slow to express half the incidents which crowd my memory. ..." MILITARY SOCIETY PAPERS Address of GeneralJohn A. Rawlins, to the Society of the Army of Tennessee ' Gentlemen of the Society op the Aemy op the Tennessee: Permit me to thank you for the honor you have conferred upon me in selecting me your first President. * * » On the 21st of November General Grant received General Hal- leck's orders, assuming con)mand of the department of the Missouri, and soon after, orders changing the name of his command to the Dis- trict of Cairo, extending it to include Paducah and leaving off Cape Girardeau, Mo. In January, 1862, in pursuance of orders from General Halleck, General Grant moved a force from Cairo and Bird's Point, via Fort Jefferson and Blandville, and one from Paducah, via Mayfleld, threat- ening Columbus and the enemy's line between there and Bowling Green as far as Fort Henry, with a view to aiding some movement General Buell was said to be about making. These movements lasted more than a week, and were very severe on the men, from the heavy fall of both rain and snow. But they have the satisfaction of knowing that while they were thus engaged on their end of the line, on the 19th day of January, General Geo. H. Thomas was covering himself and his command with glory at Mill Springs on the other end of the line, and that the information brought back by General C. F. Smith, as to the feasibility of taking Fort Henry, induced General Grant and Ad- miral Foote, on the 28th of January, to telegraph General Halleck for 1 Delivered November 14, 1866. From Reunions of the Society of the Army of the Tennessee, 1866—1871. published by the Society, Cincinnati, Ohio, 1877, p. 24. 172 MILITARY SOCIETY PAPERS permission to take and occupy it; to which General Halleck replied, January 30th, "Make your preparations to take and hold Fort Henry. I will send you written instructions by mail." In stating these facts I do not desire to be understood as setting np any special claim in General Grant, Admiral Foote, or General C. F. Smith, as originators of this movement, as against any claim any one else may have to that honor. In General Smith's report of his reconnoissance of Fort Henry, on the 22d of January, he stated that he thought two iron-clad gunboats would make short work of it. Grant, true to his soldierly instincts, said, "Well, if it can be taken, it should be without delay." Once there, we could operate either east or west. Admiral Foote favored it because he could attack from down stream, and if any of his vessels should become disabled, they would be car- ried by the current /?-om the batteries, not on to them; besides he could fight to better advantage up stream than down. On Saturday morning, February 1st, 1862, tlie gifted and noble McPherson, then Lieutenant-Colonel on General Halleck's staff, re- ported to General Grant for duty as Chief Engineer of the expedition, bringing with him General Halleck's instructions to General Grant. On the 2nd, General Grant left Cairo, and on the 6th, while the land forces, (General McClernand's Division, and Colonel Cook, with one brigade of General Smith's Division,) pushed forward on the east side of the river, to the rear of Fort Henrj', to cut off the retreat of the garrison, and (General Smith, with the other two brigades of his Division) moved up the west side to attack Fort Hickman, the Navy, under Admii-al Foote, attacked Fort Henry, and after a severe fight, of over an hour, compelled its surrender. But the garrison, save a company of artillerists, had escaped. Thus, within one week from the time it was authorized by General Halleck, was the much vaunted rebel line pierced, and our gunboats went through to Florence, Alabama. At Fort Henry there was a delay of a few days on account of heavy rains and the rise in the Tennessee River. On the 11th troops arriving on transports from below, were ordered to return and follow the gunboats up the Cumberland, landing, under their cover, as close to Fort Donelson as practicable; and the troops under General Mc- Clernand moved out three and four miles on the two roads leading to Fort Donelson; and early on the 12th were in rapid motion, followed by three brigades of General C. F. Smith's Division, for Fort Donelson. About 12 M. they struck the enemy's pickets, two miles from the Fort. These were rapidly driven in, and by dark Fort Donelson was closely invested from a point on Hickman Creek on our left, to well around toward Dover on our right — McClernand holding the right and Smith the left. On the 13th our lines were still further exteisded to the right, and an attempt made to capture a battery of the enemy, commanding the ridge-road on which we moved. The gunboats and troops commenced GENERAL RAWLINS 173 arriving in the Cumberland, below Fort Donelson, and communication was opened with them. On the 14th, General Lew Wallace, with a brigade of Smith's Division, reported from Fart Henry, and was assigned to the command of a Division composed of the newly arrived troops, and took position in the centre of our line. McArthur's brigade of Smith's Division was moved to the extreme right. In the afternoon the navy attacked the river batteries, and after a most terrible conflict of over an hour and a half, were forced to withdraw. About 2 A. M., on the 15th, General Grant received a note from Admiral Foote, requesting that he come and see him as to the disposi- tion of his vessels, that they were very much disabled; and in response to this note, at early dawn, he started for the river. He had been gone but a short time when the enemy, massing his forces in front of McClernand, passed out of his works, furiously at- tacked our extreme right, held by McArthur, rapidly extending his attack towards our left, until the whole of McClernand's Division was a hot participant in the furious combat, and for hours maintained the unequal conflict. McArthur was compelled to give way. Oglesby's brigade showed signs of wavering, but held on until Cruft's brigade, of Lew Wallace's Division, arrived, when, owing to want of ammunition and severe losses, it passed out of line by regiments, from right to left, to the rear, leaving a battery in the hands of the enemy. John A. Logan's regiment was the last to leave. Oruft became hotly en- gaged, and fell slowly back in the direction of our ho -pitals, repelling several attacks and attacking the enemy in tui-n. Colonel W. H. L. Wallace firmly held his part of the line for some time after the giving way of the troops to his right, but with his flank exposed and his am- munition failing he deemed it injudicious to attempt to hold it longer, and fell back on the ridge-road toward Lew Wallace's position, for about three-quarters of a mile. Here he met Thayer's brigade of Lew Wallace's Division, and immediately opened his lines and let it pass to the front. Thayer had but got in position when the enemy made his appearance. He immediately opened fire upon him with both artillery and infantry. The enemy responded but feebly, and fell back toward his works. In the mean time, word having been sent to General Grant, he returned to the field, and meeting General Smith, learned from him, as far as he knew, the condition of things, and at once di- rected that he get his command in readiness to assault the enemy's works in his front, while he went to the right to see Generals McCler- nand and Wallace. When he reached there, the battle had greatly subsided, and the indications were that the enemy was withdrawing to within his works. He informed Generals McClernand and Wallace of the orders to Smith, and for them to be in readiness to renew the battle the moment he should make his attack. General Grant returned to the left and found General Smith ready to move. 174 MILITARY SOCIETY PAPERS The place selected for the attack was in front of Lauman's brigade. The assaulting column was formed from that brigade, the Second Iowa, being most accessible, having the lead. This regiment, before giving the word to advance, General Smith formed into two lines of five companies front, thirty paces apart, informed them what they were to do, took his position between the lines thus formed, moved forward to the assault, and under a terrific fire of musketry and artillery, carried the enemy's lines at the point of the bayonet, effected a lodgment in his entrenchments, and secured the key to Fort Donelson. General Lew Wallace, reinforced by Morgan L, Smith's brigade of Smith's Division, and supported on his left by a brigade of McClern- and's, found the enemy in position near his works, and after a short but spirited combat, drove him into them, leaving in onr possession the battle-field, and the guns captured in the morning. With the early dawn of Sunday, February 16th, 1862, came a communication fi'om General Buckner, through General C. F. Smith, to General Grant, in these words: "In consideration of all the circumstances governing the present situation of affairs at this station, I propose, to the commanding officer of the Federal forces, the appointment of Commissioners to agree upon terms of capitulation of the forces and Post under my command, and in that view suggest an armistice until twelve o'clock to-day." Reading it to himself. Grant handed it to Smith, who also read it, saying as he finished, "No terms with traitors." General Grant, with- out seeming to have noticed what General Smith said, sat down and wrote: "Yours of this date, proposing armistice and appointment of Commissioners to settle terms of capitulation, is just received. No terms except unconditional and immediate surrender can be accepted. I propose to move immediately upon your works." Then, lifting his eyes to his old commandant, as I fancied he had done many times before at West Point, handed him what he had writ- ten, saying as he did so, "General, I guess this will do." At one glance Smith's soldierly eye caught not only its words but its spirit and with an enthusiasm, that a soldier in the immediate promise of victory only can feel, replied, "It could not be better." * * * MEMOIRS Of General Lev^^ Wallace Council of War at Fort Henry 'It may be doubted if General Grant called a council of war. The nearest approach to it was a convocation held 1 From General Wallace's narrative of " The Capture of Port Donelson," published in the Century Magazine, 1885. Reprinted from B. & L. I. — 404. GENERAL LEW WALLACE 176 on the New Uncle Sam, a steamboat that was afterwards transformed into the gun-boat Blackhawk. The morning of the 11th of February, a staff-officer visited each commandant of division and brigade with the simple verbal message: "General Grant sends his compliments, and requests to see you this afternoon on his boat." Minutes of the proceedings were not kept; there was no adjournment; each person retired when he got ready, knowing that the march would take place next day, probably in the forenoon. -Fort Henry was surrendered on February 6th. On the 10th, if I mistake not, an orderly crossed the river with a note for me, sealed, informal, but vei-y interesting. There would be, it said, a meeting of general officers at headquarters next day. Time — two o'clock, after- noon. My presence was desired. This, I saw, meant a council of war. How often had I read of such affairs in books of war! Now I was to see one and have a voice in it. * * * General Grant had his headquarters, as I now recollect, on the steamboat Tigress. * * * 1 found my own way into the ladies' cabin. A section of tlie dinner-table and a few chairs completed the furnishment. * * * After little. General Grant stepped to the table and said, ever so quietly: "The question for consideration, gentlemen, is whether we shall march against Fort Donelson or wait for reinforcements. 1 should like to have your views." He looked first at General Smith— we were all standing — and Smith replied, " There is every reason why we should move without the loss of a day." General McClernand, taking the sign next, drew out a paper and read it. He, too, was in favor of going at once. It had been better for him, probably, had he rested with a word to that effect; as it was, he entered into details of performance; we should do this going and that when we were come. The proceeding smacked of a political caucus, and I thought both Grant and Smith grew restive before the paper was finished; then, as if in haste to preclude ai'gument instantly that the reading ended. Grant turned to me, nodding, and I said, "Let us go, by all means; the sooner the better." Fast as called on, then, the others responded yes. I noticed Rawlins making note of the expressions as they were given. Finally, General Grant wound the meeting up by saying: "Very well, gentlemen, we will set out immediately. Orders will be sent you. Get your commands ready." This, to my knowledge, was the only council of war General Grant ever called. That the opinions submitted had any influence with him is hardly supposable. There is evidence tliat he had already determined upon the movement. 2 From General Wallace's Autobiography, published, 1906, p. 376. 176 MEMOIRS The Combat of February 15th ^ When General McClernand perceived the peril threaten- ing him in the morning, he sent an officer to me with a re- quest for assistance. This request I referred to General Grant, who was at the time in consultation with Foote. Upon the turning of Oglesby's flank, McClernand repeated his request, with such a representation of the situation that, assuming the responsibility, I ordered Colonel Cruft to report with his brigade to McClernand. Cruft set out promptly. Unfortunately a guide misdirected him, so that he became involved in the retreat, and was prevented from accomplishing his object. =^The noise kept grinding on without lull or intermission. An hour — two hours — would it never end? The suspense became tor- turous. At last a horseman galloped up from the rear. He gave me the name of Brayman, major and assistant adjutant-general. "lam from General McClernand," he said, "sent to ask assis- tance of you. The general told me to tell you the whole rebel force in the fort massed against him in the night. Our ammunition is giving out. We are losing ground. No one can tell what will be the result if we don't get immediate help.'' A dilemma, this, and a serious one. I explained my orders to Major Brayman, and then despatched Lieutenant Ware at speed to the Crisp house for permission to help McClernand. This was about eight o'clock. In good time Ware returned, and reported General Grant on board the gun-boat St. Louis, in conference with Flag-OfBcer Foote. Nobody at headquarters felt authorized to act on my request. Major Brayman left me. The battle, meantime, roared on. Afterwhile a second messenger came from General McClernand, Colonel , a gray- haired man in uniform. His news could hardly be worse, and he spoke with tears in his eyes. " Our right flank is turned," he said. " The regiments are being crowded back on the center. We are using ammunition taken from the dead and wounded. The whole army is in danger." My impulse had been to send help at the first asking; that impulse was now seconded by judgment. Disaster to the first division meant exactly what Colonel had said. If that division were rolled back on me, a panic might ensue. In the absence of the commanding general, the responsibility was mine. A regiment was not enough to meet the demand. The colonel had come attended by a younger man 1 From B. & L. I.— 420. Cf. Report K. R. 7—236. 2 From Autobiography, p. 399. GENERAL LEW WALLACE 177 I was in the rear of my single remaining brigade, in conversation with Captain Rawlins, of Grant's staff, when a great shouting was heard behind me on the Wynn's Ferry road, whereupon I sent an orderly to ascertain the cause. The man reported the road and woods full of soldiers ap- parently in rout. An officer then rode by at full speed, shouting, "All's lost! Save yourselves!" whose name has slipped me, and I said, " Tell General McClernand that I will send him my first brigade with Colonel Cruft. I will retain this gentleman to serve as guide." Thereupon I hastened to Colonel Cruft, and, after explanation, ordered him to take his command as rapidly as possible and report to General McClernand. Cruft acted promptly, and moved off through the woods under direction of the guide. [As an indication of the character of the man, General McCler- nand's report of his part in the capture of Fort Donelson is a very re- markable paper. For example, he says in that report: "The Seventeenth Ken- tucky, Thirty-first Indiana, and Twenty-fifth Kentucky, commanded by Colonel Charles Cruft, coming up between nine and ten o'clock, a. m., was hailed by members of ray staff with encouraging words, and formed as a reserve in the rear of the Twenty-ninth, Eight and Thir- tieth (Illinois). The Forty-fourth Indiana, Colonel H. B. Reed, follow- edaboutanhour after, and formed in the rear of the Thirty -first.'' From this it would appear that the importunities of McClernand's first mes- senger and the tears of his second meant .merely that their chief was not in need, except of a reserve. In return for one-half of my command sent him, to say nothing of the responsibility assumed by me in face of orders. General McClern- and also says in the same report: "The reinforcement was generous- ly brought forward by Colonel Cruft upon his own responsibility, in the absence of General Wallace, his division commander, in compliance with my request, borne by Major Brayman, assistant adjutant-general of my division." This is not only a repudiation of my sympathy for him in his distress, but is a charge that in a crisis I was absent from my division. Fortunately, Colonel Cruft is a witness in my behalf. In his report of the fight, he says: "... At eight-thirtj', a.m.. General Wallace's order was received to put the brigade in rapid motion to the extreme right of our line, for the purpose of reinforcing General Mc- Clernand's division." See Rebellion Records, series 1, vol. vii., p. 243.] This left me only Thayer's brigade and the Minnesingers, whom I joined. Afterwhile Captain Rawlins came out to me, and I gave him an account of the messengers from General McClernand, and of what I had done with Cruft. While we talked, stra^gglers from the fight appeared coming on the run up a half-defined road that dropped with the decline of the ridge we were on and led off to the right. We scarcely noticed the fugitives, so much more were we drawn by the noise behind them. That grew in volume, being a compound of shouts and yells, mixed with 178 MEMOIRS ' A hurried consultation was had with Rawlins, at the end of which the brigade was put in motion toward the enemy's works, on the very road by which Buckner was pursuing under Pillow's mischievous order. It happened also that Colonel W, H. L. Wallace had dropped into the same road with such of his command as staid by their colors. He came up riding and at a walk, his ^the rattle of wheels and the rataplan and throbbing rumble of hoofs in undertone. "What can that be?'' Rawlins asked. "It beats me. But I'll find out," I said. I called to an orderly, "Ride and see what all that flurry means." And as a suspicion of the truth broke through my wonder, I further bade him: "Don't spare your horse. Quick!" Then, as Rawlins and I sat waiting, an oflicer mounted and bare- headed and wild-eyed, rode madly up the road and past us, crying in shrill repetition, "We're cut to pieces!" Now I had never seen a case of panic so perfectly defined, and it was curious, even impressive. Rawlins, however, was not disposed to view the spectacle philosophically. Jerking a revolver from his hol- ster, he would have shot the frantic wretch had I not caught his hand. He remonstrated with me viciously, but the orderly came back at full speed and with an ominous look on his face. "What is it!" I asked. And he said: "The road back there is jammed with wagons, and men afoot and on horseback, all coming toward us. On the plains we would call it a stampede.'^ We looked at each other — Rawlins and I — and there was no need of further question. The first division was in full retreat. "What are you going to do?" he asked. "There's but one thing I can do." What is that?" "Get this brigade out of the way. If those fellows strike my people, they will communicate the panic." "Where will you go?" "To take that way," pointing to the rear, "is to retreat, and carry the panic to General Smith; so I'll go right up this road toward the enemy." "Good-bye," Rawlins said. "I would go with you, but this thing must be reported." He rode slowly off, thinking, doubtless, that he might alarm the men whom he must pass if he hurried. Then, at my word, the drummers beat the long roll. The men took 1 B. & L. 1—420. Cf. Report R. R. 7—237. 2 From Autobiography, p. 401. GENERAL LEW WALLACE 179 leg over the horn of his saddle. He was perfectly cool, and looked like a farmer from a hard day's plowing. "Good- morning," I said. "Good-morning," was the reply. "Are they pursuing you?" "Yes." "How far are they behind?" That instant the head of my command appeared on the road. The Colonel calculated, then answered: "You will have about time to form line of battle right here." "Thank you. Good-day." arms. "By the right flank, file left!" And out of column of companies they went so neatly that I asked Tha3'er where the regiments were from, and he said, "From Buell's army." And, my confidence rising, I said: "Good! Now, right shoulder, shift, and double-quick." I gave an instant to the coming mob, and believing from the sound that there would be time to get the last of my regiments clear of it and contagion, I called to my staff and hastened forward. Cruft, I discovered, had, in his haste, left his pickets to my care, and I sent an officer to assemble them into column. I also discovered that the road by which we were moving veered somewhat to the right of the fort. Then, the woods still covering us, I came upon numbers of men — how many I may not venture to say — in squads, companies, and fractional regiments under lead of officers. Some of them bore regimental colors. They were not in the least panicky — not even in a hurry. Once I asked, "Where are you from?" "From the front, where else do you think?" And there was a roar of laughter. Of another party, a good-sized battalion, I inquired, "What's your regiment, men?" "Oglesby's. Have you seen him? He's hit." Still another answered the same inquiry, "McArthur's.'' "Where are you going?" "We're looking for ammunition. Got any?" And that was the general cry, "Cartridges, cartridges!" I saw, finally, an officer riding slowly towards me, one leg thrown over the horn of his saddle and four or five hundred men with a flag behind him. I galloped to meet him. "Good morning," I said. "May I ask who you are?" "My name is Wallace," he returned, stopping. "Oh, you are Colonel W. H. L. Wallace ! Well, my name is Wallace." "Lew Wallace, of the Eleventh Indiana?" "The same." We shook hands, he saying: "Our names, and the number of our regiments — mine is the Eleventh Illinois— have been the cause of great profanity in the post office." 180 MEMOIRS ^At that point the road began to dip into the gorge; on the right and left there were woods, and in front a dense thicket. An order was dispatched to bring Battery A forward at full speed. Colonel John A. Thayer, command- ing the brigade, formed it on the double-quick into line; the 1st Nebraska and the 58th Illinois on the right, and the 58th Ohio; with a detached company, on the left. The battery -"Mixture of letters, I suppose?'' "Yes." I noted him hurriedly, a man above medium height, florid in face, wearing a stubby, reddish beard, with eyes of a bluish cast and a countenance grave and attractive. "1 take it, colonel, you are getting out of a tight place.'' "Yes, we got out of ammunition.'' "That's bad," I said; "but I can help you. Down the road by a big tent, which is mine, and at your service, you will find two wagons. They, too, are mine, and loaded with ammunition. Help yourself, and tell McUlernand to do the same.'' "Thank you. I will do it.'' His men were halted; facing them, he called out in a cheery voice, "Forward.'' "A moment, colonel,'' I said. "Are the enemy following you?" "Yes." " How far are they behind?" Just then the head of my column hove into view. The colonel 8aw it. "Are those yours? " "Yes." "Well" — his face took on an expression of calculation — "you will about have time to form a line of battle here." "Is that so? Then please give my men i-oom to come — and good- bye, colonel. I'll see you again." We shook hands and separated. A word from one so cool and thoughtful as Colojiel W. H. L. Wallace was enough. The moment called for action. I saw it with a great jump of the heart, though the necessities of the situation gripped my senses hard. I looked over the ground right and left, and saw the surface open and smooth, then in front, and discovered myself on the brow of a descent, down which the road narrowed as it dipped between walls of brush and low trees of second growth. As a position, the ad- vantages were all mine. And now to get in my line! The Minne- singers in the road, a regiment right of it, another left. "Ride," I said to Ross, "and tell Pete Wood to come. TeU him 1 From B. & L. 1—420. 2 From Autobiography, p. 404. GENERAL LEW WALLACE 181 came up on the run and swung across the road, which had been left open for it. Hardly had it unlimbered, before the enemy appeared, and firing began. For ten minutes or thereabouts the scenes of the morning were reenacted. The Confederates struggled hard to perfect their deployments. The woods rang with musketry and artillery. The brush on the slope of the hill was mowed away with bullets. A he has the right of way, and to stop at nothing.'' Ross scarcely took breath before he was gone. Thayer came up, and I gave him the situation. "File the First Nebraska to the right, the next regiment to the left. The two will support the battery between them here. Make a second line of your four regiments, and hold it in reserve behind the First Nebraska." Thayer was quick, yet I helped him. And while we worked, I heard the rattling of wheels and whips cracking like pistols, and, look- ing back, beheld Pete Wood coming. I have lived long, and seen many things thrilling, but never anything to approach that battery. It drove forward full spped, the horses running low, the riders standing in their stirrups plying their whips, guns and caissons bounc- ing over root and rut like playthings, the men clinging to their seats like monkeys. No shouting — only Wood in front with his sword waving "Forward.'' I fancied the trees trembled as the wheels rolled by them; I know the ground shook earthquake-like. Well done, Batterj' A! Well done, my Minnesingers! You treated me there and then to the most splendid and inspiring spectacle in the repertoire of war. I have not forgotten it — I can never forget it. And yet not too soon! ^For while I watched the amazing advent, down the road in front rifles began to crackle and bullets to sing in the air. I beckoned Wood, and probably shouted, "Hurry, hurry!" The firing seemed right on us, not fifty paces away. I noticed it extending rapidly, despite the undergrowth, in front of the First Nebraska, and formed a theory respecting the attack. Instead of advancing in line of battle, the enemy had marched up the cramped road in files of four, and, meeting us unexpectedly, were trying to deploy. It was a tactical mistake with a terrible penalty in payment. All we had to do was to ply them with fire. Thayer had then got the First Nebraska and the Fifty-eighth Illinois in line, the former next the road on the right. I gave him a sign. He spoke to McCord, of the First Nebraska. I saw their muskets rise and fall steadily as if on a parade-ground. A volley- and smoke — and after that constant fire at will fast as skilled men could load. Then Wood arrived, and without slackening speed wheeled his first section into battery right across the road. I heard him shout: 182 MEMOIRS 'great cloud arose and shut out the woods and the narrow valley below. Colonel Thayer and his regiments behaved with great gallantry, and the assailants fell back in con- fusion and returned to the intrenchments. W. H. L. Wallace and Oglesby reformed their commands behind Thayer, sup- plied them with ammunition, and stood at rest waiting for orders. There was then a lull in the battle. Even the can- nonading ceased, and everybody was asking, What nex-t? * "Grape now. Double-shot them, boys!" He could not see the foe- men, I knew. But why look for them? Was not their fire sufficient? Almost before the wheels were stationary his guns opened; a moment more and I lost sight of guns and men in a deepening cloud of smoke. The gallant fellows were doing the right thing. A section on the right of the first one, and on the left a section. Now, indeed, they will be more than men who, only fifty paces off, can deploy into line in face of the first Nebraska and my Minnesingers! Having time then to give attention to the support on the left of the battery, to my astonishment I found next the guns a company of the Thirty-second Illinois. It did not belong to my command, and how it came there I do not know. It was ready to fight; that was enough. I let the captain (Davidson) alone. The Fifty-eighth I broke half to the rear. As yet its colonel, not having been attacked, had reserved his fire. This was the moment of the arrival of the Forty-sixth Illinois, Colonel Davis; the Fifty-seventh Illinois, Colonel Baldwin; the Fifty- eighth Illinois, Colonel Lynch; and the Twentieth Ohio, Colonel Whittlesey. The Fifty-eighth Illinois I posted on the left of the Fifty- eighth Ohio; and the pressure being too great to ask about seniority, the other new-comers were thrown into column of regiments, and marched across the road as an additional reserve to Colonel Thayer. The truth is, I did not know anything of the strength of the enemy, or where the brunt of his attack would fall; particularly as firing was audible at a distance on my right, and cannon were beginning to help the assailants in my front. In such a situation I fancied it im- possible to have reserves in excess. The fight was now set, and we were on the defensive. For three- quarters of an hour it went on, confined, strangely enough, to the space covered by the First Nebraska and Battery A. Occasionally Woods, of the Seventy-sixth Ohio, from his position on the right of the First Nebraska, threw in a volley left oblique. The Confederate artillery, having to fire up hill, was of no service. Their shot and shells flew over the trees. I would not be understood as speaking lightly of the Confederates. The struggle on their part was to get into line, and in that they were persistent to obstinacy. Twice they 1 From B. & L. 1—421. ' 2 From Autobiography, p. 406. GENERAL LEW WALLACE 183 Just then General Grant rode up to where General McClernand and I were in conversation. He was almost unattended. In his hand there were some papers, which looked like telegrams. Wholly unexcited, he saluted and received the salutations of his subordinates. Proceeding at once to business, he directed them to retire their commands to the heights out of cannon range, and throw up works. Reenforcements were en route, he said, and it was advisable quit, then returned to the trial. A third time repelled, they went back to stay. Prom a height Colonel Cruft saw them retreat pell-mell into their works. General Buckner, however, softens the description. He speaks of the repulse as a " withdrawal without panic, but in some confusion." When the affair was over our loss struck me most strangely, it was comparatively so trifling —Battery A, three wounded; the First Nebraska, three killed, seven wounded. This was due partly to our advantage of position, and in part to the desultory and up-hill work of the enemy. As to the Confederate loss, I saw dead men in the brush and in tlie road enough to sicken me. Several of the desperately wounded we picked up and cared for as if they were our own, though the greater number of those unfortunates had been carried off by their comrades. I lost no time in sending pickets to cover my front; then, quiet restored, congratulations were in order. Cruft not having reported, a scouting-party found him intact on a height over on the right, which I ordered him to hold. After making connections with him by a line of skirmishers, the division, grown to pretentious proportions, was more carefully established in its position. There we waited. At intervals shells from the fort sailed over our heads and on into the woods; and it was observable that the men re- ceived them with jeers and jokes. Nothing veteranizes soldiers like a successful fight. The success, it may as well be admitted, more than gratified me. With a brigade thrust between it and its over-confident pursuers, I had been instrumental in relieving the first division from an imminent peril. And when, the next day. Captain Hillyer, aide-de-camp, sent me a note, saying, "/ speak advisedly. God bless you! You did save the day on the right!" I had no doubt my conduct was fully appre- ciated at headquarters. [General McClernand, in his official report, acknowledged that his whole command fell back from the left of their position in the morning four hundred yards, and that I formed a portion of my fresh troops in front of his second line. He then proceeds to rob Lieutenant Wood and Battery A of credit by giving the repulse of the enemy to Captain Taylor, of his division. He even claims the Confederate dead found in the road after the repulse. Nowhere in his report is there a 184 MEMOIRS Ho await their coming. He was then informed of the mishap to the First Division, and that the road to Charlotte was open to the enemy. ^His face flushed slightly. With a sudden grip he crushed the papers in his hand. But in an instant these ^shadow of acknowledgment to me or my division, not even for the ammunition with which his men supplied themselves out of my wagons. All he plausibly can he appropriates to himself.] I had long since learned that proud men in the throes of ill-for- tune dislike to have the idle and curious make spectacles of them; especially do they hate condolence; wherefore I refrained from going to take a look at the first division reorganizing in my rear. It seemed to me a good time to attend to my own business. However, as the town clocks in the cities of the country endowed with such luxuries were getting ready to strike three, an officer rode up from the rear, and hearing him ask for me, I went to him, "Are you General Wallace?" he asked. "I am — at your service.'' "Well," he said, "I am — "■ Just then a round shot from the fort, aimed lower than usual, passed, it really seemed, not more than a yard above us. We both "ducked" to it. and when I raised my head almost from my horse's neck the stranger was doing himself the same service. We looked at each other, and it was impossible not to laugh. "I don't know," he said, jocularly, "in what school you were taught to bow, but that one was well done." "Yes,'' I retorted, "mine was nearly as low as yours." To which he added, "They were both behind time"; meaning that they were given after the ball had passed. Then he took up his fractured remark. "I was about to say I am General McClernand." . . . We shook hands, and he was giving me the details of his battle of the morning, when General Grant joined us, mounted, and attended by a single orderly. I noticed papers in General Grant's right hand which had the appearance of telegrams, and that he seemed irritated and bothered trying to keep some active feeling down. Of course McClernand and I saluted, and gave him instant attention. From the hollow in front of my position a dropping fire kept ascending. "Pickets?" General Grant asked. "My pickets,'' I replied. "They will get over that after while," lie remarked; then, seriously: "Foote must go to Cairo, taking his iron-clads, some of which are 1 From B. & L., 1—421. Cf. Report, R. R. 7—238. 2 From Autobiography, p. 410. r GENERAL LEW WALLACE 185 signs of disappointment or hesitation— as the reader pleases — cleared away. In his ordinary quiet voice he said, addressing himself to both officers, "Gentlemen, the posi- tion on the right must be retaken." With that he turned and galloped off. seriously damaged. We will have to await his return; meantime, our line must be retired out of range from the fort." He stopped. The idea was detestable to him — bitterly so, and, seeing it, I asked to make a suggestion. He turned to me with a questioning look. "We have nobody on the right now," I said, "and the road to Olarksville is open. If we retire the line at all, it will be giving the enemy an opportunity to get away tonight with all he has." Grant's face, already congested with cold, reddened perceptibly, and his lower jaw set upon the other. Without a word, he looked at McClernand, who began to explain. Grant interrupted him. "Gentlemen," he said, "that road must be recovered before night." Gripping the papers in his hand — I heard them crinkle — he continued: "I will go to Smith now. At the sound of your fire, he will support you with an attack on his side." Thereupon he turned his horse and rode off at an ordinary trot, while following him with my eyes, wondering at the simplicity of the words in a matter involving so much, I saw Colonel Morgan L. Smith coming up the road beyond him at the head of some troops, and guess- ed who they were. General McClernand then spoke. "The road ought to be recov- ered — Grant is right about that. But Wallace, you know I am not i-eady to undertake it." The significance of the remark was plain. The road in question ran through the position his division had occupied in the morning; and feeling now that General Grant had really been addressing him, Gen- eral McClernand was asking me to take the proposed task off his hands. I thought rapidly — of my division, by Cruft's return intact, and reinforced— of the Eleventh Indiana and the Eighth Missouri so opportunely arrived — of Colonel Morgan L. Smith — of the order hold- ing me strictly to the defensive now released. "Did you send to General Charles F. Smith for assistance?" Task- ed McClernand. "Yes." Well, I see some troops coming, ordered probably to report to you; if they are, and you will direct the officer commanding to report to me, I will try recovery of the road." At McClernand's request one of my aides — Ross, I think — rode at speed to meet Colonel Morgan L. Smith. Returning, he said, "It is Colonel Smith from General Charles F. Smith, ordered to report to General McClernand." 186 MEMOIRS ^Seeing in the road a provisional brigade, under Colonel Morgan L. Smith, consisting of the 11th Indiana and the 8th Missouri Infantry, going, by order of General C. F. Smith, to the aid of the First Division, I suggested that if General McClernand would order Colonel Smith to report to me, I would attempt to recover the lost ground; and the order hav- ing been given, I reconnoitered the hill, determined upon a place of assault, and arranged my order of attack. I chose Col- onel Smith's regiments to lead, and for that purpose conduct- ed them to the crest of a hill opposite a steep bluff covered by the enemy. The two regiments had been formerly of my 2 "Go back, then," said McClernand, "and tell the colonel that I request him to report to General Wallace." Whereupon I said: "It is getting late, and what is done must be before night. If you will excuse me, I will go at it." "Certainly," McClernand replied, adding, "I have two or three regiments in order under Colonel Ross, of my division, whom you may find useful." "All right; send them on." And as General McClernand left me, 1 sent to Colonel Smith di- recting him to halt his regiments behind the battery; with my staff, I then set out to see as much as possible of the ground to be recovered, and decide how best to arrange the attack. My horse objected to the dead men still lying in the road; but getting past them, the hill dipped down into a hollow of width and depth. At the left there was a field; all else appeared thinly covered with scattered trees. The pickets in the hollow were maintaining a lively fusilade, so I turned into the field. I could then see the road ran off diagonally to the right. A bluff rose in front of me partially denuded, and on top of it Confederate soldiers were visible walking about and blanketed. Off to the left the bluff flattened as it went. In that direction I also saw a flag not the stars and stripes, and guessed that the fort lay in studied contraction under it. I saw, too, a little branch winding through the hollow, and thought of my poor horse, then two days without water. The men keeping the thither height caught sight of my party, and interrupted me in the study of their position. Their bullets fell all around us. One cut a lock out of the mane of a horse of one of my orderlies. But I had what we came for, and got away, nobodj^ hurt. Upon my rejoining them at the battery, the old regiments (Eighth and Eleventh) cheered me; whereat the fort opened, firing harmlessly at the sound. The Eleventh, from their stacked arms, crowded around John — "Old Bailey", they called him — and filling a cap-ful of crumbled crackers, some of them fed him what he would eat. They would have 1 From B. & L. I.— 422. Of. Report R. R. 7—236. 2 From Autobiography, p. 413. GENERAL LEW WALLACE 187 brigade. I knew they had been admirably drilled in the Zouave tactics, and my confidence in Smith and George F. McGinnis, colonel of the 11th, was implicit, I was sure they would take their men to the top of the blufi". Colonel Cruft was put in line to support them on the right. Colonel Ross, with his regiments, the 17th and 49th, and the 46th, 57th, and 58th Illinois, were put as support on the left. Thayer's brigade was held in reserve. These dispositions filled the time till about 2 o'clock in the afternoon, when heavy can- nonading, mixed with a long roll of musketry, broke out over on the left. given him drink from their canteens had there been a vessel at hand to hold the water. While that went on, I got my orders off. Crnft was told, by messen- ger, to take his brigade down into the hollow, and form line at the foot of the hill held by the Confederates, his left resting on the Wynne's Ferry road. When in position he was to notify me. Smith was informed of what I have called the bluff, and told that it was to be his point of attack -that he was to conduct the main at- tack, supported by Cruft on his right and by Ross on the left, and that he was to make the ascent in column of regiments Thayer I directed to keep his present position, holding his brig- ade in reserve with the battery. By and by Colonel Ross he of Illinois — came up, bringing the Seventeenth and Forty-ninth Illinois regiments that had behaved with distinction in Colonel Morrison's misassault on the 14th. To him I ex- plained that his position would be on the left of the main attack as a support. I also gave notice to Smith and Ross that I would pei-sonally put them in position. When these preliminaries were disposed of, I looked at the sun and judged that there were at least two hours left me for the opera- tion. While waiting to hear from Cruft, I chaffed with the old regi- ments. Of the Eighth Missouri I wanted to know at what hotel they had put up for the night. "At the Lindell, of course," one of them responded. "How were the accommodations?" " Cold, but cheap.'" This excited a great laugh. Halting in front of the Eleventh, I said: "You fellows have been swearing for a long time that I would never get you into a tight. It's here now. What have you to say?" A spokesman answered: "We're ready. Let her rip.'^ 188 MEMOIRS 'Riding to my old regiments, —the 8th Missouri and the 11th Indiana, —I asked them if they were ready. They demanded the word of me. Waiting a moment for Morgan L. Smith to light a cigar, I called out, "Forward it is, then!" They were directly in front of the ascent to be climbed. Without stopping for his supports, Colonel Smith led them down into a broad hollow, and catching sight of the advance, Cruft and Ross also moved forward. As -the two regiments began the climb, the 8th Missouri slightly in the lead, a line of fire ran along the brow of the height. The flank companies cheered while deploying as skirmishers. Their Zouave practice proved of excellent service to them. Now on the ground, creeping when the fire was hottest, 2 Very un-Napoleonic, but very American. Then heavy firing arose out of the hollow, and soon afterwards a man galloped up the hill to tell me that Colonel Cruft was in position, his left on the road. '' It is time to move," I said to Smith. " Wait until I light a fresh cigar. " That done, and Colonel Ross told to follow, we set off down the road. Hardly had Smith, with whom I was riding, got half-way across the hollow, going straight for the bluif, when a fire ran along the top of it and bullets zipped angrily through the trees, showering us with leaves and twigs. To reply would have required a halt. At the foot of the ascent I left my Missouri friend, saying: "Try the Zouaves on them, colonel, and remember to deploy McGinnis when you are nearly up." Colonel Ross, to whom I rode next, had deployed his command. Going with him until clear of Smith's ground, I asked, "You under- stand your part, colonel? " " Yes," he said, " it is to take care of the left of the main attack." It took me but a moment to get to Cruft, who was exchanging a ragged fire with the enemy above him. "Colonel Smith is next you on the left," I said to him. "Keep a little behind his line and when you have cleared the hill, swing left towards the fort, pivoting on him." I hurried then to the open field spoken of; and by the time I reached it, selected a stand-point for general oversight, and adjusted my field-glass, the advance had become general where Ross and Cruft were ascending slowly, inch by inch, the musketry had risen in mea- sure, and the trees stood half veiled in a sm-oke momentarily deepen- ing. 1 B. i& L. I.— 423. 2 From Autobiography, p. 415. GENERAL LEW WALLACE 189 running when it slackened, they gained ground with aston- ishing rapidity, and at the same time maintained a fire that was like a sparkling of the earth. For the most part the bullets aimed at them passed over their heads and took effect in the ranks behind them. Colonel Smith's cigar was shot off close to his lips. He took another and called for a match. A soldier ran and gave him one. "Thank you. Take your place now. We are almost up," he said, and, smoking, spurred his horse forward. A few yards from the crest of the height the regiments began loading and firing as they advanced. The defenders gave way. On the top there was a brief struggle, which was ended by Cruft and Ross with their supports. Presently my glass settled on Colonel Morgan L. Smith and the climb in his front, which I judged of three hundred short steps. In the patches of snow on the bluffy breast I also noticed some clumps of shrubs and a few trees, and here and there what appeared to be out- cropping of rock. The disadvantages were obvious; yet, counting them as odds in the scale of chances, they were not enough to shake my confidence in the outcome, for there were advantages to be taken into the account— among them the Zouave training of both the regi- ments, meaning that they were nimble on their hands and knees far beyond the ordinary infantrymen, that they could load on their backs and fire with precision on their bellies, and were instinctively obser- servant of order in the midst of disorder. Indeed, purpose with them answered all the ends of alignment elbow to elbow. While making these observations my attention was drawn off by musketry blent with the pounding of artillery in the distance over at the left. It was General Charles F. Smith's supporting attack as promised by General Grant. Then it came to me suddenly that the crisis of the great adventure was on the army, and that as it went the victory would go. A feverish anxiety struck me. My tongue and throat grew dry and parched. I have the feeling now even as I write, such power have incidents at times to stamp themselves on memory. Returning then to Colonel Smith, I saw skirmishers spring out and cover the front of his column. To my astonishment I also saw the man himself on horseback behind his foremost regiment, bent on riding up the hill — a perilous feat under the most favorable circum- stances. I would like to describe the ascension of the height by the regi- ments under Smith, but cannot, for, take it all in all, it was the most extraordinary feat of arras I ever beheld. In the way of suggestion merely, the firing from the top was marked by lulls and furious out- bursts. In the outbursts the assailants fell to their hands and knees. 190 MEMOIRS ^The whole line then moved forward simultaneously, and never stopped until the Confederates were within the works. There had been no occasion to call on the reserves. The road to Charlotte was again effectually shut, and the battle-field of the morning, with the dead and wounded lying where they had fallen, was in possession of the Third Division, which stood halted within easy musket-range of ^ and took to crawling, while in the lulls — occasioned by smoke settling so thickly in front of the defenders that they were bothered in taking aim — yards of space were gained by rushes. And these were the spectacles impossible of description. To get an idea of them the reader must think of nearly two thousand vigorous men simulta- neously squirming or dashing up the breast of a steep hill slippery with frost, in appearance so many black gnomes burrowing in a cloud of flying leaves aud dirty snow. As they climbed on the alignment with which they started became loose and looser until half-way up it seemed utterly lost. There was no firing, of course, except by the skirmishers, and no cheering, not a voice save of officers in exhortation. Occasionally we heard Smith or McGinnis, but most frequently the enemy flinging taunts on the laborers below. "Hi, hi, there, you damned Yanks! Why don't you come up? What are you waiting for?" They were nearing the top, probably a third of the distance re- maining, when the Eleventh, in loose array as it was, rushed by the left flank out of column. They stumbled, and slipped, and fell down, but presently brought up, and faced front, having uncovered the Eighth. To get into line with the latter cost but a moment. About the same time I saw the skirmishers drop and I'oll out of sight, leaving the line of fire unobstructed. A furious outbreak from the enemy and both regiments sank down, and on their bellies half buried in snow delivered their first ragged volley. The next I saw of them they were advancing on their hands and knees. That they would win was no longer a question. 1 gave a glance in Cruft's direction and another to Ross. Both were well up in their sections of attack. Just then some one near by broke into a laugh and called out, "Look there!" "Where?" I asked, not relishing the diversion. A party of surgeon's assistants, six or eight in number, seeing us in the field, and thinking it a safe place, started to come across. A shower of bullets overtook them, and when my eyes reached them they were snuggling in the snow behind the kits they carried. And when I remembered how thin the kits were, nothing but oil cloth, and not more resistant of a minie-ball than tissue-paper, I excused the laugh by joining in it. '' 1 From B. & L. 1—424. 2 Autobiography, p. 417. .:,.....; GENERAL LEW WALLACE 191 the rifle-pits. It was then about half-past 3 o'clock in the afternoon. I was reconnoitering the works of the enemy preliminary to charging them, when Colonel Webster, of General Grant's staff, came to me and repeated the order to fall back out of cannon range and throw up breastworks. "The general does not know that we have the hill", I said. Webster replied: "I give you the order as he gave it to me." Another look towards Cruft, another to Ross, then a brief study of Smith's forlorn hope, by that time nearly to its goal, and I took action. Regaining the road, I hastened into the hollow, and when about half-way across it noticed a slackening of the enemy's fire; then, hardly a minute elapsing, it ceased entirely. The meaning was un- mistakable. We had won! Calling Kneffler, I told him to go to General McClernand and tell him we were on the hill, and that he would oblige me if his artillery did not fire in our direction. In these moves my horse had answered me readily but with his head down — a thing that had not happened before. The other horses of the company were worse off. There was need for me up on the height but we stopped by the little brook and broke through the ice. While the poor brutes were drinking greedily. Colonel Webster came to me. "General Grant sends me," he said, "to tell you to retire your command out of range of the fort and throw up fight intrenchments. He thinks it best to wait for reinforcements." I gave a thought to the position just recovered, with loss un- known, and asked the colonel, "Does the general know that we have retaken the road lost in the morning?" "I think not," he replied. "Oh, well! Give him my compliments, colonel, and tell him / have received the order. ^^ Webster gave me a sharp look and left me. I had resolved to disobey the direction, and he saw it, and justified me without saying 80 — as did General Grant subsequently. The sun was just going down when with my staff, I rode on to the height just won. To my eager search for what of war and combat it had to offer there was at first nothing which one may not find in any neglected woods pasture; only the air was heavy with the sulphurous smell of powder burned and burning, and through the thin assemblage of trees there went an advancing line of men stretching right and left out of sight. My first point was to catch that line. The enemy had not waited the coming up of the Yanks. His main body had retired towards his works, and tlie three commands, Cruft's, Ross's, and Smith's, with just enough resistance before them to keep their blood up, were pushing forward at a pace calling for 192 MEMOIRS ^ "Very well," said I, "give him my compliments, and say that I have received the order." Webster smiled and rode away. The ground was not vacated, though the assault was deferred. In assuming the responsibility, I had no doubt of my ability to satisfy General Grant of the correct- ness of my course; and it was subsequently approved. ^energetic action if they were to be brought to a halt. That clone, how- ever, the three were closed on the center; then, skirmishers 43eing thrown to the front, we advanced slowly and cautiously. It was not long until we came on the aftermath of General McClernand's morning struggle. Dead men, not all of them ours, were lying in their beds of blood-stained snow exactly as they had fallen. And the wounded were there also. These, fast as come upon, were given drink and covered with blankets, but left to be picked up later on; and there was no distinction shown between the blue and the gray. The wonder was to find any of them alive. ♦ * * It is to be remembered that, in common with my whole command, I was profoundly ignorant of the topography of the locality. That we were moving in the direction of the fort I knew rather as a surmise than a fact. The skirmishers kept up their fire; otherwise the silence impressed me as suspicious. Once I heard the report of a great gun in the distance, and shortly a shell of half-bushel proportions went with a locomotive's scream through the tree -tops; whereupon we knew ourselves in the line of fire from the gun-boats in the river. Disa- greeable — yes, vastly so — but there was no help for it. Right after — indeed, as if the unearthly scream of the big shell had been an accepted signal — the holders of the fort awoke, and set their guns to work — how many I had no means of judging. Through the woods then there spread a peculiar shortstop whistling; nor was there need of one of greater experience in battle to tell us that we were objects of search by cannister and possibly grape-shot. Fragments of the limbs above us rattled down, and oc- casionally — the thing of greatest impression on me— a sharp resound, like the cracking of green timber in a zero night rang through the woods; and that we also instinctively knew to be bullets of iron im- bedding themselves in some near-by tree-trunks. Now, as I have no wish to take credit not strictly my due, the effect of this visitation startled me — the more so as it came in the nature of a surprise. I asked myself, however, "Where are we going?" And as the answer did not come readily, I made haste to order another halt. It happened that my position at the moment was behind Cruft's brigade in what I took to be the road to Charlotte, also the ob- ject of anxious solicitude. Making way through the halted line . ^ 5 1 From B. & L. 1—426. 2 Autobiography, p. 420. GENERAL LEW WALLACE 193 When night fell, the command bivouacked without fire or supper. Fatigue parties were told off to look after the wounded; and in the relief given there was no distinction made between friend and foe. The labor extended through the whole night, and the surgeons never rested. By sunset the situation revealed itself. There, not farther than three hun- dred yards, a low embankment stretched off on both sides, and behind it, in the background, rose an elaborate earthen pile which a drooping flag on a tall, white staff told me was Fort Donelson proper. Some field-pieces behind the lowintrenchraent were doing the firing, supported by men lying in the ditch. The heads of these bobbed up and down; and every time one of them bobbed up it was to let loose a streak of brilliant flame, with a keen report and a rising curl of smoke as close attendants. In front of the outwork far extending were our skirmishers behind stumps and logs, and in every depression affording cover, and they, too, were shooting. The interval of separation be- tween the enemies ranged from eighty yards to a hundred and fifty. The scene was stirring; but it must not be thought it held me long — far from it. While I looked, a sense of responsibility touched me with a distinct shock. What next? Two things were possible; to continue on or go back out of range. The first meant an assault, and I doubted my authority to go so far. It seemed a step within the province of the commander. Perhaps he was not ready to order it. To be successful, moreover, there was need of support, otherwise the whole garrison could be concentrated against me. So, resolving the skirmishers as they were into a grand guard, Colonel Morgan L. Smith in charge, I retired the line five or six hun- dred yards. There was nothing for us then but another night in bivouac with- out fires, and nothing to eat but crackers; literally suffering from the pinch of hunger added to misery from the pinch of cold. Yet I did not hear a murmur. This, I think, because there was not a soldier there so ignorant as not to know the necessity of keeping a tight grip upon our position. With the advent of darkness the gun practice ceased, and later even the pickets quit annojang one another. Then silence, and a February night, with stars of pitiless serenity, and a wind not to be better described than as a marrow-searcher. * * * It was near day when Colonel Thayer's eight regiments began to arrive and take position one by one on Cruft's right in prolongation of tlie line. As this formative operation was in view of the enemy, I wondered at his silence. It looked as if the fight were out of him. At length, the formation completed, we stood ready to rush the intrenchments. Only, why didn't the order come? At all events, the Confederate flag was yet flying over the fort faintly visible "in th© dawn's early light". 194 MEMOIRS Uhe conditions of the morning were all restored. The Union commander was free to order a general assault next day or resort to a formal siege. * * * The Morning of February 16th. The Third Division was astir very early on the 16th of February. The regiments began to form and close up the ^"There — what's that?" said one of my party, in a surprised tone. "Where?" "There — coming over the breastwork." Two men rode over the parapet. One of them carried a white flag on a pole, lance-fashion. Not caring to have my arrangement spied upon, I told Captain Kneffler to go ask what the flag wanted. Kneffler, making haste, met the men before they reached the pickets. After a talk with them, he hurried back and reported. "The bearer of the flag, "he said, "is Major Rogers, of Mississippi. He brings a request from General Buckner that you refrain from fur- ther hostilities, as he and General Grant have been in correspondence about a surrender, and they have reached an understanding. The major has a despatch for General Grant which he wants permission to deliver in person." This was great news indeed — news to justify a display of excite- ment. The report, however, not being altogether satisfactory, I went out to sound the messenger further. The introductions were stiffly ceremonious, in course of which it came out that the officer accompanying the flag-bearer was General . "Do I understand, gentlemen, that the surrender is perfected?" "I do not know if a formality will be required," the general re- plied. "With that exception it is a surrender." "Are you ready to give possession?" "Yes. The troops are drawn up in their quarters, arms stacked." At this I felt a quick thrill, which, if the reader pleases, may be set down to a recognition of an opportunity and an irresistible impulse to get there first. " Then it is now business?" The general bowed. I lost no time. To Ross I said, "Go with the major here to head- quarters. Let him deliver his despatch to General Grant. Tell the general, also, that I am in possession of the fort and all belonging to it." Then to Kneffler: " Do you ride to the brigade commanders, and tell them to move the whole line forward, and take possession of per- sons and property. Tell them to see to it personally that their men 1. B. & L. 1—428. Cf. Report. R. R. 7—239. 2 Autobiography, p. 427. GENERAL LEW WALLACE 195 intervals between them, the intention being to charge the breastworks south of Dover about breakfast-time. In the midst of the preparation a bugle was heard and a white flag was seen coming from the town toward the pickets. I sent my adjutant-general to meet the flag half-way and inquire its purpose. Answer was returned that General Buckner had capitulated during the night, and was now sending in- are kept in close cheek — that I want the business done as deUcately as possible. Not a word of taunt — no cheering." The general looked at me gratefully; whereupon I asked him if he knew where General Buckner was quartered, and he replied, "I left him in the old tavern." " Well, if you say so, I will ride to the tavern with you. General Buckner and I are personal friends. I have the highest respect for him, and it may be I can do him a good turn." My new acquaintance borrowed the flag from his associate, tell- ing him, " You won't need it." Then to me, " Our people are in a bad humor; but I will be glad to have you go with me." * ■•• * We came to the tavern at length, a one -story affair seen more frequently in that day than in this. I found myself next in a shallow hall, and, stopping there, requested my friend to be good enough to give my name to General Buckner. He passed through a door at the farther end of the hall, and, returning presently, told me to walk in. He did not follow me. General Buckner sat at the head of a table, with officers, eight or ten in number, at the sides. He arose upon my entry, and met me in the center of the room, grave, dignified, silent; the grip he gave me, however, was an assurance of welcome quite as good as words. Turning then to the table, he said, waving his hand; "It is unnecessary to introduce you. You know them all." I glanced at the gentlemen there, and one by one^they^came for- ward and gave me their hands. I had met every one [of them two years before when General Buckner's guest at the encampment of the Kentucky State Guard in Louisville. Their hand-shake was cordial, but they were not in talkative mood. I understood their feeling and respected it. Two of them had won my regard especially — Major Casseday, Buckner's adjutant-general, and young Tom Clay. The latter was last to come forward. He put his hand in mine, and, turning his face from me, cried like a child— and I could see nothing unmanly in his tears. The general then inquired if I had been to breakfast, and having answered no, he said, " I'm afraid you are a little late, but we will see." He called a patronymic sounding of the cotton-field, whereat a negro thrust his head through the door. "Another breakfast here," said the general. "What have you?" 196 MEMOIRS ^ formation of the fact to the commander of the troops in this quarter, that there might be no further bloodshed. The division was ordered to advance and take posses- sion of the works and of all public property and prisoners. Leaving that agreeable duty to the brigade commanders, I joined the officer bearing the flag, and with my staff rode across the trench and into the town, till we came to the door of the old tavern already described, where I dismounted. The tavern was the headquarters of General Buckner, to 2"Nothin' 'cept cawn-bread, sir." ;■; "No bacon?" " You'se done had it all down to de rine." "Coifee?" " Oh, a little water '11 resto' de coffee." "Bring it then." I had interrupted the party in the midst of their morning meal, and we ate — and there was no apology for the commissariat. But none the less I decided in my own mind that the surrender had not been any too soon. The talk became general — about the war, more particularly in- cidents of the battle. It amused me to observe how honest they were in the belief that we had fifty thousand men with more in hourly ar- rival. As the idea helped soften the pangs of defeat, I did not dis- abuse them of it. Once I said something to General Buckner about the old flag — I think it was in an expression of wonder that his congress gave it up for a new one. He brought his hand down on the table. "The old flag! I follow- ed it when most of your thousands out yonder were in swaddling clothes — in Mexico— on the frontier — and I love it j'Ct. " The speech was not meant for retort. He asked me, afterwhile, "What will General Grant do with us?" This question was of graver moment then than ever again, and I answered to the best of my light: "I can't say. But I know General Grant, and I know President Lincoln better than General Grant, and I am free to say that it is not in the nature of either of them to treat you, or these gentlemen, or the soldiers you have surrendered, other than as prisoners of war." "Well," he said, "I thought as much. The only favor I have to ask is that I may not be separated from my friends here." "May I say as much to General Grant when he comes in?" "Yes — certainly." 1 B. &L.,p. 428. 2 Autobiography, p. 249. GENERAL LEW WALLACE 197 whom I sent my name; and being an acquaintance, I was at once admitted. I found General Buckner with his staff at breakfast. He met me with politeness and dignity. Turning to the officers at the table, he remarked: "General Wallace, it is not necessary to introduce you to these gentlemen; you are acquainted with them all." They arose, came forward one by one, and gave their hands in salutation. I was then invited to breakfast, which consisted of corn bread and In the midst of this conversation there happened an incident in every sense strange. We heard a knock at the door of entrance, and to the acknowledgement "Come in," an officer entered clad in blue, with gold lace on his cap and sleeves. Advancing towards the table, he observed me and stopped in evident embarrassment. Then bowing — none of us could tell to whom— he took off his cap, bowed again, and said, "I beg to be excused, gentlemen." With that he walk- ed out. General Buckner looked at me, and asked, "Do you know him?" "Never saw the man before," I replied. "He's of your navy— so much is certain" the general said; add- ing to one of his men at the table, "You had better follow him, cap- tain, and see that no harm comes to him." The captain hastened out. Now the sequel gives the incident its character, making it so ex- traordinary that I choose to insert it as of the text rather than a note. About two years after the surrender at Donelson a uniform- ed gentleman came to see me at my headquarters in Baltimore. He : introduced himself with a card. "I am Lieutenant Dove, of the United States navy," he proceeded to say. "You may remember an officer of the navy entering the din- ing-room of the old tavern in Dover the morning of the surrender of^ Fort Donelson." - "Yes, I remember. We were at breakfast." "I am that oflEicer, and ever since that morning I have been in suspension." "What for?" I asked. "At sight of the flag lowering on the fort. Captain Walker, of the Carondelet, ordered me to land and secure the surrender to the navy— that is, to him. I reached headquarters, and was about to make the demand when I saw you, and, inferring your rank from your shoulder- straps, I judged myself too late, and retired, not wishing to have a scene. In that you have my offence." "I see. I was in your way." "You were there before me. But you can now do me the great- est possible favor." 198 MEMOIRS coffee, the best the gallant host had in his kitchen. We sat at the table about an hour and a half, when General Grant arrived and took temporary possession of the tavern as his headquarters. Later in the morning the army marched in and completed the possession. "What can I do for you?" "State the facts — that you saw me enter the room that morning — that you were there before me. Such a statement filed with the de- partment will bring me release from suspension. Restoration to duty must follow." Of course I gave the poor fellow the statement he asked, and it had the effect anticipated. Probably no better example of the keen- ness of professional rivalry ever offered itself. ^ From Personal Memoirs of U. S. Qrant^ I informed the department commander of our success at Fort Henry and that on the 8th I would take Fort Donel- son. But the rain continued to fall so heavily that the roads became impassable for artillery and wagon trains. Then, too, it would not have been prudent to proceed without the gunboats. At least it would have been leaving behind a valuable part of our available force. On the 7th, the day after the fall of Fort Henry, I took my staff and the cavalry— a part of one regiment— and made a reconnaissance to within about a mile of the outer line of works at Donelson. I had known General Pillow in Mexico, and judged that with any force, no matter how small, I could march up to within gunshot of any intrenchments he was given to hold. I said this to the officers of my staff at the time. I knew that Floyd was in command, but he was no soldier, and I judged that he would yield to Pillow's pretensions. I met, as I expected, no opposition in making the reconnaissance and, besides learning the topography of the country on the way and around Fort Donelson, found that there were two roads available for marching; one lead- ing to the village of Dover, the other to Donelson. [Here follows a description of Fort Donelson.] 1 Cf. with Gen. Wallace's statement ante p. 88. 2 Volume I, p. 294. GENERAL U. S. GRANT 199 General Halleck commenced his efforts in all quarters to get reinforcements to forward to me immediately on my departure from Cairo. General Hunter sent men freely from Kansas, and a large division under General Nelson, from Buell's army, was also dispatched. Orders went out from the War Department to consolidate fragments of com- panies that were being recruited in the Western States so as to make full companies, and to consolidate companies into regiments. General Halleck did not approve or disapprove of my going to Fort Donelson. He said nothing whatever to me on the subject. He informed Buell on the 7th that I would march against Fort Donelson the next day; but on the 10th he directed me to fortify Fort Henry strongly, particularly to the land side, saying that he forwarded me intrenching tools for that purpose. I received this dispatch in front of Fort Donelson. I was very impatient to get to Fort Donelson because I knew the importance of the place to the enemy and sup- posed he would reinforce it rapidly. I felt that 15,000 men on the 8th would be more effective than 50,000 a month later. I asked Flag Officer Foote, therefore, to order his gunboats still about Cairo to proceed up the Cumberland River and not to wait for those gone to Eastport and Florence; but the others got back in time and we started on the 12th. I had moved McClernand out a few miles the night before so as to leave the road as free as possible. Just as we were about to start the first reinforcement reached me on transports. It was a brigade composed of six full regiments commanded by Colonel Thayer, of Nebraska. As the gunboats were going around to Donelson by the Tennessee, Ohio and Cumberland rivers, I directed Thayer to turn about and go under their convoy. I started from Fort Henry with 15,000 men, including eight batteries and part of a regiment of cavalry, and, meeting with no obstruction to detain us, the advance arrived in front of the enemy by noon. That afternoon and the next day were spent in taking up ground to make the investment as complete as possible. General Smith had been directed to leave a portion of his division behind to guard forts Henry and Heiman. He left General Lew. Wal- 200 MEMOIRS lace with 2,500 men. With the remainder of his division he occupied our left, extending to Hickman creek, McCler- nand was on the right and covered the roads running south and south-west from Dover. His right extended to the back-water up the ravine opening into the Tennessee south of the village. The troops were not intrenched, but the nature of the ground was such that they were just as well protected from the fire of the enemy as if rifle-pits had been thrown up. Our line was generally along the crest of ridges. The artillery was protected by being sunk in the ground. The men who were not serving the guns were perfectly covered from fire on taking position a little back from the crest. The greatest suffering was from want of shelter. It was midwinter and during the siege we had rain and snow, thawing and freezing alternately. It would not do to allow camp-fires except far down the hill out of sight of the enemy, and it would not do to allow many of the troops to remain there at the same time. In the march over from Fort Henry numbers of the men had thrown away their blankets and overcoats. There was therefore much discomfort and absolute suffering. During the 12th and 13th, and until the arrival of Wal- lace and Thayer on the 14th, the National forces, composed of but 15,000 men, without intrenchments, confronted an intrenched army of 21,000, without conflict further than what was brought on by ourselves. Only one gunboat had arrived. There was a little skirmishing each day, brought on by the movement of our troops in securing commanding positions; but there was no actual fighting during this time except once, on the 13th, in front of McClernand's command. That general had undertaken to capture a battery of the enemy which was annoying his men. Without orders or authority he sent three regiments to make the assault. The battery was in the main line of the enemy, which was de- fended by his whole army present. Of course the assault was a failure, and of course the loss on our side was great for the number of men engaged. In this assault Colonel William Morrison fell badly wounded. Up to this time the surgeons with the army had no difficulty in finding room in the houses near our line for all the sick and wounded; but GENERAL U. S. GRANT 201 now hospitals were overcrowded. Owing, however, to the energy and skill of the surgeons the suffering was not so great as it might have been. The hospital arrangements at Fort Donelson were as complete as it was possible to make them, considering the inclemency of the weather and the lack of tents, in a sparsely settled country where the houses were generally of but one or two rooms. [An account of the movement of the naval gunboats is omitted.] The plan was for the troops to hold the enemy within his lines, while the gunboats should attack the water bat- teries at close quarters and silence his guns if possible. Some of the gunboats were to run the batteries, get above the fort and above the village of Dover. I had ordered a reconnais- sance made with the view of getting troops to the river above Dover in case they should be needed there. That po- sition attained by the gunboats it would have been but a question of time — and a very short time, too — when the gar- rison would have been compelled to surrender. [Here follows an account of the naval attack on the 14th tvhich is omitted.] The enemy had evidently been much demoralized by the assault, but they were jubilant when they saw the disabled vessels dropping down the river entirely out of the control of the men on board. Of course I only witnessed the falling back of our gunboats and felt sad enough at the time over the repulse. Subsequent reports, now published, show that the enemy telegraphed a great victory to Richmond. The sun went down on the night of the 14th of February, 1862, leaving the army confronting Fort Donelson anything but comforted over the prospects. The weather had turned in- tensely cold; the men were without tents and could not keep up fires where most of them had to stay, and, as previously stated, many had thrown away their overcoats and blankets. Two of the strongest of our gunboats had been disabled, presumably beyond the possibility of rendering any present assistance. I retired this night not knowing but that I would have to intrench my position, and bring up tents for the men or build huts under the cover of the hills. On the morning of the 15th, before it was yet broad day, a messenger from Flag-officer Foote handed me a note, ex- 202 MEMOIRS pressing a desire to see me on the flagship and saying that he had been injured the day before so much that he could not come himself to me. I at once made my preparations for starting. I directed my adjutant-general to notify each of the division commanders of my absence and instruct them to do nothing to bring on an engagement until they received further orders, but to hold their positions. From the heavy rains that had fallen for days and v^eeks preceding and from the constant use of the roads between the troops and the landing four to seven miles belov^, these roads had become cut up so as to be hardly passable. The intense cold of the night of the 14th-15th had frozen the ground solid. This made travel on horseback even slov^er than through the mud; but I went as fast as the roads would allow. When I reached the fleet I found the flag-ship was an- chored out in the stream. A small boat, however, awaited my arrival and I was soon on board with the flag-officer. He explained to me in short the condition in which he was left by the engagement of the evening before, and suggested that I should intrench while he returned to Mound City with his disabled boats, expressing at the time the belief that he could have the necessary repairs made and be back in ten days. I saw the absolute necessity of his gunboats going into hos- pital and did not know but I should be forced to the alterna- tive of going through a siege. But the enemy relieved me from this necessity. When I left the National line to visit Flag-officer Foote I had no idea that there would be any engagement on land unless I brought it on myself. The conditions for battle were much more favorable to us than they had been for the first two days of the investment. From the 12th to the 14th we had but 15,000 men of all arms and no gunboats. Now we had been reinforced by a fleet of six naval vessels, a large division of troops under General L. Wallace and 2,500 men brought over from Fort Henry belonging to the division of C. F. Smith. The enemy, however, had taken the initiative. Just as I landed I met Captain Hillyer of my staff, white with fear, not for his personal safety, but for the safety of the National troops. He said the enemy had come out of his lines in full force and attacked and scattered McClernand's GENERAL U. S. GRANT 203 division, which was in full retreat. The roads, as I have said, were unfit for making- fast time, but I got to my com- mand as soon as possible. The attack had been made on the National right. I was some four or five miles north of our left. The line was about three miles long. In reaching the point where the disaster had occurred I had to pass the di- visions of Smith and Wallace. I saw no sign of excitement on the portion of the line held by Smith; Wallace was near- er the scene of conflict and had taken part in it. He had, at an opportune time, sent Thayer's brigade to the support of McClernand and thereby contributed to hold the enemy within his Hnes. I saw everything favorable for us along the line of our left and center. When I came to the right appearances were different. The enemy had come out in full force to cut his way out and make his escape. McClernand's division had to bear the brunt of the attack from this combined force. His men had stood up gallantly until the ammunition in their cartridge boxes gave out. There was abundance of ammu- nition near by lying on the ground in boxes, but at that stage of the war it was not all of our commanders of regi- ments, brigades, or even divisions, who had been educated up to the point of seeing that their men were constantly supplied with ammunition during an engagement. When the men found themselves without ammunition they could not stand up against troops who seemed to have plenty of it. The division broke and a portion fled, but most of the men, as they were not pursued, only fell back out of range of the fire of the enemy. It must have been about this time that Thayer pushed his brigade in between the enemy and those of our troops that were without ammunition. At all events the enemy fell back within his intrenchments and was there when I got on the field. I saw the men standing in knots talking in the most ex- cited manner. No oflficer seemed to be giving any direc- tions. The soldiers had their muskets, but no ammunition, while there were tons of it close at hand. I heard some of the men say that the enemy had come out with knapsacks, and jhaversacks filled with rations. They seemed to think this indicated a determination on his part to stay out and 204 MEMOIRS fight just as long as the provisions held out. I turned to Colonel J. D. Webster, of my staif, who was with me, and said: "Some of our men are pretty badly demoralized, but the enemy must be more so, for he has attempted to force his way out, but has fallen back; the one who attacks first now will be victorious and the enemy will have to be in a hurry if he gets ahead of me." I determined to make the assault at once on our left. It was clear to my mind that the enemy had started to march out with his entire force, except a few pickets, and if our attack could be made on the left before the enemy could redistribute his forces along the line, we would find but little opposition except from the intervening abatis. I directed Colonel Webster to ride with me and call out to the men as we passed: "Fill your cartridge-boxes quick, and get into line; the enemy is trying to escape and he must not be permitted to do so." This acted like a charm. The men only wanted some one to give them a command. We rode rapidly to Smith's quarters, when I explained the situation to him and directed him to charge the enemy's works in his front with his whole di- vision, saying at the same time that he would find nothing but a very thin line to contend with. The general was off in an incredibly short time, going in advance himself to keep his men from firing while they were working their way through the abatis intervening between them and the enemy. The outer line of rifle-pits was passed, and the night of the 15th General Smith, with much of his division, bivouacked within the lines of the enemy. There was now no doubt but that the Confederates must surrender or be captured the next day. [ A paragraph dealing with the Conjederate side on the 15th— 16th is omitted]. Before daylight General Smith brought to me the fol- lowing letter from General Buckner: [Omitted, see cor- respondence in R. R. 7—160, and 161]. General Buckner, as soon as he had dispatched the first of the above letters, sent word to his different commanders on the fine of rifle-pits, notifying them that he had made a proposition looking to the surrender of the garrison, and di- recting them to notify National troops in their front so that GENERAL U. S. GRANT 205 all fig-hting might be prevented. White flags were stuck at intervals along the line of rifle-pits, but none over the fort. As soon as the last letter from Buckner was received I mounted my horse and rode to Dover. General Wallace, I found, had preceded me an hour or more. I presume that, seeing white flags exposed in his front, he rode up to see what they meant and, not being fired upon or halted, he kept on until he found himself at the headquarters of Gen- eral Buckner. I had been at West Point three years with Buckner and afterwards served with him in the army, so that we were quite well acquainted. In the course of our conversation, which was very friendly, he said to me that if he had been in command I would not have got up to Donelson as easily as I did. I told him that if he had been in command I should not have tried in the way I did; I had invested their lines with a smaller force than they had to defend them, and at the same time had sent a brigade full 5,000 strong, around by water; I had relied very much upon their commander to allow me to come safely up to the outside of their works. I asked General Buckner about what force he had to surrender. He replied that he could not tell with any degree of accuracy; that all the sick and weak had been sent to Nash- ville while we were about Fort Henry; that Floyd and Pillow had left during the night, taking many men with them; and that Forrest, and probably others, had also escaped during the preceding night; the number of casualties he could not tell; but he said I would not find fewer than 12,000 nor more than 15,000. He asked permission to send parties outside of the lines to bury his dead, who had fallen on the 15t}i when they tried to get out. I gave directions that his permit to pass our limits should be recognized. I have no reason to believe that this privilege was abused, but it familiarized our guards so much with the sight of Confederates passing to and fro that I have no doubtmany got beyond our pickets unobserved and went on. The most of the men who went in that way no doubt thought they had had war enough, and left with the intention of remaining out of the army. Some came to me and asked permission to go, saying that they were tired 206 MEMOIRS of the war and would not be caught in the ranks again, and I bade them them go. The actual number of Confederates at Fort Donelson can never be given with entire accuracy. The largest number admitted by any writer on the Southern side, is by Colonel Preston Johnston. He gives the number at 17,000. But this must be an under-estimate. The commissary gen- eral of prisoners reported having issued rations to 14,623 Fort Donelson prisoners at Cairo, as they passed that point. General Pillow reported the killed and wounded at 2,000; but he had less opportunity of knowing the actual numbers than the officers of McClernand's division, for most of the killed and wounded fell outside their works, in front of that division, and were buried or cared for by Buckner after the surrender and when Pillow was a fugitive. It is known that Floyd and Pillow escaped during the night of the 15th, taking with them not less than 3,000 men. Forrest escaped with about 1,000 and others were leaving singly and in squads all night. It is probable that the Confederate force at Donel- son, on the 15th of February, 1862, was 21,000 in round numbers. On the day Fort Donelson fell I had 27,000 men to con- front the Confederate lines and guard the road four or five miles to the left, over which all our supplies had to be drawn on wagons. During the 16th, after the surrender, additional reinforcements arrived. From "Letters of U. S. Grant" Fort Henry, Tenn., Feby. 0th, IS 62. Dear Sister: I take my pen in hand "away down in Dixie" to let you know that I am still alive and well. What the next few days may bring forth, however, I can't tell you. I intend to keep the ball moving as lively as possible, and have only been detained here from the fact that the Tennessee is very high and has been rising ever since we have been here, overflowing the back land and making it necessary to bridge it before we could move. — Before receiving this you will hear by telegraph of Fort Donelson being attacked. — Yesterday I went up the Tennessee River twenty odd miles, and today crossed over near the Cumberland River at Fort Donelson. —Our men had a little en- gagement with the enemy's pickets, killing five of them, wounding a number, and, expressively speaking, "gobbling up" some twenty-foui' more. GENERAL U. S. GRANT 207 If I had your last letter at hand I would answer it. But I have not and therefore write you a very hasty and random letter, simply to let you know that I believe you still remember me. Whilst writing I am carrying on a conversation with my Staff and others. Julia will be with you in a few days and possibly I may accompany her. This is barely possible, depending upon having full possession of the line from Fort Henry to Fort Donelson, and upon being able to quit for a few days without retarding any contemplated movement. This would not leave me free more than one day however. You have no conception of the amount of labor I have to per- form. An army of men all helpless, looking to the commanding officer for every supply. Your plain brother, however, has as yet no reason to feel himself unequal to the task, and fully believes that he will carry on a successful campaign against our rebel enemy. I do not speak boastfully but utter a presentiment. The scare and fright of the rebels up here is beyond conception. Twenty-three miles above here some were drowned in their haste to retreat, thinking us such vandals that neither life nor property would be respected. G. J. Pillow commands at Fort Donelson. I hope to give him a tug before you receive this. U. S. G. MAGAZINE ARTICLE The Surrender of Fort Donelson^ By Morton M. Casseday When the soldiers who fought under him recall the, to them, hallowed memory of General Lee, they dwell with fondest and saddest admiration upon Appomattox, where the bowed head of the chieftain received its crowning glory. The man who feels that his cause, though just, is lost, in spite of all noble effort on his part, and who can accept the odium of failure with the same dignity with which he carries success, is a hero greater than he who has only had to wave a victorious banner. I remember that, when I first read the letters from which I shall quote in this paper, I could see in their story only the bitterness of failure; as I grew older I saw the heroism of a duty fully done. Among the earlier "war papers " of the Century Magazine was one from General Wallace, describing the battle of Fort Donelson. It was then that it occurred to me that the contemporary letters of my father. Major Alex Casseday, who was an officer of General S. B. Buckner's staff, could at least furnish an interesting account of the policy and conduct of one of the Confederate leaders in that memora- ble contest. Major Casseday was familiar with the proceedings of the 1 From The Southern Bivouac for April, 1887, p. 694. 208 THE SURRENDER councils of general officers at Donelson, and led the Fourteenth Mississippi when that regiment and others opened a road through the Federal lines, by means of which the Confederate troops might have fallen back upon Johnston's army at Nashville. After the capture of the fort, and before his death at Camp Chase, Major Casseday wrote to his family letters discussing certain features of the battle, and describing the life in the prison at Columbus, Ohio. I took these letters to General Buckner, and asked him to tell me as to the correctness of their account of the plans and conduct of the three generals engaged at Donelson. General Buckner confirmed their report of these matters, but declined to express an opinion as to the manner in which the battle had been conducted. He said to me: "I have declined either to speak or to write on this subject, because I could not do so without disrespect to the officer who was my superior in command, a thing I consider unsoldierly.'' This expresson was characteristic of General Buckner, who retains to this day that respect for order, discipline, and decorum that he learned at West Point, and that was fixed in his nature when he fought under General Scott in Mexico. Notwithstanding this dignity of bearing, he preserves the magnetism that at the outbreak of the war made him a hero of the young men of Kentucky. His erect and stalwart frame seems to have preserved all the vigor of ripe manhood. Retaining his military bearing, he is precise in matters of etiquette, but is affable and charming in manner and conversation. Most of his time is spent in Hart County, where he is less a hero of the war than he is a neighbor and friend. His life is that of a philoso- pher, but also that of a man of affairs, and, while finding time for a high degree of culture, he has not neglected his business interests. The man who makes two blades of grass to grow where one grew before is considered a friend of his race. General Buckner, on his Hart County farm, has made four blades grow where none grew be- fore. General Buckner is one of a class of men rapidly dying out in the South; he is one of those who believe, with earnest conviction, in the justice of the Lost Cause. He has acquiesced in the fact that it was lost, and has adapted himself as a conscientious citizen to the demands of the government under which he lives; but I think I see in his face and hear in his voice a noble sorrow that he will never outlive. We younger men believe that he is mistaken; we believe that the cause lost was a greater cause gained; but let us respect the patriotism of a man who fought for his convictions, and who can feel a great sorrow untainted by rancor or hatred. In the conversation above alluded to General Buckner said to me: " I do not discuss the war or read what is written about it, because I think it all so disastrous in its results and consequences that I prefer not to renew the feeling such discussion awakens. Of the battle of Fort Donelson, I may say that I have heard that General Wallace in his account underestimates the number of Federal forces. General MAGAZINE ARTICLE 209 C. F. Smith said to me, after the surrender, that they had thirty-five thousand men in the battle, or, to use his own phrase, five and thirty thousand men." I asked if he did not consider that the Confederates had gained their point when his forces had driven and held McClernand's back from their position on the Confederate left to the river, leaving a road open to Nashville. He replied that he certainly thought so, and that he and his men would not have been captured had not General Pillow ordered him back into the trenches after the charge had been success- fully made. In order that I might have an account of the fight as seen from the Confederate standpoint, I sought Colonel Charles F. Johnson, who was Buckner's chief aide-de-camp, and who was consequently per- fectly familiar with what was done. I do not propose to discuss mili- tary tactics, but to show that, had the plan of General Buckner been carried out, the Confederate troops would have retreated safely, in- stead of being obliged to surrender. The officers arrived at Donelson on Wednesday, and began fighting at once. The battle was carried on in the trenches Wednesday, Thursday and Friday. The men were without tents; they lay in sleet or snow in bitter cold weather, and the enemy's guns were fired over them all night to prevent them from sleeping. General Floyd was in command; General Pillow was sec- ond, General Buckner third. Floyd, though he had been Secretary of War under Buchanan, knew little of military matters. His brigade was needed at Donelson, and he ranked the other generals there; but it was asserted that he was sent there with the understanding that he would accept and act upon Buckner's advice as to the conduct of the battle. This he did not do. Pillow got his ear and Buckner's plans were finally overruled. After two days of fighting from the trenches, which was wearisome and ineffective, General Buckner insisted upon going outside of them and attacking Wallace's forces on the Confederate left. He wished to do this on Friday, before his men became exhausted. He wanted to whip the Federal army before reinforcements should arrive. His wishes were not acceded to until Saturday, when Buckner led his men out of the trenches into the field and made a charge which was emi- nently successful, and which drove the Union forces back upon the river, under a sort of hill, or ledge. Previously to all of this the Fed- eral gun-boats had been whipped and sent down the river. On Saturday afternoon General Buckner received an order recall- ing his troops to the rifle-pits. Meanwhile he had seen Grant's rein- forcements arriving from down the river on some seventy -five boats. He saw at once that his exhausted men could not fight a new army, and that the only hope was a safe retreat to Nashville. The enemy had been driven back to the river, and the country was of a character to facilitate a retreat that would leave the main body of troops free from the attacks of a pursuing army. Therefore he did not at once obey the order to fall back into the trenches, but sent Colonel Johnson to 210 THE SURRENDER say that fresh troops were coming, that his own men were too tired to fight longer; but that he would hold the Union forces back to the river bank long enough to permit Generals Floyd and Pillow to get their men into line and march out toward Nashville. Colonel Johnson says that when he went to deliver this message he found General Pillow riding about Donelson exclaiming, "Another Manassas defeat! Another Manassas defeat! " General Pillow refused to believe that the Confed- erates would not hold out against the fresh forces, and insisted on bring- ing them back into their original position. Before they got back some of the Union forces (Colonel Johnson thinks they were Tuttle'-s brig- ade) had already gotten into the trenches. Buckner's men were met by Union troops firing at short range. Here was the fatal mistake at Fort Donelson. The men could fight no longer. A general council was held, and it was admitted that the exhausted soldiers were unable to make a further resistance. One wing of the Federal army rested on an inlet from the river, which inlet flanked the Confederate troops. By fording this they could get beyond the Fed- eral lines, perhaps, and make their escape. Should they try it? At a certain point the water was only about armpit deep, but it was bitter cold. General Floyd's medical director said that if the men waded through this water perhaps twenty-five per cent of them might reach Nashville alive. The proposition was dropped at once, and it was agreed that nothing remained but to surrender. General Floyd said that owing to his having been Secretary of War, the Federal govern- ment would be particularly anxious to capture him, and that for him to surrender would be dangerous to his life. He said "General Pillow, I turn this command over to you." General Pillow said, "Why, they would rather have me than Jeff. Davis, I cannot surrender. General Buckner, I turn the command over to you." Buckner accepted the situation, and the next day, Sunday, Feb- ruary 16, 1862, surrendered Fort Donelson. He had done all the fight- ing in the field, the other two generals having remained at Donelson. Colonel Johnson says that when General Grant met General Buckner he addressed him familiarly, and said he had been much alarmed when he heard that Buckner was at Fort Donelson. He said, "Why did you not attack Friday?" "I was not in command," said General Buckner. "If you had attacked Fi-iday," said General Grant, "the reinforce- ments could not have reached here in time." General Buckner said to me that the fact that General Floyd was especially under the ban at Washington, gave him an excuse for his flight. He refused to express an opinion upon General Pillow's deser- tion of his men. They escaped by boat. General Forrest's command, cavalry, did attempt to ford the inlet above referred to. Before he got all his men over the Federal troops discovered what he was about, and by extending their lines around the inlet and to the river itself, cut off MAGAZINE ARTICLE 211 the escape of two or" Forrest's companies, showing that the entire army could not have got out by this means. These matters are spoken of in Major Casseday's letters, which go but little into details, however, and are in no sense technical. They describe incidents of the battle, explain Buckner's intentions, and give a glimpse of the times. Necessarily they are more or less disjointed. I think it best to give the extracts from them in the order in which they were written. Fort Donblson, Dover, Tenn., February 16, 1862. After a severe battle of four days, in which, as even our captors unanimously agree, we sustained the name the Confederate arms have won most nobly, we are prisoners of war. Our men have been fight- ing by day and watching in the trenches by night for four days, and are perfectly worn out, overcome by the resources of the enemy. The battle was the most hotly contested of the war, and the sight of the dead and dying was horrible. Many, very many gallant fellows were killed. We were under the heaviest fire of the battle, and it seems miraculous that any of us escaped. "We are treated with entire respect; our side-arms are not taken. We could have escaped with other officers, but General Buckner and his staff were unwilling to leave the troops who had stood by him so nobly. Steamboat Argonaut, above Uniontown, Ky., February 22, 1862. On last Sunday I wrote to you, informing you of our unfortunate captivity. I pledge you my word that we did all it was possible for twelve thousand men to do against thirty-five thousand. We fought them for four consecutive days, and were everywhere successful, but our men were completely fagged out by fighting all day and watching and working all night. You cannot conceive how weary we were. Even on the second day I was so weary as to fall asleep in the field, while shells and balls were killing those around me every few min- utes. I saw the General and Charley (Colonel Johnson) sleeping sev- eral times under the same circumstances, and expect every man of our army did the same thing. But such sleeping brings colds, but no refreshment. On the day before the surrender we left our trenches, drove the right of the enemy back, took their right batteries, and were through their lines a mile and a half from our intrenchment, having actually accomplished our retreat; but an order then came to retire to our in- trenchments— sent by General Pillow — as they were about to be at- tacked, and we were reluctantly returned to the trap whence escape would afterward be impossible. The loss of the enemy greatly exceeds ours, though I suppose it will not be so reported. I saw it, and know it. There was but one opinion among the Federals as to the desperation with which we fought, and although we were sacrificed, we do hope that all those who feel a personal interest in us will be satisfied that we did our duty 212 THE SURRENDER nobly. The Federals fought much better than I expected, especially the Iowa and Illinois troops, who suffered fearfully. The whole thing was horrible enough. I saw sights of blood that I would not have supposed I could bear. I led the first charge of the attack, at- tempting to take their battery with the Fourteenth Mississippi regi- ment, whose officers, except their major, were not present. It was in this charge that the loss was bloodiest, the ground being strewn on all sides with the dead. A more bloody field has not been, and will not be, seen during the war, I hope. I do not write this as a description of the battle, but only as of interest to you. You will be glad to know that our misfortune was not attributable to lack of earnest and cour- ageous effort. Our captivity is a humiliation hard enough to bear, but so far as General Buckner and his staff are concerned, we have met with kind- ness on the part of most of the United States officers. General Buck- ner's refusal to leave his troops, as the other generals did when the boat was at our wharf, has won him much esteem on both sides. Only one of his staff accepted the proffered chance to escape, and we are all here, a very happy family, considering the circumstances. No guard has been placed over us, although there is one on the boat, and we are allowed every freedom consistent with our safe -keeping. I understand we are all to be placed together at Indianapolis. The other letters are from Camp Chase, the prison near Columbus, and are chiefly taken up with personal affairs and description of prison life, which seems not to have been very hard, except in the matter of restraint. The prisoners were not permitted to speak to their friends except in the presence of a guard, whose duty it was to hear all that was said, and all letters were read by an officer. There is something very pathetic and very characteristic in tlie story of the negro slave who followed his masters so faithfully. Camp Chase, March 9, 1862. The last of your writing that I have seen was the note appended to F's letter, which I received and read on the battlefield atDonelson. It was very strange to see your writing there, and to read the merry ideas F. put into her letter, the circumstances and feelings which at- tended its writing were so widely different from those at its reading. I thought of you almost incessantly during those four days, but never with the same feeling as when I received your own writing. The bearer of it handed it to me, seized his gun, and plunged into the thicket to try his skill with the sharpshooters, who were annoying us greatly. It is said he killed a number of them, and was himself un- hurt, but I never saw him afterward, and never learned how he got the letter. I promised you some time since to write you a description of the battle, but, as I did not then expect, all correspondence is sub- ject to scrutiny of the officials. While I was in the South my letters MAGAZINE ARTICLE 213 were under constraint, because there was danger of their being cap- tured. Now they are so because they are already captured. Our condition now, thanks to friends at home and our own ex- ertions, is much better than when we came. We have bought a cook- ing stove and utensils, and we are allowed to send out and buy butter, eggs, etc., and we live, so far as eating is concerned, as well as we de- sire. At first we did our own cooking, but now two faithful servants have been permitted to come in to us. A third one, who waited on our staff for many months, and who served us with a faithfulness that made us love him — one who braved all the dangers of the battle to remain with us, who cooked the meals we had time to eat, while the balls were whistling and shells bursting all around him, and who refused to leave us after the sui'render: who was arrested and confined at Indianapolis, and as soon as he got free followed us here— was denied admittance, and is gone, we know not where. We all feel that in him we have lost a worthy member of the staff. The poor slave hung around the gates trying to get in for several days; now he is gone. Tell S. if he sees him— "Whiting" by name— to help him along and see that he is cared for. Here follows an account of some friends at Columbus who pro- vided the prisoners with many delicacies. In the last letter I wrote you I told you we would probably be sent to Fort Warren, and I believe it was so intended. Had we been sent there we would have been with our general, who is as pure, as gener- ous, as courageous, as noble in triumph oradversity as the great Wash- ington ever was. This is not the blindness of friendship; it is the feel- ing of the army that was with him. I have yet to hear the first one of them reproach him with anything, even in their present aggravating misfortune. You can not conceive how noble he looked the night be- fore the surrender at the council of general officers, when the other generals announced their intention of retiring, and he said: "Gentle- men, you must decide for yourselves; as for me, I will share the fate of my troops." While on the subject of this council I will say that, so far as I know, General Floyd determined "I will never be taken aUve," with the approbation of every one present. So bitter is the feeling against him, that he would be subjected to indignities to which death would be preferable. There is bitterness enough against General Buckner, but not of the sort or intensity of that against General Floyd, who is ac- cused of the most heinous crimes. I told General Floyd there that he was right not to be taken. I and every one else thought differently about General Pillow, who, every one here thinks, left from different motives. General Buckner offered to those of his staff present at the council the opportunity to escape on the boat that carried off the other generals, and sent the same offer to those not present. Only one of them accepted. I have never regretted my action. 214 THE SURRENDER Then follows an amusing account of how two of the oflBcers had done duty as cook and cook's assistant — "Patrician cook and scullion." Offers of money and kindnesses from friends and strangers are re- ported. These letters tell their own pathetic story. Those parts of them which refer to General Buckner are evidently written from the heart, and bear their own marks of sincerity. As for Pillow's remarkable order, recalling Buckner after the charge was made and won, is it not possible that personal feeling actuated the man who had an old quar- rel with the Kentuckian? In the "old army" days, before th&re was talk of secession, a quarrel arose between General Scott and General Pillow. Scott could not afford to resent Pillow's conduct. Buckner had served in Mexico with General Scott, and, like others of that gener- al's young officers, he regarded him as a hero. He took up the quarrel with Pillow, and a bitter controversy was the result. Is it not possible, therefore, that we must go back to this old affair to discover why so many brave men had to lay down their arms at Fort Donelson, thus giving the Confederacy its first great defeat? BIOGRAPHICAL N0TE5 Compiled by Captain T. B. Taylor BAILEY, James E. Col. 49th Tenn. (confederate). Born in Mont- gomery CO. Tenn., Aug. 15, 1822. Educated at Clarksville Academy and at the University of Nashville, was admitted to the bar, and began the pi-actice of law at Clarksville in 1843. In 1853 he was elected to the Tenn. legislature. He served in the confederate army though not an original secessionist. Elected U. S. Senator from Tenn. in place of Andrew Johnson, taking his seat Jan. 29, 1877. (Appletons Cyclopedia Am. Biography.) BALDWIN, William E. Colonel 14th Miss, (conf .) comdg. brigade. Brig. Gen. Oct. 3, 1362. Died Feb. 19, 1864. Engaged at Fort Donelson, commanded a brigade in Pemberton's army during siege of Vicksburg and later a brigade in Dist. of Mobile. (Southern Hist. Society Papers. Rebellion Records.) BAUSENWEIN, Valentine. Colonel 58th Ohio. Commanded his regiment at Fort Donelson and Shiloh, where he was commended by Gen. Lew Wallace. Discharged Aug. 11, 1862. (Reb. Rec. and Volunteer Register.) BEAUMONT, T. W. Captain 60th Tenn. (conf.) commanding battery; engaged at Forts Henry and Donelson and in May, 1863, was Lieut. Colonel 50th Tenn., commanding a provisional regiment, and was wounded in action at Raymond, Miss. Killed in battle of Chicka- mauga. (Reb. Rec.) BID WELL, Bell G. Captain 30th Tenn. (conf.) comdg. battery. Later promoted Major of his regiment, engaged at Richmond, Miss., and later commanded post at Enterprise and Macon, Miss. (Reb. Rec.) BROWN, John C. Colonel 3d Tenn. (conf.) comdg. 3d Brigade. Born in Giles co. Tenn. Jan. 6, 1827. Died Aug. 17, 1889. Graduated at Jackson College, Tenn. 1846. Entered military service of the conf.. states at the beginning of the civil war and was successively promoted Colonel, Brig. Gen. and on Aug. 4th, 1864, Major Gen. Left nearly penniless by the war he found employment as a rail- road surveyor at a small salary, but proved so efficient a manager that he was made president of the Nashville Railroad. After constructing several small lines in Tenn. he entered the service of the Texas Pac. R. R. and had charge of it during its extension westward to the Rio Grande and eastward to New Orleans. Later he was appointed re- ceiver of the entire property. He was president of the constitutional 216 216 BIOGRAPHICAL convention of Tenn. and twice governor of the state, in 1870 and 1875. (Appletons Cyclopedia Am. Bio. — Southern Hist. Soc. Papers.) BROWN, William N. Major 20th Miss, (conf.) Later Lieut. Col. and Colonel of the same regiment and was wounded at the battle of Franklin. (Reb. Rec.) BUCKNER, Simon B. Brig. Gen. (conf.) comdg. division. Born in Kentucky in 1823. He was graduated at the U. S. military academy in 1844. Entering the 2d Infantry he was, from August, 1845, till May, 1846, assistant professor of ethics at West Point. He was breveted first lieutenant for gallantry at Contreras and Churubusco, where he was wounded, and captain for gallantry at Molino del Rey. He was appointed assistant instructor of infantry tactics at West Point, August, 1848, and resigned 25 March, 1865. He was superintendent of construc- tion of the Chicago custom-house in 1855, and colonel of volunteers raised in Illinois in that year for the Utah expedition, but not mustered into service. He then practiced law, and became the most prominent of the Knights of the Golden Circle in Kentucky. After the civil war began he was made commander of the state guard of Kentucky and adjutant-general of the state. On 12 Sept., 1861, he issued from Russel- ville an address to the people of Kentucky, calling on them to take up arms against the usurpation of Abraham Lincoln, after which he occu- pied Bowling Green. After the capture of Fort Henry he evacuated that place and withdrew to Fort Donelson, where he commanded a brigade, and after the escape of Pillow and Floyd, surrendered the fort 16 Feb., to Gen. Grant. He was imprisoned at Fort Warren, Boston, until exchanged in August, 1862. He subsequently commanded the 1st division of Gen. Hardee's corps in Bragg's army in Tennessee. Later he was made a major-general, and assigned to the 3d grand division, was in the battles of Murfreesboro and Chickamauga, and surrendered with Kirby Smith's army to Osterhaus, at Baton Rouge, 26 May, 1865. He was one of the pall-bearers at Gen. Grant's funeral. He was elected governor of Kentucky in 1887. (App. Cyc. Am. Biog.) CAVENDER, John S. Major 1st Mo. Born in Franklin N. H. March 11, 1824. Died in St. Louis, Mo., Feb. 23d, 1886. Moved to St. Louis in 1836 and in 1840 was sent to Phillips Academy, Exeter, N. H., to complete his education. Elected in 1860 a representative of Mis- souri, and resigned to accept captaincy in 1st Mo. vols. Wounded at Wilsons Creek. After recovery commanded a battery of light artillery at Fort Donelson, Shiloh and Corinth, after which he commanded 29th Mo. vols, at Chickasaw Bayou and Arkansas Post, soon after which he resigned and returned to St. Louis, being breveted Brig. Gen. State Senator 1867-1872. (Soc. Army Tenn., meeting 1886.) CHETLAIN, Augustus L. Lieut. Col. 12th 111. Inf., Brig. Gen. vols. Dec. 13, 1863. Born St. Louis, Mo., Dec. 26, 1824. His parents of French Huguenot stock, emigrated from Neufchatel, Switzerland, in 1823. He received a common school education, became a merchant in NOTES 217 Galena, and was the first volunteer at a meeting held in response to the president's call in 1861. He was chosen captain of the company when Gen. (then Capt.) Grant declined and subsequently commis- sioned Lieut. Col. and Colonel 12th 111. With regiment at Fort Henry, led it at Fort Donelson, engaged at Shiloh, distinguished himself at Corinth, being left in command of that post until May, 1863. Pro- moted Brig. Gen. Dec. 13, 1863, placed in charge of the organization of colored troops in Tenn. and afterward Ky. and by Jan. 1, 1864, raised a force of 17,000 men for which he was breveted Major General. Com- manded post of Memphis, 1865. Assessor of internal revenue for District of Utah 1867-69, then U. S. Consul at Brussels, and, after his return to U. S. in 1872, estab- lished himself in Chicago as a banker and stockbroker. (Appletons Cyclopedia of Am. Biog.) CHURCHILL, James O. 1st Lieutenant 11th 111., Captain and A. Q. M. Vols. June 30, 1864. Was sergeant 11th 111. Vols. July 30, 1861, promoted 2d Lieut. Sept. 1, 1861, 1st Lieut. Sept. 15, 1861, and Captain nth 111. May 10, 1862, and discharged Oct. 3, 1864, to accept appoint- ment as Captain and A. Q. M. Vols, to date June 30, 1864. Honorably mustered out Sept. 15, 1866, with brevet of Lieut. Colonel. (Vol. Reg.) COOK, John. Colonel 7th 111. Inf. comdg. 3d Brigade. Born Belleville, 111., June 12, 1825. Was left an orphan and the possessor of a fortune at an early age, educated by his grandfather, Gov. Edwards, and, after his death, by a clergyman, and entered college at Jackson- ville, 111., but was not graduated, on account of the failure of his sight. He engaged in mercantile business in St. Louis, Mo.; in 1846 entered the dry goods business with his uncle in Springfield, 111., and afterward became a dealer in real estate. In 1866 he was made mayor of Spring- field, the following year sheriff of Sangamon countj' and later quarter- master general of the state. Just previous to the civil war he was captain of a company of militia. At the beginning of the civil war in 1861 he commanded the first regiment raised in Illinois. For complaint of certain irregularities of his command see Reb. Rec, Serial No. 11, pages 13-14. For gallantry at the capture of Fort Donelson, where he commanded a brigade, he was made a Brigadier General on March 21, 1862, commanded a brigade in reserve corps of Pope's Army in July, 1862, and Sept. 1862 was assigned to a district in the Dept. of the Northwest, where he commanded during troubles with Indians. In Sept., 1864, he commanded the District of Illinois, with headquarters at Springfield. He was mustered out on Aug. 24, 1865, with the rank of Major General by brevet. Elected in 1868 to the Ilhnois legislature. (Appletons Cyc. Am. Biog.; Reb. Rec.) COOK, Ed. C. Col. 32d Tenn. (conf.) engaged at Donelson, com- manded a brigade at battle of Chickamauga, and killed in action near Marietta, Ga., June 22, 1864. (Reb. Rec.) CRU FT, Charles. Colonel 31st Ind. Inf. comdg. brigade, Major Gen. Vols. Mch. 5, 1865. Born in Terra Haute, Ind., Jan. 12, 1826. Died in 218 BIOGRAPHICAL Terre Haute March 23, 1883. Was graduated at Wabash college, 1842, and practiced law until 1855, when he became president of the Terre Haute and Alton R. R. Commissioned in 1861 Colonel 31st Ind. Vols. Engaged at Fort Donelson and twice wounded at Shiloh. Promoted Brig. Gen. of volunteers 3u]y 16, 1862. Engaged at Stone River and Chickamauga and commanded a division at Missionary Ridge and in Atlanta campaign. Promoted Major Gen. Vols. March 5, 1865. After the war he returned to the practice of law and owned the Terre Haute Express. (Appletons Cyc. Am. Biog. ; Reunion Army Cumberland, 1883.) CULBERTSON, Jacob. Captain (conf.) comdg. batteries. Grad- uated U. S. M. A. 1850, No. 7, and assigned as brevet 2d Lt. of Artillery and 2d Lt. 4th Art. Dec. 11, 1850, and promoted 1st Lt. 4th Art. Feb. 14, 1856. Resigned Jan. 10, 1857. Captain and Major of Artillery in C. S. Army. (CuUums Register.) DOSS, Washington L. Major 14th Miss. (conf.). Served succes- sively as Major, Lieut. Col. and Colonel 14th Miss, and last mentioned as in command of his regiment on Dec. 10, 1864. (Reb. Rec.) DOVE, Benjamin M. Commander U. S. Navy. Born in Virginia, and appointed to the Navy from the District of Columbia. In 1853 was a Senior Lieutenant on duty aboard the frigate Constitution. During the civil war he was actively commanding gunboats in western waters and finally the U. S. S. Louisville until about Oct. 1, 1862, when he was relieved to be assigned to shore duty. On Nov. 27th, 1863, he reported at Beaufort, N. C, and commanded that Naval Station, Dec. 20, 1864, being the last date mentioned. No further record found. (Navy records and registers.) DRESSER, Jasper M. Captain Battery A, 111. F. A. Born Litch- field, Mich., May 17, 1838. Died St. Augustine, Fla., Feb. 25, 1894. Graduated from Hillsdale College and engaged in business at Lafayette, Ind., studied law and was admitted to the bar. In 1860 accepted a position in the Land Office, Washington, and from there enlisted under the 3 months call and was severely wounded at Bull Run. Re-entered the service Aug. 14, 1861, as Captain Btry. A and D, 2nd Regt. 111. Light Art.; served on Gen. McClernand's staff at battle of Belmont, engaged at Fort Donelson and resigned March 28, 1862. In Sept., 1862, ap- pointed Major 86th Ind. Vols.; subsequently promoted Lieut. Col. and was so severely wounded at Stone River that he was compelled to retire from the service June 2. 1863. He again practiced law and in 1886 was elected State Senator. (Soc. Army Tenn, 1894 and Reb. Rec.) DUQUCRON, Augustus. Mentioned in R. R. 66-406, as Captain in command of two army torpedo steamers ordered April 6, 1864, by the Department Commander at Charleston, S. C, to proceed by inland navigation and attack the enemy's vessels in the waters of Saint Helena Sound and Port Royal or their tributary streams. FARQUHARSON, Robert. Colonel 41st Tenn. (conf.). Served in Mexican war as Major 1st Tenn. vols, and was wounded at Cerro NOTES 219 Gordo. At the beginning of the civil war was appointed Colonel 41st Tenn., Nov. 26, 1861. Captured at Fort Donelson and exchanged in Sept., 1862, the regiment being reorganized. Engaged at Raymond, Miss., retired about August, 1863. (Wilcox Hist. Mex. War; Reb. Rec. ; Mil. Annals of Tenn.) FLOYD, John B. Brig. Gen. (conf.) comdg.division. Statesman, born in Blacksburg, Va., June 1, 1807; died near Abingdon, Va., Aug. 26, 1863. He was graduated at the College of South Carolina in 1826, removed to Arkansas in 1836, and resided there three years, when he returned to Virginia and practiced law in Washington county. He served in the state legislature in 1847-49 and 1853, and was governor of Virginia in 1850-63. He was a member of the electoral college in 1856, and a supporter of James Buchanan for the presidency, who appointed him secretary of war. He held this office from 1857 till the autumn of 1860, when, having declared for secession, he resigned, and returned to his home in Abingdon, Va. In the winter of 1861 he was indicted in Washington, on the charge of having secretly, during the latter portion of his administration of the war department, prepared the means to aid secession leaders, dispersed the army into remote parts of the country, where the troops could not readily be conveyed to the Atlantic coast, and transferred from northern to southern arsenals 113,000 muskets; and that he was privy to the abstraction of f 870,000 in bonds from the department of the interior during the latter part of 1860. Immediately on learning of these charges, Mr. Floyd went to Wash- ington, appeared before the court, gave bail, and demanded trial. In January, 1861, a committee of the house of representatives made an investigation, and completely exonerated Mr. Floyd from each charge of the indictment. In 1861 he was appointed brigadier general in the Confederate army, and was engaged at the battle of Carnifex Ferry, Sept. 10, 1861. In command at Fort Donelson, but escaped before sur- render, for which he was censured and relieved of further command in C. S. Army. (App. Cyc. Am. Biog.) FONTAINE, Felix Q. War correspondent. Born 1834, died Dec. 11, 1896. Fontaine, who wrote under the pen name of "Personne" was a celebrated Southern war correspondent and man of letters. His father. Chevalier de Fontaine, a distinguished scholar and author, was a member of the court of Charles X and fled from Paris with that prince in the revolution of 1830, came to the United States and married, where his son Felix was born. Fontaine was one of the old school re- porters of the U. S. Senate in the days of Clay, Calhoun, Webster and Douglas, and later one of the best journalists of the south; during the civil war his descriptions of army life and battles were widely known and his "Letters from the Front" became part of the current history of the time. Losing one of the largest newspaper offices in the south by the burning of Columbia, he went north after the war, where for three years he was managing editor of the N. Y. Evening Telegram, seven years financial editor of the N. Y. Herald, then dramatic and 220 BIOGRAPHICAL musical editor for years. He was also the author of some nine books on varied subjects. (Information furnished by the editor Charleston Courier,) FOOTE, Andrew H. Flag Officer U. S. Navy comdg. Naval forces Western Waters. Rear Admiral June 16, 1862. Born in New Haven, Conn., Sept. 12, 1806; died in New York City, June 26, 1863. En- tered as midshipman Dec. 4, 1822, on the elder Com. David Porter's squadron that was sent out in 1823 to break up the piratical nests among the West India Islands. He was promoted lieutenant in 1830, and in 1849 was appointed captain of the brig "Perry", in which he cruised off the African coast for two years, doing effective service in the suppression of the slave-trade. He was put in command of the sloop-of -war "Plymouth" in 1856, and arrived at Canton, China, on the eve of the hostilities between the Chinese and English. He exerted himself to protect American property, and was fired on by the Barrier forts while thus engaged. He obtained permission from Com. Arm- strong to demand an apology, and when it was refused he attacked the forts, four in number, with the "Portsmouth" and the "Levant", breached the largest and carried them by storm. His loss was 40, while that of the enemy was 400. At the beginning of the civil war he was chosen by the government to command the western flotilla. The equipment and organization of this flotilla taxed the energies of Flag Officer Foote to the utmost, and he always spoke of it as his greatest work. Engaged at Fort Henry and wounded at Fort Donelson. He then aided Pope on the Mississippi, and, after a seines of ineffectual attempts, Island No. 10 was surrendered to him on April 7. His wound became so serious that he was obliged to give up his western com- mand. On June 16, 1862, he received a vote of thanks from congress, and was made a rear admiral, and on June 22 he was appointed chief of the bureau of equipment and recruiting. On June 4, 1863, he was chosen to succeed Rear-Admiral Dupont in command of the fleet off Charleston, and while on his way to assume this command he died in New York. He was a man of a high type of Christian character, with most genial and lovable traits, but uncompromisingly firm in his principles, especially in regard to temperance reform in the navy, where he was the means of abolishing the spirit-ration. During a period of four years after 1852, when he remained at home, he wrote "Africa and the American Flag". (Appletons Cyc. Am. Biog.) FORREST, Nathan B. Colonel, Tenn. Cavalry (conf.); Lieut. Gen. C. S. A. Born Bedford co., Tenn., July 13, 1821; died Memphis, Tenn., Oct. 29, 1877. His family removed to North Mississippi in 1834. He received but little early education as his mother and a large family of children were early left dependent upon his labor for their support. In 1841 volunteered for Texas war of independence but the company on reaching Texas found no use for their services and he returned to Mississippi where in 1842 he went into business in Hernando. In two shooting affairs he bested his adversaries when the odds were against NOTES 221 him. In 1852 he established himself in Memphis, Tenn., as a dealer in real estate and slaves, and later gave this up, bought and operated two large cotton plantations, growing 1000 bales in 1861. In 1857 he pre- vented a lynching by cutting down and taking to jail the intended victim, in the face of a large angry mob, and then held off the mob at the jail; and largely on this account was elected an alderman of Memphis for several succeeding years. Enlisted as a private in Tenn. Cav. June 14, 1861. About July 10, 1861, was commissioned colonel to raise a regiment of cavalry, and armed and equipped the regiment largely at his own expense. The regiment was actively engaged in reconnaissance during fall and winter of 1861-62 and was in several small actions, and joined Fort Donelson Feb. 10, 1862. Col. Forrest later became very prominent as a bold, active and successful cavalry leader, being promoted Brig. Gen. July 21, 1862; Major General Dec. 4, 1863, and Lieut. General Feb. 28, 1865. He was wounded four times and had 18 horses killed and 10 others wounded under him during the war. (Campaigns of Lt. Gen. Forrest and Forrest's Cav.) FRY, Thomas W. Surgeon, Med. Director 3d Div. Originally entered volunteer service as surgeon, 11th Indiana vols., and was ap- pointed Surgeon of Vols. Jan. 17, 1862. Mustered out Nov. 30, 1865, as Surgeon and brevet Lieut. Col. vols. (Army registers.) GILMER, Jeremy F. Colonel, Chief Eng. West. Dept. (conf.). Born Guilford co. N. C, Feb. 23, 1818; died Dec. 1, 1883. Graduated U. S. M. A. 1839, No. 4, and promoted 2d Lt. Eng., July 1, 1839, and 1st Lieut. Dec. 29, 1845. Served during war with Mexico in New Mexico and surveying battlefields about Mexico City. Promoted Capt. Engrs. July 1, 1853. Resigned his oommission June 29, 1861, and entered confederate army. Appointed Major of Eng. Sept., 1861, and was chief engineer on Gen. A. S. Johnston's staff. Wounded at Shiloh and after recovery appointed chief of the Engineer Bureau at Richmond; Aug. 20, 1863, promoted Major General and ordered to Charleston to direct the defense, but in June, 1864, he returned to Richmond and re- sumed charge of Bureau of Engineering. After the war he engaged in railroad and other enterprises in Georgia, being president of the Savannah Gas Co., 1867 to 1883. (Cullom's Reg.; App. Cyc. Am. Biog.) GRANT, Ulysses S. Brig. Gen. vols.; General, U. S. Army. Born Clermont co., Ohio, April 27, 1822. Cadet M. A. July 1, 1839. Graduated July 1, 1843, No. 21 in a class of thirty-nine and assigned to 4th Infantry. War with Mexico, engaged in battles of Palo Alto, Resaca de la Palma, Monterey, Vera Cruz, Cerro Gordo, San Antonio, Churubusco, breveted 1st Lieut, for gallant conduct at Molino del Rey, and breveted Captain for gallant conduct at Chapultepec; promoted 1st Lieut., 1847, and Captain, 1853. Resigned July 31, 1854, and re- moved to Gravois, near St. Louis, where he owned and worked a farm. In 1860 he entered the leather trade with his father and brother at Galena, 111. On April 19, 1861, Gi-ant commenced drilling a company of volunteers which he superintended April-May; assisted in organiz- 222 BIOGRAPHICAL ing and mustering volunteers into service May to June 17, 1861, wlien he was appointed Colonel 21st 111. vols, which regiment he commanded until Aug. 7, when he was commissioned Brig. Gen. of volunteers to date from May 17, 1861. His later services and life are too well known to require mention. QREQQ, John. Colonel 7th Texas (conf.), commanded at battle of Raymond; was promoted Bx-ig. Gen. Sept. 27, 1862, and served with credit through the war, being in command of a Texas brigade (cav.) Army of Northern Virginia during the later years of the war, and was killed in action near Petersburg, Va., Oct. 7, 1864. (Reb. Rec. ; Mil. & Naval Hist. Rebellion.) HALLECK, Henry W. Born Westernville, N. Y., Jan. 16, 1815; died Louisville, Ky., Jan. 9, 1872. Graduated U. S. M. A. in 1839, standing No. 3 in a class of thirty-one, and assigned to the Engineer Corps. In 1845 went to Europe to examine public works, appointed 1st Lieut, of Engineers Jan. 1, 1845. His report on coast defense at- tracted such favorable notice that the Lowell Institute invited him to deliver twelve lectures on the science of war. These, rearranged, were published in 1846 under the title, "Elements of Military Art and Science", which, being the best in our language, was much used by students of the military profession, and during the civil war was used as a manual, particularly by volunteers. During Mexican war he was assigned to Avest coast, and partially fortified Monterey, Cal. "Was Secretary of State of California under military administration, and ac- companied several expeditions into Lower California, participating in several actions. Breveted Captain May 1, 1847. He had much to do with the organization of California as a state. Promotod Captain of Engineers July 1, 1853. Resigned Aug. 1, 1854. He then practiced law and was director general of a quicksilver mine, and in addition pub- lished several works including a "Collection of Mining Laws of Spain and Mexico" and a treatise on International Law. He was also in 1855 president of a railroad and in 1860-61 Major General of California militia. Union college gave him the degree of A.M. in 1843 and L.L.D. in 1862. At the beginning of the civil war he was head of the most prominent law firm in San Francisco with large interests and living in affluence. He tendered his services and was appointed Major General in U. S. Army Aug. 19, 1861, and assigned to command the Department of Missouri, where both civil and military affairs were in much con- fusion, his administrative ability and energy soon bringing about a great improvement. Commanded Dept. of the Mississippi March 11 to July 11, 1862, which included all operations in the middle west. General-in-chief, Armies of the U. S. July 11, 1862, to March 12, 1864; Chief of Staff U. S. Army March 12, 1864, to April 19, 1865; comdg. Mil. Div. of the James April 22 to July 1, 1865; Div. of the Pacific 1865-69, and Div. of the South 1869 until his death. (App. Cyc. Am. Biog. ; CuUum's Register.) NOTES 223 HANSON, Roger W. Colonel 2d Ky. (conf.); Brig. Gen. Dec. 31, 1862. Born in Clark co., Ky., Aug. 27, 1827; died near Murfreesboro, Tenn., Jan 2, 1863. Was 1st Lieut, in Capt. John S. Williams company of Ky. vols, in Mexican war, and was engaged at Cerro Gordo. Mem- ber of the General Assembly from Fayette co., Ky. ; in 1855 elector on Fillmore ticket and 1857 was Know Nothing candidate for Congress and was defeated. Appointed Colonel 2d Ky., conf., Sept. 2, 1861, and promoted Brig. Gen. Dec. 31, 1862. Killed at battle of Stone River. (App. Cyc. Am. Biog.) HAYNES, Milton A. Lieut. Col. and Chief Tenn. Art. Corps (conf.). Born 1814; died at Memphis, Tenn., Sept. 27, 1867. Graduated U. S. M. A. 1838, No. 18, and assigned to artillery. Served in Florida war 1838-39. Resigned Sept. 30, 1839; counselor at law in Nashville, 1840 to 1846; Asst. Adjt. Gen. of Tenn. Militia 1844-46; served in Mex. war as Capt. 1st Tenn. vol. cavalry, June 9, 1846, to May 31, 1847, after which he again practiced law. Served in civil war as Lieut. Col. and Chief of Artillery ; no record later than 1863. (Cullum's Reg. ; Reb.Rec.) HAYNIE, IshamN. Colonel 48th 111. Vols. Born in Dover, Tenn., Nov. 18, 1824; died Springfield, 111., in Nov., 1868. He removed to Illinois in early childhood, received little education and worked on a farm to obtain means to study law, in which he was licensed to prac- tice in 1846. He served throughout the Mexican war as 1st Lieut. 6th 111. vols. ; resumed his profession in 1849 and was a member of the state legislature in 1850. He was graduated at the Kentucky Law School in 1852, and in 1856 was appointed judge of the Court of Common Pleas at Cairo, 111. He was presidential elector on Douglas ticket in 1860, and 1861 raised the 48th 111. vols., being commissioned its colonel. In battles of Forts Henry and Donelson, Shiloh where he was severely wounded, and Corinth. Was defeated as war candidate for Congress in 1862 and was appointed Brig. Gen. of Vols. Nov. 29, 1862. Resigned March 6, 1863; resumed his profession in 1864 and subsequently became Adjt. Gen. of Illinois. (App. Cyc. Am. Biog.; Reb. Rec.) HEIMAN, Adolphus. Colonel 10th Tenn. (conf.). Before the war lived in Nashville, Tenn. Commanded Fort Henry for about six months prior to its fall and in reports from other oflflcers is stated to be a capable officer with a very well disciplined regiment. After the fall of Fort Donelson he was a prisoner of war until August, 1862, when he rejoined his command but he soon became ill and in Novem- ber, 1862, died at Jackson, Miss. (Reb. Rec.) JOHNSTON, Albert S. General, C. S. Army, comdg. Western Dept. Born in Washington, Ky., Feb. 3, 1803; killed at Shiloh, April 6, 1862. Graduated U. S. M. A. in 1826, No. 8, and assigned to 6th Inf. Served in Black Hawk war 1832 as Colonel, Staff (Asst. Adjt. Gen.) of 111. vols. Resigned May 31, 1834, while 2d Lieut. Farmer for a short time near St. Louis, but in Aug., 1836, joined Army of Republic of Texas and in same year was made Adjutant General of this Army, 224 BIOGRAPHICAL Senior Brig. Gen. 1836-38 and Sec. of War, Rep. of Tex., 1838-40. Then engaged in planting in Texas, but at outbreak of Mexican war joined the army under Gen. Taylor on the Rio Grande. His regiment, the 1st Texas Rifles, was soon disbanded, but he continued in service and was Inspector General of Butler's division at the battle of Monterey. He was recommended as a Brig. Gen. but was set aside by the president for political reasons and retired to his farm 1846-49. He remained hei-e "in poverty" until appointed a paymaster U. S. A. by President Taj^lor in 1849. In 1855 was appointed Colonel 2d (now 5th) Cavalry, a new regiment, whicli he organized, Robert E. Lee being Lieut. Cel. and Geo. H. Thomas and W. J. Hardee Majors. In 1857 commanded ex- pedition in "Mormon war" and was breveted Brig. Gen. Resigned May 3, 1861. Appointed Gen. C. S. A. Aug. 31, 1861, and Sept. 14, 1861, arrived at Nashville to assume his command which embraced all the country west of Atlantic States and north of Gulf States. Killed at the battle of Shiloh. (Ajip. Cyc. Am. Biog. ; Cullum's Register.) JOHNSON, Bushrod R. Brig. Gen. C. S. A. comdg. division. Born Belmont co., Ohio, Oct. 7, 1817; died Brighton, 111., Sept. 11, 1880. Was graduated U. S. M. A. 1840, No. 23, and assigned to 3d Inf.; served in Florida war 1840-42; promoted 1st Lieut. 3d Inf., Feb. 29, 1844. Mexican war, engaged at Palo Alto, Reseca de la Palma, Monterey, and Vera Cruz; resigned Oct. 22, 1847. Professor and subsequently superintendent Western Military Institute, Georgetown. Ky., 1848-55, and superintendent Mil. College University of Nashville 1855-61; Lieut. Col. Ky. Militia 1849-51, and Col. 1851-54; Col. Tenn. Militia 1854-61. Entered confederate service in 1861 and was appointed Brig. Gen. Jan. 24, 1862. Taken prisoner at Donelson, but shortly afterward escaped and was wounded at Shiloh. Commanded a division at Chattanooga, served in subsequent engagements in Army of Tenn., was promoted Major General May 21, 1864, and commanded a division at the sur- render. Then became superintendent of the Military College in the University of Nashville and chancellor of that institution. (Cullum's Reg.; App. Cyc. Am. Biog.) LAUMAN, Jacob Q. Colonel 7th Iowa, comdg. brigade. Born in Taney town, Md., Jan. 20, 1813; died in Burhngton, Iowa, Feb. 9, 1867. Educated at the academy in York co., Penn. In 1844 he moved to Burlington, Iowa, where he engaged in commerce and as a private banker. Appointed Oct., 1845, as 1st Lieut. "Burlington Greys" Militia of Iowa Territory; appointed A. D. C. to Governor of Iowa Jan. 25, 1856. Commissioned Colonel 7th Iowa vols, in July, 1861; wounded at Belmont Nov. 7, 1861, and^commanded a brigade at Forts Henry and Donelson. Commissioned Brig. Gen. of Vols. March 21, 1862; com- manded a brigade at Shiloh and at siege of Corinth, and a division at siege of Vicksburg; commanded a division in Gen. Ord's corps in Jackson campaign, July, 1863. (R. R. Serial Vol. No. 37— pp. 523-525, 575, 697.) Breveted Major Gen. Vols. March 13, 1865, and mustered NOTES 225 out Aug. 24, 1865. (App. Cyc. Am. Biog. ; Papers Gen. Lauman's son; Reb. Rec.) LILLARD, John M. Colonel 30th Tenn. (conf.). Appointed Col. Sept. 6, 1861; captured at Fort Donelson and after exchange in Sept., 1862, again resumed command of the regiment. Engaged at Stone River and was killed at Chickamauga. (Mil. Ann. Tenn.; Reb. Rec.) LYON, Hylan B. Lieut. Colonel 8th Ky. (conf.). Born 1836; died at Eddysville, Ky., April 26, 1907. Was graduated U. S. M. A. 1856, No. 19, and assigned to Artillery. Served in Florida against Seminole Indians 1856-1857; promoted 1st Lieut. 3d Art. Sept. 27, 1860. Resigned April 30, 1861, and entered confederate service; Lieut. Col. and Colonel 8th K3^, and commissioned Brig. Gen. June 14, 1864. He commanded a cavalry brigade in Forrest's Div. Army of Tennessee, and at one time the Dept. of Ky. After the war was a farmer at Eddyville, Ky. (So. Hist. Soc. papers; Heitman's Register; Reb. Rec.) MARKS, Samuel B. Captain 18th 111. In Jan., 1863, was Major comdg. 18th 111. in Dept. of Jackson; and Dec, 1863, and April, 1864, was Lieut. Col. comdg. same regiment in 7th A. C. Dept. of Arkansas. Mustered out June, 1864, expiration term of service. (Reb. Rec; Vol. Register.) MARSH, C. Carroll. Colonel 20th 111. comdg. Cape Girardeau, Mo., and regiment Aug., 1861; in successful action at Frederickstown, Mo., Oct. 21, 1861; engaged at Donelson, commanded brigade at Shiloh and brigades in 13th and 17th Army Corps to Jan. 25, 1863. Recommended by Gen. Grant Oct. 21, 1862, for promotion. Resigned April 22, 1863, (Reb. Rec) MERSY, August. Colonel 9th 111. Engaged at Fort Donelson and Shiloh and from Jan., 1863, commanded brigades in the Army of Tenn., and for a time a division, including a brigade during the Atlanta campaign to July 24, 1864. Mustered out Aug., 1864, expiration term of service. (Reb. Rec; Vol. Register.) MORRISON. William R. Colonel 49th 111. Inf.; comdg. 3d Brigade IstDiv. Born in Monroe co.. 111., Sept. 14, 1824 or -25. He was edu- cated at McKendree College, Lebanon, 111., and served as a private in the Mexican war. In 1852-54 he was clerk of the circuit court of Monroe county, and in 1854 was elected to the state legislature. Was admitted to the bar in 1855 and continued in legislature until 1859, holding speakership the latter year. Organized the 49th Ills. vols, at the beginning of the civil war and was wounded at Fort Donelson. While in command of his regiment in the field he was elected to Congress as a democrat and served in 1863-65, but was defeated for 39th and 40th Congresses; again served 1873-87 and in 1873-75 was chairman of committee of ways and means. Defeated for Congress 1886. Introduced Morrison tariff measure. Served 1887 to 1897 as a member of the interstate commerce commission, of which he was chairman after 1891. (App. Cyc. Am. Biog.; Annual Enc.) 226 BIOGRAPHICAL McARTHUR, John. Colonel 12th 111. Inf. comdg. 1st Brigade 2d Div. Born Erskine, Scotland, Nov. 17, 1826. Son of a blacksmith and worked at that trade until 23 years of age, when he came to the United States and settled in Chicago, 111., where he was employed as foreman in a foundry, and was subsequently at the head of an establishment of his own. When the civil war began he joined the 12th 111. vols, with a company of which he was Captain, and was chosen Lieut. Colonel; he soon after became Colonel of the regiment, commanded a brigade at Fort Donelson, being promoted Brig. Gen. Vols. Mar. 21,1862. AtShiloh he was wounded in the foot, but returned, after it was dressed, to his brigade and succeeded to the command of the 2d Div. when Gen. W. H. L. Wallace was wounded. He commanded a division in Gen. McPherson's Corps in operations against Vicksburg. Took a con- spicuous part in the battle of Nashville, commanding a division, and for gallantry in this action was brevetted Major General. Was post- master at Chicago 1873-77. (App. Cyc. Am. Biog.) McCAUSLAND, John. Colonel 36th Va. (conf.) comdg. brigade. Was Lieut. Col. on April 29, 1861, and authorized to muster in and command a regiment in Kanawha Valley and in Aug., 1861 was Colonel 36th Va.; commanded a brigade at Fort Donelson, leaving before the surrender; May, 1862, commanded a brigade in Shenandoah Valley, and continued operating in West Virginia until he was promoted Brig. Gen. May 24, 1864, when he was assigned to command a brigade of Virginia cavalry which operated, mainly in the Shenandoah Valley, until the close of the war. (Reb. Rec.) McCLERNAND, John A. Brig. Gen. Vols, comdg. Div.; Major Gen. Vols. Born Breckenridge co., Ky., May 30, 1812; died Springfield, 111., Sept. 20, 1900. In 1832 he was. admitted to the bar, and the same year he was a volunteer in the war against the Sacs and Foxes. In 1836 he established the Shawneetown, 111., Democrat. From 1837 to 1842 he was a member of the Illinois legislature; 1843-51 was a member of Congress, was re-elected 1858 and resigned at outbreak of the civil war. He was appointed Brig. Gen. of Vols., accompanied Gen. Grant at Belmont, and commanded division at Donelson. Promoted Major Gen. of Vols. March 21, 1862; commanded a division at J^hiloh and in Jan., 1863, relieved Gen. Sherman in command of the expedition to Vicksburg. Commanded the force that captured Arkansas Post, present at battle of Champion Hills and siege of Vicksburg. In July, 1863, he was relieved from command of the 13th A. C. pending inves- tigation of charges made by Gen. Grant; was restored to command in Jan., 1864, and resigned in Nov., 1864. 1870-73 was circuit judge for the Sangamon, 111., district. In 1876 was chairman of the Democratic convention and under President Cleveland served as a member of the Utah Commission. (Annual Enc.) McQINNIS, George F. Colonel 11th Ind. Inf. Born Boston, Mass., March 19, 1826. He was educated in the common schools of Maine and Ohio, served during the Mexican war as Captain of Ohio vols, and in NOTES 227 the civil war as Lieut. Col. and Colonel of the 11th Ind. Inf., was en- gaged at Fort Donelson and Shiloh and promoted Brig. Gen. of Vols. Nov. 29, 1862; commanded brigade at Port Gibson and Champion Hills and served throughout the war in Louisiana and Arkansas com- manding a division for a'portion of the time. After the war he settled in Indianapolis, Ind., became auditor of Marion co. in 1867 and held that office until 1871. (App. Cyc. Am. Biog.; Reb. Rec.) Mcpherson, James B. Lieut. Col. U. S. A., Chief Eng. ; Major Gen. Vols.; Brig. Gen. U. S. A. Born Sandusky, Ohio, Nov. 14, 1828; killed in action near Atlanta, Ga., July 22, 1864. Was graduated from U. S. M. A., No. 1 in a class of 51, July 1, 1853, and assigned to Eng. Corps; promoted to 1st Lieut. 1858, and Captain, 1861, and served on fortification and other construction duty until beginning of civil war. Appointed Lieut. Col., staff, Nov. 12, 1861, and aide to Major Gen. Halleck on Feb. 1, 1862. Chief Eng. on Gen. Grant's staff, engaged at Donelson, Shiloh and Siege of Corinth. Promoted Brig. Gen. Vols. May 15, 1862, and present on Grant's staff at luka; in command of a brigade Oct. 2-14, 1862. Major Gen. Vols. Oct. 8, 1862, in command of a division Army of the Tenn. in Vicksburg campaign. Appointed Brig. Gen. U. S. Army Aug. 1, 1863. In numerous actions with Army of the Tenn. including Atlanta campaign, until killed in the repulse of a sortie from Atlanta. Gen. Grant considered him one of the ablest engineers and most skillful generals. (Cullum's Reg.) N. Y. TIMES Correspondent. The New York Times is unable to furnish any information in regard to its correspondent at Fort Donel- son. Col. Lauman, 7th Iowa, writes from Smithland, Ky., in a letter to his wife dated Feb. 1, 1862: "Wilkie, the correspondent of the N. Y. Times, called to see me the other day. I found an old acquaintance in him, having met him several times before — the first time at the military convention at Davenport and subsequently at Burlington. He is from Dubuque." OQLESBY, Richard J. Colonel 8th 111. Inf. comdg. 1st Brigade, 1st Div. Born in Oldham co., Ky., July 25, 1824; died Elkhart, 111., April 24, 1899. He was left an orphan at 8 years and, with an uncle, removed to Decatur, III., in 1836. Learned carpenters trade, which, with farming and rope making, occupied him until 1844. Meanwhile he studied law, and in 1845 was admitted to bar. In 1846 was commis- sioned 1st Lieut, in the 4th 111. regiment, with which he went to Mexico and was present at the siege of Vera Cruz and battle of Cerro Gordo. He resumed law practice at Decatur in 1847, and in 1848 was graduated from Louisville Law School. In 1849 went to California, mining, and in 1851 returned to Decatur. In 1860 he was elected to the state senate, but resigned to accept the colonelcy of the 8th 111. vols. Commanded brigade at capture of Forts Henry and Donelson and was promoted Brig. Gen. Vols. March 21, 1862. Was severely wounded at Corinth, and disabled until April, 1863. Meantime was made Major Gen. Vols, and assigned to command 16th Army Corps; resigned May, 1864, on 228 BIOGRAPHICAL account of his wounds. In 1864-69 he was governor of Illinois, and in 1872 was re-elected but declined the office to become United States Senator 1873-79, declining re-election. Was again governor of Illinois 1886-1889. (App. Cyc. Am. Biog.; Americana Enc.) PALMER, Joseph B. Colonel 18th Tenn. (conf.). Was a promi- nent citizen and leading lawyer of Murfreesboro and as Captain organized a company in April, 1861; Colonel 18th Tenn. June 11, 1861. Captured at Donelson and exchanged in Aug. 1862, he again resumed command of the regiment. Commanded a brigade at Stone River, where he was wounded three times. Returned to duty in about four months and served for a time but was again compelled on account of his wounds to leave while confederate army occupied Chattanooga. Returned previous to and was engaged in battle of Chicka manga where he was again seriously wounded. Appointed Brig. Gen. Sept., 1864; commanded brigade during Atlanta campaign, and in Tennessee and the Carolinas until the surrender. (Mil. Annals Tenn.) PARROTT, James C. Lieut. Colonel 7th Iowa. Was Captain 7th Iowa and wounded at battle of Belmont. Promoted Lieut. Col. and commanded regiment at Fort Donelson. Served as Lieut. Col. comdg. 7th Iowa throughout the war, mustered out July 12, 1865. Service Shiloh, siege of Corinth, luka, Corinth, Oct. 3, 1862, Atlanta campaign including Resaca, Kenesaw and Atlanta, March to the Sea and the re- sulting actions until the surrender. Several times commended in reports. (Reb. Rec. ) PHELPS, S. Ledyard. Lieutenant U. S. Navy. Was a passed midshipman in the Navy in 1853. In August, 1861, brought some of the new gunboats down the Ohio river to Cairo, and thereafter was attached to Western Flotilla. In command of gunboat "Conestoga" in a number of minor expeditions and reconnaissances Sept., 1861, to Feb., 1862, being in action several times; at Fort Henry, and in com- mand of expedition of three gunboats up Tenn. River Feb. 6-10, 1862. Promoted Lieut. Commander in the spring of 1862. Concerned in numerous actions and matters requiring judgment during this time, and highly commended by Commander Davis in confidential letter to Sec. of the Navy, Aug., 1862 (see Naval R.R. vol. 23, p. 324) on account of natural abilities and professional attainments. Placed in command, in Jan., 1863, of second division of ironclads (6 vessels) in Miss, squad- ron, and in May, 1863, was operating on Tenn. River. In November, 1864, he was no longer in the Navy but with the Pacific Mail S. S. Co., as their agent at Acapulco, Mexico, and was still there in March, 1865. (Naval Reb. Rec; Navy Register.) PILLOW. Gideon J. Brig. Gen. (conf.). Born in Williamson cc, Tenn., June 8, 1806; died in Lee co., Ark., Oct. 6, 1878. He was gradu- ated at the Univ. of Nashville, Tenn., in 1827; practiced law at Colum- bia, Tenn. ; was a delegate to the national Dem. convention in 1844, and aided largely in the nomination of his neighbor, James K. Polk, NOTES 229 as the candidate for president. In July, 1846, he was appointed brig- adier general in command of Tennessee volunteers in the Mexican war. He served for some time with Gen. Zachary Taylor on the Mex- ican frontier, subsequently joined Gen. Scott at Vera Cruz, and took an active part in the siege of that city, afterward being one of the commissioners that received its surrender from the Mexican authori- ties. At the battle of Cerro Gordo he commanded the right wing of the American army, and was severely wounded. He was promoted to major general April 13, 1847; was engaged in the battles of Churu- busco, Molino del Rey, and Chapultepec, where he was wounded. He differed with Gen. Scott in regard to the convention of Tacubaya, and the differences led to such results that Gen. Pillow requested a court of inquiry to try him on charges of insubordination that were made by Scott. The court was ordered, and he was honorably acquitted. After the Mexican war he resumed the practice of law in Tennessee, and was also largely engaged in planting. He received twenty-five votes for the nomination for the vice-presidency at the Democratic national convention in 1852. On May 9, 1861, he was appointed by Gov. Isham G. Harris a major general in the provisional army of the state of Tennessee, and aided largely in the organization of its forces. On July 9, 1861, he was made a Brigadier General in the provisional Confederate army. He commanded under Gen. Leonidas Polk at the battle of Belmont, Mo., Nov. 7, 1861, and was second in command under Gen. John B. Floyd at Fort Donelson in February, 1862. He de- cUned to assume the chief command and to surrender the forces at this fort, so, turning the place over to Gen. Simon B. Buckner, he escaped. He was relieved from command, but subsequently led a de- tachment of cavalry, and served under Beauregard in the southwest. He was also chief of conscripts in the western department. (App. Cyc. Am. Biog.) POLK, Leonidas. Major Gen. (conf.), Lieut. Gen. Born Raleigh, N.C., April 10, 1806; died on Pine Mountain, Ga., June 14, 1864. Came of a line of patriots and soldiers, both his grandfather and father being colonels and otherwise prominent during the Revolution. Educated at the University of North Carolina, he was graduated U.S. M.A., 1827, No. 8 in a class of 38, and assigned to the artillery. Resigned Dec. 1, 1827, and was made deacon in the Protestant Episcopal church 1830 and ordained in 1831. In 1838 he was consecrated missionary bishop of a large diocese in the south, and continued Bishop of Louisiana until his death. At the beginning of the civil war his familarity with the Valley of the Mississippi prompted him to urge upon the confederate authorities the importance of holding and fortifying its strategic points, and amid the excitement of the time his old military training became uppermost in his mind. He was appointed Major General and under his general direction the works at New Madrid, Fort Pillow, Columbus, Ky., Island No. 10, Memphis and other points were con- structed. Commanded at the battle of Belmont, engaged at Shiloh. 230 BIOGRAPHICAL In Sept. and Oct., 1862, he commanded the Army of the Mississippi, and fought the battle of Perryville, then commanding the armies of Kentucky and Mississippi he conducted the retreat from Kentucky. In Oct., 1862, he was promoted Lieut. Genei-al and commanded right wing at Stone River, also at Chickamauga, and other commands in- cluding Atlanta campaign, until he was killed near Marietta, Ga. (App. Cyc. Am. Biog.) PUQH, Isaac C. Colonel 41st Illinois. Served in Mexican war as Captain 4th 111. Vols. Engaged at Donelson, commanded a bi'jgade at Shiloh, Jackson, and operations in Miss., 1863, and again in 1864. Mustered out at expiration term of service, Aug. 20, 1864; brevet Brig. Gen. Vols. 1865. (Reb. Rec; Vol. Reg.) RANSOM, Thomas E. Q. Lieut. Colonel 11th 111.; Brig. Gen. Vols. Born Norwich, Vt., Nov, 29, 1834; died near Rome, Ga., Oct. 29, 1864. Educated at Norwich University, learned civil engineering, and in 1851 removed to Illinois, where he engaged in business. Elected Major and then Lieut. Col. 11th 111. and was wounded in charge at Charleston, Mo., Aug. 20, 1361; again severely wounded at Donelson but remained on field. Promoted Colonel of the regiment; again wounded in the head at Shiloh early in the action, but remained with command through the day. Served as chief of staff to Gen. McClernand and inspector-general Army of the Tennessee and subsequently on the staff of Gen. Grant, and in Jan., 1863, promoted Brig. Gen. Vols, from Nov. 29, 1862. Distinguished himself at Vicksburg, at the head of a division in Red River campaign, taking command of the corps when Gen. McClernand fell ill. In the battle of Sabine Cross Roads received a wound in the knee from which he never recovered. Commanded a division, and later the 17th Corps in the operations about Atlanta, and though sick directed the movements of his troops in pursuit of Gen. Hood's army until he sank under the disease. Bre vetted Major Gen. Sept. 1, 1864. Both Grant and Sherman pronounced Ransom to be among the ablest volunteer generals in their commands. (App. Cye. Am. Biog.) RAWLINS, John A. Captain and Asst. Adjt. General; Brig. Gen. U. S. Army. Born in East Galena, 111., Feb. 13, 1831; died in Washing- ton, D. C, Sept. 9, 1869. He was of Scotch-Irish extraction. His father, Janles D. Rawhns, removed from Kentucky to Missouri and then to Illinois. John passed his early years on the family farm and attended the district school in winter. He also assisted at burning charcoal and hauling it to market; but this work became disagreeable to him as he approached manhood, and, after reading all the books within his reach, he attended the Mount Morris seminary in Ogle CO., 111., in 1852-53. His money having given out, he resumed his oc- cupation of charcoal burner that he might earn more; but, instead of returning to the seminary as he had intended, he studied law with NOTES 231 Isaac P. Stevens at Galena, and in October, 1854, was admitted to the bar and taken into partnership by his preceptor. In 1855 Mr. Stevens retired, leaving the business to be conducted by Rawlins. In 1857 he was elected attorney for the city of Galena, and in 1860 he was nomin- ated for the electoral college on the Douglas ticket. During the con- test that followed he held a series of joint discussions with Allen C. Fuller, the Republican candidate, and added greatly to his reputation as a public speaker. At a mass-meeting at Galena on April 16, 1861, Rawlins was called on to speak; among those of the audience was Capt. Ulysses S. Grant. He was deeply impressed by the speech and from tliat time forth was the warm friend of Rawlins. The first act of Grant after he had been assigned to the command of a brigade, Aug. 7, 1861, was to offer Rawlins the post of aide-de-camp on his staff, and almost immediately afterward, when Grant was appointed Brig. Gen. Vols., he offered Rawlins the position of Captain and Asst. Adjt. Gen., to date from Aug. 30, 1861. He joined Grant at Cairo, 111., Sept. 15, 1861, and from that time was constantly with the latter till the end of the war, except from Aug. 1 to Oct. 1, 1864, when he was absent on sick leave. He was promoted Major Api'il 14, 1862; Lieut. Colonel Nov. 1, 1862; Brig. Gen. Vols. Aug. 11, 1863; brevet Major Gen. Vols. Feb. 24, 1865; chief of staff to Lieut. Gen. Grant with rank of Brig. Gen. U. S. A. March 3, 1865; and brevet Major Gen. U. S. A. March 13, 1865. Finally he was appointed Secretary of War, March 9, 1869, which office he held till his death. Before entei'ing the army Rawlins had never seen a company of uniformed soldiers nor read a book on tactics or military organization, but he soon developed rare executive abilities. During Grant's earlier career he was assistant Adjutant General, but as Grant was promoted and his staff became larger, Rawlins became chief of staff. Early after joining Grant, Rawlins acquired great in- fluence with him. He was bold, resolute, and outspoken in counsel, and never hesitated to give his opinion upon matters of importance, whether it was asked or not. His relations with Grant were closer than those of any other man, and so highly did the latter value his sterling qualities and his great abilities that, in a letter to Henry Wilson, chairman of the senate military committee, urging his confir- mation as Brigadier General, he declared that Rawlins was more nearly indispensable to him than any officer in the army. He was a man of austere habits, severe morals, aggressive temper, and of inflex- ible will, resolution and courage. He verified, re-arranged, and re- wrote, when necessary, all the statements of Grant's official reports, adhering as closely as possible to Grant's original drafts, but making them conform to the facts as they were understood at headquarters. Rawlins, as secretary of war, was the youngest member of the cabinet as he was the youngest member of Grant's staff when he joined it at Cairo in 1861. (App. Cyc. Am. Biog.) REED, Hugh B. Colonel 44th Indiana; engaged at Fort Donelson and Shiloh, and resigned Nov. 26, 1862. (Reb. Rec; Vol. Reg.) 232 . BIOGRAPHICAL RHOADS, Frank L. Lieut. Col. 8th Illinois; engaged at Donelson, in command of a brigade Post of Jackson, Miss., Sept., 1862, and re- signed Oct. 7, 1862. (Reb. Rec; Vol. Reg.) RICHARDSON, Henry. Captain Battery D, Ist Mo. Artillery. Engaged at Wilson's Creek, Mo., 1861; Donelson, Corinth, 1862; in command of artillery of 4th Div. 15th A.C. in Tenn. and Ala., Oct. 1863, and mustered out at expiration term of service, June 30, 1864. (Reb. Rec; Vol. Reg.) ROSS, Leonard F. Colonel 17th 111. Inf. comdg. 3d Brig. Igt Div. Born Fulton co , 111., July 18, 1823. Educated in common schools and Jacksonville College; studied law and admitted to bar in 1845. In 1846 joined 4th 111. vols, for Mexican war, became 1st Lieut, and was com- mended for services at Vera Cruz and Cerro Gordo, comdg. body guard of Gen. Shields. After the war resumed law practice and was probate judge for six years. Raised 17th 111. vols, in May, 1861, and was made Colonel; engaged at Donelson and Shiloh. Brig. Gen. Vols. April 25, 1862; after evacuation of Corinth was in command of a div. stationed at Bolivar, Tenn.; resigned July 22d, 1863. In 1867 appointed collector of Internal Revenue for 9th dist. of 111.; was twice defeated as a candi- date for congress. (App. Cyc. Am. Biog. ; Vol. Reg.) ROSS, Reuben R. Captain Maury (Tenn.) Battery (conf.). Grad- uated from LT.S.M.A. 1853, No. 51, and assigned to infantry. Resigned Jan. 24, 1854, and became civil engineer Miss. & Tenn. R.R.; appointed Principal Clarksville Academy 1855-61. At the beginning of the war became Captain of a battery of Tenn. Art.; captured at Donelson, he was paroled at St. Louis and in July, 1862, was arrested for breaking his parole and was imprisoned at Camp Chase, Ohio, for some months; after exchange he held the temporary rank of Brig. Gen., command- ing a cavalry brigade in "Wheeler's Corps and was killed in action at Hopkinsville, Va., Dec. 16, 1864. (Reb. Rec; Cul. Reg.; So. Hist. Soc Papers.) RYAN, R. B. Lieut, (conf.) A.D.C. to Brig. Comdr. Escaped from Donelson before the surrender and is mentioned by Gen. Jos. Wheeler as being aide on his staff in 1864 as a Lieut, and as Captain in 1865. (Reb. Rec) SHACKLEFORD, James M. Colonel 25th Ky.; Brig. Gen. Vols. Born in Lincoln co., Ky., July 7, 1827. Educated in private schools, studied law and was admitted to the bar in 1854. Served in Mexican war as a Lieut, of vols. Organized and was Colonel of 25th Ky., 1861; engaged at Donelson and resigned March 22, 1862. In July, 1862, was volunteer aide in Ky. in pursuit of Morgan on his first raid. Appointed Col. 8th Ky. Cav. on its organization in Sept., 1862, and Brig. Gen. Vols. Jan. 2, 1863; commanded a brigade in 23d A.C. in Ky. and cap- tured Gen. John H. Morgan and his command in Ohio, July, 1863; commanded 4th Div. 23d A.C. Sept. 10, to Nov. 3, 1863, when this div. was formed into a cavalry corps; this he commanded for a time and NOTES 233 resigned Jan. 18, 1864, resuming his profession in Evansville, Ind. In 1880 was a presidential elector for Ind. (App. Cyc. Am. Biog. ; Reb.Ree.) SHAW, William T. Colonel 14th Iowa. Commanded regiment at Donelson, and at Shiloh where he was captured and imprisoned for some mouths, being at home on parole in Oct., 1862, and Dec, 1862 was again in command of his regiment at Benton Barracks, Mo., and April, 1863, at Cairo, 111.; comdg. brigade at Columbus, Ky.,Dec., 1863; comdg. brigade in 16th A. C. during expedition to Meridian, Miss., Feb., 1864, and Red River campaign March — May, 1864; in command of 3d Div. 16th A.C. at Mempliis, July, 1864; command of this division and of expedition to Oxford, Miss., Aug. 1-30, 1864, and of division in Missouri against Price, Sept. — Oct., 1864. Mustered out at expiration term of service Nov. 16, 1864. (Reb. Rec. ; Vol. Reg.) SHIRK, James W. Lieut. U. S. Navy; Commander. Died Feb. 10, 1873. Appointed from Pennsylvania March 26, 1849; cruising coast of Africa 1849-51; East India Squadron 1851-54; Home Squadron 1856- 1858; Atlantic coast 1858. Passed Midshipman 1854, Master '55, Lieut. '56; on the Lakes 1859, Pacific Squadron 1859-60, Mississippi Squadron 1861; commanded gunboat Lexington at Fort Henry and at Chicka- saw, Ala., Shiloh, St. Charles, Haines Bluff, Chickasaw Bayou, Ark. Post, Grand Gulf, and at several actions at Vicksburg, to June 4, 1863. Lieut. Commander July 16, 1862, and commanded ironclad Tuscnmbia and a division of the Miss. Squadron 1863-64, Navy Yard Phila. '66-67; Commander July 25, '66; European Squadron '67-68, special duty Navy Dept. 1869-72. (Rec. Officers of the Navy— if amersiet/.) SIMONTON, John M. Colonel 1st Miss, (conf.) comdg. brigade. Made prisoner at Donelson, he was in June, 1862, confined at Fort Warren and after exchange was again in command of his regiment and in the spring of 1863 commanded a small mixed force in Miss.; again captured, at Port Hudson, and Nov., 1863, had been exchanged and was again organizing the regiment at Okalona, Miss., where he was still stationed in Sept., 1864. (Reb. Rec.) SMITH. Charles F. Brig. Gen. Vols. ; Major Gen. Vols. Born in Phila., Pa., April 24, 1807; died in Savannah, Tenn., April 25, 1862; was the son of Dr. S. B. Smith, asst. surgeon in the army. Graduated U. S. M. A. 1825, No. 19, and assigned to artillery; promoted Ist Lieut. May, 1832, and Captain 2d Art. July 7, 1838. He served at the Military Academy from 1829 to 1842, as instructor tactics 1829-31, adjutant '31-8 and as commandant of cadets to Sept., 1842. With army of Gen. Taylor in the military occupation of Texas in 1845-46; Mexican war engaged at Palo Alto, Resaca de la Palma, Monterey, Vera Cruz, Cerro Gordo, San Antonio, Churubusco, Chapultepec; the greater part of the time in command of a battalion of artillery serving as infantry, and brevetted Major, Lieut. Colonel, and Colonel for gallantr3\ From 1849 to 1851 member of a board to devise a system of instruction for siege, garrison, sea coast and mountain artillery which was adopted, 1851, for 234 BIGORAPHICAL the service. Promoted Major Ist Art. Nov. 25, 1854, and Lieut. Colonel lOtti Infantry March 3, 1855; in command of expedition to Red River of the North 1S56, engaged in Utah expedition '57-61, in command Dept. of Utah Feb., '60, to Feb., '61. Brig. Gen. Vols. Aug. 31, 1861; promoted Colonel 3d Inf. Sept. 1861; engaged in operations at Fort Henry, commanded a division at Donelson; Major Gen. Vols. March 21, 1862; during advance to Pittsburg Landing he was taken sick and died April 26, 1862. (App. Cyc. Am. Biog.) SMITH, Francis M. Major 17th 111. Engaged, with his regiment, at Frederickstown, Mo., Oct. 21, 1861; in command of regiment at Donelson, and Shiloh; promoted Lieut. Col. April 22, 1862; comdg. regiment at siege of Vicksburg and until mustered out at expiration term of service June 4, 1864. (Reb. Rec; Vol. Reg.) SMITH, John E. Colonel 45th 111. Born in canton of Berne, Switzerland, Aug. 3, 1816; died in Chicago, 111., Jan. 29, 1897. His father was an officer under Napoleon, who emigrated to Philadelphia where the son received an academic education and became a jeweler. On July 23, 1861, was made Colonel 45th 111. vols.; engaged in capture of Forts Henry and Donelson, in battle of Shiloh and siege of Corinth; became Brig. Gen. Vols. Nov. 29, 1862, commanded 8th Div. 16th A. C. in Dec, 1862; engaged in Vicksburg campaign, in June, 1863, comdg. 3d Div. 17th Corps and transferred to 15th Corps later, taking part in capture of Missionary Ridge, and Atlanta and Carolina campaigns 1864-65. Appointed Colonel of the 27th U. S. Infantry July. 1866, and in 1870 was assigned to 14th Infantry; brevetted Maj. Gen. Vols. Jan. 12, 1865, and Brig, and Maj. Gen. U. S. Army on March 2. 1867; retired May 19, 1881. (App. Cyc. Am. Biog. ; Reb. Rec.) SMITH, Morgan L. Colonel 8th Mo. comdg. 1st Brig. 3d Div. Born Oswego co., N.Y., March 8, 1822; died Jersey City, N.J., Dec. 29, 1874. Moved to Indiana about 1843, enlisted in U.S. Army in 1846, dis- charged as orderly sergeant and at the beginning of the civil war was in steamboat business. Raised 8th Mo. Inf. and chosen Colonel; com- manded 1st Brig. 3d Div. at Fort Donelson, engaged at Siiiloh and at Corinth; Brig. Gen. Vols. July 16, 1862. In command of 2d Div. of Gen. Sherman's army and wounded at Vicksburg Dec. 28, 1862; en- gaged at Missionary Ridge, relief of Knoxville, and Atlanta campaign, later in command of Vicksburg, and resigned July 12, 1865. Subse- quently U. S. consul at Honolulu, declined governorship of Colorado territory and became a counsel at Washington, D.C. for the collection of claims. (App. Cyc. Am. Biog.; Vol. Reg.) STONE, George H. Captain Battery K, 1st Mo. Art.; engaged at Donelson and Shiloh, promoted Major Sept. 26, 1862; chief of artillery, 2d Div., at battle of Corinth, Oct. 3-4, 1862, and of 2d Div. 16th A.C. through 1863; mustered out at expiration term of service, June 10, '64. (Reb. Rec; Vol. Reg.) NOTES 235 TAYLOR, Ezra. Captain Battery B, Ist 111. Art. Engaged at battle of Belmont, Nov. 7, 1861, and Donelson; promoted Major April 1, 1862; chief of artillery Sherman's Div. at Shiloh and Vicksburg, Dee. 29, 1862, siege of Vicksburg, Jackson; promoted Colonel and was Sherman's chief of artillery at Missionary Ridge; in 1864 was chief of artillery Army of Tenn. and resigned Aug. 20, 1864. (R.R. ; Vol. Reg.) TAYLOR, Jesse. Captain Tenn. Art. (conf.); stationed at Fort Henry for some months previous to its capture, he is mentioned by Colonel Heiman on Oct. 25, 1861, as having had experience in gunnery. He commanded the company of artillery which occupied the fort dur- ing the attack and was captured with his command. (Reb. Rec.) THAYER, John M. Colonel 3d Neb. comdg. 3d Brig. 3d Div. Born in Bellingham, Mass., Jan. 24, 1820. After graduating at Brown University in 1841 he studied and practiced law, and in 1854 removed to Nebraska, where in 1860 he was a member of the territorial legisla- ture, and in 1866 of the constitutional convention. Previous to his civil appointments he had been made Brig. Gen. of Militia, and organ- ized and commanded several expeditions against the Indians. In the civil war as Colonel of the 1st Neb. vols, he led a brigade at Donelson and Shiloh and was made Brig. Gen. Vols. Oct. 4, 1862; his appoint- ment expired March 4, 1863, and he was reappointed March 13, 1863; commanded a brigade and division at Vicksburg and Jackson and led a storming column at Chickasaw Bayou, and was brevetted Maj. Gen. Vols. March 13, 1865; resigned July 19, 1865, and returned to Nebraska. Served as U. S. Senator 1867-71 and was then appointed governor of Wyoming territory; elected governor of Nebraska 1886. (App. Cyc.) THOMPSON, Egbert. Lieut. Navy; Captain Navy. Died Jan. 5, 1881. Appointed from N. Y., March 13, 1837; cruising, special service, 1837-38 and 1842-43; exploring expedition 1838-42. Passed Midshipman June 29, 1843; Mediterranean squadron 1843-45. During Mexican war participated in all the active operations of the fleet; commissioned Lieut. Sept. 27, 1850; home squadron 1851-55, coast of Africa 1855-58; on steamer Fulton when wrecked off Florida by hurricane 1859, Gulf squadron 1860-61, commanding ironclad Pittsburgh Miss. Flotilla '61-62, at Donelson, Island No. 10, Fort Madrid and other actions; Commander 1862, Captain July 26, 1867. (Rec. Officers Na\y— Harrier sley.) TILQHMAN, Lloyd. Brig. Gen. (conf.). Born Talbot co., Md., in 1816; died near Vicksburg, Miss., May 16, 1863. Graduated U.S.M. A. 1836, No. 46 in class of 49, and assigned to 1st Dragoons; resigned Sept. 30, 1836. Div. Eng. Baltimore & Susquehanna R. R. 1836-37 and Asst. Eng. engaged in survey of several railroads and public improvements Baltimore to 1840. Served in Mexican war as volunteer aide to Gen. Twiggs, and Captain Md. and D. C. Regt. vols, to July, 1848; engaged at Palo Alto, Resaca de la Palma, and defense of Matamoros; he then served as principal asst. engineer of the Panama div. of the Isthmus railroad and engineer on southern railroads until 1859. He 236 BIOGRAPHICAL joined the Confederate army in 1861, was commissioned Brig. Gen. in 1862 and surrendered at Fort Henry; exchanged in July, 1862, and was killed at the battle of Champion Hills May 16, 1863. (Cullum's Reg.; App. Cyc. Am. Biog. ; Wilcox Hist. Mex. War.) TUTTLE, James M. Colonel 2d Iowa. Born in Summerfield, Monroe co.. Ohio, Sept. 2-1, 1823; died at Casa Grande, Ariz., Oct. 24, 1892. Was brought up on a farm in Iowa, afterwards engaged in trade in Van Buren co., Iowa; was elected sheriff in 1855, in '57 co. treasurer and in '59 recorder. At the opening of the civil war he joined~the 2d Iowa vols, as a Captain and became Lieut. Col., and Colonel on May 17, 1861; engaged at Fort Donelson and at Shiloh commanded a brigade until Gen. W. H. L. Wallace was wounded after which he led the 2d Div.; promoted Brig. Gen. Vols. June 9, 1862; commanded a division during siege of Vicksburg; resigned June 14, 1864. Was twice defeated for governor of Iowa, and served several times in the legislature; en- gaged in farming, real estate operations and pork packing until 1877, and was subsequently engaged in mining operations. (Annual Enc; App. Cyc. Am. Biog.) VEATCH, James C. Colonel 25th Ind. comdg. 4th Brig. 2d Div. Born Harrison co., Ind., Dec. 19, 1819; died at Rockpoi-t, Ind., Dec. 22, 1895. Educated in common schools and under private tutors, was ad- mitted to the bar, practiced for many years and was auditor of Spencer CO., Ind., from 1841 to 1855; in the legislature 1861. Became Colonel 25th Ind. vols. Aug. 9, 1861, Brig. Gen. Vols. April 28, 1862, and brevet Major Gen. in Aug. 1865; engaged at Fort Donelson, Shiloh, sieges of Corinth and Vicksburg, the Atlanta campaign, the siege and capture of Mobile and many other actions. He became adjutant general of Ind. in 1869 and was collector of internal revenue from April, 1870, to August, 1883. (App. Cyc. Am. Biog.) WALKE, Henry. Commander U. S. Navy, comdg. U. S. S. Caron- dolet; Rear Admiral July 13, 1870. Born near Portsmouth, Va., Dec. 24, 1808; died in Brooklyn, N.Y., March 8, 1896. He was appointed a midshipman in the United States Navy Feb. 1, 1827; promoted passed midshipman, June 10, 1833; Lieutenant Feb. 6, 1839; Commander Sept. 14, 1855; Captain July 16, 1862; Commodore July 25, 1866; and Rear Admiral July 13, 1870; was retired April 26, 1881. His first important service was rendered during the Mexican war as executive officer of the bomb biig Vesuvius, when he took part in the capture of Vera Cruz and the successful operations against Tabasco, Tuspan, and Alvarado. Immediately prior to the beginning of the civil war he was on duty at the Pensacola Navy Yard, where he adopted measures that prevented the occupation of Fort Pickens by the Confederates. He also on his own lesponsibility and conti-arj- to the orders of his superior officers and the Secretary of the Navy, secured the safety of all loyal officers, sailors, marines and government employees at that station and removed them to New York on the seizure of the navy NOTES 237 yard. For this disobedience of orders he was court martialed and publicly reprimanded by Secretary Welles, though unofficially his action was commended. On Sept. 6, 1861, he was ordered to duty with the Mississippi flotilla and was given command of the gunboat Taylor. At the battle of Belmont he commanded the squadron that cooperated with General Grant and prevented the Confederates from cutting off a part of the National army on its retreat to the transports, a service for which he was officially complimented by General Grant. He was then given command of the gunboat Carondelet, carrying 13 guns and partially ironclad. In this vessel he took part in the battles of Ports Henry and Donelson. With the same vessel he took part in the bom- bardment of Island No. 10 on March 17, and on April 4 ran the gauntlet of the Confederate batteries and principally captured the batteries below the island on the 6th and 7th. At the battle of Port Pillow he led the fleet and rescued the gunboat Cincinnati and at Memphis, June 6, he was second in the hne of battle and his gunboat was the principal one that engaged the ram Arkansas. At the battle of Grand Gulf, April 29, 1863, he led the second division of the fleet. Subsequently he dispersed the Confederates under Gen. Taylor at Simmesport, La.; blockaded the mouth of Red River, commanded the Saerameiito in search of the Alabama, blockaded the Confederate steamer Rappahan- nock at Calais, Prance, till the close of the war, and intercepted her when she escaped into British waters under the British flag. (Ann. Cyc.) WALLACE, Lewis. Brig. Gen. Vols, comdg. division; Major General Vols. Born Brook ville, Ind., April 10, 1827; died, 1905. His father was a graduate of the U.S.M.A., congressman, and governor of Indiana. Gen. Wallace was educated in a seminary and by a private tutor, and at the beginning of the Mexican war was a law student. Recruited a company of which he was made 2d Lieut.— Co. H, 1st Ind. vols.— which served with Gen. Taylor's army but without participating in any serious action, and was mustered out about June, 1847, when he resumed practice of his profession; served four years in the state senate, and wrote one book. The Fair God; in 1856 commenced the study of miUtary art and organized a militia company; in 1861 was appointed Adjt. Gen. of Indiana, and soon after became Colonel 11th Ind. vols., with which he served in West Virginia, participating in capture of Romney and Harper's Perry. Appointed Brig. Gen. Vols. Sept. 3, 1861. Commanded a division at Donelson and was appointed Major Gen. Vols. March 21, 1862; engaged at Shiloh. In 1863 he pre- pared the defenses of Cincinnati and was subsequently assigned to command of Middle Dept. and 8th Army Corps at Baltimore, Md.; fought the battle of Monocacy; mustered out in 1865 and resumed the practice of law. Governor of Utah 1878-81 and minister to Turkey 1881-85; lectured extensively and author of several well-known books. (App. Cyc. Am. Biog.; Autobiography.) WALLACE, William H. L. Colonel 11th 111. comdg. brigade; Brig. Gen. Vols. Born Urbana, Ohio, July 8, 1821; died Savannah, 238 BIOGRAPHICAL Tenn., April 10, 1862. He removed with his father to Illinois in 1832, studied law and was admitted to the bar in 1846, but the same year volunteered as a private in the 1st 111. for the Mexican war. He rose to the rank of Adjutant, participated in the battle of Buena Vista and other engagements, and after the war resumed his profession, be- coming district attorney in 1853. In May, 1861, he was appointed Col. of the 11th Ills. vols, and commanded a brigade at Donelson, after which he was appointed Brig. Gen. Vols. ; was mortally wounded at Shiloh. (App. Cyc. Am. Biog.) WEBSTER, Joseph D. Colonel U. S. Vols., chief of staff. Born Old Hampton, N. H., Aug. 25, 1811; died Chicago, 111., March 12, 1876. Was graduated at Dartmouth, 1832, and read law but became a clerk in the engineer and war offices in Washington; was made U. S. civil en- gineer in 1835 and appointed 2d Lieut. Topographical Engineers U. S. Army on July 7, 1838; served through the Mexican war, promoted 1st Lieut. July, 1849, and Captain March 3d, 1853, but resigned April 7, 1854. Removed to Chicago where he was president of the commission that perfected a remarkable system of sewerage and raised the grade of that city. At the beginning of the civil war he had charge of the con- struction of fortifications at Cairo, 111., and Paducah, Ky., in April, 1861; appointed Major and Paymaster U. S. Vols. June 1, 1861, and Colonel 1st 111. Light Artillery, vols., Feb. 1, 1862. Was chief of Gen. Grant's staff for several months; present at capture of Forts Henry and Donelson and at Shiloh was also chief of artillery and assembled the artillery on the ridge above Pittsburg Landing which on the first day finally checked the Confederate advance. Continued as chief of staff until Oct., 1862, when he was detailed by War Dept. to make a survey of the 111. & Mich, canal; commissioned Brig. Gen. Vols. Nov. 29, 1862, and after serving as military governor of Memphis and as supt. of military railroads was again Grant's chief of staff in the Vicksburg campaign, and from 1864 until the close of the war held the same post under Gen. Sherman; was with Gen. Thomas at the battle of Nashville. Brevetted Maj. Gen. Vols. March 13, 1865; resigned Nov. 6, 1865, and returned to Chicago, where he was assessor of internal revenue, 1869-72, and then collector of revenue. (Ap.C.A. B.) WELKER, Frederick. Captain Battery F, 1st Mo. Artillery. Engaged at Donelson, Shiloh, Corinth, and in Oct., 1863, commanded a battalion of artillery, Army of Tenn.; promoted Major and served with Army of Tenn. throughout the war, commanding in Dec, 1864, the Reserve Artillery of that army, and later the artillery of the 17th Army Corps; several times mentioned for bravery in reports. ( R. R.) WHARTON, Gabriel C. Colonel 51st Va. (conf.) comdg. brigade. The 51st Va. was organized in West Virginia and arrived at Fort Donelson with Floyd's command and left with him. The organizations were then furloughed and April 16, 1862, were ordered assembled, arid May 10 Col. Wharton was at Wytheville, Va., reorganizing Floyd's old brigade and recruits, and commanded this brigade in West Va. en- NOTES 239 gaged in several actions, until July 10, 1863, when Gen. Lee ordered his command into the Shenandoah Valley. He was retained in com- mand of about a brigade, and Sept., 1863, was promoted Brig. Gen. to date from Nov. 18, 1862, Continued to command a brigade in the Valley and later a division in Breckenridge's (.'orps of Early's com- mand, taking part in the battles and engagements in the Valley throughout the remainder of the war. (Reb. Rec. ; So. Hist. Soc. Papers. ) WOODS, Joseph J. Colonel 12th Iowa. Born Brown co., Ohio, Jan. 11, 1823; died Montana township, Kan., Sept. 27, 1889. Entered U.S.M.A. 1843, being the immediate successor of Grant, and was grad- uated 1847, No. 3 in class of 38, and assigned to the artillery; promoted 1st Lieut. 1st Art., Oct. 29, 1848; served on Atlantic and Pacific coasts, resigned Oct. 31, 1853, and engaged in farming in Jackson co., Iowa. Appointed Colonel 12th Iowa Vols. Nov. 25, 1861 ; engaged at Donelson, wounded at Shiloh, engaged at capture of Jackson, siege of Vicksburg and minor actions; commanded a brigade in 16th A. C. June 11 — Oct. 19, 1864; mustered out expiration term of service, Nov. 22, 1864, and returned to his farm. Editor of a paper 1865-69; member of Kansas legislature 1872-75. (App. Cyc. Am. Biog.; Cullum's Reg.) WRIGHT, Crafts J. Colonel 13th Mo. Born in Troy, N. Y., July 13, 1808; died Chicago, 111. July 23, 1883. Was graduated No. 31 at U. S. M. A. 3828, and appointed brevet 2d Lieut, of Infantry, but re- signed Nov. 8, 1828; studied law, was admitted to the Ohio bar 1830. In 1840 became assistant editor of the Cincinnati Gazette and from 1847 to 1854 was president of the Gazette company, after which he again practiced law. Aided in organizing the first telegraph company in the west and became one of its directors. At the beginning of the civil war he entered the Union army as Colonel of the 8th Mo. vols, but or- ganized and was appointed Colonel of the 13th Mo., Aug. 13, 1861; served in Tenn. campaign of 1862; March, 1862, was in command of Clarksville, and was later ordered to Shiloh, where he commanded a brigade; also engaged in Miss, campaign and in siege of Corinth where he remained ill many weeks until he resigned on Sept. 16, 1862. The president nominated him as Brig. Gen. Vols, but he resigned before he could be confirmed by senate; subsequently engaged in farming in Glendale, Ohio, but afterward lived in Chicago, where in 1876 he was made steward of the marine hospital. (App. Cyc. Am. Biog.) FINIS James E. Bailey John C. Brown Wm. E. Baldwin- Simon B." BUCKNER Lewis R. Clark Nathan B. Fokrest Jeremy F. Gilmer I U. S. Grant, (before Donelson) U. S. Grant, {Hhiloh) U. S. Grant, before Vickuburrj) John Gregg Henry W. Halleck BusHROD R. Johnson Albert S. Johnston Jacob G. Lauman Hylan B. Lyon John MacArthur John McCausland John A. McClernand Geo. F. McGinnis Jas. B. McPhebson BlOHABD J. OgLESBY Joseph B. Palmer Wm. a. Quarles Thos. E. G. Ransom John A. Rawlins Leonard F. Ross Jas. M. Shackelford Chas. p. Smith John E. Smith Jas. M. Tuttle James C. Veatch Joseph D. Webster Gabriel C. Wharton APPENDIX A Report of the Joint Committee on the Conduct of the War* Washington. July 9, 1862. General Lewis Wallace sworn and examined. By Mr. Oovode: Question. Where do you reside? , Answer. In the State of Indiana. Question. What is your position and rank in the army? Answer. I am major general of Volunteers. Question. Will you please give us as condensed a statement as ,you can conveniently of what you have witnessed about the conduct in the west that may be of interest and importance to this committee? Answer. In the first place I would state that my knowledge of operations in the west extend only to the conduct of my own particu- lar command. I do not think I ever had the honor to be present at a council of war except upon one occasion. Question. What occasion was that? Answer. That was the day before the tioops marched from Fort Henry to the attack on Donelson. I was tiien a brigadier general, commanding a brigade. Upon notice from General Grant, I, with oth- ers commanding brigades, went on board his boat and attended a council of war. The question before us was whether the troops should immediately march upon Donelson or not. It was a very uncere- monious council of war; no formal opinions were expressed at all. We all appeared to be of the same opinion, and that was that the troops should march upon Donelson. We being, as I said, quite unani- mous on that point, of course there was no debate. Marching upon Donelson being agreed upon, the question was as to the time of march- ing. There were some who held to the opinion that we should march immediatelj'. A few thought we better wait a day or two for re-en- forcements. The result of it was that the main body of troops marched at once. I was left behind on that occasion, with my brigade, in command of Fort Henry. The rest of the troops were gone two days before I received an order to briug my command up. I immedi- ately marched with my command and reached there on Friday. Of course I was ignorant of the position of our army, and knew nothing of the lines of the enemy. I arrived at Fort Donelson, and was put in command of a division. I had no time to organize my division, ex- cept as it marched past me, going to take its position. I had my po- *Part III, p 337; published at Government Printing Office, Wash- ington, 1863. 241 242. DONELSON CAMPAIGN SOURCES sition assigned to me, and went and took it. The battle opened on Saturday morning. My orders were simply to hold the position I oc- cupied, which was in the centre of the line of attack. I was to hold it for the purpose of repelling any sally from the enemy's lines. I had no authority whatever given me to make an offensive movement, and I accordingly held my position. The battle commenced early Saturday morning on the extreme right. General McClernand's command was attacked, the object of the enemy being, if possible, to drive him from the right, that they might have a road by which to get out from the fort. I did not see it; i knew nothingaboutthe particulars of theiight. I only knew that it was McClernand's command that was engaged. I very soon, however, saw the results; I saw a large portion of his command coming back in confusion. I had in the meantime sent in a portion of my command to re-onforce him. The brigade I sent him reached him, but, like all the rest, it was compelled to fall back. I am glad to say, however, that it fell back in good order. The prospec t looked ver}^ gloomy for a little while. I could find nobody wlio could give me an intelligent opinion or account of what was tram-pii - ing. It was a matter of great solicitude to me to know whether the enemy were pursuing. I finally saw iin officer, now dead, and through information obtained from him, I obtained some knowledge which en- abled me to take up a position with my remaining troops, and fortu- nately took it just in time to repel the enemy. They were following in rapid pursuit but weie repulsed. There was no fighting after that until about 3 o'clock in the day. About 3 o'clock I was ordered to take my command over to the right and make an attack there, for the purpose of recovering the road that had been lost in the morning. I did so. My command im- mediately took the position and held it all that night. In the morn- ing, while I was making dispositions to storm the works of the enemy, they sent out a flag of truce, and told me that they had surrendei-ed, and that the place was ours. Of course, I marched in and took pos- session of that side of the fort. Question. How many prisoners did you lake there? Answer. I never saw the official report of them. My opinion, however, formed from the statements of rebel officers, is, that between 13,000 and 15,000 prisoners were taken there. I went over the ground and came to the conclusion that it was a matter of marvel, and mu^t always remain a matter of marvel, that we took the place. I was not more rejoiced than astonished at our success. Question. If it had not been for the decision of your council to move forward, and to do it promptly, is it not very probable that your campaign there might have been a failure? Answer. To do General Grant justice, I will say that I became satisfied at the council that it was his determination to march in any event. I am satisfied that he had determined in his own mind, no matter what the opinion of the council might have been, to mai'ch on Donelson. I am therefore satisfied that the result would have been APPENDIX A 243 the same, no matter what opinion the council niiglit have reached. Question. Did you get your instructions from Washington how to proceed in those matters, or did they come from officers in the west? What do you know about that? Answer. AH I knew about orders was when I received them my- self. I received them through the proper cliannel. I always under- stood as a matter of course, that all orders for movements came from (ieneral Halleck. Those I received were passed down through the regular channels to me. Question. Was there any time or opportunity, while operating at Donelson, for' you to receive orders from Washington by telegraph? Answer. I do not know. Question. How far were you from the nearest telegraph station? Answer. The nearest I think was at l^ndncah. Question. How far off was that? Answer. Probably some forty or fifty miles. Question. Too far off to direct a battle, of course? Answer. I think so. After the battle of Fort Henry the wires were brought up to Smithland, and then they were very promptly brought across to Fort Henry. That was after the battle of Donelson, however, whether the march upon Donelson was ordered by General Halleck or whether it was undertaken by General Grant of his own. accord, I do not know. I do not know who indicated that movement. Question. Is it a common thing in battles for commanders of di- visions and brigades to know so little about what is going on, about the position of the enemy, &c? It would appear that there is a great deal of uncertainty as to what is going on. Answer. I kjiow nothing about other ;irniies. But I have under- stood from what military reading I have had, that every army, whether on the march or in action, has its head, and that all move- ments come from that head, as a matter of course. Question. From your statement it would appejir that there was not much connexion between the heads of divisions in this battle of Donelson. Do not I so understand it? Answer. Yes, sir; you do. I saw General Grant in the battle of Donelson on Saturday but once. I saw his adjutant general and one of his aids passing along the lines on different occasions. But I saw Gen- eral Grant but once, and that was at three o'clock in the afternoon. He then ordered this attack on the night I have spoken of. He first gave the order to General MeClernand; but General McClernand not having the troops in readiness at the time, requested me to make the attack. I sent two or three messages to General Grant on Saturday' morning, while the disaster to McClernand was occurring, requesting or askitig permission to send him re-enforeements. But my messen- gers did not get to him. He afterwards explained it by saying, that at that time he was on board the gunboats. I, however, assumed the re- sponsibility of sending re-enforcements to General McClernand. Question. You had to act on your own judgment? 244. DONELSON CAMPAIGN SOURCES Answer. In that particular, I did. Question. And in doing so you saved the army did you not? Answer. lam satisfied my command repulsed the enemy; I know they did. They were not pursued. Question. Please proceed and state in regard to your movements after that. Answer. After the battle of Donelson, an hour after General Grant arrived and took possession of the town of Dover, and the ene- my's works, and the prisoners, I received an order to proceed with my division hack to Fort Henry. I immediately proceeded to execute^he order, and what took place at Donelson afterwards I do not know. I marched back to Fort Henry, put my division in position there, and lay there for some days. I then received information that we were going up the river. The transports arrived and our troops were put on board. We moved up the river in a kind of column. General C. F. Smith was in command of that movement. That part of it, I think, was unquestionably conducted with most soldierly ability. There is no doubt of that; it was a very orderly proceeding. The embarking of so many troops on board the transports, always a matter of consid- erable difficulty, was done in good order and with celerity. a OF p. MAY n >:m MAPS IN THREE SHEETS 1. General Map- From Plates 150 & 153 R. R. 2. Five Plates Forts Henry & Donelson- From Plate 11 R. R. 3. Fort Donelson— Compilation ::j';';|!!!,j!!;(ii);i!;;-|!ii;i;!!iy: |:i|;iiii:iiliii||i|i mi LIBRARY OF CONGRESS