CA^^attyCJ ^ v^ThL-C OaM-J-^ jB ^lo^ ^ /-i- Si^^-tv Wa^^L Glass-/ Book^ OlsJALlTY OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY, AND ITS IMPORT- ANCE TO THE UNION. SPEECH . ELIJAH WARD, OF NEW YORK, IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, MARCH 31, 1858. "!ic ni>usc l.cinp' 'i< !hB Committee of the Whole on the .u- of the Union — Mr. WARD said: Mr. Cti airman: Tiie subject of admittin?; Kan- sas as a Slate uniiur the Lecompton constitution / has been so fully and ably discussed by tlie dis- '• i''ui*i»e(' meiwi'a'' . of this honorable body that '.'.vff Mew can b;-? presented of the innniediate I's in issue. It has occupied the attention of :gre-!s until, I ara sure, the whole country must /eaiied of thedi.;oussion. It is a matter of deep i- .Ot that so large a portion of the time of this C' iig'i'ess has been bus absorbed. The nation 'v ; juC-ji passed 'ly^-gli one of those periodical . iiciai ..uvutsioiis which, occur from the inflated '.'.e of bank paper, 'overtrading and speculation, . ving thousands in hopeless bankruptcy — all . iiches of industry arrested and commerce par- iiyzed; and yet tiearly four months of the session gone and not one f ff'i rt made, one v/ord of hope i)r consolation utrc^red. or any measure of relief brought forward i); Cfigress that exhibits an in- tertst, or sympathy t^"'', with those upon whom calamity has fallen so lu-avily. A sectional and political excitement lias been engendered, which, ■•"hile it may not precipitate a dissolution of the 'ion, weakens that bond of fraternal intercourse iiich should always exist between different sec- ns of our common country. My position was ly taken frotn a deep conviction of duty to the fvvtion and my party; my constituents have left nil' iVee to take such a course as my judgment ■Uctatfcd; and whether it meets with their appro- vion or not, I know they will accord to me an niesty of intention and a rectitude of purpose, hile niyowji immediate constituents have con- led in my judgment, I have not been unmindful At the united Democracy of the city of New u-k,of which my districtis apart. -.md the local ganisntions, have cordially approved of tlie ac- ti of their Representatives that sustain the ad- smon of Kansas utulerthe Lecompton constitu- iij'n; that the Democratic press, the Democratia members of the Legislature, and the leading men ^>t the party present an unbroken front in support Uje Administration, and exhibit a unity of '■'ion that has not been witnessed in our State for many years upon a prominent public ques- tiouv In addition to this concentration of public opin- ion, I have not been insensible toother influences. The city of New York is the largest commercial city in the Union. In 1856-57, five eighths of the total imports into the United States were imported into that city; one third of the exports, one third of the domestic produce, and over one half of the foreign produce, were exported therefrom; and there were collected at the custom-house there within the same time forty-three and a half mil- lion dollars upon dutiable imports; its banking capital, exclusive of that of private bankers, in 1857, amounted to sixty-five and a half millions, and besides has millions invested in other corpo- rations, and in domestic manufacture and trade. These, too, are but a part of the vast interests that center there. The.se sources of wealth, pow- er, and greatness, cannot but suffer by the con- tinued agitation of this Kansas question, ending as it may in disturbing the harmony of the Union, without resulting in any practical good to the per- sons the slavery agitators desire to benefit. It is not to be denied that we are a commercial people, and that to commerce we are indebted for our ad- vancement, growth, and prosperity as a nation. The majestic vessels which carry our products to other climes, penetratingevery sea-port, bear with them civilisation, and instruct other nations that a power here exists that cannot be disregarded.. The commercial prosperity of my city, the whole countrj^, the onv/ard progress of commerce, and. the agricultural and tlie other departments of in- dustry, I believe, are involved in the public ques- tions which from time to time agitate the country. Impressed with the value and Importance of the^ Union to my constituents, I find reasons in addi- tion to party considerations for pursuing a course best calculated to end the present agitation, and restore once more amity and good feeling. No one who has observed closely the events in Kan- sas for the last few years can iail to trace to its propersource the presentexcitement, and perceive the urgent necessity of investing the people of that Territory with the rights of sovereignty, so that they may exercise the function of a State gov- ernment, and relieve Congress from further inter- / fcrence. No analogy can be made liptween the grievances of the American colonies prior to the Pccvolution, as attempted by my colleague, [Mr. Haskim,] and the alleged complaints of a part of the people in Kansas. In the former case, Great Britain persisted in controlling local alfairs; and in thelatter, Congress desires, in the most speedy wny, to confer all power upon the citizi.Mis of that ;! Territory to manage their own affairs in their: own way, subject to the Constitution of the Uni- j led Slates. '' Mr. Chairman, from the course the debate has , taken, an appn^hension would prevail with those |; not cognizant of the facts that a foul and deep | wrong was aijout to be perpetrated upon the peo- ji pie of Kansas; that the provisions of the Kansas- ■ Nebraska act were to be violated, and the plat- ; form adopted at the Cincinnati convention relating to the question of slavery ignored. To demonstrate that this is mere clamor, it is proper that I should briefly refer to a fev/ antecedent events. The act referred to, passed in 1854, has this provision: " When ndmitted as n State, tlie said Territory, or any \ inirtion ol' the sanje, shnll lie received into tlie Union witli : oi without slavery, as llieir constitution may prescribe at the time ol' their'udniission ; it hein"; the true intent and iTicanimiolihis act not to legislate slavery into any 8tateoi- 'iVrritorv, nor to eifcliide it therefrom, but to leave the peo- pie iheriiot' perfectly free to form and re!,'ulale their domes- lie institutions in their own way, subject only to the Con- stitution of the United States." The territorial government of Kansas was or- iganized under tne actcontaining this section. Tiie \ -resolutions of the Cincinnati convention, relating: .10 slavery and territorial organizatioi), were as j .joliow.s: I "And that we may more disttnclly meet the issue on i wliiclt a sectional party, subsisting exclusively on slavery I'.litation, now relies to test tlie lidelity of the people, North and tiouUi, to the Constitution and the Union — '■1. Resolred, That claiming fellowship with, and desirini; 1 the cooperation of, all who re!,'ard the preservation ol the | Union under the Constitution as the paramount i-siie— and rpndiating all sectional parties and platforms concerning diiinestic slavery, which seek to embroil the States and in- cite to treason and armed resistance to law in the Terrilo ries ; and whose avowed purposes, if consiinnnated, must end in civil war and disunion— the American Deiiinciary recognize and adopt the principles contained in the organic laws establishing the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska, as embodying the only sound and safe solution of the slavery euestion upon which the great national idea of the people ol this whole country can repose in its determined con servatisin of the Union — non-interferknck by Conguess WITH SLAVERY IN STATE AND TeRRITOKY, OR IN THE UlS- TRITT OK Coi.liMlilA. "2. That this was the basis of the compromises of IfioO, confirmed l>y both the Uemocratic and Whig parties in national conventions, ratified by the people in the election '-";'''rA m. W so similar and so excellent that it would !>e difflcillt to < li far wrong nt the present day in fratiimg a 'lew coiii.I'iuii' . • ! 1 •' I then believed, and still believe, that, under ih; "?'''',, '1 act, ;!ie Kansas convcntii>n were boiiiu! to sUk-'ic-'. i'"= • gl-^'i .iipoitaiit iiiieslinn of slavery to tli« penplc. ft was never, i.nvcviT, Miv o|iinioii thnt, iiiilf|)eii(U'iitly of 'liis act, tlitiy ivoiild liavo lici^n houinl to siiliiriit any ponioii of llii; con- stiliitioii I" a popular vole, in order to uivc it valiiiily. Ilari I eiitertaiiicd such an opinion, this would liavc; hceii in op po.-ltion to iiiaiiv precedents in our history, eoiMMK^iieinp; in llie very licst ai;!- of the Jleimlilie. It would have been in opposition to the, principle wljieh pervades our institutions, and which is every day carried out into practice, that the people have the right to delesiate to representatives, chosen liv ilieniselvos, their sovereis" power to frame constitutions, eiiact laws, and perforni many other itnportant acts, with- out requiring; that these should he snlijeetid to their siiliso- i|nent approliation. It would he a most inconvenient litu- iialion of their own power, imposed by the people upon iheuiselves. to e\clude tliem from exercisius; their sover- eignty in anv lawful manner tliey think proper. It is true that the people of Kansas miiiht, if they had pleased, liave required the convention to submit the constitution to a pop uiar vole; but this they hnve not done. The only remedy, tlierefore, in this case, is that which exists in all other sim- ilar cases. If the delegates who framed the Kansas con- stitution have in any manner violati'd the will of their con- stituents, tlie people always possess the power to chanp;e their constitution or their laws, according to their own plea.sure." The alleged grievance of the Republicans in llaiisas, arising; out of the non-submi.ssion, is not 'if such a character a."? woiikl authorize us to re- ject the admission of Kansas as a State under the Lecompton constitution. Tiiey had an opportu- nity to vote fordelegates to form the constitution, also, when that instrument was subriiitlcd with slavery or without slavery, and they refused to • •vercise the right. Butit is urged tiiai they could not vote for or against slavery without voting for the constitution. Admitting this, 1 would ask who is to blame.' Surely those who ab.stained from exercising the right of popular sovereignty when the delegates v/ere elected to the constitutional convention. Here is a willful determination, and repeated, not to take |iart in any proceeding which recognized the Territorial Legislature; and which omission, in my Judgment, stops them from any claim upon, or right to, our sympathies. Gov- ernor Walker, in referring to the selection of del- egates, distinctly warns them what would be the consequences if they should not participate in the election. He says; " The people of Kansas, then, are invited by (he highest aiuhority known to the Constitution to participate freely and (airly in the cleclion of delegates to frame a constitution atid ??Tato jiovernment. The law has performed its entire ap liiopriate function when it extends to the people the rijlit of siilii:i!;e, but it cannot compel the performance of that duty. 'l'litoii!>hout our whole Union, however, and wherever free uoveniiui'iit prevails, those who abstain from the exercise of the riirht of sulVrage authorize those who do vote to act for ihem in the continsency, and the absentees areas nuich ' "d tinder the law and constitution, where there is no h-.iiul orvi,iic;ice,by the.act of the majority of those who do lie, as Kail hud participated in the election. Otherwise, ■ ■• votins »)ust he voluntary, self-governnienl would he ini- ractietdjje.and monarchy or despotism would remain as the only altcriiMive." This is the true doctrine, and I have never heard it questioned. I firmly believe that, judg- ing by the past acts of the Republicans of that rerritory, if this constitt;tion is sent back the same obstinacy and difficulty will exist. It was t.ieir deliberate intention that the constitution | should be presented here with slavery to keep up that excitement, and to further aid and abet those >A'>o seek to break down the DetTiocratic party, ! and this honorable body will fail to assert its | rights and protect its dignity in permitting its at- tention longer to be occupied with this subject and tliese local contentions. The motives and acts of the Republicans have been such as cannot be recognized without over- turning all government, law, and order. The evi- dence is unquestioned and overwiielming, that they have been in a state of rebellion to the gov- ernment since the meeting was convened on tha 14th or 15th August, 1855, which resulted in the convention, held September 19th of that year, which framed the Topeka constitution, to be put in opei-ation in subversion of the territorial gov- ernment e.stablished under the authority of Con- gress. The organization under that instrument, the a.ssstTibly of its Legislature, its acts, the pre- sentation of that constitution to Congress, the pas- sage of the bill admitting Kansas a State under it by the Republicitn members of the House of Rep- resentatives, and its rejection by the Senate, the ; creation of arr>ied force.s in Kansa.s to sustain this revolutionary movement, are now tnatters of his- tory. These occurrences demonstrate the position I assume, and which is sustained by the President in his message, February 2, 1858: " This government [territorial] would long since have been subverted had it not been protected from their .'issaults by the troops of the United States. ;5uch has been the con- diition of allairs since my inauguration. Ever since thatpe- I riod, a large portion of the people of Kansas have been in a state of rebellion against the government, with a military leader at their head of a most turbulent and dangerous char- acter. They htive never acknowledged, but have constantly renounced and deticd, the governineiit to which they owe allegiance, and have been all the time in a state of resist- ance against its authority. 'I'hey have all the time been en- deavoring to subvert it, and to establish a revolutionary gov- ern ment, under the so-called Topeka constitution, in its stead. Even at this very moment the Topeka Legislature is in session." Again he says: " The truth is, that, \\\i till the present moment, the ene- mies of the existing govennuent still adhere to their Topek.a revolutionary constitution and government. The very first paragraph of the message of Governor Robinson, dated the 7th of necember, to the Topeka Legislature, now assem- bled at Lawrence, contains an open defiance of the Consti- intion and laws of the United States. The Governor says : 'The convention w'hich framed the constitution at Topeka originated with the people of Kansas Territory. They have adopted and ratified the same twice by a direct vote, and also indirectly through two elections of State officers and ntembers of the State Legislature ; yet it has pleased the ; Administration to regard the whole proceeding revolutiou- ' ary.' I "ThisTopekagovRrnmenl, adhered to with such treason- able pertinacity, is a government in direct opposition to the e.vistinggovernment prescribed and recognized by Congress. I It is a iisurpation of the same character as it would be for a portion of the people of any State of the Union to under- take to establish a se[)arate government, within its limits, for the purpose of redressing any grievance, real or imagin- ary, of winch they might complain, against the legitimate State government. Such a principle, if carried into execu- tion, would destroy all lawful authority and produce univer- sal anarchy." In these revolutionary acts may be discerned the objectof the Republicans, and that is, to agi- tate until the Topeka constitution is accepted. This cannot be done so long as Congress recognizes the legitimacy of territorial organization, and would be subversive of the fundamental principles of our Government. The question then arises, does the Lecompton constitution coriie to us in a legal forin .' The only mode in which a people of a Territory can form their constitution, oralterit whena State, is through the Legislature. This is the proper ' manner of ascertaining the popular will. Apply- ing this rule to Kans-\s, we find that the Kansas- Nebraska act K,'ft tile " people of the Territory perfectly (roe to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their ov.-n way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States. " Acting upon the power thus conferred, proceedings v/ere had authorizing the election of delegates to form a con- stitution. Such election was held; the convention assembled at Lecompton, adopted the constitution now presented to us forour action. I have already disposed of the objection that but a small part of the voters exercised their right. The question then arises, what can and should Congress do in the premises, and what power does it possess? The Constitution provides that new States may be admitted by the Congress into this Union, and " the United States shall guaranty to every State in this Union a republican form of government." The Lecompton constitution is legally framed, presented, and is repuijlican in form, and the Ter- ritory should be admitted at once as a State under the power thus contVrred. It has been urged that i.'ven if a part of the people would not voie,tl)ey should still be protected against their own wrong- ful omission. I am fire to say, Mr. Chairman, that I should feel reluctant to participate in any act that would inflict a wrong upon the citizens of Kansas, and would not do it knowingly. I would not vote for a measure that I believed would fasten upon them a [)ermaiient constitution thatcouldnoi be altered or amended; but, sir, I can see no wrong in giving them a republican constitution, and con- .ferring upon Kansas the powers of a sovereign State. I have examined the provisions of that constitution, and find it is as democratic as that of other States. 1'he following liberal provision is in the bill of rights: " All political pnwer is inherent in the pfople, and all tree goveriuiit'iits jire rouiidcil on their aufliorily, and in- stituted for their liciK'tit; and tlu-refore they hai-e al all times an inalietiahlc and indcf'easihie ris;ht to alter, reform, or ahol- Uh their form of government in siK-h manner as lliuy may- think proper." This is a full reservation of power by the peo- ple, except so far as its exercise is restricted by the constitution. Taking the position I have, that an alteration of such an instrument can only be effected by legislative action, except in case of revolution, and believing, with the late lamented Webster, the great expounder of constitutional law, " that no single constitution has ever been gotten up by mass meetino^s," that " there must be some mode of ascertaining the public will, somehow and somewhere;" and, " if not, it is a governmeniof the strongest and most numerous," 1 can only recognize the right of the people of Kansas to change their constitution in the manner prescribed thereby. If Kansas is admitted under the Lecompton constitution, can it be altered? and, if so, when? It provides for a change as follows: " Skc. 14. After the year 1884, whenever the Legislature shall lliiiik it necessary to amend, alter, or change tliis con- stitution, they shall rccnniinend to the electors at the next general election, two thirds of the members of each Mouse concurring, to vote for or against calling a convention ; and if it shall appear that a majuriiy of all the citizens of the State have voted for a convention, the Legislature shall at its next regular session, call a convention,"' &,c. ' It seems to me that this section (and I give it as my opinion only) takes effect in fuluro, and that, until 1864, there is no restriction that can prevent a prior alteration. I shall not occupy the attention of the committee in elucidating this point —it has already been ably done, and especially by my friend the honorable member from Penn- sylvania, [Mr. Phillips.] I presume it will not be disputed that, if Congress or a State Legislature pass a law to take elfect on and after such a day, (named,) or after such a time, it cannot take ef- fect or become operative until the period desig- nated has expired. The same rule would apply to a constitutional provision. The Topeka con- stitution has the following: " Sf.c. 4. No convention for the formation of a new con- stitution shall be called, and no amendment to the consti- tution shall Imj, by the General Assembly, made, belbre the year 1805, nor more than once in five years thereafter." This contained a restraint or restriction that ] would become immediately operative. The State of New York illustrates, in her ac- tion, the etTf-ct of both provisions. The consii- , tulion of that State, of 1777, contained no provi.tituents, whose wistu^s I am in honor hound to'obev,! kliall vote agamst the admission of Kansas under the Le- conipton constuution." The honorable member represents the counties of Westchester, Rockland, and Putnam. I was liurn on the banks of the noble Hudson, in the county of Westchester; the traditions of home clustered around and have been identified with it -or more than a century; my early life was spetit in rambling among the rocks, hills, and dales of mat beautiful region, until they became familiar as household words. It is classic ground, hal- lowed by the footsteps of the Father of his Coun- try and his compeers; the scene of some of the mostimportant events of the war of independence Revolutionary patriots now sleep the sleep ol death beneath its green sod; and there rest, too, the remains of Paulding, (and his associates,) thi capturer of Andre, whose last request to his med- ical attendant was, " Please tell all those who ask after me that I die a true Democratic Republi- can," and whose descendant my colleague so re- cently defended on this fioor. Surrounded by such association, the Democracy of that section cannot, will not, falter in a crisis like this; and I am justified in saying that my colleague does not represent the wishes of the constituents that hon- ored him with his election. Public meetings have been held in the several counties of the district, condemning his course, and the Democratic preys IS unanimous against it. My colleague will bear in mind that his predecessors, in 1854, voted against the Kansas-Nebraska bill in opposition Fo the wishes of his constituents. He boasted that he could be returned upon that vote; not being nom- inated, he ran, in 1856, as an independent°candi- date, and received so small a number of votes that I do not find his name mentioned in the official canvass. Whether my colleague i.s to share the same fate, remains to be seen. While I desire the honorable member shall take all the credit he is entitled to for his advocacy in times past of the principles of the national Democracy, I cannot perceive how it can justify his present course. Others before him have been distinguished for consistent political action, and yet by"a sino-le act have blighted the good effect of all their alitece- dents, and destroyed their political future. With- out intending anything personal, but by way of illustration, I would say that Arnold was e.s- teemed a true and loyal officer, and had done the State some service, until he committed treason against his country. Will it be urged tiiat his treason was therefore justified .' I have heard much during this debate of " read- ing members out of the party." Sir, no formal pronunciamiento is required' for that purpose. Tliey are out by the operation of their own act; they are in the position of the soldier who, in the hour of battle, deserts to the enemy; the penalty follows. It is idle to suppose that, when gentle- men proclaim the result of their act wilf be to break down the national party, and elevate a sec- tional one with its attendant consequences, and are doing all they can to attain that object, they can remain, when the act is completed, in full cominunion with the party they se^k to destroy. Their proper place is with the Opposition, and time will soon place them in that association. History is full of examples of conflicts between individuals and the party; but each instance has resulted in a signal failure of the assailant. The contest in such cases is as unequal as that be- tween a mere guerilla band and a powerful and well-organized army. INJen, as individuals, are apt to exaggerate their power when directed against organizations. In struggles with the Democratic party, men are but pigmies con tending with giants. They may be compared to the fly on the wheel: , 6 tlie fly is cruslied, and the wheel rolls on. When- ever a great issue, as in the present case, arises, involving: perhaps the very existence of the Union, it is the diUv of every man havine; at heart the welfare of the nation to sustain tiie Administra- tion in its patriotic course, and more especially those who hold their seats in this honorable body, and were elected upon the same platform with the present distinguished chief. Sir, I entreat these anti-Lecompton Democrats to pause in the step they are aliout to take in the opposition. You concede the great purpose and mission of the national Democratic party; you concede it is the ^reat bulwark that alone can ar- n St the ascendency of sectionalism; you concede that such a triumph may result in a separation of the States, bringing in its train calamitie.s that may be conjectural but not foretold ; and yet you stand ready to strike the parricidal blow. Siinuhl this measure be defeated by your votes, and the dis- aster flow from it which has been predicted, you i-annot fail to be regarded hereafter as the parri- cides of the Republic. Mr. Chairman, the northern national Democ- racy stands )io\v, and will continue to stand here- after, bvthe principles established liy the Kansas- Xebraskaact,aiid those enunciated at Cincinnati. We insist that the Territories, as well as States, have the sole right to determine their local and municipal matters, and that each should be let alone to manage them in their own way. This course must ultimately force the slavery agitation out of Conirress, notwithstanding the embarrass- nsent which has thus fur attended the applic;uion of the primiple to Kansas. The present difficulty has grown out of the premature immigration forced upon the Territory by slavery agitators, which went there, not to cultivate tlie soil, but to foster the excitement which has of late convulsed the whole country, and of which all, I believe, are heartily tired'. This rule adopted will not produce like consequences again. There may be .some struggle when a constitution with slavery )r5 presented, but 1 believe public sentiment will determine that it shall be no bar to admission on that ground. Once firmly established and acted upon in good faith, slavery will be left to the law of climate and soil to control it. This law, which has been siN'ntly working since the adoption of the constitution, has caused the abolition of sla- very in six of the original States, and either abol- ished or prohii)ited it in nine of the new States since admitlL-d, and which has now brought to us two, if not more, free States for admission into the Union, thereby destroying the equilibrium between the slave and free States, imposes, in my judgment, a higher duty upon the national De- nioc!-acv of the North than has hitherto existed, to see tiiat the conijiromises of the Constitution are maintained, and the rights of the States se- cured. Its action in the past is a guarantee for the future. All that the southern States demand i.>» to be allowed to control their own affairs, and equal rights with the other Slates. When a new State seeks admission, and its people desire sla- very, Conirress should not inter]iose objection, if the constitution is republican in form, but should at once admit it into the Union. The national Democracy are fully committed upon this point, and will redeoTn the pledge. Mr. Chairman, my colleague, [Mr. Haskim,] in his remarks, uses the following language: " I honestly ln-liovp tliat. but for pntroirtao, fast bpcniniiiif the liaiieoftlie Il''public. not ten Democratic nifinibers I'rom the free s=tates would be I'ouiul supportiii',' the Lecoiiiptoii constitution as it lias been presented to us." I hold that no member of this honorable body should make even a vague charge of this grave character against his associates, even from belief, unless foundi^d upon some fact. If the integrity and honor of any gpntleman has yielded to the seductions of patronage and power, it is proper and due to the dignity of this honorable body that it should be known, and the person ov persona named. I therefore call upon my colleague [Mr. Haskin] to give this information, and the facts upon which his l)i;lief is founded; my respect for this honorable body f