rsoai ffr^Pi CA3^i^^ HISTORY -OF- Southern Oregon, COMPRISING Jackson, Josephine, Douglas, Curry ind Coos COUNTIES, Compiled from the Most Authentic Sources. PUBLISHED BY A. Gr. WALLING, 1884. PORTLAND, OREGON : PRINTING AND LITHOGRAPHING HOUSE OF A. G. WALLING, CORNER FIRST AND ASH STREETS. 1884. 1 3 76 Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1S83, by A. G. Walling, in the office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. D. C. 077 *f 2> to 37 9*- tr PREFACE. In giving these pages to the public, the publisher 1ms been actuated by the laud- able ambition to materially aid in a great work — the preservation in historical form 01 V ... " ... the fast-fading annals of Oregon. The history of this greal state, the story of its struggles and triumphs, has never been written; nor can it be until the annals of each section have been carefully gathered and recorded. They are the stones, which, set in place by the hand of a skillful builder, make the complete edifice. To gather the scat- tered threads of history ere they fall from the hands of those who have spun them, and to weave them into a complete and reliable narrative, is the arduous task the publisher has assumed; and to do this lie has undertaken the work in the only manner by which this result can be accomplished. Xo portion of the state exceeds in importance or historical interest that section to which the pages of this volume are specially devoted. The counties of Douglas, , 485. Hines, Rev. GustaVUS, 132, 1 36, 146, Hitchcock, General, I . S. A., 200. Hooker, Colonel Joseph, U. S. A.. 339- Horn, Cape, discovered, 32. : on's Bay, 13, 32, 47. Hudson's Bay Company, 33,50, 81, 10S to 126, 148, 397, 399. Hull, Charles W. killed, 259. Humboldt river, 1 19, 122. ■'Humbug war," 238, 240. Hungry II ill, campaign of, 251, 253, 464. Hunt, Wilson P., expedition of, 1 00 to 103, 105. I Illinois valley, 451. Immigration of 1845, J 37; °f lf ^43> 143; of 1844, 147. Irvin, Lieutenant U. S. A., kidnapped, 200. J Jackson county, description of, 306, 315; history of, 315, 382. Jackson creek, 337. Jackson Rangers, 349. Jacksonville, 359. Jesuit missionaries in lower California, 38, 42. Joe, Chief of the Rogue River Indians, 263. Joint occupancy of Oregon, 108, 113, 126. John, Chief of the Applegate Indians, 190, 216, 217, 279, 281, 284. John Day Rivei, 88, 103, 148. Jones, Capt., U. S. A., 275. Josephine creek, discovered, 447. Josephine county, 446. judah, Capt. H. M., U. S. A., 233. Jump-off-Joe creek, 461. K Kamiakan. Indian chief, 174, 176. Kautz, Lieut. A. V., U. S. A., 221, 251. Kearney, Gen. Philip, 197. Keene, Granville, killed, 240. Keeney, Captain Jonathan, 261. Kelsey, Colonel John, 265. Kendrick, Captain John. 68. Kerbyville, 453, 454. King George III. Archipelago, 53. King George Sound Company, 64. Kino, Father, 33, 38, 39. Klamath Indians, 178. Klamath river, 131. Klickitat Indians, 183. Kyle, James C, killed, 231. L Labrador, straits of, 13. Lamerick, General J. K., 202, 254, 262, 266, 282. Lane, Gen. Joseph, 168, 198, 217, 222. La Perouse voyage of, 63. Lapwai Mission, 130, 132, 155. Latshaw, Major, 281. LeBreton, George W., 136, 146, 153, 154. . Ledford massacre, 346, 347. Le.lyard, John, efforts to cross the Continent, 63. Lee, H. A. G., 160. Lev, Rev. Jason, 127, 130, 132,136,146. Lewis and Clarke's expedition, 85, 92. Lewis, ( aptain W. B., 250. Lewis river, (see Snake). Lewis, Joe, 157 to 159. Limestone, 321. Long Prairie. 438 Looking-glass, 417, Indians of, at- tacked, 257. Loretto, Mission of Our Lady of, 40. Lost river fight, 207. Lowden's ferry light, 188, 189. Louisiana, Province of, 47, 84. Lovejoy, A. Lawrence, 139, 150. Lower California, colonized, 33. Lupton massacre, 243. M Mackenzie, Alexander, explorations of, 81, 82; Mackenzie river, 81. Magellan, II, 13. Maldonado and the Straits of Anian, 22. Mandan Indians, 86. Marple, P. B., 491. Marshall, James W., 169. Marshfield, 494, 495. Martinez, Estevan, voyages of, 52, 69: Nootka controversy, 71. Mary's river, (see Humboldt). Massacre on October ninth, 1855, 244. Maurelle, Antonio voyages of, 52, 6r. McBean, William, 159. McKay, Alexander, Tom and William C, 95, 121, 129, 138, 152, 156, l6l. McKinlay, Archibald, 138. McLaughlin, Dr. John, 121, 136, 153. McLaughlin, Joseph, 122. McLeod river, 122. McTavish, J. G., 104. Meacham, A. B., 207. Meadows, first campaign of the, 256; second campaign, 266, 269. Meares, Captain, voyages of, 58, 65, 68. 71. Med ford, 375. Meek, Joseph L. and Stephen H., 133, 137, 146, 148, 166, 168. Mendocino, Cape, discovered, 18. Mendoza, Antonio, Viceroy of Mexico, 16, 18. Merchants' and Farmers' Navigation Co., 385. Methodist missions, 127, 130, 131, 132, 135 to 137, 151, 154. Meteorological tables, 300. Miller, Captain John F., 331, 232. Mines and Minerals, 321 to 333, 392 to 394. . Missions in California, 38. Missions in Oregon, 127 to 133, 151, .154- Missionaries, 127, 159. Missouri Fur Co., 92, 118. Missouri river, 86, 91. Modocs, 187, 204, 207, 349. Molalla Indians, 154. Monterey, Bay of, 29, 45. Mount St. Elias, 60. Multnomah river, 88. Murphy's creek, 459; fight at, 280. Myrtle creek, 422, 423. Myrtle Point, 485. N Nesmith, J. W., J48, 221, 223. New Archangel, 106. Nez Perce Indians. 86, 90, 123, 128, 130, 132, 153. Ninth Regiment, 293, 296. Nisqually, missions at, 151, 174. Niza, Father Marcas de, pretended ex- plorations of, 17. LNDEX. Nolan, Rhodes, 214. N ..1 convention, 73, 74. Nootka Sound, 51, ;:, 64, 66, ; "-■ N rth Bend, | North Sea, 11. N i Umpqua river, Northwest Fur 91, IOO, 107 to 109, I I 3, 1 14. o Flat, council of, 270. IjO. . I Ske< : , 1 -'-•. 159. see Humboldt). t, 52. .. 1 O. C, U. S. A., 277. :i, first dis i\ 20, 30; gin of name, 40. 50. S3: joint oc- cupancy, 10S, 113: missions 127 133; first efforts at self-government, |; boundary, 14 1: white popula- tion of, in 1S43, 143: subdivided, 170. 1 and California railroad. 3S1. 396. 411. 424, 462. a City laid out, 137; Indian fight at, 154. 1 Sentinel, newspaper, 369. 1 trail, the. 33S, 447. 449, 46!. Orford, Cape, 30, 54, 76. P C Fur Co., 95, 104. Pacific Ocean, discovery of, II; early explorations, 13. Palmer, Joel, 221, Palouse river, S7, 103. Palouse Indians, 103. Pambrun, P. C, 129. Parker, Rev. Samuel, 128, 151. Parkersburg, 488. Peo-peo-mux-mux, Indian Chief, 88, •53. 175- Perez, voyages of Juan, 51, 52. Peters Philip, 400. Philip II., orders survey of northwest coast, 2S. Philippine Islands subdued by Spain, 19- Phillips, Edward, killed, 236. Philpot killed, 237, 452. Phoenix, 374. Pilcher, Major, 122. Pioneers, society of, 351. Poland, Captain, 273. Portala, first governor of California, 44. Port Orford, 203, 471, 477. Port San Lorenzo, 51. Post, newspaper, 480. Prim, Judge P. P., 361. Prince William's sound, 60, 65, 69 Printing, first in Oregon, 132. Provisional government of Oregon. '33. '35. »45- '46. Puget Sound Agricultural Co., 170. Puget Sound explored, 79. Putnam Valley, 438, 439. Q Quadra, Bodega y, 52, 62, 80. Quartz mining, 326, 333, 392, ^03, 456, 466. Queen Charlotte's Island, 51, 79. Quicksilver, 321, 393, 394. Quivira, Fabulous City of, 31. R Rainfall, 300. Ranier, Mount, 79. Randolph, 492; mines of, 489. Rawlins, Miss Josephine, 447. Recorder, newspaper, 476. Red River of the North, 50; settle- ments, 109, 134; emigrants, 137. Redwood grove. Reyes, Rio de l 3 4S, 10, 54, Ids, Major U. S. A.. 27a Rhoades, Jacob, 215. settlement, 257, 420. Rice valley, 440. Riddle, 424. Rinearson, Capt. Jacob, 247, 249. Rock Point, 379, Rocky mountains, 4S, S5, IlS. Rocky Mountain Fur Company, 119, 122, 123. Rogue river. 312, 313. Rogue River Indians, 178, 185, 190, 202, 216, 302, 304, 37S. Rollins (see Rawlins.) Roseburg, 403, 405, 416. .:rg and Coos Hay railway, 396, 494. 499- Ross, General John E., 160, 205, 206, 213, 220, 234, 249, 251, 328, 345. 349. 464- Russian explorations in the Pacific, 34 to 38. Russian American Trading Company, 36, 63, 106, 117. Ryswick, treaty of, 47. Sahaptin river (see Snake.) Sailor Diggings (see Waldo.) Saint Elias, Mount, discovered, H, 59. Salt Lake, Great, IlS. Salva-Tierra, Father, 38. Sam and Joe, chiefs of the Rogue Rivers, 210, 211. Sandwich Islands, 56, 60, 6S, 93. San Diego mission, 43. San Jacinto, Mount, 53. San Francisco Bay discovered, 21, 29, 45- San Lorenzo, Port, 5l. San Roque, river of, 53. Sauvies' island, 88. Saskatwchewan river, 81. Scott, Capt. Levi. 148, 302, 400, 401. Scurvy, sufferings of Spanish explorers, 18, 29, 30. Scottsburg, 385, 401, 402, 435. Second regiment, O. M. V., 260, 265, 286, 292. Selkirk's Red River settlements, 109. Serra, Father Junipero. 43 to 46. Settlements in Oregon, 130, 134, 152. Shasta Indians, 178, 189. Sheep, 395. Simpson, Sir George, 137. .">i-.kiyou mountains, 122, 131. Siuslaw river, 384, 440. Sitka, Alaska, 106. Sixes river. 476. Skinner, Judge A. A., 150, 199, 202, 336- Slate creek, 459. Smith, Capt. A. J., U. S. A., 223, 233. 239. 277, 279- Smith river, 383, 439, 440. Smith, Jedediah S., 118, 120, 122, 184, 399.- Snake river, 86, 100, 125. South Sea, discovery of, 10. South Sea Company, 64. Southern Oregon, history and descrip- tion of, 297, 499. Southern Oregon emigrant road, 148, 302. Southern Oregon Improvement Com- pany, 494, 499. Spanish explorations, t8, 29, 30,31, 51, 52. M, 02, 69, 75. 79- Spalding, Rev. 11. II., ijov. I. I., 173, 176. Stewart, Captain, I". S. A., 197. Stepl «, Col l I. 176. Stock. 39 \. Straits of Anian, 17, 20, 23. man, Lieutenant, 475. Sucker creek, 544, 455. Sumner, 495. Suiter, Captain John A., 131, 169. Sutton, |. M., 464. T Table Rocks, the, 377, 37S; reserva" tion at, 231. Table Rock band, 263. Table Rock Sentinel, newspaper (see Oregon .Sentinel . ) Table Rock treaty, 221, 224. Tallent, 380. Tam-su-ky, Cayuse chief, 156 to 162. Tedford and Rouse attacked by In- dians, 224. Temperature, 300. Ten-mile valley, 419. Territorial government of Oregon, 163, 176. Thornton, J. Q., 150, 164, 167. Tichenor, Capt. Win., 471, 473, 478. Tierra, Father Juan Maria Salva, 39. Timber. 390. Tipsu Tyee, 201, 211, 2t6, 230, 233. Tonquin, ship, 95, 100. Toucliet river, 90. Townsend, Port, 79. Trappers, character of, 125, 126. Treaties — Nootka, 73; Ghent, 106; Ryswick, 47; Ashburton, 14 1; of 1846, 149. Trinidad, bay of, 52. Tukannon river, 87. T'Vault, W. G., 197, 369, 370, 372, 377. 473- Tyee George, 347. U Ugarte, Father Juan, 38, 41. Ulloa, Francisco de, explorations of, 16. Umatilla river, S8, 124. Umpqua City, 402, 438. Umpqua county, 403, 405, 406. Umpqua, Fort, 184, 301, 397, 399. Umpqua Indians, 178, 182, 183. Umpqua river, 21, 30, 117, 119, 184, 384. 399. 401. V Vancouver, Capt. George, 74, 81. Vancouver Island, 51, 80. Vancouver, Fort, 80, 114, 115, 124. Viscaino, Admiral Sebastian, 29, 31. Vovageurs, 95. W Wagner, Mrs., killed, 245. Wagons first taken to Oregon, 129, 137, '42. Waiilatpu, 130, 138, 152. Waldo, called Sailor Diggings, 229, 456. 457- Walker, Rev. E., 131, 139. Walker, Capt. Jesse, 235. Walla Walla, fort, 123, 129, 137, 156, 159. 175- 176. Walla Walla Indians, 88, 102, 103. Waller, Rev., his zeal, 132. Willamette Cattle Company, 130, 186. - INDEX. n>o; of 1S53, 214, 232; of 1855 6, 244, 296, opum Indians, 102, 1 53. Washington territory organized, 170, •74- Western I niversity, 345. White, Dr. Elijah, 1 ;;. i5l, 154. Whitman, I >r. Marcus, 12S: overland journey, 1 37 to 142. Whitman massacre, 150, 159. Wilkes, Commodore Charles, 136, 1S6, 301. Wilbur, 437. Willamette river, 88. Williams' creek, 458. Williamsburg, 458, 459. William-, (apt. M. M„ 265. Williams, < ol. K. L., 260, 262. Willow Springs, 332, 377: Indian fight at, 196. Wilderville, 459. Wills, Thomas, 213. Winchester, 402, 404, 405, 408, 432. Winchester, Payne & Co., 401. Winchuck river, 481. Winnipeg settlements, 109. Wolf meeting, the, 145. Woodman, Calvin, murder of, 201 Woodville, 380. Wool, General John E., 175, 275. Wright, Gen. 203, 272, 274. Wright, Co). George, 176. Wyeth, Nathaniel J., 123, 125, 129. Y Yakima Indians, 174-5-6. Vellept, Chief, 88. Yellowstone river, 86; 91. Yoncalla, 401, 433. Young, Ewing, 123, 130, 135, 186 PACIFIC COAST. ( 1IAPTER I. DISCOVERY OF THE PACIFIC Prehistoric— The New World Divided between Spain and Portugal — Discovery of the South Sea Voyage cf Magellan— Naming the Pacific— Cortereal and the Straits of Anian. Intense gloom enshrouds the history of the Pacific coast prior to the sixteenth century. The investigations of the geologist have revealed how the great inland arms of the ocean gradually became land-locked seas whose receding waters left behind the deposit of alluvium brought down from the mountains by the thousands of small streams pouring into them, by which process were evolved the great fertile valleys whose names have become the synonyms of abundance ; but of its history they are sileut. The patient researches of the archaeologist have here and there cast a faint ray of light into the encircling gloom, but the fleeting outlines thus momentarilv revealed re but to confuse the mind and render more intense the deep shadow hanging over all. What races of human beings have acted here the great drama of life, their wars, customs, manner of living, religious beliefs and the degree of civilization they attained, are all hidden by an impenetrable veil. Here and there a voiceless skeleton disen- t" imbed from its resting place for centuries far beneath the verdant carpet of the earth it once trod, silently points to ages long before the stony lips of the Sphynx were carved or the mightv Atlantis sunk beneath the seething billows of a convulsed ocean; yet of those ages it reveals naught but the simple fact of their existence. Rude monuments of rocks and mounds of earth, a few rough carvings in the rocky walls of towering cliffs and crude paintings on the surface of huge stones, ob- jects of superstitious awe and reverence to the simple natives, speak of races now passed away, of whom the aborigines of to-day know nothing except the faint allusion made to them in the legends of their ancestors. These traditions also speak of the presence long years ago of a race of pale faced people who visited these shores in ship-, yet so intangible are they that scarcely a theory can be founded upon them; certainly nothing positive can be proved. That the Chinese or the Tartars in the years of their great warlike strength and foreign conquests may have visited the west- ern coast of America is far from improbable ; in fact archaeologists have discovered many evidences of such visits in the crumbled ruins of Mexico, Central America and Peru, and in the customs and religious ceremonies of the people whom the conquering l0 PACIFIC COAST. swordsof Cortes and Pizarro so ruthlessly slaughtered; but Oregon and Washington offer but little testimony either to confirm or confute the theory. It is quite possible, and even probable, that the traditions referred to had their rise in the visits of the early Spanish explorers. Leaving these mysteries to be revealed by the investigations of the future, let us step from out the shadow upon the lighted plain of authentic record. Immediately upon the return of Columbus in the spring of 1493, with the start- ling intelligence that he had reached India in his voyage westward, for such was his belief at that time, the Spanish sovereigns applied to the Pope, who then arrogated to himself not only the spiritual but the temporal sovereignty of the universe, for special grants and privileges in all lands thus discovered. Formerly the head of the church had bestowed upon Portugal, which had for a century past been the foremost nation in making voyages of exploration and discovery, sovereign rights in the south and east, similar to those Spain now desired in the west. With an arrogance such as none hut the ruler of a universe can display and a munificence to be expected only from one bestowing that which he does not possess or which costs him nothing, the successor of Peter and God's representative upon earth drew a line from pole to pole across the globe one hundred leagues west of the Azores, and assigned to Portugal all newly-dis- covered lands lying east of it and to Spain all' lying to the westward. This partition was unsatisfactory to ambitious Portugal, and after two years of wrangling the obliging Pope moved his dividing line 270 leagues farther west. Though the Portuguese were obedient to the Pontiff's decree and left Spain in un- disputed possession of all its western discoveries, not ceasing, however, to make many voyages of exploration, this was far from being the case with the English. The sovereigns of that " tight little isle" were wont to be very independent in their conduct, and had been accustomed for some time to show little respect for the temporal au- thority of the Pope when it conflicted too strongly with their personal, political or territorial interests. It can well be imagined, then, that this partition of the undis- covered world into equal portions between Spain and Portugal did not deter England from making voyages of discovery to the new world and claiming sovereign rights over all lands explored, a claim which neither the Pope nor his two pet subjects dared to dispute. Following in the footsteps of her island neighbor and immemorial enemy, France, and Holland also, ignored the papal bull and in later years grasped eagerly after their share of the prize. And what was this land towards which the eyes of the great nations of Europe were turned ? It was, as they supposed, the west coast of India, the wonderful island of Zipango and the fabulously wealthy land of Cathay described by Marco Polo. Here was to be found the "gold of Ophir" which had enriched the kingdom of the mighty Solomon, diamonds and precious stones in abundance, and the fountain of per- petual youth. Imagination and legend had peopled it with wonderful nations and cities and had stored it with a wealth of precious stones and metals such as the known portions of the globe never possessed. Love of dominion and cupidity, that great ruling power in human nature, led them forward in the contest. From 14*. >2 to 1513, when Yasco Nunez gazed from the mountains upon the vast "South Sea," many voyages of discovery were made, and the Atlantic coast of America PACIFIC COAST. 11 was explored bj the Spanish. Portuguese and English navigators from sunny Brazil as far north as the Lcyshores of Labrador. These voyages bad satisfied geographers thai not the hnlia ^\' the east, buf a new continent, probably a greal eastern extension of Asia, had boon found by Columbus, and that this must he crossed or circumnavigated before reaching the hoarded treasures of Cathay, [ndeed as early as 1498 Vasco de Grama, a Portuguese, reached India, by sailing eastward around the Cape of Good Hope, and it was plainly evident thai between that point (Calcutta) and the Parthesl point yet readied to the westward lay many wide leagues of land and water, unexplored and unknown. The idea prevailed that a great sea existed to the southwest beyond this new land of America, an idea which was strengthened and supported by statements of the natives carried as slaves to Europe in every returning vessel, and, indeed, several efforts had been made to pass into this unknown sea by going southward along the coast of America. The title of "America" had been applied to the southern half of our continent which was at first supposed to be separate and distinct from the northern half, or Asia, as it was believed to be. It was a quiet day in September, 1513, that Vasco Nunez de Balboa gazed from the mountain tops of Central America upon the sleeping waters of the Pacific, upon which the eye of a Caucasian then rested for the first time. Having crossed the nar- row isthmus joining the two Americas from his starting point at the Spanish settle- ment of Antigua on the gulf of Uraba, he was guided by a native to a point from which he saw the unknown ocean glistening in the sun far beneath him. As at that point the isthmus runs east and west, the Atlantic beating against its shores on the north and the Pacific lapping its sandy beach on the south, he christened the latter the •• South Sea," while the Atlantic was by way of contrast named the "North Sea;" though this latter title was soon transferred to a supposed ocean lying north of Amer- ica, separated from the South sea by a narrow isthmus similar to that of Panama, and connected with it by a short strait, as will appear further on. The announcement that this great "South Sea" actually existed led to increased exertions to discover a route by which vessels could pass around America and traverse the unknown ocean in search of the Indies. It soon became evident that America united with the supposed land of Asia lying north of it to form a either new continent hitherto entirely unknown, or a great southeastern extension of Asia equally a stranger to geography. Exertions to discover the supposed southern passage to the great South sea were then redoubled, and in five years were crowned with complete success. A Portuguese navigator, a native of Oporto, but sailing under the Spanish flag, commanded the first vessel that plowed Pacific waters, and to this expedition is due the further honor of making the first complete navigation of the globe, proving conclusively what all geographers of the time had learned to believe, that the world was round and could be encompassed by the traveler by going either east or west. The name of this cele- brated navigator, wdiose voyage was second only to the one made by Columbus in 1492 in the knowledge it revealed of the earth's geography, w T as Ferdinando de Magalhaens, spelled Magallanes by the Spaniard- and by English authors given as Magellan. He had made several voyages for Portugal via the Cape of Good Hope, but becoming dis- satisfied had left his native land and entered the service of Spain, to again attempt for that nation the effort of reaching the east by sailing westward. His special destination 12 PACIFIC COAST. was the Moluccas, then claimed by Spain, and to aid him on his voyage lie possessed a chart upon which was designated a passage into the South sea; but instead of the open sea which it actually is, this chart exhibited a narrow strait piercing the body of the southern half of America. The origin of this chart and the authority for marking upon it such an utterly incorrect geographical feature, are unknown; but the proba- bilities arc that the chart embraced the idea of some geographer as to what the nature of the desired passage into the South sea must be, and was founded solely upon theory. Thai this was probably the ease is supported by the fact that a somewhat similar pass- age was supposed to lead through North America from the Atlantic to the Pacific. In tact it took nearly three centuries to prove the Straits of Anian to be utterly fabulous and mythical. ( )n the twentieth of September, 1519, Magellan sailed from San Lucar with five vessels and 265 men, reached Rio de Janeiro on the Brazilian coast December 13, and coasted thence to the southward, carefully exploring every promising bay and inlet. When he reached the broad estuary of the Rio de la Plata, he thought surely the long- sought strait had been discovered, but all efforts to pass through the continent by that route were completely unsuccessful. There was no passage through the huge rocky wall of the Andes. Abandoning the attempt he sailed again southward, reaching Port St. Julian, about 49° south latitude, on the thirty-first of March, where he remained five months. August 24, 1520, he again resumed his search, and on the twenty-first of October reached Cabo de las Yirgenes, at the entrance of the long-sought straits, having lost one vessel by shipwreck and one by desertion. With the remaining three he passed through, naming the land to the southward " Terre del Fuego," because of the many fires seen burning there. Upon the strait itself he bestowed the title " Yi- torio," the name of one of his ships, though it has always properly been known as the Straits of Magellan. His passage through them of thirty-six days was a tem- pestuous and dangerous one, and when his vessel's prow cleaved the waters of the great un plowed sea on the twenty-seventh of November, the contrast between its quiet and smiling waters and the foam-lashed breakers of the tortuous strait was so great and so suggestive that he bestowed the name Pacific upon it. This circumstance and title are recorded in an account of the voyage written in Italian by Antonio Pigafretta, after- ward Caviliere di Rhodi, who accompanied the great explorer. Immediately upon entering the Pacific ocean Magellan steered to the northwest to reach a warmer climate, crossed the line February 13, 1521, arrived at the Ladrones March 6, and at the Philippines on the sixteenth of the same month. Here he was killed in a battle with the natives April 27, and the survivors of the expedition, num- bering 115 men, continued the voyage under the leadership of Caraballo. They touched at Borneo and other islands, and reached the goal of their voyage, the Moluc- cas, on the eighth of November. One of the vessels, the Vitorio, in command of Se- bastian del Cano, sailed again westward from the Moluccas, rounded the Cape of Good Hope, and reached San Lucar September 6, 1522, with only eighteen survivors of the 265 who started upon the expedition, having been gone three years and accomplished the first complete circumnavigation of the globe. The new ocean was variously known for a number of years as South sea, Magellan's sea and Pacific ocean, the last title gradually superseding the others until it became universal. PACIFIC coast L3 This wonderful voyage naturally altered the popular idea of the new land which Columbus had discovered. The vast extent of the Pacific ocean and its apparently unlimited stretch to the northward convinced the map makers thai their former idea was erroneous, and that the new land, or " Novus Mundus" as the oame appears on many ancient maps, could not possibly be an ('astern extension of Asia. They then came t<> believe that America and Novus Mundus were united by the [sthmusof Pan- ama to form an entirely new continent, and that the true Asia lay still further to the wesl across the new ocean. The direct and natural result of this idea was a belief that a passage into the Pacific could be discovered by sailing around the north end of No- vus Mundus as easily as Magellan had found one b}' going to the southward of America. In fact such a passage as this vras supposed to have been diseovered in the year 1500 by the Portuguese navigator, Gaspar Cortereal, the first explorer of the coastof Labra- dor, lie passed through a strait into a sea which he believed and reported to be con- nected with the Indian ocean. This mistaken idea was not so proven until modern explorers demonstrated the fact that no such passage exists south of the ice-bound waters of the Arctic ocean. He had in fact passed through the straits and entered the bay afterwards entered and named by Hudson in his own honor. Upon the maps for many years straits of this character, leading indefinitely westward, were marked and called Straits of Labrador until their extent and the character of the sea into which they led were revealed by the later explorations of Hudson and others. The name Cortereal bestowed upon them, however, was Straits of Anian, though what was the significance of the title has never been satisfactorily explained. The Straits of Anian seemed in later years to become entirely disassociated in the minds of explorers from the Straits of Labrador or Hudson, and the universal idea of them seems to have been that of a narrow" passage from sea to sea, between the continents of America and Asia. What caused this peculiar notion it is impossible to state, and the supposed passage is now universally referred to by historians as the "Fabulous Straits of Anian." To find it the English, French and Spanish searched diligently along the Atlantic coast, while the Spaniards, alone, sailing northward from the Pacific coast of Mexico, explored along our western shore for more than two centuries before the belief in its existence was finally abandoned. Leaving the former and the results of their voyages to be referred to briefly" further on. let us turn our attention to those voyages in the Pacific which made known to the world the geography of the northern Pacific coast. CHAPTER II. EARLY EXPLORATIONS IN THE NORTHWEST. Cortes Conquers Mexico and Turns his Eyes towards California— He Hopes to Reach the Indies by following the Coast California Discovered by Ximenes— Cortez Undertakes its Conquest— Tale of the Florida Refu- gees Voyage of Ulloa Wonderful Story of Friar Marcas- Coronado seeks Cibola and Quivira— Voyage of Cabrillo and Ferrelo. Immediately following the first discoveries by Columbus, Spain began to plant colonies in the West India islands. Her enlightened sovereigns, Ferdinand and Isa- bella, proposed to open at once the great storehouse of wealth this new land was popu- larly supposed to be. Gold and jeAvelswere procured from the natives by every possi- ble means, including cheating in trade and conquest by the sword, and sent back to enrich the mother country. The same year that saw Magellan set sail upon his voyage around the globe, witnessed the inauguration of another enterprise fraught with great results to the future of America. Hernando de Cortes entered Mexico with the sword in one hand and bible in the other, bent upon winning riches and power for himself and His Most Catholic Majesty, the King of Spain, and impressing upon the heathen Aztecs the beauties of the Christian religion with musketry and cannon. The details of his bloody conquest it is needless to relate. Having subjugated Mexico and overturned in blood the throne of the Montezumas, Cortes looked westward for more countries to subdue and plunder of their accumu- lated wealth. On the fifteenth of October, 1524, he wrote to Spain's most powerful monarch, Charles Y, that he was upon the eve of entering upon the conquest of Co- liina, a country bordering on the South sea (Pacific ocean), and that the great men there had given him information of "an island of Amazons, or women only, abound- ing in pearls and gold, lying ten days' journey from Colima." Though Colima is the name of one of the present states of Mexico, there is but little doubt that Cortes re- ferred to Lower California. This was the opinion of Miguel Venengas, who wrote in 1749 : " The account of the pearls inclines me to think that these were the first inti- mations we had of California and its gulf." The idea held by Cortes was that possessed by geographers generally, that Amer- ica, if not an actual portion of Asia, into which the Pacific projected a long distance northward, was at least separated from that ancient continent simply by a narrow -trait; and this idea, though founded simply upon theory, was wonderfully correct. It was his plan to sail northward, along the coast until the Straits of Anian were encountered, or failing in that, to continue ^westward and southward until he reached the rich lauds of India. The fatal defect in this theory was in not ascribing to the Pacific ocean .and the American continent the magnificent proportions they were in after years found to possess. PACIFIC COAST. 15 At the time Cortes w rote his Letter the Pacific coasl had been several times explored from the Isthmus of Panama as far northward as 350 leagues from that point. In 1522 he began the construction of several vessels al Zacatula to carry oul his ideas, and in 1526 they were joined by a vessel which had come through the Straits of Magellan. In 1527 three of these vessels were completed and made a short voyage along the coasl ; bul orders came from Spain to ^vwd them to India by a direct route across the ocean instead of the Long way along the coast proposed by Cortes. Other ships were begun at Teluiantepec, hut rotted on the stocks while the great conqueror was in Spain. In 1530 lie began the construction of others. Finally, in 15:5:2, he dispatched two vessels from Acapulco, reaching as far north as Sinaloa, both being wrecked at different points, and their commanders and all but a few of the men slain by the natives. The next year two more vessels were dispatched from Teluiantepec, one of which accomplished nothing. The crew of the other one mutinied and killed their commander, Becerra, and continued the voyage under the pilot, Fortuilo Xim- enes, landing upon the extreme southern point of the peninsula of California, in 1534, where Ximenes and twenty of his men were slain in an encounter with the natives. The survivors succeeded in navigating the vessel back to the main land, where it was seized by Nufio de Guzman, the governor of Northern Mexico. He was a bitter enemy of Cortes, and his rival in covering the advancing pathway of civilization with a carpet of blood. To resent this insult, Cortes sent three vessels northward by sea, and started him- self, by land, at the head of a considerable body of trooj)s. He changed his intention, however, and embarking a large portion of his force upon the vessels which had met him at Chiametla, he set sail for the new country discovered to the west by Ximenes, which w r as said to abound in the finest of pearls. On the third of May, 1535, his little squadron came to anchor in the bay where the mutineers had met their fate the year before, and in honor of the day, which was that of the Holy Cross in the Koman Catholic calendar, he bestowed upon it the name of Santa Cruz. This was probably the one now known as Port La Paz. To this body of land the name of California was soon after given, though by whom, for what reason and what is the significance of the title remain perplexing questions to the present day, and this name gradually expanded in its application until in after years it signified the entire Spanish pos- sessions on the Pacific coast, that portion above the mouth of the Colorado being known as Alta California. Cortes landed upon this barren and inhospitable coast with 130 men and forty horses, with visions of conquest floating before his mind. He hoped to find in this new country another Mexico to yield its vast stores of gold, pearls and ornaments into his bloody hands. Two of his vessels were at once sent to Chiametla for the remain- der of his troops, and returned with but a portion of them. They were again dis- patched upon the same errand, one only returning, the other having gone to the bot- tom of the sea. Cortes then went to the Mexican coast in person, returning to Santa Cruz just in time to rescue those he had left there from death by starvation. More than a year's time had now been fruitlessly squandered, and explorations inland had revealed the fact that the land was utterly barren and worthless. With the exception of a few pearls on the coast, the Spaniards had found nothing to tempt their cupidity, L6 PACIFIC COAST. the great controlling power which bound them together and made them subservient to discipline. Many had died and the remainder were mutinous. In the meantime the wife of Cortes, hearing of his ill success, sent a vessel to Santa Cruz with letters, im- ploring him to abandon his enterprise and return. News came at the same time that a Spanish uobleman of high rank, Don Antonio de Mendoza, had been appointed to supersede him as viceroy of New Spain, and had already installed himself in office in the city of Mexico. He hastened to the mainland, leaving a portion of his forces still al Santa Cruz, under the command of Francisco de Ulloa; but finding his author- ity in New Spain entirely gone and being much embarrassed financially by the ex- penses of Ins unprofitable venture, he sent word to Ulloa to return, and in 1537 the sandy deserts of Lower California were abandoned by the ragged remnant of that little army of adventurers who had entered it with such high hopes two years before. About this time there arrived in Mexico four wandering refugees whose story had much to do with the nature of explorations for the next few years. They were Alvaro Nunez de Cabeza-Vaca, two other Spaniards and a Negro or Moor. They had landed in Florida in ir>27 with a plundering expedition that invaded that portion of the coast under Panfilo Narvaez. The company was almost exterminated by shipwreck, famine and battle, and these four survivors wandered for nine years through the inter- ior of the region bordering upon the gulf until they finally arrived in Mexico. They had encountered no civilized or wealthy nations in their long journey, but had been informed, at various places, of populous countries inhabited by rich and civilized races further to the northwest. Mendoza was moved by these stories to invade the northwest. It was the civilized nations the Spaniards were eager to subdue ; not because their conquest afforded them more honor in a military sense, for their warfare was but a series of bloody butcheries of unwarlike races whose undisciplined and unprotected masses, armed simply with spears, were mowed clown like grain by the cannon, musketry and steel of the mailed warriors of Spain ; but because these civilized nations possessed the great stores of gold and precious jewels which were the loadstone that drew these representatives of European chivalry to the New World. The viceroy organized a body of fifty horse- men for the purpose of invading this new country, and then abandoned the idea, send- ing, instead, two friars and the Moor to explore and report the true facts of the case before he ventured upon more extensive efforts. They departed in March, 1539, and on the eighth of the following July, Cortes, who still claimed the right of exploration into the unknown ocean and government over all lands discovered, having again equipped three vessels, sent them from Acapulco under the command of Ulloa. One of these was soon wrecked in a severe storm, and the other two proceeded to Santa Cruz bay and then coasted along Lower California and Mexico, completely around the gulf that lies between them, failing, however, to notice the mouth of the great Colorado river. This voyage settled many geographi- cal questions, and the gulf was named by Ulloa the Sea of Cortes, though it was gen- erally marked on Spanish maps as the Vermilion sea, and on those of other nations as the Gulf of California. On the twenty-ninth of October, of the same year, Ulloa again sailed from Santa Cruz, whither he had returned at the conclusion of his last voyage, and sought to examine the coast westward as he had to the east. Passing around the . PACIFIC COAST. 17 cape, now called Sun Lucas, he sailed slowly northward until about the firsl of Feb- ruary, L540, he reached an island near the coast in latitude 28 , which he named Isle of Cedars. Headwinds and sickness held him here until April, and then the same cause-, coupled with a lack of provisions, compelled him to abandon his purpose of proceeding further northward. This voyage attracted but little attention, so absorbed were the mercenary adven- turers in Mexico in the report of Friar Marcas de Xi/.a of the wonderful things dis- covered by him and his companions in the new region whither they had been sent by Mendo/a. From these accounts, as contained in the letter addressed to the viceroy by Father Marcas, and from other evidence, it is probable that the reverend explorer did really penetrate to a considerable distance into the interior of the continent, and did find there countries partially cultivated, and inhabited by people possessing some acquaint- ance with the arts of civilized life; though as to the precise situation of those regions, or the routes pursued in reaching them, no definite idea can be derived from the narrative. The friar pretended to have discovered, northwest of Mexico, beyond the thirty-fifth degree of latitude, extensive territories, richly cultivated, and abounding in gold. silver,and precious stones, the population of which was much greater, and further advanced in civilization, than those of Mexico or Peru. In these countries were many towns, and seven cities, of which the friar only saw one, called Gevola or Cibola, con- taining twenty thousand large stone houses, some of four stories, and adorned with jewels ; yet he was assured, by the people, that this was the smallest of the cities, and tar inferior, in extent and magnificence, to one called Totonte of the province and people into her majestie's hands, together with her highness' picture and arms, in a piece of five pence of current English money under the plate, whereunder was also written tin name of our General. It is claimed by some English historians that Drake proceeded as far north as latitude t8° ; but as the claim is founded simply upon the word of this lying chaplain and is utterly inconsistent with other statements in the same narrative and is entirely ;ii variance with an account of the voyage written by Francis Pretty, one of the crew, and published within a few years after his return, it is worthy of but little considera- tion. Fletcher's account was published by a second party in 1652, seventy years later and long after the death of every man who could personally dispute its assertions, and bears no marks of authenticity. Many passages are taken bodily from Pretty's narrative, which seems to have been the foundation upon which a tissue of falsehood and absurdities was erected. The assertion that snow covered the hills about San Francisco in the month of June and that meat froze upon being taken from the fire, is enough to condemn it all in the mind of anyone familiar with the fact that snow seldom falls there even in winter, and that meat never freezes at any season of the year. These facts are important; for if Drake went to the 48th degree, he must have coasted along Oregon and Washington nearly to the Straits of Fuca ; but if not, then his furthest point northward was off the mouth of the Umpqua, no further than Ferrelo had gone in 1543. To the latter opinion the best authorities hold. Other English freebooters, encouraged by the dazzling success of Drake, followed his example, and for years Spam's commerce in the Pacific suffered many ravages at their hands. Meanwhile the English and Dutch navigators continued their efforts to discover the northwest passage, while the Spanish government was constantly excited and alarmed for fear these indefatigable searchers would be rewarded with success. Rumors that the Straits of Anian had been discovered were spread from time to time, creating great consternation in Spain, Spanish America and the Philippine islands. Several navigators pretended to have passed through these mythical straits, either to give themselves importance in the nautical world, or to secure some employment in their profession or emolument for the valuable services they thus claimed to have rendered. The narrative of this character which attracted the most universal atten- tion, was one of a voyage which was no doubt entirely fictitious, claimed to have been made by Captain Lorenzo Ferrer de Maldonado, a Portuguese, and related by him in a memorial to the Spanish Council of the Indies, wherein he petitioned for a remuner- ation for his valuable services and a commission to occupy and defend the passage against the ships of other nations. In his narrative, which was precise and careful in its details, were given all the geographical ideas of the time in regard to the regions that would naturally be visited during the voyage described, nearly all of which have since been proved to be erron- eous. This fact is conclusive evidence that the narrative was a manufactured one and the voyage a myth. In it the Straits of Anian are described as follows : pacific: coast. 23 The strait of Anian is tii'tcn degrees in length, and can easirj be passed with a tide lasting six hours; for those tides arc very rapid. There are. in this length, six turns and t wo cut ranees, which lie north and south; that is, bear from each other north and south. The entrance on the north side (through which we passed) is less than half a quarter of a league in width, and on each Bide are ridges of high rooks; bul the rock on the side of Asia is higher and steeper than the other, and hangs over, so that nothing falling from the top can reach its base. [The reader must, hear in mind thai tins narrator claims the previous course of the vessel to have hcen through the long and tor- tuous channel of the Straits of Labrador in latitude 75 , from which it sailed southwest T'.lo leagues to the entrance of these straits in the GOth parallel of latitude; also that the straits were supposed to he a passage between Asia on the west, and America on the east, leading from this great North sea into the great South sea.] The entrance into the South sea, near the harbor, is more than a quarter of a league in width, and thence the passage runs in an oblique direction, increasing the distance between the two coasts. In the middle of the strait, at the termination of the third turn, is a great rock, and an islet, formed by a rugged rock, three estadias (11,000 feet) in height, more or less; its form is round and its diameter may be two hundred paces; its distance from the land of Asia is very little; but the sea on that side is full of shoals and reefs, and can only be navigated by boats. The distance between this islet and the continent of America is less than a quarter of a league in width; and, although its channel is so deep that two and even three ships might sail almost through it, two bastions might be built on the banks with little trouble, which would con- tract the channel to within the reach of a musket shot. Such is the only detailed description of the Straits of Anian, and it is thus given in full because of the effect it had upon maritime explorations for two centuries there- after. The author was evidently well posted on the maps and geographical theories of the day. and prepared his narrative with careful consideration of them ; but he failed in his cunning scheme, as the Council of the Indies not only denied his petition for a reward, but also declined to entrust him with the fortification and defense of the valu- able passage he claimed to have discovered. That to this story there was a foundation of fact is within the limits of possibility. There may have been made prior to the time the memorial was presented, some voyage to the extreme northern Atlantic coast of America, of which no record has been preserved. To have made the voyage claimed as high as the 75th parallel and passed through long straits into an open sea, traversing this southwest 790 leagues (about 3,000 miles) is plainly impossible. That, like Cortereal nearly a century before, he may have passed around the coast of Labra- dor and through the straits, which are near the GOth liarallel, into Hudson's bay, is possible; and, like his great predecessor, he may have assumed that this sea could be followed until the supposed strait leading into the South sea was found. Believing thoroughly in this theory, Maldonado may have written this fictitious narrative with the hope that it would gain for him the command of an expedition to go in search of the straits and take possession of them. One thing is noticeable, and that is that in Behring's straits we find the old theory that but a short and narrow passage separated Asia arid America was a correct one. The next supposed discovery of the Straits of Anian which attracted much atten- tion, was that claimed to have been made by Juan de Fuca while in the Spanish ser- vice in the Pacific in 1592. The only account or record of this voyage w r as published in 1625 in the celebrated historical and geographical volume called "The Pilgrims," edited by Samuel Purchas, being "A note made by Michael Lock, the elder, touching the Strait of Sea commonly called Fretum Anian, in the South Sea, through the Northwest Passage of Meta Incognita," Since this reputed voyage entered largely 24 PACIFIC COAST. into i!i«' discussion and settlement of "The Oregon question," the main portion of Mr. dock's documeul is given, withoul attempting to preserve theOld English orthography. It Bays: When I was in Venice, in April, 1596, baply arrived there an old man, about sixty years of oalled, commonly, Juan de Fuca, but named properly Apostolas Valerianus, of nation a Greek, i in Cephalonia, of profession a mariner, and an ancient pilot of ships. This man, being come lately oul of Spain, arrived first at Leghorn, and went thence to Florence, where he found one John Douglas, an Englishman, a famous mariner, ready comingfor Venice, to be pilot of a Venetian ship for England, in whose company they came both together to Venice. And John Douglas being acquainted with me before, he gave me knowledge of this Greek pilot, and brought him to my speech : and, in long talks and conference between us, in presence of John Douglas, this Greek pilot declared, in the Italian and Spanish languages, this much in effect as followeth : First, he said he had been in the West Indies of Spain forty years, and had sailed to and from many places thereof, in the service of the Spaniards. Also, he said that he was in the Spanish ship which, in returning from the Islands Philip- pines, towards Nova Spania, was robbed and taken at the Cape California by Captain Candish, Englishman, whereby he lost sixty thousand ducats of his goods. Also, he said that he was pilot of three small ships which the Viceroy of Mexico sent from Mexico, armed with one hundred men, under a captain, Spaniards, to discover the Straits of Anian, along the coast of the South Sea, and to fortify in that strait, to resist the passage and proceedings of the English nation, which were forced to pass through those straits into the South Sea ; and that, by reason of a mutiny which happened among the soldiers for the misconduct of their cap- tain, that voyage was overthrown, and the ship returned from California to Nova Spania, without anything done in that voyage ; and that, after their return, the captain was at Mexico punished by justice. Also, he said that, shortly after the said voyage was so ill ended, the said Viceroy of Mexico sent him out again, in 1592, with a small caravel and a pinnace, armed with mariners only, to fol- low the said voyage for the discovery of the Straits of Anian, and the passage thereof into the sea, which they call the North Sea, which is our northwest sea : and that he followed his course, in that voyage, west and northwest in the South Sea, all along the coast of Nova Spania, and California, and the Indies, now called North America, (all which voyage he signified to me in a great map, and a sea-card of my own, which I laid before him), until he came to the latitude of 47 degrees , and that, there finding that the land trended north and northwest, with a broad inlet of sea, between 47 and 48 degrees of latitude, he entered thereinto, sailing therein more than twenty days, and found that land trending still sometime northwest, and northeast, and north, and also east and southeastward, and very much broader sea than was at the said entrance, and that he passed by divers islands in that sailing ; and that, at the entrance of this said strait, there is, on the northwest coast thereof, a great headland or island, v/ith an exceeding high pinnacle, or spired rock, like a pillar, thereupon. Also, he said that he w T ent on land in clivers places, and that he saw some people on land clad in beasts' skins ; and that the land is very fruitful, and rich of gold, silver, pearls, and other things, like Nova Spania. Also, he said that he being entered thus far into the said strait, and being come into the North Sea already, and finding the sea wide enough everywhere, and to be about thirty or forty leagues wide in the mouth of the straits where he entered, he thought he had now well discharged his office ; and that, not being armed to resist the force of the savage people that might happen, he therefore set sail, and returned homewards again towards Nova Spania, where he arrived at Aca- pulco, Anno 1592, hoping to be rewarded by the Viceroy for this service done in the said voyage. [Here follows an account of his vain endeavors for three years to secure a proper recognition of his services by the Viceroy or the Spanish monarch, and his resolution to return to his native land to die among his countrymen.] * * * Also, he said he thought the cause of his ill-reward had of the Spaniards, to be for that they did understand very well that the English nation had now given over all their voyages for discovery PACIFIC COAST. of the northwest passage ; wherefore they need not fear them any more to come thai way into the South Sea, and therefore they needed no! his service therein any more. Also, he said that, understanding the noble mind of the Queen of England, and of her wars against the Spaniards, and hoping that her majesty would Ao him justice for Ins goods lost byCap- tain Can dish, lie would be content to go into England, and serve her majesty in that voyage Eoi the discovery perfectly of the northwest passage into the South Sea, if she would furnish him with only one ship of forty tons' burden, and a pinnace, and that he would perform it in thirty days' time, from one end to the other of the strait, and he willed me so to write to England. And, from conference had twice with the said Greek pilot, I did write thereof, accordingly, to England, unto the right honorable the old Lord Treasurer Cecil, and to Sir Walter Raleigh, and to Master Richard Hakluyt, that famous cosmographer, certifying them hereof. And I prayed them to disburse one hundred pounds, to bring the said Greek pilot into England, with myself, for that my own purse would not stretch so wide at that time. And I had answer that this action was well liked and greatly desired in Eugland ; but the money was not ready, and therefore this action died at that time, though the said Greek pilot, perchance, liveth still in his own country, in Cephalonia, towards which place he went within a fortnight after this conference had at Venice. The remainder of the long document gives the details of correspondence held by- Lock with Juan de Fuca during the next few years, showing that up to 1598 the pilot was still willing to go with him to England, but that in 1602, when Lock had finally finished his business in Venice and prepared to return to England, a letter to the Greek failed to elicit a response, and the writer heard a little later that the old navigator was dead. Much controversy has been and is still being carried on among historians as to whether such a person as Juan de Fuca ever lived, or such a voyage as Lock described was ever made. Mexican and Spanish records of the period have been carefully searched by those eager to prove the truth of this narrative, without revealing any confirmatory evidence whatever. The negative the records, of course, could not estab- lish. The voyage must stand or fall by the manner in which the narrator's geograph- ical descriptions bear the light of modern investigation. One thing is clearly notice- able ; its geographical descriptions of regions claimed to have been visited are far more accurate than those of any navigator of the preceding or subsequent century in any quarter of the globe; and the narrative is entirely free from those extravagant asser- tions in regard to the wonderful wealth of the people or magnificence of their cities, contained in the accounts of voyages whose authenticity can not be questioned, which a— ertions were always found to have been grossly exaggerated and often wholly the creatures of imagination. Prima facie, then, it is more authentic than accounts of nearly contemporaneous voyages of which undisputable records exist. Now to examine its statements by the clear light of facts. Juan de Fuca locates his passage between 47° and 48° of latitude, while the fact is that between the 48th and 49th, just such a passage as he describes exists. This is the entrance to Puget sound and i- still known as the Straits of Fuca. His account of the passage, its leading off in all directions and its many islands, is substantially correct, and his error in locating the entrance a few miles to the south is a far less grievous one than those made in every account handed down to us of those times. The advanced age, length of time elapsed and annoyances of his long efforts to secure his just reward, could easily account for so slight an error when detailing the circumstances from memory alone ; and it must be remembered that the account was written by Lock, a second party, and is liable to 26 PACIFIC COAST. slighl errors in statement, though probably none very material, as Lock was an intel- ligent and respectable merchant and appears to have been an extremely careful and methodical man. Fuca was in the passage twenty days, though he does not state that he sailed straight along through it all this time, but must of necessity have spent fully half his time in circumnavigating islands and running into bays while endeavor- in- to follow the main channel. At the end of this time, saying nothing about the number of miles traveled, he came out again into the open sea, supposing himself to have passed through into another ocean. Here arises the difficulty most historians have in reconciling the narrative with the facts; and the difficulty exists, not in the narrative itself, but in the fact that these historians have not sufficiently acquainted themselves with the geographical theories which obtained at the time of Fuca's voyage. Tbey seem to think that he must necessarily have supposed that he had gone clear through the continent into the Atlantic, an utter impossibility. Such was most certainly not the case. The Straits of Anian were at that time believed to be a passage running north and south, separating the continents of Asia and America, and extending from the South sea to the North sea'. Across this North sea it was many hundred leagues around the north end of America before reaching the Atlantic. In sailing in a generally northward direction, therefore, between Vancouver island and the main land of British Columbia and finally entering again into the Pacific ocean, it was most natural for him to suppose that he had passed from the South sea through the Straits of Anian into the North sea. He did not claim to have sailed eastward, as so main" historians seem to assume, for had the passage led so far in that direction he would have doubted its identity with the Straits of Anian ; nor did he claim to have entered the Atlantic, but simply the North sea. It seems then that the only evidence against its authenticity is the negative one of there being no record of such a voyage in Spanish archives ; and this is at least partially explained by the state- ment that neither the viceroy nor the king would recognize the services of the navigator. For this reason, they may have permitted no record of the voyage to be made. If Juan de Fuca made the voyage as narrated, then Spain's claim to the coun- try for some distance above Puget sound, so far as the right of discovery is concerned, was a good one, and the title conveyed from her through France to the United States good to an equal degree. Another argument against it is the fact that even at the time Fuca was pouring his tale into the willing ear of the English merchant, another Spanish expedition was engaged in looking for this passage, and in the letter ordering the exploration the reasons for doing so are set forth at length, though no allusion is made to the Greek, who, according to Lock's narrative must have been importuning the king for his reward at the very time the letter was written. It may be argued, however, that Fuca's statements to the king may have been what induced him to order this expedition, instead of the causes set forth in the royal mandate. In 1708 there was printed in a London magazine entitled Monthly Miscellany, or Memoirs of the Curious, a most absurd and self- contradictory account of a voyage said to have been made in 1640 from the Pacific to the Atlantic through a great chain of lakes. Though it was probably invented by James Petiver, an eminent naturalist and contributor to the magazine, yet it created a great sensation in England, France and Holland, and was received with considerable faith for more than half a century. PACIFIC COAST 27 The narrator states thai Admiral Pedro Bartholome de Fonte, sailed from Callao in April. L640, with orders from the viceroy of Peru to explore the Pacific for a uorth- wesl passage and to intercept some Boston vessels which had been reported as bound upon the same mission on the Atlantic coast. Since Boston was in K; 10 hut a small struggling settlement ami the Puritans were not looking tin- any northwest passage, it would seem as though this statement alone was enough to have condemned the entire narrative: hut as it was not published for sixty-eight years after that date probably neither the writer nor the people stopped to consider the absurdity. The story informs US that at (ape San Lucas Fonte detached one of his four vessels to explore the Gulf of California ami with the others continued up the coast. Having sailed for a long time among islands which he named Archipelago of St. Lazarus, he finally reached, in latitude 53 degrees, the mouth of a large stream christened by him Rio de los Reyes, or River of Kings. He sent one vessel further up the coast under the command of Bernardo, and then entered the river and followed it northwesterly until it opened out into an immense lake filled with beautiful islands, which he named Lake Belle. It was surrounded by a line country, and the inhabitants were very hospitable in their treat- ment of the strangers. Leaving his vessels at their large town, called Conasset, on the south shore of the lake, Fonte and some of his party continued their journey down a large stream called Parmentier, though whether in boats or on foot alon<> - the bank the narrative is silent, until they entered another lake further east. This he named in his own honor, and then proceeded through a passage, called Strait of Ronquillo in honor of one of his captains, into the Atlantic ocean, having thus passed entirely through the American continent by water. It then goes on to state that he encountered a Boston ship commanded by Nicholas Shapley, with whom, also, was the owner, Seymour Gib- b: ms, "a fine gentleman, and major general of the largest colony in New England, called Maltechusetts." After exchanging courtesies with these strangers, whom he decided to treat simply as traders and not as hostile explorers for the northwest passage, he returned by the water route to Lake La Belle and thence in his vessels to the Pacific, where he was again joined by Bernardo. The journey claimed to have been made in the meantime by this lieutenant is equally wonderful. Having coasted as far as the la\ im:i\ be found ; thai thej may fortify themselves on both Bides of this passage) and thus extend the English dominion from the north to the south of America, bo as to border on our p lions. Should English colonies and garrisons be established along the coasl of America on the South Sea beyond Oape Mendocino, or lower down on California itself, England would then, with- out control, reign mistress of the Boa and its commerce, and be able to threaten by land and sea the terr Spain ; invade them on occasion from the E., W., N". and s., hem them in and ss tlu m on all sidi s. In compliance with bis sovereign's mandate, the viceroy dispatched three vessels from Acapulco in the spring of 1596, under the command of Sebastian Viscaino. Beyond an attempt to plant two colonics, both of which were unsuccessful because of tlic> sterility of the country and the savage hostility of the native-, nothing was accom- plished by this feeble pretense of obeying instructions. The viceroy was not permitted to thus shirk the expense of making a proper survey of the coast; for though he was respited for a time by the death of the kino- in L598, one of the first acts of Philip III. after being securely seated upon the throne, was to command the viceroy to attend to this matter without further delay. Viscaino was, in consequence, again sent out, this time upon a genuine voyage of exploration. His two vessels and small fragata were furnished with all the necessaries of an extended cruise, and he was accompanied by pilot-, draftsmen and priests, so that advantage could he taken of all discoveries and proper records and charts made of them. The fleet -ailed from Acapulco May 5, 1002. and began exploring the coast at the southern extremity of the peninsula of California. They were much baffled by a wind blowing almost constantly from the northwest, which Torquemada says was produced •■ by the foe of the human race, in order to prevent the advance of the ships, and to delay the discovery of those countries, and the conversion of their inhabitants to the Catholic faith." Added to this difficulty was the terrible malady, the scurvy, which made -ad inroads upon the health of the crews. They continued up the coast in spite of these discouraging circumstances, entering the ports of San Quentin, San Diego and Monterey. Here it was found that sixteen of the seamen had died and that many others were incapacitated by disease from performing duty ; and it was decided to send back the ship commanded by Toribio Gomez de Corvan with the invalids. Corvan reached Acapulco after a long and terrible journey with but few of the crew of his vessel alive. A few days later, on the third of January, 1603, the two remaining vessels renewed the voyage, ami were soon separated in a gale, from the fury of which the larger one took refuge in a bay spoken of in the record of the voyage as San Francisco, where search was made for a Spanish galleon which hail been wrecked there in 1595. Torquemada -ays: "He anchored behind a point of rocks called La Punta de los Rayes, in the port of San Francisco." It seems impossible that this could have been San Francisco bay; for one of the chief objects of the voyage was to find a harbor of refuge and supply for vessels in the Manila trade, and yet upon his return Viscaino recommended San Diego and Monterey a- being the only ones at till suitable for that purpose; yet it will be remembered that in later years, before any absolute record of the discovery of this bay wa- made, a chart upon which such a bay was indicated was found by an Englishman on a captured Manila galleon. The probabilities are. however, 30 PACIFIC COAST. thai ill*- bay Viscaino entered was Drake's bay, just north of the Golden Gate, the place where sir Francis Drake a few years before had enacted his farce of taking pos- sesion of tlu- country in the name of the queen of England. Viscaino resumed his journey and on the twentieth of January reached a point on the coast opposite a huge white bluff, in latitude 42°, which he named Cape San Sebastian. The weather being c.»ld and stormy, bis crew being nearly all disabled by the scurvy, and being unable to discover any sign of the other vessel, Viscaino turned back at this point, and reached Mexico in March. The fragata proceeded north when separated from the ship off San Francisco bay, and encountering another severe storm took refuge near Cape Mendocino. Of the remainder of its explorations Torquemada says : " When the wind had became less violent they continued their journey close along the shore; and, on the nineteenth of January, the pilot, Antonio Flores, found that they were in the latitude of 43 degrees, where the land formed a cape or point, which was named Cape Blanco. From that point the coast begins to turn to the northwest ; and near it was discovered a rapid and abundant river, with ash trees, willows, brambles, and other trees of Castile on its banks, which they endeavored to enter, but could not from the force of the current. Ensign Martin de Aguilar, the commander, and Antonio Flores, the pilot, seeing that they had already reached a higher latitude than was ordered by the viceroy in his instructions, that the Captaina [Viscaino's vessel] did not appear, and that the number of sick was great, agreed to return to Acapulco." The fragata reached Acapulco soon after the larger vessel, the ravages of the scurvy having deprived it of its commander, pilot and the greater portion of the crew on the return voyage. This disease and its cause do not ajopear to have been well understood at that time. The suffering it caused was most terrible, and it is remarkable what fortitude the Spaniards displayed in continuing their voyages during the preva- lence of such a horrible malady. In describing their sufferings, Torquemada says : " Nor is the least ease to be expected from change of place, as the slightest motion is attended with such severe pains that they must be very fond of life who would not willingly lay it down on the first appearance of so terrible a distemper. This virulent humour makes such ravages in the body that it is entirely covered with ulcers, and the l^oor patients are unable to bear the least pressure ; even the very clothes laid on them deprive them of life. Thus they lie groaning and incapable of any relief. For the greatest assistance possible to be given them, if I may be allowed the expression, is not to touch them, nor even the bed clothes. These effects, however melancholy, are not the only ones produced by this pestilential humour. In many, the gums, both of the upper and lower jaw r s, are pressed both within and without to such a degree, that the teeth cannot touch one another, and withal so loose and bare that they shake with the least motion of the head, and some of the patients spit their teeth out with their saliva. Thus they were unable to receive any food but liquid, as gruel, broth, milk of almonds and the like. This gradually brought on so great a weakness that they died while talking to their friends. * * * Some, by way of ease, made loud complaints, others lamented their sins with the deepest contrition, some died talking, some sleeping, some eating, some whilst sitting up in their beds." The great river said to have been discovered by this expedition attracted much attention at the time. The historian quoted above said of it : " It is supposed that PAOIFIC coast. 81 this river is the one leading to ;i greal city, which was discovered by the Dutch when they were driven thither by storms, and thai it is the Strail of Anian, through which the ship passed in sailing from the North sea to the South sea ; and thai the city called Quiyira is in those pan-: and thai this is the region referred to in the accounl which his majesty read, and which induced him to order this expedition." No greal river ists in latitude 13 degrees; bul it is well known thai the navigators of thai period were seldom accurate in their observations, often varying as much as hall' a degree, and it is quite possible the stream referred to may have been the Qmpqua. A few years later it was supposed that this stream was one end of a passage extending from the Gulf of California to (apt' Blanco, making of California a huge island, and this idea was supported by the knowledge of the Colorado river, which had been explored many mile- to the northward. Venegas, writing in the seventeenth century, speaks of ( lalifor- nia as an island, and it was so designated on all maps until the end of the century. After this was discovered to be ;i mistake, the river was laid down on some maps a- a large stream flowing from the interior of the continent — such a stream as the Col- umbia — or as the western end of a passage Leading from the Atlantic to the Pacific. Very little was known of the width of the continent ; and geographers supposed it was hut a shorl distance between the South sea and North sea. They had no idea that a passage between the Atlantic and Pacific oceans would have been 4,000 miles in Length. Upon his return to Mexico Viscaino strongly urged the viceroy to establish supply stations at San DiegO and Monterey and to thus take possession of a country which he was satisfied, from what lie learned by careful inquiry among the natives he encountered along the coast, was extremely fertile and rich in the precious metals; hut the viceroy had too much consideration {'or his personal interests, since the expense of such an under- taking would have fallen solely upon himself, and neglected to utilize the information thus obtained. Viscaino, disgusted with the viceroy's inactivity, departed for Spain to present his views at court; and after Long delay and persistent importuning secured a royal mandate to the viceroy, commanding him to establish a supply station for the India trade at .Monterey. This order was issued in 1G06, and with it Viscaino hastened to Mexico; hut before the final preparations were completed he was taken sick and died, ami the colonizing enterprise was abandoned. With no enthusiastic explorer to arouse him to action ami with no hostile fleets in the Pacific to annoy him, the Spanish mon- arch apparently thought no more of the Pacific coast or the northwest passage, and a few years later there was enough to occupy his attention at home. He ordered no more voyages of exploration, and the viceroys were careful to undertake none upon their own responsibility, nor any other enterprise unless the immediate prospective profits were great. For a hundred and sixty years Spain made no further effort to extend her ex- plorations of the coast, nor did she even attempt the establishment of colonies at San Diego or Monterey, either for the purpose of taking possession of the country or forming refuge and supply stations for vessels returning from India. With the exception of the annual galleon which reached the coast on it- return voyage in the Latitude of Cape Mendocino, no Spanish vessel visited our shores for a century and a half. Not even the mythical straits, the fabulous city of Quivira, the untold riches and many wonderful objects -opposed to exist in this vast unknown territory, were potent to arouse Spain from her Lethargy. She made a few feeble efforts to protect her commerce at times ::j PACIFIC COAST. during this period when attacked by roving privateers, but her attempts at colonization in Lower California, which will be spoken of later on, met with little success. There Beemed to be no new Cortes, Pizarro, De Leon,Balboa or f)e Soto. Thespiritof adven- ture was dead. Spain haenetrated into the bay that hears his name, lying between America and Greenland, and entered a passage ex- tending westward near the 74th parallel, but was unable to proceed because of the vast quantities of ice. This voyage and others made into the extreme north, proved con- clusively that no open passage could be possible in the 75th degree of latitude, where Maldonado had located his tortuous channel leading from the Atlantic to the North sea, and geographers became convinced that if such a passage and sea existed they were the straits and bay explored and named by Hudson. The belief was natural, then, that if found at all, the Straits of Anian should be looked for in some of the many unexplored arms of Hudson's bay. For a time, however, after Baffin's voyage, England was so engrossed in her own troubles that neither Royalists nor Commoners had time or inclina- tion to prosecute foreign explorations. The expeditions of the Dutch were chiefly to the southward, and in 1616 Lemaire and Van Schouten made a most important discovery. It was that in passing from the Atlantic to the Pacific, it was unnecessary to tempt the dangers of Magellan's straits, but that to the south of these there existed an open sea. Though the passage of Cape Horn, named by them in honor of the city in Holland from which they came, was still a tem- pestuous one, it served to remove the fear all seaman entertained of undertaking to cross from one ocean to the other through the narrow and rocky channel above Terra del Fuego. This discovery was nearly as disastrous to Spanish commerce in the Pacific as that of the much feared one from the North sea could possibly have been; for there now existed no obstacle to prevent hostile vessels from entering or leaving the Pacific at will, since the open sea was too large to be guarded even had Spain the necessary vessels of war for such a purpose. Spain was now involved in European wars, and to the disasters that were showered upon her head at home were added others in America. English, French and Dutch / HL PACIFIC ( OAST. :ci buccaneers, and especially the latter during the war for independence by the Nether- lands, ravaged the Spanish settlements on the Pacific coast. Dutch privateers fre- quented the Gulf nt' California, from which they preyed upon the Spanish commerce and enriched themselves with captured booty. By their victims they were known as Pichilingues, because the bay of Pichilingue, on the western side of the gulf, was made their chief point of rendezvous. Spain made a few feeble and spasmodic efforts to dislodge these piratical pests and protect her plundered commerce, by sending out expeditions against them and by attempting to plant a colony on Lower California as a base of defensive operations. In 1631, 164 l. 1664, L667and L668such efforts were made: but they were wholly fruitless, and in no instance were the enterprises conducted with the vigor and courage displayed by the Spanish adventurers of a century before. A final effort was made in 1 <> by Don [sdro de Otondo, who headed an expedition of soldiers, settlers and Jesuit priests whom he established at various points, making La Paz the headquarters and chief settlement and building there a chapel for worship and to aid in the conversion of the natives. Father Kino was in charge of the religious part of the enterprise, and set about learning the Indian language, and soon translated into their tongue the creed- of the Catholic Church. The effort lasted about three years, during which time they were visited with an eighteen months' drought, and before they had recovered from the blow, received orders to put to sea, and bring into Acapnlco safely the Spanish galleon, then in danger of capture by Dutch privateers lying in wait for her. This was successfully accomplished, the treasure-ship was conveyed safely in, but the act resulted in the abandonment of the colony; and a council of chief authorities in Mexico soon after decided that the reduction of California by such means was impracticable. After Charles II. came to the throne of England, from which his father had been driven by the austere Cromwell, attention was again turned by that nation to explorations for the northwest passage. The belief that in Hudson's bay would be found the en- trance to the mythical straits, led to the organization of the Hudson's Bay Company, to which the king granted, in 1669, the whole region whose waters flow into that great inland sea. The objects of " The company of adventurers of England trading into Hudson's Bay," as expressed in the charter, were those of trade and the discovery of a passage leading into the Pacific ocean. It was not long, however, before the company learned that its franchise for trading purposes was an exceedingly valuable one, and that the discovery of a passage through its dominions, which would of necessity invoke competition from other organizations, was highly undesirable. From that time it not only made no effort to discover the passage, but discouraged all such expeditions, even keeping as secret as possible all geographical knowledge acquired by its agents, which policy obtains even to the present day, and which has kept as a fur-bearing wilderness the whole northern half of the North American continent. CHAPTER V. RUSSIA ENTERS THE PACIFIC. Russia a New Factor in the Contest of Nations— Plans of Peter the Great— Behring's First Voyage Proves that Asia and America are Distinct Continents— Voyage of the St. Paul— Behring Reaches the American Coast and Expires on the Return Voyage— Terrible Suffering of the Crew— Beginning of the Pacific Fur Trade— Result of Russian Explorations. Though France confined her attention to inland explorations from her Canadian colonies, England to fostering her colonies in America and exploring the north Atlantic coast, and Holland to the founding of New Amsterdam and the plundering of the Span- ish commerce and settlements in the south Pacific ; yet the North Pacific coast was not wholly neglected during the first half of the eighteenth century. A new and almost unexpected factor made itself felt in the Pacific, and this was the powerful and autocratic monarch of Russia. Peter the Great had redeemed Russia from a state of almost utter barbarity and set it on the highway to civilization and national power. In the arts of war and peace he had patiently instructed his people, had cemented their national union, had awakened a national pride and love of power within their bosoms, had extended his domain and increased the number of his subjects, and had made of a people formerly scarcely thought of when the affairs of Europe were discussed, one of the most influ- ential nations of the world. It was his constant aim and the legacy he left to his successors, to extend the j)Ower of Russia on all sides, to build up the nation and make it the foremost on the globe, and the czars have never relaxed their efforts to accomplish this mighty purpose. Gradually the dominion of the czar was pushed eastward until his authority extended across the whole of Siberia to the Pacific at the peninsula of Kaintchatka. The rich furs of that region became a source of revenue to the govern- ment which Peter was desirous of increasing. He wanted to extend his power still further east to the American settlements of the English, Spanish and French, though how far that was neither he nor anyone else had the least conception. To this desire is due the discovery and exploration of the northern Pacific coasts of both Asia and America. Peter commanded vessels to be built at Kamtchatka, and at Archangel on the White sea, that they might endeavor, the one in the Arctic and the other in the Pacific, to find the long-sought northwest j^assage, or as they viewed it a northeast passage. It was Peter's idea that vessels could sail from the Atlantic through the Arctic ocean and enter the Pacific by the way of this passage, provided America did not prove to be simply an eastern extension of Asia; but Peter died before his project was executed, and the scheme lay dormant for a few years. In 1728 the great Catherine determined to carry out her husband's plans for Pacific exploration, and agreeably to his former instructions she ordered an expedition to be prepared on the northeast coast of Kamtchatka, which she placed under the com- PACIFIC COAST. 86 mand <»t' ;i Danish navigator of >l<> degrees, where sixteen of his men were slaughtered by the natives, and having loit twenty-one of his crew by scurvy, includ- ing the distinguished French naturalist Delile de Crayere. ( )f the discoveries made by Behring and the sufferings endured by the crew of the St. Peter, the only record is that of a journal kept by Steller, the German surgeon and naturalist, which was first published in full in 175)"), though its tenor and leading fea- tures were known at a much earlier date. Its nautical and geographical details are not as definite as could be desired. It seems that Behring sailed south-easterly as far as the 40th parallel without encountering land and then steered to the northeast as far as the 60th degree, when he discovered an immense snow-covered mountain which he named St. Elias because it was first seen on the eighteenth of July, the day assigned to that saint in the Russian calender. Entering a narrow passage between an island and the mainland a strong current of discolored water was observed, indicating the pre— 36 PACIFIC COAST. ence of a large river whose size proved the land through which it flowed to be of con- tinental proportions. The conclusion was at once reached that America had been found; but Behring, who was ill, refused to explore the coast to the southeast in the direction of the Spanish possessions, and set out upon the return voyage. Delayed and baffled by violent winds and the many islands of the Aleutian group, but slow pro- gress was made. For two months they wandered or were driven about by furious winds in the open sea to the south of the archipelago, famine and disease claiming their victims almost daily. "The general distress and mortality," says the journal of the surgeon, "increased so fast that not only the sick died, but those who pretended to he healthy when released from their posts fainted and fell down dead; of which the scantiness of water, the want of biscuits and brandy, cold, wet, nakedness, vermin, and terror, were not the least causes." On the fifth of November they landed upon an island with the purpose of spending the winter there, and constructed huts from the wreck of their vessel which was dashed by the waves upon the beach soon after the landing was effected. Behring died on the eighth of December, and during the winter thirty of the crew followed him. The survivors, having lived upon sea and land animals killed on the island, constructed a small vessel from pieces of the wreck, and succeeded in reaching the Bay of Avatscha the following August. The little island where they had spent the winter and where were buried their commander and so many of their comrades, they named Behring's Isle ; it lies about eighty miles from the Kamt- chatkan coast, and consists of granite peaks thrust up from mid ocean, against which the w r aves dash with ceaseless fury. No disposition was manifested by the rulers of Russia to prosecute further dis- coveries for more than twenty years. Individual enterprise, however accomplished something. The returning survivors of Behring's ill-fated expedition took with them the skins of animals which had served them as food during that terrible winter, and sold them at high prices. This led to short voyages eastward in quest of furs, the beginning of that enormous fur trade in the Pacific which was for years a bone of con- tention between nations and which led to the first settlement and occupation of Oregon. It is thus described by Greenhow: " The trade thus commenced was, for a time, carried on by individual adventurers, each of whom was alternately a seaman, a hunter, and a merchant; at length, how- ever, some capitalists in Siberia employed their funds in the pursuit, and expeditions to the islands were, in consequence, made on a more extensive scale, and with greater regularity and efficiency. Trading stations were established at particular points, where the furs were collected by persons left for that object; and vessels were sent, at stated periods, from the ports of Asiatic BAissia, to carry the articles required for the use of the agents and hunters, or for barter with the natives, and to bring away the skins collected. ' The vessels employed in this commerce were, in all respects, wretched and inse- cure, the planks being merely attached together, without iron, by leathern thongs ; and, as no instruments were used by the traders for determining latitudes and longitudes at sea, their ideas of the relative positions of the places which they visited were vague and incorrect. Their navigation was, indeed, performed in the most simple and un- scientific manner possible. A vessel sailing from the Bay of Avatscha, or from Cape o c w m PACIFIC C0AS1 87 Lopatka, the southern extremity of Kamtchatka, could qoI have gone Par eastward, without falling in with one of the Aleutian islands, which would serve as a mark for her course to another ; and thus she might go on from point to point throughout the whole chain. In like manner she would return t<> Asia, and if her course and rate of sailing were observed with tolerable care, their could seldom be any uncertainty as to whether she were north or south of the line of the islands. Many vessels were, never- theless, annually lost, in consequence of this want of knowledge of the coasts, and want of means to ascertain positions at >ea; and a large number of those engaged in the truth', moreover, fell victims to cold, starvation and scurvy, and to the enmity of the hold natives ot' the islands. Even ;is late as L806, it was calculated that one-third of these vessels were lost in each year. The history ot* the Russian trade and estab- lishments on the north Pacific, is a series of details of dreadful disasters and suffer- ings : and. whatever opinion may hi' entertained as to the humanity of the adventurer-, or the morality of their proceedings, the courage and perseverance displayed by them, in struggling against such appalling difficulties, must command universal admiration. ••The furs collected by these means, at Avatscha and Ochotsk, the principal fiir- trading points, were carried to Irkutsk, the capital of Eastern Siberia, whence some of them were taken to Europe; the greater port ion were, however, sent to Kiakta, a small town just within the Russian frontier, close to the Chinese town of Maimatchin, through which places all the commerce between these two empires passed, agreeably to a treaty concluded at Kiakta in 1728. In return for the furs, which brought higher prices in China than anywhere else, teas, tobacco, rice, porcelain, and silk and cotton goods, were brought to Irkutsk, where all the most valuable of these articles were sent to Europe. These transportations were effected by land, except in some places where the rivers were u>ether Russian voyages of exploration were made to the eastward of Kamtchatka in 17(><) and 1769 ; and in 1774 an official account of these voyages was published in St. Petersburg, entitled "Description of the Newly Discovered Islands in the Sea between Asia and America." This was accompanied by a map which embodied the ideas of Pacific coast geography which then prevailed. By it the American coast north of California was made to run northwesterly to the 70th parallel. Between this point and the coast of Asia was represented a broad open sea dotted with islands, many of which bore the same names and were identical with the larger ones of the Atlantic group, though by no means properly located. Alaska, or Aliaska, was represented as a great island with Asia on one side and America on the other, separated from Asia by the narrow channel of Behring's straits, and it was many years before it was known that Alaska was a portion of the main land of America. CHAPTER VI. SPANISH MISSIONS AND SETTLEMENTS IN CALIFORNIA. Spain Appeals to the Jesuits for Aid — The Society of Jesus— Plan of Father Kino — The Mission of Our Lady of Loretto Founded by Father Tierra— Attack upon the Mission — Method of Conducting Missionary Work — Expulsion of the Jesuits — The Pearl of Our Lady of Loretto — The Franciscans Invade Alta California — San Diego Founded by Father Junipero Serra Discovery of San Francisco Bay — The Mission at San Diego Saved from Abandonment by the timely Arrival of Supplies — Founding of Missions at Monterey and San Antonia de Padua— The Growth and Downfall of the Mission System. For a century and a half after Cortes planted the first colony on the peninsula of California, the viceroys of Mexico, in an indissolute manner, had undertaken to carry out the will of their sovereigns that colonies be established and maintained on the coast of California, but without success. When the Mexican authorities decided that such an undertaking was impossible of accomplishment, the government appealed to the powerful Society of Jesus to undertake the task, hoping thus to win by the cross what could not be conquered with the sword ; but an offer of $40,000 annually from the royal treasury to aid them in establishing missions was refused by the Jesuits, and the crown abandoned the hope of accomplishing anything whatever. At that time the Society of Jesus was the most wealthy and by reason of its secrecy and perfect discipline and the intelligence, devotion and influence of its mem- bers, the most powerful organization which has ever existed. It had its ramifications in every land where was the symbol of the cross, and its faithful subjects hesitated not to plunge into the unknown wildernesses of the New World to carry the light of Chris- tianity to the "nations sitting in darkness" far bevond the confines of civilization. PACIFIC COAST. 89 Their lives weighed as nothing against the glory of their Heavenly Master and the extension of Christ's kingdom upon earth. It mattered no1 to what nation they be- longed, for the French priests in Canada and Louisiana dipslayed the same zeal as did the Spaniards in Mexico and California. They were imbued with the Bame spirit and BOUghl the same end — the extension of the kingdom of Jesus and the power of tin- order which bore his name. Though the government subsidy was declined from motives of policy, the conversion of these heathen nations was determined upon, to be accomplished by the society with its own resources. With the unsuccessful expedition of Admiral (Hondo was a monk who had volun- tarily abandoned a lucrative and honorable position to become an emissary of the cross. While lying at the point of death he bad made a vow to his patron Saint, Francis Xavicr. that if he should recover, be would devote the remaining years of his life to following the noble example of bis patron. He recovered, resigned his professorship, and crossed the sea to Mexico, and eventually became a missionary and one of the most zealous members of the Society of Jesus. He was a German by birth, and bis name in his native land was Knhn. but the Spaniards have recorded it as Father Eusebio Francisco Kino. He bad become strongly impressed in bis visit to the coun- try with the feasibility of a plan by which the land might be taken possession of and held. His object was not alone the conquest of a kingdom, but the conversion of its inhabitants, and the saving of souls. His plan w r as to go into the country and teach the Indians the principles of the Catholic faith, educate them to support themselves by tilling the soil, and improvement through the experience of the advantages to be ob- tained by industry; the end of all beiug to raise up a Catholic province for the Span- ish crown, and people Paradise with the souls of converted heathen. The means to be employed in accomplishing this, were the priests of the Society of Jesuits, protected by a -mall garrison of soldiers and sustained by contributions from those friendly to the enterprise. The mode of applying the means w r as, to first occupy some favorable place jn the country, where a storehouse and a church could be erected that would render the fathers' maintenance and life comparatively secure. This would give them an opportunity to win the confidence of the Indians, by a patient, long-continued, uniform system of affectionate intercourse and just dealing, and then use their appetites as the means by which to convert their souls. These establishments were to be gradually extended northward until Spain had control of the whole coast. With no hope of reward, except beyond the grave, but with a prospect of defeat and a probability of martyrdom, Father Kino started, on the twentieth of October, 1686, to travel over Mexico, and, by preaching, urge his views and hopes of the enter- prise. He soon met on the way a congenial spirit, Father Juan Maria Salva Ticrra ; and then another, Father Juan Ugarte, added his great executive ability to the cause. Their united efforts resulted in obtaining sufficient funds by subscription. Then they procured a warrant from the king for the order of Jesuits to enter upon the conquest of California at their own expense, for the benefit of the crown. The order was given February 5, 1697, and it had required eleven years of constant urging to pro- cure it. October tenth, of the same year, Salva Tierra sailed from the coast of Mexico to put in operation Kino's long-cherished scheme' of conquest. The expedition con- sisted of one small vessel and a long-boat, in which were provisions, the necessary 40 PACIFIC COAST. ornaments and furniture for fitting up a rude church, and Father Tierra, accompanied by six soldiers and three Indians. Father Tierra, afterwards visitadore general of the missions of California, was horn in Milan, of Spanish ancestry and noble parentage. Having completed Ins education he joined the Society of Jesus and went to Mexico as a missionary in 1675, where he had labored twenty-two years among the various native tribes. He was robust in health, exceedingly handsome in person, talented, firm and resolute, and filled to overflowing with that religious zeal which shrinks from no form of martyrdom. His associate, Father Juan Ugarte, was equally zealous and possessed of much skill in handling the stubborn and unreasoning natives. On the nineteenth of October, 1697, they reached the point selected on the east coast of the peninsula, and says Yenegas : " The provisions and animals were landed, together with the baggage ; the Father, though the head of the expedition, being the first to load his shoulders. The barracks for the little garrison were now built, and a line of circumvallation thrown up. In the center a tent was pitched for a temporary chapel ; before it was erected a crucifix, with a garland of flowers. The image of our Lady of Loretto, as patroness of the conquest, was brought in pro- cession from the boat, and placed with proper solemnity. Immediately Father Tierra initiated the plan of conversion. He called together the Indians, explained to them the catechism, prayed over the rosary, and then distributed among them a half bushel of boiled corn. The corn was a success, but the prayers and catechism were " bad medicine." They wanted more corn and less prayers, and helped themselves from the sacks. This was stopped by excluding them from the fort, and they w r ere kindly informed that corn would be forthcoming-only as a reward for attendance and. atten- tion at devotions. This created immediate hostility, and the natives formed a con- spiracy to murder the garrison and possess themselves of the corn without restrictions. Happily the design was discovered and frustrated. A general league was then entered into among several tribes, and a descent was made upon the fort by about five hundred Indians. The priest rushed upon the fortifications and warned them to desist, begging them to go away, telling them that they would be killed if they did not ; but his solicitude for their safety was responded to by a number of arrows from the natives, when he came down and the battle began in earnest. The assailants went down like grass before the scythe, as the little garrison opened with their fire-arms in volleys upon the unprotected mass, and they immediately beat a hasty retreat, and sent in one of their number to beg for peace, who, says Venegas : " With tears assured our men that it was those of the neighboring rancheria under him who had first formed the plot, and on account of the paucity of their numbers, had spirited up the other nations ; adding, that those being irritated by the death of their companions were for revenging them, but that both the one and the other sincerely repented of their attempt. A little while after came the women with their children, mediating a peace, as is the cus- tom of the country. They sat down weeping at the gate of the camp, with a thousand promises of amendment, and offering to give up their children as hostages for the performance. Father Salva Tierra heard them with his usual mildness, showing them the wickedness of the procedure, and if their husbands would behave better, promised them peace, an amnesty, and forgetful ness of all- that was past ; he also distributed among them several little presents, and to remove any mistrust they might have he PACIFIC COAST. 41 look one of the children in hostage, and thus they returned in high spirits to the rancherias." The soldiers 1 guns had taught them respect, and the Backs of corn en- ticed them back for the priests to teach them the Catholic faith. The manner in which these indefatigable missionaries overcame the indolence, viciousness and ignorance of the Datives was practically the same as that pursued in all the minions afterwards established, and is thus described by Venegas : In the morning, after Baying mass, at which be (Father Ugarte) obliged them to attend with order ami respect, lie gave a breakfast of pozoli to those who were to work, set them about build- ing the church and houses for themselves and his Indians, clearing ground for cultivation, making trenches for conveyance of water, holes for planting trees, or digging and preparing the ground for sowing. In the building part. Father Ugarte was master, overseer, carpenter, bricklayer and laborer. For the Indians, though animated by his example, could neither by gifts nor kind speeches be prevailed iipon to shake off their innate sloth, and were sure to slacken if they did not see the father work harder than any of them; so he was the first in fetching stones, treading the clay, mixing the sand, cutting, carrying and barking the timber; removing the earth and fixing materials. He was equally laborious in the other tasks, sometimes felling the trees with his axe, sometimes with his spade in his hand digging up the earth, sometimes with an iron crow splitting rocks, sometimes disposing the water-trenches, sometimes leading the beasts and cattle, which he had procured for his mission, to pasture and water; thus by his own example, teaching the several kinds of labor. The Indians, whose narrow ideas and dullness could not at first enter into the utility of these fatigues, which at the same time deprived them of their customary freedom of roving among the forests, on a thousand occasions sufficiently tried his patience — coming late, not caring to stir, running away, jeering him and sometimes even forming combinations, and threat- ening death and destruction; all this was to be borne with unwearied patience, having no other recourse than affability and kindness, sometimes intermixed with gravity to strike respect; aiso taking care not to tire them, and suit himself to their weakness. In the evening the father led them a second time in their devotions; in which the rosaiy was prayed over, and the catechism explained; and the services was followed by the distribution of some provisions. At first they were very troublesome all the time of the sermon, jesting and sneering at what was said. This the father bore with for a while, and then proceeded to reprove them; but finding they were not to be kept in order, he make a very dangerous experiment of what could be done by fear. Near him stood an Indian in high reputation for strength, and who, presuming on his advantage, the only quality esteemed by them, took upon himself to be more rude than the others. Father Ugarte, who was a large man, and of uncommon strength, observing the Indian to be in the height of his laughter, and making signs of mockery to the others, seized him by the hair and lifting him up swung him to and fro; at this the rest ran away in the utmost terror. They soon returned, one after another, and the father so far succeeded to intimidate them that they behaved more regularly in the future. Of the same priest and his labors in starting another mission he says : He endeavored, by little presents and caresses, to gain the affections of his Indians; not so much that thej' should assist him in the building as that they might take a liking to the catechism, which he explained to them as well as he could, by the help of some Indians of Loretto, while he was perfecting himself in their 1 mguage. But his kindness was lost on the adults, who, from their invincible sloth, could not be brought to help him in any one thing, though they partook of, and used to be very urgent with him for pozoli and other eatables. He was now obliged to have recourse to the assistance of the boys, who, being allured by the father with sweetmeats and pres- ents, accompanied him wherever he would have them; and to habituate these to any work it was necessary to make use of artifice. Sometimes he laid a wager with them who should soonest pluck up the mesquites and small trees; sometimes he offered reward to those who took away most earth; and it suffices to say that in forming the bricks he made himself a boy with boys, challenged them to play with the earth, and dance upon the clay. The father used to take off his sandals and tread it, in which he was followed by the boys skipping and dancing on the clay and the father with them. The boys sang, and were highly delighted; the father also sang, and thus they continued dancing 42 PACIFIC COAST. aucl treading the clay in different parts till meal-time. This enabled him to erect his poor dwelling and church, and at the dedication of which the other fathers assisted. He made use of several such contrivances in order to learn their language; first teaching the boys several Spanish words, that they might afterwards teach 1dm their language. When, by the help of these masters, the interpreters of Loretto, and his own observation and discourse with the adults, he had attained a sufficient knowledge of it, he began to catechise these poor gentiles, using a thousand endearing ways, that they should come to the catechism. He likewise made use of his boys for carrying on their instruction. Thus, with invincible patience and firmness under excessive labors, he went on humanizing the savages who lived on the spot, those of the neighboring rancherias, and others, whom he sought among woods, breaches and caverns; going about everywhere, that he at length administered baptism to many adults, and brought this new settlement into some form. This plan of subduing the natives and obtaining spiritual and temporal control over them was adhered to for seventy years. The expense of this great undertaking can be gathered from the record of the first eight years, during which $58,000 were expended in establishing six missions and $1,225,000 in supporting the indolent savages dependent upon them. On the second of April, 1767, all members of the Society of Jesus in the Spanish dominions were arrested and thrown into prison upon the order of Charles III., against whose life they were charged with conspiring. Nearly six thousand were subjected to that decree, including the Jesuit missionaries in California and other dependencies of Spain. The execution of the decree in California fell to the lot of Don Gaspar Portala, governor of the province, who assembled the pious Fathers at Loretto on Christmas eve and imparted to them the sad news of which they had till then been entirely ignorant. When the time came for them to take their final departure from the scene of seventy years of labor and self-abnegation a most pathetic scene was enacted. With loud cries and lamentations the people broke through the line of soldiers stationed to hold them back, and rushed upon the Fathers to kiss their hands and bid them fare- well. "Adieu, dear Indians; adieu,- California; adieu, land of our adoption; fiat voluntas Dei" was the brief and eloquent farewell of those fifteen holy men, as they turned their backs upon the scene of their long labors and became wanderers and out- casts, under the ban of the sovereign whose power they had established where he had sought in vain to plant it for a century and a half. They left behind them the record of having become the pioneers in the culture of the grape and in the making of wine on this coast, having sent to Mexico their vintage as early as 1706. They were the pioneer manufacturers, having taught the Indians the use of the loom in the manufac- ture of cloth as early as 1707. They built, in 1719, the first vessel ever launched from the soil of California, calling it the Triumph of the Cross. Two of their number suf- fered martyrdom at the hands of the Indians, and the living were rewarded for those years of toil, privation and self-sacrifice, by banishment from the land they had sub- dued ; leaving, for their successors, sixteen flourishing missions, and thirty-six villages, as testimonials of the justice and wisdom of their rule. The historic village of Loretto, where was established the initial mission of Cali- fornia, is situated on the margin of the gulf, in the center of St. Dyonissius cove. Some of the buildings are now a mass of ruins, while others are fast going to decay, many being destroyed by the great storm of 1827. The church built by the Jesuits in 1742 is still standing, and among the relics of its former greatness are eighty-six oil paint- ings, some of them by Murillo, and though more than a century old still in a good PACIFIC COAST. 43 state of preservation. It was a former custom of the pearl divers to devote the product of certain days to "Our Lady of Loretto," and on one occasion there fell to her lot a magnificent pearl as large as a pigeon's egg and wonderfully pure and brilliant. This the Fathers thought proper to present to the Queen of Spain, who in return sent to our Lady of Loretto an elegant new gown ; but as this could not be worn by the virgin in the spirit land and was not of the style of garment most in fashion at Loretto, it was of no practical utility, and there is reason to believe that her majesty had the better of the transaction. Upon the Brotherhood of St Francis the king bestowed the missions and accumu- lated wealth of the Jesuits in California ; but soon after possession was taken by them the Dominicans laid claim to a portion. The controversy ended in the surrender by the Franciscans of all rights granted them in Lower California upon the condition that they be granted full authority in Alta California to found missions and take possession of the country in the name of the Catholic sovereign of Spain. They hoped thus to become possessed of a land where legend and imagination had located the rich mines of gold and silver from which had come the vast treasures of which Cortes had despoiled the Aztecs ; and in thus gaining wealth for their order they would also spread the story of the cross and bring within the pale of the Holy Catholic Church thousands of souls then groping in the darkness of heathenism. Father Francis Junipero Serra, at the head of the Franciscan order in Mexico, was a man cast in no common mould. He was educated from his youth to the church, was possessed of great eloquence, enthusiasm and magnetic jDower, and had gained reputation and experience in the missions of Mexico. Peculiarly fitted for the work before him, he entered upon it with a zeal that admitted not of failure or defeat. It was his plan to establish missions at San Diego, Monterey and some intermediate point immediately, and extend them gradually as circumstances should dictate. In pursu- ance of this programme an expedition was dispatched in 1769 to settle and take possession of California, with the purpose, as Joseph DeGalvez states it, " to establish the Catholic religion among a numerous heathen people, submerged in the obscure darkness of paganism ; to extend the dominion of the King, our Lord ; and to protect the peninsula from the ambitious rulers of foreign nations." This was to be done by the Franciscans, according to the royal decree, at their own expense, though the bene- fits were to inure chiefly to the crown of Spain, whose dominion was to be largely increased and a greater measure of protection afforded the American possessions and commerce. It was deemed advisable to divide the expedition, and send a portion of it by sea in their three vessels, leaving the remainder to go from Mexico overland by way of the most northerly of the old missions. Accordingly, on the ninth of January, 1769, the ship San Carlos sailed from La Paz, followed on the fifteenth of February by the San Antonio. The last to sail was the San Joseph, on the sixteenth of June, and she was never heard from afterwards. The vessels were all loaded with provisions, numer- ous seeds, grain to sow, farming utensils, church ornaments, furniture and passengers, their destination being the port of San Diego. The first to reach that place was the San Antonio, which arrived on the eleventh of April, after losing eight of her crew by the scurvy. Twenty days later the San Carlos made her laborious way into port, 44 PACIFIC COAST. with only the captain, the cook and one seaman left of her crew, the others having fallen victims to that terrible scourge of the early navigators. The overland party was also divided into two companies ; one, under command of Fernanda Eevera Moncada, was to assemble at the northern limit of the peninsula, where was located the most northerly mission, and take two hundred head of black cattle over the country to San Diego, the point where all were to meet in the new land to be subdued. Revera set out on the twenty-fourth of March, and was the first European to cross the southern deserts, guarding approaches from that direction to the upper coast. He reached the point of general rendezvous on the fourteenth of May, after having spent fifty-one days in the journey. The governor of Cali- fornia, Gaspar de Portala, took command of the remaining part of the land expedition, and started May fifteenth, from the same place on the frontier that had been Revera's point of departure, He was accompanied by the projector of the en- terprise, Father Junipero Serra himself, and arrived at San Diego on the first of July, where this, the last company to reach the rendezvous, was received with great demon- strations of joy by those who had arrived by sea and land many long weeks before. The members of the several divisions, with the exception of those who died at sea, were now all on the ground at San Diego, and Father Junipero was not a man to waste time. In looking over his resources for accomplishing the work before him, he found that, he had, including converted Indians who had accompanied him, about two hundred and fifty souls, and everything necessary for the founding of the three missions, the cultivation of the soil, grazing the land and exploring the coast, except sailors and provisions. So many of the former having died on the voyage, it was deemed advisable for those who remained to sail on the San Antonio for San Bias, to procure more seamen and supplies. They accordingly put to sea for that purpose on the ninth of July, and nine of the crew died before the port was reached. The next thing in order was to found a mission at San Diego, and it will be interesting to know what was the ceremony which constituted the founding of a mission. Father Francis Palou, the historian, of the Franciscans, thus describes it : " They immediately set about taking possession of the soil in the name of our Catholic monarch, and thus laid the foundation of the mission. The sailors, muleteers and servants set about clearing away a place which was to serve as temporary church, hanging the bells (on the limb of a tree, possibly) and forming a grand cross. The venerable father president blessed the holy water, and with this the rite of the church and then the holy cross ; which, being adorned as usual, was planted in front of the church. Then its patron saint was named, and having chanted the first mass, the venerable president pronounced a most fervent discourse on the coming of the Holy Spirit and the establishment of the mission. The sacrifice of the mass being concluded, the Veni Creator was then sung ; the want of an organ and other musical instruments being supplied by the continued discharge of firearms during the ceremony, and the want of incense, of which they had none, by the smoke of the muskets." This ceremony was performed on the sixteenth day of July, 1769. Two days prior to that Governor Portala had started northward with the greater j)ortion of the force to re-discover the port of Monterey. For three and one-half months he pursued his slow, tortuous way up the coast, passing Monterey without recognizing it. On the Y * * A * S Fold-out Placeholder This fold-out is being digitized, and will be inserted at a future date. PACIFIC COAST. 45 thirtieth of October they came ujdoii a bay which Father Crespi, who accompanied the expedition, says " they at once recognized." What caused them to recognize it? Had they ever heard of it before ? This is the first unquestioned record of the discovery of the San Francisco harbor. In all the annals of history there is no evidence of its ever having been seen before, except that sailing chart previously mentioned. Yet the exception is evidence strong as holy writ, that in 1740 the bay had been found but had received no recorded name. Portala and his followers believed a miracle had been performed, that the discovery was due to the hand of Providence, and that St. Francis had led them to the place. When they saw this land-locked bay in all its slumbering grandeur, they remembered that, before leaving Mexico, Father Junipero had been grieved because the vistadore general had not placed their patron saint upon the list of names for the missions to be founded in the new country, and when reminded of the omission by the sorrowing priest, he had replied solemnly, as from matured reflec- tion : " If St. Francis wants a mission, let him show you a good port, and we will put one there." "A good port" had been found — one where the fleets of the world could ride in safety, and they said " St. Francis has led us to his harbor," and they called it " San Francisco Bay." Portala returned to San Diego, arriving January 24, 1770, where he found a very discouraging condition of affairs. The small band left at San Diego had passed through perils and difficulties of which it is unnecessary to speak in detail ; but the stubborn bravery and uniform kindness of the missionaries had brought them safely through. There now threatened a danger that unless averted would disastrously terminate the expedition. Portala took an inventory of supplies and found there remained only enough to last the expedition until March ; and he dicided that if none arrived by sea before the twentieth of that month, to abandon the enterprise and return to Mexico. The day came, and with it, in the offing, in plain view of all, a vessel. Preparations had been completed for the abandonment, but it was postponed because of the appearance of the outlying ship. The next day it was gone, and the colony believed then that a miracle had been performed, and their patron saint had permitted the sight of the vessel that they might know that help was coming. In a few days the San Antonio sailed into the harbor with abundant stores, and they learned that the vision they had looked upon was the vessel herself; she having been forced by adverse winds to put to sea again, after coming in sight of land. Upon the arrival of the San Antonio, two other expeditions set out, in search of Monterey harbor, one by sea and another by land, the latter in charge of Governor Portala. The party by sea was accompanied by the father president himself, who Avrites of that voyage, and its results, as follows : " On the thirty-first day of May, by the favor of God, after a rather painful voyage of a month and a half, this packet, San Antonio, arrived and anchored in this horrible port of Monterey, which is unal- tered in any degree from what it was when visited by the expedition of Don Sebastian Viscaino, in the year 1603." He goes on to state that he found the governor awaiting him, having reached the place eight days earlier. He then describes the manner of taking possession of the land for the crown on the third day of August. This cere- mony was attended b}^ salutes from the battery on board ship, and discharges of musketry by the soldiers, until the Indians in the vicinity were so thoroughly fright- 46 PACIFIC COAST. ened at the noise as to cause a stampede among them for the interior, from whence they were afterwards enticed with difficulty. This was soon followed by the founding of the mission of San Antonio de Padua. Governor Portala then returned to Mexico, bearing the welcome intelligence that Monterey had been re-discovered, that a much finer bay had also been found farther north which they had named after St. Francis, and that three missions had been established in the new land. Upon receipt of the news, the excitement in Mexico was intense. Guns were fired, bells were rung, congratulatory speeches were made, and all New Spain was happy, because of the final success of the long struggle to gain a footing north of the peninsula. It is needless to follow in detail the record of the Franciscans in California, their labors, privations and successs. A brief summary of their rise, growth and downfall will be sufficient to enable the reader to understand all allusions to them in the subse- quent pages. By the same methods the Jesuits had practiced in Lower California, did the Franciscans seek to establish their missions on a firmer footing, suffering frequently from the hostility of the natives, but gradually overcoming all obstacles and creating populous and prosperous missions and towns. The mission of San Diego was founded July 16, 1769 ; San Carlos, at Monterey, August 3, 1770 ; San Antonio de Padua, July 14, 1771 ; San Gabriel, near Los Angeles, September 8, 1771 ; San Luis Obispo, in September, 1772. Father Serra then went to Mexico for reinforcements and sup- plies, and returned the next spring by sea, having sent Captain Juan Bautista Anza with some soldiers to open an overland route by which more rapid and certain commu- nication could be maintained with the home country. In 1774 Captain Anza returned to Mexico for more soldiers, priests and supplies, and after the arrival of these it was determined to enlarge the field of operations to the northward. The San Carlos was dispatched to see if the Bay of San Francisco could be entered from the ocean, and in June, 1775, the little vessel sailed safely through the Golden Gate and cast anchor where so many thousand vessels have since been securely sheltered. On the seven- teenth of September, 1776, the presidio (fort) was established at San Francisco, and on the tenth of October the misson of Dolores was founded, followed in quick succession by those of San Juan Capistrano and Santa Clara. From this time the missions grew rapidly in power and wealth, and pueblos (towns) sprang up, occupied chiefly by the families of soldiers who had served their terms in the army and preferred to remain in California. Gradually population in- creased, until in 1802 Humboldt estimated it at 1,300, to which he added 15,562 con- verted Indians, taking no account of the wild or unsubdued tribes, which we know from other sources largely outnumbered those brought within the influence of the mis- sions. By 1822, the year Mexico declared her independence of Spain, twenty-one missions had been founded and were in a prosperous condition. Two years later Mexico adopted a republican form of government, and from that time dates the down- fall of the missionary system. The Franciscans had complete control of the land, claiming it as trustees for the benefit of converted natives, and discouraged all at- tempts at colonization as calculated to weaken their power and frustrate their designs. When, therefore, in 1824, the Mexican congress passed a colonization act, giving the PACIFIC COAST. 47 governor of California power to make grants of land to actual settlers, it was considered a direct and fatal blow at the mission monopoly. From this time the missions were a leading element in Mexican politics, and they gradually declined before the encroach- ments of the civil power until, in 1845, the property which had survived the pillage and decay of the previous ten years was sold at auction, and the missions were at an end. A year later the inauguration of the Bear Flag war by Fremont was followed by the conquest of the country from Mexico, and California, redeemed from anarchy misrule and revolution, became a portion of the United States. CHAPTER VII. DISCOVERIES WESTWARD FROM THE ATLANTIC. Foreign claims in America — Florida, Mexico, California, Alaska, Louisiana, Canada, and the English Colonie s — Treaty of Ryswick — Treaty of Utrecht — Sale of Louisiana to Spain — Carver's Explorations on the Mississippi — Oregon, the River of the West — Origin of the Name — Journey of Samuel Hearne to the Arctic Ocean — England offers a Reward for the Discovery of a Northwest Passage. To understand in their full significance the motives and acts of the various nations contending for dominion in the Pacific, the status of their claims throughout America must be kept carefully in view. England had colonies along the Atlantic coast from Maine to Carolina and had full possession of the vast region about Hudson's bay. France held possession of Louisiana, extending from the mouth of the Mississippi in- definitely northward and westward, and of the St. Lawrence and the great region lying to the westward embraced under the general title of Canada , and by exploring to the west along and beyond the great lakes and north along the Mississippi, had thus united Canada and Louisiana and rendered the Alleghanies the extreme western limit of England's Atlantic colonies. Spain had undisputed possession of Central America. Mexico, California and Florida ; Avhile Russia claimed Alaska and the adjacent islands, The boundary line between these various possessions was extremely uncertain and con- tinued to be for years a fruitful source of trouble and a theme for diplomatic contro- versy. In 1697 the treaty of Ryswick was concluded, which was intended to define, as clearly as the knowledge of American geography would permit, the boundaries of these various possessions. Spanish Florida was then limited on the north by the Carolina colonies, while its western limit was left exceedingly indefinite, conflicting severely with the French claim to Louisiana. North of Florida and west of the Alleghanies France claimed the entire country, either as a portion of Louisiana or Canada, includ- ing Hudson's bay, the latter claim being based upon the explorations of Labrador by Cortereal. At the treaty oi Utrecht in 1713, following a disastrous struggle with 48 PACIFIC COAST. Great Britain, France relinquished her claim to Hudson's bay, Newfoundland and Nova Scotia. During the next quarter of a century the energetic Frenchmen estab- lished a chain of forts and settlements from Quebec to New Orleans, taking absolute and actual possession of the country and cutting off the westward extension of Florida on the one hand and the northeastern limits of Mexico and California on the other. Thus matters stood until the disastrous war between England and France involved the American colonies in bloody strife and turned over the exposed settlements to the tender mercies of the Indian tomahawk and scalping knife. Worsted in the strife, France, after her colonial star was stricken from the sky by the gallant Wolfe on the Plains of Abraham, but before the final seal to her defeat was affixed by the treaty of Paris, secretly conveyed to Spain her province of Louisiana, and thus robbed her victorious enemy of one of the greatest fruits of her conquest. The terms of the conveyance, made in 1762, defined the western and southern limit of Louisiana and the eastern and northern boundary of Mexico and California, to follow the course of the Sabine river from its mouth to latitude 32 degrees, thence north to the Red river, and following that stream to longitude 23 degrees, thence north to the Arkansas and up that river to latitude 42 degrees, which line it followed to the Pacific. It was thus that even after the acquisition of Canada, England found her possessions bounded on the west by the great " Father of Waters." This was the situation in America when the Russians opened the Alaskan fur trade and Spain perfected her claim to Cali- fornia by planting there the missions of St. Francis. It was now a century since the Hudson's Bay Company was chartered, and it had not yet discovered the northwest passage, though that was the leading object stated in the charter ; nor, indeed, had the company made any earnest effort so to do. The belief still obtained that the Straits of Anian existed, or, at least, that some great river, such a stream, possibly, as the Rio de los Reyes, could be found flowing into the Pacific, which was navigable eastward to within a few miles of some harbor accessible to vessels from the Atlantic. If either of these existed, they were naturally to be looked for in the region dominated by the great fur monopoly. The discovery of such a means of communication was earnestly desired by the English crown, yet the com- pany was sufficiently powerful to prevent or at least render fruitless all efforts to explore its dominions. All explorations that gave any new geographical light were conducted beyond the company's domain and contrary to its desires. It has been shown how the headwaters of the Mississippi had been visited by French missionaries and explorers, both from Canada and Louisiana, who had estab- lished a fur trade with the natives of considerable value. Immediately after Canada fell into the hands of the English, an expedition was made into that region by Captain Jonathan Carver, a native of Connecticut, who had served with distinction in the war against France so recently brought to a successful termination. He left Boston in 1766, and traveling by the way of Detroit and Fort Michilimacinac, reached the headwaters of the Mississippi. The object of his journey, as stated in his account, was, " after gaining a knowledge of the manners, customs, languages, soil and natural productions of the different nations that inhabit the back of the Mississippi, to ascer- tain the breadth of the vast continent which extends from the Atlantic to the Pacific ocean, in its broadest part, between the 43d and 46th degrees of north latitude. Had PACIFIC COAST. 49 I been able to accomplish this, I intended to have proposed to the government to establish a post in some of those parts, about the Straits of Anian, which, having been discovered bv Sir Francis Drake, of course belongs to the English. This I am con- vinced, would greatly facilitate the discovery of a northwest passage, or communication between Hudson's bay and the Pacific ocean." His idea that the Straits of Anian, or any other passage inland from the Pacific, had been discovered by Drake was an exceedingly erroneous one. Just how far west Carver penetrated is uncertain, and his claim of a residence of five months in that region is a doubtful one, since the accounts of the manners and cus- toms of the natives given in his narrative (published twenty -five years later in London at the suggestion of a number of gentlemen who hoped the proceeds of its sale would be sufficient to relieve the author's necessities; he died in 1780, in penury), are but translations into English of the writings of Hennepin, Lahontan, Charlevoix and other French explorers. To him, however, must be credited the first use of the name "Oregon," which is given in the following connection : " From these natives, together with my own observations, I have learned that the four most capital rivers on the continent of North America — viz., the St. Lawrence, the Mississippi, the River Bourbon (Red River of the North), and the Oregon, or River of the West — have their sources in the same neighborhood. The waters of the three former are within thirty miles of each other ; [This is practically correct, and this point, somewhere in Western Minnesota, is probably the limit of his westward journey.] the latter, how- ever, is rather further west, This shows that these parts are the highest in North America ; and it is an instance not to be paralleled in the other three quarters of the world, that four rivers of such magnitude should take their rise together, and each, after running separate courses, discharge their waters into different oceans, at the dis- tance of two thousand miles from their sources, for in their passage from this spot to the Bay of St. Lawrence, east, to the Bay of Mexico, south, to Hudson's Bay, north, and to the bay at the Straits of Anian, west, each of these traverse upwards of two thousand miles." It will be observed that Carver lays no claim to having visited even the head- waters of the "Oregon, or River of the West," and the probability is that all he knew of it was gathered from the same works of the French explorers which had supplied the other leading features of his book, though, possibly, like them, he may have heard such a stream spoken of by the Indians. In many of these French narratives to which he had access, a belief is asserted in the existence of a large stream flowing- westward from the vicinity of the headwaters of the Mississippi into the Pacific, founded upon information given by the natives ; and on many maps of the eighteenth century such a stream was indicated, bearing variously the names " River of the West," "River Thegayo" " Rio de los Reyes," and " River of Aguilar" (the one whose mouth Aguilar reported having seen in latitude 43 degrees in the year 1603.) All that was new in Carver's account was the name " Oregon," and of that he fails to give us any idea of its meaning or origin. Many theories have been advanced, plausible and even possible, but none of them susceptible of proof, and the probabilities are that the word is one of Carver's own invention. The fact that he stands sponsor for the name of this great region, is all that entitles Carver and his plagiarisms to any notice 50 PACIFIC COAST. in this volume whatever. The first definite account of the River of the West was one given by a Yazoo Indian to Lepagn Dupratz, a French traveler, many years before Carver's journey. The Indian asserted that he had ascended the Missouri north- westerly to its source, and that beyond this he encountered another great river flowing towards the setting sun, down which he passed until his progress was arrested by hos- tilities existing between the tribes living along the stream. He participated in the war, and in a certain battle his party captured a woman of a tribe living further west, from whom he learned that the river entered a great water where ships had been seen sailing and in them were men with beards and white faces. There is nothing improb- able in this narrative, in the light of ascertained geographical facts, unless it be the portion relating to ships; even that is possible, or may, perhaps, be simply an embel- lishment of the story by the Indian or Dupratz. Several maps published about fifteen years prior to Carver's journey, on the authority of this narrative, had marked upon them such a stream with the name " Great River of the West" attached to it. This fully accounts for the valiant captain's knowledge of such a stream, though it clears up none of the darkness surrounding the title " Oregon." In 1771 the Hudson's Bay Company sent Samuel Hearne on a tour of explora- tion of the regions lying to the westward of the bay, for the purpose of finding a rich mine of copper which the Indians had frequently spoken of and whose name translated into English, was The Far-off Metal River. He was also instructed to determine the question of a passage westward from Hudson's bay, in whose existence the directors had now no faith whatever, and in consequence were anxious to make a showing of great zeal in searching for it. Hearne discovered Great Slave lake and its connecting rivers and lakes, finally reaching the Coppermine river and following the stream to its point of discharge into the Arctic ocean. This body of water he conceived and re- ported to be a great inland sea of a character similar to Hudson's bay, between which two bodies of water there was evidently no connecting passage. He also learned from the natives that the land extended a great distance further west, beyond high moun- tains. The result of his journey, since it tended to prove that no passage to the Pacific from Hudson's bay could be possible, was quickly communicated to the British Admi- ralty by the company, though the journal kept by Hearne was not published for the benefit of the public till twenty years later. The Admiralty were now satisfied that a further search for a strait leading west- ward from Hudson's bay would be futile; but, still hoped that a navigable passage could be found leading from Baffin's bay into the sea discovered by Hearne and still another one from this new ocean into the Pacific. Parliament had in 1845 offered a reward of £20,000 to anyone discovering a passage from Hudson's bay, which the company had carefully rendered nugatory, and now Parliament, in 1776, again passed an act offering a like reward to any English vessel entering and passing through any strait, or in any direction, connecting the Atlantic and Pacific, north of latitude 52 degrees, which was about the southern limit of Hudson's bay. This led to a series of voyages by English navigators in the Pacific ocean, stimulated especially by the reports which about that time reached England of voyages and settlements made by representatives of Spain. The era of positive discoveries in Oregon was coming on apace. CHAPTER VIII. EXPLORATIONS BY LAND AND SEA. Struggle Between England and Spain for Dominion on the Pacific Coast — Juan Perez Discovers Port San Lorenzo or Nootka Sound — Martinez Claims to Have Seen the Straits of Fuca — Spanish Explorers Take Possession of the Country at theBay of Trinidad — Fruitless Search for the Straits of Fuca — Heceta Discovers the Mouth of the Columbia and Names it San Roque Inlet — Bodega takes Formal Possession on George III.'s Archipelago and Searches for the Rio de los Reyes — He also takes Possession on Prince of Wales Island — Vain Search for Aguilar's River on the Coast of Oregon — Discovery of Bodega Bay — Practical Result of these Voyages and England's Solicitude — Voyage of Captain James Cook — Discovery of Hawaiian Islands—Cook at Nootka Sound — He Passes Through Behring's Straits into the Arctic Ocean — Death of Cook — Return of the Expedi- tion-Arteaga and Bodega Follow Cook's Route. The proceedings of the Spanish nation which had aroused England to such un- usual activity in exploring the northwest, were the colonization of California by the Franciscans which has already been spoken of, and several voyages and efforts to take possession of the coast still further to the north which were made soon afterwards. The struggle between England and Spain for dominion in the unexplored portion of the Xew World had begun in earnest, and was embittered by the chagrin of the latter at the manner in which Louisiana had slipped from her clutch when France sold it to Spain just as it was about to be snatched from her grasp. The first of these voyages, and it must be remembered the first voyage of explora - tion undertaken by Spain along the northern coast for one hundred and seventy-one years, was that of Juan Perez, who was instructed to sail as far north as the 60th par- allel, and to then explore the coast southward, landing at all convenient places to take possession of the country in the name of the king of Spain. On the twenty-fifth of January, 1774, Perez sailed from San Bias in the corvette Santiago, piloted by Estivan Martinez, and stopped both at San Diego and Monterey, sailing from the latter port on the sixteenth of June. Thirty-two days later he espied the first land seen since leav- ing Monterey, in latitude 54 degrees, probably the west coast of Queen Charlotte's island. Simptoms of scurvy beginning to be observed among the crew, and being but poorly supplied with the requisites for a long voyage, Perez decided not to attempt further progress north in his little vessel, and so coasted along to the southward. He proceeded about a hundred miles, encountering a number of natives in their canoes, with whom he drove a profitable trade in furs, and was then driven to sea by a storm. He again discovered land on the ninth of August, casting anchor at the entrance-of a deep bay in latitude 49 degrees and 30 minutes upon which, following the custom which has plastered the map of the Pacific coast with "Sans" and " Santas," he bestowed, the name Port San Lorenzo, because it was discovered upon the day specially de- voted to that saint in the Roman calendar. It was beyond doubt the harbor on the west coast of Vancouver island now known as King George's or Nootka sound. Hav- 52 PACIFIC COAST. ing enjoyed a profitable trade with the natives, who are represented as being of a much lighter complexion than other native Americans, Perez weighed anchor and sailed again to the southward. In latitude 47 degrees and 47 minutes a lofty, snow-crowned peak was observed, which was christened Sierra de Santa Rosalia, being, probably, the one subsequently named Mount Olympus by English explorers. On the twenty- first of August Perez arrived off Cape Mendocino, whose exact latitude he then de- termined, and a week later dropped anchor in the harbor of Monterey. This voyage added but little to the geographical knowledge of the coast, since no thorough explora- tions were made and land was observed only in a few places. In the journal of the voyage nothing is said of the Straits of Juan de Fuca, and yet, many years later and long after the strait had been entered by the English and Puget sound explored, the pilot of the Santiago, Martinez, asserted that he had observed a wide opening in the land between latitudes 48 and 49 degrees, and that he had honored the point of land on the south side of the entrance wdth his own name. Upon the strength of this long-de- layed assertion, Spanish geographers entered upon their charts as Cape Martinez the point of land now universally known as Cape Flattery. The return of Perez with the information that America extended at least as far north as the latitude 54 degrees, determined the Mexican viceroy to dispatch another expedition in quest of still further discoveries as far as the 65th parallel. The Santiago, commanded by Bruno Heceta and piloted by Perez, and the Sonora, a small schooner under the command of Juan de Ayala and having Antonio Manrelle for a pilot, sailed from San Bias March 15, 1775, being supplied with the latest chart of the Pacific, in which the reports of the various voyages were woven together by the fertile imagination of Bellin, a French geographer. They were accompanied as far as Monterey by the San Carlos, to which vessel Ayala was transferred before reaching that port, and the command of the Sonora devolved upon Lieutenant Juan Francisco de la Bodega y Quadra. Sailing from Monterey to the northward, the two vessels doubled Cape Mendocino and anchored on the tenth of June in a roadstead, which was named Port Trinidad, for the usual reason that the day was the one devoted to the Trinity on the calendar, that fertile source of Spanish nomenclature. Nine days later the voyage up the coast was resumed, though not until the Spaniards had landed and with proper solemnity and religious ceremonies taken possession of the country in the name of their sovereign, including the planting of a cross with appropriate inscriptions as a testimonial monu- ment of their visit, They described the harbor as being safe, spacious and a valuable one to commerce, and the contiguous country agreeable in climate and having a fruitful soil ; and this discovery was considered by Spanish authorities to be an exceedingly valuable one. Having kept out to sea for three weeks, they again sighted land in latitude 48 de- grees and 27 minutes, just south of the Straits of Fuca. Since the Greek pilot had located his passage between latitudes 47 and 48 degrees, as will be remembered, in which locality it was indicated on their chart, the explorers naturally coasted to the southward in searching for it, thus sailing directly away from its entrance. A careful examination of the coast revealed no such passage, and, satisfied that it had no exis- tence, they cast anchor near a small island off the coast in latitude 47 degrees and 20 >'■"■ -■' . ■'"■'■■ PACIFIC COAST. 53 minutes. Here seven of the Sonora's crew, who were sent to the mainland to procure water in the only boat the vessel carried, were killed by the natives ; and the island was christened Isla de Dolores, or Island of Sorrows, being the same one afterwards called Destruction Island by an English captain, because of a similar fate which befel a portion of his crew. Disheartened by this disaster and observing alarming symptoms of scurvy among his crews, Heceta desired to return, but at the urgent solicitation of the other officers reluctantly consented to continue the voyage northward. A few days later a severe storm parted the vessels, and Heceta then abandoned the enterprise and started to return with the /Santiago to Monterey. He soon observed land on the ocean side of Vancouver island, in latitude 50 degrees, and passing by Port San Lorenzo and the entrance to Juan de Fuca straits without observing them, he again saw the coast in the 48th parallel, south of which he once more searched for the passage he had so carelessly overlooked. On the fifteenth of August, 1775, he came opposite an opening in the land in latitude 46 degrees and 17 minutes, through which poured a stream of water so forcibly as to prevent him from entering. Satisfied that he was at the outlet to a great river, or, possibly, the Straits of Fuca, though too far south for this according to his chart, Heceta waited a day with the hope of effecting an entrance ; but in this he was doomed to disappointment, and abandoning the effort he continued his voyage to Monterey, carefully observing the intervening coast, of which his journal contains extremely accurate descriptions. The Catholic calendar was again brought into requisition to supply a name for this new discovery, and since the fifteenth of August was the day of the Assumption, Heceta called it Enseiiada de Asuncion (Assumption inlet); the sixteenth being set ajDart to Saint Roc, he called the northern promontory Cape San Roque, while to the low land on the south side of the entrance he gave the name Cape Frondoso (Leafy cape). Beyond question this was the first discovery of the mouth of the mighty Columbia, and Mexican charts, published soon after the return of Heceta, had indicated upon them an entrance to the land at that point, variously denominated Enseiiada de Heceta, and Rio de San Roque. In the meantime Bodega and Maurelle were persevering in their attempt to carry out the original plan of the expedition, and were still endeavoring to reach the 65th parallel in the little Sonora. On the sixteenth of August they suddenly came in sight of land both to the north and east of them, being then, according to their observations, north of latitude 56 degrees, and at a point which their chart told them was 135 leagues distant from the American shore. This jiroved to be the large island known as King George Ill's Archipelago, though supposed by the Span- iards to be a portion of the main land. A large mountain rising from a jutting head- land and draped in snow, was called by them San Jacinto, though it was a few years later named Mount Edgecumb by Captain Cook. The Spaniards landed to take formal possession of the country for the Spanish crown and to procure a supply of fish and water, to both of which proceedings the natives fiercely objected, compelling the intruders to pay liberally for the fish, and the water as well, and derisively tearing up and destroying the cross and other symbolic monuments the would-be possessors of their land had erected. The voyage northward was resumed, but upon reaching lati- 54 PACIFIC COAST. tude 58 degrees Bodega deemed it imprudent to advance farther and turned again to the southward. From that point to the 54th parallel the coast was closely scrutinized for the Rio de los Reyes of Admiral Fonte, but as the romancing admiral had located his mythical river a degree farther south their search would have proven in vain even had the stream an existence beyond its creator's fancy, and therefore their assertion that no such river existed north of latitude 54 degrees was valueless to prove Fonte's great water route from the Pacific to the Atlantic to be a myth. On the twenty-fourth of August they again landed to take j>ossession of the country, this time at Port Bucareli, named in honor of the viceroy under whose authority the expedition was dispatched, on the west coast of Prince of Wales Island. From this place they casually observed the coast at various points until they reached the Oregon coast in latitude 45 degrees and 2 7 minutes, when they began a careful search for the great river Martin de Aguilar claimed to have discovered in 1603. Though they noticed currents of water setting out from the land in various places, nothing was observed indicating a stream of the magni- tude described by Aguilar, and they became satisfied that none such existed in that locality ; yet they observed a headland which was recognized as answering the descrip- tion of Cape Blanco, being, no doubt, the one called later Cape Orford by Captain Vancouver. On the third of October the Sonora entered a bay supposed to be that of San Francisco, but which proved to be a much smaller one a short distance north of that great harbor, and was therefore named Bodega bay by the discoverer in his honor. own By the voyages of Perez, Heceta and Bodega, and especially the latter, which was conducted under the most disadvantageous conditions, through stormy and unknown seas, in a small vessel which had lost its only boat, and with a crew afflicted with that terrible scourge of the early mariners, the scurvy, Spain justly laid claim to the first exploration of the Pacific coast from which even an approximately correct chart could be made; especially was this true of our immediate coast, for prior to these explorations the coast between Cape Mendocino and Mount San Jacinto, or Edgecumb, was so prac- tically unknown that in regard to it the most utterly erroneous ideas prevailed. Condensed reports of these voyages, containing the leading features, soon reached England, together with the accounts of the progress Spain was making in her scheme of colonizing California, and caused much anxiety to the government. With her Florida and Louisiana possessions extending indefinitely westward, with her California colonies already established and the possibility of her making additional settlements at some or all of the favorable localities on the northern coast where her representatives had already performed the ceremony of taking formal possession in the name of the king, the prospect of Spain soon obtaining control of the whole Pacific of America south of the 56th parallel, the limit to which Russian explorations formed a foundation for a claim by the czar, was imminent, With the zeal which England would exercise under the same circumstances, the claim of Spain would be perfected in ten years, and England be confined in North America to Canada and the possessions of her fur mo- nopoly around Hudson's bay. The prospect was far from pleasing, and nothing but the indolence of Spain saved England from entire exclusion from Pacific North Amer- ica. Yet for England to establish colonies in opposition to those of Spain was practically impossible. She had no Mexico to form a base of operation and supplies, but could PACIFIC COAST. 55 hold communication with them only by means of a long and hazardous voyage of eight or ten months around Cape Horn or by the way of the Cape of Good Hope. Under this condition of affairs England looked upon the discovery of a northern passage from ocean to ocean as absolutely necessary to further her interests on the Pa- cific coast. It was this idea of the situation which led Parliament to renew the offered reward spoken of at the close of the last chapter, and which stimulated English ex- plorers into that great activity which resulted in revealing so much of our geography during the next fifteen years, laid the foundation for the claim to Oregon which Great Britain so strenuously asserted, and gave her title to the immense territory she now possesses on the Pacific coast. About this time Captain James Cook returned from his great voyage of explora- tion in the South sea and Indian ocean, having established the fact that no habitable land existed in the vicinity of the Antarctic circle and made a voyage so extensive and im- portant that he was universally recognized as the leading exj)lorer of the century. To him England turned in her hour of anxiety. Here was the man above all others to whom could be entrusted the search for that passage so vitally important to British interests in the Pacific, with the assurance that whatever skill, diligence and the most thorough acquaintance with the geographical knowledge and theories of the day could accomplish would certainly be achieved. This task Cook at once undertook, and sailed upon his new quest with high hopes of winning laurels greater than those which already encircled his brow. The instructions given to Cook by the Admiralty were very minute and particular. He was directed to proceed by way of the Cape of Good Hope, New Zealand and Otaheite and endeavor to reach the coast of New Albion in the latitude 45 degrees. To the name New Albion the English government had tenaciously clung since the time Sir Francis Drake so christened the California coast and ceremoniously took possession in the name of the queen. To England there was much in a simple name, since her adherence to it showed her resolution to claim to the last all the benefit which could possibly be derived from the voyage of that adventurous marauder ; and this name was only changed for another when the basis upon which the English claim to Oregon rested was also altered. Though resolved to abate not one whit of her dis- covery rights, England was careful not to commit the least overt act of hostility against any rival claimants whatever. Serious trouble had commenced with her Atlantic colonies ; the battle of Bunker Hill had been fought and the evacuation of Boston compelled ; the whole coast from Massachusetts to Georgia was in a state of armed rebel- lion, encouraged by both France and Spain, who appeared upon the verge of offering substantial aid. The times were not propitious for England to assert her rights in the Pacific in a manner bordering in the least upon arrogance. Under the circum- stances an extremely modest demeanor was considered exceedingly becoming, and Cook was " strictly enjoined, on his way thither, not to touch upon any j3art of the Spanish dominions on the western continent of America, unless driven to it by some unavoid- able accident ; in which case he was to stay no longer than should be absolutely neces- sary, and to be very careful not to give any umbrage or offence to any of the inhabi- tants or subjects of his Catholic majesty. And if, in his farther progress northward, he should find any subjects of any European prince or state, upon any part of the 56 PACIFIC COAST. coast which he might think proper to visit, he was not to disturb them or give them any just cause of offence, but, on the contrary, to treat them with civility and friend- ship." The last charge referred especially to the Russian settlements in the extreme north. But little positive knowledge was possessed in England of the geography of the coast north of Cape Mendocino. To be sure it was the reports of Spanish settlements in California and of several important voyages of exploration recently made by repre- sentatives of that nation, which had created such anxiety and infused such zeal into the English Admiralty ; but the particulars of those voyages were not yet received. All that was really known of the northwest coast was what could be learned from the records of Viscaino's voyage nearly two centuries before, from the indefinite and con- tradictory accounts of Russian discoveries in Alaskan waters, and the recent report by Samuel Hearne that the continent extended many miles westward from the Coppermine river. Between Viscaino's most northern limit, latitude 45 degrees, and the extreme southern point reached by Tchirikof in the 56th parallel, there was a vast stretch of coast line absolutely unknown. Cook was consequently instructed to proceed along the coast and, "with the consent of the natives, to take possession in the name of the King of Great Britain of convenient stations in such countries as he might discover that had not been already discovered or visited by any other European power, and to distribute among the inhabitants such things as will remain as traces of his having been there ; but, if he should find the countries so discovered to be uninhabited he was to take pos- session of them for his sovereign, by setting up proper marks and descriptions, as first discoverers and possessors." This was exactly what Heceta and Bodega had done for Spain the year before, though of this fact England was ignorant. Cook was directed to coast along to the 65th parallel, before reaching which he was expected to find it trending sharply towards then ortheast in the direction of the Coppermine river, the Admiralty being of the opinion that the great North sea visited by Hearne was identical with the Pacific. From that point he was to explore carefully " such rivers or inlets as might appear to be of considerable extent and pointing towards Hudson's or Baffin's bays," and endeavor to sail through all such passages, either in his vessels or in smaller ones to be constructed on the spot from materials taken with him for that especial purpose. In case he became satisfied from the configuration of the coast that no such passage existed and that the Pacific ocean and North sea were not identical, he was then to repair to the Russian settlements at Kamtchatka, and from that point ex- plore the seas to the northward " in further search of a northeast or northwest passage from the Pacific ocean into the Atlantic or the North sea." To carry out these minute and exhaustive instructions, Cook sailed from Plymouth July 12, 1776, in the Resolution, the vessel he had just taken around the world, ac- companied by Capt. Charles Clerke in the Discovery. The crews and officers were men selected carefully for this expedition, and the vessels were supplied with every nautical and scientific instrument which could in any possibility be needed, as well as the most accurate charts at the command of the government. After passing the Cape of Good Hope, Cook spent nearly a year making examinations about Van Dieman's Land, New Zealand, and the Friendly and Society islands. On the eighteenth of Jan- uary, 1778, he discovered the Hawaiian islands, that most important station in the PACIFIC COAST. 57 Pacific, which he called Sandwich islands in honor of the first lord of the Admiralty under whose orders he was sailing. On the seventh of the following March he was delighted with a glimpse of the Oregon coast, or New Albion, near the 44th parallel, in the vicinity of the Umpqua. Contrary winds forced him as far south as the mouth of Rogue river, when, the wind becoming fair, he took a course almost due north and did not again see land until just above the 48th degree of latitude, when he descried a bold headland which he christened Cape Flattery to show his appreciation of the flatter- ing condition of his prospects. It was now that Cook fell into the same error which had so sorely baffled and defeated Heceta and Bodega two years before. Like them, having reached the very southern edge of the Straits of Fuca, he turned away and searched for them to the south- ward, because in Lock's narrative they had been located between latitudes 47 and 48 degrees. Finding the coast line unbroken, Cook pronounced the passage a myth, and abandoning the search sailed northward, passing heedlessly by the straits for which he had been so diligently looking. He soon dropped anchor in a safe and sj^acious harbor in latitude 49? degrees, which he called King George's sound, but later substituted Nootka when he learned that such was its Indian title. This was, beyond doubt, the Port Lorenzo entered by Perez in 1774, and like the Spaniard, Cook reports the natives to be of a very light complexion and to possess ornaments of copper and weajjons of iron and brass. This, united with the fact that one of them had suspended about his greasy neck two silver spoons of Spanish manufacture, and because they manifested no surjnise and but little curiosity about the ships, and seemed not to be frightened at the report of guns, and were eager to barter furs for a valuable considera- tion, esjjecially metals of all kinds, led Cook to the opinion that they had held inter- course with civilized nations in former times. Their supposed familiarity with firearms was soon found to be erroneous, for " one day, upon endeavoring to prove to us that arrows and spears would not penetrate their war-dresses, a gentleman of our company shot a musket-ball through one of them folded six times. At this they were so much staggered, that their ignorance of fire-arms was plainly seen. This was after- wards confirmed when we used them to shoot birds, the manner of which confounded them." This discovery and other facts elicited by a closer observation caused Cook to change his opinion about their previous intercourse with white people. In speculating on this subject he says that though " some account of a Spanish voyage to this coast in 1774 or 1775 had reached England before I sailed, it was evident that iron was too common here, was in too many hands, and the use of it too well known, for them to have had the first knowledge of it so very lately, or, indeed, at any earlier period, by an accidental supj)ly from a ship. Doubtless, from the general use they make of this metal, it might be supposed to come from some constant source, by way of traffic, and that not of a very late date ; for they are as dexterous in using their tools as the longest practice can make them. The most probable way, therefore, by which we can suppose that they get their iron, is by trading for it with other Indian tribes, who either have immediate communication with European settlements upon the continent, or receive it, perhaps, through several intermediate nations ; the same might be said of the brass and copper found amongst them." The indifference of the natives to the ships, in regard to which their lack of curiosity was noticeable and had been one of 58 PACIFIC COAST. the causes which at first led him to suppose they were familiar with such objects, he attributed "to their natural indolence of temper and want of curiosity." Cook's ignorance of the vast extent of the American continent and the degree of civi- lization attained by the various aboriginal nations occupying it, must be his excuse for supposing that such a commodity as iron could have been transported from the Atlantic'coast to the Pacific, passing from hand to hand through numerous tribes of Indians, many of them engaged in unceasing and unrelenting warfare. That such could not have been the case, even aside from these objections, we are well assured by the fact that the inland tribes through whose hands the metal must have passed knew nothing of iron or its uses, and employed flint and bones for knives, spear-heads and arrow-tips. In the region then visited by the English for the first time exist vast quantities of iron ore, and in the mountains of the mainland copper ledges abound, and though no traces have as yet been observed of the ancient working of these mines, it is more than probable that the iron and copper possessed by the natives of Vancouver island, who were the most civilized and intelligent found on the Pacific coast, were produced from the crude ore by their possessors themselves. This supposition is sivp- ported by the fact that the natives forged iron in an ingenious manner, making harpoons, weapons and ornaments, thus showing how well they understood the nature of the substance and demonstrating their ability to produce it from the native ore. The com- paratively limited amount in their possession indicated that they only utilized surface croppings, and this fully explains the absence of any signs of former mining opera- tions on the ledges. When Captain Meares visited the same locality a few years later, he was equally astonished at their familiarity with these metals. He tells us that the Indians manufactured tools of the iron obtained from him in trading ; and that it was seldom they could be prevailed upon to use European tools or utensils in preference to their own, with the exception of the saw, the utility and labor-saving value of which they at once recognized. They made a tool for the purpose of hollowing out large trees, which answered the purpose better than any instrument possessed by the ship's carpenter. For an anvil they employed a flat stone and a round one did duty as a sledge ; and with these implements they fashioned the red hot iron at will, attaching to the tools or weapons when desired a wooden handle, fastened securely with cords of sinew. What little brass they possessed may have been procured from the Spanish vessels which had visited them a few years before. In this connection the legend re- lated to Meares, explaining the origin of their knowledge of copper, will be interesting. The fact that there existed a legend on the subject is sufficient evidence of the length of time the use of copper had been familiar to them. Meares says : " On expressing our wish to be informed by what means they became acquainted with copper, and why it was such a peculiar object of their admiration, a son of Hannapa, one of the Noot- kan chiefs, a youth of uncommon sagacity, informed us of all he knew on the subject, and we found, to our surprise, that his story involved a little sketch of their religion. He first placed a certain number of sticks upon the ground, at small distances from each other, to which he gave separate names. Thus, he called the first his father, the next his grandfather ; he then took what remained and threw them all into confusion together, as much as to say that they were the general heap of his ancestors, whom he could not individually reckon. He then, pointing to this bundle, said, when they PACIFIC COAST. 59 lived an old man entered the sound in a copper canoe, with copper paddles, and every- thing else in his possession of the same metal ; that he paddled along the shore, on which all the people were assembled to contemplate so strange a sight, and that, hav- ing thrown one of his copper paddles on shore, he himself landed. The extraordinary stranger then told the natives that he came from the sky, to which the boy pointed with his hand ; that their country would one day be destroyed, when they would all be killed, and rise again to live in the place from whence he came. Our young inter- preter explained this circumstance of his narrative by lying down as if he were dead, and then, rising up suddenly, he imitated the action as if he were soaring through the air. He continued to inform us that the people killed the old man and took his canoe, from which event they derived their fondness for copper, and he added that the images in their houses were intended to represent the form, and perpetuate the_ mission, of this supernatural person who came from the sky." Cook's vessels lay in Noolka sound nearly a month, repairing the casualties of the long voyage, laying in a supply of wood and water, and permitting the seamen to recruit their inrpaired health. They were constantly surrounded by a fleet of canoes, whose occupants came from many miles along the coast for the purpose of trading with the strangers. They had for barter " skins of various animals, such as wolves, foxes, bears, deer, raccoons, polecats, martins, and, in particular, of the sea-otters, which are found at the islands east of Kamtchatka ;" and, he might have added, in great num- bers about the Straits of Fuca. " Besides the skins in their native shape, they also brought garments made of the bark of a tree or some plant like hemp ; weapons, such as bows and arrows, and spears ; fish-hooks and instruments of various kinds ; wooden visors of many monstrous figures ; a sort of woolen stuff or blanketing ; bags filled with red ochre ; pieces of carved rock ; beads and several other little ornaments of thin brass and iron, shaped like a horseshoe, which they hung at their noses ; and several chisels, or pieces of iron fixed to handles. :|: * Their eagerness to possess iron and brass, and, indeed, any kind of metal, was so great that few of them could resist the temptation to steal it whenever an opportunity offered." About the last of April Cook sailed out of Nootka sound and resumed his explor- ations northward. His next object was to look for the Rio de los Reyes of Admiral Fonte, but a violent wind drove him to sea and prevented him from viewing the coast about the 53d parallel. " For my own part," he says, " I gave no credit to such vague and improbable stories, that convey their own confutation along with them ; neverthe- less, I was very desirous of keeping the American coast aboard, in order to clear up this point beyond dispute." He next saw land near the 55th parallel on the first of May, and soon after passed the beautiful mountain called San Jacinto by Bodega, but upon which he bestowed the title Mount Edgecumb ; and a little later he observed and named Mount Fairweather, on the mainland. Cook had now entered the region ex- plored by the Russians, with whose voyages he was somewhat familiar, and consequently it was no surprise to him, but an expected gratification, when his eyes rested upon a giant, snow-mantled peak which he at once recognized as the Mount St. Elias described by Behring. This icy monarch is upwards of 17,000 feet in altitude, the highest and grandest peak of the North American continent GO PACIFIC COAST. Mount St. Elias was seen on the fourth of May, 1778 ; and from its base the shore line was seen to trend sharply to the west ; which fact induced Cook to begin at that point his search for the Straits of Anian, hoping soon to find a passage which would lead him eastward into Hudson's bay or Baffin's bay, or northward into the great North sea spoken of by Maldonado and seen by Hearne. Russian maps of this region, copies of which he possessed, showed the whole space between Kamtchatka and Mount St. Elias to be an ocean thickly strewn with islands, the largest of which was called Aliaska, so that he had good authority for his belief in a passage into the North sea. He sailed westward, and then southwestward to the latitude 54? degrees, minutely examining all the bays, inlets and islands encountered, especially Prince William's sound and Cook's inlet, the latter of which he j^robabiy conceived to be the entrance to a river since he named it Cook's river. Nowhere could he observe an opening through the white chain of mountains, and he became satisfied that the American continent " extended much further to the west than, from the modern most reputable charts, he had reason to expect," and that the Russians were erroneous in their idea that the reo-ion west and northwest of Mount St. Elias was but a sea of islands. The result was that he abandoned the hope of finding a passage into either Hudson's or Baffin's bay, and resolved to see how far west the continent extended and to sail into the North sea through the passage discovered by Bearing just fifty years before. He therefore sailed southwesterly, and on the nineteenth of June fell in with a number of islands which he recognized as the Schumagim group, and where he saw the first evi- dences of the presence of Russians at any time in those waters, in the form of a piece of paper in the possession of the natives, upon which was written something in a for- eign language which he supposed to be Russian. He soon after passed the extremity of the Alaskan peninsula and the islands which seemed an extension of it, and doubling this turned again eastward, soon reaching the large island of Ounalaska, which Russian accounts had frequently mentioned as an important station in their fur trade. At Ounalaska Cook remained five days, and on the second of July sailed north- ward along the coast, searching faithfully for a passage eastward. On the ninth of August he reached a point which he correctly believed to be the utmost extremity of the continent, and upon it he bestowed the name of Cape Prince of Wales. The va- rious names and titles of that worthy prince appear to have been as liberally scattered about by the loyal English explorers as were the saints of the Roman calendar by the devout subjects of Spain. Cook crossed Behring's strait from this point, finding it but fifty miles in width, and landed upon the coast of Asia. He explored the Asiatic coast of the Arctic ocean northwestward to Cape North in latitude 68 degrees and 56 minutes, and the American coast northeastward as far as Icy Cape, in latitude 70 de- grees and 29 minutes, and being prevented by ice from progressing further returned to Ounalaska, where he fell in with some Russian traders, who soon convinced him that they knew far less of the geography of the North Pacific than he did. He then proceeded to the Sandwich islands to spend the winter, and was slain in an unfortunate affray with the natives on the island of Hawaii on the sixteenth of February, 1779. The death of this renowned explorer, though a sad blow to the enterprise, did not terminate it altogether; yet the results accomplished thereafter were by no means as / PACIFIC COAST. 61 great as they would have been had operations been directed by the great executive ability and geographical knowledge possessed by Cook. Captain Charles Clerke suc- ceeded to the command, and in March, 1779, sailed from the Sandwich islands, with the purpose of passing into the Arctic sea and thence, if possible, into the Atlantic. He headed northward and on the twenty-ninth of April entered the harbor of Petro- paulovski in the Bay of Avatscha, the chief military station of Russia in Kamtchatka, where he was received with great courtesy by the officials of the czar. Clerke then sailed into Behring's strait, but was prevented from advancing even as far as the year before by the vast quantities of ice, having arrived too early in the season. Being in ill health and discouraged by his want of success, Captain Clerke returned to Petro- paulovski, and died near that port on the twenty-second of August. Lieutenant John Gore succeeded to the command, but deeming the vessels in too battered a condition to endure another season in that rigorous climate, he sailed at once for his native land by the way of Canton, where he had learned, through the Russians, would be found a good market for the furs he had on board. The vessels arrived in Canton early in December, bearing the first cargo of furs taken from America proper to China, and with the exception of the cargo taken there by Benyowsky and the Polish refugees in 1770, the first to be conveyed into the Celestial Kingdom by sea. This was a very important circumstance, since it was one of the greatest factors that led to the development of the American coast north of California, The furs had been purchased from the natives at Nootka sound, Prince William's sound and other points visited, the seamen exchanging for them the merest trifles in their possession. Xo care was taken to buy only valuable kinds since they Avere not jmrchased upon speculation ; nor was any thought takeii of their preservation, many of them being ruined as an article of merchandise by being used for beds and cloth- ing. It was only when they reached Petropaulovski and saw how eager the Russians were to purchase them and ship them overland to China that the officers realized how valuable a cargo they possessed. They pursuaded the seamen to cling to their furs until they arrived in Canton, where they assured them much better prices would be realized. The outcome was that what was aboard the two vessels was sold for more than $10,000, and the result so excited the cupidity of the crew, that, though their voyage had already been extended over a space of three years and a half, they became " possessed with a rage to return to the northern coasts, and, by another cargo of skins, to make their fortunes, which was, at one time, not far short of mutiny." The insub- ordinate tendencies of the crew were repressed, and the Resolution and Discovery sailed homeward from Canton, passed around the Cape of Good Hope, and arrived in England early in October, 1880, having been absent four years and three months, during which time no tidings of them had been received at home, and having lost their gallant commander in battle and his able associate by the hand of disease. England was at that time engaged in war with both Spain and France, while the patriotic struggle of her American colonies for independence was causing her to put forth her utmost energy to uphold her authority in regions already under her domin- ion ; she had neither time nor means to attempt anything more in foreign countries until her present troubles were overcome, consequently the lords of admiralty withheld from publication the official record of the voyage until after the conclusion of peace, / 62 PACIFIC COAST. and it was not made public until during the winter of 1884-5. By comparison of voyages it will be seen that Cook saw no portion of America not j>reviously visited by the Spaniards, who had formally taken possession, or by Russian explorers ; but his explorations had been so careful, his observations so thorough and his records so accurately kept, that he revolutionized the ideas of Pacific geography. There remains yet to be recorded a voyage made by the Spaniards contempora- neously with that of Cook, though each was conducted in ignorance of the other. The discoveries of Heceta and Bodega were considered highly important by the authorities of Spain, and they ordered another expedition to be fitted out to make a more thorough examination of the coast, which was not ready for sea for three years. The Princesa and Favorita, the former under the command of Captain Ignacio Arteaga, leader of the expedition, and the latter commanded by Bodega and Maurelle, sailed from San Bias February 7, 1779, only nine days prior to the death of Cook on the island of Hawaii. They visited only such places as had been seen before by Heceta and Bodega, following closely the course pursued the previous year by Captain Cook. Mount St. Elias having been reached and the coast line being observed to run steadily to the west, they were lead, as had been Cook, to look carefully for the Straits of Anian, but, like him, were disappointed. Arteaga was not gifted with the qualities that make a suc- cessful pioneer, and becoming discouraged at his want of success and by the symptoms of scurvy observed among the crew, he ordered both vessels to return to San Bias, where they arrived late in November. The observations, records and charts made during this voyage were very inaccurate and of but little value, and the expedition was productive of no benefit to Spain, nor did it reflect any glory upon the nation ; yet the officers were rewarded by promotion for their good conduct. Spain had, in the meantime, become involved in war with England and was neither in the condition nor mood to pursue further investigations north of her settlements in California until peace was restored. CHAPTER IX. BEGINNING OF THE FUR TRADE ON THE PACIFIC COAST. Cook's Return to England Produces great Results — Russian American Trading Company — Undertaking of John Ledyard — Voyage of the French Explorer LaPerouse — The East India, South Sea, and King George's Sound Companies — Meares Spends a Horrible Winter in the Arctic Regions — Berkeley Discovers the Straits of Fuca — Second Voyage of Captain Meares — He Explores the Straits of Fuca and Attempts to Enter the Columbia. The lords of admiralty could pigeon-hole the log books of the Resolution and Discovery, but they could not so easily seal the lips of their excited crews, whose tales of the lands visited, wonderful objects and strange races of people seen, and, above all, of the ease with which fortunes could be made, by buying furs on the American coast for a song and trading them in China for valuable cargoes of silks, porcelain and tea, aroused a universal interest in the Pacific, which only the existing state of hostilities in Europe and America was potent to hold in check. The Russians, also, had learned much through the contact of their traders with the English explorers, both on the island of Ounalaska and at the port of Petropaulovski ; and, being unhampered by wars, were the first to take advantage of the discoveries of Cook and reap from them substantial results. An association called the Russian American Trading Company was organized in 1781, and in 1783 an expedition of three vessels was sent to the American coast to examine it and plant colonies on the islands and continent as far east as Prince William's sound. The expedition was absent three years and success- fully accomplished its mission. These settlements and the power of the Russian Amer- ican Trading Company were gradually extended until through them Russia obtained complete control of the Alaskan coast as far south as latitude 54 degrees and 40 minutes, and exerted great influence in the Pacific, even establishing in later years a settlement in California, which will be referred to again in these pages. Several unsuccessful efforts were made to open up a trade between the American coast and China, especially by John Ledyard, an American seaman who had been one of the crew of Cook's vessel. He sought both in America and France to interest capi- talists, but was. unsuccessful in his efforts to secure backing in his enterprise. He then undertook to cross Russia and Siberia to Kamtchatka, sail thence to Nootka sound, and then traverse the American continent to the Atlantic. In furtherance of this scheme he secured a passport from the empress of Russia, and had advanced as far as Irkutsk, when he was arrested, conducted to the Polish frontier of Russia, and released with the injunction not to again enter the empire. This action was probably instigated by the Russian American Trading Company, which did not relish the idea of a foreigner be- coming so familiar with a region which it proj^osed to monopolize for its own benefit. King Louis XVI., of France, dispatched an expedition under the command of a most competent and scientific navigator named LaPerouse, in 1785, immediately after 64 PACIFIC COAST. the publication of Cook's journal had verified the tales of his seamen and infused into the commercial world a spirit of adventure in the Pacific. LaPerouse was instructed to "explore the parts of the northwest coasts of America which had not been examined by Cook, and of which the Russian accounts gave no idea, in order to obtain informa- tion respecting the fur trade, and also to learn whether, in those unknown parts, some river or internal sea might not be found communicating with Hudson's bay or Baffin's bay." LaPerouse reached the coast in the vicinity of Mount Fairweather June 23, 1786, where he remained at anchor several weeks, and then sailed southward, examin- ing the coast and discovering that many points formerly considered portions of the mainland were, in reality, but parts of islands. Though the first to ascertain this fact he received no credit for it, since his vessels were wrecked in the New Hebrides and his journal was not published until 1797, several years after other explorers had discovered and made known the same facts. England's anxiety to further her interests in the Pacific led her to adopt a policy which, so far as the American coast was concerned, had the effect of hampering her efforts to secure a foothold on the coast. Notwithstanding the fact that the Hudson's Bay Company had been instrumental in checking the general progress of the nation on the Atlantic coast, and had headed off or rendered futile all explorations of its territory, Great Britain seems not to have learned a lesson from experience and was ready to repeat the experiment. To the great East India Company she had granted chartered rights which have been so well improved that a vast territory, an enormous commerce, millions of subjects, in fact a new empire, have been added to the British crown, and the queen of England now subscribes herself empress of the Indies. To this com- pany was granted the privilege of trading with the Asiatic coast and adjacent islands of the Pacific to the complete exclusion of all other British subjects whatever. To a new association called the South Sea Company a like exclusive privilege of all the commerce of the American coast of the Pacific was given. Thus all independent English traders were shut out from the Pacific entirely, and Great Britain was com- pelled to rely upon these two companies for the advancement of her interests in this quarter of the globe ; since no vessels but those of the East India Company could carry the English flag around the Cape of Good Hope and none but those of its rival could enter the Pacific by the way of Cape Horn. But it was soon found that the interests of these two companies were antagonistic and their granted privileges con- flicting, when applied to the practical demands of trade. The South Sea Company could load. its ships with furs at Nootka and Prince William's sound, but it could not dispose of them in China ; on the other hand its powerful rival which controlled the Chinese market was debarred from sending its vessels to trade for furs on the American coast. The first successful voyage was that of James Hanna, an Englishman, who sailed from Macao in 1785, and procured a cargo of furs at Nootka sound, which he sold in China for $20,000. He repeated the trip the following year, but encountered so much opposition from other traders who were then on the coast, and found so poor a market in China, which had been glutted with furs, that nothing was realized from the specu- lation. In 1785 the King George's Sound Company was organized in^England and procured special permits from the South Sea Company and the East India Company, 1!! :. I i PACIFIC COAST. 65 which enabled it to trade in the Pacific waters. The King George and Queen Charlotte were dispatched to the American coast under the command of Captains Portlock and Dixon, and traded two years without paying expenses because of the competition and overstocked market. Two other vessels were sent by the company, which arrived in 1787 just before Portlock and Dixon took their departure; but the new discoveries made by all these traders w r ere confined to ascertaining that the coast above the 49th parallel was fringed by hundreds of large and small islands, and that it was only these islands which had been visited by the earlier explorers. This led to the idea that the whole northwestern continent was in fact but an immense archipelago of islands, through which it would be possible to reach the Atlantic. This was the opinion formed by Captain Meares in 1789, who assigned as one of his reasons for holding that belief, that " the channels of this archipelago were found to be wide and capacious, with near two hundred fathoms deep of water, and huge promontories stretching out into the sea, where whales and sea-otters were seen in incredible abundance. In some of these channels there are islands of ice, which we may venture to say could never have formed on the western side of America, which possesses a mild and moderate climate ; so that their existence cannot be reconciled to any other idea, than that they received their formation in the eastern seas, and have been drifted by the tides and currents through the passage for whose existence we are contending." The intelligent mariner seems to have forgotten the ice encountered by Cook in Behring's strait and the terrible winter he himself spent on the Alaskan coast. Captain Meares was a lieutenant of the British navy, off duty and on half pay. In 1787 the great East India Company fitted out tw T o vessels to trade between Nootka sound and China, assigning the Nootha to the command of Meares and the Sea-Otter to Lieutenant Walter Tipping. This was the second venture of the company in this direction, as two small vessels had been dispatched the year before, which had enjoyed a reasonable measure of success. The Sea- Otter is known to have reached Prince William's sound, but her voyage from that port is hidden in mystery while her ultimate fate is unknown. It is prob- able that she and her crew went to the bottom of the sea, for if wrecked upon the coast and her crew murdered by the natives, it would seem almost impossible that no trace of them should ever have been discovered. The Nootka, also, followed the course of the Japan current, crossed the Aleutian group between Ounamak and Ounalaska islands, and finally came to anchor in Prince William's sound, with the purpose of spending the winter there and resuming the voyage in the spring. During October, November and December their stay in the sound was quite endurable, but the horrors of an Arctic winter, with which English seamen were entirely unfamiliar, then began to crowd upon them. Ice hemmed in the vessel, snow covered it in drifts, all fowl and animal life deserted the sound, including the migratory natives who had been living there when they arrived. The sickly sun peeped over the horizon's rim but a few moments at noon, and then the almost perpetually-falling snow obscured it from view, " tremendous mountains forbade almost a sight of the sky, and cast their nocturnal shadows over the ship in the midst of day," scurvy, that horrible scourge of the sea, began its ravages among the crew, and horrors were " heaped on horror's head." From January to May twenty-three of the men died and the remainder were rendered unfit GG PACIFIC COAST. to perform any labor whatever. In May the birds and animals returned, the ice dis- appeared, the natives once more greeted their stricken visitors, the vessel was released from its icy chains, and in June Meares sailed to the Sandwich islands and from there to China, having achieved but the honor of being the first English navigator to spend the winter on the Alaskan coast. The East India Company were satis- fied with these two disastrous voyages, but not so Captain Meares, who began making preparations for another visit to the American coast. The entrance to the Straits of Fuca were seen for the first time since they were entered by the old Greek pilot by Captain Berkeley, an Englishman, though in com- mand of a ship belonging to the Austrian East India Company. In sailing south from the coast of Vancouver island in his vessel the Imperial Eagle, Captain Berkeley noticed a broad opening between latitudes 48 and 49 degrees and just north of Cape Flattery, south of which Cook, Bodega and Heceta had made such careful search for the reputed passage. Noting the discovery upon his chart but making no effort to explore the opening, Berkeley continued south along the coast and at the Isla de los Dolores lost a boat's crew at the hands of Indians almost at the same spot where Bo- dega's men had been murdered ; and for this reason he called the unfortunate place Destruction island. The next voyage of importance was that of the second visit to our coast by Cap- tain Meares. In China the Portuguese were given special privileges and exemptions, and in order to reap the advantage of this two vessels were fitted out at the Portuguese port of Macao, near Canton, having nominal captains of that nation and receiving permission from the governor to carry the Portuguese flag. Their actual commanders were Captain Meares of the ship Felice, and William Douglas of the brig Iphigenia, though those gentlemen appear upon the papers simply in the capacity of supercar- goes. Nor was this alone the object of the use of Portugal's flag, since by so doing the act of Parliament excluding all British vessels from the Pacific except those of the East India and South Sea companies could be evaded. Greenhow endeavors to prove that these two vessels were actually the property of Juan Cavallo, the Portuguese whose name appears as owner in the ship's papers, and that the Portuguese captains were the bona fide commanders of the vessels; and he so far succeeds in his effort as to raise a strong presumption that, if such was not the case, these Portuguese were at least something more than mere figureheads in the enterprise. The plan of the voy- age was for the Felice to go to Nootka sound and coast up and down from that harbor exploring the coast and trading with the natives ; the Iphigenia was to proceed at once to Cook's inlet and trade southward to Nootka, where one of the vessels was to load all the furs and return to Macao, the other to remain there or at the Sandwich islands until spring. In pursuance of this plan of operations the Felice sailed for Nootka sound in the winter of 1787-8, and immediately upon her arrival the construction of a small schooner was begun by her crew, to be used for trading along the coast. While this work was progressing Meares made a short voyage southward ; but before going he secured from Maquinna, the chief, the privilege of erecting a house for the abode and protection of the working party left behind. The consideration for this favor was a brace of pistols and the free gift of the house and its contents when he took his final PACIFIC COAST. 67 departure. This shows conclusively that the house was only for temporary occupancy, yet Meares, afterwards, in view of subsequent events, laid claim to having made a permanent settlement in the name of the king of England ; though how he could have done so while acting, even nominally, in the capacity of supercargo of a Portuguese vessel, he fails to explain. Having built his house, and surrounded it with a rampart of earth surmounted with a small cannon for the protection of its inmates, Meares sailed south along the coast in search of the passage which had been discovered the previous year by Berkeley. On the twenty-ninth of June, 1788, in latitude 48 degrees and 39 minutes, he observed a broad inlet, and in his narrative lays claim to its first discovery, by claiming that " the fact of the coast along which we were now sailing had not been seen by Captain Cook, and we know no other navigator, said to have been this way, except Maurelle," though in the introduction to the narrative he mentions the fact of Berkeley's discovery the year before. He says: " From the masthead, it was observed to stretch to the east by the north, and a clear and unbounded horizon was seen in this direction as far as the eye could reach. The strongest curiosity impelled us to enter this strait, which we shall call by the name of its original discoverer, John de Fuca." Duffin, mate of the Felice, was sent up the strait with a boat's crew of thirteen men and provisions for a month. They returned in a week, every one of them suffering from wounds received in a conflict with the natives. The boat had proceeded only ten miles up the strait, [Meares claimed thirty, but Duffin's statement places it at ten], and had been attacked with great ferocity and bravery by the savages who seemed not to care for the destruc- tion caused by the fire arms nor to be frightened by the noise they made. They used their bows and arrows, clubs, stone bludgeons, spears and slings with great skill and effect, so much so that had it not been for the protection afforded by the awning of the boat few of the crew would have escaped with their lives. Meares then sailed south in search of the Rio de San Roque of Heceta. On the fifth of July he observed a headland which he called Cape Shoalwater and on ap- proaching nearer the coast the next day saw beyond this a promontory which he con- ceived to be one side of Heceta's inlet. He says: " After we had rounded the prom- ontory a large bay, as we had imagined, opened to our view, that bore a very promising- appearance, and into it we steered with every encouraging expectation. The high land that formed the boundaries of the bay was at a great distance, and a flat, level country occupied the intervening space ; the bay itself took rather a westerly direction. As we steered in the water shoaled to nine, eight and seven fathoms, when breakers were seen from the deck right ahead, and, from the masthead, they were observed to extend across the bay ; we therefore hauled out, and directed our course to the opposite shore, to see if there was any channel or if we could discover any point. The name of Cape Disappointment was given to the promontory (Cape Hancock), and the bay obtained the title of Deception bay. * * * * We can now with safety assert that there is no such river as that of St. Roc exists, as laid down in the Spanish charts. To those of Maurelle [ Bodega's pilot ] we made continual reference, but without deriving any information or assistance from them. \Ve now reached the opposite side of the bay, where disappointment continued to accompany us , and, being almost certain that there we should obtain no place of shelter for the ship, we bore for a distant headland, keep- 68 PACIFIC COAST. ing our course within two miles of the shore." The distant headland he named Cape Lookout, it being the one called Cape Falcon by the Spaniards and now known as Tillamook head. Having now " traced every part of the coast which unfavorable weather had pre- vented Captain Cook from approaching," Meares returned to Nootka sound, where he was soon joined by the Iphigenia, which had been very successful in its traffic with the northern natives. The little schooner was then launched, the first vessel con- structed on the Northern Pacific coast, and the very appropriate title of Northwest America was bestowed upon her. Leaving orders for the schooner and the Iphigenia to winter at Hawaii, Meares sailed in the Felice for China, taking with him all the accumulated furs. Before Meares quitted Nootka sound, two American vessels entered it, bearing the happily-chosen names of Columbia and Washington, the former being a ship an dthe latter a sloop. The commerce of the colonies had been entirely destroyed during the long struggle for independence, but immediately after the treaty of Ghent the citizens of the new republic began to make their presence felt in every commercial mart. The seal and whale fishing around Cape Horn was resumed, and as early as 1784 an American vessel entered the harbor of Canton, while in 1787 no less than five were engaged in the trade with China. Being unencumbered with restrictions such as Eng- land had imposed upon all British vessels except those of her chartered monopolies, they could embark in the fur trade with every prospect of success, and it was as a ven- ture in this direction that the Columbia and Washington were fitted out in Boston and dispatched to the Pacific, with an ample supply of such goods and trinkets as were the most highly prized by the Indians. John Kendrick was the commander of the Col- umbia and leader of the expedition, while the Washington was under the command of Robert Gray. Soon after entering the Pacific around Cape Horn, in January, 1788, the two vessels were separated by a severe gale and were not again united until the following October in Nootka sound. The Washington kept her course northward, and in August reached the Oregon coast near the" 46th parallel, where she ran aground while attempting to enter an opening in the land which was probably the mouth of the Columbia. After repelling an attack of the natives, during which the mate was wounded and one of the men killed, the Washington succeeded in again floating into deep water. She then went directly to Nootka sound, where were found the Felice, Iphigenia and Northwest America, her appearance there being an unexpected surprise to Captain Meares and his associates. A few days later the Columbia also entered the sound to join her con- sort, having been compelled after the storm near Cape Horn to enter the harbor of the Island of Juan Fernandez for repairs, where Captain Kendrick had been most courteously treated by the commandant of the Spanish forces stationed there. Meares soon sailed to China in the Felice, and the Iphigenia and Northwest America pro- ceeded to the Sandwich islands to spend the winter, the two American vessels lying at anchor in Nootka sound until the following spring. *b l/lT/j rLMV^oll^ CHAPTER X. CONFLICT OF AUTHORITY AT NOOTKA SOUND. Anxiety of Spain lest her Claims in the Pacific be Overthrown — Voyage of Martinez and Haro— Alarming- En- croachments of the Russians — Spain Dispatches Martinez and Haro to Nootka Sound to Take Possession — New Venture of Captain Meares — High-Handed Conduct of Martinez at Nootka — Captains Colnett and Hodson Sent to San Bias as Prisoners — Gray Explores the Straits of Fuca— Release of Colnett— Diplo- matic Controversy Between England and Spain. The uneasiness felt by England in 1776 when reports reached the kingdom that Spain was diligently exploring and colonizing the Pacific coast of America, was now experienced in even a greater degree by Spain herself, who saw vessels of foreign nations, and especially those of her dreaded rival, entering the Pacific from both the east and the west. She had not receded in the least degree from the extreme position taken by her in the sixteenth century, and not only claimed dominion over all the Pacific coast of America, but a complete monopoly of its trade to the exclusion of the vessels of all other nations whatever. In pursuance of this policy Don Bias Gonzales, the commandant at Juan Fer- nandez, was recalled and cashiered by the captain general of Chili for his hospitable treatment of Captain Kendrick, and this action was endorsed by the viceroy of Peru. The delinquent officer was informed that he should have enforced the royal ordinance of 1692, which decreed that all foreign vessels of any nation, no matter on how friendly terms they might be with Spain, should be seized whenever found in Pacific waters, unless they could exhibit a license from the Spanish court. The authorities in all ports were then specially instructed to seize all foreign vessels, since no nation had a right to any territory in America which made a passage of Cape Horn necessary in order to reach it ; and the Spanish viceroy even went so far as to dispatch a cruiser from Callao in search of the Columbia, with instructions to capture her if ijossible. The Spanish authorities now realized that something must be done to establish settlements north of California, their utmost limit at that time being the mission at San Francisco. Beyond that, though claiming exclusive authority and dominion, they actually knew less of the geography of the coast than either the English or Russians. An expedition was accordingly fitted out in Mexico in 1788, to be sent on a voyage of inquiry, for the double purpose of learning the extent of Russian settlements in the north, and selecting suitable locations for a number of proposed Spanish colonies. The fleet consisted of the Princesa, commanded by Estivan Martinez, former pilot of Juan Perez, and the San Carlos under command of Lieutenant Gonzalo Haro. The two consorts sailed from San Bias March 8, 1788, and reached Prince Wil- liam's sound on the twenty-fifth of May, where they lay nearly a month without making any attempt at exploration. There Avas a marked and radical difference 70 PACIFIC COAST. between the English and Spanish methods of conducting operations of this character ; for while the latter seemed, either from lack of energy or want of the true spirit of the explorer, to be satisfied with an occasional visit to the coast here and there, making a few almost valueless notes of what they saw, the English, on the contrary, seemed imbued with enthusiasm, exploring the shore carefully, taking continual observations, noting every peculiarity, and keeping a record of much geographical and scientific value. One of these careful English voyages was worth to the world a dozen such skimmings as the Spaniards indulged in. About the end of June Haro sailed southwest with the San Carlos and fell in with the Island of Kodiak, upon which was a Russian trading post. From the offi- cial in charge, a Greek named Delaref, he received minute information as to the character, number and location of all Russian establishments in America. He returned to Prince William's sound to join Martinez, who had been amusing himself meanwhile by making a few cursory explorations, and the two then sailed for Oun- alaska, where they remained nearly a month enjoying the hospitality of the Russian traders. With the first signs of coming winter they bade adieu to Alaska and returned to San Bias to report to the viceroy. According to the statement given by them and forwarded to Madrid, there were eight Russian settlements on the coast, all situated west of Prince William's sound while one was then being established in that locality ; and these were occnpied by 252 subjects of the empress, chiefly natives of Siberia and Kamtchatka. It was also reported that information had been received of two vessels which had been dispatched to Nootka sound to effect a settlement, and of two others then being constructed at Ochotsk for a similar purpose. The court of Spain was much agitated by this infor- mation. It revealed a state of affairs highly prejudicial to the interests of Spain on our coast. Already Russia had made settlements such as gave her title to the Alaskan regions and was developing alarming symptoms of a purpose to establish herself still further to the southward. Though the presence of English and American traders on the coast was annoying in the extreme, the conduct of Russia was positively alarm- ing, and Spain realized that nothing but heroic remedies instantly applied would be a,t all effective to ward off the impending danger. A communication was at once forwarded to the empress of Russia, remonstrating against the encroachments of her subjects upon the dominions of Spain, to which was replied that Russian subjects in America were acting under instructions not to invade the territory of other nations ; but as neither the remonstrance nor the reply defined the limit claimed for their respective dominions, nothing definite was settled by the correspondence between the two powers. While this piece of diplomacy was being indulged in by the home government, the viceroy in Mexico was applying the heroic remedy. Early in 1789 he dispatched Martinez and Haro in their two vessels to take possession of Nootka sound, instructing them to treat all foreigners with cour- tesy, but to maintain the authority of Spain and her right of dominion at all hazards. Meanwhile other vessels were headed for Nootka sound. The Iphigenia and Northwest America, having spent the winter at Hawaii, and still sailing under the Portuguese flag and license, reaching the port in April in a most deplorable condition, so much so that they had to procure supplies and means for continuing their trade PACIFIC COAST. 71 with, the natives from the two American vessels still lying there. Meares had upon his return to China formed a trading arrangement with the representatives of the King George's Sound Company, and in the spring dispatched the Argonaut and Princess Royal to Nootka, remaining himself in China to conduct the company's affairs there in person. Since these vessels were provided with licences from both the East India and the South Sea companies, the Portuguese flag was dispensed with, and they sailed under the British colors. On the sixth of May, 1789, the Princesa anchored at Nootka, finding there the Columbia and Iphigenia, the other two being absent on a trading voyage along the coast. Martinez at once notified Captains Douglas and Kendrick of his intention to take possession in the name of the king of Spain, examined their papers, and then landed and began the erection of a fort in a commanding position on a small island in the bay. No objection was made to these proceedings and the utmost cordial rela- tions existed for sometime between the representatives of the three great nations. Douglas still preserved the Portuguese character of the Iphigenia, displayed that flag at her masthead, and even paid Martinez for supplies furnished by him in bills drawn upon Juan Cavallo, the reputed Portuguese owner of the vessel, ignorant of the fact that the Macao merchant had become bankrupt and that Meares had transferred the whole expedition into English hands and discarded the Portuguese feature. A week later, on the fourteenth of May, Captain Haro arrived in the San Carlos, and the next day Captain Yiana and Supercargo Douglas were invited by Martinez to visit his ship. When the guests entered the cabin of the Princesa they were told to consider themselves prisoners, while at the same time the brig w r as taken possession of by the Spaniards. On the twenty-sixth of May the Iphigenia was released upon the signing by her officers of a paper certifying that they had been kindly treated and not interfered with by the Spaniards. The Iphigenia then sailed up the coast, procured a valuable cargo of furs, and returned to China, where Douglas severed his connection with the vessel. From this circumstance and the fact that she continued to sail under the Portuguese flag it would seem evident that she was in reality a genuine Portuguese vessel, and had not been included by Meares in his new arrangement with the Kino- George's Sound Company. This being the case it is evident that upon her actions, or those of her two consorts the previous year, no claim could be founded by England, yet such was done and persistently adhered to, on the ground that the vessels were actually British though nominally Portuguese in their character. On the eighth of June, subsequent to the release and departure of the Iphigenia, the little Xorthwest America sailed into port, carrying the Portuguese flag, and was im- mediately seized by the Spanish commandant. A few days later the Princess Royal arrived from Macao, with the British ensign displayed at her masthead. When Martinez learned from Captain Hodson that Cavallo had failed, he declared that he would hold the little schooner for what was due him on the bills drawn by Douglas, and releasing the crew from custody and permitting them to j)lace the greater quantity of their furs on board the Princess Royal, he dispatched the schooner on a trading voyage under the command of one the mates of the Columbia. The Princess Royal sailed from Nootka on the second of July, and the same day the A rgonai.it, commanded by Captain Colnett, entered, though not till the captain was as- 72 PACIFIC COAST. sured by Martinez that it was perfectly safe for him to do so, his timidity being caused by information imparted to him of the conduct of Martinez in relation to the Iphigenia and North west America. Having entered the bay and anchored between the Princesa and San Carlos, Captain Colnett arrayed himself in full uniform and boarded the Princesa in acceptance of an invitation from Martinez to pay him a visit and exhibit his papers. He descended into the cabin and a most stormy interview ensued between him and the Spanish commandant, Colnett informed Martinez that it was his purpose and inten- tion to occupy Nootka sound in the name of King George of England, and to erect suitable fortifications for its defense ; and was in turn notified that such action on his part would not be tolerated, since Spain had already taken possession. The English captain became angry and asserted his intention to carry out his purpose in the face of all opposition, whereupon Martinez sent for a file of marines and made him a prisoner; at the same time a detachment boarded the Argonaut and took possession of her in the name of the king of Spain, making prisoners of the entire crew. A few days later the Princess Royal appeared at the entrance to the sound, and was instantly boarded by the Spaniards and brought into port as a prize. On the thirteenth of July Colnett, with all his officers and the greater portion of the captured crews, was placed on board the Argonaut and sent as a prisoner to San Bias. The other ship was supplied with a complement of officers and men from the Spanish vessels, and was employed for two years in the service of Spain. The officers and crew of the Northwest America, together with some of the seamen on board the other vessels, were sent to China in the Columbia, the American captain receiving a portion of the furs captured with the Princess Royal in payment of their passage. During all these troubles the two American vessels were unmolested, their com- manders mediating frequently between the contending parties, though generally to little purpose. The Columbia remained continuously at Nootka, while her smaller consort traded and explored up and down the coast and collected a valuable cargo of furs. Captain Gray sailed in the Wash ington through the straits between Queen Char- lotte island and the main land, and called the former AVashington island, though the name seems to have lacked adhesive properties. He also sailed up the Straits of Fuca a distance of fifty miles, the Washington being the first vessel to actually enter and ex- plore that great outlet of Puget sound. Early in the fall Captains Kendrick and Gray exchanged vessels, the latter sailing in the Columbia for China with a large cargo of furs and the passengers sent by Martinez, while Kendrick remained on the coast with the Washington to prosecute the business of collecting peltry from the natives. In September Martinez and Haro took their departure in obedience to instructions re- ceived from the viceroy, and Nootka was left without a claimant. The Argonaut with its load of English prisoners reached San Bias on the sixteenth of August. The commandant at that port, who was Bodega y Quadra, the explorer, treated Captain Colnett with great courtesy and soon afterwards sent him to Mexico, where the merits of his case were inquired into officially by the viceroy. It was finally decided that Martinez, though simply carrying out the letter of his instructions, had acted somewhat injudiciously, and that the prisoners should be released "and the cap- tured vessels restored. Consequently Captain Colnett sailed in the Argonaut for Nootka sound in the spring of 1790, and failing to find the Princess Royal set out in h PACIFIC COAST. 73 search of her, and did not succeed in obtaining possession until a year later at the Sandwich islands. The release of Colnett and the restoration of his damaged vessels was by no means the end of the xsootka affair. England and Spain engaged in a diplomatic controversy in regard to it, which seriously threatened to involve Europe in a general war, and that dreadful result was only avoided by the mutual dislike of both nations to precipitate such a bloody conflict. France, Spain and England had not yet recov- ered from their recent struggle, and none of them were anxious to renew the contest. The Columbia arrived in China with intelligence of the Xootka seizures late in the fall of 1789, and Meares, arming himself with statements and depositions in regard to the affair, hastened to England, to seek redress for his wrongs and losses. He arrived in April and found negotiations already in progress. Spain had undertaken to assert at home the same ideas of universal supremacy in the Pacific that had been the sole cause of trouble at Xootka, and had sent a communication to the king of Eng- land on the tenth of February, notifying him that certain of his subjects had been infringing upon her exclusive rights on the American coast, that in consequence the ship Argonaut had been seized as a prize and her crew imprisoned, and strongly pro- testing against his majesty permitting any of his subjects to either make settlements or engage in fishing or trade on the American coast of the Pacific, and demanding pun- ishment of all such offenders. England's reply to this haughty demand was charac- teristic of that nation, which has always kept a protecting arm around its citizens in every quarter of the globe. It was brief and to the point, notifying the court of Madrid that since it was evident from the Spanish protest that English subjects had been imprisoned and their j)roperty confiscated, proper satisfaction for the insult and reparation of the injury must be made before the merits of the controversy would be inquired into. The tone of the reply was so belligerent that Spain at once began to prepare for war, but to avoid this if possible concluded to modify her demands, and notified England that if his majesty would in future keep his subjects out of the Span- ish dominions, she would let the matter drop where it was. Soon after this Meares arrived in England with his version of the affair, which placed it in entirely a new light. Two large fleets were ordered to be fitted for war, and a statement of the affair together with the correspondence with Spain was submit- ted to parliament, which voted ample supplies and endorsed the most vigorous meas- ures for upholding the rights and maintaining the honor of England. A demand was made upon Spain for satisfaction. Much controversy followed — messages flying back- wards and forwards for three months, during which Europe was kept in a high state of excitement. England made full preparations for a descent upon the Spanish set- tlements in America, and assembled the greatest armament the nation had ever put forth. She formed an alliance with Sweden and the Netherlands in anticipation of the union of Spain and France against her, since it was a well-known fact that a fam- ily compact for mutual aid existed between the members of the Bourbon family occu- pying the thrones of those two kingdoms. The king of Spain formally called upon Louis XYI. of France, for the promised aid, but the nation was even then tottering on the brink of that horrible abyss of revolution into which it soon plunged, and the doomed monarch was powerless. The national assemblv investigated the treaty, sug- 10 74 PACIFIC COAST. gested that a new and more definite one be made, and ordered an increase of the navy, but offered Spain no encouragement that assistance would be given her. England's northern allies were in no condition to render her material aid, her exchequer was exhausted by her great preparations for war, serious trouble was brewing in the East Indies, and the threatening aspect of affairs in France warned her that to form a pro- tective alliance with Spain would be far wiser than to go to war. All these consider- ations caused Great Britain to recede from her bellicose position and secretly seek the mediation of France. After much negotiation the treaty of Nootka was signed October 28, 1790, and the threatened war was averted. The treaty stipulated that all buildings and tracts of land on the northwest coast of America of which Spanish officers had dispossessed any British subjects should be restored ; that just reparation should be made by both parties to the agreement for any acts of violence committed by the subjects of either of them upon the subjects of the other; that any property seized should be restored or compensated for ; that subjects of Great Britain should not approach within ten leagues of any part of the coast already occupied by Spain ; that north of that point both parties should have equal rights, as well as south of the limits of Spanish settlements in South America. These were the general features of the convention between the two nations, and were very distasteful to a large party in parliament, who opposed the treaty on the ground that England gained nothing and lost much ; that formerly British subjects claimed and fully exer- cised the right of settlement and trade in the Pacific, whereas England had now restricted herself to limits and conditions exceedingly detrimental to her commerce and general interests. The treaty, however, was sustained by the administration majority in Parliament. CHAPTER XI. DISCOVERY OF PUGET SOUND AND THE COLUMBIA. England Sends Vancouver to the Pacific— Kendrick Sails Around Vancouver Island in the "Washington" - Spain Again Takes Possession of Nootka and Explores the Coast — Lieutenant Quimper Explores the Entrance to Puget Sound — Malaspina Searches for the Straits of Anian — Second Voyage of the "Colum- bia" — Gray Builds the "Adventure" at Cloyoquot — Spain Investigates the Desirability of Holding Nootka — Arrival of Vancouver— His Opinion that no such Stream as the Columbia Could Exist— Captain Gray Enters the Columbia — Vancouver Explores and Names Puget Sound — Negotiations at Nootka — Broughton Explores the Columbia— Vancouver in 1793 and 1794— Northwest Company Organized— Mackenzie's Journey to the Pacific. Commissioners were appointed by England and Spain to proceed to Nootka and execute that portion of the treaty referring to the restoration of property. Captain George Vancouver was selected by Great Britain for that service, and given instruc- tions to explore the coast thoroughly, and especially to " examine the supposed Strait of Juan de Fuca, said to be situated between the 48th and 49th degrees of north lati- tude, and to lead to an opening through which the sloop Washington is reported to PACIFIC COAST. 75 have passed in 1789, and to have come out again to the northward of Nootka." In March, 1791, Vancouver sailed in the sloop of war Discovery accompanied hy Lieu- tenant W. R. Broughton in the armed tender Chatham, hoth vessels being armed for war and equipped for a long voyage, and did not reach Nootka until a year later. In the fall of 1789, subsequent to the departure of Gray in the Columbia, Captain Kendrick passed with the Waxh i nylon entirely through the Straits of Fuca and between Vancouver island and the mainland of British Columbia, the American flag being thus the first to wave over the waters of that great inland sea. It was this passage of the Washington which is referred to in the extract given above of the instructions of the lords of admiralty to Captain Vancouver. In the spring of 1790 the Mexican viceroy dispatched a fleet to again take pos- session of Nootka, under the command of Captain Francisco Elisa, the fiery Martinez having been removed. Nootka was, therefore, in full j)Ossession of the Spaniards dur- ing the time England and Spain Avere conducting their negotiations. Upon resuming possession of Nootka, Spain began a series of short voyages of exploration, more par- ticularly to ascertain what settlements were being made by the Russians or other foreigners than to accomplish anything of geographical value. The most important of these was that of Lieutenant Quimper, who sailed from Nootka in the summer of 1790, in the Princess Royal, which had not yet been restored to Captain Colnett, and entered the Straits of Fuca a distance of 100 miles, carefully examining both shores of the passage. He penetrated into the entrance of Puget sound, but was prevented by lack of time from exploring the numerous arms which he observed branching off in all directions, many of them evidently extending inland to a great distance. Upon some of these he bestowed names, none of which are now used except Canal de Guemes and Canal de Haro. The next most important was that of Captains Malaspina and Bustamente in the Descubierta and Atrevida. During the controversy over the Nootka seizures, the romance of Maldonado about the Straits of Anian was rescued from the obscurity into which it had long since passed, and received the endorsement of many able persons. In consequence of this the expedition was fitted out by Spain to ascertain the truth of the narrative, and was dispatched to the coast in the summer of 1791. Malaspina carefully explored the shore line in the region of the 60th parallel, where Maldonado located the passage, and became convinced that there could be no strait leading through the chain of mountains which bordered the coast. He then proceeded to jSTootka, where he arrived in August. During this time the coast was visited by one French, nine English and seven American trading vessels. As their objects were purely commercial, little was accom- inished by any of them in the line of new discoveries of importance, though each added a little to the fast-growing knowledge of the coast. There was one, however, an American vessel, which made the greatest discovery on the coast, and added to the territories of the United States the vast region which, sneered at and reviled for years, now has unstinted praise showered upon it from the four corners of the globe, and like the stone the builders rejected at the temple of the magnificent Solomon, seems about to be made the corner stone and crowning glory of the Union. This vessel was the Columbia, commanded by Captain Robert Gray. Passing over the voyages of 76 PACIFIC COAST. other traders and all immaterial details, we proceed directly to the valuable discoveries made by Gray. The Columbia sailed from Boston on her second visit to the Pacific on the twenty- eighth of September, 1790, reached the coast in June, and traded and explored among the islands and inlets about Queen Charlotte's island until September. She then sailed down thecoast to Cloyoquot, north of the entrance to the Straits of Fuca, where a landing was effected and the winter passed in a fortified structure which was called Fort Defi- ance. During the winter Gray constructed at Cloyoquot a small vessel which he named the Adventure, to be used in collecting furs from the natives. This was the second vessel built on the Northern Pacific coast, the first being the Northivest America, con- structed by Meares at Nootka in 1788. In the spring the Adventure was disjDatched on a trading exjDedition to the north, while Gray sailed southward along the coast on a voyage of exploration. Early in the spring of 1792 the viceroy of Mexico took energetic steps to deter- mine the question of whether the settlement at Nootka was worth contending for, in view of the expected arrival of Captain Vancouver. If there was a navigable north- west passage from the Atlantic to the Pacific, then a station at that point would be invaluable to the interests of Spain, but if the continent was continuous, so that all vessels would be compelled to enter the Pacific from the south, an establishment in so high an altitude would not be of sufficient importance to make a contest for its posses- sion advisable. To ascertain these facts a vessel was dispatched to search for the Rio de los Reyes in the latitude of 53 degrees, two others were to explore and ascertain the exact nature of the Straits of Juan de Fuca, while a fourth was instructed to seek along the coast of the mainland further to the southward for a suitable location to which to remove in case the settlement at Nootka should be abandoned. At the same time Captain Bodega y Quadra proceeded to Nootka as commissioner to meet Captain Van- couver and fulfill the terms of the treaty, with instructions to abandon Nootka if he deemed it necessary and remove all Spanish subjects to the new location further south. In April the Discovery and Chatham arrived off the coast in the vicinity of Cape Mendocino, and sailed slowly northward, careful observations being taken and a strict examination being made of the shore for the discovery of harbors or navigable rivers and especially the river of Martin de Aguilar. A point which he conceived to be the Cape Blanco indicated on the Spanish charts, Vancouver marked down upon his own chart as Cape Orford. The next instance worthy of note was his passage of the mouth of the Columbia, which was indicated on the Spanish charts he carried as Heceta inlet or the entrance to the Rio de San Roque, while on his English map it was noted as the Deception bay of Captain Meares. On the twenty-seventh of April he recorded in his journal : " Noon brought us up with a conspicuous point of land composed of a cluster of hummocks, moderately high and projecting into the sea. On the south side of this promontory was the appearance of an inlet, or small river, the land not indica- ting it to be of any great extent, nor did it seem to be accessible to vessels of our burthen, as the breakers extended from the above point two or three miles into the ocean, until they joined those on the beach nearly four leagues further south. On reference to Mr. Meares's description of the coast south of this promontory, I was at first induced to believe it to be Cape Shoalwater, but on ascertaining its latitude, I pre- '$ms&ff : j , M* HP* HkS£. ^ i PACIFIC COAST. 77 sumed it to be that which he calls Cape Disappointment; and the opening to the south ofit Deception bay. This cape was found to be in latitude 46° 19', longitude 236° 6' [He reckoned east from Greenwich.] The sea now changed from its natural to river coloured water ; the probable consequence of some streams falling into the bay, or into the ocean to the north of it, through the low land. Xot considering this opening- worthy of more attention, I continued our pursuit to the N. W., being desirous to em- brace the advantages of the prevailing breeze and pleasant weather, so favorable to our examination of the coast." Vancouver rounded Cape Disappointment and continued up the shore. He says : " The country before us presented a most luxuriant landscape, and was probably not a little heightened in value by the weather that prevailed. The more interior parts were somewhat elevated, and agreeably diversified with hills, from which it gradually de- scended from the shore, and terminated in a sandy beach. The whole had the appear- ance of a continued forest extending north as far as the eye could reach, which made me very solicitous to find a port in the vicinity of a country presenting so delightful a prospect of fertility ; our attention was therefore earnestly directed to this object." At one time he was of the opinion that Shoalwater bay presented a suitable harbor, but- renounced the belief upon attempting to enter the bay and failing because of the pres- ence of an unbroken line of breakers. They passed Gray's harbor in the night, and after noting the position of Destruction island and observing Mount Olympus, " the most remarkable mountain we had seen on the coast of New Albion," fell in with the Columbia a few miles south of the Straits of Fuca. Vancouver sent an officer to the American vessel to glean information from its commander, who hesitated not to tell all he knew of the coast. Among other things the English captain notes in his journal : "He likewise informed them of his having been off the mouth of a river in the latitude 46° 10', where the outset, or reflux, was so strong as to prevent his entering for nine days. This was probably the opening passed by us on the forenoon of the twenty-seventh ; and was, apparently, inaccessible, not from the current, but from the breakers which extended across it." That Gray must have made this effort to enter the Columbia sometime the previous year is evident from the fact that Vancouver states that he was " now commencing his summer's trade along the coast to the southward." The above remarks show plainly that Vancouver had no faith in the existence of such a stream as Aguilar's river, Rio de San Roque, Oregon, or River of the West, and this is rendered more certain by an entry in his journal made upon reaching Cape Flattery, that there "was not the least appearance of a safe or secure harbour, either in that latitude, or from it southward to Cape Mendo- cino ; notwithstanding that, in that space, geographers had thought it expedient to furnish many. * So minutely had this extensive coast been inspected, that the surf had been constantly seen to break upon its shores from the masthead ; and it was but in a few small intervals only, where our distance precluded its being- visible from the deck. Whenever the weather prevented our making free with the shore, or on our hauling off for the night, the return of fine weather and of daylight uniformly brought us, if not to the identical spot we had departed from, at least within a few miles of it, and never beyond the northern limits of the coast which we had previously seen. An examination so directed, and circumstances happily concurring 78 PACIFIC COAST. to permit its being so executed, afforded the most complete opportunity of determining its various turnings and windings. It must be considered as a very singular circumstance that, in so great an extent of sea coast, we should not until now [He was in the Straits of Fuca] have seen the appearance of any opening in its shores which presented any certain prospect of affording shelter ; the whole coast forming one compact, solid, and nearly straight barrier against the sea. The river Mr. Gray mentioned should, from the latitude he assigned to it, have existence in the bay, south of Cape Disappointment. This we passed on the forenoon of the twenty- seventh ; and, as I then observed, if any inlet or river should be found, it must be a very intricate one, and inaccessible to vessels of our burthen, owing to the reefs and broken water which then appeared in its neighborhood. Mr. Gray stated that he had been several days attempting to enter it, which at length he was unable to effect, in consequence of a very strong outset. This is a phenomenon difficult to ac- count for, as, in most cases where there are outsets of such strength on a sea coast, there are corresponding tides setting in. Be that however as it may, I was thoroughly con- vinced, as were also most persons of observation on board, that we could not possibly have passed any safe navigable opening, harbour, or place of security for shipping on this coast, from Cape Mendocino to the promontory of Classet (Cape Flattery); nor had we any reason to alter our opinions." Such was the deliberate conclusion of this dis- tinguished navigator after a thorough and searching examination of the coast, and yet within the limits he thus declares to be barren of harbors or navigable rivers are to be found the harbors of Humboldt bay, Trinidad bay, Crescent City, Port Orford, Coquille river, Coos bay, Yaquina bay, Columbia river, Shoalwater bay and Gray's harbor. Had it not been for the persevering zeal of an American, the Columbia might Lave listened solely to "his own dashings" for many years to come, since such a decided statement from so competent an officer of his majesty's navy would have been received as finally settling the question of the existence of such a stream and have put an end to all search for one in that locality. Gray had his own ideas on the subject, and proposed to carry them out in spite of the adverse opinion of the British captain. He continued his voyage down the coast, and on the seventh of May entered a bay in latitude 46 degrees and 48 minutes, where he lay at anchor three days. This he chris- tened Bulfinch's harbor, in honor of one of the owners of the Columbia, but it was called Gray's harbor by Captain Vancouver in memory of the discoverer, and retains that honorable title to the present day. Gray rounded Cape Disappointment early on the morning of the eleventh of May, and the weather being favorable, set all sail and stood boldly in among the high rolling breakers whose threatening aspect had intimidated both Meares and Vancouver and caused them to assert that they were impassable. With great nautical skill and superb judgment, he followed accurately the channel of the stream, and at one o'clock anchored " in a large river of fresh water," at a distance of ten miles from the guarding line of breakers. Here he spent three days in filling his casks with fresh water and in trading with the natives who swarmed about the vessel in canoes, the Chinook village being close by on the river bank. He then sailed up stream "upwards of twelve or fifteen miles," but having unfortunately missed the main channel was unable to proceed further, PACIFIC COAST. 79 and dropped down again to the mouth of the river. Having executed some much- needed repairs on the vessel, he took advantage of a favorable breeze on the twentieth and crossed over the bar to the open sea. To this great stream which he entered May 11, 1792, Gray gave the name borne by his vessel, Columbia, while the bluffy point to the north of the entrance, which had been named Cape San Roque by Heceta and Cape Disappointment by Meares, he called Cape Hancock in honor of that revered patriot whose bold signature was the first on the declaration of independence. The name of Adams, the patriotic statesman of Massachusetts and vice president of the republic, he bestowed upon the low point to the south which had been designated by Heceta as Cape Frondoso. The Columbia sailed northward to the east coast of Queen Charlotte island, where she ran upon a sunken ledge of rocks and barely escaped total destruction. She managed, however, to reach Nootka sound in a badly damaged condition, where she was again made tight and seaworthy by her carpenters. To Captain Bodega y Quadra the Spanish commissioner who was awaiting the arrival of Vancouver, Gray gave a chart showing the entrance to Bulfinch's harbor and the Columbia, and in conjunction with Joseph Ingraham who had been mate of the Columbia during the Nootka difficul- ties and who was now captain of the Hope then lying in the harbor, made a statement of the difficulty between Colnett and Martinez, which Bodega retained for the inspec- tion of Vancouver. Gray and Ingraham then sailed for home by the way of Canton. Meanwhile Vancouver had been making many important explorations. With his two vessels he entered the Straits of Fuca on the twenty-ninth of April and j)roceeded slowly inward, making a careful examination as he progressed. In his exjjlora- tions of the straits and Puget sound, so named in honor of one of the officers of his vessel, he consumed two months, carefully examining every inlet and arm of the great inland sea. Many of the familiar names of that region were bestowed by him ; such as New Dungeness, from a fancied resemblance to Dungeness in the British channel; Port Discovery, in honor of his own vessel ; Port Townsend, as a compliment to " the noble Marquis of that name ;" Mount Baker ; Mount Rainier, in honor of Bear Admiral Rainier ; Hood's channel, after Lord Hood; Port Orchard, the name of the officer who discovered it ; Admiralty inlet ; Vashon island, after Captain Vashon of the navy ; Possession sound, where he landed on the fourth of June and took possession in the name of King George of England ; Whidbey island, after one of his lieutenants ; Decep- tion pass ; Burrard's channel, in compliment to Sir Harry Burrard ; Bellingham bay ; Bute's channel. To the whole body of water to which access was had by way of the Straits of Fuca he gave the name of Gulf of Georgia, in honor of his sovereign, while the main land surrounding it and reaching south to the 45th parallel, or New T Albion, was distinguished by the title of New Georgia. As he emerged from Puget sound to proceed northward through the upper por- tion of the Gulf of Georgia, he fell in with the two Spanish vessels that had been dis- patched early in the spring by the viceroy to explore the Straits of Fuca. Between the commanders of these rival vessels many courtesies were exchanged, and, being on the same errand, they for a time pursued their explorations together. After parting company with the Spaniards, Vancouver proceeded northward, exploring the coast of the mainland, until he reached Queen Charlotte island, near which both the Dig- 80 PACIFIC COAST. covery and Chatham grounded on the rocks. They were skillfully extricated from their perilous position and taken to Nootka sound. Upon his arrival there, whither the two Spanish vessels had preceded him, Van- couver opened negotiations with Bodega y Quadra in regard to restoration of lands provided for in the treaty. The only houses and lands which British subjects had ever possessed in any form, were the temporary structure Meares had erected for his men while engaged in building the Northwest America, and the small tract of land upon which it stood. Though all vestige of this habitation had disappeared before Martinez had taken possession in 1789, still Quadra expressed his willingness to sur- render the tract of land to Vancouver, but the English commissioner demanded pos- session of the whole of Nootka sound and Cloyoquot. This Quadra refused to give, and Vancouver refused to comjjromise his government by receiving less, and sent an officer to England by the way of China with information of the condition of affairs. Between Vancouver and Quadra personally the utmost cordial relations existed, and since the land upon which Nootka stood had been found to be an island, they agreed to have the " honors easy" in naming it. It was therefore entered upon the explorer's chart as the Island of Quadra and Vancouver, but is now and has been for years known only as Vancouver island. The Daedalus having arrived from England with supplies, Vancouver sailed from Nootka with the three vessels to explore Gray's harbor and the Columbia, having received from Quadra the description of those places left with him by Captain Gray. On the eighteenth of October, 1792, the Daedalus, commanded by Lieutenant Whidbey, entered Gray's harbor, while the two consorts continued to the Columbia. On the morning of the nineteenth the Chatham and Discovery attempted the passage of the bar, the former crossing safely, but the latter hauling off for fear there was not a suf- ficient depth of water. This circumstance led Vancouver to record in his journal that his " former opinion of this port being inaccessible to vessels of our burthen was now fully confirmed, with this exception, that in very fine weather, with moderate winds, and a smooth sea, vessels not exceeding four hundred tons might, so far as we were enabled to judge, gain admittance." It was while lying at anchor off the bar that he gained a view of a " high, round snow mountain" far up the stream, which he named Mount St. Helens, in honor of his Britanic majesty's ambassador at the court of Madrid. The first sound that saluted the commander of the Chatham upon crossing the bar was the report of a cannon, which was answered in a similar manner by Lieuten- ant Broughton. It came from a Bristol brig called the Jenny, lying in a sheltered bay within the mouth of the stream, which has ever since been known as Baker's bay in honor of the captain of that little craft. This made the second vessel to enter the river before the representatives of Great Britain undertook to explore it. The Chat- ham lay in the river several days, during which time Broughton ascended the stream in a boat some 120 miles, as far as a poir.f which he named in honor of the commander of the expedition, being the same upon wnich Fort Vancouver was afterwards built by the Hudson's Bay Company. During his stay he formally " took possession of the river and the country in its vicinity in his Britanic majesty's name, having every rea- son to believe that the subjects of no other civilized nation or state had ever entered a a a. S DC a 2 < S a x Q Ui z - o en UJ PACIFIC COAST. 81 this river before." The closing portion of this sentence sounds strangely from one who had in his possession at the time lie penned it the rough chart made by Gray, which had been the cause of his being there at all. It is explained by saying that he affected to consider the broad estuary near the mouth of the stream as no portion of the river, and that in consequence Gray had not entered the river proper. This strained construction England maintained in the after controversy with the United States about the rights of discovery. Vancouver remained in the Pacific two years longer, spending the summers of 1793 and 1794 in carefully exploring the coast of the maiuland above Queen Char- lotte island, searching every cove and inlet for a passage to the Atlantic, until he became as thoroughly convinced that there was no such passage as he had been that no such river as the Columbia existed. Meanwhile negotiations were carried on between England and Spain in regard to Xootka, and those two nations having allied themselves against France, the Xootka affair was dropped. In the spring of 1795 the Spaniards abandoned Xootka sound forever, the question of possession never having been settled, and thus the whole affair ended. When the independence of her American colonies was granted by England, that nation was left without any representative in North America by whom her dominion could be extended westward, except the Hudson's Bay Company, which organization was more deeply interested in maintaining the vast region to the west and north as a fur-bearing wilderness than in adding new jewels to the British crown. It was only when a rival to the great monopoly grew up and threatened to carry on successful op- position that the old company adopted a more aggressive policy. As early as 1775 a few Montreal traders had pushed as far west as the SaskatcheAvan and Athabaska rivers, and opened up a successful trade, which was carried on for some years by independent traders. At last, in 1784, because of inability to contend and compete with the monopoly as individuals, these traders combined together as the Xorthwest Company of Montreal. This company operated in a most j^ractical manner, its agents all being interested partners, and soon became an organization of much wealth and power. The company steadily pushed its agents and stations westward, and energetically extended the limits of its operations. In 1778 a station had been estab- lished on Athabaska river, some 1200 miles northwest of Lake Superior, but in 1788 this was abandoned and Fort Chipewyan built on Lake Athabaska, which became the base of the company's operations in the extreme west. Traders extended their opera- tions westward to the Rocky mountains, called by them Shining mountains or Moun- tains of Bright Stones. In 1789 Alexander Mackenzie, the gentleman in charge of Fort Chipewyan, dis- covered the Mackenzie river where it issues from Great Slave lake, and followed down its whole course to the Arctic ocean. The same gentleman started in October, 1792, to cross the continent to the Pacific. He passed up Peace river and camped until spring at the base of the Rocky mountains, engaging in trade. In June, 1793, he crossed the mountains, and descended in canoes a large river a distance of 250 miles. This he called the Tacoutchee-Tassee, and after the discovery of the Columbia was announced it was supposed to be identical with that great stream, until in 1812 Simon Fraser traced it to the ocean and called it Fraser's river. Upon leaving this stream Mac- 82 PACIFIC COAST. kenzie continued westward some 200 miles and caught sight of the ocean July 22, 1793 T being the first Caucasian, and possibly the first human being, to cross America overland from the Atlantic to the Pacific north of Mexico. The place at which he reached the ocean was in latitude 52 degrees and 20 minutes, and had been explored and named Cascade canal but a few weeks before by Vancouver. The two journeys of this energetic trader, the careful explorations of Cook and Vancouver, and discovery of the Columbia by Gray, served to enlighten all interested nations in regard to the nature of the American continent, and to prove conclusively that neither the Straits of Anian nor the Rio de los Reyes had any other existence than in the fancy of those who, centuries before, had proclaimed them. The Northwest Company pushed its agents down to the headwaters of the Missouri, while French and Spanish traders ascended that stream from St. Louis, and engaged in trade with the natives and trapped the streams for beaver. Because of the Spanish claim to Louisiana, American traders were much confined in the limits of their operations, and were also restricted by the holding back of posts in the region of the great lakes which Great Britain should have surrendered under the terms of the treaty of 1783. These were surrendered in 1794 by special treaty, which instrument also provided that subjects of Great Britain and the United States should have unrestricted intercourse and rights of trade. From this time American fur traders extended their operations further west- ward and increased the volume of their trade. This was the condition of affairs in America at the close of the eighteenth century. OREGON. CHAPTER XII. CAPTAINS LEWIS AND CLARKE TRAVERSE THE CONTINENT. Situation at the Beginning- of the Nineteenth Century— Colonial Limits of the United States— The Louisiana Purchase- -England and America Rivals in the West— Expedition of Lewis and Clarke— Their Winter Among the Mandans— Journey up the Missouri, Across the Rockies, Down Clarke's Fork, Through the Lolo Trail, Down Clearwater. Snake and Columbia Rivers to the Pacific — They Winter at Fort Clatsop — Discovery of the Willamette— The Walla Wallas, Cayuses and Nez Perces— Arrival in St. Louis — What the Expedition Accomplished. "Take the wings Of morning, pierce the Barcan wilderness, Or lose thyself in the continuous woods Where rolls the Oregon, and hears no sound Save his own dashings." So sang Bryant of the mighty Columbia and the land of "continuous woods," through which it majestically rolls. The name Oregon which Carver had given to the Great River of the West was for years applied to the Columbia and the whole region through which it passes, stretching from the Rocky mountains to the Pacific, and from California indefinitely northward. The name bestowed upon the stream by its discov- erer gradually crowded Carver's title from the field, until it is now recognized as the only proper one, while the significance of Oregon has gradually been contracted until that title now applies only to the state of which we write. At the dawning of the present century, noAv rapidly drawing near to the "sear and yellow leaf," three powerful nations claimed dominion on our coast, the indefinite boun- daries of their alleged possessions conflicting and overlapping to such an extent as to be a constant menace of war. England, Spain and Russia claimed territorial sovereignty gained by the discoveries and acts of persons officially empowered by their respective governments, while in common with them representatives of the merchant fleets of the United States, France, Portugal and Austria sought the Pacific waters to reap the har- vest of wealth that lay in the fur trade of the coast. Suddenly and almost unexpectedly a new nation stepped upon the plain to contest with her powerful rivals the palm of territorial dominion, and this was the new-born republic, the United States of America. In the few years which had elapsed since her 84 OREGON. long struggle for independence had been crowned with success, and especially since a constitutional bond had firmly cemented the states into one grand, united nation, her growth in population, wealth, power and importance had been wonderful, and she now prepared to assert her natural right to extend her borders in the direction plainly indi- cated by the hand of nature. The position the United States then occupied in relation to Oregon may be briefly stated as follows: At the treaty of 1783, where Great Britain formally acknowledged t'le independence of her valiant colonies, her commissioners for a long time refused to relinquish to them that portion of her possessions lying between the Alleghanies and the Mississippi ; but as the colonies had been accustomed to exercise jurisdiction as far west as the great river of DeSoto, being the extreme w r estern limit of British posses- sions since it was the eastern boundary of Louisiana, the American commissioners in- sisted upon that territory being included, and finally carried their point. Even then it was eleven years before England surrendered the seven military posts within that por- tion of the United States and then only after much pressure had been brought to bear. England was, therefore, only represented in America after the revolution, so far as w r estern exploration and settlement was concerned, by the powerful Hudson's Bay Com- pany, and its new rival, the Northwest Company, whose struggle for possession of the unclaimed fur regions west of Canada and Hudson's bay has been already alluded to and will again occupy attention further on. The boundary agreed upon between England and the United States followed up the St. Lawrence from a certain initial point, through the chain of great lakes and the smaller ones lying west of Superior as far as the Lake of the Woods, whence the line cut across to the headwaters of the Mississipj)i, and followed down that stream to the Spanish Florida line. This left within the limits of the United States a portion of that extremely desirable region spoken of by Lahontan, Hennepin and others, and but recently described by Captain Jonathan Carver, while the new nation bordered upon the remainder with nothing but the theoretical title of Spain to stand between her and an indefinite extension westward. On the other hand, only above the United States line did Great Britain's possessions border upon this terra incognita and in a region universally recognized as being fit only for the occupation of wandering fur traders. The title to Louisiana which Spain had acquired by purchase from France in 1762, she reconveyed to that powerful nation in 1800 ; but Napoleon, recognizing the fact that his ambitious designs in Europe would only be hampered by the possession and necessary protection of vast territorial interests in the United States, and desiring to spite England and place her face to face in America with an energetic and powerful rival, sold the whole province with all the right and title of France to the United States in 1803. The eastern boundary was the Mississippi ; its southwestern limit the Spanish, Mexican and California possessions, while to the northwest there was no limit whatever. This action, so entirely unexpected by England, changed the whole aspect of affairs in America, and left the United States without any bar whatever to prevent the extension of her dominions toward the Pacific. At the time John Ledyard undertook to organize a company in Paris to engage in the Pacific fur trade, Thomas Jefferson was residing there as representative of the United States at the court of France, and became deeply interested in his project of ,-.iJ,:.(^; ; ;,y,?^:^;,,>;'v,J> OREGON. 85 exploring the northwestern wilderness of America, which was defeated by the Russian traders. In 1792 Mr. Jefferson proposed to the American Philosophical Society that a subscription be raised for the purpose of engaging some competent person to explore that region "by ascending the Missouri, crossing the Stony mountains, and descending the nearest river to the Pacific." Meriwether Lewis, a native of Virginia and a lieu- tenant in the United States army, warmly solicited the position, and was selected at the request of Mr. Jefferson. Mr. Andre Michaux, a distinguished French botanist, was chosen as his traveling companion. This gentleman was in the employ of the French government, and when he had proceeded as far as Kentucky upon the overland journey, he was recalled by the French minister, and the expedition was abandoned. On the eighteenth of January, 1803, Mr. Jefferson, as president of the United States, incorporated into a special message to congress on the Indian question a suggestion that such a journey as he had before advocated be made by representatives of the govern- ment. This proposition was approved by congress and an ample appropriation made to carry it into effect. Lewis had then become a captain and was acting in the capacity of private secretary to the president, and upon urgent solicitation received the direction of the enterprise. Captain Lewis selected William Clarke as an associate in command, and that gentleman accordingly received a captain's commission and was detailed for this duty. In the instructions drawn up for the guidance of the party, the president says: "The object of your mission is to explore the Missouri river, and such principal streams of it, as, by its course and communication with the waters of the Pacific ocean, whether the Columbia, Oregon, Colorado, or any other river, may offer the most direct and practicable water communication across the continent, for the purposes of commerce." They were directed to acquire as intimate a knowledge as possible of the extent and number of Indian tribes, their manners, customs and degree of civilization, and to report fully upon the topography, the character of the soil, the natural products, the animal life and minerals, as well as to ascertain by scientific observations and inquiry as much as possible about the climate, and to inquire especially into the fur trade and the needs of commerce. Since Louisiana had not yet been formally conveyed to the United States, Captain Lewis' instructions contained a paragraph saying: "Your mis- sion has been communicated to the ministers here from France, Spain and Great Britain, and through them to their governments ; and such assurances given them as to its ob- jects, as we trust will satisfy them. The country of Louisiana having been ceded by Spain to France, the passport you have from the minister of France, the representative of the present sovereign of the country ; will be a protection with all its subjects ; and that from the minister of England will entitle you to the friendly aid of any traders of that allegiance with whom you may happen to meet." All arrangements were completed and Lewis left Washington on the fifth of July, 1803, only a few days subsequent to the receipt of the joyful intelligence that France had ceded Louisiana to the United States. He was joined by Clarke at Louisville, and the two selected their men and repaired to St. Louis, near which they encamped until spring. The party which finally started on this great journey May 14, 1804, consisted of Captain Meriwether Lewis, Captain William Clarke, nine young men from Kentucky, fourteen soldiers, two French watermen, known in the parlance of 86 OKEGON. fur traders as voyageurs, an interpreter and hunter and a negro servaut of Captain Clarke. Besides these were a number of assistants who accompanied the expedition as far as the Mandan country. The party ascended the Missouri as far as the region inhabited by the Mandan Indians, with whom they spent the winter, and while there negotiated treaties of peace between their hosts and the Ricarees, and informed themselves carefully upon the con- dition of Indian affairs and the geography of the surrounding country. In the spring of 1805 the journey westward was resumed, by following up the Missouri, of whose course, tributaries and the great falls they had received very minute and accurate information from their Mandan friends. Passing the mouth of the Yel- lowstone, which name they record as being but a translation of Roche Jaune, the title given it by French-Canadian trappers who had already visited it, they continued up the Missouri, passed the castellated rocks and the great falls and cascades, ascended through the mighty canyon, and reaching the headwaters of the stream crossed the Rocky mountain divide and came upon the stream variously known along its course as Deer Lodge, Hellgate, Bitterroot, Clarke's Fork of the Columbia and Pend d'Oreille river. Upon this they bestowed the name Clarke's river, and so it should be called from its source in the Rocky mountains to where it unites with the main stream in British Columbia. From this river the advance party under Clarke crossed the Bit- terroot mountains by the Lolo trail, suffering intensely from cold and hunger, and on the twentieth of September reached a village of Nez Perce Indians situated on a plain about fifteen miles from the south fork of Clearwater river, where they were received with great hospitality. This first passage of the mountains by representatives of the United States and their warm reception by the Indians, contrast strongly with a scene witnessed by this same Lolo trail, Avhen in 1877 Howard's army hotly pursued Chief Joseph and his little band of hostile Nez Perces, who were fleeing before the avengers from the scene of their many bloody massacres. The almost famished men partook of such quantities of the food liberally pro- vided by their savage hosts that many of them became ill, among them being Captain Clarke, who was unable to continue the journey until the second day. He then went to the village of Twisted-hair, the chief, situated on an island in the stream mentioned. To the river he gave the name Koos-koos-kee, erroneously supposing it to be its Indian title. The probabilities are that the Nez Perces, in trying to inform Captain Clarke that this river flowed into a still larger one, the one variously known as Lewis, Sahaptin or Snake river, used the words " Koots-koots-kee," meaning " This is the smaller," and were understood to have meant that as the name of the stream. The Nez Perce name is Kaih-kaih-koosh, signifying Clearwater, the name it is gener- ally known by. Having been united the two parties a few days later journeyed on down the Clear- water. Concerning their deplorable condition and their method of traveling the journal says : " Captain Lewis and two of the men were taken very ill last evening, and to-day he could scarcely sit on his horse, while others were obliged to be put on horse-back and some, from extreme weakness and pain, were forced to lie down along- side of the road. * The weather was very hot and oppressive to the party, most of whom are now complaining of sickness. Our situation, indeed, ren- OREGON. 87 dered it necessary to husband our remaining strength and it was determined to proceed down the river in canoes. Captain Clarke, therefore, set out with the Twisted-hair, and two young men, in quest of timber for canoes. Having resolved to go down to some spot calculated for building canoes, we set out early this morning and proceeded five miles, and encamped on low ground on the south opposite the forks of the river." The canoes being constructed they embarked in the month of October on their journey down the Clearwater and connecting streams for the Pacific, leaving what remained of their horses in charge of the friendly Nez Perces. They had for some time been subsisting upon roots, fish, horse meat and an occasional deer, crow, or wolf, but having left their horses behind them their resort when out of other food now became the wolfish clogs they purchased from the Indians. Upon reaching Snake river which was named in honor of Captain Lewis, the canoes were turned down that stream, which they followed to the Columbia, naming the Tukannon river Kim-so-emim, a title derived from the Indians, and upon the Pa- louse bestowing the name Drewyer, in honor of the hunter of the party. They then followed down the Columbia passing a number of rapids, and arriving at the Cascades on the twenty-first of October. A portage was made of all their effects and a portion of the canoes, the remainder making the perilous descent of the cascades or falls in safety. The mouth of the Willamette was passed without the addition of so large a stream being noticed. Cape Disappointment was reached November 15, and the eyes of the weary travelers were gladdened with a sight of the graat ocean which had been their goal for more than a year. The season of Avinter rains having set in, they were soon driven by high water from the low land on the north bank of the stream, eleven miles above the cape, which they had selected for their winter residence. They then left the Chinooks, crossed the river, and built a habitation on the high land on the south side of the stream, which they called Fort Clatsop, in honor of the Indians who inhabited that region. Here they spent the winter, making occasional short excursions along the coast. The departure for home was delayed with the hope that some trading- vessel might appear from which sadly-needed supplies might be obtained, but being- disappointed in this they loaded their canoes and on March 23, 1806, took final leave of Fort Clatsoj:). Before going they presented the chiefs of the Chinooks and Clatsops, with certificates of kind and hospitable treatment, and circulated among the natives several papers, posting a copy on the wall of the abandoned fort, which read as follows: " The object of this last is, that through the medium of some civilized person, who may see the same, it may be made known to the world, that the party, consisting of the persons whose names are hereunto annexed, and who were sent out by the Govern- ment of the United States to explore the interior of the continent of North America, did penetrate the same by the way of the Missouri and Columbia rivers, to the dis- charge of the latter into the Pacific ocean, where they arrived on the fourteenth day of November, 1805, and departed the twenty-third day of March, 1806, on their return to the United States by the same route by which they had come out." To this was appended a list of the members of the expedition. One of these copies was handed by an Indian the following year to a fur trader whose vessel had entered the Columbia, by whom it was taken to China and a transcription of it forwarded to the United 88 OREGON. States ; thus, even had the party perished on the return journey, evidence of the com- pletion of their task was not wanting. Upon taking an invoice of their possessions before starting upon the return, they found that their goods available for traffic with the Indians consisted of six blue robes, one scarlet robe, one U. S. artillery hat and coat, five robes made from the national ensign, and a few old clothes trimmed with ribbon. Upon these must they depend for purchasing provisions and horses and for winning the hearts of stubborn chiefs. They proceeded up the south bank of the stream, until they came unexpectedly upon a large river flowing into it from the south, On an island near its mouth, known to the early trappers as Wapatoo and now called Sauvie's island, they came upon an Indian village, where they were refused a supply of food. To impress them with his power, Captain Clarke, entered one of their habitations and cast a few sulphur matches into the fire. The savages were frightened at the blue flame and looked upon the strange visitor as a great medicine man. They implored him to extinguish the " evil fire," and brought all the food he desired. The name of the Indian village was Mult- nomah, but Captain Clarke understood the name to apj)ly to the river, of whose course he made careful inquiry. Upon the map of this expedition the Multnomah is repre- sented as extending southward and eastward into California and Nevada, and the In- dians who resided along the streams that flow from southeastern Oregon into the Snake are represented as living on the upper branches of the Multnomah. The true Indian name of the river and valley is Wallamet, which has been corrupted to Willamette by those who conceived the idea that it was of French origin. The confusion between, Indian, French and English names in this region has resulted in many very pecu- liar and ridiculous appellations. At the mouth of Lapage river, the stream later named John Day, in memory of the bold mountaineer who met such a tragic fate, the canoes were abandoned, and the party proceeded up the Columbia on foot, packing their baggage upon the backs of a few horses purchased from the natives. Crossing the Umatilla, which they called You-ma-lolam, they arrived at the mouth of the Walla Walla, on the twenty-seventh of April. Yellept, the Walla Walla chief, was a man of unusual capacity and power, and extended to them the most cordial and bountiful hospitality they had enjoyed since leaving the abodes of civilization. How different would have been the reception extended them could the old chief have gazed into the future with prophetic eye, and seen his great successor, Peo-peo-mux-mux, murdered while unjustly a prisoner by members of the same race and tribe to which these white guests belonged ! It is related of Yellept that in after years, having seen the last of five noble sons perish in battle or by the hand of disease, he called together the tribe, and throwing himself upon the body of his last son sternly bade them to bury him with his dead. With loud lamentations and heart-broken sobs they did as he commanded, and buried alive the great chief they both loved and feared. This was the man who extended his hospi- talities to Lewis and Clarke, and because of the important part the Walla Wallas and Cay uses played in the after history of this region, the following account given by those gentlemen of their entertainers is presented : Their journal says : " Immediately upon our arrival, Yellept, who proved to be a man of much influence, not only in his own, but in the^neighboring nations, collected the inhabitants, and after having made a W/ULING-lirH-PORTLAND-OR. Residence of O.Cdolidge, Ashland. OREGON. 89 harrangue, the purport of which was to induce the nations to treat us hospitably, set them an example, by bringing himself an armful of wood, and a platter containing three roasted mullets. They immediately assented to one part, at least, of the recom- mendation, by furnishing us with an abundance of the only sort of fuel they employ, the stems of shrubs growing in the plains. We then purchased four dogs, on which we supped heartily, having been on short allowance for two days past. When we were disposed to sleep, the Indians retired immediately on our request, and, indeed, uni- formly conducted themselves with great propriety. These people live on roots, which are very abundant in the plains, and catch a few salmon-trout; but at present they seem to subsist chiefly on a species of mullet, weighing from one to three pounds. Monday, twenty-eighth, we purchased ten dogs. While this trade was carrying on by our men, Yellept brought a fine white horse, and presented him to Captain Clarke, expressing at the same time a wish to have a kettle ; but on being informed that we had already disposed of the last kettle we could spare, he said he would be content with any present we should make in return. Captain Clarke, there- fore, gave his sword, for which the chief had before expressed a desire, adding one hundred balls, some powder, and other small articles, Avith which he appeared perfectly satisfied. We were now anxious to depart, and requested Yellept to lend us canoes for the purpose of crossing the river. But he would not listen to any proposal of leaving the village. He wished us to remain two or three days ; but would not let us go to- day, for he had already sent to invite his neighbors, the Chimnapoos (Cayuses), to come down this evening and join his people in a dance for our amusement. We urged, in vain, that by setting out sooner, we would the earlier return with the articles they desired ; for a day, he observed, would make but little difference. We at length men- tioned, that, as there was no wind, it was now the best time to cross the river, and would merely take the horses over, and return to sleep at their village. To this he assented, and then we crossed with our horses, and having hobbled them, returned to their camp. Fortunately there was among these Wollawollahs, a prisoner belonging to a tribe of Shoshonee or Snake Indians, residing to the south of the Multnomah, and visiting occasionally the heads of the Wollawollah creek. Our Shoshonee woman, Sacajaweah, though she belonged to a tribe near the Missouri, spoke the same language as this prisoner, and by their means we were able to explain ourselves to the Indians, and answer all their inquiries with respect to ourselves and the object of our journey. Our conversation inspired them with much confidence, and they soon brought several sick persons, for whom they requested our assistance. We splintered the broken arm of one, gave some relief to another, whose knee was contracted by rheumatism, and administered what we thought beneficial for ulcers and eruptions of the skin, on various parts of the body, which are very common disorders among them. But our most valu- able medicine was eye-water, which we distributed, and which, indeed, they required very much; the complaint of the eyes, occasioned by living on the water, and increased by the fine sand of the plains, being now universal. A little before sunset, the Chim- napoos, amounting to one hundred men and a few women, came to the village, and joining the Wollawollahs, who were about the same number of men, formed themselves in a circle round our camj), and waited very patiently till our men were disposed to dance, which they did for about an hour, to the tune of the violin. They 90 OREGON. then requested to see the Indians dance. With this they readily complied, and the whole assemblage, amounting, with the women and children of the village, to several hundred, stood up, and sang and danced at the same time. The exercise was not, in- deed, very graceful, for the greater part of them were formed into a solid column, round a kind of hollow square, stood on the same place, and merely jumped up at intervals, to keep time to the music. Some, however, of the more active warriors entered the square, and danced round it sidewise, and some of our men joined in the dance, to the si'reat satisfaction of the Indians. The dance continued till ten o'clock the next morn- ing. In the course of the day we gave small medals to two inferior chiefs, each of whom made us a present of a fine horse. We were in a poor condition to make an adequate acknowledgment for this kindness, but gave several articles, among which was a pistol, with some hundred rounds of ammunition. We have, indeed, been treated by these people with an unusual degree of kindness and civilty. * * * We may indeed, justly affirm that of all the Indians whom we have met since leaving the United States, the Wollawollahs were the most hospitable, honest and sincere." Bidding adieu to these hospitable people, they left the Columbia on the twenty- ninth of April and followed eastward what is known as the Nez Perce trail. They Avent up the Touchet, called by them White Stallion because of the present Yellept had made to Captain Clarke, the Patet and Pataha and down the Alpowa to Snake river, which they crossed and followed up the north side of Clearwater until they reached the village of Twisted-hair, where had been left their horses the fall before. The Lolo trail was not yet free from snow and for six weeks they resided among the Nez Perces, a tribe closely woven into the history of this region. Of them and the intercourse held with them the fall before, the journal says : " The Chopunnish or Pierce-nosed nation, who reside on the Kooskooskee and Lewis' rivers, are in person stout, portly, well-looking men; the women are small, with good features, and generally handsome, though the complexion of both sexes is darker than that of the Tushepaws. In dress they resemble that nation, being fond of displaying their ornaments. The buffalo or elk skin robe decorated with beads, sea shells, chiefly mother-of-pearl, attached to an otter skin collar, and hung in the hair, which falls in front in two queues; feathers, paint of different kinds, principally white, green and light blue, all of which, they find in their own country; these are the chief ornaments they use. In winter they wear a short shirt of dressed skins, long painted leggings and moccasins, and a plait of twisted grass around the neck. The dress of the women is more simple, consisting of a long shirt of argalia or ibex skin, reaching down to the ankles without a girdle ; to this are tied little pieces of brass and shells, and other small articles ; but the head is not at all ornamented. The dress of the female is indeed more modest, and more studiously so, than any we have observed, though the other sex is careless of the indelicacy of exposure. The Chopunnish have very few amusements, for their life is painful and laborious ; and all their exertions are necessary to earn even their precarious subsistence. During the summer and autumn they are busily occupied in fishing for salmon, and collecting their winter store of roots. In the win- ter they hunt the deer on snow-shoes over the plains, and towards spring cross the mountains to the Missouri, for the purpose of trafficing for buffalo robes. The incon- veniences of that comfortless life are increased by frequent encounters with their OREGON. 91 enemies from the west, who drive them over the mountains with the loss of their horses, and sometimes the lives of many of the nation. Though originally the same people, their dialect varies very perceptibly from that of the Tnshepaws ; their treatment of us differed much from the kind and disinterested services of the Shoshonees (Snakes); they are indeed selfish and avaricious ; they part very reluctantly with every article of food or clothing ; and while they expect a recompense for every service, however small, do not concern themselves about reciprocating any presents we may give them. They are generallv health v — the only disorders, which we have had occasion to remark, bein^- of a scrofulous kind, and for these, as well as for the amusement of those who are in good health, hot and cold bathing is very commonly used. The soil of these prairies is of a light yellow clay, intermixed with small, smooth grass ; it is barren, and pro- duces little more than a bearded grass about three inches high, and a prickly pear, of which we now found three species." It is very evident that these gentlemeD were not acquainted with the attributes of the succulent bunch grass, the stockman's friend, nor of the soil, for the country they denominated "barren" is now producing thirty bushels of wheat to the acre without any irrigation or fertilizing of any kind. On the fifteenth of June an effort was made to cross the Bitterroot mountains, but it was unsuccessful, and not until the thirtieth were the mountains safely passed. On the fourth of July the company separated into two parties, one of them under Cap- tain Lewis striking across the mountains to the Missouri, down which it passed, ex- ploring the larger tributaries and learning much of the geography of Montana ; the other was led by Clarke to the headwaters of the Yellowstone, down which it passed to the Missouri, uniting with the first party some distance below the mouth of the Yellowstone on the twelfth of August. They then continued down the stream, arriv- ing at St. Louis September 25, 1806, having been gone more than two years, and hav- ino- achieved honor for themselves and rendered inestimable services to their o-overnment. CHAPTER XIII. THE ASTORIA ENTERPRISE. The Northwest Company Establishes a Post on Fraser Lake— Result of the Journey of Lewis and Clarke — Fort Henry Built by Americans on Snake River — Organization of the Pacific Fur Company— Canadian Voyageurs — Astoria Founded — Sad Fate of the Tonquin— Terrible Sufferings of Hunt's Party— Success of the Business in 1813— McDougal Sells the Property to the Northwest Company — The Other Parties Return to the Atlantic Coast. When Great Britain was officially notified that an expedition was about to be dispatched by the United States government to explore that much-claimed region lying to the west of the Mississippi, much anxiety was felt, especially by the Xorthwest Com- pany of Montreal, whose traders were operating farther west and south than were the employees of the Hudson's Bay Company. They could not be expected to submit 92 OREGON. without a struggle to the loss of so vast a territory in which to prosecute their peculiar industry. The line of division west of the Lake of the Woods was undefined, and the extent of territory to be occupied in the future by England and America depended largely upon the actual occupancy by the contending parties. The Northwest Com- pany consequentlv, in 1804, dispatched a trusted agent named Laroque, in command of a party, with instructions to establish trading posts on the Columbia. .Laroque failed utterly to accomplish the purpose of his journey, since circumstances conspired to prevent him from progressing beyond the Missouri river in the Mandan country. The next year Simon Fraser left the company's headquarters at Fort Chipewyan, and following the course pursued thirteen years before by Mackenzie, reached Fraser lake, where he founded a trading post. This post of the Northwest Company was the first establishment made by Englishmen or Americans west of the Rocky mountains, and lies one hundred miles north of the international line subsequently established. The name New Caledonia was bestowed upon that region, which was considered to lie north of the country known as Oregon. The return of Lewis and Clarke was the cause of great rejoicing in the United States. Mr. Jefferson says : " Never did a similar event excite more joy throughout the United States. The humblest of its citizens had taken a lively interest in the issue of this journey, and looked forward with impatience to the information it would furnish. Their anxieties, too, for the safety of the corps had been kept in a state of excitement by lugubrious rumors, circulated from time to time on uncertain authorities, and uncontradicted by letters, or other direct information, from the time they had left the Mandan towns, on their ascent up the river in Aj^ril of the preceding year, 1805, until their actual return to St. Louis." Captain Lewis was soon after his return ap- pointed governor of Louisiana, with which his journey had rendered him more familiar than any other man except his associate ; and Captain Clarke was appointed general of militia of the same territory and agent for Indian affairs in that vast region he had explored. During a period of temporary mental derangement Captain Lewis died by his own hand, in September, 1809, before he had fully completed his narrative of the journey. The history of the expedition Avas prepared from his manuscript under the direction of Captain Clarke and was first published in 1814. The general details, however, were spread throughout the country immediately upon their return, especially on the frontier. During their absence other exploring parties were traversing Louis- iana in various directions in search of information for the government. Lieutenant Pike ascended the Mississippi to its headwaters in 1805, and the following year jour- neyed southwestward from the mouth of the Missouri to the sources of the Arkansas, Red and Rio Bravo del Norte. At the same time Dunbar, Hunter and Sibley explored Red river and its companion streams. These explorations served to greatly stimulate the fur trade carried on from St. Louis and Macinaw, as well as to strengthen the government in its purpose of adhering to its right to Louisiana, acquired by the tripple method of purchase, discovery and exploration. To these was soon added the fourth and most important — occupation. One of the first results of the expedition was the organization of the Missouri Fur Company, in 1808, with headquarters at St, Louis. Trading posts were established on the affluents of the Mississippi and Missouri, and that same year Mr. Henry, one of OREGON. 9:5 the agents of the company, crossed the mountains and founded Fort Henry on the headwaters of Lewis or Snake river, being the first American establishment west of the Rocky mountains. The first effort to occupy the mouth of the Columbia was made by the captain . of one of the American vessels trading in the Pacific, whose name is variously given by historians as T. Winship, Nathaniel Winship, and Captain Smith. In 1810 this gentleman built a small house for trading purposes at Oak Point, on the south bank of the Columbia some sixty miles above its mouth, far enough up the stream to meet even the requirements of Captain Vancouver's idea of what constituted a river. During the first decade of the nineteenth century American fishing and trading vessels crowded the Pacific, while other nations were not entirely unrepresented. The fur trade developed into a great industry, being conducted by them in the most prac- tical manner. All furs collected by the Russian American Trading Company were sent to China or Russia by land from Kamtchatka, since their vessels were not granted the privilege of entering Chinese ports. It was this fact and because England had granted to monopolies the control of her Pacific commerce, that the fur trade by sea was conducted chiefly by Americans. That this condition of affairs should be especially distasteful to the subjects of Great Britain is natural. They looked upon the enter- prise and success of these " Yankee adventurers " with jealous eyes, nor were they willing to give them the least credit for their skill as navigators or energy as trades- men. Because they conducted the details of their traffic in such a way as to render it highly successful, they Avere classed by the English traders as adventurers, though often the representatives of wealthy and substantial business houses. Archibald Campbell thus contemptuously reviews their method of carrying on the Pacific commerce : " These adventurers set out on the voyage with a few trinkets of very little value. In the Southern Pacific, they pick up a few seal skins, and perhaps a few butts of oil ; at the Gallipagos, they lay in turtle, of which they preserve the shells ; at Valparaiso they raise a few dollars in exchange for European articles ; at Nootka, and other parts of the northwest coast, they traffic with the natives for furs, which, when winter com- mences, they carry to the Sandwich islands, to dry and preserve from vermin ; here they leave their own people to take care of them, and, in the spring, embark, in lieu, the natives of the islands, to assist in navigating to the northwest coast in search of more skins. The remainder of the cargo is then made up of sandal, which grows abundantly in the woods of Atooi and Owyhee (Hawaii), of tortoise shells, sharks' fins, and pearls of an inferior kind, all of which are acceptable in the China market; and with these and their dollars they purchase cargoes of teas, silks and nankins, and thus complete their voyage in the course of two or three years." This may be considered a correct statement of the general manner of conducting the trade by Americans, with the exception of the " few trinkets " slur, for the majority of vessels, which were large and valuable ones, took out with them quite extensive cargoes of English, American and other manufactured goods and products, with which they supplied the Spanish and Russian settlements, the latter in particular relying almost wholly upon the Americans for their supplies of ammunition, sugar, spirits and manufactured articles. That a large proportion of furs procured from the natives were paid for in " trinkets " is true, but this practice was as much indulged in by English 94 OREGON. traders on the Atlantic side as by Americans on the Pacific, and such articles have always in every land and by every nation been deemed a valuable consideration in dealing with uncivilized races. The Americans are deserving of much credit for their economical, energetic and highly practical method of conducting their commercial ventures in the Pacific. In one particular, however, some of these independent traders, who might, per- haps, merit the contemptuous title of adventurers bestowed upon them all by their rivals, were guilty of conduct very reprehensible when viewed from a certain stand- point. Caring only for present profits and heedless of the effect of their conduct upon the future of their trade, they supplied the Indians with whisky and fire-arms. Upon the first glance it would seem that, as the Indians were chiefly depended upon to provide the furs, any addition made to their facilities for accomplishing this would be beneficial to the business and that the giving of guns to them would result in an in- crease of the trade ; but the opposite was the case. Irving says : " In this way several fierce tribes in the vicinity of the Russian posts, or within range of their trading ex- cursions, were furnished with deadly means of warfare, and rendered troublesome and dangerous neighbors." The fact is that the Russian intercourse with the natives was often marked by conduct so illiberal and heartlessly cruel that it is no wonder they objected to their victims being supplied with means of asserting their rights. Repre- sentations were made by the Russian government to the United States of this objection- able conduct of American traders, but since no law or treaty was infringed the govern- ment could do nothing. It, however, applied to John Jacob Astor, a merchant of New York, who had long been engaged in the fur trade about the lakes and headwaters of the Mississi]3pi, to see if he could not suggest a remedy. Mr. Astor conceived the idea of establishing a post at the mouth of the Columbia, from which the Russian traders could be s applied annually by a vessel sent out from New York, and which would be the headquarters for a large trade with the interior. By this systematic conduct of the business he expected to supersede the independent traders, remove the cause of irritation to Russia, and found permanent establishments of the United States along the Columbia. Mr. Astor imparted his idea to the presi- dent and cabinet, by whom it was heartily endorsed, and he was assured that all the support and encouragement would be his which the government could properly offer. President Jefferson had, as we have seen, always been a warm advocate of American supremacy in this region, and in a letter written in later years to Mr. Astor, said : " I considered, as a great public acquisition, the commencement of a settlement on that part of the western coast of America, and looked forward with gratification to the time when its descendants should have spread themselves through the whole length of that coast, covering it with free and independent Americans, unconnected with us but by the ties of blood and interest, and enjoying like us the rights of self-government." Grand as was that great statesman's conception of the destiny of this coast, it is trans- cended by actual, living reality. Not only the " ties of blood and interest," but of national union and loyal brotherhood, bind together the Atlantic and Pacific coasts, while the great interior wilderness has now become more potent as a bond of union to hold them together, than it then was as a barrier to keep them apart. OREGON. 95 Mr. Astor associated with himself as managing partners several experienced men, some of whom had formerly been connected with the Northwest Company. This was a very unwise, and, as it afterwards proved, an unfortunate step. These men were thoroughly competent to manage the details of the business, being energetic and able men and completely familiar with the management of the successful English company ; but they were subjects of Great Britain, their interests and instincts were British, and in forming an American settlement none but Americans should have been placed in command. Washington's injunction to "put none but Americans on guard," should have been borne in mind. These men made no pretense of Americanizing themselves or transferring their allegiance ; on the contrary they took the precaution to provide themselves before leaving Canada with proofs of their British citizenship, to be used for their advantage in case of future difficulties between the two nations. These were Alexander McKay, who had accompanied Mackenzie on both of his journeys, Duncan McDougal, David and Robert Stuart, and Donald McKenzie. Wilson Price Hunt, of New Jersey, the only American at first interested as a partner, was given the chief direction of the enterprise on the Pacific coast. Mr. Astor owned a half interest in the enterprise and furnished the capital, while the other half was divided among the four partners, who managed the details of the work in the field. These gentlemen in- corporated as the Pacific Fur Company, with Mr. Astor as president. On the second of August, 1810, the ship Tonquin sailed for the mouth of the Columbia. She carried ten guns, had a crew of twenty men and was under the com- mand of Jonathan Thorn, a lieutenant of the United States navy, on leave of absence. She carried a large cargo of supplies and merchandize for trading with the natives, the frame of a small schooner designed for use along the coast, and seeds and imple- ments for the cultivation of the soil. In the Tonquin sailed four of the partners, McKay, McDougal, David Stuart and Robert Stuart, twelve clerks, several artisans and thirteen Canadian voyageurs. The voyageurs were a special outgrowth of the fur trade and are deserving of more than a passing notice. Irving thus describes them: "The voyageurs may be said to have sprung up out of the fur trade, having originally been employed by the early French merchants in their trading expeditions through the labyrinth of rivers and lakes of the boundless interior. In the intervals of their long, arduous, and laborious expeditions they were wont to pass their time in idleness and revelry about the trading posts or settlements ; squandering their hard earnings in heedless conviviality, and ri- valling their neighbors, the Indians, in indolent indulgence and an imprudent disre- gard of the morrow. When Canada j^assed under British domination, and the old French trading houses .were broken up, the voyageurs were for a time disheartened and disconsolate, and with difficulty could reconcile themselves to theserviceof the newcomers, so different in habits, manners and language from their former employers. By degrees, however, they became accustomed to the change, and at length came to consider the British fur traders, and especially the members of the Northwest Company, as the le- gitimate lords of creation. The dress of these people is generally half civilized, half savage. They wear a capot or surcoat, made of a blanket, a striped cotton shirt, cloth trowsers, or leathern leggings, moccasins of deer skin, and a belt of variegated worsted, from which are suspended the knife, tobacco pouch, and other implements. . 96 OREGON. Their language is of the same piebald character, being a French patois, embroidered with Indian and English words and phrases. The lives of the voyageurs are passed in wild and extensive rovings. They are generally of French descent and inherit much of the gaiety and lightness of heart of their ancestors, being full of anecdote and song, and ever ready for the dance. Their natural good will is probably height- ened by a community of adventure and hardship in their precarious and wandering- life. They are dexterous boatmen, vigorous and adroit with the oar and paddle, and will row from morning until night without a murmur. The steersman often sings an old traditionary French song, with some regular burden in which they all join, keep- ing time with their oars. In the course of years they will gradually disappear; their songs will die away like the echoes they once awakened, and the Canadian voyageurs will become a forgotten race, or remembered among the poetical images of past times and as themes for local and romantic associations." The Tonquin reached the mouth of the Columbia on the twenty-second of March, 1811, much jealousy and ill-feeling having been engendered during the voyage be- tween the commander and the Scotch partners. Captain Thorn was a martinet, a strict disciplinarian, with a high opinion of the power and dignity of the commander of a vessel. He was headstrong and stubborn in the extreme. When the ship arrived at the river the bar was very rough, and the captain feared to enter until the location of the channel was ascertained. He ordered Mr. Fox, the chief mate, to take one seaman and three Canadians in a whale boat and explore the channel, and though the mate protested that it was certain death to attempt it, he insisted upon obedience to his orders. The boat left the ship and was soon swallowed up in the angry billows. The next day he sent out another crew to seek the channel, and their boat was swept out to sea by the tide and current, only one of the crew finally reaching land. The vessel succeeded in getting just inside of the bar when darkness came on and she was com- pelled to cast anchor for the night, while the ebbing tide threatened to sweep her from her precarious hold upon the sand and swamp her amid the breakers. Irving says : " The wind whistled, the sea roared, the gloom was only broken by the ghastly glare of the foaming breakers, the minds of the seamen were full of dreary apprehensions, and some of them fancied they heard the cries of their lost comrades mingling with the uproar of the elements." In the morning the Tonquin passed safely into the river and came to anchor in a secure harbor. On the twelfth of April, a point on the south side of the river which Broughton had called Point George having been selected, the erection of a fort and buildings was begun ; and on that spot, which was then christened Astoria in honor of the projector of the enterprise, now stands one of the most important commercial and manufacturing cities of the Pacific coast. After much delay in preparing a place for the reception of the goods and in landing those to be left at Astoria, during which the captain and partners constantly wrangled about their authority, and before the fort was completed, the Tonquin sailed, on the fifth of June, to engage in trade with the na- tives along the northern coast, and eventually to reach the Russian settlements in Alaska, with the hope of opening a friendly communication with them. The Tonquin anchored in a small harbor on Vancouver island, and Alexander McKay, one of the partners, landed upon the island. During his absence the vessel ifff-ifr ;-*PPS OREGON. 97 was surrounded by a host of savage.-! in their canoes, who soon swarmed upon the decks . They were eager to trade, but had evidently had considerable experience in dealing with the whites and were well posted upon the value of their furs, for they resolutely demanded a higher price than Captain Thorn was willing to pay. Provoked beyond measure at their stubbornness, Thorn refused to deal with them, whereupon they be- came exceedingly insolent. The captain at last completely tost his temper, and seizing the old chief, Nookamis, who was following him about and taunting him with his stinginess, rubbed in his face an otter skin he had been endeavoring to sell. He then ordered the whole band to leave the ship and added blows to enforce his command. The tragic ending of this adventure is thus related by Irving : " When Mr. M'Kay returned on board, the interpreter related what had passed, and begged him to prevail upon the captain to make sail, as, from his knowledge of the temper and pride of the people of the i;>lace, he was sure they would resent the indignity offered to one of their chiefs. Mr. M'Kay, who himself possessed some ex- perience of Indian character, went to the captain, who was still pacing the deck in moody humor, represented the danger to which his hasty act had exposed the vessel, and urged upon him to weigh anchor The captain made light of his councils, and pointed to his cannon and fire-arms as a sufficient safe-guard against naked savages. Further remonstrances only provoked taunting replies and sharp altercations. The day passed away without any signs of hostility, and at night the captain retired, as usual, to his cabin, taking no more than the usual precautions. On the following morning, at day-break, while the captain and Mr. M'Kay were yet asleep, a canoe came alongside in which were twenty Indians, commanded by young Shewish. They were unarmed, their asj)ect and demeanor friendly, and they held up otter skins, and made signs indicative of a wish to trade. The caution enjoined by Mr. Astor in respect to the admission of Indians on board of the ship, had been neglected for some time past, and the officer of the watch, perceiving those in the canoes to be without weapons, and having received no orders to the contrary, readily permitted them to mount the deck. Another canoe soon succeeded, the crew of which was likewise admitted. In a little while other canoes came off, and Indians were soon clambering into the vessel on all sides. " The officer of the watch now felt alarmed, and called to Captain Thorn and Mr. M'Kay. By the time they came on deck, it was thronged with Indians. The inter- preter noticed to Mr. M'Kay that many of the natives wore short mantles of skins, and intimated a suspicion that they were secretly armed. Mr. M'Kay urged the cap- tain to clear the ship and get under way. He again made light of the advice ; but the augmented swarm of canoes about the ship, and the numbers still putting off from shore, at length awakened his distrust, and he ordered some of the crew to weigh an- chor, while some were sent aloft to make sail. The Indians now offered to trade with the captain on his own terms, prompted, apparently, by the approaching departure of the ship. Accordingly, a hurried trade was commenced. The main articles sought by the savages in barter, were knives ; as fast as some were supplied they moved off and others succeeded. By degrees they were thus distributed about the deck, and all with weapons. The anchor was now nearly up, the sails were loose, and the captain, in a loud and perernptorv tone, ordered the ship to be cleared. In an instant a signal 13 98 OREGON. yell was given ; it was echoed on every side, knives and war clubs were brandished in every direction, and the savages rushed upon their marked victims. " The first that fell was Mr. Lewis, the ship's clerk. He was leaning, with folded arms, over a bale of blankets, engaged in bargaining, when he received a deadly stab in the back, and fell down the companionway. Mr. M'Kay, who Avas seated on the taffrail, sprang to his feet, but was instantly knocked down with a war-club and flung backwards into the sea, where he was dispatched by the women in the canoes. In the meantime, Captain Thorn made desperate fight against fearful odds. He was a pow- erful as well as resolute man, but he had come upon deck without weapons. Shewish, the young chief, singled him out as his peculiar prey, and rushed upon him at the first outbreak. The captain had barely time to draw a clasp-knife, with one blow of which he laid the young savage dead at his feet. Several of the stoutest followers of Shewish now set upon him. He defended himself vigorously, dealing cripjfling blows to right and left, and strewing the quarterdeck with the slain and wounded. His object was to fight his way to the cabin, where there were fire-arms ; but he w r as hemmed in with foes, covered with wounds, and faint with loss of blood. For an instant he leaned upon the tiller wheel, when a blow from behind, with a war-club, felled him to the deck, where he was dispatched with knives and thrown overboard. " While this was transacting upon the quarterdeck, a chance medley fight was going on throughout the ship. The crew fought desperately with knives, handspikes and whatever weapons they could seize upon in the moment of surprise. They were soon, however, overpowered by numbers and mercilessly butchered. As to the seven who had been sent aloft to make sail, they contemplated with horror the carnage that was going on below. Being destitute of weapons, they let themselves down by the running rigging, in hopes of getting between decks. One fell in the attempt, and was instantly dispatched ; another received a death-blow in the back as he was descending; a third, Stephen Weekes, the armorer, was mortally wounded as he was getting down the hatchway. The remaining four made good their retreat into the cabin, where they found Mr. Lewis still alive, though mortally wounded. Barricading the cabin door, they broke holes through the companionway, and, with muskets and ammunition which were at hand, opened a brisk fire that soon cleared the deck. Thus far the Indian interpreter, from whom these particulars are derived, had been an eye-witness of the deadly conflict. He had taken no part in it and had been spared by the natives as being of their race. In the confusion of the moment he took refuge with the rest, in the canoes. The survivors of the crew now sallied forth and discharged some of the deck guns, which did great execution among the canoes and drove all the savages to shore. "For the remainder of the day no one ventured to put off to the ship, deterred by the effects of the firearms. The night passed away without any further attempt on the part of the natives. When the day dawned the Tonquin still lay at anchor in the bay, her sails all loose and flapping in the wind, and no one apparently on board of her. After a time, some of the canoes ventured forth to reconnoitre, taking with them the interpreter. They paddled about her, keeping cautiously at a distance, but grow- ing more and more emboldened at seeing her quiet and lifeless. One man at length made his appearance on the deck and was recognized by the interpreter as Mr. Lewis. OREGON. 99 He made friendly signs and invited them on board. It was long before they ventured to comply. Those who mounted the deck met with no opposition ; no one was to be seen on board, for Mr. Lewis, after inviting them, had disappeared. Other canoes now pressed forward to board the prize ; the decks were soon crowded and the sides cov- ered with clambering savages, all intent on plunder. In the midst of their eagerness and exultation, the ship blew up with a tremendous explosion. Arms, legs and muti- lated bodies were blown into the air, and dreadful havoc was made in the surrounding canoes. The interpreter was in the main chains at the time of the explosion, and was thrown unhurt into the water, where he succeeded in getting into one of the canoes. According to his statement the bay presented an awful spectacle after the catastrophe. The ship had disappeared, but the bay was covered with fragments of the wreck, with shattered canoes, and Indians swimming for their lives or struggling in the agonies of death ; while those who had escaped the danger remained aghast and stupefied, or made with frantic panic for the shore. Upwards of a hundred savages were destroyed by the explosion, many more were shockingly mutilated, and for days afterwards the limbs and bodies of the slain were thrown upon the beach. "The inhabitants of Xeweetee were overwhelmed with consternation at this as- tounding calamity which had burst upon them in the very moment of triumph. The warriors sat mute and mournful, while the women filled the air with loud lamentations. Their weeping and wailing, however, was suddenly changed into yells of fury at the sight of four unfortunate white men brought captive into the village. They had been driven on shore in one of the ship's boats, and taken at some distance along the coast. The interpreter was permitted to converse with them. They proved to be the four brave fellows who had made such desperate defense from the cabin. The interpreter gathered from them some of the particulars already related. They told him further that, after they had beaten off the enemy, and cleared the ship, Lewis advised that they should slip the cable and endeavor to get to sea. They declined to take his advice, alleging that the wind set too strongly into the bay, and would drive them on shore. They resolved, as soon as it was dark, to put off quietly in the ship's boat, which they would be able to do unperceived, and to coast along back to Astoria. They put their resolution into effect ; but Lewis refused to accompany them, being disabled by his wound, hopeless of escape and determined on a terrible revenge. On the voyage out he had frequently expressed a presentiment that he should die by his own hands — thinking it highly probable that he should be engaged in some contests with the na- tives, and being resolved, in case of extremity, to commit suicide rather than be made a prisoner. He now declared his intention to remain on the ship until daylight, to de- coy as many of the savages on board as possible, then to set fire to the powder maga- zine and terminate his life by a signal act of vengeance. How well he succeeded has been shown. His companions bade him a melancholy adieu and set off on their pre- carious expedition. They strove with might and main to get out of the bay, but found it impossible to weather a point of land, and were at length compelled to take shelter in a small cove, where they hoped to remain concealed until the wind should be more favorable. Exhausted by fatigue and watching, they fell into a sound sleep, and in that state were surprised by the savages. Better had it been for those unfortunate men had they remained with Lewis and shared his heroic death ; as it was, they perished in 100 OREGON. a more painful and protracted manner, being sacrificed by the natives to the manes of their friends with all the lingering tortures of savage cruelty. Some time after their death the interpreter, who had remained a kind of prisoner at large, effected his escape and brought the tragical tidings to Astoria." Meanwhile affairs were progressing at Astoria. On the fifteenth of July the partners were astonished by the appearance in the river of a canoe manned by nine white men, who proved to be representatives of the Northwest Company, under the leadership of David Thompson, a partner in that powerful organization. When the company had learned the year before of the projected enterprise of Mr. Astor, it dis- patched Mr. Thompson from Montreal with a large party to hasten across the conti- nent and forestall the American trader by taking possession of the mouth of the Co- lumbia. Many of his party had deserted him, and now after ruinous delay and with but these few faithful ones to aid him, he had arrived at the goal of his journey too late to accomplish his purpose. Thompson was received with great cordiality by Mr. McDougal, the partner in charge at Astoria, who had a kindly feeling for all represen- tatives of the Northwest Company ; and though he was but a spy upon his hosts, he was bountifully supplied with provisions for his return journey. He set out upon his return to Montreal on the twenty-third day of July, bearing a letter to Mr. Astor tell- ing of the safe arrival of the vessel, and accompanied by a party of nine, headed by David Stuart, who were instructed to establish a post on the uj)per Columbia. Mr. Stuart selected a spot near the mouth of the Okinagan river, and establishing a post there opened trade with the natives. On the second of October the schooner was completed and launched. She was named the Dolly, and was the third vessel built on the Northern Pacific coast, and the first in the Columbia river. A few days later half of Stuart's party returned, having been sent back for the winter because of a lack of provisions to subsist them. The winter months were jDassed without fresh disasters flowing in uj)on them. When the Tonquin sailed from New York Wilson P. Hunt was preparing to cross overland with another party. He finally left St. Louis with a party of sixty men, among whom were Donald McKenzie and three other partners, Ramsey Crooks, Joseph Miller and Robert McLellan. With them went John Day, a noted Kentucky hunter, and Pierre Dorion, a French half-breed, to act as an interpreter. The party arrived at Fort Henry, on Snake river, October 8, 1811. Small detachments were, from time to time, sent out in the Rocky mountains to trap in various localities, who were to use Fort Henry as a supply station, and for concentration with their furs. The remaining members of the party, after a temporary halt, moved on down Snake river enroute for the general rendezvous at the mouth of the Columbia; and a continued succession of hardships and disaster seemed to follow them. First, the unfortunate Antoine Clappin was drowned in passing a rapid, then famine came to rob them of human instincts, as they were led to the verge of starvation. They were finally forced to separate into small detachments, one party going under Ramsey Crooks, another with Donald Mc- Kenzie for leader, while a third remained with Mr. Hunt, hoping by such division to increase their chances of finally reaching the Columbia, Once the parties under Crooks and Hunt camped with the narrow, deep waters of Snake river only separating them. The Hunt party had killed a horse and Avere -& /^Ur^ J?, ^^^^^ OREGON. 101 cooking it, while their starving companions on the opposite side of the stream, with no means of crossing it, were forced to look on as they starved. Not a man in Mr. Hunt's camp would make an effort to send them food, until the arrival of Mr. Crooks, who, discovering the condition of his men on the opposite side, called to the forlorn band to start fires for cooking, that no time might be lost while he constructed a canoe out of skins, in which to take meat across to them. In vain he tried to shame the more for- tunate into helping to succor their famishing companions, but : " A vague, and almost superstitious terror," says Irving, " had infected the minds of Mr. Hunt's followers, enfeebled and rendered imaginative of horrors by the dismal scenes and sufferings through which they had passed. They regarded the haggard crew, hovering like spectres of famine on the opposite bank, with indefinite feelings of awe and apprehen- sion, as if something desperate and dangerous was to be feared from them." When the canoe was finished, Mr. Crooks attempted to navigate the impetuous stream with it, but found his strength unequal to the task, and failing to reach his companions on the opposite bank, made another appeal to Hunt's men. Finally, a Kentuckian, named Ben Jones, undertook and made the passage, conveying meat to them, and then came back. Irving, in describing the sad scene, says : " A poor Cana- dian, however, named Jean Baptiste Prevost, whom famine had rendered wild and desperate, ran frantically about the banks, after Jones had returned, crying out to Mr. Hunt to send the canoe for him, and take him from that horrible region of famine, de- claring that otherwise he would never march another step, but would lie down there and die. The canoe was shortly sent over again, under the management of Joseph Delaunay, with further supplies. Prevost immediately pressed forward to embark. Delaunay refused to admit him, telling him that there was now a sufficient supply of meat on his side of the river. He replied that it was not cooked, and he should starve before it was ready ; he implored, therefore, to be taken where he could get something to appease his hunger immediately. Finding the canoe putting off without him, he forced himself aboard. As he drew near the opposite shore, and beheld meat roasting before the fires, he jumped up, shouted, clapped his hands, and danced in a delirium of joy, until he upset the canoe. The poor wretch was swept away by the current and drowned, and it was with extreme difficulty that Delaunay reached the shore. Mr. Hunt now sent all his men forward excepting two or three. In the evening, he caused another horse to be killed, and a canoe to be made out of the skin, in which he sent over a further supply of meat to the opposite party. The canoe brought back John Day, the Kentucky hunter, who came to join his former commander and employer, Mr. Crooks. Poor Day, once so active and vigorous, was now reduced to a condition even more feeble and emaciated than his companions. Mr. Crooks had such a value for the man, on account of his past services and faithful character, that he determined not to quit him ; he exhorted Mr. Hunt, however, to proceed forward and join the party, as his presence was all important to the conduct of the expedition. One of the Canadians, Jean Baptiste Dubreuil, likewise remained with Mr. Crooks." The occurrences at this starvation camp were on the twentieth of December, 1811, both parties being on their way back up Snake river after having found the descent of that stream impossible. It was now their intention to strike across the country for the Columbia, as soon as it was practicable to do so. On the twenty-third of December, 102 OREGON. Mr. Hunt's followers crossed to the west side of the stream, where they were joined by Crooks' men, who were already there. The two parties, when united, numbered thirty- six souls, and on the next day they turned from the river into a trackless country; but, before starting, three more of their number had concluded to remain among the sav- ages rather than face the hardships and trials that lay before them. December 28, 1811, the head waters of Grand Ronde river were reached, and the last day of that year found them camped in the valley of that name. Through all their perils and wanderings since leaving St. Louis, one woman, the Indian wife of Pierre Dorion, a guide, interpreter and trapper, had accompanied them, bringing with her two children, and, as the party entered the Grand Ronde valley, she gave birth to another. The next day she continued the journey on horseback as though nothing had happened, but the little stranger only lived six days. Mr. Hunt, after halting one or two days to enable his followers to celebrate, in their forlorn way, the advent of a new year that had presented to them the Grand Ronde valley, a kind of winter paradise in the mountains, continued his course to the west. The Blue mountain ridge was passed, and January 8, 1812, an Indian village on the Umatilla river close to the mountains was reached, where they were hospitably received. From there their route was down this stream to the Columbia river, thence to the mouth of the latter, arriving at Astoria February 15, 1812. Since leaving Fort Henry, October 19, 1811, out of Mr. Hunt's party, two men had been drowned on Snake river, and poor Michael Carriere, when exhausted, had straggled behind in Grand Ronde valley and was never heard from afterwards. Ram- sey Crooks, John Day and four Canadian voyageurs, had been left half dead on Snake river to remain in the Indian country, die, or reach the Columbia as they best could. Eleven men, among whom were Donald McKenzie, Robert McLellan and the unfortu- nate John Reed, had been detached on Snake river, and following that stream until its waters mingled with the Columbia, had reached Astoria a month in advance of Mr. Hunt. Mr. Stuart, when returning from his post on the Okinagan, during the first days of April, found Mr. Crooks and John Day on the banks of the Columbia river without weapons, nearly starved, and as naked as when born, having been robbed and stripped by the Dalles Indians. They had wintered in the Blue mountains about Grand Ronde valley, and had reached the Walla Wallas in the spring, who had fed, succored, and sent them on their way rejoicing down the river. When found, they were making their way back to these early friends of the Americans, who never failed to assist our people when in trouble. At length all but three of those starting from the head waters of Snake river for Astoria had reached that place except the four voyageurs, and later they, too, were found by a return party. On the ninth of May, after Mr. Hunt's arrival, the ship Beaver, with reinforcements and supplies, anchored at Astoria, and the Pacific Fur Company was in condition to enter upon a vigorous fur gathering campaign. Mr. Hunt, who was at the head of affairs, set out in July for Alaska to fulfill the mission upon which the ill-fated Tonquin had sailed, and his departure left Duncan McDougal in charge. Prior to this, however, the various expeditions to trap waters and trade with natives between the Rocky and Cascade mountains had started, sixty- two strong, up the Columbia. Among the number was the unfortunate John Day, OKEGON. 103 and, as the party approached the scenes of his former sufferings his mind became delirious, and the mere sight of an Indian would throw him into a frenzy of passion. He finally attempted his own life, but was prevented from taking it, after which a con- stant guard was kept over him. It was at length determined to send him back to Astoria, and being placed in charge of two Indians, he was delivered by them at the fort where he died in less than a year. His old compeers and staunch friends, who had shared perils and privations with him, were forced to continue their journey with a sad memory of this companion, whose brain had been shattered by his many mis- fortunes. The stream which had witnessed his many sufferings still bears the heroic trapper's name. The arrival of trappers at the present site of Wallula, on the twenty-eighth of July, 1812, was the signal for general rejoicing among the friendly Walla W alias, who greeted them with bonfires, and a night dance, in which they sang the praises of their white friends. Here the four expeditions were to separate, Robert Stuart to cross the continent by Hunt's route ; David Stuart to go up the Columbia to Okina- gan ; Donald McKenzie to establish a post in the Nez Perce country ; and John Clarke to locate one among the Spokane Indians. Of these several expeditions, Robert Stuart, with his party, including Crooks and McLellan, reached St. Louis eleven months later, bearing news to Mr. Astor of his enterprise on the Pacific coast. McKenzie's opera- tions were a failure ; David Stuart's success was equal to his most sanguine hopes, and Mr. Clarke's efforts resulted second only to those of Mr. Stuart. On the twenty-fifth of May, 1813, Mr. Clarke started from his post on the Spo- kane to reach the Walla Walla, the place agreed upon as a general rendezvous, where the different expeditions were to meet and return to Astoria with the furs obtained in their operations during the past season. On his way up, Mr. Clarke had left his canoes in charge of a Palouse chief, living at the mouth of the river of that name, with whom he found them on his return. He had twenty-eight horse packs of furs, and all his men were in high spirits because of the success that had attended their year's work. While stopping at the mouth of this stream to repair their canoes, in which to embark upon the river, an incident happened that cannot well be passed in silence. Mr. Clarke was a strong disciplinarian, something of an aristocrat, and disposed to inpresss those with whom he came in contact with the dignity of his presence and per- son. He was in the habit of carrying a silver goblet to drink from, and its glittering presence, carefully guarded by its possessor, became an object of strange and strong attraction to the superstitious Indians. In all their land, no such wondrous device had been seen before. They talked to each other concerning it, watched its appearance, and the care with which its lucky possessor laid it away after using. Possibly it was a great medicine, like the spotted shirt and the white quilt among the Cceur d'Alenes, or a powerful talisman to ward off danger or shield its owner from harm, a sort of ark near which the great Manitou dwelt. One night it disappeared, and Mr. Clarke was enraged. He threatened to hang the first Indian detected in stealing, and the next night an unfortunate one was caught in the act. A hasty trial followed, and the prisoner was condemned to die, when Mr. Clarke made the assembled savages a speech. He recounted the numerous gifts that had been bestowed, the benefit the white man's 104 OREGON. presence had been to their people, and then, upbraiding them for thefts, told the Indians that he should kill the thief he had captured with pilfered goods. The old chief and his followers besought him to not do this. They were willing that he should be punished severely, and then let go, but the trapj>er was inexorable, and the poor groveling wretch was dragged to a temporary scaffold, constructed from oars, and was launched into eternity. The other partners of the Pacific Fur Company were unanimous in condemning this act, and Gabriel Franchere, who was one of the company clerks, wrote concerning the killing of the unfortunate John Reed and his party by Indians the ensuing winter : " We had no doubt that his massacre was an act of vengeance, on the part of the natives, in retaliation for the death of one of their people, whom Mr. John Clarke had hanged for theft the spring before." Immediately after this hanging the party embarked for the mouth of the Walla Walla, where Stuart and McKenzie were waiting, and from this point they all continued their way down the river, arriving at Astoria, June 12, 1813. Upon re-assembling at headquarters, the return expeditions found that, upon the whole, it had been a successful year's labor, that the peltry brought in, amounting to 157 packs, if sold at market rates in Canton, would pay well for the time spent, and reimburse them for local losses. In addition to this, they had become well established in the fur producing regions, and the outlook was very encouraging except for one thing. War had been raging between Great Britain and the United States for over a year, and they had recently become aware of this fact. On their arrival at Astoria, J. G. McTavish with nineteen men was found camped near by, awaiting the appearance of a vessel called the Isaac Todd, sent by the North- west Company with stores for them, with letters of marque, and instructions from the British government to destroy everything American found on the Pacific coast. This latter fact was unknown at Astoria at the time, however, but the non-arrival of sivpplies by sea, combined with the unfavorable news of British success in arms, led the partners to fear that none whatever would reach them. They, consequently, determined to abandon the country, and start on their return overland the ensuing year, if their mis- givings proved well founded. They sold their Spokane fort to McTavish for $848, and then furnished that gentleman with provisions to enable him to return to the upper country ; and, in July, they visited the interior themselves to gather what furs they could before taking final leave of the country. Three months later, McTavish returned to Astoria with a force of seventy-five men for the purpose of meeting the vessel that had caused his former visit, bringing, also, the news that her coining to the Columbia was for the purpose of capturing Astoria, and to assist the Northwest Company in gaining ascendancy on the coast, He offered to buy the furs of the Astorians, and, on the sixteenth of October, 1813, a transfer of the entire stock, worth at least $100,000, was made for less than $40,000. Two months later, on December 12, the fort was surrendered to the English under command of a naval officer, Captain Black of the Raccoon, when the American flag was lowered to give the British colors place, and the name of Astoria was changed to Fort George. An amusing incident of this transfer is related by John Ross Cox. " The Indians, at the mouth of the Columbia, knew well* that Great Britain and America were distinct nations, and that they were then at war, but were ignorant of the arrangement made between OREGON. 105 Messrs. McDougal and McTavish, the former of whom still continued as nominal chief at the fort. On the arrival of the Raccoon, which they quickly discovered to be one of ' King George's fighting ships,' they repaired, armed, to the fort, and requested an audience of Mr. McDougal. He was somewhat surprised at their numbers and war- like appearance, and demanded the object of such an unusual visit. Concomly, the principal chief of the Chinooks, (whose daughter McDougal had married,) thereupon addressed him in a long speech, in the course of which he said that King George had sent a ship full of warriors, and loaded with nothing but big guns, to take the Ameri- cans and make them all slaves, and that, as they (the Americans) were the first white men who settled in their country, and treated the Indians like good relations, they had resolved to defend them from King George's warriors, and were now ready to conceal themselves in the woods close to the wharf, from whence they would be able, with their guns and arrows, to shoot all the men that should attempt to land from the English boats, while the people in the fort could fire at them with their big guns and rifles. This proposition was uttered with an earnestness of manner that admitted no doubt of its sincerity. Two armed boats from the Raccoon were approaching ; and, had the people in the fort felt disposed to accede to the wishes of the Indians, every man in them would have been destroyed by an invisible enemy. Mr. McDougal thanked them for their friendly offer, but added, that, notwithstanding the nations were at war, the people in the boats would not injure him or any of his people, and therefore requested them to throw by their war shirts and arms, and receive the strangers as their friends. They at first seemed astonished at this answer ; but, on assuring them, in the most pos- itive manner, that he was under no apprehension, they consented to give up their weapons for a few days. They afterwards declared they were sorry for having complied with Mr. McDougal's wishes ; for when they observed Captain Black, surrounded by his officers and marines, break the bottle of port on the flag-staff, and hoist the British ensign, after changing the name of the fort, they remarked that however he might wish to conceal the fact, the Americans were undoubtedly made slaves." Seventy-eight days after the surrender of Astoria to the British, Mr. Hunt arrived at that fort in the brig Pedlar, and judge of his astonishment, to learn that McDougal was a partner no longer of the Pacific, but of the Northwest Company ; that he held possession not under the American, but under the English flag ; and that all in which Mr. Hunt was. interested on this coast had passed, without a struggle, through treachery, into the hands of his country's enemies. Mr. Hunt, finally, secured the papers pertaining to business transactions of the Pacific Fur Conrpany from Mc- Dougal, and then sailed, April 3, 1814, from the shore that had seemed to yield only misfortune and disaster in return for the efforts of himself, and those with whom he was associated. The next day, David Stuart, McKenzie, John Clarke and eighty-five other members and employes of the Pacific Fur Company started up the Columbia river in their boats on their way across the continent, and while passing Wallula, learned from the widow of Pierre Dorion, of the massacre of John Reed and his eight associates, among the Snake Indians near Fort Henry. CHAPTER XIV. JOINT OCCUPATION OF OREGON. The Russian Settlements— They Establish Themselves at Bodega Bay — Treaty of Ghent — Restoration to the United States of Astoria, or Fort George — Treaty of Joint Occupancy in 1818— The Florida Treaty of 1819— Fierce Rivalry between the Hudson's Bay and Northwest Companies — The War on Red River — Consoli- dation of the Rival Companies— Description of the Hudson's Bay Company. During the years that had elapsed since the Russian American Trading Com- pany was chartered, that organization had become exceedingly powerful, establishing many posts on the Alaskan coast and carrying on the fur trade in a systematic and successful manner. In 1799 a settlement was made on King George III. archipelago near Mount Edgecumb, near the 56th j>arallel. This was destroyed by the natives in 1803, and was rebuilt in 1805, and was then called New Archangel of Sitka. This became the capital of Russian America and so remained until Alaska was purchased by the United States. This was the most southerly settlement at that time, but in 1806 preparations were made to occupy the mouth of the Columbia, which was con- sidered by the company to be embraced within the limits of the country over which their monopoly charter from the czar extended. The execution of this project was deferred for a time, and, as we have seen, was in a few years rendered impossible because of prior possession of the Americans and English. In 1812 the governor of the company, whose headquarters were at Sitka, requested and received permission of the Spanish governor of California to leave a few men on the shore of Bodega bay, a few miles north of Yerba Buena (San Francisco) for the purpose of preparing meat and supplies for their posts in the north. In a few years this little station had become a fortified settlement, and the governor's request and peremptory order to vacate were treated with contempt ; nor were they ever driven from their post, but abandoned it in 1840 at the request of the United States government. During the years of their occupancy many voyages of trade and exploration were made, some of them at the expense of much suffering and many lives, adding materially to the geographical knowledge of the upper portion of the Pacific and the Arctic ocean above Siberia and about Behring's strait. The treaty of Ghent, which ended the war of 1812, provided that " all territory, places, and possessions, whatsoever, taken by either party from the other during the war, or which may be taken after the signing of this treaty, shall be restored without delay." It failed, however, because the commissioners could not agree, to define a dividing line between the American territory of Louisiana and the possessions of the British, west of the Lake of the Woods. In pursuance of this treaty, Mr. Astor, who was eager to recover possession of Astoria and resume his trading operations in the Pacific, applied to the president for restitution of his property. The minister of Great OREGON. 107 Britain at Washington was accordingly notified in July, 1815, that the United States would at once reoccupy the captured fort at the mouth of the Columbia ; but no ap- parent notice was taken of this by the English government. It was not until Septem- ber, 1817, that actual steps were taken to carry into effect this resolution, and then the sloop of war Ontario was dispatched on this errand, the captain, J. Biddle, and J. B Prevost, his associate commissioner, being instructed to assert the claim of the United States to the sovereignty of the country adjacent to the Columbia, but to do so in a friendly and peaceable manner. Soon after the departure of the Ontario the representative of Great Britain offi- cially inquired of Secretary Adams the destination and object of the vessel, and was informed that it was directed to take possession of the post at the mouth of the Colum- bia, which, since no attention had been paid to the notification of two years before, it had been assumed Great Britain had no idea of claiming as rightfully hers. This was answered by saying that the post had been purchased by the Northwest Company, subjects of his majesty, from private individuals, and as it was situated in a region which that company had long occupied it was considered as forming a portion of his majesty's dominions. Much controversy was carried on between the two governments on the questions of abstract right and actual possession. It was finally agreed that the post should be restored to the United States but its property should still belong to its purchasers, while the right of dominion over the country should be left for future nego- tiation. The Ontario arrived at Valparaiso in February, 1818, where Mr. Prevost landed to transact official business w T ith the Chilean government. Captain Biddle con- tinued to the Columbia, sailing into that stream in the month of August and taking formal possession of the surrounding country in the name of the United States. He then departed for other portions of the Pacific. In the meantime Captain Sheriff, of the English navy, having orders to deliver up Fort George, met Mr. Prevost in Chili and offered him passage to the Columbia for that purpose in the frigate Blossom. They entered the river early in October, when Mr. Keith, the gentleman in charge surrendered possession, having been instructed to that effect by the officers of the com- pany. A paper was given to Mr. Prevost setting forth the fact that, in pursuance of orders from the government, Fort George, on the Columbia river, was surrendered to him as the representative of the United States, and he in return gave the officers a written acceptance of the transfer. The British flag was then lowered and the Amer- ican ensign was temporarily displayed over the walls of Fort George, while it was courteously saluted by the guns of the Blossom. Thus the matter stood, the Ameri- cans nominally and the British actually in possession of Oregon. During the time the Northwest Company had occupied this post many improve- ments had been made, so that the Fort George of 1818 was far different from the Astoria of five years before. A stockade of pine logs, twelve feet high above the ground, enclosed a parallelogram of 150x250 feet, within which were dwellings, store- houses, magazines, shops, etc., all defended by two eighteen-pounders, six six~pounders, four four-pound carronades, two six-pound cohorns, and seven swivels, armament sufficient for a strong fort in those days. The population consisted of twenty-three whites, twenty-six Kanakas and sixteen Canadian half-breeds. The company was not disturbed in the possession of this important post, and Mr. Astor was finally compelled 108 OREGON. to abandon all hope of recovering liis property through the action of the government, and not deeming it advisable to found a rival establishment, was reluctantly compelled to abandon his projects in the Pacific altogether. Negotiations still continued between the two governments during these transac- tions of their agents, and on the twentieth of October, 1818, a treaty of compromise was signed, providing that all territories and their waters west of the Rocky mountains should be free and open to the vessels and to the use and occupation of the citizens and subjects of both nations for the period of ten years, and that no claim of either party should in any manner be prejudiced by this action, and that neither should gain any right of dominion by such use or occupation during the time specified. On the twenty-second of February, 1819, a treaty was concluded between the United States and Spain, generally known as the Florida treaty, by which Spain ceded to the United States her province of Florida and all her rights, claims and pretensions to any territories north and east of a line drawn from the source of the Arkansas north to the 42d parallel and thence west to the Pacific. The 42d parallel remained the boundary between the United States and Mexico until Texas, then California, and still later New Mexico and Arizona w r ere conquered or purchased by the former, and was considered the southern boundary of Oregon. Fierce rivalry had existed for many years between the Hudson's Bay Company and its energetic competitor. The despised rival had grown in wealth and power until the Northwest Company, though not protected by royal charter and not having vast terri- tories over which to exercise the right of dominion, had become an organization even more wealthy and powerful than the chartered monopoly. In the plenitude of its power it gave employment to 2,000 voyageurs, while its agents penetrated the wilder- ness in all directions in search of furs. The Hudson's Bay Conrpany had confined itself to its granted territory, and had not even explored that with enlightened energy, their method of conducting the business being to build a few posts at central points, to w r hich the Indians repaired for purposes of trade. On the contrary, it was the policy of the rival organization to send its agents far and wide, to trade with the natives and open up new fields of operation. This aggressive policy soon had the effect of arousing the old company to a realizing sense of the precarious condition of its affairs, and the necessity for taking energetic steps to recover the ground it was rapidly losing. The result of the rivalry, growing chiefly out of the improvident methods of the Northwest Company, was so alarming a decrease in the fur-bearing animals as to threaten their complete extinction. A systematic effort was made to crush the old company, or to at least drive its representatives from the most valuable beaver country, with the hope of finally compelling a surrender of its charter. The first act of actual hostility, other than mere trade rivalry, was committed in 1806, when a trader of the Hudson's Bay Company was forcibly deprived of 480 packs of beaver skins, and a few months later of fifty more. The same year another trader was attacked and robbed of valuable furs by servants of the Northwest Company, and xeceived similar treatment again the following spring. These acts of plundering were numerous, and since no law but the law of might existed in the wilderness, there was no redress for the despoiled company nor punishment for the offenders, since the latter were Canadians and their victims citizens of England and not possessed of facilities WALLING. L/ZMi Portland.QR Philip Da Motta's Barber Shop. U.S. Signal Service Office, upstairs. Roseburg. OREGON. 109 for securing redress in the courts of Canada. In twelve years but one case was brought to trial, in 180D, when a Hudson's Bay Company man was convicted of manslaughter for killing an agent of the other company who was making an attack upon him with a sword ; and this result was accomplished by the powerful influence of the Northwest Company in Montreal. In 1812, having received a grant of fertile land from the Hudson's Bay Company, Lord Selkirk, a man of energy and an enthusiast on the subject of colonial emigration, commenced a settlement on Red river near its junction with the Assiniboine, south of Lake Winnipeg. No sooner was this accomplished than the rival company expressed a determination to destroy the settlement, and in the autumn of 1814 fitted out an ex- pedition for that purpose at its chief establishment, Fort William, on the shore of Lake Superior. After harrassing the settlement for some months, an attack Avas made upon it in June, 1815, which was repulsed. Artillery having been brought up, the buildings of Fort Gibraltar, the strong hold of the settlement, were battered down and the place captured. The governor was sent to Montreal a prisoner, the remainder of the settlers were expelled from the country, the cattle were slaughtered and the buildings demol- ished. In the fall, however the colonists returned with a great accession to their num- bers and again established themselves under the leadership of Colin Robertson, being accompanied by Robert Semple, governor of the Hudson's Bay Company territories. In the spring of 1816, Alexander McDonnell, a partner of the Northwest Company collected a strong force with the design of crushing the settlement completely. After capturing the supply train on its way to Red river, the invading force came upon Governor Semple and a force of thirty men all of whom they killed, except one who was made a prisoner and four who escajDed. The settlers still remaining in the fort, seeing the hopelessness of resistance, surrendered, and to the number of 200 were sent in canoes to Hudson's bay. They were chiefly Scotch, as were also the attacking party; but the love of gain was stronger than the ties of blood. In 1821 parliament put an end to this bloody feud and ruinous competition by consolidating the rival companies under the name of The Honorable Hudson's Bay Company, by which was created an organization far more powerful than had either been before, and England gained a united and potent agent for the advancement of her interests in America. The settlements on the Red, Assiniboine and Saskatchewan rivers were renewed, and Winnipeg became in a few years the center of a prosperous community. The new company took j)ossession of Astoria and the posts along the Columbia, and as it thereafter became closely woven into the history of this region, a brief description of its founding, growth and methods becomes necessary to a full understanding of subsequent events. Dr. William Barrows gives the following descrip- tion of that powerful corporation. " Its two objects as set forth in its charter, were 'for the discovery of a new jDassage into the South Sea, and for the finding of some trade for furs, minerals and other con- siderable commodities.' It may well be suspected that the first was the face and the second the soul of the charter, which grants to the company the exclusive right of the 'trade and commerce of all those seas, straits and bays, rivers, lakes, creeks, and sounds, in whatsoever latitude they shall be, that lie within the entrance of the straits com- monly called Hudson straits,' and of all lands bordering them not under any other t 110 OREGON. civilized government. This covered all territory within that immense basin from rim to rim, one edge dipping into the Atlantic and the other looking into the Pacific. Through this vast extent the company was made for ' all time hereafter, capable in law, to have, purchase, receive, possess, enjoy, and retain lands, rents, privileges, lib- erties, jurisdiction, franchise, and hereditaments of what kind, nature, or quality soever they be, to them and their successors.' The company held that region as a man holds his farm, or as the great bulk of real estate in England is now held. They could legislate over and govern it, bound only by the tenor and spirit of English law. and make war and peace within it ; and all persons outside the company could be for- bidden to ' visit, hunt, frequent, trade, traffic, or adventure' therein. For all this, and as a confession of allegiance to the crown as a dependent colony and province, they were to pay annually as rent ' two elks and two black beavers.' Cheap rent that, especially since the king or his agent must collect it on the ground of the company. To dwell in the territory or even to go across it would be as really a trespass as if it were done on the lawn of a private gentleman in Middlesex county, England. " Such were the chartered rights of a monopoly that growing bolder and more grasping became at last continental in swee]3, irresistible in power, and inexorable in spirit. In 1821 the crown granted to this and the Northwest Company united, and for a term of twenty-one years, the exclusive right to trade with all Indians in British North America, north and west of the United States, and not included in the first charter. This granted only trade, not ownership in the soil. Thus, while the chartered territory was imperial, it grew, by granted monopoly of trade, to be continental. By degrees the trappers and traders went over the rim of the Hudson basin, till they reached the Arctic seas along the outlet of the Coppermine and the Mackenzie. They set beaver traps on the Yukon and Fraser rivers, around the Athabasca, Slave and Bear lakes, and on the heads of the Columbia. From the adjacent Pacific shore they lined their treasury with the soft coats of the fur seal and the sea-otter. They were the pioneers of this traffic, and pressed this monopoly of fur on the sources, not only of the Mississippi and Missouri, but down into the Salt Lake basin of modern Utah. What minor and rival companies stood in the way they bought in, or crushed by un- derselling to the Indians. Individual enterprise in the fur trade, from Newfoundland to Vancouver, and from the headwaters of the Yellowstone to the mouth of the Mackenzie was at their mercy. They practically controlled the introduction of sup- plies and the outgoing of furs and peltries from all the immense region between those four points. " Within the Canadas and the other provinces they held the Indian and the Eu- ropean equally at bay, while within all this vast unorganized wilderness, their hand over red and white man was absolute. At first the company could govern as it pleased, and was autocratic and irresponsible. By additional legislation in 1803, the civil and criminal government of the Canadas was made to follow the company into lands out- side their first charter, commonly called Indian countries. The governor of Lower Canada had the appointing power of officials within those countries. But he did not send in special men ; he appointed those connected with the company and on the ground. The company, therefore, had the administration in those outside districts in its own hands. Thus the commercial life of the Canadas was so dependent upon the OREGON. Ill Hudson Bay Company that the government could be counted on to promote the wishes of the company. In brief, the government of British America was practically the Hudson Bay Company, and for all the privilege and monopoly which it enjoyed with- out seeming to demand it, there Avas an annual jmyment if called for of ' two elks and two black beavers.' " This company thus became a jjowerful organization. It had no rival to share the field, or waste the profits in litigation, or in bloody feuds beyond the region of law. [ Except the contest between it and the Northwest Company prior to their con- solidation.] It extended its lines, multiplied its posts and agents, systematized com- munication through the immense hunting grounds, economized time and funds by in- creased expedition, made many of its factories really fortifications, and so put the whole northern interior under British rule, and yet without a soldier. Rivers, lakes, moun- tains and prairies were covered by its agents and trappers. The white and the red men were on most friendly terms, and the birch canoe and the jiirogue were seen car- rying, in mixed company, both races, and, what was more, their mixed progeny. The extent of territory under this company seems almost fabulous. It was one-third larger than all Europe ; it was larger than the United States of to-day, Alaska included, by half a million of square miles. From the American headquarters at Montreal to the post at Vancouver was a distance of twenty -five hundred miles ; to Fort Selkirk on the Yukon, or to the one on Great Bear lake, it was three thousand miles, and it was still further to the rich fur seal and sea-otter on the tide waters of the Mackenzie. James bay and Bed river at Winnipeg seem near to Montreal in comparison. These dis- tances would compare well with air-line routes from Washington to Dublin, or Gib- raltar or Quito. "One contemplates this power with awe and fear, when he regards the even motion and solemn silence and unvarying sameness with which it has done its work through that dreary animal country. It has been said that a hundred years has not changed its bill of goods ordered from London. The company wants the same muskrat and beaver and seal ; the Indian hunter, unimproved, and the half-breed European, deterio- rating, want the same cotton goods, and flint-lock guns, and tobacco and gew-gaws. To-day, as a hundred years ago, the dog sled runs out from Winnipeg for its solitary drive of five hundred, or two thousand, or even three thousand miles. It glides, silent as a spectre, over those snow fields, and through the solemn, still forests, painfully wanting in animal life. Fifty, seventy, an hundred days it speeds along, and as many nights it camps without fire, and looks up to the same cold stars. At the inter veiling j)Osts the sledge makes a jiause, as a ship, having rounded Cape Horn, heaves to before some lone Pacific island. It is the same at the trader's hut or factory as when the sledgeman's grandfather drove up, the same dogs, the same half-breeds, or voyageurs to welcome him, the same foul, lounging Indians, and the same mink skin in exchange for the same trinkets. The fur animal and its purchaser and hunter, as the landscape, seem to be alike under the same immutable, unprogressive law of nature, ' A land where all things always seemed the same,' as among the lotus-eaters. Human progress and Indian civilization have made scarcely more improvement than that central, silent partner in the Hudson Bay Com- pany — the beaver. 112 OREGON. " One feels towards the power of this company, moving thus with evenness and immutability through a hundred years, much as one does towards a law of nature. At Fort Selkirk, for example, the fifty-two numbers of the weekly London Times came in on the last sledge arrival. The first number is already three years old, by its tedious voyage from the Thames. Now one number only a week is read, that the lone trader there may have fresh news weekly until the next annual dog-mail arrives, and each successive number is three years behind time when it is opened ! In this day of steamers and telegraphs and telephones, does it seem possible that any human, white habitation can be so outside of the geography and chronology of the world ? The goods of the company, packed and shipped in Fenchurch street, leave London, and at the end of the third year they are delivered at Fort Confidence on Great Bear lake, or at any other extreme factory of the company ; and at the end of three years more the re- turn furs go up the Thames and into Fenchurch street again. So in cycles of six years, and from age to age, like a planet, the shares in the Hudson Bay Company make their orbit and" dividends. A run of three months and the London ship drops anchor in Hudson bay. ' For one year ' says Butler in his ' Great Lone Land,' ' the stores that she has brought in lie in the warehouse of York Factory ; twelve months later they reach Ked river ; twelve months later they reach Fort Simpson on the Mac- kenzie.' " The original stock of this company was $50,820. In fifty years it was trippled twice by profits only, and went up to $457,380, while not one new dollar was paid in. In 1821 the company absorbed the Northwest Company of Montreal, on a basis of value equal to its own. The consolidated stock then was $1,916,000, of which $1,780,866 was from profits. Yet, meanwhile, there had been an annual payment of ten per cent, to stockholders. In 1836 one of the company's ships left Fort George for London, with a cargo of furs valued at $380,000. * * When the English government, in 1846, conceded the claims of the United States to Oregon, property of the Hudson Bay Company was found within Oregon for which that com- pany claimed $4,990,036.67. One cannot but admire the foresight, compass, policy, and ability with which those English fur traders moved to gain possession, and then keep in wilderness for fur-bearing, so much of North America. Travelers tell us of an oppressive, painful silence through all that weird northland. Quadnvped life, and the scanty little that there is of bird life, is not vocal, much less musical. This company has partaken of the silence of its domain. It makes but little noise for so great an organization. It says but few things and only the necessary ones, and even those with an obscurity often, that only the interested and initiated understand. The statements of its works and results are mostly in the passive voice." This description carries us somewhat beyond the era of which this chapter treats, but it is done for a purpose, that the reader might fully comprehend the full power, methods and objects of this potent corporation which represented England in its con- test with the United States for the fair land of Oregon. If he will study it he will discover the fatal points of weakness, which will be developed more and more as the story of that long contest is unfolded. The company desired to win Oregon for Eng- land, not that the power and dominion of that great empire might be extended, but that the company might be left unmolested to dominate this region and fill its treasure \\ \ ' s C:': : '"i ■?■:.=. "'•:' .:■■■ OREGON. 113 boxes with the products of the wilderness ; for its officers well knew that from Eng- land they might hope for an indefinite extension of its monopoly rights, but fromfthe United States nothing. It was an effort to beat back the wave of progress and civili- zation, and failure could have been the only result, For two centuries it had reigned supreme in British America, and had defeated every effort to make of that region any- thing but a vast hunting ground for its representatives. It was from the first its policy to discourage and prevent if possible any exploration of its dominions, and instances are not wanting where expeditions sent out by the- home government came to grief through the machinations of the company. It occasionally sent out explorers in search of new fields in which to operate, but was careful to keep the knowledge thus obtained a secret, and to make no record of anything save what was necessary in the prosecu- tion of its business. This policy it endeavored to carry out in Oregon ; but it miscal- culated its strength and was swept away before the resistless march of American progress. CHAPTER XV. RIVALRY OF ENGLISH AND AMERICAN FUR COMPANIES. Outlook for Joint Occupation — American and English Fur Traders Compared— Fort Vancouver Founded — De- scribed by John Dunn — American Trapping History — Expeditions of Jedediah S. Smith — The Hudson's Bay Company Enters California — Ewing Young's Party— Bonneville and Wyeth — Failure of American Trappers in Oregon — Cause of their 111 Success. When joint occupation of Oregon was agreed upon in 1818, the only Caucasians in the country, as we have seen, were representatives of the Northwest Company, or, as they became in a few years, of the Hudson's Bay Company. Not an American was to be found along the Columbia from its source to its mouth. After the disastrous venture of Mr. Astor and his unsuccessful efforts to secure a restoration of his property through the medium of the government, which, could it but have recognized the fact, was far more deejDly interested in retaining under American control the mouth of the Columbia than any private citizen could possibly have been, traders hesitated to enter this region and undertake to compete with the powerful organization already entrenched. The question of taking military possession of the Columbia was frequently discussed in congress, committees reported favorably on it at various times, and a number of plans were advocated, among them being one to send a body of troops overland to oc- cupy the disputed territory, and another to construct a chain of forts across the con- tinent, which should form a basis of supplies and protection for emigrants. None of these plans were adopted, and it was then a little early for emigrants. 15 1U OREGON. The great drawback was the fact that there was no American company sufficiently powerful to enter the field in competition with the English corporation. The Ameri- cans were nearly all independent traders, operating individually or in partnerships of two or three. Separately they had not the capital to carry on a business in the sys- tematic and comprehensive manner in which the Hudson's Bay Company operated. One unsuccessful season with them was often financially disastrous, while to the great company a completely unsuccessful year was impossible. Covering such a vast scope of country, dealing Avith so many tribes, and handling such varied classes of furs, such a thins: as a total failure was unknown. Losses in one section were certain to be com- pensated for by unusual gains in another. Whenever two trapping parties met in open competition for the trade of a tribe, the Americans had to go to the wall, except in the few cases where they outwitted their opponents. The English trader was instructed to do anything he chose to spoil the trade of his rivals. JSTo spectre of bankruptcy shook its bony finger before his face, no vision of an angry and distrustful partner rose up before him. He could sit quietly down and give away every dollar's worth of goods he had, if it were necessary so to do in order to prevent the Indians from trading with his rivals. On the other hand the American trader, with the last dollar he pos- sessed invested in this one venture, could neither give away his goods nor could he afford to lose the trade before him ; for often the chance he then had to secure a good stock of furs w T as the only opportunity offered during the season, and to miss it meant ruin. Not only this, but the American traders carried on such sharp competition among themselves that they were the more unable to hold their ground against a harmonious organization. The fact that congress in 1815 passed an act expelling all foreign traders from the territories east of the Rocky mountains is of importance only as it signifies the desire of the government to aid our struggling pioneer traders ; for the act was practically inoperative, since agents of the Hudson's Bay Company continued to mo- nopolize the Indian trade on the ivpper Missouri and its affluents. In 1821 the Northwest Company established a post on the north bank of the Co- lumbia, a few miles above the mouth of the Willamette, which was called Fort Van- couver, since this was the highest point reached by the exploring party of the Van- couver expedition in 1792. In 1823 the Hudson's Bay Company removed its Pacific headquarters from Astoria to that point because it possessed the desirable features for such an establishment more fully than any other in this whole region. It was near the mouth of the Willamette and therefore the center and natural converging point of trapping parties coming down the Columbia from the vast wilderness to the east or with the annual overland express from Montreal, from the rich trapping grounds to the south, or from the upper coast and Puget sound; agriculturally, the surroundings were all that could be desired to raise the large crops of grain and vegetables required at all the company's posts and to furnish pasturage, for the beef and dairy cattle ; it was easily approachable by deep-water vessels of large draft, and presented excellent natural facilities for loading and discharging cargo. The vessels that came at stated periods to bring supplies and carry away the accumulated furs, could spare the few days of extra time required to ascend the river better than the employees of the company could spare it in passing to and from headquarters in the transaction of business. Van- couver was the most eligible site on the Columbia for the chief trading post, and OREGON. 115 remained the company's headquarters until it abandoned this region entirely in 1858. During the next four years the company spread out in all directions, from Califor- nia to Alaska and from the Pacific to the Rocky mountains. Some idea can be gained of its power and methods in Oregon from the following description given by John Dunn, for seven years a clerk and trader of the company : ' Fort Vancouver is the grand mart and rendezvous for the company's trade and servants on the Pacific. Thither all the furs and other articles of trade collected west of the Rocky mountains from California to the Russian territories, are brought from the several other forts and stations ; and from thence they are shipped to England. Thither too all the goods brought from England for traffic — the various articles in woolens and cottons — in grocery — in hardware — ready-made clothes — oils and paints — ship stores, etc., are landed ; and from thence they are distributed to the various posts of the interior, and along the northern shores by sailing vessels ; or by boat ; or pack horses ; as the several routes permit ; for distribution and traffic among the na- tives, or for the supply of the company's servants. In a word, Fort Vancouver is the grand emporium of the company's trade, west of the Rocky mountains ; as well within the Oregon territory, as beyond it, from California to Kamstchatka. " The fort is in the shape of a parallelogram, about 250 yards long, by 150 broad ; enclosed by a sort of wooden wall, made of pickets, or large beams fixed firmly in the ground, and closely fitted together, twenty feet high, and strongly secured on the inside by buttresses. At each angle there is a bastion, mounting two twelve pounders, and in the center there are some eighteen pounders ; but from the subdued and pacific char- acter of the natives, and the long absence of all apprehension, these canon have be- come useless. The area within is divided into two courts, around which are arranged about forty neat, strong wooden buildings, one story high, designed for various purposes — such as offices, apartments for the clerks and other officers — warehouses for furs, English goods and other commodities — workshops for the different mechanics ; carpen- ters, blacksmiths, coopers, wheelwrights, tinners, etc. ; in all of which there is the most diligent and unceasing activity and industry. There is also a school house and chapel; and a powder magazine built of brick and stone. " In the centre stands the governor's residence, which is two stories high — the din- ing hall ; and the public sitting room. All the clerks and officers, including the chap- lain and physician, dine together in the hall ; the governor presiding. The dinner is of the most substantial kind, consisting of several courses. Wine is frequently allowed ; but no spirituous liquors. After grace has been said, the company break up. Then most of the party retire to the public sitting room, called ' Bachelor's Hall, ' or the smoking room ; to amuse themselves as they please, either in smoking, reading, or tell- ing and listening to stories of their own and others' curious adventures. Sometimes there is a great influx of company, consisting of the chief traders from the outposts, who arrive at the fort on business ; and the commanders of vessels. These are gala times after dinner ; and there is a great deal of amusement, but always kept under strict discipline, and regulated by the strictest propriety. There is, on no occasion, cause for ennui, or a lack of anecdote or interesting narrative ; or indeed of any in- tellectual amusement ; for if smoking and story-telling be irksome, then there is the HG OREGON. horse ready to mount, and the rifle prepared. The voyageur and the trapper, who have traversed thousands of miles through wild and unfrequented regions ; and the mariner, who has circumnavigated the globe, may be found grouped together, smoking, joking, singing and story telling ; and in every way banishing dull care, till the period of their again setting out for their respective destinations arrives. The smoking room or ' bachelor's hall,' presents the appearance of an armoury and a museum. All sorts of weapons, and dresses, and curiosities of civilized and savage life, and of the various implements for the prosecution of the trade, may be seen there. The mechanics, and other servants of the establishment, do not dine in the hall or go to the smoking room. " The school is for the benefit of the half breed children of the officers and ser- vants of the company, and of many orphan children of Indians who have been in the company's employment. They are taught English (sometimes French), writing, arith- metic and geography ; and are subsequently either apprenticed to traders in Canada ; or kept in the company's service. The front square is the place where the Indians and trappers deposit their furs, and other articles, and make their sales, etc. There may be seen, too, great numbers of men sorting and packing the various goods ; and scores of Canadians beating and cleaning the furs from the dust and vermin, and coarse hairs, previous to exportation. Six hundred yards below the fort, and on the bank of the river, there is a neat village, of about sixty well built wooden houses, generally con- structed like those within the fort ; in which the mechanics, and other servants of the company, who are in general Canadians and Scotchmen, reside with their families. They are built in rows, and present the appearance of small streets. They are kept in a neat and orderly manner. Here there is an hospital, in which the invalided ser- vants of the company, and, indeed, others who may wish to avail themselves of it, are treated with the utmost care. " Many of the officers of the company- marry half breed women. They discharge the several duties of wife and mother with fidelity, cleverness and attention. They are, in general, good housewives ; and are remarkably ingenious as needlewomen. Many of them, besides possessing a knowledge of English, speak French correctly, and possess other accomplishments ; and they sometimes attend their husbands on their dis- tant and tedious journeys and voyages. These half breed women are of a superior class ; being the daughters of chief traders and factors, and other persons, high in the company's service, by Indian women of a suj>erior descent or of superior personal at- tractions. Though they generally dress after the English fashion, according as they see it used by the English wives of the superior officers, yet they retain one peculiarity — the leggin or gaiter, which is made (now that the tanned deer skin has been super- seded) of the finest, and most gaudy coloured cloth, beautifully ornamented with beads. The lower classes of the company's servants marry native women, from the tribes of the upper country ; where the women are round-headed and beautiful. These, too, generally speaking, soon learn the art of useful housewifery with great adroitness and readiness ; and they are encouraged and rewarded in every way by the company, in their efforts to acquire domestic economy and comfort. These, too, imitate, in costume the dress of the officers' wives, as much as they can ; and from their necessities of po- sition, which exposes them more to wet and drudgery, they retain the moccasin, in place of adopting the low-quartered shoe. ■ '.■■:::''7*'.'fV^-~ '■ "■'--■" OREGON. 117 •' Attached to the fort there is a magnificent farm ; consisting of about 3,000 acres . of which 1,500 acres have been already brought to the highest state of tillage. It stretches behind the fort, and on both sides, along the banks of the river. It is fenced into beautiful corn fields — vegetable fields — orchards — gardens — and pasture fields, which are interspersed with dairy houses, shepherds' and herdsmen's cottages. It is placed under the most judicious management ; and neither expense nor labour has been spared to bring it to the most perfect cultivation. There is a large grist mill, and a threshing mill, which are worked by horse power ; and a saw mill Avorked by water power. All kinds of grains and vegetables, and many species of fruits, are produced there in abundance and of superior quality. The grain crops are produced without manure ; and the wheat crop, especially, is represented by practical farmers to be won- derful. " Besides this farm, which they are "every day extending, they have commenced farming on a large scale on the Cowlitze, to the north ; Umpqua, to the south ; and in other parts of the territory, where they have established posts, the produce of all of which they use for exportation both to the Russian stations in Kamskatka (as they entered into a contract with the Russians, in 1839, to supply their posts in those regions with provisions at fixed prices), and to the islands in the Southern Pacific ; and to British and American whalers and to other merchant ships. They also keep scores of wood cutters, employed to fell timber, which is sawed up in large quantities — 3,000 feet a day, and regularly shipped for the Sandwich islands, and other foreign ports. And as they can afford to sell the goods purchased in England under a contract of old standing, together with the productions of the territory and their own farms — fish, beef, mutton, pork, timber, etc., at nearly half the American price, they are likel}' to engross the whole trade of the Pacific, as they do already the trade of the Oregon ; especially since they command all the ports and safe inlets of the country. This the Americans feel and declare ; and it is this which whets their cupidity, and excites their jealousy and hatred. " Trapping parties leaving Vancouver are some weeks preparing for the mountains and prairies. The blacksmiths are busily engaged making beaver traps for the trap- pers — the store keepers making up articles for trade, and equipping the men, the clerk in charge of the provision store packing up provisions for them, to last until they get into hunting ground, the clerk in charge of the farm providing horses, and other re- quisite articles. The party generally consists of about fifty or sixty men — most of them the company's servants — others, free hunters. The servants have a stated salary, while the freemen receive so much per skin. Previous to leaving the fort for the arduous adventure they are allowed a small quantity of rum per man ; and they generally en- joy a grand holiday and feast the night previous to starting. Each man has a certain number of horses, sufficient to carry his equipment. The free trarjpers generally pro- vide their own animals. Both the company's servants and the freemen frequently take their wives and families with them ; the women are very useful on the expedition, in preparing meals and other necessaries for their husbands during their absence from the camp. In summer and winter, whether they have a sort of a traveling camp or a fixed residence, they select the localities that most abound in fur-bearing animals. Though a party may be obliged, from a variety of circumstances, to winter in the plain, 118 L OREGON. or in the recesses of the mountains ; or on the borders of lakes and rivers, some num- bers of it return to the fort at the fall, with the produce of the season's hunt, and re- port progress ; and return to the camp with a reinforcement of necessary supplies. Thus the company are enabled to acquire a minute knowledge of the country and the natives ; and extend their power and authority over both." Such was the hold the Hudson's Bay Company had upon Oregon when Americans attempted to enter the country and exercise their rights under the r treaty of joint oc- cupancy. To show how American trappers first extended their operations into the disputed country, requires a short sketch of the American fur trade. In 1762, while Louisiana was still a province of France, its governor chartered a fur company under the name of Pierre Ligueste Laclede, Antoine Maxan & Co. La- clede established St. Louis the following year, and it became a headquarters for the fur trade similar to Mackinaw and Montreal. The business of this company and many others that engaged along the Missouri in the trapping of beaver became very large. The acquisition of Louisiana by the United States threw this trade into the hands of the Americans. In 1815, congress passed an act expelling British traders from all the territories east of the Rocky mountains, and the American Fur Company, at the head of which Mr. Astor had been for many years, began to send trappers to the head- waters of the Mississippi and Missouri rivers. American trappers also penetrated into New Mexico and established a trade between St. Louis and Santa Fe. Up to this time but one attempt had been made by trappers to penetrate the Rocky mountains, and that was in 1808, by the M issouri Fur Company, at the head of which was a Spaniard named Manuel Lisa. Posts were established on the upper Missouri and one on Lewis river, the south branch of the Columbia; but the failure of supplies and the hostility of the savages caused its abandonment by the manager, Mr. Henry, in 1810. In 1823, Gen. W. H. Ashley, a St. Louis merchant long engaged in the fur trade, pushed a trapping party into the Rocky mountains. He went up the Platte to the Sweetwater, and up that stream to its source, discovered the South pass, explored the head-waters of the Colorado (or Green) river, and returned to St. Louis in the fall. The next year he again penetrated the mountains and built a trading fort on Lake Ashley, near Great Salt Lake, both of which bodies of water were discovered by him that year, and returned, leaving there one hundred men. From that time the head- waters of the Missouri and its tributaries, the Green and Columbia rivers and their tributaries, were the trapping-ground of hundreds of daring men, whose wild and reckless life, privations and encounters with the savages, make a theme of romance that has occupied the pen of Washington Irving and many authors of lesser note, and been the source from which the novelists of the sensational school have drawn a wealth of material. It was the custom to divide the trappers into bands of sufficient strength to defend themselves against the attacks of savages, and send them out in different directions during the trapping season, to assemble the next summer at a grand rendez- vous previously appointed, the head-waters of Green river being the favorite locality for the annual meeting. In the spring of 1825, Jedediah S. Smith led a company of this kind, consisting of about forty men, into the country west of Great Salt Lake, discovered Humboldt OREGON. 13!> river and named it Mary's river, followed down that stream and crossed the Sierra Nevada into the great valley in July. He collected a large quantity of furs, estab- lished a headquarters on the American river near Folsom, and then, with two com- panions, recrossed the mountains through Walker's pass, and returned to the general rendezvous on Green river, to tell of the wonderful valley he had visited. Cronise speaksof American trappers having penetrated into California as early as 1820, but is evidently mistaken, as there is no record of any party crossing the Rocky mountains previous to the expedition of Mr. Ashley in 1823, save those already mentioned. Jedediah S. Smith must stand in history as the first white man to lead a party over- land into California. The return of Smith with such a valuable collection of furs, and specimens of placer gold he had discovered on his return journey near Mono lake, led to his being sent again the next season, with instructions to thoroughly inspect the gold placers on the way. This time he went as a partner, Mr. Ashley having sold his interest to the Rocky Mountain Fur Company, consisting of William Sublette, Jede- diah S. Smith and David Jackson. He passed as far south as the Colorado river, and there had a battle with the Indians, in which all but himself, Turner and Galbraith were killed. They escaped and arrived at the Mission San Gabriel, where they were arrested as filibusters and sent to San Diego, but were released upon the certificate of the officers of some American vessels who chanced to be on the coast, that they were peaceful trappers and had passports from the commissioner of Indian affairs. This certificate bears date December 20, 1826, and in the ensuing May we find them in camp near San Jose, where the following letter was written to Father Duran, who had seDt to know what their presence there signified : — Reverend Fathei. : — I understand, through the medium of one of your Christian Indians, that you are anxious to know who we are, as some of the Indians have been at the mission and informed you that there were certain white people in the country. We are Americans on our journey to the River Columbia ; we were in at the Mission San Gabriel in January last. I went to San Diego and saw the general, and got a passport from him to pass on to that place. I have made several efforts to cross the mountains, but the snows being so deep, I could not succeed in getting over. I returned to this place (it being the only point to kill meat), to wait a few weeks until the snow melts so that I can go on ; the Indians here also being friendly, I consider it the most safe point for me to remain, until such time as I can cross the mountains with my horses, having lost a great many in attempting to cross ten or fifteen days since. I am a long ways from home, and am anxious to get there as soon as the nature of the case will admit. Our situation is quite unpleas- ant, being destitute of clothing and most of the necessaries of life, wild meat being our principal subsistence. I am, Reverend Father, your strange but real friend and Christian brother. J. S. Smith. May 19th, 1827. Smith had united himself with the party he had left in 1825 on the American river, and who had been very successful during his absence, and now that he could not cross the Sierra Nevada, decided to penetrate north to the Columbia and follow up that stream to the Rocky mountains, expecting to join his partners at the Green river rendezvous. Xear the head of the Sacramento valley the party crossed the Coast Range to the west, reaching the ocean near the mouth of Russian river, and con- tinued up the coast to the Umpqua. While stopping here to construct a raft for the purpose of ferrying their effects across the stream, their camp was suddenly attacked by Indians with whom they were holding friendly intercourse, and all but three were slain. Smith, Daniel Prior, and an Indian were on the raft at the time of the attack, 120 OREGON. and when the signal veil was given the Indian seized Smith's rifle and sprung into the water; but the old mountaineer grasped his companion's gun, and as soon as the treacherous rascal thrust his head out of water to catch a breath, sent a bullet through his brain. The two men then landed on the opposite side of the river and started on foot for Vancouver, which they eventually reached in safety. The third one who escaped was Richard Laughlin, who seized a burning brand from the fire and with vigorous blows upon the naked bodies of the savages cleared a passage for himself through the assailants and escaped uninjured. After enduring many hardships he, too, reached the company's headquarters on the Columbia. The Hudson's Bay Company had made it an inflexible rule to treat the natives justly and even liberally, to give them no cause of offense or complaint ; but to main- tain respect for their power and authority and to show the natives that their conduct was not inspired by fear, they never failed to punish offending tribes or individuals in such a manner as would be a perpetual warning to them in the future. It happened that Governor Simpson was at Fort Vancouver at the time Smith arrived in such a forlorn condition, and he sent out a party under Thomas McKay, son of Alexander McKay, the partner of Mr. Astor who perished on the Tonquin, to punish the Indians and recover the captured property, both as a necessary step to maintain the company's authority and as an act of courtesy to the despoiled trader. Accounts vary as to the degree of punishment inflicted, but at all events the furs were recovered and conveyed to Vancouver, and since he could not carry them, having no means, and since the company, from a business point of view, could not afford to provide him with facilities for carrying on opposition to it, he sold the whole lot to the company for $40,000. Though this was much below the market price in St. Louis, it was a pretty fair valu- ation for them on the Columbia. The most minute account of this transaction is given by Rev. Gustavus Hines, to whom it was related by Dr. McLaughlin, chief factor of the company, a few years subsequently. But one writer has seriously questioned the correctness of these statements. Gray's History of Oregon states that the property was recovered " by giving them presents of blankets and powder, and such things as the Indians wished, as stated to us by a Frenchman, a servant of the company, who ' was one of Mr. McKay's party that went to get the furs. They found no bodies to bury, and had no fight with the Indians about the property, as stated by Mr. Smith, also. But, as the Hudson's Bay Company tells the story through Mr. Hines, they ' spread terror through the tribes.'' * Mr. Hines says his Umpqua party ' returned in triumph to Vancouver.'' And well they might, for they had made the best season's hunt they ever made, in getting those furs and the property of Smith? which paid them well for the expedition, as there was no market for Smith, except London, through the hypocritical kindness of Mr. Simpson. By this time, Mr. Smith had learned all he wished to of this company. He preferred giving them his furs at their own price to being under any further obligations to them. Mr. Sublette, Mr. Smith's partner, did not speak as though he felt under much obligation to Mr. Simp- son or the Hudson's Bay Company, which was not long after the transaction referred to. I do not know how the company regard these statements of Mr. Hines, yet I regard them as true so far as Mr. Hines is concerned, but utterly false as regards the company. * According to the testimony given in the case of the OREGON. 121 Hudson's Bay Company vs. United States, the amount of furs seized by the company at that time was forty packs, worth at the time $1,000 each, besides the animals and equipments belonging to the party, a large portion of which was given to the Indians, to compensate them for their services rendered to the company, in destroying Smith's expedition and killing his men." When it is known that the author of the above bears such bitter hatred towards the Hudson's Bay Company and the officers who represented it in Oregon that he can- not even hear the name mentioned without bristling up in anger, and that this feeling- grew out of early missionary feuds, the hated company having supported the Catholic missionaries, opponents of this gentleman and his associates in the Protestant missions it will be understood how, having been thus carried beyond the verge of reason, he could make such deliberate charges of inhumanity against men well known to have been possessed of more than ordinary integrity, benevolence and morality That the company's policy was to break down all opposition, is true ; that in order to do this they strictly enjoined all Indians over whom they exercised any control from dealing with independent traders or selling them supplies, and instructed the agents at their various posts to refuse supplies and ammunition to them, except when it became a case of pure humanity, is also true ; but that it ever encouraged the thought among the na- tives that it would be pleased by the murder of Americans is not susceptible of proof, and the idea is as inconsistent with well known facts as it is with the character of the men who administered the company's affairs in Oregon. Dr. John McLaughlin was one of nature's noblemen, kind and benevolent in character and in manners a thor- ough gentleman. Undeserved abuse has been heaped upon his head- by his enemies without stint, many of whom display the basest ingratitude in so doing. Though instructed by the company to oppose the settlement of Americans and to refuse to sell them supplies, his kind heart would not permit him to carry out the injunction. The needy pioneer never applied to him in vain He not only sold them supplies but gave them credit, many of them never settling their scores , and for this he was in later years dismissed from his position and compelled by the company to pay from his oavii pocket all that was owing from these ungrateful men who at that very time were vili- fying his name, being thus brought to the verge of bankruptcy. It is needless to go into further details, for all, save a few whom blind prejudice holds in chains, bear testi- mony to the grandeur of Dr. McLaughlin's character. As for Tom McKay he was universally respected by whites and Indians for his sterling integrity, and bscause of this held greater influence over the Indians of this region than any man before or since. He took up land in the Willamette valley and lived as an American citizen, loved and respected to the day of his death. To ascribe such conduct to men like this is to show that judgment has been so distorted by prejudice as to be valueless. Smith's party was the first band of American trappers to visit this region, and as their presence was unsuspected by the company it is impossible that the Indians could have been stirred up against them. A few years later, when the American traders were better known here and settlers began to arrive, the distinction between the Bostons (Americans) and King George men (Englishmen), became better known, and the In- dians became prejudiced against the former for reasons that will be given in speaking of American settlements. Dunn relates an incident which shows this spirit in after 122 OREGON. years among the savages, and which also shows that it was not fostered by the company, He says : " On one occasion an American vessel, Captain Thompson, was in the Columbia, trading for furs and salmon. The vessel had got aground, in the upper part of the river, and the Indians, from various quarters, mustered with the intent of cutting the Ameri- cans off, thinking that they had an opportunity of revenge, and would thus escape the censure of the company. Dr. M'Laughlin, the governor of Fort Vancouver, hearing of their intention, immediately dispatched a party to their rendezvous; and informed them that if they injured one American, it would be just the same offense as if they had injured one of his servants, and they would be treated equally as enemies. This stunned them ; and they relinquished their purpose ; and all retired to their respective homes. Had not this come to the governor's ears the Americans must have perished." A party of trappers was then sent out from Vancouver to penetrate into California, headed by Alexander Roderick McLeod and guided by one of the survivors of the Umpqua massacre. They passed through Rogue river valley, over Siskiyou mountain, and entered California by the way of the Sacramento river, trapping along the streams that course through the valley. In the early part of the winter they were caught in a severe snow storm on one of the tributaries of the Sacramento, in Shasta county, and narrowly escaped starvation. They lost their horses and were in a sad plight. Joe McLaughlin, son of the chief factor, set out on foot with a companion to procure aid from Vancouver, and reached that place after much hardship and privation. McLeod did not wait, however, but cached his furs, which were extremely valuable, and strug- gled through to Vancouver with the remainder of his men. Another party was then dispatched to recover the peltries, but found them spoiled. The stream which wit- nessed his misfortune was ever afterwards called McLeod (now improperly spelled Mc- Cloud) by his companion trappers. Before the return of this unfortunate party to the fort, another, under Peter Ogden and accompanied by Smith, started for the new trapping grounds by another route. They passed up the Columbia and Lewis rivers to the source of the latter, at which point Smith left them and returned to the rendezvous on Green river, to report his manifold misfortunes. He sold his interest in the Rocky Mountain Fur Company in 1830, and the next year was treacherously killed by Indians while digging for water in the dry bed of the Cimeron river, near Taos, New Mexico, and was buried there by his companions. After Smith took his leave on Lewis river Ogden 's party continued south to Mary's or Humboldt river, which was thereafter known as Ogden's river by the English, continued down that stream to the sink and crossed over the mountains to California through Walker's pass. They trapped along the Sacramento and followed McLeod's trail back to Vancouver. From that time till it became a por- tion of the United States in 1846, California was one of the regular trapping grounds of the Hudson's Bay Company. The second party of American trappers to enter Oregon was that of Major Pilcher. They left Green river in 1828, and passed along the western base of the Rocky moun- tains to Flathead lake, where they wintered. In the spring they descended Clarke's Fork and the main Columbia to Colville river, up which they ascended to its source and started on their return eastward. Gray says : " This party of Major Pilcher OREGON. 123 were all cut off but two men, besides himself; his furs, as stated by himself to the writer, found their way into the forts of the Hudson's Bay Company." The writer, though not stating- it positively, intends to convey the impression that these men were murdered at the instigation of the Hudson's Bay Company, or at least with its sanction." That the captured furs were sold to the company is true, but as that was the only mar- ket open to the Indians it is a very small foundation upon which to lay a charge of murder against the purchasers. The next band of American trappers was that of Ewiug Young, who had been for years a leader of trapping parties from Santa Fe to the head waters of the Del Norte, Rio Grande and Colorado rivers. He entered Cali- fornia through Walker's pass in 1829, and returned the next year. In 1832 he again entered California and followed Smith's route into Oregon as far as the Umpqua, when he turned eastward, crossed the mountains to the tributary streams of the Columbia and Snake rivers, entered Sacramento valley again from the north, and finally crossed out by the Tejon pass, having been absent from Santa Fe two years. Mr. Young soon returned, and became one of the first and most energetic of the American settlers in Oregon. When Smith sold his interest in the Rocky Mountain Fur Company in 1830, William Sublette and David Jackson retired also, and the new partners were Milton Sublette, James Bridger, Robert Campbell, Thomas Fitzpatrick, Frapp and Jarvais. In 1831 the old American Fur Company, which had been managed so long by Mr. Astor but was now directed by Ramsey Crooks, began to push into the trapping grounds of the other company. Great rivalry sprung up between them, which was the following year intensified by the appearance of two other competitors in the jiersons of Captain B. L. E. Bonneville and Nathaniel J. Wyeth. Captain Bonneville was a United States army officer, who had been given permission to lead a party of trappers into the fur regions of the northwest, the expedition being countenanced by the govern- ment only to the extent of this permit. It was supposed, that, by such an undertaking, sufficient additional information of the region explored would be obtained to warrant authorizing an officer to engage in a private venture. The captain first reached the Rocky mountains in 1832. In 1833 he sent Joseph Walker with forty men to Cali- fornia over the route formerly pursued by Smith, and on Christmas of the same year started with three companions from his camp on Portneuf river, upon an expedition to Fort Walla Walla. His object, as given by Irving, was: "To make himself acquainted with the country, and the Indian tribes ; it being one part of his scheme, to establish a trading post somewhere on the lower part of the river, so as to participate in the trade lost to the United States by the capture of Astoria." He reached Powder river on the twelfth of January, 1834, whence his journey was continued down Snake river and by the Nez Perce trail to Fort Walla Walla, where he arrived March 4, 1834. This journey, in mid- winter, was attended with its accompanying detail of hard- ships incident to the season, including the absence of game and presence of snow in the mountains. At one time, they had wandered among the Blue mountains, lost amid its canyons and defiles east of the Grand Ronde valley, for twenty days, nearly frozen and constantly starved, until they were at the verge of despair. At length, a Nez Perce chief was met, who invited them to his lodge some twelve miles further along the trail they were traveling, and then galloped away. So great had been the strain 124 OREGON. upon the captain's system in sustaining these successive days of unnatural exertion, that when the chief disappeared, he sunk upon the ground and lay there like one dead. His companions tried in vain to arouse him. It was a useless effort, and they were ' forced to camj) by the trail until he awoke from this trance the next day and was enabled to move on. They had hardly resumed their tedious journey, when some dozen Nez Perces rode up with fresh horses and carried them in triumph to their vil- lage. Everywhere, after this, they were kindly received by this hospitable people, fed, cared for and guided on their way by them. Bonneville and his two companions were kindly received at Fort Walla Walla by Mr. P C. Pambrun, who, with five or six men, was in charge of that station at the mouth of the Walla Walla river. This Hudson's Bay Company representative was a courteous, affable host, but when asked to sell the captain supplies that would enable his return to the Rocky mountains : " That worthy superintendent, who had extended all the genial rights of hospitality, now suddenly assumed a withered up aspect and demeanor, and observed that, however he might feel disposed to serve him jDersonally, he felt bound by his duty to the Hudson's Bay Company, to do nothing which should facilitate or encourage the visits of other traders among the Indians in that part of the country." Bonneville remained at the fort but two days, for his destitute condition, combined with the lateness in the season, rendered it necessary for him to return im- mediately ; and he started on the back trail with his Nez Perce guide, and finally reached the point of general rendezvous for his various expeditions. This is a true statement of the position assumed by the Hudson's Bay Company ; its agents would not themselves, nor would they permit the Indians under their control to deal with or in any manner assist opposition traders ; but that Bonneville traversed the country in safety with but three companions after the company was aware of his intention to re- turn and found a rival establishment on the Columbia, is convincing evidence that assassination was not one of its methods of overcoming competition, however much such charges may be reiterated by its enemies. In July, 1834, Bonneville started on a second expedition to the Columbia, with a formidable number of trappers and mountain men, well equipped, and with an exten- sive stock of goods to traffic with Indians. He still contemplated a restoration of American trade in this country, and designed establishing a post for that purpose in the Willamette valley. This time he passed the Blue mountains by way of Grand Honde valley and the Umatilla river, and upon his arrival at the mouth of that stream, was surprised to find the natives shunning him. They ran from his men, hid them- selves, and when intercepted, refused to have anything to do with the Americans. Not a skin, a horse, a dog, or a fish could be obtained from them, having been warned by the Hudson's Bay Company not to traffic with these new comers. It now seemed a question of immediate evacuation or starvation, and Bonneville decided to abandon his attempt at joint occupancy. Once more he turned his back upon the Columbia and left the English company in undisputed possession of the field. A contemporaneous effort was made by Nathaniel J. Wyeth, a Boston mer- chant. With eleven men who knew nothing of trapper-life, he crossed the plains to Humboldt river with Milton Sublette in 1832. From this point the twelve pushed north to Snake river, and by way of that stream to Fort Vancouver, where they i ■aa :*: OREGON. 125 arrived October 20. The fortune of Mr. Wyeth was invested in this enterprise and he had brought a stock of goods with him not well adapted to the Indian market. He was hospitably received by the Hudson's Bay Company. The next spring he left for the East, a financial bankrupt, deserted by all of his followers except two. It is not recorded that the company's officers in any way contributed towards producing this result ; but, if they did not, it was because they believed it unnecessary, knowing that failure would follow without their manipulation. Arriviug in Boston, Mr. Wyeth organized The Columbia River Fishing and Trading Company, with a view of con- tinuing operations on the Pacific coast under the same general plan that had formerly been pursued by Astor, proposing, however, to add salmon fishing to the fur business. A brig, called the May Decres, sailed for the Columbia river with stores, and Mr. Wyeth, with sixty experienced men, started for the same place across the continent in 1834. Xear the head waters of Snake river, he established Fort Hall as an interior trading post, named in honor of one of his partners, where he left twelve men and a stock of goods. He then pushed forward to the Columbia and erected a fort on Sauvie's island at the mouth of the Willamette river, which he called Fort Williams, in honor of another partner ; and again the American flag waved over soil west of the Rocky mountains. The officers of the company again received him with much hospitality, and though they continued to treat him with courtesy, this did not prevent them from taking the steps necessary to protect the company's interests. Fort Boise was estab- lished as an opposition to Fort Hall and drew the bulk of the trade of the Indians of Snake river. On the Columbia Wyeth found that the natives were so completely under the control of the company that he could establish no business relations with them whatever. In two years he was compelled to sell all his possessions, including Fort Hall, to the rival company, and abandon this second effort at joint occupation. In 1835 the two rival American companies were consolidated as the American Fur Company, Bridger, Fontenelle and Briggs being the leaders. The retirement of Bonneville and the sale of Fort Hall by Mr. Wyeth left only the consolidated com- pany and a few " lone traders" to compete with the English corporation. For a few years longer the struggle was maintained, but gradually the Hudson's Bay Company absorbed the trade until the American trappers, so far as organized effort was con- cerned, abandoned the field. The chief secret of the failure of Americans and the success of the English — and it is best to be candid in this matter — was the radical difference in their methods of conducting^the business. The American trappers were, to a large extent, made up of a class of wild, reckless and brutal men, many of them fugitives from justice. With them might made right, and the privilege of shooting Indians was considered an in- herent right which should be exercised as often as circumstances permitted. They w T ere insubordinate and quarrelsome, and the histories of their adventurous lives, even those written for the glorification of Kit Carson, Joe Meek, Jim Beckwourth and oth- ers, convince us that these men composed the lowest stratum of American society. Irving, in one of many similar passages, says : " The arrival of the supplies gave the regular finish to the annual revel. A grand outbreak of wild debauch ensued among the mountaineers ; drinking, dancing, swaggering, gambling, quarreling and 126 OBEGON. fighting. Alcohol, which, from its portable qualities, containing the greatest quantity of fiery spirit in the smallest compass, is the only liquor carried across the mountains, is the inflammatory beverage at these carousals, and is dealt out to the trappers at four dollars a pint. When inflamed by this fiery beverage, they cut all kinds of mad pranks and gambols, and sometimes burn all their clothes in their drunken bravadoes. A camp, recovering from one of these riotous revels, presents a serio-comic spectacle ; black eyes, broken heads/lack lustre visages." Alcohol was a leading article of mer- chandise, and the annual assemblage at the points of rendezvous and the meetings with Indians for the purposes of trade, were invariably the scenes of drunken de- bauchery like the one described. Many impositions were practiced on the Indians, and the men, being irresponsible and without restraint, were guilty of many acts of injustice. The Indians learned neither uprightness nor morality from contact with them, and had respect only for their bravery. On the other hand the servants of the Hudson's Bay Company were men, chiefly half-breeds and French Canadians, who had been reared in the business, as were their fathers before them, and cheerfully submitted to the rigid discipline maintained by the company. It was the policy of the company to avoid all trouble with the natives, to whom they gave no liquor whatever, and, by just and even generous treatment, bind the Indians to them by a community of interest ; yet it never let an act of treachery or bad faith go unpunished. Thus, by an exhibition of justness and moral behavior on one hand and power on the other, it maintained unquestioned authority among the savages of a hundred tribes and over thousands of miles of wilderness. Had the American companies pursued the same policy as their great English rival, far different would have been the result of their enterprises. Fortunately for America she was not compelled to rely upon reckless trappers for her dominion in Oregon. Fur traders could not gain it for her, nor could they hold it for Great Britain. Plows and not steel traps were to settle the question between them. During these years of competition in the fur business, diplomacy was also at work. Several expeditions were sent to the Rocky mountains by the United States government, to report upon the nature of the country and its adaptability to settlement. From these as well as from the reports of trappers, the idea was spread abroad, that the country west of the rocky mountains was valueless except for its fur-bearing ani- mals ; and this idea was fostered by the Hudson's Bay Company both in America and England. The consequence was that when the ten years of joint occupancy had ex- pired, such was the apathy of congress and American statesmen on the subject, that .an indefinite extension of the treaty was agreed upon, to be terminated by either party upon giving notice one year in advance. This was done in 1828, and it was while the extended treaty was in force that Bonneville and Wyeth made a practical test of its workings. CHAPTER XVI. OREGON MISSIONS AND SETTLEMENTS. Four Flathead Indians in St. Louis — The Methodist Mission— The Congregational Missions— Whitman Takes a Cart to Fort Boise— American Settlements— The Wallamette Cattle Company— Progress of Missions and Settlements — Advent of Catholic Missionaries — Population in 1840. There suddenly appeared in St. Louis in 1832 four Flathead Indians. It was a common sight to see Indians of a dozen tribes lounging about the streets of that busy- mart and mingling with the conglomerate crowd of idlers ; but these were different. They had not come to carouse or drink the white man's firewater. In the far off land of Oregon the Flatheads had heard that the white man had a different religion and a different God from that of his red brother, and that this was the secret of his knowl- edge, wealth and power ; and these four braves had been delegated by their tribe to go in search of someone who would teach them this new religion, that they, too, might become a mighty people. Two of them died in the city, and the other two set out, de- jected, upon their return home without the great book of the white man, and one of them perished on the return journey. But their pilgrimage was not fruitless, for both the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, a Congregational organi- zation, and the Methodist Board of Missions, were aroused to a knowledge of the fact that Oregon was an inviting field for missionary labor. Each delegated suitable per- sons to proceed to Oregon and lay the foundation for missions among the natives. The Methodists were prepared first, and in 1834, Rev. Jason Lee, Rev. Daniel Lee, Cyrus Shepard, and P. L. Edwards started for Oregon in company Avith the party of Nathaniel J. Wyeth, previously alluded to. They left Mr. Wyeth's party, who were delayed in the erection of Fort Hall, and passed over the remaining distance in company with A. B. McLeod and Thomas McKay of the Hudson's Bay Company, reaching Fort Walla Walla September 1, and by boats, Vancouver, the fifteenth day of the same month. A location for a mission was immediately selected at a jDoint on the Willamette river, some sixty miles above its mouth, and ten below the site of Salem. Their mission goods, brought around by Wyeth's vessel, landed at this place twenty- one days after their arrival at Vancouver. A house was soon constructed of logs, 32 feet by 18, which they entered November 3, there being at the time but ten feet of the roof completed. So eager were they to commence labor as missionaries, that before the roof was all on their building, Indian children were received into it as pupils. De- cember 14, Jason Lee, while at Vancouver, baptized twenty-one persons, among whom were seventeen children ; and he received a donation of twenty dollars to aid in mis- sionary work from persons living at the fort. They were in Oregon with the sole purpose of elevating the mental and spiritual condition of the inhabitants, regardless of nationality, race, color or condition. Be- 128 OREGON. cause of this, they were kindly aud hospitably received by all, including the monster corporation. Their plan was to educate the Indian, and teach him how to make the soil yield a livelihood. To do this they proposed opening a school for children, where they could live, learn to read, worship God, and till the soil. To carry out this design, it was necessary for the missionaries to become farmers, and produce the food required for themselves and the support of their pupils. The agricultural branch of their en- terprise was inaugurated in the spring of 1835. Their first harvest yielded them two hundred and fifty bushels of potatoes, a quantity of wheat, barley, oats and peas, to which were added six barrels of salmon procured from the Indians. In September of this year, the mission people were attacked by an intermittent fever, from which four Indian pupils died. This was a misfortune, as it caused the superstitious natives to look with mistrust upon an institution where the Great Spirit killed their children in- stead of benefiting them. One Indian visited the mission for the purpose of killing Daniel Lee and Cyrus Shepard because his little brother had died there, but was pre- vented from doing so by a companion, when he crossed to the opposite side of the river and murdered several of his own race, to satisfy his wrath at the " white medicines." During the fall of 1835, a 16 by 32 foot addition was built to their premises, and the close of the year found them with comfortable log buildings, a reasonable supply of provisions for the winter and only ten pupils. The parties sent by the American Board were Rev. Samuel Parker and Dr. Mar- cus Whitman, who started in 1835 with a trap|Ding party of the American Fur Com- pany, intent upon selecting some suitable place for the founding of a mission. They reached the rendezvous of the company in the Rocky mountains, where they en- countered a large band of Nez Perce Indians, who had come there to trade with the company. There was a young chief among them, whom the whites called Lawyer, because of a marked ability displayed by him in repartee and discussion, which could readily be awakened into active play by reflecting upon the acts or motives of his Ameri- can friends. Upon consultation with this chief, it was determined to establish a mis- sion among his people, this decision being hastened because of the peculiar character- istics of the two missionaries, which rendered them ill-calculated for traveling com- panions. To carry out this arrangement Dr. Whitman was to return home, accom- panied by two Nez Perce boys, and come back the ensuing year with the necessary material and associates for an establishment. Rev. Samuel Parker was to continue his way to the Pacific ocean, decide upon the best point for a mission among the Nez Perces, and then send, by Indian source, a letter of advice, to meet Whitman in the mountains on his way out the next season. To carry out this arrangement, they separated August 22, 1835, one turning back upon the trail that led him to a martyr's grave ; the other, with an interpreter, push- ing forward in a triumphal journey among the Indians to the sea. No white man, before or since, has been received with such cordiality and ceremonious distinction, as greeted Mr. Parker on his way through Eastern Oregon to Walla Walla. His ap- proach to an Indian village was the signal for a general display of savage grandeur and hospitality. Since their first knowledge of white men they had seen that the pale face belonged to a superior race, and had heard that he worshiped a Great Spirit, a mysterious unseen power, that made him what he was. The Indians now hoped to $.:)'k:iy?yh; OREGON. 120 learn, too, how they could gain favor with this being, whose smiles gave power to his followers and happiness to those who worshiped him. Now, when one had come among them, who, they believed, could bring them the favor of the white man's God, they received him everywhere with outstretched arms and demonstrations of unbounded joy. Services were held at various places, and the eager natives were to a degree inducted into the mysteries of the white man's religion. October 5, Mr. Parker, with his interpreter and guides, passed down the Touchet river and reached Fort Walla Walla the next day, where he was hospitably received by P. C. Pambrun, the commandant in charge. From there he continued his way down the Columbia to Fort Vancouver, where he spent the winter. In the spring he revisited the Nez Perces, went as far north as Spokane and Colville, and returning to Vancouver embarked for home by way of the Sandwich islands in June, 1836. The efforts of Dr. Whitman resulted in his obtaining the necessary funds and as- sociates for the establishment of two missions in Oregon. He had married in Febru- ary, 1835, Miss Narcissa Prentiss, a lady of refined nature, rare accomplishments and with commanding appearance. She possessed a voice of winning sweetness, was affable to all with whom she came in contact, firm in purpose and an enthusiast. Her sympathies had been enlisted in the cause, and yielding all her fair prospects for the future in the country where she was born, she devoted her life to banishment and iso- lation among savages, in a country so far away that its name even conveyed to the mind a sense of loneliness and mystery. The associate workers were W. H. Gray and Rev. H. H. Spalding and wife, a lady of much firmness of character and excellently adapted for the labor she had chosen to perform. The missionary party brought with them three wagons, eight mules, twelve horses and sixteen cows. In those wagons were farming utensils, blacksmith and carpenter tools, seeds, clothing, etc., to enable them to become self-supporting. In crossing the plains they traveled under protection of the American Fur Company. Sir William Drummond, an English nobleman, under the alias of Captain Stewart, with a com- panion and three servants, and Major Pilcher, a celebrated mountaineer, were also of the party. On arriving at Fort Laramie the wagons were all abandoned except one, which was retained by Dr. Whitman for the ladies to ride in, and then the fur com- pany concluded to try the experiment of taking one of their carts along. After reaching the trappers' rendezvous on Green river, the mission party were introduced by Captain Wyeth — who was on his way home after having sold his forts and trap- ping interests to the Hudson's Bay Company — to Thomas McKay and A. P. McLeod, with whom they were to continue to the Columbia river. Upon resuming the journey, the Doctor, contrary to a manifest hostility evinced to his doingso, insisted upon taking the one remaining wagon with him, but was obliged on reaching Fort Hall, to reduce it to a two-wheel truck, and the men insisted upon his leaving even that when they reached Fort Boise. Such was the result of the first effort to cross the continent with a wagon, which demonstrated that the Pocky mountains were not an impassable bar- rier to American immigration. The party arrived a Fort Walla Walla September 2, 1836, where they were received by Mr. Pambrun with demonstrations of heartfelt cordiality that caused the travel-worn missionaries to feel as though they had reached a home in this land of the setting sun. A few days later they passed down the Co- 130 OREGON. lumbia to Fort Vancouver, where Dr. McLaughlin gave them a most hearty welcome. Here the ladies enjoyed his hospitalities for some time, while the gentlemen returned to Fort Walla Walla to seek suitable locations for their two missionary establishments. With the aid of Mr. Pambrun, and after careful examination of the country, they de- cided to establish one mission among the Cayuses and one among the Nez Perces. The former was located at the junction of Walla Walla river and Mill creek, near the present city of W alia Walla, and was called Waiilatpu, the proper name of the Caynse tribe, being placed under the direction of Dr. Whitman and his noble wife ; the latter, called Lapwai and put in charge of Mr. Spalding and wife, was situated on the Clear- water, above the site of Lewiston. By December suitable accommodations were pro- vided at both missions and the founders began their labor of love. Additions were also made to the force at work in the Methodist mission in the Willamette valley. In July, 1836, Elijah White and wife, Alanson Beers and wife, W. H. Wilson, Annie M. Pitman, Susan Downing and Elvina Johnson, sailed from Boston, but did not reach their destination until May, 1837. The scourge of fever still afflicted them, and the mission in consequence bore an ill repute among the natives-, in sjnte of the most earnest and conscientious efforts of its people to win the good will of those whom they had come so far to benefit. The attaches of the missions were not the only Americans that were now living in Oregon. From the trappers who had visited the coast, some of them with the Ameri- can companies, some as roving " free trappers " and still others in the service of the Hudson's Bay Company, knowledge of the beautiful and fertile Willamette and Sacra- mento valleys was spread along the American frontier, and the thoughts of many of the hardy western peoj)le were turned in this direction. The breaking up of the American trapping companies left many mountaineers without an occupation, unless they engaged in trapping on their own account, and these men began to find their way into California and Oregon for the purpose of building for themselves homes, the majority of them, however, going to the former country. At the close of 1836 there were some thirty white persons in Oregon not connected with the Hudson's Bay Com- pany, including the missionaries and their wives. The presence of these people, in the capacity of settlers, was regarded by the com- pany with much disfavor ; not simply because they were Americans, but because the settlement of any jDersons whatever, over whom the company had no control, was cal- culated to weaken its hold upon the natives. It had been the policy of the company to discourage settlements, even of its own employees whose terms of service had expired, though it could exercise control over them almost as much as when still in its service ; consequently the settlement of Americans beyond the pale of their authority was very distasteful. The Methodist missionaries, also, who had been so cordially welcomed by the company's officers when it was supposed they were simply to engage in missionary work, now that they encouraged these settlers and sided with them against the company, were classed in the same category and deprived of the aid of the company's influence. In order to be still more independent of the company, Ewing Young, who was the leading spirit among the American trappers who had located in the valley, and Jason Lee, the missionary, set on foot a scheme to procure a supply of cattle from California. The effort was opposed by the company, but with the aid of William A. OREGON. 131 Slocum, an officer of the United States navy, who advanced money and gave a free passage to California in his vessel to those who went after the cattle, it was completely successful, and the " Wallamette Cattle Company" was organized. The party which went to California was under the leadership of Mr. Young, and was composed of P. L. Edwards, who kept a diary of the expedition which is now preserved in the State Library at Sacramento and numbered 23,989, Hawchnrst, Carmichael, Bailey, Ere- quette, DesPau, Williams, Tibbetts, Gay, Wood, Camp, Turner, and enough others to make a company of about twenty men, all inured to the dangers and privations of mountain life. They collected a band of 700 cattle at three dollars per head, and, with much labor and difficulty succeeded in bringing 600 of them into the valley. They had much trouble with the Indians on Siskiyou mountain and along Rogue river, and Gray, without any foundation charges the company with stirring up the Indians to cut them off. The fact is, as Edwards' diary plainly shows, the trouble grew out of the unprovoked murder by one of the party of an Indian who visited their camp on Klamath river. Turner, Gay and Bailey were three of four survivors of an American party which had been attacked on Rogue river two years before, and shot this Indian in a spirit of revenge. It is certainly difficult to trace any agency of the company in this affair, or to assign any other cause than wanton murder for their trouble with the Indians. The arrival of the cattle was hailed with joy by the settlers, as it guaranteed them complete independence of the company and demonstrated that Americans could settle in the Willamette valley with an assurance of being self-supporting. At the close of 1837 the independent population of Oregon consisted of forty-nine souls about equally divided between missionary attaches and settlers. Of these Rev. David Leslie and wife, Rev H. K. W. Perkins and Margaret Smith were new recruits for the Meth- odist mission. In 1838, W. H. Gray, who had returned East the year before to procure rein- forcements for the Congregational missions, came out with Revs. E. Walker, Cushing Eells and A. B. Smith and the wives of the four, also a young man named Cornelius Rogers and John A. Sutter, the honored pioneer of the Sacramento valley. At Fort Hall, Gray's associates were induced to trade the fourteen cows they were bringing with them, all of a superior breed, for a like number of cows to be delivered to them by the Hudson's Bay Company after reaching their destination. They failed to fully appreciate the advantages of that trade until after arriving at Whitman's mission in September, where they found that only an expert vaquero could catch one of the wild heifers roaming with the herds belonging to the company. The Methodists enlarged the field of their missionary labors in the spring of 1838, by establishing a mission at The Dalles, under the charge of Daniel Lee and H. K. AV. Perkins. The Protestant method of benefiting the Indians, aside from merely preaching Christianity to them, was to teach them how to live, how to procure food and clothing by their own labor intelligently applied, so that they should no longer be subjected to alternate seasons of feasting and famine. They thought to make a farmer of the Indian, and thus destroy his roving habits. To do this it was necessary that those being taught be supported by them until they could be rendered self-sustaining ; and this required money. Consequently when it was decided to establish a mission at 132 OREGON. The Dalles, Rev. Jason Lee started East to procure financial aid, accompanied by P, L. Edwards, F. Y. Ewing and two Indian boys. During his absence his wife died, also Cyrus Shepard, who was teaching the school at the Willamette" mission. In 1838 a new element was introduced into Oregon in the form of a delegation of Catholic missionaries ; and immediately upon their arrival was begun anew that same sectarian rivalry, that battle of religious creeds, which has caused so much of blood- shed, horror and misery in the world. Intolerance and bigotry were displayed as much by the one side as the other, and responsibility for the terrible results which followed their contest for spiritual control of the Indians rests equally upon the shoulders of both. Revs. Francis N. Blanchet and Modest Demers reached Vancouver on the twenty-fourth of November, having come overland from Montreal, and having bap- tized fifty-three persons during their passage down the Columbia. The Congregational missions were extended during the year by the establishing of a new one among the Spokane Indians by Revs. Cushing Eells and E. Walker. During the following year but little advancement was made, either in missionary work or settlements. The Catholics traveled extensively among the tribes, while the Protestants confined their attention to their various stations. The Indians learned that the white man had two ways of going to heaven, and naturally were themselves divided in opinion as to which was the better one ; or, as they themselves expressed it, all their bad feelings towards each were stirred up, and those quarreled who had be- fore been friends. A printing press was presented in 1839 to the Protestant mission- aries, by their co-laborers in the Sandwich islands ; and it was taken to Lapwai with its accompanying material, and there E. O. Hall and Messrs. Spalding and Rogers used it to print portions of the New Testament in the Nez Perce tongue. This was the first appearance of the typographic art on the Pacific coast of North America. In the latter part of 1839 A. B. Smith located among Ellis' band of Nez Perces and began missionary work. The next year he undertook to cultivate a small patch of ground, when he was ordered by Ellis to desist upon pain of death. Smith not only abandoned his potato patch but his mission as well, and departed for the Sand- wich islands. The failure of this effort gave great satisfaction to the Catholics, as is indicated by the published writings of Father P. J. DeSmet, who had located a mis- sion among the Flatheads the same year. In June, 1840, Jason Lee returned with a party of forty-eight, of whom eight were clergymen and nineteen ladies. The names of the new arrivals in 1839 were Rev. J. S. Griffin and wife and Mr. Mungar and wife, who had intended to found a mission on Snake river but had not succeeded, Ben Wright, Lawson, Keiser, Geiger, Sidney Smith, Robert Shortess and Blair, a blacksmith. In 1840 the arrivals were more numerous. They are thus named and summarized by Gray : " In 1840, Mrs. Lee, second wife of Rev. Jason Lee ; Rev- J. H. Frost and wife ; Rev. A. F. Waller, wife and two children; Rev. W. W. Kone and wife; Rev. G. Hines, wife and sister ; Rev. L. H. Judson, wife and two children ; Rev. J. L. Parish, Avife and three children; Rev. G. P. Richards, wife and three children; Rev. A. P. Olley and wife. Laymen — Mr. George Abernethy, wife and two children ; Mr. H. Campbell wife and one child; Mr. W. W. Raymond and wife; Mr. H. B. Brewer and wife; Dr. J. L, Babcock, wife and one child; Mrs. Daniel Lee; Mrs. David Carter; Mrs. • ■ ] '%£;::;. v^4>-'- ■ "■ ■ : OREGON. 13:) Joseph Holman : Miss E. Phillips. Methodist Episcopal Protestant mission — Rev- Harvy Clark and wife ; P. B. Littlejohn and wife. Independent Protestant mission — Robert Moore, James Cook and James Fletcher, settlers. Jesuit priests — P. J. DeSmet, Flathead mission. Rocky mountain men with native wives: William Craig, Doctor Robert Newell, Jos. L. Meek, Geo. Ebbert, William M. Dougherty, John Larison, George Wilkinson, a Mr. Nicholson, and Mr. Algear and William Johnson, author of the novel, 'Leni Leoti; or, the Prairie Flower.' The subject was first written and read before the Lyceum at Oregon City, in 1843." He classifies the population as follows : American settlers, twenty-five of them with Indian wives, 36 ; American women, 33 ; children 32; lay members, Protestant missions 13; Methodist ministers 13; Congrega- tional 6; American physicians 3; English physicians 1; Jesuit priests, including DeSmet, 3; Canadian French, 60; total Americans, 137; total Canadians, including priests, 63; total population, not including Hudson's Bay Company operatives, within what now is a portion of Montana and all of Idaho, Washington and Oregon, 200. CHAPTEE XVII. OREGON FOR THE UNITED STATES. First Efforts at Government — Petition to Congress in 1840 — Plans of the Hudson's Bay Company— Unfounded Charges against the Company — Unsuccessful Attempt to Organize in 1841 — Visit of Commodore Wilkes — The Hudson's Bay Company Imports Settlers from Red River— Visit of Governor Simpson — Whitman's Win- ter Journey — The Ashburton Treaty — Emigrants and Wagons for Oregon — Names of Oregon Residents in 1843 — A Provisional Government Organized — Treaty of 1846 Gives Oregon to the United States. In 1839 was made the first atteu^t at any form of government, other than the enforced rules of the Hudson's Bay Company. The Methodist missionaries in the Willamette valley selected two persons to act as magistrates, and though this was done without the co-operation of the settlers the action was acquiesced in and their authority respected. The most important case before this tribunal was that of T. J. Hubbard, who was tried for murder before Rev. David Leslie, having killed a man who was at- tempting to enter his house through the window. The jury acquitted the jjrisoner on the grounds of justifiable homicide. In 1840, soon after this event, a petition was forwarded to congress, asking the establishment of a territorial government in Oregon, which had the effect of drawing attention to this country and of reminding those who had formerly thought the Willamette valley a desirable spot for a home that now was a good time to emigrate. There was still another and more important effect produced by this petition and the apparent determination of the American settlers to have a government of their 134 OREGON. own, and that was to arouse the^Hudson's Bay Company to a realization of the pre- carious condition of its authority in Oregon. It began to recognize the fact that as a company it could not control these new-comers nor could it prevent the influx of others who were inimical to its interests. This conviction wrought a change in policy, and with it was made a bold stroke to gain possession of the prize. It has been stated that the company was opposed to settlements of any kind, preferring that the country should remain uninhabited by all save the natives and actual servants of the corpora- tion. It had even gone so far as to send to Canada at its own expense employees whose terms of service had expired, to prevent them from settling here. It is to this policy, wise if all that was desired was to keep this region as a far-bearing wil- derness, but very unwise if it was the expectation to gain possession of it for Great Britain, that England can charge the loss to her of the disputed territory. Had the company from the first planted colonies in the Willamette like those of Lord Selkirk at Winnipeg, or had it even encouraged the settlement of its discharged employees, there would now have been enough British subjects to have controlled local affairs and laid a foundation for a claim of permanent ownership. During the past few years the company had been gradually realizing the unpleasant fact that it could not hope to exclude settlers, and had therefore withdrawn its objection to the location of permanent homes here by its old servants, and, preferring them to the Americans, had even encouraged them in so doing ; but now it realized that it must adopt a more comprehensive and aggressive policy, it must colonize Oregon with subjects of Great Britain or submit to being itself expelled from the country. A deep plan was laid, which, but for the fore- sight and energetic patriotism of Dr. Marcus Whitman, would have been completely successful ; and this plan was to bring a large emigration from the Red River settle- ments to overwhelm the Americans, and at the same time to open negotiations between the home governments for a final settlement of the mooted question of title, in which the preponderance of English subjects here was to be urged as a reason why Great Britain's claim to the country should be conceded. There was nothing criminal nor even dishonorable in this ; and yet some Ameri- can writers speak of this and other steps of the company to obtain or retain possession of Oregon as though they were the most heinous of crimes. The subjects of Great Britain certainly had as much right to make an effort for possession as had citizens of the United States ; and the actual fact is that they were less active, less aggressive than were the Americans, to which is due in a large measure their defeat in the contest. Because they made these efforts, parties who were equally active on the other side, looking at the matter through their party-colored spectacles, have charged the com- pany's officers with the commission of grave crimes, not the least of which was the inciting of Indians to murder American settlers. These charges rest upon evidence which is entirely inferential and circumstantial, and even of this kind of testimony the greater portion is favorable to the company. There is no evidence to prove that the officers of the Hudson's Bay Company were guilty of any acts that would not be looked upon in any country and by any people as proper and necessary for the pro- tection of their interests could they have been placed in the same position. It is certainly questionable if some of those gentlemen, whose bitter enmity caused them to make these charges, had possessed the great power of the company, whether they OREGON. 135 would have used it as honorably and conscientiously as did Dr. McLaughlin and his associates. It is certain that these narrow-minded views were not entertained by the master mind of them all, the martyred Whitman. His brain was large enough to keep personality and politics separate, and he honored and respected these men and en- joyed their personal friendship even while doing his utmost to defeat their plans. It was the active part taken in the struggle by the Protestant missionaries which had lost them the support of the company, and caused that organization to encourage and aid the Catholics, who, as subjects of Great Britain, could be counted upon to further the company'- interests. It was this union of interest and action which was the true cause of the bitter enmity of the Protestant historians to the company. The mutual intolerance of the two creeds, and the especially bitter spirit engendered by the contest for control of the Indians, sufficiently explain why those whose minds were thus edu- cated to believe their Catholic opponents could be guilty of fiendish acts, should extend their prejudices to the company which supported them. It is time these un- founded charges were dropped and prejudice give way to reason. The workings of the company's new plan will be unfolded as this narrative progresses, as will also the circumstances which have called out these precautionary remarks. Although so few white people resided in Oregon at this time, still the objects which brought them here had resulted in their division into four classes, with interests to a greater or less extent adverse to each other. The Hudson's Bay Company, the Catholics, the Protestant missionaries, and the independent settlers, constituted the four interests, and they were elements not easy to harmonize. The first two seemed to have but the one opinion, though there were a few members of the Catholic church who were favorable to American rule. The Methodist mission had served as a rallying point for settlers, who cared nothing for the religious creed it represented, their object in seeking homes in the Willamette having been to better their worldly condition. Such favored the mission influence to the extent only that it served their purpose of settling in the country. In February, 1841, Ewing Young died, leaving considerable property and no heirs. This naturally raised the question of what was to be done with his estate and who was to take charge of it. He was neither a Catholic, a Protestant, nor a Hudson's Bay Company employee ; he had only been an American citizen, was dead in Oregon, and what was to be done? Had he been one of the company's em- ployees it would have attended to the property ; if he had belonged to the Catholic family the priests would have taken charge ; if a Methodist, the mission could have administered ; but, as he was an outsider, and as no one had the color of right to officiate, it became a matter in which all were interested and a cause for public action. His funeral occurred on the seventeenth, and after the burial an impromptu meetino- was held, at which it was determined to organize a civil government over Oregon, not including the portion lying north of the Columbia river. A Committee was to constitute the legislative branch of the government ; a governor, a supreme judge with probate powers, three justices of the peace, three constables, three road commis- sioners, au attorney-general, a clerk of the courts and public recorder, one treasurer and two overseers of the poor were to constitute its official machinery. Gentlemen were put in nomination for all of these offices and the meeting adjourned until the 136 OREGON. next day, at which time, citizens of the valley were notified to be present at the Amer- ican mission house to elect officers, and to perfect the governmental organization. At the time and place specified, nearly all the male population south of the Colum- bia congregated, the several factions in full force. Most prominent among these was the Methodist mission ; second, the Catholics as allies of the Hudson's Bay Company ; and third, the independent settlers whose interests were not specially identified with either. The j^roceedings of the previous day were not fully indorsed. Two were added to the legislative committee, and the following gentlemen were chosen to serve in that capacity : Revs. F. N. Blanchet, Jason Lee, Gustavus Hines, Josiah L. Parrish, and Messrs. D. Donpierre, M. Charlevo, Robert Moore, E. Lucia, and William Johnson. The main point at issue seemed to be, as to which faction should secure the governor- ship. Revs. Leslie and Hines, and Dr. J. L. Babcock were the Methodist mission candidates and were liable to divide the vote sufficiently to secure the selection of Dr. Bailey, a man of strong English prejudices, who was opposed to religion generally, but could secure the French Catholics, and a majority of the settlers' votes. He drove the latter portion of his support into the opposition ranks, however, by his want of modesty in nominating himself for that position. It was finally determined to have no gover- nor, and Dr. J. L. Babcock having been chosen supreme judge, was instructed to ren- der decisions in matters coining before him in accordance with the New York code. This was an order easy to give, but difficult to fulfill, as there was not a New York statute book in Oregon at the time. The Methodists having secured the bench, and prevented the adverse interests from securing the executive branch of the embryo government, the Catholic influence was given a representation in Geo. LeBreton, who was made clerk of the court and recorder. Wm. Johnson was chosen from the English element for the office of high sheriff, and the following named gentlemen were elected constables : Havier Laderant, Pierre Billique, and Wm. McCarty. The offices of justice of the peace, road commissioner, attorney general, treasurer and overseer of the poor, were not filled. After the transaction of this business, and the issuance of an order for the legislative committee to draft a constitution and code of laws, the meeting adjourned until the following June. On the first of June, the people assembled at the new building near the Catholic church in the Willamette, and learned that the committee had failed to either form laws, or even meet for that purpose. Rev. F. N. Blanchet withdrew as a member of it, and Dr. Bailey was chosen to fill the vacancy. The committee was then ordered to, " Confer with the commodore of the American squadron and John McLaughlin, chief factor of the Hudson's Bay Company, with regard to forming a constitution and code of laws for this community." The meeting then adjourned until the following October. In 1838 the United States Government sent out a fleet of vessels, under the command of Commodore Charles Wilkes, on an extensive voyage of exploration which lasted five years. Wilkes was now in Oregon with the purpose as much of ascertaining the actual state of affairs as of gathering geographical and scientific information. The committee applied to him for advice, and after visiting the Catholic and Protestant missions and consulting with Dr. McLaughlin, the missionaries and settlers, he ascertained that though all had participated in the meetings, but a minority, chiefly connected with the Methodist missions, were in favor of an organization. He therefore advised them to OREGON. m wait until they were stronger and until the "government of the United States should throw its mantle over them." The committee accepted his advice, the adjourned meet- ing never convened, and the attempt at organization was abandoned. During 1841 the first regular emigration from the East arrived, consisting of 111 persons, and these came without wagons, since it was the general belief both in England and the United States, that wagons could not cross the continent to Oregon. This idea was industriously supported by English authors, several of whom published books on Oregon about this time, and was strongly urged as a reason why Oregon should be given up to the British. As our statesmen derived their information on this subject chiefly from English sources, they held the same views about the inpracticability of overland emigration from the United States to Oregon. Sir George Simpson, governor of the Hudson's Bay Company, visited the country the same year, crossing overland from Montreal. Just east of the Rocky mountains he passed the emigrants the com- pany was importing from Red river, consisting of " twenty-three families, the heads being generally } r oung and active." They reached Oregon in September, and spent the winter on the Cowlitz. During 1841, also, there was the greatest clash yet experienced between the rival religions. The Catholics went among the Cascade Indians, w T ho had been under the influence of the Methodist mission at The Dalles, and induced them to renounce the Protestant for the Catholic creed. This served to intensify the bitterness existing between the religious factions. The Catholic missions were rapidly growing in power and influence, the Methodist were as rapidly retrograding, while the Congre- gational missions in the interior were progressing but slowly. There was quite an immigration in 1842. Seventeen families started from Inde- pendence in March, with Stephen H. Meek as a guide. At Green river they were overtaken by Fitzpatrick's brigade of trappers on the way to Fort Hall, and several of the families cut up their wagons and made pack saddles, and packing their effects on their animals, accompanied the brigade. The remainder of the wagons Meek conducted safely through Sublette's cut-off, reaching Fort Hall the same day as the others, much to their surprise. Here, owing to the positive assertions of the company's officers that it was impossible to take wagons any further, they were abandoned, and the party pro- ceeded without them, passing down Snake river, across the Blue mountains, down the Umatilla and Columbia to The Dalles, and by the Mount Hood trail to Oregon City, which town was laid out that fall by L. W. Hastings, one of the new emigrants, as agent for Dr. McLaughlin. The greater portion of this party, being dissatisfied with the rainy winter, were guided to California in the spring by Meek. Among these emigrants was Dr. Elijah White, who had authority to act as Indian agent, being the first official of the United States government to enter Oregon. We now approach the turning point in the long struggle for possession of this region, and as in the most popular accounts truth and fiction have been sadly mixed, the fiction will be given first and the reality afterwards. Gray's History of Oregon says : " In September, 1842, Dr. Whitman was called to visit a patient at old Fort Walla Walla. While there a number of boats of the Hudson's Bay Company, with several chief traders and Jesuit priests, on their way to the interior of the country, ar- rived. While at dinner, the overland express from Canada arrived, bringing news that the emigration from the Red river settlement was at Colville. This news excited 18 138 OREGON. unusual joy among the guests. One of them — a young priest — sang out : ' Hurrah for Oregon, America is too late; we have got the country.' 'Now the Americans may whistle; the country is ours!' said another. Whitman learned that the company had arranged for these Red river English settlers to come on to settle in Oregon, and at the same time Governor Simpson was to goto Washington and secure the settlement of the question as to the boundaries, on the ground of the most numerous and permanent settlement in the country. The Doctor was taunted with the idea that no power could prevent this result, as no information could reach Washington in time to prevent it. 'It shall be prevented,' said the Doctor, 'if I have to go to Washington my self 'But you cannot go there to do it,' was the taunting reply of the Briton. ' I will see,' was the Doctor's reply. The reader is sufficiently acquainted with the history of this man's toil and labor in bringing his first wagon through to Fort Boise, to understand what he meant when he said, 'I will see.' Two hours after this conversation at the fort, he dis- mounted from his horse at his door at Waiilatpu. I saw in a moment that he was fixed on some important object or errand. He soon explained that a special effort must be made to save the country from becoming British territory. Everything was in the best of order about the station, and there seemed to be no important reason why he should not go. A. L. Lovejoy, Esq., had a few days before arrived with the immigra- tion. It was proposed that he should accompany the Doctor, which he consented to do, and in twenty-four hours' time they were well mounted and on their way to the States." Such is the fiction upon which has been founded a most extended controversy, the result of which has been to show that Dr. Whitman was moved to take this journey by a deep and gradually formed resolution and that long and thoughtful consideration and not the sudden impulse ascribed by Gray had led him to form the resolution. That this scene depicted by Gray is a pure fiction is evident for several reasons : — First, be- cause the Red river immigration was all in and reached the Cowlitz in September, 1841, as surviving members testify, and there was no emigration from there in 1842 ; second, because Archibald McKinlay, who was in charge of the fort and was a warm personal friend of Dr. Whitman, says that at the time of the visit spoken of there was no one at Walla Walla but the half dozen regular attaches of the fort, and that the Montreal express did not arrive until two weeks after Whitman had departed for the East, during which time Mrs. Whitman remained his guest and then proceeded down the river under its protection; third, because the question of such a journey had been discussed by Whitman and his associates at a special meeting for that purpose several weeks before and the journey agreed upon and a day set for the departure. Let us pass from the realm of fiction to the domain of facts. Dr. Whitman was a true American, an enthusiastic patriot and lover of his country's institutions. From the time he first set foot in Oregon to the hour of his death, the Americanization of this fair land was one of his proudest hopes. Dr. Wil- liam C. McKay, son of Thomas McKay, says that in 1838 his father, who was then in charge of Fort Hall, decided to send him to Scotland to be educated. When ' they reached Waiilatpu, where they were to separate, William to go by the Manitoba route and his father to Fort Hall, Dr. Whitman strongly urged McKay to send his son to the United States to be educated, and "make an American of him," since Oregon would surely belong to the Americans. McKay was convinced, William's destination was OREGON. 139 changed and he proceeded by the way of Fort Hall to the States. He received his education at Fairfield, N. Y., where Whitman himself had attended school. This in- cident reveals the Doctor's abiding faith in the destiny of Oregon. Gifted with a philosophical mind and keen perceptive faculties, he gathered from the visit of Gov- ernor Simpson and the arrival of Red river immigrants in 1841, an inkling of the plans of the company for acquiring Oregon. His mind dwelt on the subject during the following spring and summer, and when the American immigrants arrived that fall with intelligence that negotiations were in progress between the United States and Great Britain to settle definitely the boundary line, he realized the deep-laid plan of the company. With A. Lawrence Lovejoy, one of the immigrants who had stopped near the mission to recruit, he often conversed about the situation, and one day asked if he would accompany him on a journey back to the States. Though the winter season was just coming on, Lovejoy consented to thus aid him in his effort to save Ore- gon to the United States. Whitman summoned his associates from Lapwai and the Tshimakain mission among the Spokane Indians, to consult in regard to the matter. Spalding, Gray, Eells and Walker soon assembled at Waiilatpu, and when the Doctor laid before them his plan for saving Oregon, they unanimously opposed it, on the ground that missionary work and politics should not be confused with each other. To this Whitman replied that his first duty was to his country, and if his mission inter- fered with the discharge of it he would resign. Knowing his inflexible character and deep convictions of duty, they dared no longer oppose him for fear of losing the master spirit of their mission, and gave a reluctant assent. That he might have official authority to leave his charge and that the real object of his journey might not be known by the officers of the Hudson's Bay Company, they delegated him to proceed to Boston to transact certain business in the interest of the missions. The day of his departure was set for the fifth of October, and the several members departed to their fields of labor to prepare reports of their missions for him to take to Boston. The pro- ceedings of this meeting were recorded in a book, which was lost at the time of the Whitman massacre. The papers having arrived, and all being in readiness for the journey, Whitman went to Fort Walla Walla, some authorities say to administer to a sick person, while Dr. Geiger, whom Whitman left in charge of Waiilatpu during his absence, says that it was to interview McKinlay in regard to the situation. At all events, his conversation with McKinlay whetted his anxiety to depart, and he re- solved to start at once. Twenty-four hours later he and his traveling companion turned their backs upon Oregon and entered boldly upon a journey they knew would be attended with hardships and suffering such as they had never before experienced . The only record of that memorable journey is a letter written by Mr. Lovejoy, and the only accounts of what Whitman did and where he went come from those who con - versed with him on the subject and several who saw him at different places in the East including the emigrants with whom he returned to Oregon. From the noble martyr himself there comes no word, save a letter written while at St. Louis the following spring, yet these are enough to place him first on the list of those whose names should be linked with Oregon so long as history shall last. Of that memorable journey Love- joy says 140 OREGON. " We left Waiilatpu October 3, 1842, traveled rapidly, reached Fort Hall in eleven days, remained two days to recruit and make a few purchases. The Doctor engaged a guide and we left for Fort Wintee. We changed from a direct route to one more southern, through the Spanish country via Salt Lake, Taos and Santa Fe. On our way from Fort Hall to Fort Wintee we had terribly severe weather. The snows retarded our progress and blinded the trail so we lost much time. After arriving at Fort Wintee and making some purchases for our trip, we took a new guide and started for Fort Uncumpagra, situated on the waters of Grand river, in the Spanish country. Here our stay was very short. We took a new guide and started for Taos. After being out some four or five days we encountered a terrific snow storm, which forced us to take shelter in a deep ravine, where we remained snowed in for four days, at which time the storm had somewhat abated, and we attempted to make our way out upon the high lands, but the snow was so deep and the winds so piercing and cold we were compelled to return to camp and wait a few days for a change of weather. Our next effort to reach the high lands was more successful ; but after spending several days wandering around in the snow without making much headway, our guide told us that the deep snow had so changed the face of the country that he was completely lost and could take us no further. This was a terrible blow to the Doctor but he was determined not to give it up without another effort. We at once agreed that the Doctor should take the guide and return to Fort Uncumpagra and get a new guide, and I remain in camp with the animals until he could return ; which he did in seven days with our new guide, and we were now on our route again. Nothing of much import occurred but hard and slow traveling through deep snow until we reached Grand river, which was frozen on either side about one-third across. Although so intensely cold, the current was so very rapid about one-third of the river in the center was not frozen. Our guide thought it would be dangerous to attempt to cross the river in its present condition, but the Doctor, nothing daunted, was the first to take the water. He mounted his horse — the guide and myself shoved the Doctor and his horse off the ice into the foaming stream. Away he went completely under water, horse and all, but directly came up, and after buffeting the rapid, foaming current he reached the ic? on the opposite shore a long way down the stream. He leaped from his horse u. >a the ice and soon had his noble animal by his side. The guide and myself forced n the pack animals and followed the Doctor's example, and were soon on the opposite shore drying our frozen clothes by a comfortable fire. We reached Taos in about thirty days, suffered greatly from cold and scarcity of provisions. We were compelled to use mule meat, dogs, and such other animals as came in our reach. We remained at Taos a few days only, and started for Bent's and Savery's Fort, on the head waters of the Arkansas river. When we had been out some 15 or 20 days, we met George Bent, a brother of Gov. Bent, on his way to Taos. He told us that a party of mountain men would leave Bent's Fort in a few days for St. Louis, but said we would not reach the fort with our pack ani- mals in time to join the party. The Doctor being very anxious to join the party so he could push on as rapidly as possible to Washington, concluded to leave myself and guide with the animals, and he himself taking the best animal with some bedding and a small allowance of provision, started alone, hoping by rapid travel to reach the fort in time to join the St, Louis party, but to do so he would have to travel on the Sab- OREGON. 141 hath, something we had not done before. Myself and guide traveled on slowly and reached the fort in four days, but imagine our astonishment when on making inquiry about the Doctor we were told that he had not arrived nor had he been heard of. I learned that the party for St. Louis was camped at the Big Cottonwood, forty miles from the fort, and at my request Mr. Savery sent an express, telling the party not to proceed any further until we learned something of Dr. Whitman's whereabouts, as he wished to accompany them to St. Louis. Being furnished by the gentlemen of the fort with a suitable guide I started in search of the Doctor, and traveled up the river about one hundred miles. I learned from the Indians that a man had been there who was lost and was trying to find Bent's Fort. They said they had directed him to go down the river and how to find the fort. I knew from their description it was the Doctor. I returned to the fort as rapidly as possible, but the Doctor had not arrived. We had all become very anxious about him. Late in the afternoon he came in very much fatigued and desponding ; said that he knew that God had bewildered him to punish him for traveling on the Sabbath. During the whole trip he was very regular in his morning and evening devotions, and that was the only time I ever knew him to travel on the Sabbath." He at once j>ushed on with the mountaineers, leaving Lovejoy at Bent's Fort, and reached St. Louis in February. There lie inquired eagerly about the status of ne- gotiations on the Oregon question, and learned that the Ashburton- Webster treaty had been signed on the ninth of the preceding August, been ratified by the senate, and had been proclaimed by the president on the tenth of Xovember. He was too late by more than three months to have prevented the treaty ; but his journev was not in vain, for the Oregon boundary had notb?eu included in the treaty, had not even been discussed, in fact, as appears from Mr. Webster's speeches and correspondence. This intelligence brought relief to the Doctor's overwrought feelings. There was still an opportunity for him to accomplish his purpose. He found great preparations being made all along the frontier to emigrate to the Willamette valley, notwithstanding the prevailing opinion that wagons could not proceed beyond Fort Hall. He immediately wrote a small pamphlet describing Oregon and the nature of the route thither, urging people to em- igrate and assuring them that wagons could go through, and that he would join them and be their pilot. This pamphlet and his earnest personal appeals were efficacious in adding; somewhat to the number of emigrants, though it is a fact that probably the greater portion of those who started from the border of Missouri in May never heard of Dr. Whitman until he joined them on the route ; for the emigration was chiefly the result of the reports of Oregon received from trappers, letters written to friends in Missouri by Robert Shortess, who came out in 1839, and debates in congress the year before. That Whitman's efforts added somewhat to the number of emigrants is true, but that he initiated the movement or even contributed largely to it does not appear. He was too late for that; the movement was well under way before his arrival. After writing his pamphlet his next anxiety was to reach Washington before con- gress adjourned, so that he might have an opportunity to meet congressmen and urge upon them the claims of Oregon. He did not undertake to change his apparel, which is thus described by Dr. William Barrows, who met him in St. Louis : " The Doctor was in coarse fur garments and vesting, and buckskin breeches. He wore a buffalo 142 OREGON. coat, with a head-hood for emergencies in taking a storm, or a bivouac nap. What with heavy fur leggings and boot moccasins, his legs filled up well his Mexican stirrups. With all this warmth and almost burden of skin and fur clothing, he bore the marks of the irresistible cold and merciless storms of his journey. His fingers, ears, nose and feet had been frost-bitteu, and were giving him much trouble." Such was Whit- man when in St. Louis, such was he still when on the third of March he appeared in Washington, having been to Ithica, New York, to ask for the co-operation of Dr. Samuel Parker, his first missionary associate, and such was he still later in Boston, where he treated the rebukes of the officers of the American Board with a quiet con- tempt that astonished and disarmed them. He found in Washington that the prevalent ideas of Oregon were far different from those along the frontier. Public men possessed but little knowledge of the terri- tory west of the Rocky mountains, and deemed it of but little value because of its sup- posed sterile soil and inhospitable climate. Such had been the prevailing idea since Lewis and Clarke had subsisted on dog meat and Hunt's party had experienced such terrible privations in passing through it; such, also, was the idea fostered by the Hud- son's Bay Company and urged by England. It was the Great American Desert, fit only for the abode of Indians and trappers. A year later in a congressional debate it was asserted that: "With the exception of the land alongt he Willamette and strips along a few of the water courses, the whole country is among the most irreclaimable barren wastes of which we have read, except the desert of Sahara. Nor is this the worst of it. The climate is so unfriendly to human life that the native population has dwindled away under the ravages of its malaria to a degree which defies all history to furnish a parallel in so wide a range of country." To prove the contrary of this and to demonstrate that Oregon could be settled by emigration from the States was Whitman's task. He had interviews with Secretary Webster, President Tyler and many members of congress, in which he urged the im- portance of securing for the United States as much of the indefinite region known as Oregon as possible, asserting that its agricultural and timber resources were unbounded. He told them of the large emigration preparing to start thither, and declared that he would accompany them and show them a route by which they could take wagons clear to the Willamette. His earnest protestations made a deep impression upon many, especially President Tyler, and he was assured that if he could demonstrate these things it would have a powerful effect upon the solution of the Oregon question. Whitman then visited Boston to discharge the official object of his journey, and was severely censured for leaving his mission upon so trivial a pretext. Then, after spending a few days at home, he hastened to the frontier to join the emigrants, some of whom had already started and were not overtaken by him till they had reached the Platte. His appearance among them Avas the first time the majority of them knew of the existence of such a man ; yet even these universally acknowledge that his services as guide and advisor on the route were almost indispensable. Reaching Fort Hall the earnest representations made by the official in charge that wagons could not cross the mountains between that post and the Columbia had a most demoralizing effect. Had it not been for Whitman many would have changed their destination to California, while the remainder, leaving their wagons, plows and implements behind, would have OREGON. 143 continued the journey to Oregon with only what they could pack upon their animals. Earnestly he pleaded with them, assured them that he would guide them safely through, that they had found his counsel good in the past and should trust him for the future. They did trust him; the wagons passed on, and after surmounting every obstacle he led them to the open plain in front of the mission at Waiilatpu. He had won the day for his country. This great train of hardy pioneers who had come to Americanize Oregon, con- tained 875 persons, of whom 295 were men over sixteen years of age. A complete roll of names was taken at the time by J. W. Nesmith, and is as follows : Jesse Applegate, Charles Applegate, Lindsay Applegate, James Athey, William Athey, John Atkinson, William Arthur, Robert Arthur, David Arthur, Amon But- ler, George Brooke, Peter H. Burnett, David Bird, Thomas A. Brown, Alexander Blevins, John P. Brooks, Martin Brown, Oris Brown, J. P. Black, Layton Bane, Andrew Baker, John G. Baker, William Beagle, Levi Boyd, William Baker, Nich- olas Biddle, George Beale, James Braidy, George Beadle, Boardman, William Baldridge, F. C. Cason, James Cason, William Chapman, John Cox, Jacob Champ, L. C. Cooper, James Cone, Moses Childers, Miles Carey, Thomas Cochran, L. Clymour, John Copenhaver, J. H. Caton, Alfred Chappel, Daniel Cronin, Samuel Cozine, Benedict Costable, Joseph Childs, Hansom Clark, John G. Campbell, Chap- man, James Chase, Solomon Dodd, William C. Dement, W. P. Dougherty, William Day, James Duncan, Jacob Dorin, Thomas Davis, Daniel Delaney, Daniel Delaney, Jr., William Delaney, W illiam Doke, J. H. Davis, Burrell Davis, George Dailey, John Doherty, Dawson, Charles Eaton, Nathan Eaton, James Etchell, Solomon Emerick, John W. Eaker, E. G. Edson, Miles Eyres, John W. East, Niniwon Everman, Ninevah Ford, Ephram Ford, Nimrod Ford, John Ford, Alex. Francis, Abner Frazier, William Frazier, William Fowler, William J. Fowler, Henry Fowler, Stephen Fairly, Charles Fendall, John Gantt, Chiley B. Gray, Enoch Garrison, J. W. Garrison, W. J. Garrison, William Gardner, Samuel Gardner, Mat. Gilmore, Richard Goodman, Major Gilpin, Gray, B. Haggard, H. H. Hide, William Holmes, Riley A. Holmes, John Hobson, William Hobson, J. J. Hembre, James Hembree, Andrew Hembre, A. J. Hembre, Samuel B. Hall, James Houk, William P. Hughes, Abijah Hendrick, James Hays, Thomas J. Hensley, B. Holley, Henry Hunt, S. M. Hqlderness, Isaac Hutchins, A. Husted, Josej^h Hess, Jacob Hann, John Howell, William Howell, Wesley Howell, W. G. Howell, Thomas E. Howell, Henry Hill, William Hill, Almoran Hill, Henry Hewett, William Hargrove, A. Hoyt, John Holman, Daniel Holman, B. Harrigas, Calvin James, John B. Jack- son, John Jones, Overton Johnson, Thomas Keyser, J. B. Keyser, Pleasant Keyser Kelley, Kelsey, A. L. Lovejoy, Edward Lenox, E. Lenox, Aaron Layson, Jesse Looney, John E. Long, H. A. G. Lee, F. Lugur, Lew Linebarger, John Linebarger, Isaac Laswell, J. Loughborough, Milton Little, Luther, John Lau- derdale, McGee, William J. Martin, James Martin, Julius Martin, Mc- Clelland, F. McClelland, John B. Mills, Isaac Mills, William A. Mills, Owen Mills, G. W. McGarey, Gilbert Mondon, Daniel Matheny, Adam Matheny, J. K Matheny, Josiah Matheny, Henry Matheny, A. J. Mastire, John McHaley, Jacob Myers, John Manning, James Manning, M. M. McCarver, George McCorcle, Wil- 144 OREGON. liam Mays, Elijah Millican, William McDaniel, D. McKissic, Madison Malone, John B. MeClane, William Mauzee, John Mclntire, John Moore, W. J. Matney, J.W. Nesmith, W. T. Newby, Noah Newman, Thomas Nayler, Neil Osborn, Hugh D. O'Brien, Humphrey O'Brien, Thomas A. Owen, Thomas Owen, E. W. Otie, M. B. Otie, Bennett O'Neil, A. Olinger, Jesse Parker, William Parker, J. B. Penningtou, P. H. Poe, Samuel Painter J. P. Patterson, Charles E. Pickett, Frederick Prigg, Clayborn Paine, P. B. Beading, S. P. Rodgers, G. W. Rodgers, William Russell, James Roberts, G. W. Rice, John Richardson, Daniel Richardson, Philip Ruby, John Ricord, Jacob Reid, John Roe, Solomon Roberts, Emseley Roberts, Josej)h Rossin, Thomas Rives, Thomas H. Smith, Thomas Smith, Isaac W. Smith, Anderson Smith, Ahi Smith, Robert Smith, Eli Smith, William Sheldon, P. G. Stewart, Dr. Nathaniel Sutton, C. Stimmer- man, C. Sharp, W. C. Summers, Henry Sewell, Henry Stout, George Sterling, Stout, Stevenson, James Story, Swift, John M. Shively, Samuel Shirley, Alexander Stoughton, Chauncey Spencer, Hiram Strait, George Summers, Cornelius Stringer, C. W. Stringer, Lindsey Tharp, John Thompson, D. Trainor, Jeremiah Teller, Stephen Tarbox, John Umnicker, Samuel Vance, William Vaughn, George Vernon, James Wilmont, William H. Wilson, J. W. Wair, Archibald Winkle, Edward Williams, H. Wheeler, John Wagoner, Benjamin Williams, David Williams, William Wilson, John Williams, James Williams, Squire Williams, Isaac Williams, T. B. Ward, James White, John (Betty) Watson, James Waters, William Winter, Daniel Waldo, David Waldo, William Waldo, Alexander Zachary, John Zachary. Add to these the following settlers residing here when the others arrived : Pleasant Armstrong, Hugh Burns, Brown, William Brown, - Brown, J. M. Black, William Baldra, James Balis, Dr. W. J. Bailey, Brainard, Medo- rem Crawford, David Carter, Samuel Campbell, Jack Campbell, William Craig, Amos Cook, Aaron Cook, Conner, William Cannon, Allen Davy, William Doty, Richard Eakin, Squire Ebbert, John Edwards, Philip Foster, John Force, James Force, Francis Fletcher, George Gay, Joseph Gale, Girtman, Felix Hathaway, Peter H. Hatch, Thomas Hubbard, Adam Hewitt, Jeremiah Horegon, Joseph Holman, David Hill, Weberly Hauxhurst, Hutchinson, William Johnson, King, Kelsey, Reuben Lewis, G. W. LeBreton, Jack Larrison, Joseph L. Meek, F. X. Mathieu, John McClure, S. W. Moss, Robert Moore, McFadden, William McCarty, Charles McKay, Thomas McKay, Morrison, J. W. Mack, Newbanks, Robert Newell, James A. O'Neil, F. W. Pettygrove, Dwight Pomeroy, Walter Pomeroy, Perry, Rimmick, Osborn Russell, J. R. Robb, Robert Shortess, Sidney Smith, Smith, Andrew Smith, Andrew Smith, Jr., Darling Smith, Spence, Jack Sailor, Joel Turnham, Turner, Hiram Taylor, Cal- vin Tibbetts, Trask, C. M. Walker, Jack Warner, A. E. Wilson, David Winslow, Caleb Wilkins, Henry Wood, B. Williams. Also add the following members of Protestant missions : Dr. Marcus Whitman, A. F. Waller, David Leslie, Hamilton Campbell, George Abernethy, William H. Wilson, L. H. Judson, W. H. Gray, E. Walker, Cushing Eells, Alanson Beers, Jason Lee, Gustavus Hines, H. K. W. Perkins, M. H. B. Brewer, Dr. J. L. Babcock, Dr. Elijah White, Harvey Clark, H. H. Spalding, J. L. Parrish, H. W. Raymond. ppm WALL1N3. LITH. PORTLAND, OK. H. Gate's Flouring Mill, Roseburg. Z33 m V3 o m z CT n a en > m w a CO m 03 c 30 •n en a c Si r- > en o OREGON. 145 The above list includes nearly every male resident of Oregon in 1843, exclusive of the ex-employees of the Hudson's Bay Company and those still in its service. On the heels of the emigrant train, came the exploring party of Lieutenant John C. Fremont, who had explored the Rocky mountains the year before. After spending a few days at Vancouver, he passed south, crossed the Cascades to Eastern Oregon, continued south into Nevada, and then with much labor and suffering, crossed the snow- bound Sierra Nevada to Sutter's Fort in the Sacramento valley. Though he earned the title of Pathfinder, he found his way to Oregon clearly marked by the wheels of the wagons that had preceded him. Early in 1843 the effort to organize a provisional government was renewed by the American settlers, who were unaware of the great reinforcements already on the way to join them. Even the missionaries were not trusted in the primitive councils and o i i3ration5 of the organizers. The known hostility of every interest in Oregon to a government not under control of such interest, caused the settlers to plan with great caution and execute with extreme care. It became necessary for them to deceive every, one, except a select few, in regard to their designs, in order to obtain a meeting of the settlers under circumstances that would not arouse the suspicion of those adverse to such action, and array them in active hostility. The number and influence of such were sufficient, when combined, to strangle the movement at its birth, A singular de- vice was resorted to. Wild animals had been destroying the young stock, and those who were wealthiest suffered most from such depredations. The Methodist mission- aries and Hudson's Bay Company were consequently more anxious than the other settlers to be relieved of this scourge. There was but one sentiment, every one wished the depredators exterminated, and to do it necessitated a united action, an assembling of the people, and an organized movement. The conspirators circulated a notice calling upon residents to meet for this pur- pose at the house of W. H. Gray on the second of February, 1843. The meeting took place and a committee of six was chosen to perfect a plan for exterminating wolves- bears and panthers, and then call a general meeting of the settlers to whom their con- clusions were to be submitted. That committee consisted of W. H. Gray, William H. Wilson, Alanson Beers, Joseph Gervais, a Rocky mountain hunter named Barnaby, and a Frenchman named Lucie, who had formerly been a member of Astor's expedition. With the appointment of this committee, and a general ex- change of views upon the subject of wolves, bears, panthers, and the best way to get rid of their destructive raids upon stock, the meeting adjourned till the first Monday in March, when the people were to meet at the house of Joseph Gervais. At the ad- journed meeting, after the organization had been completed, one of the gentlemen present addressed the settlers, stating that no one would question for a moment the rightfulness of the proceedings just completed; it was a just, natural action taken by the people to protect their live stock from being destroyed by wild animals ; but while they were so solicitous about their stock, would it not be a wise thing to take steps for the protection of themselves and their families. The result of this speech was the ap- pointment of J. L. Babcock, Elijah White, James A. O'Neil, Robert Shortess, Robert Newell, Lucie, Joseph Gervais, Thomas Hubbard, C. McRoy, W. H. Gray, 146 OREGON. Smith and George Gay, as a committee to consider the propriety of organizing a government. The committee soon met at Oregon City, many others being present, and a lively discussion ensued. Rev. Jason Lee, George Abernethy, Revs. Leslie and Hines, and Mr. Babcock, took strong grounds against the movement and declared in favor of a delay of four years. By striking the office of governor from the list, a unanimous vote was secured to call a meeting on the second of May. At the appointed time the people assembled, the two factions being almost equal in strength, being fifty-two Americans in favor of organization against fifty, chiefly Hudson's Bay Company men, opposed to it. Like Cameron, the great ex-boss of Pennsylvania politics, who said that a majority of one was all the majority he cared for, the Americans were satisfied with a majority of two, and proceeded with the work of organizing, their opponents leaving in disgust. The result of this action was the following organization : Legislative Committee — Robert Shortess, Robert Newell, Alanson Beers, W. H. Gray, James A. O'Neil, Thomas Hubbard, David Hill, Robert Moore, William Dougherty. Supreme Judge with probate powers — A. E. Wilson. Clerk and Re- corder — George W. LeBreton. Sheriff — Joseph L. Meek. Treasurer, W. H. Wilson. Magistrates — A. B. Smith, Hugh Burns, Compo and L. H. Judson. Con- stables — Squire Ebbert, Bridgers, Reuben Lewis and F. X. Mathieu. Major — John Howard. Captains — William McCarty, C. McRoy and S. Smith. The committee was instructed to report on the fifth of July at Champoeg. At the time appointed the committee made its report, which was adopted, in which the laws of Iowa were declared in force so far as they applied, and the executive manage- ment of the government entrusted to a committee of three instead of a governor. For this committee, David Hill, Alanson Beers and Joseph Gale were chosen, and at last the American settlers in Oregon had a government. The struggle was over, for the great emigration which a few weeks later came in with Whitman settled the question of American supremacy and the stability of the newly organized government. The first regular election was held May 14, 1844, to choose officers of the provis- ional government, at which 200 votes were cast. P. G. Stewart, Osborn Russell and W. J. Bailey were chosen executive committee ; Dr. John E. Long, clerk and re- corder; James L. Babcock, supreme judge; Philip Foster, treasurer; Joseph L. Meek, sheriff. The territory had been partitioned into four legislative districts. The Tualatin district included what now is Washington, Multnomah, Columbia, Clatsop and Tillamook counties, and the persons chosen to represent it were Peter H. Burnett, afterwards governor of California, David Hill, M. Gilmore and M. M. McCarver. The Champoeg district, which has since been divided into Linn, Marion, Lane, Josephine, Coos, Curry, Benton, Douglas and Jackson counties, was represented by Robert Newell, Daniel Waldo and Thomas D. Keizer. In the Clackamas district was what is now the eastern part of Oregon, a portion of Montana, and all of Idaho and Washington territories. This immense region with its few settlers was represented by A. L. Love- joy, Whitman's companion in 1842. The legislative committee elected met at the house of Felix Hathaway, June 18, 1844, and chose M. M. McCarver speaker of the house. A nine days' session followed, when they adjourned until December of the same year. On the 16th of December the legislative committee met again, this time OREGON. 147 at the house of J. E. Long in Oregon City, when a message was submitted to them from the executive committee, in which an amendment of the organic law was rec- ommended. A seven days' session followed, during which an act was passed calling for a committee to frame a constitution. Several acts were passed requiring submis- sion to a popular vote to render them valid, among which was a change from the tri- umvirate to gubernatorial executive, and from a legislative committee to a legislature, which was adopted by the people. The immigration of 1844 consisted of 800 people, of whom 235 were able-bodied men. The following list contains the names of the greater portion of them : Alderman, Bird, Nathan Buzzard, Charles Burch, Robert Boyd, William Black, Blakely, George W. Bush, Thomas Boggs, William BoAvman, Sr., William Bowman, Jr., Ira Bowman, Elijah Bunton, Joseph Bunton, William Bun- ton, Charles Buich, Capt. C. Bennett, Francis Bordran, Joseph Bartrough, William Bray, Nathan Bayard, Adam Brown, Peter Bonnin, David Crawford, Lewis Crawford, Daniel Clark, Dennis Clark, Clemens, James Cave, Joel Crisman, Gabriel Crisman, William Crisman, Aaron Chamberlain, Patrick Conner, Samuel B. Crockett, Wm. M. Case, William Clemens, Dougherty, Doty, Jas .Davenport, Dr. Dagon, Daniel Durban, Edward Dupuis, C. Emery, Moses Edes, C. Everman, John Eades, Abr. Eades, Henry Eades, Clark Eades, Solomon Eades, David Evans, N. D. Evans, Robert Eddy, Jno. Ellick, Jno. Fleming, Nathaniel Ford, Mark Ford, Jas. Fruit, "Doc" Fruit, Jenny Fuller, I. N. Gilbert, David Goff, Samuel Goff, Marion Goff, David Grant, Mitchell Gilliam, Cornelius Gilliam, Smith Gilliam, Wm. Gilliam, Porter Gilliam, Wm. Gage, Jesse Gage, W. H. Goodwin, — Gillespie, James Gerrish, Jno. Gerrish, Martin Gillahan, William Gillahan, Charles Gilmore, Alanson Hinman, A. F. Hedges, Jacob Hutton, Fleming Hill, J. C. Hawley, Jacob Hoover, T. Holt, James Harper, Joseph Holman, John Howard, James Hunt, Norris Humphrey, Jacob Hammer, Herman Higgins, William Higgins, George Hibler, John Inyard, Abr. Inyard, Peter Inyard, William Johnson, James Johnson, David Johnson, Daniel Johnson, James Johnson. John Jackson, David Jenkins, William Jenkins, Henry Jenkins, David Kindred, Bart, Kindred, John Kindred, Daniel Kinney, Barton Lee, John Lousenaute, Charles Lewis, William Morgan, Theophilus McGruder, Ed. McGruder, John Minto, Joshua McDaniel, Elisha McDaniel, Mrs. McDaniel, McMahan, Nehemiah Martin, Samuel McSwain, James McAllister, R. W. Morrison, Michael Moor, James W. Marshall, LafeMoreland, Westley Mulkey, Luke Mulkey, Murray, Mudgett, George Neal, Attey. Neal, Calvin Neal, Robert Neal, Alex. Neal, Peter Neal, George Nelson, Cyrus Nelson, John Nichols, Frank Nichols, Benjamin Nichols, Ruel Owless, Henry Owens, James Owens, John Owens, John Owens, Joel Perkins, Sr., Joel Perkins, Jr., John Perkins, David Parker, Priest, Joseph Parrot, S. Packwood, T. Packwood, R. K. Payne, William Prather, Theodore Prather, Eaben Pettie, Aniab Pettie, J. Rowland, E. Rob- inson (Mountain), T. G. Robinson (Fatty), Ben Robinson, Willard H. Rees, Parton Rice, Mac Rice, Rice (Old Man), Ramsey, Ramsdell, Franklin Sears, Jackson Shelton, William Sebring, John Scott, Levi Scott, M. T. Simmons, Springer, J. S. Smith, Charles Smith, Peter Smith, William Smith, Noyes Smith, Texas Smith, Henry Saffron, Big Sis, James Stewart, William Saunders, Joshua Shaw, A. C. R. Shaw (Sheep), Wash. Shaw, Thomas Shaw,B. F. Shaw, Capt. William Shaw, 148 OREGON. James Stephens, Sager (died on Green river ), Charles Saxton, Vincent Snelling, Benjamin Snelling, Snooks, Jerry Teller, Sebrin Thornton, O. S. Thomas, John Thorp, Alvin Thorp, Theodore Thorp, Mortimer Thorp, Milton Thorp, Cooper Y. Trues, Benjamin Tucker, Long Tucker, Thomas Vance (died on the Platte), George Waunch, Poe Williams, Williams, Harrison Wright, Richard Woodcock, James Welsh, James Walker, Sr., James Walker, Jr., Robert Walker, Henry Williamson Joseph Watt, Warmbough, Thomas Werner. At the election held June 3, 1845, a total of 504 votes were cast, and George Abernethy was chosen the first governor of Oregon. The other officers were, John E. Long, secretary; Francis Ermatinger, treasurer; J. W. Nesmith, judge; Marcus Ford, district attorney ; S. W. Moss, assessor ; Joseph L. Meek, sheriff. Two new districts, or as they were subsequently called, counties, were created, being Clatsop and Yamhill. A new code of laws was framed by the legislature then .elected, and was adopted by the people by a vote of 255 to 52. A memorial to congress was then adopted, praying for the formation of a regular territorial government, which was carried to ashington by Dr. E. White. The legislature also created Polk and Lewis counties, the latter em- bracing all of Washington west of the Cascade mountains. Joseph L. Meek, the sheriff, was instructed to take a census of the population. By this it appears that there were 2,110 people in Oregon, 1,259 males and 851 females. A train of 480 wagons and some 3,000 people crossed the plains in 1845, guided by Stephen H. Meek, a brother of the sheriff, the same who had taken the wagons to Fort Hall in 1842. At Fort Hall about one-third severed themselves from the train and went to California, being under the command of William B. Ide, of bear flag notoriety, and guided by Greenwood, the trapper. Meek undertook to guide them by a new route across the Blue and Cascade mountains, a route over which he had never passed. He lost his way and the emigrants started out on their own responsibility. The majority of them by a terrible struggle, succeeded in passing down John Day river to the Columbia. Even this episode has been seized upon by the anti-Hudson's Bay Company men, and the charge made that Meek was employed by the company to cause the destruction of this train in the mountains. The fact is that if the emi- grants had only trusted him a few days longer, the guide would have fulfilled all the promises he made them. As it was they came near hanging him, and he is roundly abused by the survivors of the train even to the present day. The Hudson's Bay Company was enjoying a thriving trade with the emigrants passing by their posts at Fort Hall, Boise and Walla Walla, especially in purchasing for almost nothing the worn out cattle, or taking them in exchange for wild cattle which were to be delivered by the chief factor at Vancouver. The feeling against the company was very bitter ; and a number of men who had settled in the extreme southern end of the Willamette valley, among whom Jesse and Lindsay Applegate were leading spirits, determined to open a new route to Oregon from Fort Hall. They organized a small party, which passed through Umpqua and Rogue river val- leys, along Klamath, Tule and Goose lakes, and across northern Nevada to Fort Hall, where were found a large number of emigrants, numbering 2,000 souls and having 470 teams and 1,050 cattle. About one-half the number passed down the Humboldt to Cali- fornia, in separate trains, among which was the Donner party, of whom so many OREGON. 14D perished in the mountains. Of the remainder the greater portion followed the old trail down Snake river and reached their destination after encountering the usual hardships of the trip. A train of 150 people with forty-two wagons tried the new route and found it a long one, almost devoid of grass and water until they reached Goose lake. They suffered severely and their cattle, half-starved and feeble, could scarcely pull the wagons along; nor was this the end, for upon reaching the canyon of the Umpqua mountains they found it almost impossible to proceed and many of them remained a long time in the mountain fastness, themselves and their stock in a deplorable condition, while others only reached the Willamette by abandoning every- thing. Much abuse has been heaped upon the heads of the men who induced the emigrants to try this new route, but it is evidently undeserved, at least so far as it im- putes to them unworthy motives. They passed over the route on horseback and evi- dently did not realize how more frequent grass and watering places must be for a train of wagons than for horsemen. However, this route through Nevada was a few years later used by thousands of emigrants entering Northern California and Southern Oregon, though, of course, the good camping places were well known by that time. As for the Umpqua canyon, wagons were taken through it by Stephen H. Meek in 1843, and would have been easily passable by this party had their stock been strong, in- stead of being barely able to stand upon their feet, such, at least, as were not lying on the burning alkali deserts of Nevada. There has been too much of this imputing of bad motives for the conduct of those who differed in opinions in the pioneer days ; and if these reckless charges could be credited, instead of being properly classed as the bitter fruit of sectarian or political prejudice, we would be compelled to believe that Oregon was peopled jwith the moral refuse of society instead of the brave and noble-hearted men and women we well know them to have been. Though the Oregon question had been practically settled by the American immi- grants, it was not officially disposed of until 1846. For several years it was warmly discussed at every session of congress and received much prominence in the newspapers . The people at large, as well as a few members of congress, adopted a very belligerent tone and asserted the superior title of the United States to all of the coast south of the Russian possessions. In the presidential contest of 1844, " Fifty-four forty or fight" became a party cry, and upon that issue James K. Polk was elected. In his first mes- sage to congress the new president devoted one-fifth of the space to an exhaustive dis- cussion of the question, and recommended that the required notice for a termination of the treaty of joint occupation be given, that military posts be constructed along the emigrant route and that the national laws be extended over Oregon. The debate which followed was long and earnest, and it seemed as though war would be the result. The resolution terminating the treaty of joint occupation passed the house and went to the senate, where for many days it engrossed the attention of the greatest statesmen of America. Finally the resolution passed that body, but so modified as to strip it of its pugnacious tone and admit of a compromise. It had occupied the attention of congress for four months and twenty-one days, during which time the whole country had been engaged in its discussion and the dark cloud of war hovered over the nation. Negotia- tions continued between the two governments until a treaty was signed on the seven- teenth of July, 184(3, by which the boundary line of the 49th parallel east of the Rocky 150 OREGON. mountains was extended to the Pacific, but not including in the United States any por- tion of Vancouver island. On the fourth of June, 1846, officers were elected in the various counties in Ore- gon, as well as representatives in the legislature. June 3, 1847, another county and legislative election was held. At the same time George Abernethy was chosen gover- nor for a second term, the opposing candidate being A. L. Lovejoy, who had a minority of only sixteen votes. The other officers were: S. M. Holderness, secretary; John H. Couch, treasurer; George W. Bell, auditor of public accounts; A. Lawrence Lovejoy, attorney general; Theophilus McGruder, auditor; J. Quinn Thornton, judge of the supreme court; H. M. Knighton, marshal; Alonzo A. Skinner, judge of the circuit court. Another large immigration came in 1847 and still another in 1848. On the twelfth of June, 1848, county and representative officers were chosen for the last time under the j:>rovisional government. CHAPTER XVIII. WHITMAN MASSACRE AND CAYUSE WAR. Sectarian Histories Unreliable — The Battle of the Creeds — Missionaries and Settlers Classed Together — Rest- lessness of the Indians— Dr. White's Visit to the Nez Perces— Indians Incensed against Americans — Trouble at Oregon City — Disbandment of Methodist Mission — Catholic Method of Converting Savages — Growing Feeling of Hostility among the Cayuses — Catholics Establish a Mission in Opposition to Whitman— Joe Lewis and his Perfidy — Epidemic among the Cayuses— The Poison Theory — The Massacre at Waiilatpu — Spalding's Charges and Responsibility of the Catholics — Rescue of the Prisoners by Peter Skeen Ogden — The Cayuses Prepare for War — The Whites March against the Indians — The Cayuses Settle the Matter among Themselves— Execution of the Hostages. The literature of this portion of Oregon's history has flowed chiefly from sectarian sources. So bitter became the feelings engendered by the religious contest, that all accounts of the events of this period are so impregnated with personal feeling "as to render them valueless as history. Their very tone is evidence of unreliability ; and this applies as much to the Protestant as the Catholic writings. They are composed largely of abuse of the opposite sect, of suppression of or only obscure reference to facts detrimental to the side from which the writings proceed, and of enlargement of every trivial circumstance that can be shown to the disadvantage of the opposing party. That such writings should be dignified with the title of History is a reproach to litera- ture. A careful examination will satisfy an unprejudiced person that this chapter reveals as nearly as possible the true facts, and does justice to both parties to the con- troversy. OREGON. 151 The first gun was lived and the nature of the campaign outlined by Dr. Samuel Parker, the first associate of Dr. Whitman ; and this in 1836, before the Catholics had entered the field. At the mouth of Alpowa creek, on Snake river, he came upon a burial party of Nez Perces, who " had prepared a cross to set up at the grave," and because the symbol of the crucifixion offended his sight and he feared it would make " a stepping-stone to idolatry," he took " the cross which the Indians had prepared and broke it in pieces." As the Catholics had not yet made their appearance in Oregon and consequently " didn't know they were hit," this incident is of interest simply to show the spirit of religious intolerance which held possession of Dr. Parker, and which after events proved to pervade his successors. When the two Catholic priests, Fathers Blanchet and Demers, arrived in 1838, the Methodists had missions in the Willamette val- ley, and at The Dalles, andtheCongregationalistshad one at Waiilatpu among the Cay- uses, at Lapwai among the Xez Perces, and at Tshimakain among the Spokaues. The Protestants were well entrenched, and the Catholics had to enter new fields, of which there were many, or attack the others direct. It will be seen that they did both. The Catholic plan of operations is outlined by Father Blanchet himself, who in after years thus wrote of the duties of the missionary priests : " They were to warn their flocks against the dangers of seduction, to destroy the false impression already received, to enlighten and confirm the faith of the wavering and deceived consciences, to bring- back to the practice of religion and virtue all who had forsaken them for long years or who, raised in infidelity, had never known nor practiced any of them. * * * In a word they were to run after the sheep when they were in danger. Hence their passing so often from one post to another — for neither the white people nor the Indians claimed their assistance in vain. And it was enough for them to hear that some false prophet had penetrated into a [place, or intended visiting some locality, to induce the missionaries to go there immediately, to defend the faith and prevent error from propagating itself." Here is a direct statement from the bishop at the head of the church, that it was the Catholic plan to counteract the influence of the Protestants where they had already located missions, as well as to hasten to any new point they might select in order to prevent the founding of new ones. The first overt act of this kind was made at ISesqualy, only a few months after they arrived. Blanchet says t " The first mission to iSTesqualy was made by Father Demers, who celebrated the first mass in the fort on April 22, [1839], the day after he arrived. His visit at such a time was forced upon him by the establishment of a Methodist mission for the Indians. * * * After having given orders to build a chapel, and said mass outside of the fort, he parted with them, blessing the Lord for the success of his mission among the whites and Indians, and reached Cowlitz on Monday, the 30th, with the conviction that his mission at Nesqualy had left a very feeble chance for a Methodist mission there." Some ingenious artist among the priests made a picture showing a large tree with many branches. The different Protestant sects were represented as going up the tree and out upon the various branches, from which they dropped into a fire, and this fire was kept burning by a priest who fed it with the heretical books of the roasting vic- tims. This picture tickled the Indians immensely, and among the Xez Perces it bid fair to capture the whole tribe. As an offset Mr. Spalding had his wife paint a num- 152 OREGON. ber of illustrations of prominent bible events, and this panorama soon crowded the Catholic cartoon from the field. Thus this contest went on for several years. In 1841 the Cascades Indians were won away from The Dalles mission in spite of Mr. Waller's strenuous efforts to hold them. This same Mr. Waller gave expression to his feelings on doctrinal points by cutting down a cross erected by the Catholics at the Clackamas village. There was one thing which gave the Catholics a decided advantage among the natives, and that was the use of symbols and ceremonies, as Blanchet expresses it : " The sight of the altar, vestments, sacred vessels and great ceremonies, were drawing their attention a great deal more than the cold, unavailable and long lay services of Brother Waller." These were more akin to their own ideas of religion than the simple services of the Protestants. The mystery was fascinating to them, and they preferred to see the priests " make medicine " than to hear so much " wa wa " from the minis- ters. By thus working upon the superstitious nature of the savages and making no effort to suddenly change their habits and time-honored customs, the Catholics gained a firm hold upon them, and were thus able, gradually, to bring about the desired change. The Protestants, on the contrary, endeavored to accomplish too much at once, and having no censers to swing or imposing vestments to wear, could gain but slight influence over the natives when their opponents were about. There was still another factor which contributed to the unpopularity of the Protes- tant missionaries, and one which became stronger as time rolled on, and that was their connection with American settlers, and their efforts to cultivate the soil. The Indians did not want white people to settle in the country. They recognized the fact that both races could not live here, and that if white people came the Indians must go. It was this feeling which caused Ellis to forbid A. B. Smith to cultivate a patch of ground in 1840. The Hudson's Bay Company encouraged the idea among the Indians that the missions were but stepping stones to American occupation, and this idea was supported by the conduct of those in charge of the Methodist mission in the Willamette, which had become the general headquarters for American settlers. The fur company had been here for years and had not taken their lauds away from them but instead, had supplied them with a good market for such furs as they might have; yet the Americans, who were but new comers, were already taking their lands, and more kept arriving yearly. The outgrowth of this was a feeling of bitterness against the Americans, in- cluding the Protestant missionaries, in which neither the Hudson's Bay Company men nor the Catholics were included; and this feeling intensified year by year. In 1841, Dr. Whitman was insulted and attacked at Waiilatpu in consequence of trouble between Gray and an Indian. Immediately after he left on his winter journey and before Mrs. Whitman went to Fort Walla Walla, a Cayuse chief attempted to enter her room at night, and a few days later the mission mill and its contents were destroyed by fire. About the same time Mrs. Spalding, at the LajDwai mission, was grossly in- sulted and ordered from her own house; and at another time Mr. Spalding's life was threatened. Dr. Elijah White, the Indian agent who arrived but a few weeks before, determined to check this growing spirit of hostility. Accordingly, in November, accompanied by Thomas McKay, who had left the company's service and settled in the valley, and six men, he left the Willamette for the interior. At Fort Walla Walla OREGON. 153 McKinlay joined them and the party proceeded to Lapwai to hold a counsel with the Nez Perces. After a long talk, in which McKay and McKinlay took an important part, a treaty was entered into whereby whites and Indians were to be equally punished for offences, and the Xez Perces adopted a system of laws in which the general princi- ples of right and justice were embodied in a form suitable to their customs and condi- tion. Ellis was chosen head chief to enforce the laws. The party of Dr. White then returned to hold a council with the Cayuses. But little was accomplished with them except to appoint the tenth of the ensuing April for a general council with the whole tribe. The next tribe visited was the Wascopum, at The Dalies, and these readily adopted the same laws Dr. White had given the Xez Perces. The result of these councils was to infuse a sense of security into both the whites and Indians. The next summer disaffection broke out afresh, owing to the evil counsels of Baptiste Dorion, a half breed son of Pierre Dorion who had been interpreter for Hunt's party of the Astor expedition in 1811. This man was interpreter for the Hudson's Bay Company, and upon his own resjwnsibility informed some of the Indians about Fort Walla Walla that the Americans were coming up in the summer to take their lands. This story spread among the tribes along the base of the Blue mountains and created great excitement. The young warriors wanted to go to the Willamette and exterminate the Americans, but were held in check by the older ones. Peo-peo-mux-mux, chief of the Walla Wallas, visited Vancouver to ascertain the truth of Dorion's statements, and was informed by Dr. McLaughlin that he did not believe the Americans entertained any such idea; but if they did he could rest assured that the Hudson's Bay Company would not aid them in a war of that kind against the Indians. The return of the Walla Walla chief quieted the excitement to a certain extent, yet a feeling of appre- hension still remained, and the missionaries sent for Dr. White to make another official visit to the tribes. He started in the latter part of April, accompanied by Rev. Gus- tavus Hines, George W. LeBreton, one Indian boy and a Kanaka. Several French Canadians were to have accompanied them, but were advised by Dr. McLaughlin to remain at home and "let the Americans take care of themselves." The result of this visit was to restore the spirit of security, and to insure tranquil- ity for a time at least. The Cayuses adopted the Xez Perce laws and elected for head chief Five Crows, who had embraced the Protestant faith and was favorably disposed towards the Americans. - The action of Dr. McLaughlin has been severely censured and has served as an argument to prove that the Hudson's Bay Company was stirring up the Indians to drive the Americans from the country. That is certainly putting a strained construction on it, as will be admitted when it is understood that the Ameri- can settlers had but a few days before unanimously signed a memorial to congress, in which Dr. McLaughlin was severely censured. Father Demers arrived from the interior at this time and informed him that : " The Indians are only incensed against the Boston people ; that they have nothing against the French and King George peo- ple ; they are not mad at them, but are determined that the Boston j^eople shall not have their lands and take away their liberties." Is it at all unnatural that, learning that his people were in no danger and smarting under the unjust charges of the Amer- icans, he should have said, " Let the Americans take care of themselves ?" •20 154 OREGON. There was trouble in the Willamette valley in 1844 which served to still more embitter the Indians against the Americans. There was a sub-chief of the Molallas named Cockstock, a man of independent nature and belligerent disposition. He had a few followers who partook somewhat of his spirit, and they were generally the prime movers in such hostile acts as the natives of the Willamette indulged in. He was rebellious of restraint, and not friendly to the encroachment of the white settlers. A relative of his having mistreated Mr. Perkins at The Dalles mission, was sentenced by the Wasco tribe to be punished according to Dr. White's laws. The sub-chief was enraged at the whipping his kinsman had received, and set out to revenge the insult upon the Indian agent. Reaching the agent's Willamette home during his ab- sence, he proceeded to break every window pane in the house. He was pursued, but not caught, and became an object of terror to the Doctor. All depredations committed in the country were charged to this chief, and it finally resulted in the offer by Dr. White of one hundred dollars reward for the arrest of the formidable Indian. Learn- ing that he was being accused of acts committed by others, the chief visited Oregon City March 4, accompanied by four of his band, with the avowed purpose of having a talk with the whites for the purpose of exculpating himself. He entered the town, staid for about an hour, and then crossed the river to visit an Indian village to procure an Indian interpreter. He then recrossed the Willamette, when several men under- took to arrest him and a desperate fight ensued. Cockstock was killed, and his fol- lowers, after fighting valiantly until the odds became too great, made good their escape. On the other side George W. LeBreton was killed by Cockstock, and Mr. Rogers, who was working quietly near by, was wounded in the arm by a poisoned arrow, which caused his death. It has been asserted that the Molalla chief attacked the town, but it requires too much credulity to believe that five Indians would in broad daylight attack a town containing ten times their number. The whole affair is chargeable to the rash conduct of a few men who were eager to gain the paltry reward offered by Dr. White, one of whom paid for his cupidity with his life. Fearing that trouble might follow, the executive committee of the provisional government issued a procla- mation for the organization of a military company. A company was organized on the tenth of March by citizens who assembled at Champoeg. Nineteen names were en- rolled, T. D. Keizer being elected captain and J. L. Morrison and Mr. Carson lieu- tenants. Their services were not required. In May, 1844, Rev. George Gary arrived by sea to supersede Jason Lee in charge of the Methodist missions, the latter being already on his way East. The mission property was immediately sold and the missionary work, which had amounted to little so far as accomplishments were concerned for several years, was discontinued, excejrt at The Dalles. While the Methodists were thus withdrawing from the field, the Cath- olics were largely increasing their force. Among other arrivals for that purpose were six sisters of the order of Notre Dame, who came to found a convent in the Willam- ette. As Father Blanchet expresses it : " The schemes of the Protestant ministers had been fought and nearly annihilated, especially Nesqualy, Vancouver, Cascades, Clackamas, and Willamette falls, so that a visitor came in 1844 and disbanded the whole Methodist mission, and sold its property." The Methodists being disposed of the next thing in order was to get rid of the Congregation alists, whose missions were OREGON. 155 at least holding their own, and one of them, that of Mr. Spalding, at Lapwai, making- considerable progress in civilizing the Nez Perces. The most successful missionaries among the aborigines of America have been the Catholics. The extent of their operations and success of their efforts in this field, are but partially known to either the Protestant or Catholic world ; and the secret of their success lies in the zeal and judgment with which their religion is impressed upon the uncultivated understanding by ceremonies and symbols. All Indians believe in im- mortality, in the power and influence of both good and evil spirits upon the family of nun. The strongest hold that can be obtained upon that race is to bind them with cords of belief and fear to an unseen power, let that power be what it may. Their superstitious natures lead them to attribute their good or ill fortune largely to super- natural influences, and to enter the door to their understanding of spiritual matters it is necessary to keep that door ajar for such purpose. Unless the white man's God is a greater medicine than the Indian's, they want none of him. Unless he can save them more effectually now and hereafter than the one they have always worshiped, they would prefer the old God to the new one. They believe that the Great Spirit helps them to slay their enemies, directs the fish to their snares and the wild game to their hunting grounds. If he fails so to do, it is because he is angry with them and must be propitiated. A God that leaves an Indian hungry and a scalp on the head of his offending enemy, would be void of interest or attraction. The Catholic missionary teaches the credulous Indian that the white man's God not only takes heed of the hair that falls from the head of his chosen, but provides for him ; and, being the God not only of peace, but of battle, makes his arms invincible in waging just war against his enemies. No stronger inducement can be given to a savage for adopting any religious faith than that of being able by that means to protect himself against his foes, to fill his stomach, and to go after death to the happy hunting grounds, where there are no enemies and no fasting. The Catholic missionary not only understands all this and teaches as stated, but he deals out to them religion in homeopathic doses. Through the sense of sight, the priest makes an impression upon the brain by ceremonies and the attractive symbols of his faith. He follows more closely than the Protestant in the line of what the Indian expects to see as typical of a mysterious something unseen. It being nearer to his conception arid what he has been accustomed to, he more readily believes and adopts it. Using these levers, the missionary moves the Indian by tribes into the Catholic church. After gaining an ascendancy the priest makes a judicious use of his influence to eradicate the evil practices of his neophytes, without destroying his chance for accomplishing any good by asking too great a change suddenly. By such systematic methods as this, the Catholic power had been so increased by 1847 that there were eight missions and twenty-six priests, sixteen churches and chapels, three institutions of learning, 5,000 Indian converts and 1,500 Catholic settlers, chiefly Canadians. On the contrary the Protestant missions were making comparatively little head- way. At each station there were a few who seemed to be in full accord with them, but the great majority of the tribe were but slightly affected by their preaching. At Waiilatpu things had been going wrong for some time. From the time Whitman first went among them there was a small portion of the Cayuses who were opposed to him 156 OREGON. and his work. At the head of this faction was Tain-su-ky, an influential chief who lived on Walla Walla river a few miles from the mission. Five Crows, the head chief, resided on the Umatilla forty miles away. It was this element which made the trouble in 1842 and burned the Doctor's mill. When Whitman returned with the great train of emigrants in 1843, these Indians pointed to it as an evidence that his missionary pretentions were but a cloak for a design upon their liberties, that he was bringing Americans here who would take away their lands. In them Baptiste Dorion found willing associates in spreading his stories about the sinister designs of the Americans. This feeling of hostility spread from year to year, especially among the Cayuses, through whose country the immigrants all passed, and who were thus better able than the other tribes to see what great numbers were coming and what a hearty welcome they all received from Dr. Whitman and his associates. As far back as 1845, a Delaware Indian, called Tom Hill, had been living with the Nez Perce tribe. He had told them how American missionaries had visited his people, first to teach religion, and then the Americans had taken their lands ; and he w r arned them to drive Mr. Spalding away, unless they would invite a similar misfortune. This Indian visited Whitman's mission and repeated to the Cayuses his story of the ruin to his tribe that had followed the advent of American missionaries to live among them. In the latter part of 1847, an- other Indian came among the Cayuses, who had been taken from west of the Cascades to the States, when a boy, where he grew to manhood among the Americans. His name was Joe Lewis, and he bent all the powers of his subtle nature to the task of creating hatred of the missionaries and Americans among the Indians at Waiilatpu. He reaffirmed the statements of Dorion and Tom Hill, and said it was the American plan of operations to first send missionaries, then a few settlers every year until they had taken all the land and made the Indians slaves. It was then that Tam-su-ky and his followers were triumphant and could boast of their superior wisdom in opposing the mission from the first. The tribe was divided into three classes, a few faithful fol- lowers of the Doctor and his God, a few bitterly opposed to the mission, and the great majority of the tribe indifferent but gradually acquiring a feeling of hostility. There were many, also, who desired to exchange to the Catholic religion, of which they heard favorable reports from other tribes. The long black gowns and imposing ceremonies had captured them. Whitman perceived the gathering storm but thought it could be averted. Thomas McKay warned him that it was unsafe to live longer with the Cay- uses, and the Doctor offered to sell the property to him, an offer which McKay agreed to accept if he could dispose of his claim on the Willamette. With this in view Whitman went to The Dalles in the fall of 1847, and purchased the disused Methodist mission there, and leaving his nephew, P. B. Whitman, in charge he returned to Waiilatpu to spend the winter, preparatory to moving away in the spring. This was the condition of affairs at Waiilatpu when the Catholics decided to take advantage of the desire of a number of the Cayuses to embrace their faith and estab- lish a mission among them. On the fifth of September, 1847, Father A. M. A. Blanchet reached Walla Walla with three associate priests, and the fort became their headquarters for a number of weeks while they were seeking a suitable place for a permanent location. Whitman found them there upon his return from The Dalles, and quite a stormy interview ensued, though it must be confessed that the storming was chiefly OREGON. 157 doue by the Doctor; and no wonder. He had just made arrangements to abandon all he had accomplished by eleven years of self-denial and labor, and here he found those to whom he attributed his misfortunes ready to take his place even before he had left it. He did not hesitate to tell them his opinion of their conduct, and the complaisant manner in which they received his complaint aggraA r ated him the more. Immigrants from the States in the fall of that year brought with them the dysen- tery and measles, which soon became epidemic among the Cay uses. Many Indians died in spite of the remedies administered by the Doctor. Joe Lewis made good use of his opportunity. He told the Indians that Whitman intended to kill them all; that for this purpose he had sent home for poison two years before, but they had not for- warded a good kind; that this year the immigrants had brought him some good poison and he was now using it to kill off the Cay uses ; that when they were all dead the Americans would come and take their lands. He even went so far as to declare that he overheard a conversation between Mr. Spalding and Dr. and Mrs. Whitman, in which the former complained because the Doctor was not killing them fast enough, and then the trio began to count up the wealth they would acquire when the Indians were all dis- posed of. This received much credence among the tribe, especially since they knew of a somewhat similar case a few years before, when an American purposely spread small- pox among the Blackfeet and killed hundreds of that tribe. Without knowing the perfidious conduct of Joe Lewis, who was employed about the mission, Dr. Whitman perceived the signs of danger, and asked Thomas McKay to spend the winter with him, as that gentleman's influence with the natives was great; but Mr. McKay was un- able to comply. On the twenty-seventh of November, two days before the massacre, the Catholics established their mission on the Umatilla, forty miles from Waiilatpu and near the home of Five Crows, the head chief. Joe Lewis had assured the Cay uses that the priest had told him Dr. Whitman was giving them poison, which does not seem to be sustained by reason or probability. In 1882 the writer had a long interview with three of these Indians, ones who were still adherents of the faith taught them by Whit- man, and since they have suffered much persecution at the hands of the Catholics in charge of the mission, were not inclined to tell untruths in their belief. They unani- mously agreed that they never heard the priest say anything about Dr. Whitman giving them poison ; that Joe Lewis told them that, and said he learned it from the priest ; that it was generally believed the priest had said so, but afterwards in investi- gating the matter among themselves they could find no one to whom . the priest said anything of the kind, and that it all came through Joe Lewis. One thing the Roman missionary did say, and this helped to confirm the Indians in their belief that he had also said the other, and that was that Dr. Whitman was a bad man, and if they be- lieved what he told them they would all go to hell, for he was telling them lies. Even such a statement as that, to unreasoning and passionate savages, was almost enough, in case they believed it true, to have caused the bloody scene which followed, even had not the poison theory been so industriously circulated by the scheming Lewis. The followers of Tam-su-ky determined to prove the poison theory. The wife of that chief was sick, and they agreed among themselves that they would get some med- 158 OREGON. icine from the Doctor and give it to her ; if she recovered, good, if not, then they would kill the missionaries. They did so, and the woman died. Waiilatpu was centrally located, since the Cayuses occupied the country from Umatilla river to the Tukannon. Every Sunday large numbers gathered at the mission, some of them to actually j)articipate in the services, and others because of the crowd they knew would be assembled. On week days, however, it was seldom that a dozen could be found there at a time. For this reason Tam-su-ky and his followers chose a week day for their deed, a time when they thought none of the Whitman Indians would be present to interfere. They were careful to conceal their design from the Christian Indians and from the head chief, Five Crows, for fear he would prevent its execution. About fifty Indians assembled at the mission on the twenty-ninth of Novem- ber, 1847, being chiefly the relatives and friends of Tam-su-ky. Of these only five participated in the bloody work, the others simply looking on and preventing the in- terference of any outsiders and especially of the one or two Whitman Indians who happened to be present. The horrible details of the massacre it is needless to relate. Mr. Spalding has given them with a minuteness that is strongly suggestive of an origin in the imagination, yet his narrative is probably in the main as correct as could possi- bly be gathered from the incoherent stories of frightened women and children. It is only when he carries the melodramatic too far, and when he is endeavoring to make it appear that the massacre was perpetrated at the instigation of Father Brouillet and sanctioned by the Hudson's Bay Company, that his statements become unreliable. His picture is much overdrawn, though Heaven knows that in some particulars, and especially in the after treatment of the female prisoners, even those of tender age, the pen utterly fails to depict the horrors of the scene. He uses such expressions as " mul- titudes of Indians," " cutting down their victims everywhere," " the roar of guns," the " crash of war clubs and tomahawks," " shock like terrific peals of thunder," in refer- ring to the discharge of a few guns, " crash of the clubs and the knives ;" and yet when the whole is summed up but thirteen were killed in all, nine that day, two the next and two eight days later. He is equally reckless in his language when making charges against Father Brouillet, whom he accuses of coming up from the Umatilla the day after the massacre and " baptizing the murderers." The facts are that he came upon an invitation given him by the missionary several days before, only learn- ing of the horrible tragedy upon his arrival ; and the " murderers " whom he baptized were three sick children, two of whom died immediately after the ceremony. He also accuses him of pretending to find the poison and burying it so that it could have no more influence. The Whitman Indians stated unanimously that Joe Lewis did this and not the priest. The only interference the priest dared to make at all was when he successfully interposed to save Spalding's life. The bloody excesses into which religious zealots were led in times past suggest the possibility of the truth of these charges, yet they are entirely unsupported by evidence, and common charity should demand convincing j)roof to sustain such an accusation. Though the Catholics are cleared of the charge of directly instigating the massacre by telling the Indians that Dr. Whitman was poisoning them so that he might secure their lands for his friends, yet they cannot escape the moral responsibility of the deed . In the first place they went among the Cayuses for the purpose of driving Whitman OREGON. 159 away and obtaining control of the tribe. To accomplish this they told the Indians that Dr. Whitman was a bad man, was telling them lies, and if they believed him they would all go to hell. Father Brouillet ought by that time to have become sufficiently acquainted with the Indian character to know that such assertions, if they were credited, were calculated to bring on just such a tragedy as was enacted. Whether he knew this and acted with that end in view, or whether he expected to simj)ly win the relig- ious trust of the Cayuses away from Whitman, will remain a secret forever. The mas- sacre was the result of four separate causes — the dislike of Americans, the ravages of the epidemic, the poison intrigue of Joe Lewis, and the priest's denunciations of Dr. Whitman — and Father Brouillet can never shake off the moral responsibility for one of the most potent of these causes. The victims of this conflict of creeds were : Dr. Marcus Whitman, Mrs. Narcissa Whitman, John Sager, Francis Sager, Crockett Bewley, Mr. Rogers, Mr. Kimball, Mr. Sales, Mr. Marsh, Mr. Sanders, James Young, Jr., Mr. Hoffman, and Isaac Gillen. Immediately after the massacre Joe Lewis told the Cayuses that now they must fight, for the Americans would surely come to punish them. He advised them to send him and two others to Salt Lake with a band of horses, to purchase ammunition from the Mormons. He started with a select band of animals and two young braves, and a few days later one of the braves returned with the intelligence that Joe Lewis had killed the other one and decamped with the horses; and this was the last the Cayuses saw of that scheming villain. Intelligence of the massacre reached Fort Vancouver by special messenger from William McBean, in charge of Fort Walla Walla. The messenger did not warn the people at The Dalles of their danger, but went directly to the fort and delivered his message to James Douglas, then the chief factor at Vancouver. When questioned about his conduct he said he was obeying instructions received from McBean. This and the conduct of McBean at Fort Walla Walla in displaying an unwillingness to receive and protect fugitives from Waiilatpu, have been cited as conclusive evidence that the Hudson's Bay Company connived at the massacre; but nothing in the conduct of other officers of the company sustains such an opinion, while much is to the contrary, and it simply .shows that McBean was a narrow-minded man who, knowdng the general feeling of the Indians in that region against the Americans, was afraid he would com- promise the company by defending them. He had not soul enough to rise to the emergency. Mr. Douglas sent a message to Governor Abernethy, advising him of what had taken place ; and without waiting to see what steps the Americans would take, Peter Skeen Ogden, an old and influential factor of the company, departed from Vancouver with an armed force for the scene of the tragedy, advising the people at The Dalles of their danger as he passed. He reached Walla Walla on the nineteenth of December. The next day the Cayuses held a council and decided that if the Americans would call everything square and would make a treaty of peace, they would deliver up the pris- oners. Three days later the chiefs came to Walla Walla and held a council with Mr: Ogden, who offered to ransom the captives and assured the Indians that the}>- would regret it if they provoked the Americans to war, and that the company was much dis- pleased with their conduct. The conference resulted in the surrender of forty-seven 160 OREGON. prisoners upon the payment of a small quantity of tobacco, clothing, guns and am- munition. On the first of January fifty Nez Perces arrived with Mr. Spalding and ten others from Lapwai, receiving a similar payment from Mr. Ogden, and on the second the whole party started down the Columbia. Two hours later fifty Cayuse warriors dashed up to the fort to demand the surrender of Mr. Spalding, as they had just learned that a company of Americans had arrived at The Dalles to make war upon them. On the tenth of January they all reached Oregon City, and great was the joy of the people. For his humane conduct and prompt action Peter Skeen Ogden should always occupy a warm place in the hearts of Americans ; yet there are those who ungratefully accuse him of attempting to arm the Cayuses against the Americans, simply because a few guns and a little ammunition formed a portion of the ransom paid to deliver these helpless women from a captivity that was worse than death. While Mr. Ogden was absent on his errand of mercy, the American settlers were not idle. On the eighth of December Governor Abernethy informed the legislature of what had been done at Waiilatpu, and by message called for volunteers. That night at a public meeting a company was organized to proceed at once to The Dalles, as an outpost to protect the missionaries there, and to dispute a passage of the Cascade moun- tains with hostile Indians if any attempted carrying war into the Willamette settle- ments. The company was commanded by Henry A. G. Lee, captain, and Joseph Magoue and John E. Ross, lieutenants. The legislature pledged the credit of the provisional government to pay the expenses of procuring an outfit for this company, and appointed a committee to visit Vancouver and negotiate for the same from the Hudson's Bay Company, which they did, but were obliged to become personally respon- sible for the amount. December 10, the Oregon Rifles reached Vancouver, received their supplies, and pushed on for The Dalles, where they arrived on the twenty-first of the month. In the meantime the legislature entered with energy upon a series of resolutions and enactments with a view to military organization of magnitude sufficient to chastise the Indians, and the citizens by subscriptions and enlistments seconded cordially the efforts of their provisional government. Many were for pushing forward into the enemy's country at once with a formidable force, but wiser counsels prevailed, and nothing was done likely to prevent the Indians from surrendering their white captives to Mr. Ogden. On the ninth of December the legislature authorized the equipping of a regiment of 500 men, and in accordance with the act sixteen companies were raised. Cornelius Gilliam was chosen colonel, James Waters, lieutenant-colonel, and H. A. G. Lee, major. February 23, 1848, Colonel Gilliam reached The Dalles with fifty men. The main body of his regiment arriving at that place, he moved to the Des Chutes river on the twenty-seventh with 130 men, crossed to the east bank, and sent Major Lee up the stream about twenty miles on a reconnoisance, where he found the enemy, engaged them, killed one, lost some of his horses and returned to report progress. On the twenty-ninth Colonel Gilliam moved up the Des Chutes to Meek's crossing at the mouth of the canon in which Major Lee had met the Indians. The next morning on entering the canon a skirmish followed, in which were captured from the hostiles, 40 horses, 4 head of cattle and $300 worth of personal property, all of which was sold by the quartermaster for $1,400. The loss of the Indians in killed and wounded was not I— m C3 • C3 C= | CT i : 3> en - OREGON. 161 known. There was one white man wounded. The result was ;i treaty of peace with the Des Chutes Indians. The command pushed immediately forward to the Walla Walla country and reached the mission prior to March 4. On the way to that place a battle occurred at Sand Hollows, on the emigrant road eight miles east of the Well Springs. It commenced on the plain where washes in the sand make natural hiding- places for a foe, and lasted until towards night. The volunteer force was arranged with the train in the road protected by Captain Hall's company. The companies of Captains Thompson and Maxon, forming the left flank, were on the north side of the road, and those of Captains English and McKay, as the right flank, were on the south or right of the command. Upon McKay's compan}^ at the extreme right the first demonstration was made. Five Crows, the head chief of the Cayuses, made some pre- tensions to the possession of wizard powers, and declared to his people that no ball from a white man's gun could kill him. Another chief of that tribe named War Eagle or Swallow Ball, made similar professions and stated that he could swallow all the bullets from the guns of the invading army if they were fired at him. The two chiefs prom- ised their people that Gilliam's command should never reach the Umatilla river, and to demonstrate their invulnerability and power as medicine chiefs, they dashed out from concealment, rode down close to the volunteers and shot a little dog that came out to bark at them. Captain McKay, although the order was not to fire, could hold back no longer, and bringing his rifle to bear took deliberate aim and shot War Eagle through the head, killing him instantly. Lieutenant Charles McKay brought his shot gun down to the hollow of his arm, and firing without sighting it, so severely wounded Five Crows that he gave up the command of his warriors. This was a serious, chilling opening for the Indians, two chiefs gone at the first onset and their medicine proved worthless ; but they continued the battle in a skirmishing way, making dashing attacks and masterly retreats until late in the afternoon. At one time during the engagement, Captain Maxon's company followed the enemy so far that it was surrounded, and a sharp encounter followed, in which a number of volunteers were disabled. In fact, eight of the eleven soldiers wounded that day were of Maxon's company. Two Indians were known to have been killed, but the enemy's loss could not be known as they re- moved all of their wounded and dead, except two. That night the regiment camped on the battlefield without water, and the Indians built large and numerous fires along the bluffs or high lands some two miles in advance. The next day Colonel Gilliam moved on, and without incident worthy of note, reached Whitman's mission, the third clay after the battle. The main body of Indians fell back towards Snake river, and a fruitless attempt followed to induce them to give up the parties who had committed the murders at Waiilatpu. Colonel Gilliam at last de- termined upon making a raid into the Snake river country, and in carrying out this programme, surprised a camp of Cayuses near that stream, among whom were some of the murderers. The captured camp professed friendship, however, and pointed out the horses of Indians on the hills, which they, said belonged to the parties whom the Colonel was anxious to kill or capture, stating that their owners were on the north side of Snake river and beyond reach. So well was their part acted that the officers be- lieved their statements, proceeded to drive off the stock indicated, and started on their return. They soon found that a grievous error had been committed in releasing the 21 162 OREGON. village, whose male population were soon mounted upon war horses, and assailed the volunteers on all sides, forcing them to fight their way as they fell back to the Touchet river. Through the whole day and until evening, yes, into the night after their arri- val at the latter stream, the contest was maintained, a constant, harassing skirmish. The soldiers would drive the Indians back again and again, but as soon as the retreat was resumed, the red skins were upon them once more. Finally, after going into cam}) on the Touchet, Colonel Gilliam ordered the captured stock turned loose, and when the Indians got possession of it, they returned to Snake river without molesting the command any further. In the struggle on the Touchet, when the retreating soldiers first reached that stream, William Taylor was mortally wounded by an Indian who sprang up in the bushes by the stream and fired with but a few yards between them- Nathan Olney, afterwards Indian agent, seeing the act, rushed upon the savage, snatched from his hand a war club in which was fastened a piece of iron, and dealt him a blow on the head with it with such force as to cause the iron to split the club, and yet failed to kill him. He then closed with his antagonist in a hand to hand struggle, and soon ended the contest with a knife. The writer has not been able to learn of any other known casualties in that affair, which ended without having accomplished anything to further the purposes of the campaign. Colonel Gilliam started from the mission on the twentieth of March, with a small force destined to return from the Dalles with supplies, while he was to continue to the Willamette and report to the governor. While camped at Well Springs he was killed by an accidental discharge of a gun, and his remains were taken to his friends west of the Cascades by Major Lee. This officer soon returned to his regiment with a com- mission as colonel, but finding Lr. Col. Waters had been elected by the regiment to that position in his absence, he resigned and filled a subordinate office for the remainder of his term of enlistment. The attempt by commissioners, who had been sent with the volunteers, as requested by the Indians in their memorial to the Americans, to nego- tiate a peaceful solution of the difficult problem, failed. They wanted the Indians to deliver up for execution all those who had imbued their hands in the blood of our countrymen at Waiilatpu, and it included several chiefs ; they wished the Cayuses to pay all damages to emigrants caused by their being robbed or attacked while passing through the Cayuse country. The Indians wished nothing of the kind. They wanted peace, and to be let alone ; for the Americans to call the account balanced and drop the matter. The failure to agree had resulted in two or three skirmishes, one of them at least a severe test of strength, in which the Indians had received the worst of it, and in the other the volunteers had accomplished nothing that could be counted a success. The Cayuses finding that no compromise could be effected, abandoned their country, and most of them passed east of the mountains. Nothing was left for the volunteers but to leave the country also, which they did, and the Cayuse war had practically ended. Finally, they were given to understand that peace could never exist between them and the Americans until the murderers were delivered up for ]:>unishment, At that time, early in 1850, Tam-su-ky and his supporters, including many relatives who had not in any manner participated in the massacre, were hiding in the mountains at the head of John Day river. The Indians who desired peace went after them, and a fight ensued, ending in the capture of nearly all of the turbulent band. OREGON. 163 Only one, however, of the five who were actually engaged in the bloody work at Waiilatpu (so the Whitman Indians assert) was captured, and he was Ta-ma-has, a hit tody-minded villain whom his countrymen called The "Murderer." It was he who commenced the work of death by braining Dr. Whitman with a hatchet. Taking him and four others, several of the older men and chiefs went to Oregon City to deliver them up as hostages. They were at once thrown into prison, condemned, and hung at Oregon City on the third of June, 1850; and even the ones who brought them, in view of this summary proceeding, congratulated themselves upon their safe return. They believed that Ta-ma-has should have been hung, but not the other four, not understanding the theory of accomplices, and so the few survivors of the tribe assert to the present day. CHAPTER XIX. TERRITORIAL GOVERNMENT OF OREGON. Discouraging News Brought by Immigrants in 1847 — Letters from President Polk and Senator Benton — J. Quinn Thornton's Mission to Washington — Senatorial Struggle over the Oregon Bill — Joe Meeks' Trip Across the Continent — Arrival of Governor Lane — Discovery of Gold — Effect upon Oregon— Beaver Money — Steps Leading to Creation of Washington Territory — Division of Oregon — First Government of Washing- ton Territory — Indian War of 1855-6. With the immigration of 1847, so large and so encouraging to the struggling set- tlers of Oregon, came the disheartening intelligence that congress had failed utterly to provide for a territorial government for this neglected region, or to extend to it in any Avay the benefit of the national laws. Four years had the people of Oregon governed themselves, loyal in heart and deed to their native land, and for a year had England by solemn treaty relinquished all her asserted rights, and yet the national legislature denied it the aid and protection of the law. Congress had, during the session of 184f)-7, made an appropriation for a mail service via Panama to Oregon, and two post masters were appointed, one for Astoria and one for Oregon City, also an Indian agent. By one of the new officials, Mr. Shively, James Buchanan, secretary of state, transmitted a letter to the people, expressing the deep regret of President Polk that congress had been so unmindful of their needs and rights. The communication also contained the assurance that the executive would extend to this far off region all the protection with- in his power, including occasional visits of vessels of war and the presence of a regi- ment of dragoons to guard the immigration. Mr. Shively also bore a letter from Thomas H. Benton, that sturdy senator from Missouri, whose voice and pen had un- swervingly championed the cause of Oregon for thirty years. In this letter, dated at Washington City, March, 1847, Mr. Benton says : 164 OKEGON. " The house of representatives, as early as the middle of January, had passed the bill to give you a territorial government, and in that bill had sanctioned and legalized your provisional organic act, one of the clauses of which forever j)rohibited the existence of slavery in Oregon. An amendment from the senate's committee to which this bill was referred, proposed to abrogate that prohibition, and in the delays and vex- ations to which that amendment gave rise, the whole bill was laid upon the table, and lost for the session. * * * But do not be alarmed or desperate. You will not be outlawed for not admitting slavery. *■ * * A. home agitation, for election and dis- union purposes, is all that is intended by thrusting this fire brand question into your bill ; and, at the next session, when it is thrust in again, we will scourge it out ! and pass your bill as it ought to be. * * * In conclusion, I have to assure you that the same spirit which has made me the friend of Oregon for thirty years — which led me to denounce the joint occupation treaty the day it was made, and to oppose its revival in 1828, and to labor for its abrogation until it was terminated ; the same spirit which led me to reveal the grand destiny of Oregon in articles written in 1818, and to sup- port every measure for her benefit since — this spirit still animates me, and will continue to do so while I live — which, I hope, will be long enough to see an emporium of Asiatic commerce at the mouth of your river, and a stream of Asiatic trade pouring into the valley of the Mississippi through the channel of Oregon." Would that the grand old statesman could have lived to see his prophecy fulfilled in the new era upon which far off Oregon — now far off no longer — has so propitiously entered. These letters were both disheartening and cheering. The people felt despondent at being so neglected by the authorities of their loved country, but were cheered by the thought that warm friends were laboring for their welfare far beyond the reach of their grateful voices. Hon. J. Quinn Thornton, supreme judge of the provisional government, had been, during the past year, frequently urged by influential men, to proceed to Washington and labor with congress in behalf of Oregon. In particular had the lamented Dr. Whitman requested him so to do, asserting that only the estab- lishment of a strong territorial government, one that the Indians would recognize as powerful, would " save him and his mission from falling under the murderous hands of savages." Mr. Thornton recognized the importance of such a delegate, and solicited Hon. Peter H. Burnett, subsequently the first governor of California, to undertake the mission, but without success. The news of the state of affairs at Washington brought by Mr. Shively, decided Mr. Thornton, and on the eighteenth of October, 1847, having resigned his judicial office, he departed on his arduous mission, armed with a letter from Governor Abernethy to President Polk. Mr. Thornton was by no means a reg- ularly constituted delegate, since Oregon was not authorized to accredit such an official to congress, but simply went as a private individual, representing in an unofficial man- ner the governor and many of the prominent citizens of Oregon. In fact the legis- lature, deeming its functions infringed upon by this action of the governor, passed resolutions embodying their idea of the harm done the colony by the officiousness of " secret factions." There was not ready money enough in the treasury to have paid the passage of Mr. Thornton, even had it been at his disposal. A collection was taken up, contri- butions being made partly in coin but chiefly in flour, clothing, and anything that walung-uth-pgrtland-Or. Mill Property df Gurney Bros. TenMile,DouglasCd. OREGON. 165 could be of service or was convertible into money. A contract was made with Captain Roland Gelston, of the bark Whitton, to convey Mr. Thornton to Panama, and the \es>el sailed at once for San Francisco, and thence to San Juan, on the coast of Lower California. Here the Captain informed his passenger that he must decline to fulfill his contract, as he desired to engage in the coasting trade. From the perplexing- dilemma he was extricated by Captain Montgomery, commanding the United States sloop of war, Portsmouth, then lying at- anchor in the harbor. This gentleman deemed the mission of Mr. Thornton of sufficient importance to the government to justify him in leaving his station and returning with his vessel to the Atlantic coast. He accordingly tendered the delegate the hospitalities of his cabin, and set sail as soon as preparations could be made for the voyage. The Portsmouth arrived in Boston harbor on the second of May, 1848, and Mr. Thornton at once hastened to Washington to consult with President Polk and Senators Benton and Douglas, those warm champions of Oregon, as to the proper course to pursue. By them he w T as advised to prepare a memorial to be presented to congress, setting forth the condition and needs of the peo- ple whom he represented. This he did, and the document was presented to the senate by Mr. Benton, and was printed for the use of both branches of congress. Mr. Thorn- ton also drafted a bill for organizing a territorial government, w r hich was introduced and placed upon its passage. This bill contained a clause prohibiting human slavery, and for this reason was as objectionable to the slaveholding force in congress as had been the previous one. Under the lead of Senators Jefferson Davis and John C. Cal- houn, this wing of the national legislature made a vigorous onslaught upon the bill, and fought its progress step by step with unabated determination, resorting to all the legislative tactics known, to so delay its consideration that it could not be finally passed by the hour of noon on the fourteenth of August, the time fixed by joint resolution for the close of that session of congress. The contest during the last two days of the session was exciting in the extreme, and the feeling intense throughout the Union. The friends of the bill had decided upon a policy of " masterly inactivity," refraining entirely from debate and yielding the floor absolutely to the " filibusters," who were therefore much distressed for means to consume the slowly passing hours. Though silent in speech they were constantly present in force to prevent the opposition from gaining time by an adjournment. The bill was then on its second passage in the senate, for the purpose of concurrence with amendments which had been added by the house. On Saturday morning, August 12, the managers of the bill decided to prevent an adjournment until it had been disposed of, having a sufficient majority to pass it. The story of that memorable contest is thus told by Mr. Thornton, who sat throughout the scene an earnest spectator : " I re-entered the senate chamber with the deepest feelings of solicitude, and yet hopeful because of the assurances which had been given to me by the gentlemen I have named. [Douglas, Benton and Hale.] I soon saw, however, that Calhoun and But- ler, of South Carolina; Davis and Foote, of Mississippi; and Hunter and Mason of Virginia, as leaders of the opposition, had girded up their loins and had buckled on their armor for the battle. The friends of the bill, led by Mr. Benton, having taken their position, waited calmly for the onset of their adversaries, who spent Saturday until the usual hour of adjournment in skirmishing in force, as if feeling the strength 1GG OREGON. of their opponents. When the motion was made at the usual time in the afternoon for adjournment, the friends of the bill came pouring out of the retiring rooms, and on coming inside the bar they voted 'No' with very marked emphasis. * * * This state of affairs continued until after night. [Here ensued a series of filibustering tactics, during which a personal altercation between Judge Butler and Senator Benton came near resulting in blows.] General Foote, the collegue of Jeff. Davis, then rose, and in a drawling tone assumed for the occasion, said his powers of endurance, he believed, would enable him to continue his address to the senate until Monday, 12 o'clock M., and although he could not promise to say much on the subject of the Oregon bill, he could not doubt that he would be able to interest and greatty edify distinguished sena- tors. The friends of the bill, seeing what was before them, posted a page in the door- way opening into one of the retiring rooms, and then, after detailing a few of their number to keep watch and ward on the floor of the senate, withdrew into the room of which I have spoken, to chat and tell anecdotes and to drink wine, or perhaps some- thing even much stronger, and thus to wear away the slowly and heavily passing hours of that memorable Saturday night. Soon great clouds of smoke filled the room, and from it issued the sound of the chink of glasses, and of loud conversation, almost drown- ing the eloquence of the Mississippi senator, as he repeated the bible story of the cosinogany of the world, the creation of man, the taking from his side of the rib from which Eve was made, her talking with the 'snake,' as he called the evil one, the fall of man, etc. etc. The galleries were soon deserted. Many of the aged senators prostrated themselves upon the sofas in one of the retiring rooms, and slumbered soundly, while 'thoughts that breathed and words that burned' fell in glowing eloquence from the lips of the Mississippi senator, as he continued thus to instruct and edify the few watching friends of the bill, who, notwithstanding the weight of seventy years pressed heavily upon some of them, were as wide awake as the youngest ; and they sat firm and erect in their seats, watching with lynx eyes every movement of the adversaries of the bill. "At intervals of about an hour, the speaker would yield the floor to a motion for adjournment, coming from the opposition. Then the sentinel page at the door would give notice to the waking senators in the retiring room, and these would immediately arouse the slumbering senators, and ail would then rush pell mell through the doorway, and when the inside of the bar was reached, would vote 'No' with a thundering emphasis. Occasionally southern senators, toward Sunday morning, relieved Gen. Foote by short, dull sj)eeches, to which the friends of the bill vouchsafed no answers ; so that Mr. Cal- houn and his pro-slavery subordinates had things for the most part all their own way until Sabbath morning, August 13, 1848, at about eight o'clock, when the leading- opponents of the bill collected together in a knot, and after conversing together a short time in an undertone, the Mississippi senator who had been so very edifying and enter- taining during the night, said that no further opposition would be made to taking a vote on the bill. The ayes and nayes were then called and the bill passed." Not alone to Mr. Thornton is due the honor of representing Oregon at Washington during that long struggle for justice. Another delegate, one with even better creden- tials than the first, was there to aid in the work. This was Joseph L. Meek, the moun- taineer and trapper whose name is indelibly inscribed upon the early annals of the Pacific coast. When the massacre of the martyred Whitman and his associates at Waiilatpu OREGON. 107 plunged the settlers into a state of mingled grief and alarm, it was thought necessary to dispatch a messenger at once to Washington to impart the intelligence, impress the authorities with the precarious situation of the colony, and appeal for protection. Winter had set in with all its vigors in the mountains. The terrible journey made at that season six years before by Dr. Whitman, on his patriotic mission, the same person whose martyrdom now rendered a second journey necessary, was fresh in the minds of all, and appalled the stoutest heart. Mr. Thornton had taken the longer but safer route by sea, but time was too precious, too much was at stake, to admit of the delay such a journey would impose, even if the vessel were at hand to afford the means. Nothing but a trip across the thousands of miles of snow-bound mountains, plains and deserts, would be of any avail. In the emergency all turned to Joseph L. Meek as the one man in their midst whose intrepid courage, great powers of physical endurance, long experience in mountain life and familiarity with the routes of travel and Indian tribes to be encountered, rendered him capable of undertaking the task with a good prospect of success. Unhesitatingly he accepted the mission, resigned his seat in the legislature, received his credentials as a delegate from that body, and set out on the fourth of Jauuary for Washington, accompanied by John Owens and George Ebberts, who decided to go with him and avail themselves of his services as guide and director. At The Dalles they were forced to delay several weeks until the arrival of the Oregon volunteers rendered it safe for them to proceed, since the whole upper country was overrun bj hostile Indian-. They accompanied the troops to Waiilatpu, where Meek had the mournful satis- faction of assisting in the burial of the victims of Cayuse treachery, among whom was his own daughter, and then were escorted by a company of troops to the base of the Blue mountains, where they finally entered upon their long and solitary journey. By avoiding the Indians as much as possible, and whenever encountered by them repre- senting themselves as Hudson's Bay Company men, they reached Fort Boise in safety- Here two of four new volunteers for the journey became discouraged and decided to remain. The other five travelers pushed on to Fort Hall, saving themselves from the clutch of the Bannacks only by Meek's experience in dealing with the savages. It is needless to recount the many hardships they endured, the sleepless nights and dinner- less days, the accidents, dangers, fatigues, narrow escapes from hostile Indians and the thousand discomforts and misadventures to which they were subjected. It is sufficient to say that through all these they passed in safety, never forgetting for an instant the imperative necessity for haste, and never flinching from the trials that lay in their pathway. The hearty invitation to spend a few weeks here or there in the few places where they encountered friends and comfortable quarters, was resolutely declined, and with only such delay as was absolutely required, they plunged again into the snowy mountain passes with their faces resolutely set towards the rising sun. They reached St. Joseph in but little more than two months after leaving the Willamette valley. having made the quickest trip across the continent that had been accomplished at any season of the year. Meek was now reduced to most embarrassing straits. Dressed in buckskin and blanket clothes and wolf skin cap, ragged and dirty in the extreme, beard and hair long and unkempt, without money or friends, how to get to Washington or how 168 OEEGON. to conduct himself when there, were perplexing questions. His solution of the diffi- culty was a characteristic one. By making a clown of himself at one place, by assum- ing an air of importance and dignity at another, he succeeded in reaching the city of his destination only a week or two later than Mr. Thornton, though his news from Oregon was four months fresher than that brought by his predecessor. The united labors of these two men brought about the result which has been detailed, the passage of the act of August 14, 1848, creating the territory of Oregon. President Polk, the staunch friend of Oregon, the man who had been elevated to the chief office in the nation amid the universal shout of " Fifty-four- forty -or-fight ! " was eager to have the work consummated before the expiration of his term on the fourth of the ensuing March. To this end he appointed Meek marshal of the new territory, and delegated him to convey a governor's commission to General Joseph Lane, then residing in Indiana and unaware of the honor to be conferred, or the sacrifice to be re- quired, in which ever light it may be viewed. With that promptness of decision and action which was General Lane's distinguishing characteristic, he accepted the com- mission on the spot, and in three days had disposed of his property, Avound up his bus- iness affairs and begun his journey to the far off wilds of Oregon. They were escorted by a detachment of troops, and after a journey of six months, by the way of New Mexico and Arizona, seven only of the party reached San Francisco, two having died on the route and the others having deserted to try their fortunes in the new gold fields of the Sierra. These seven were General Lane, Marshal Meek, Lieutenant Hawkins, Surgeon Hayden and three enlisted men. Taking passage in the schooner Jeannette, they reached the Columbia river after a tedious voyage of eighteen days, ascended that stream to Oregon City, a distance of 120 miles, in small boats, reaching that place, then the seat of government, on the second of March, 1849. The following day Gov- ernor Lane issued his proclamation and assumed the duties of his office, being but one day before the expiration of President Polk's official term. The first territorial officers of Oregon were : governor, Joseph Lane ; secretary, Kintzing Pritchett ; treasurer, James Taylor ; auditor, B. Gervais ; chief justice, Wil- liam P. Bryant ; associate justices, O. C. Pratt and P. A. Burnett ; United States marshal, Joseph L. Meek ; superintendent of common schools, James McBride ; libra- rian, W. T. Matlock ; territorial printer, Wilson Blain ; commissioner of Cay use war claims, A. A. Skinner. All of these officials, save the governor, secretary, marshal and judges, were appointed by the legislature when it convened in the fall. General Lane appointed census marshals as provided for in the organic act, who reported the population of the territory as shown in the following table: *vm n,|- _ □ r- < m rn to . > ZZ • a m Sfc_ O CD -n a: C_2 CD . Hanle ksonvi F.-< - gJFt"^-" "* m 3> fc-8 > ci -n =K CD an 33 a s 2 m . c-3=o o n - -< o -n S 33 00 S >• v--e*i -^t^ n 3C r** 3> 3 00 m DO CD JBR l&V&iS.' J.SST ; — OREGON. 109 ( Iensus OF 18 111. COUNTIES. Clackamas 401 Tualatin 340 Champoeg 405 Clatsop 49 Yamhill 394 Polk 337 Lewis 39 Linn 295 Benton 271 Vancouver 4 p ° CO cc u CD e5 r3 a> Total I 2001 2523 ! 3027 390 293 458 100 402 327 33 209 229 22 02 ® O 12 23 94 3 8 1 31 39 15 211 CO , to have the Columbia river declared the boundary line between its possessions and those of the United States. To this end efforts of the Hudson's Bay Company were directed, and they looked with disfavor upon the making of any settlements north of that stream by Americans. Nevertheless, in 1844, Col. M. T. Simmons made an unsuccessful attempt to reach Puget sound, having crossed the plains the year before. In 1845, with a few companions, he renewed his efforts and located at the head of the sound, where the Des Chutes river empties into Budd's inlet. Their little settlement was called New Market, now the town of Tumwater, but a mile from Olympia. To this, no active opposition was made by the company ; and in the few following years many other Americans located along the Cowlitz and other streams, and about the head of the sound. The immigrants brought out by the company from the Red river settlements in 1841, whose arrival created so much anxiety in the minds of the Amer- icans, located chiefly on the Cowlitz, in accordance with the plan of making the Columbia the dividing line. June 27, 1844, the Oregon Provisional Government designated all the territory north and west of the Columbia, Vancouver county ; but owing to the settlements alluded to, that portion lying west of the Cowlitz was made Lewis county ; and the name of Clarke was given to Vancouver county in. 1849. Captain Lafayette Beach founded Steilacoom in January, 1851. In February of the same year Pacific county was created, because of the thriving settlements of Pacific City and Chinook that had sprung up on the north bank of the Columbia, near its mouth. In April, 1851, Port Townsend was located. Congress ertablished the Puget Sound Collection District February 14, 1851, and a custom house was located during the year at Olympia, then the only town on the sound. On the third of November, 1851, the sloop Georgiana, Captain Rowland, sailed with twenty-two passengers for Queen Charlotte's island, where gold had been discovered. On the nineteenth the vessel was cast ashore on the east side of the island, was plundered by the Indians, and the crew and passengers were held in captivity. Upon receipt of the news, the col- lector of customs at Olympia dispatched the Damariseove, Captain Balch, with a force of volunteers and U. S. troops from Fort Steilacoom, which had been garrisoned after the treaty of 1840. The schooner sailed on the eighteenth of December, and returned to Olympia with- the rescued men the last day of January, 1852. In 1852 a superior article of coal was found, something much needed on the coast, and capital was at once invested in developing the mines. Three saw mills were built on the sound ; and during the year quite extensive shipments of coal, lumber and fish were made. Many claims were taken up on the fine agricultural lands, and all the ele- ments for a vigorous growth were collected there. The chief settlements then in North- ern Oregon were : Pacific City ; Vancouver, the Hudson's Bay Company headquarters, consisting of 100 houses occupied by its employees, chiefly Kanakas, enclosed by picket fences, and defended by armed bastions and a blockhouse ; Forts Walla Walla, Okinagan and Colville, further up the Columbia ; Olympia, a new town on the sound; Fort Nisqually on the sound, occupied by the Puget Sound Agricultural Company, who 172 OREGON. owned extensive farms and supplied provisions to the Hudson's Bay Company, besides shipping products to the Sandwich islands and the Russian post at Sitka. These with many settlements along the sound and between it and the Columbia, formed a section distinct from Oregon proper, with which they had no community of interest, and from whom, being in the minority in the legislature, they were unable to obtain many of the rights they deemed themselves entitled to. Many of them were 500 miles from the seat of the territorial government. In September, 1852, the Columbian began publication in Olympia, and advocated the formation of a new territory, expressing the wish of a majority of the people in the Sound country. As to those east of the Cascades, they were so few in number, most of them belonging to the Hudson's Bay Company, that they cared little about the matter. A convention of delegates from counties north of the river met at a little settlement on the Cowlitz called Monticello, to consider the question, November 25, 1852, A mem- orial to congress was prepared, stating the condition of this region and asking that body to create the territory of Columbia, out of that portion of Oregon lying north and west of the Columbia river. There was no conflict in this matter, the people of Oregon south of the river raising no objection to the proposed change. In fact, delegate Joseph Lane, living in Southern Oregon and elected by the votes of that section, procured the passage of the bill in congress. He first introduced the subject on the sixth of Decem- ber, 1852, by procuring the passage of a resolution instructing the committee on ter- ritories to consider the question and report a bill. The committee reported House Bill No. 8, to organize the territory of Columbia, which came upon the eighth of February, 1853. Mr. Lane made a short speech and introduced the citizens' memorial signed by G. N. McCanaher, president of the convention, R. J. White, its secretary, and Quincy A. Brooks, Charles S. Hathaway, C. H. Winslow, John B. Jackson. D. S. Maynard, F. A. Clarke, and others. Richard H. Stanton, of Kentucky, moved to substitute the name of " Washington " for " Columbia," saying that we already had a District of Columbia while the name of the father of our country had been given to no territory in it. With this amendment the bill was passed through the house on the tenth with 128 votes for and 29 against it. On the second of March, it was adopted by the senate and received the President's signature the following clay. The act created a territory more than twice the size asked for in the memorial being " All that portion of Oregon Territory lying and being south of the forty-ninth degree of north latitude, and north of the middle main channel of the Columbia river, from its mouth to where the forty-sixth degree of north latitude crosses said river near Fort Walla Walla , thence with said forty-sixth degree of latitude to the summit of the Rocky mountains." This included all of Washington Territory as it now stands, and a portion of Idaho and Montana. The act was in the usual form creating territories, and pro- vided for a governor, to be ex-officio commander-in-chief of militia and superinten- dent of Indian affairs, a secretary, a supreme court of three judges, an attorney, and a marshal, all to be appointed by the President for a term of four years. It also called for a delegate to congress, whose first term was to last only during the congress to which he was elected. A territorial legislature was created, with two branches — a council with nine members and a term of three years, the first ones to serve one, two and three years as decided by lot among them ; and a house of eighteen members, with OREGON. 173 a term of one year, to be increased from time to time to not more than thirty. Twenty thousand dollars were appropriated to defray the expenses of a census, after the taking of which the Governor was to apportion the members of the legislature and call an election to choose them and the delegate to congress. The first legislature was to meet at any place the Governor might select, and was then to fix the seat of govern- ment itself; $5,000 were apportioned for public buildings, and the same amount for a library. County and local officers then serving were to hold their positions until suc- cessors were chosen under acts to be passed by the legislature of the new territory. Causes were to be transferred from the Oregon courts, and the territory was to be divided into three districts, in each of which one of the supreme judges was to hold a district court. Sections 16 and 36 of the public lands, or their equivalent, were given the territory for the benefit of public schools. Soon after his inauguration President Pierce appointed Major Isaac I. Stevens, United States engineer, governor ; Charles H. Mason, of Rhode Island, secretary ; J. S. Clendenin, of Mississippi, attorney ; J. Patton Anderson, of Tennessee, marshal ; Edward Lander, of Indiana, chief justice ; Victor Monroe, of Kentucky, and O. B. McFadden, of Pennsylvania, associate justices. Marshal Anderson arrived early in the summer, and took the census provided for in the act, returning a total population of 3,965, of whom 1,682 were voters. Governor Stevens was in charge of the expedition sent out by the war department to survey a northern route for a trans-continental rail- road, and was thus occupied all the summer and fall. Upon crossing the boundary line of the new territory September 29, 1853, he issued a proclamation from the sum- mit of the Rocky mountains, declaring the act of congress and assuming his duties as executive. He arrived in Olympia in November, and on the twenty-eighth issued a second proclamation, dividing the territory into judicial and legislative districts and calling an election the following January. Until this time the counties north of the Columbia had constituted the second judicial district of Oregon, William H. Strong, associate justice, presiding. They were Clarke, Lewis, Pacific, Thurston, Pierce, King, and Jefferson, all but the first three having been created by the Oregon legislature during the session of 1852-3. The legislature chosen in January assembled at Olympia the following month ; and in accordance with provisions of the organic act, chose that place for the permanent seat of government.. They created ten counties, retaining the name and general loca- tion of those set off by the Oregon legislature. The counties were Clarke, Lewis, Pacific, Thurston, Pierce, King, Jefferson, Island, Chehalis, Clallam, Cowlitz, Sawamish (now Mason), Skamania, Wahkiakum, and Walla Walla. Among these, the repre- sentation in the assembly was apportioned, and the territory was divided into judicial districts. The legislature adopted a code of procedure, substantially the same as in force at the present time. At the election in January, Columbia Lancaster, first chief justice of the Oregon provisional government, was chosen delegate to congress by the democrats, his whig opponent being Col. William H. Wallace. During the first two years, considerable annoyance was caused by hostile incursions into northern por- tions of the territory by Indians from British Columbia. Some difficulty was expe- rienced, also, with Indians at home, but the energetic action of Governor Stevens and the troops at Fort Steilacoom prevented a serious outbreak until the fall of 1855, when 174 OREGON. the Oregon-Washington Indian war was begun and waged with great expense to both territories. Hostilities were begu n about the same time by the powerful Indian tribes of the Columbia river and those of Southern Oregon, which taxed to the utmost the resources and power of the two territories and that portion of the United States army stationed on the coast. The simultaneous beginning of hostilities in these two sections, so widely separated, has been pointed to by many as an evidence of a conspiracy between the natives of Rogue river valley and Columbia river ; but the coincidence seems to be the only evidence of such a combination. The causes which led to the outbreak along- Rogue river, and the events of the long campaign which followed, are detailed with great minuteness in succeeding chapters, and seem to be sufficient in themselves to account for the outbreak there, and to that narrative the reader is referred. The trouble at the north seems to have had its origin in an entirely different chain of causes. Governor Stevens, soon after entering upon his career as chief executive of Wash- ington, deemed it judicious to exercise his authority as ex-officio Indian agent, and make treaties with the powerful tribes east of the Cascades. To this step he was especially urged by the fact that in March, 1855, gold was discovered on Clarke's Fork, near its entrance into the Columbia. For miners to straggle through the Indian country, without a special treaty having been made, he knew was but to court the commission of murder by the native proprietors. He at once opened negotiations, and on the ninth of June secured the cession of the greater portion of Eastern Wash- ington and a slice of Oregon, excepting the Umatilla and Yakima reservations. The treaty was signed by the chiefs of the fourteen tribes comprising the Yakima nation, including the Palouse Indians, and by the Cayuses, Walla Wallas and Umatillas. With the treaty none of the Indians were satisfied, and especially Kama-i-akun, head chief of the Yakimas, and Peo-peo-mux-mux, the great Walla Walla chieftain. They felt that they had been bribed to sell their country, and were resentful and bitter. This was followed by similar treaties with the Nez Perces, Flatheads and the tribes living south of the Columbia between The Dalles and Umatilla river. Governor Stevens then crossed the mountains to treat with the powerful and warlike Blackfeet. In the fall of 1875 several men who were passing through the Yakima country, on their way from the Sound to the Colville mines, were killed by the Indians. Among the killed was the Indian agent, A. J. Bolan, who had gone to inquire into the circum- stances of the death of the other men. Lieutenant W. A. Slaughter, with forty men, started across the mountains from Fort Steilacoom late in September, and Major G. O. Haller marched south from The Dalles with a force of more than one hundred men, to co-operate with him. Major Haller engaged the Indians on Simcoe creek, was forced to retreat to the summit of a hill, where he was surrounded by the enemy. He dispatched a courier in haste to procure aid, but before it could reach him his force was driven from the Indian country with considerable loss. Upon receipt of the intelli- gence of this disaster, Major G. J. Raines, commander of the post at Vancouver, ad- dressed communications to Governor George L. Curry, of Oregon, and Acting Gov- ernor C. H. Mason, of Washington, requesting the aid of volunteer troops, since the national forces were entirely inadequate to meet the emergencies. Two companies were raised in Washington, which were mustered into the regular army, while the ten com- panies recruited in Oregon retained their volunteer organization, being under the com- OREGON. 175 mand of Colonel J. W. Nesmith. This division of authority led to a want of cordial co-operation and consequent futility of action. Sixteen other companies were organ- ized at various places in Washington territory, chiefly for home protection. Lieutenant Slaughter, having withdrawn back across the Cascades, his force was in- creased, and on the twenty-fourth of October again started for the Yakima country, under the command of Captain M. Maloney. He soon learned that no troops had started from The Dalles to co-operate with him. and fearing to be caught in the moun- tains by snow he returned to Steilacoom. Before his dispatch, announcing this fact, reached The Dalles, Major Raines and Colonel Nesmith had jointly marched north- ward to form a junction with him. After an engagement, in which Kama-i-akun's warriors were defeated, the Indians abandoned the country and the troops, learning that Captain Maloney had returned to Steilacoom and required no assistance, marched back to The Dalles, having been absent about three weeks. Prior to the return of these two commands, another force of volunteers marched up the Columbia towards Fort Walla Walla, where Peo-peo-rnux-mux, was reported to be stationed with 1,000 warriors. Other volunteers marched to join them, the whole force being placed under the command of Lieut. Colonel James K. Kelly. This move- ment was especially designed to clear the route of hostile Indians and permit the safe return of Governor Stevens from east of the Rocky mountains, that gentleman being already on his way back and ignorant of the existing hostilities. In this movement General John E. Wool, commander of the department of the Pacific, who had hastened to the scene from San Francisco, refused to participate with the regular troops, deeming a winter campaign unnecessary and unlikely to be successful. Nothing daunted, the Oregon volunteers proceeded alone, having a force of about 500 men. A great battle was fought along Walla Walla river, which lasted three days and resulted in the complete defeat of the Indians, whose loss was reported at seventy-five. The troops lost seven killed and mortally wounded, and thirteen wounded. Among the dead on the Indian side was the great Peo-peo-mux-mux, who at the time of the battle was a hostage in the hands of the whites, and was shot during the excitement incident to the battle. The Indians then withdrew from the country, leaving it in the possession of the volunteers, who spent the winter there, suffering many hardships. Governor Stevens returned in safety and immedia'tely preferred charges against General Wool, accusing him of incapacity' and willful neglect of duty. During the winter the settlements along Puget sound suffered severely from the ravages of Indians. Seattle was attacked, and all of King county beyond the limits of that place was devastated. Volunteers, regular troops, Indian auxiliaries and the small naval force on the sound, occupied block houses at all the important points from the Cowlitz to Bellingham bay, but did not engage in a regular campaign, since the hostile savages were not gathered in a large body as were those east of the mountains, but roamed about in small bands, destroying property and killing settlers wherever they could be found unprotected. The population, to a great extent, were collected in block houses for safety. Early in March, 1856, the Oregon volunteers who had occupied the "Walla Walla country during the winter, again entered upon an aggressive campaign, under the command of Colonel Thomas R. Cornelius. After considerable traveling about north of Snake river the command crossed the Columbia near the mouth of the Yakima and 176 OREGON. followed down the west bank to Fort Walla Walla. From there they started upon their return to The Dalles, passing through the Yakima country. On the seventeenth of April, near Satas creek, the Yakima Indians suddenly attacked the advance forces, killing Captain A. J. Hembree, but were repulsed with the loss of two braves. An engagement ensued, in which six Indians were killed and the others driven from the field, without any loss to the volunteers. The troops then marched to The Dalles, going into camp in Klickitat valley. While there fifty of Kama-i-akun's warriors made a descent upon the camp and captured 300 horses. Thus summarily dismounted, the volunteers were mustered out and returned to their homes. Before this, however, important events occurred nearer home. A railway portage was under construction between the lower and upper Cascades of the Columbia, on the Washington territory side of the river, and quite a force of men was at work. On the morning of March 16, a band of Yakima Indians made a sudden attack upon the'Upper Cascades. The men retreated hostility to a combined store and dwelling on the river bank and defended themselves successfully till aid arrived two days later. On the morning of the third clay the steamers Mary and Wasco arrived from The Dalles loaded clown with troops, and the Indians hastily decamped. A like siege was sustained by parties in the block house at Middle Cascades, and quite a battle was fought at the lower landing. In all fifteen men and one woman were killed and twelve were wounded. How many Indians were killed is not known, but nine of them were hanged for their treachery immediately afterwards. Colonel George Wright marched north from The Dalies in May 'for the pur- pose of driving the Indians out of the Cascade mountains and across the Columbia eastward. Early in July volunteers from the sound pushed across the mountains with- out encountering the enemy, and united at Fort Walla Walla with another battalion which had proceeded from The Dalles. The whole force numbered 350 enlisted men, and was under the command of Colonel B. F. Shaw. With a portion of his force Colonel Shaw crossed the Blue mountains and fought a severe battle on Grand Ronde river on the seventeenth of July. At the same time another detachment encountered the hostiles on Burnt river, and had an engagement with them, lasting two clays. Some fifty Indians were killed in these two battles, while the loss of the volunteers was five killed and five wounded. Meanwhile, unable to concert terms of peace with Kama- i-akun, Colonel Wright marched his force of regulars back to The Dalles. In the fall Colonel Wright dispatched Lieutenant-Colonel E. J. Steptoe with sev- eral conrpanies to establish a military post at Walla Walla. Governor Stevens pro- ceeded to that region, and had an unsuccessful council with the hostiles. When he set out upon his return, he was attacked by the Indians, and his small command defended itself all day and until relieved by the regulars. In November Colonel Wright re- turned with a detachment of regulars and established a military post at Walla Walla, and held a council at which he procured a cessation of hostilities by promising the Indians immunity for past offenses and agreeing to prevent white settlers from enter- ing their country. It was a practical victory for the Indians. In November Puget sound was invaded by water by a band of northern Indians, who committed many dej)- redations ; but they were severely defeated and driven away by the naval forces sta- tioned there to guard the sound country. 4- % "i /f-^X INDIAN WARS. CHAPTER XX. INDIANS OF SOUTHERN OREGON. Relative Importance of the Subject — Material for Writing: History— Common Origin of Indian Wars— Brief Account of Indian Tribal Affinities — Modocs, Klamaths, Shastas and Rogue Rivers were Related — Habits of Life — Umpqua Indians — Decadence — Invasion of Klickitats — Sources of Information — Aboriginal Desig- nations. Among those episodes which lend interest to the history of Southern Oregon, the series of hostile acts which we collectively style the Rogue river wars, undoubtedly, possess the greatest interest. The period of the occurrence of these events is so com- paratively recent that their recollection is yet fresh in the minds of many who partici- pated therein, and there are persons not yet beyond the middle years of life to whom they were once a present reality. To write a history of those wars is the task which the writer now assigns himself, confident that the collection and preservation of the existing memorials and recollections of the stirring scenes of Indian hostility will prove a work of public and acknowledged value. For such a work ample materials exist ; official documents, reports of military attaches, newspaper accounts, memorials of gov- erning bodies, the acts of legislative assemblages, but chiefly the personal recollections of eyewitnesses, make up a vast mass of evidence extraordinarily perfect in scope and thoroughness. From such resources the compilation of a history sufficiently detailed to interest those previously acquainted with its subject, and sufficiently ample in scope to form a useful addition to the records of the Pacific coast, would seem an easy task requiring but the common attributes of the historical writer — industry and conscien- tiousness. Under such circumstances it has seemed possible to trace with considerable minuteness the occurrences of the wars ; and it will probably be more in consonance with the desires of the readers of this book if the writer describe in detail this inter- esting contest, instead of confining himself in the manner of a philosophical disserta- tion, to those salient instances in which the tendency of the age is most strikingly manifested. It will doubtless occur to the attentive reader who rises from a perusal of this ac- count, that there was nothing extraordinary in this war ; that there were no distinguish- ing circumstances connected with it that raise its history above the account of an ordinarv Indian war ; that it was a struggle, similar in all respects, save names, time 23 178 INDIAN WARS. and place, to each of those innumerable contests by which the American settler has won his way to the possession of his home, and driven forward the bounds of civiliza- tion from State to State, from the Atlantic to the Pacific. In no essential does it seem to differ from the desperate and bloody contests waged against the Indians of Massa- chusetts, of New York, of Ohio, of Florida, of Kentucky, and of a dozen other States, where the blood of the early settlers was poured out in vindication of the grand prin- ciple of Caucasian progressiveness. For the white and the red races are equally unconformable to each other's habits of life, and meet only to repeat the old story of white conquest and native subjection. Still there is much in each individual account of stern and bloody Indian warring to enchain the reader's attention, unwearied by the hackneyed repetition of sanguinary fight or hair-breadth escape. So we find it in the Rogue river wars ; a generation has passed, but the oft-told story of a woman's heroic defense of her hearth, or the terrible massacre of innocents, has rather gained than lost in interest, and every brave Tecumseh, King Philip, Red Jacket, Black Hawk or Osceola is matched in the exploits of Old John, Joe, Sam and Limpy, hum- bler savages though they were, and living in a prosaic age which has not told in song their deeds. To discover romance or any elevated qualities in an Indian distance is required. Thus separated from living aborigines by the breadth of a state, Fennimore Cooper was enabled to give those inimitable portrayals of the American Indian which through half a century have been unrecognized. Other writers have found their keynote in a depreciation of the savage ; but the j>eople of southern Oregon, long ago sated of the Indian, will join the writer in denying to him any useful or civilizable qualities, but will make partial amends by conceding to him — at least to the tribe of Rogue Rivers — bravery and steadfastness on the battle-field, and patience and perseverance in the worst straits to which he was reduced by war. To make a less acknowledgment were to do discredit to the troops by whom the red men were conquered, and to those others who sustained and repelled their assaults during the years of hostility. To ren- der this much of justice to an enemy who can no longer ask it, is befitting, nor does it detract from the credit of the stronger race. It seems a creditable and worthy thing that a man should have so strong a sense of right that, disregarding the feelings of friendship and his own personal prejudices, he could write or read the truth under all circumstances. In an attempt to tell the exact truth this account was composed ; in the same spirit may it be read. The principal tribes with whom our history has to deal were the Rogue Rivers, Shastas, Klamaths, Modocs and Umjoquas. Among the first four are found strong race affinities, and they spoke dialects of the same language. Their localities ad- joined, their intercommunication was frequent, and in time of war they often fought side by side. For a detailed description of these savages, see Mr. Bancroft's work on the Native Races of the Pacific Coast, wherein is embraced an enormous quantity of in- formation bearing upon the subject. The four tribes first mentioned abode in the contiguous valleys of the Rogue, Klamath, Shasta and Scott rivers and their affluents, and in the vicinity of Klamath, Tule, Clear and Goose lakes. The country about the three latter belonging exclusively to the Modocs, whose habitations were mainly in California. The Rogue river valley was occupied, previous to the advent INDIAN WARS. 179 of the whites, by the powerful and important tribe known by the name of the river. Branches of the tribe, more or less corrupted by intermixture with the neighboring Umpquas and others, lived on the Illinois, Applegate, Big Butte and other tributary streams, always paying to the head chief of the tribe the allegiance customary to the aboriginal headship. Along the Klamath river and about Klamath lake dwelt a strong tribe, generally known as the Klamaths. The Shastas had their home about the base of the great mountain of that name. These four tribes, apparently equally numerous and powerful, formed, with others, what Bancroft has styled the Klamath family. " This family is in every way superior to the more southern tribes. In phys- ique and character they approached more nearly to the Indians of eastern Oregon than to the degraded and weak tribes of central California. The Rogue River Indians were an exception to the general rule of deterioration on approaching the coast, for in their case the tendency to improve toward the north held good ; so that they were in many respects superior to those of the interior. " The Klamaths formerly were tall, well-made and muscular, with complexions varying from black to light brown, according to their proximity to large bodies of water. Their faces were large, oval and heavily moulded, with slightly prominent cheek bones ; nose well set and eyes keen and bright. The women were short and sometimes quite handsome, even in a Caucasian sense." Powers, in the Overland Monthly, wrote of the Klamaths : " Their stature is a trifle less than Americans ; they have well sized bodies strong and well knit. With their smooth skins, oval faces, plump and brilliant eyes, some of the young maidens — barring the tattooed skins — have a piquant and splendid beauty." Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Archaeology, says : " Many of the women were exceedingly pretty, having large, almond shaped eyes, sometimes of a hazel color, and with the red showing through the cheeks. Their fig- ures were full, their chests ample ; and the young ones had well shaped busts and rounded limbs." On the other hand most travelers have failed to remark any special beauty in these tribes, and some have characterized the women as " clumsy, but not ill-favored." As for clothing, the men of the Klamath family anciently wore only a belt, some- times a breech-clout, and the women an apron or skirt of deer skin or braided grass. In colder weather they threw over their shoulders a cloak or robe of marten or rabbit skins sewn together, deer skin, or among the coast tribes sea-otter or seal skin. They tattooed themselves, the men on the chest and arms, the women on the face in three blue lines extending perpendicularly from the centre and corners of the mouth to the chin. In some few localities, more especially near the lakes, the men painted them- selves in various colors and grotesque patterns. Their houses were of designs common to many tribes. Their winter dwellings, varying with locality, were principally of two forms, conical and square. Those of the former shape prevailed most widely and were thus built : A circular hole, from two to five feet deep and of variable width, was dug. Round this pit or cellar stout poles were driven into the ground, which being drawn together at the top, formed the rafters of the building. A covering of earth several inches deep was placed over the rafters, a hole was left at the top to serve both as door and chimney, to which rude ladders composed of notched poles gave access. Some houses were built of heavy timber form- 180 INDIAN WAES. ing a bee-hive shaped structure. The temporary summer houses of these tribes were square, conical or conoidal in shape, by driving light poles perpendicularly into the ground and laying others across them, or by drawing the upper ends together at the top. Huts having the shape of an inverted bowl were built by driving both ends of poles into the ground. These frames, however sha])ed,were covered with neatly woven tide matting, or with bushes and ferns. The ground beneath was sometimes scooped out and thrown up in a low circular embankment. The men of the tribes were usually practiced hunters. A portion of their food during a great part of the year was the wild game of the forest, and this they approached and captured with considerable adroitness. The elk, too large and powerful to be taken by bows and arrows, was sometimes snared; and the same fate befell the deer and ante- lope. The bear was far beyond the power of the natives when their only weapons were the bow and arrow, but after their acquisition of the white man's rifle, they have hunted bruin with success. The last grizzly bear ever seen west of the Cascades was killed in 1877, by Don Pedro, a Klamath, near White Rock Butte, east of Roseburg. Fishing was a more congenial and more productive occupation than hunting. Its results were more certain, and in the prolific waters of the Klamath and Rogue, more abundant as well. Several methods were in vogue for taking fish. Sometimes a dam of interwoven twigs was |)laced across a rapid so as to intercept the salmon in their periodical visits to deposit their spawn. Within niches suitably contrived the fish collected and were speared. These dams often required an immense amount of work in their construction, especially if upon a large stream. On Rogue river the fish were speared by torchlight in a manner similar to that in use in Canada and the far north. Many trout were taken from small streams by beating the water with brush, whereby the fish were driven into confined spans and dipped out. Bancroft says : "When preserved for winter use, the fish were sj^lit open on the back, the bones taken out, and then dried or smoked. Both meat and fish, when eaten fresh, are either broiled on hot stones, or boiled in water-tight baskets into which hot stones are thrown to make the water boil. Bread is made of acorns ground to flour in a stone mortar with a heavv stone pestle, and baked in the ashes. Acorn flour is the principal ingredient, but berries of various kinds are usually mixed in, and frequently seasoned with some high-flavored herb. A sort of pudding is also made in the same manner, but it is boiled instead of baked." The Indians gathered a great variety of roots, berries and seeds which they made use of for food. The principal root used was the camas, great quantities of which were collected and dried during summer and stored for the coming winter's provision. This is a bulbous root much like an onion, and is familiar to nearly every old resident of Oregon. Another root called Icice or hace was held in high esteem ; it was bulbous, about an inch long, of a bitterish taste like ginseng. The ip-ar e-pua or e-par root was a prominent article of diet and grew abundantly upon the banks of the Rogue and other rivers. There were several varieties of grass seeds, the huckle-berry, black-berry, salmon-berry, squaw-berry, manzanita-berry and perhaps others, which entered into the diet of the Indian generally, or as governed by the locality in which they grew. At Klamath lake the pond lily grows in profusion ; and its seeds, called wo-cus by the savages, formed an article of diet of which they were very fond. The women, as is jj s ■ -' ■ : ; >' ' , -','--i- f - t -' ■ 3D ■h-Wi$ s fg&A*; =o l&^&i rn en a m ■ z VK-*' o '-'^v-,i'>.., m o :g •-■'i^'U ''- i • ' 31 en c_ •i^v ■. > iiSftfv o -V^fc"--' a "Wi : - CD "; v - en |Sj< X no "Mi m en > cn >" CO a z cn a M :''■'■ ■ ■ sv '■■>:■■'■ i ■; ••■•'-'';' INDIAN WARS. 181 invariably the case among the North American Indians, performed all the work of gather- ing these eomestibles and of preparing them likewise. The men were not in any de- gree an exception to the general rule of laziness and worthlessness. Their only active days were when in pursuit of game or their enemies. Wars among these Indians were of frequent occurrence, but were hardly ever long or bloody. The easus belli was usually lovely woman. Wicked sorceries inflicted by one people on another were also causes of Avar. If one tribe obstructed a salmon stream so as to prevent their neighbors above from obtaining a supply of food the act often provoked war. No scalps were taken, but the dead foeman was decapitated — a fate meted out to all male pris- oners, while the women and children were spared to be the property of the conquerors. Their bows Avere usually about three feet long, made of yeAv or some other tough. A\'ood ; the back was an inch and a half in Avidth and was covered with the sineAvs of the deer. The arroAvs were about two feet long, and occasionally thirty inches. They were made of reeds, were feathered and had a tip of obsidian, glass or iron. They often made their arrows in two sections, the front one containing the tip being short and fastened by a socket so contrived as to leave the tip in a wounded animal, while the longer and more valuable feathered section dropped upon the ground and could be found in the fleeing animal's trail. Poisoned arroAvs seem to haA^e been in use, es- pecially among the Modocs, who used the venom of the rattlesnake for the purpose. They macerated the reptile's head in a deer's liver which, putrefying, absorbed the poison and assumed the virulent character itself. Arrows dipped therein were regarded as capable of producing death. There is no record of these poisoned arrows having been used with fatal effect on a white man, but there is no good reason to suppose that in the absence of remedies a AA T ound of this sort would be otherwise than fatal. The Indian Avomen ingeniously plaited grass, tide or fine Avillow roots into bas- kets, mats, etc. The baskets constructed for cooking purposes would retain water and Avere even used as kettles for boiling that fluid. Stones, heated very hot, were thrown into the A-essel, Avhereby heat was communicated to the water. Canoes Avere made from the trunk of a tree, hollowed out and shaped by means of fire. Pine, fir and Cot- tonwood Avere the species used, and the completed A-essel was blunt at each end, and those made by the Rogue RiA*er Indians Avere flat-bottomed. The tree ha\ T ing been felled by burning off, or being found as a windfall, was burned off to the required length and holloAved out by the same agency. Pitch was spread on the portion to be burned away, and a piece of fresh bark served to prevent the flames from spreading too far. These canoes were propelled by means of paddles. Such constructions of course lacked the requisite lightness and grace of the birch-bark canoes of the far- eastern Indians, nor could they equal them in speed or handiness. Canoes, women, Aveapons of war and the chase, and the skins of animals formed the most valued property of these saA'ages, and were articles of trade. Wealth was estimated in strings of shell money like the wampum of eastern aborigines, but this money was here known as alli-as-chich or ali-qua-chick. This circulating medium was a small white shell, hollow^ and valued at from five to twenty dollars. Hence the monetary standard of these savages was variable like that of more civilized nations, but was probably a source of less confusion and speculation. White deer skins and the scalps of red-headed Avood peckers seem to have been articles of great estimation, 182 INDIAN WARS. possessing fictitious values depending upon the dictates of fashion. These articles were the insignia of wealth and were sought after by the Indians as seal-skin gar- ments and diamonds are affected by the higher classes of white society. " Wives, also, as they had to be purchased, were a sign of wealth, and the owner of many was thereby distinguished above his fellows." To be a chief among the Klamaths or Rogue Rivers pre-supposed the possession of wealth. Power was not hereditary, and the chief who became too old to govern was summarily deposed. La-lake, the peaceable old chief of the former tribe, was compelled in his later years to give place to a younger man. Each village had a head man who might be styled chief, who held his power in some way subordinate to the main tribal chiefs, but whose actions in most ways were not regulated by the head chief. A new settlement being formed a chief was elected who held his power until deposed by his subjects or until death removed him. Frequently from a multiplicity of candidates for the chiefship two were chosen, who together ad- ministered the affairs of the tribe, the divided authority appearing to have been con- sistent with peace and friendliness. One of the two was usually styled peace chief, tho other Avar chief. A well-known example of this is seen in Sam and Joe, brothers, and respectively war chief and peace chief of the Rogue Rivers. However, it does not appear that the duties of the two were in any case divided, or that the occurrence of war necessitated the intermission of the peace chief's authority. As the case of the two chiefs mentioned, Joe, probably a more skillful warrior, assumed the conduct of warfare in 1853, and possibly in 1851, though the latter fact is not fully ascertained. The Indians of Southern Oregon and Northern California were a filthy race, viewed from a Caucasian standpoint, but probably did not surpass other aborigines in that respect. Their habits of life were such as to render them subject to parasites of all sorts, so much so that an Indian deprived of the presence of pediculus would be an anomaly. " The Rogue Rivers bathed daily ; yet they brought out with them the dirt which encased their bodies when they went in. . Their heavy, long and thickly matted hair afforded refuge for vermin which their art could not remove. To destroy in some measure this plague they were in the babit of burning their houses occasion- ally and rebuilding with fresh materials." TheUmpqua region and the coast between the Siuslaw and Coos bay were inhab- ited by the Umpquas and minor related tribes. These possessed many tribal divisions of which the names have mostly perished. Ultimately they belonged to the extensive family called by Bancroft the Chinooks, a division of the Columbians so-called. An- ciently the Umpquas were a tribe of importance and strength, though individually far inferior to the Klamath family. This is true in regard to physique and mental quali- ties. In stature the men rarely exceeded five and a half feet nor the women five feet. Both sexes were heavily and loosely built, and were much deformed by their squatting position, and had every appearance of degeneration. Their faces were broad and round, their nostrils large, the mouth wide and thick-lipped, teeth irregular, countenance void of expression and vivacity, yet often regular. As to clothing, the Umpquas were not in any way peculiar. The men wore no covering in fair or warm weather, but in severe seasons adopted a garment made of the skins of animals. Females wore a skirt of cedar fibres fastened around the waist and INDIAN WARS. 183 hanging to the knees. In cold weather they wrapped a robe of sea-otter or other skins about the body. Fish formed a staple article of diet with the Umpquas, salmon and salmon trout being the principal varieties, which were, and still are, abundant in the Umpqua river and its tributaries during certain seasons. The fish, being caught in some approved Indian fashion, was roasted before fires. Being cut into convenient sized portions, it was impaled on a pointed stick, first being stuck through with splinters to prevent it from falling to pieces. Thus broiled the fresh salmon or trout formed a very welcome and toothsome addition to their limited cuisine. In times before the coming of the whites the Rogue Rivers and Shastas had fre- quent wars with the Umpquas, but finally, through mutual interest, effected a coalition. From this time the power of the latter tribe began to wane. In the decade ending in 1850, the Klickitats, a powerful and restless tribe from beyond the Columbia, entered the Umpqua valley, having conquered all the Indians whom they met in the Willam- ette valley, and subjected the Umpquas also to defeat. They occupied a portion of the latter's country and became the dominant tribe northward of the Rogue river valley. The Klickitats were equally renowned in trade and war, and their services were in re- quest by the whites at various times when other tribes were to be fought. In 1851 sixty Klickitat warriors, well mounted and armed, offered themselves to assist in the war against the Rogue Rivers, but their presence was not desired. Similar to these were the Des Chutes, a small but active tribe, who, under their chief, Sem-tes-tis, made expeditions for purposes of war or barter from their homes east of the Cascades as far as Yreka, where, in 1854, they assisted the whites against the Shastas. In some of their characteristics the Klickitats irresistibly bring to mind the early Jews, whose mi- grations, success in war and love of barter form strong points of resemblance to this Indian tribe's peculiarities. Some few of the Klickitats yet remain in the eastern part of Douglas county, where they own and till farms, and are useful members of that community. As regards the origin of these tribes, only conjecture is at hand. Not enough is known on that topic to serve for the foundation of a respectable hypothesis, although the common origin of all North American tribes has been taken for granted. From facts which have come under his notice, Judge Rosborough, formerly Indian agent in Northern California, is of the opinion that there have been three lines of aboriginal migration southward through Southern Oregon and Northern California, namely : one by the coast, dispersing toward the interior; secondly, that along the Willamette valley, crossing the Calaj30oia mountains and the Umpqua and Rogue rivers, Shasta and Scott valleys ; the other wave coming up the Des Chutes river and peopling the vicinity of the lakes. As an evidence of the second movement it is known that all the tribes inhabiting the region referred to spoke the same language and confederated against their neighbors, particularly the Pit river Indians, who arrested their course in the south. The traditions of the Shastas show they had driven a tribe out of their habitation and occupied it themselves. The Klamaths have been known among themselves and surrounding tribes as Muck-a-lucks, Klamaths, Klamets, Luuami (their own name), and Tlamath. The Rogue Rivers, according to various authorities, called themselves Lo-to-ten, Tutatamy, 184 INDIAN WARS. Totutime, Tootouni, Tootooton, Tutoten, Tototin, Tutotutna, and Too-toot-na; all of which may be regarded as the same word, uttered variously by individuals of different tribes, and reproduced in writing as variously. For the purposes of this history their ordinary designation, Rogue Rivers, will be adopted, inasmuch as they have attained a celebrity under that name, and as it in consequence conveys a readier meaning than either of the native words the use of which, in addition, carries a suspicion of pedantry. Tribal designations among the Indians, it is to be observed, were and are exceedingly indefinite and troublesome to the student. For example : tribes of restricted numbers frequently call themselves by the name of their head chief; and the tribal name is fre- quently used indifferently with that of the chief. The Klamaths, for a time called themselves, and were called by their white neighbors La-lakes. Their principal chief also bore that name, and by it was known to a large part of the State. The name, be- yond doubt, is la-lac — meaning, in French, the lake, and was applied by French or Canadian travelers or trappers, in allusion to the great Klamath lakes, upon whose shores these people dwelt. Adopted by the natives, this foreign word was applied to the tribe and to the great peace chief, who became in his day the most eminent of his race. The habit of loosely applying their designations has made the study of Indian traditions and history very difficult indeed, and is probably the most fruitful source of error which presents itself in the pursuit of aboriginal archaeology. CHAPTER XXI. THE EARLY EXPLORERS ATTACKED. Jedediah S. Smith's Journey Through Northern California and Southern Oregon — First Knowledge of the In- dians — Locality of Smith's Defeat— Turner — Gay — Ewing Young — Wilkes' Exploring Expedition — Fremont's Expedition Across the Plains — Attack by Modocs- -Travel Through Southern Oregon — Indian Outrages in 1850 and 1851. It is pertinent to the subject to introduce here the account of Jedediah S. Smith's remarkable trip through Southern Oregon, from California to the Hudson's Bay Com- pany's settlements at Vancouver. It will thus be seen that the spirit of hostility against the whites was developed at the very moment of the latter 's first appearance in the country ; and we shall see that this spirit of hostility was kept alive until the In- dians' expulsion from the country, twenty-eight years after. [For full details of this affair see pages 118 to 122 of this volume.] The evidence shows that Smith followed the coast line in his first trip northward to Cape Arago, and doubtless he with his two companions continued along the coast as far as the Columbia, for the interior he could have known nothing of, since even the Hudson's Bay people had not made explorations in that direction. While every one Mrs. Gen Joseph Lane. INDIAN WARS. 185 accords to Smith the distinction of having led the first white men into Southern Ore- gon, there is much left to conjecture in regard to numerous important details of his passage. The exact spot where his camp was destroyed by Indians is not known, nor its approximate situation. Certain manuscripts ascribe an island in [or near] the Umpqua as the place of the tragedy ; while others mention Cape Arago as the locality in question. The tact that an important tributary, of the Umpqua has been named Smith river does not settle the question, while from certain facts the presumption is in favor of Cape Arago. At any rate the Umpqua Indians (who are well known to have inhab- ited the vicinity of the mouth of that river) are characterized by an indisposition to acts of violence, while the natives of Coos bay, and more particularly of the Coquille country, achieved quite a reputation as murderers of stray parties of whites, as will appear in another part of this book. These considerations render it likely that Smith's party was attacked at some point further south than the generally accepted locality, though the question — an interesting one — deserves and should receive full investiga- tion. Under such circumstances Southern Oregon began to become known to the world, and for a long series of years remained unsettled by civilized men, the only objects of the few white persons who entered its bounds being the pursuit of fur-bearing animals or else urged through these dangerous solitudes by the exigencies of travel. The Hud- son's Bay Company's agents w r ere quick to take advantage of the information brought by Smith, and parties of hunters and trappers were sent forth to systematically explore and in some sense occupy the country. This occupation extended no farther than the construction of a permanent post at the junction of Elk creek and the Umpqua river, where Elkton is now situated. This post, called Fort Umpqua, served as the head- quarters of the company's employees throughout the section embracing the Umpqua, Rogue, Klamath and Upper Sacramento rivers. In June, 1836, as is credibly told, a party of whites, including George Gay, well known in Oregon's early history, Daniel Miller, Edward Barnes, Dr. Bailey, J. Turner, and his squaw, Sanders and Woodworth, and a man known as Irish Tom, were attacked near the mouth of Foot's creek (below Rock Point) on Rogue river, and Miller, Sanders, Barnes and Irish Tom were killed, while the others, badly wounded, made their escape. As narrated by J. W. Nesmith, in Transactions of Oregon Pio- neers, 1882, the circumstances were as follows : " The party was under the leadership of Turner and was on a trapping expedition. About the middle of June they were encamped at the Point of Rocks [Rock Point] on the south bank of Rogue river. Several hundred Indians dropped into camp, but Turner thinking there was no dan- ger took no precautions, and the natives most unexpectedly attacked the party with clubs, bows and knives. They got possession of three of the eight guns with which the whites were armed, and for a time the trappers fought them with fire-brands, clubbed guns and whatever came handy. Turner, a big Kentucky giant, seized a fir limb from the fire and fought lustily. He released Gay who was held down by the savages, and finally the assailants were driven from the camp. Dan Miller and another trapper were killed on the spot, while the six survivors were all more or less wounded. The latter took to the brush, and without horses and deprived of all the guns but two, traveled, fighting Indians by day and walking by night, making their way northward. _ 186 INDIAN WARS. Dr. Bailey was wounded by a tomahawk blow which had cleft his shin. Sanders' wounds disabled him from traveling, and he was left on the South Umpqua, while " Big Tom " [Irish Tom] was left on the North Umpqua. The] Indians reported to Dr. McLaughlin, of the Hudson's Bay Company, that both men soon died of their wounds where they were left. Turner, Gay, Woodworth and Dr. Bailey ultimately reached the settlement on the Willamette. Two years later, or in 1837, a party of Oregonians proceeded to California to buy cattle to drive to the Willamette. They secured a drove, and returning passed through the Umpqua and Rogue river valleys. The party was composed in part of Ewing Young, the leader ; P. L. Edwards, who kept a diary of the trip ; Hawchurst, Car- michael, Bailey, Erequette, DesPau, B. Williams, Tibbetts, Gay, Wood, Camp, and about eight others, all frontiersmen of experience. While encamped at the Klamath, on the fourteenth of September, 1837, Gay and Bailey shot an Indian who had come peaceably into camp. This act was in revenge for the affair at Foot's creek, but that locality had not by any means been reached, and the Indians' crime of 1835 was re- venged on an individual who, perhaps, had not heard of the event. The act was deeply resented by the Indians throughout the whole section, and the party met with the greatest difficulty in continuing their course. On the seventeenth of the same month they encamped at Foot's creek, and on the next morning sustained a serious attack of the savages, narrated thus in the diary of Edwards : September 18. — Moved about sunrise. Indians were soon observed running along the moun- tain on our right. There could be no doubt but that they were intending to attack us at some difficult pass. Our braves occasionally fired on them when there was a mere possibility of doing any execution. About twelve o'clock, while we were in a stony and brushy pass between the river [Rogue river] on our right, and a mountain covered with wood on our left, firing and yelling in front announced an attack. Mr. Young, apprehensive of an attack at this pass, had gone in ad- vance to examine the brush and ravine, and returned without seeing Indians. In making further search he found them posted on each side of the road. After firing of four guns, the forward cattle having halted, and myself having arrived with the rear, I started forward, but orders met me from Mr. Young that no one should leave the cattle, he feeling able, with the two or three men already with him, to rout the Indians. In the struggle Gay was wounded in the back by an arrow. Two arrows were shot into the riding horse of Mr. Young, while he was snapping his gun at an Indian not more than ten yards off. To save his horse, he had dismounted and beat him on the head, but he refused to go off, and received two arrows, probably shot at his master. Having an- other brushy place to pass, four or five of us went in advance, but were not molested. Camped at the spot where Turner and party were attacked two years ago. Soon after the men on day guard said they had seen three Indians in a small grove about three hundred yards from camp. About half of the party went, surrounded the grove, some of them fired into it, others passed through it, but could find no Indians. At night all the horses nearly famished as they were tied up. Night set in dark, cloudy and threatening rain, so that the guard could herdly have seen an Indian ten paces off, until the moon rose, about ten o'clock. I was on watch the first half of the night. Here Mr. Edwards' diary breaks off, leaving untold much of interest to the gen- eral reader. As regards the skirmish at Foot's creek, just narrated, there is a doubt of it were it not succeeded by still more severe ones, inasmuch as the record of Wilkes' exploring expedition suggests further calamities to Young's company. Lieutenant Emmons, U. S. N., commanded a detachment of Wilkes' expedition, which left Van- couver for Yerba Buena, in September, 1841, J. D. Dana, the great scientist, being of the party, as well as Tibbetts, who was with the Young party. This man informed INDIAN WARS. 187 las new associates that the Young expedition was defeated by the Indians who killed one white, and wounded two others who died when they reached the Umpqua. " He showed great anxiety to take his revenge on them, but no opportunity offered, for our party had no other difficulty than scrambling up steep paths and through thick shrubbery." In the work just referred to the natives about the Oregon-California line are spoken of as " bad Indians" — as if that were their common designation. Hence, we infer that they had, even at that date, acquired a sustained reputation for hostility to the whites. Such a name does not afford any clue to their real character, however, but only suggests a spirit of opposition to the whites with whom they came in contact. This opposition probably in most cases took the form of hostility. On other and more occasions it may not have exceeded that form of independence known to the early set- tlers as " insolence." This, be it remarked, was a favorite word with certain whites and infinitely recurs in the accounts of the early contests. It is only by the context that one can judge what the expression really signifies. To characterize an Indian as insolent, in certain cases meant that he was on the point of murder , at others that he had refused to allow white men to outrage his family. Such expression of inde- pendence or freedom or even of self-defense were all included in the then comprehen- sive term, insolence. Concerning the years preceding 1850 there is a dearth of information, whence not only are we unable to array many facts, but the power ol drawing inferences pertaining to what is known is lost, whereby a discussion of the aboriginal character in the light of the earlier events is impossible. In May, 1845, J. C. Fremont, with his exploring expedition, arrived in South- ern Oregon, having come up the Sacramento and Pit river valleys, and traveled by way of Goose, Clear, and Tule lakes to the west shore of Klamath lake, where he camped for a few days. His force consisted of about fifty men. On the ninth of May, Samuel Neal and M. Sighler rode into camp with the information that a United States officer was on their trail with dispatches, and would fall a victim to savages if not res- cued, the two messengers having escaped only by the fleetness of their horses. Taking- five trappers, four friendly Indians and the two messengers, Fremont hastened to the rescue, and at sun-down met Lieutenant Gillespie, guided by Peter Lassen and bearing dispatches from the United States government to Fremont. The place of meeting was sixty miles from Fremont's camp on the lake, which they had left in the morning. They camped that night in the Modoc country, near Klamath lake, and then it was that the savage Modocs committed the first of the long series of hostile acts which have marked their dealings with the whites. Exhausted as they were, the men lay down to sleep Avithout setting a guard. The Modocs were not slow to take advantage of the 0]3portunity. Late in the night, the watchful Kit Carson heard a dull, heavy thud as of a falling blow, and called to Basil La Jeunesse, who was sleeping on the other side of the camp-fire, to know what was the matter. Getting no answer, and seeing moving figures he cried, "Indians, Indians!" and seized his rifle. Quickly, the trappers, Lucian Maxwell, Richard Owens, Alex. Godey and Steppenfelt, with Carson rushed to the aid of the man attacked. The Indian chief was killed and his followers fled, but La Jeunesse, Denne, an Iroquois and Crain, a Delaware, were dead. This camp was on Hot creek, in Siskiyou county, California. 188 INDIAN WARS. Ail examination of the trail in the morning showed that the attacking party num- bered about twenty, and Lieutenant Gillespie recognized the dead chief as an Indian who had on the preceding morning given him a fine fish, the first food he had tasted for forty hours. On the eleventh of May Fremont left his main camp and started for California, to begin the war of independence which resulted in its conquest by the United States. A detachment of about fifteen men was left at the scene of the mid- night attack to punish the j>erpetrators should they return to it, Two Modocs were killed and scalped there, and the men rejoined the main party. Ten men of the advance guard, under Kit Carson, came suddenly upon an Indian village on the east bank of Klamath lake, and charged into it at once, killing many braves and burning the rancheria, but sparing the women and children. Years afterward a Modoc chief related these occurrences to Lindsay Applegate, and in response to questions, said the Indians made the attack on Fremont because these were the first white men who came into the country, and they wanted to kill them to deter others from coming. Even ju'ior to the Fremont explorations considerable migration to and from Cali- fornia began to take place through Southern Oregon. As yet there were few people settled south of the Willamette valley, whence came the greater number of the trav- elers, and the route was a very dangerous and difficult one. Time and distance had even magnified the sufficiently dangerous character of the Indians, and it required a considerable degree of daring to venture upon the journey. However, no dangers could have daunted such travelers as in 1848-9-50 set out for California, intent upon mining, although their passage through this region was usually attended with fighting and many times with loss of life. Tradition relates the murders of several men near Foot's creek and the robbery of their camp wherein was gold to the value of many thousand dollars ; but the time, place and names are inextricably confused. Of course all travelers went heavily armed, and as far as jiossible in strong numbers. J. W. Nesmith in a letter to the compiler of this account, says : " I first saw Southern Oregon in 1848, when, with thirty-two companions, I set out from Polk county to go through to California. The Indians were all hostile from the Umpqua mountains to the valley of the Sacramento, and there was not a day during our march between these two points that we did not exchange shots with them, though we had no engage- ment with them that could be called a battle." In August, 1850, two packers, Cushing and Prink, were killed on the banks of the Klamath river near where the ferry was afterwards established. Their train was taken and their cargo destroyed by Shasta Indians. In January, 1851, a conflict occurred at Blackburn's ferry on the Klamath, in which James Sloan, Jenalshan and Bender were killed by savages presumably Klam- aths. Blackburn and his wife defended their house until help arrived and the Indians fled. On examining the neighborhood of the ferry, the body of Blackburn's father was most unexpectedly found, he having come in the evening to visit his son whom he had not seen for years, and met his death almost at the threshold, at the hands of the besiegers. Some two weeks later a party of white men from the ferry went in pursuit of the hostiles and shot two Indians, one, a squaAV, being killed by mistake while in a canoe. The same party, being in the vicinity of Happy Camp, attacked a rancheria of Eurocs (down-river Klamaths) and killed every male inhabitant and two females. One .--■ ( ■ -, ^mt*~ W-: »*Hg - ' INDIAN WARS. 189 of the attacking party was killed. This action is called the Lowden's ferry fight. During the following May, four miners were killed on Grave creek and Rogue river, whose names are unknown. Mosin and McKee (otherwise called Reaves) were at about the same date killed on the Klamath. CHAPTER XXII. EFFECT OF WHITE IMMIGRATION. Coming- of the Whites— General Wane and the Shastas— Divisions of the Shastas— Their Chiefs Rogue River Indians -Applegate John— Limpy, George and their Bands— Table Rock Band—Sam and Joe — Census of Indians— Diminution of the Indians — Reflection on their Condition— Sentiment of the Whites— Discussion on the Causes of the Wars. The events narrated in the last chapter mainly occurred prior to the settlement of Southern Oregon, which we may conveniently date from the spring of 1851. We now come to consider occurrences which took place during the following years, wlien the country was being rapidly peopled, in consequence partly of the discovery of gold placers in the Rogue river country, and where a state of feverish excitement existed, consequent upon the rapid growth of population and other serious causes. It was in the spring of 1851 that these gold discoveries took place whose repeated occurrence attracted thousands to these valleys. The news of the first " find " drew other pros- pectors who, advancing into the previously untrodden wilds, speedily found other rich deposits, and so within a few short months it was learned that the precious metal existed on the banks of innumerable streams draining extensive regions. At the same time numerous discoveries were being made in Northern California, and a constant succession of travelers passed north and south on the way to the Sacramento and Shasta valleys, or homeward to the Willamette with a filled purse, or j^erhaps with defeated hopes and an empty j)ocket. The mines about Yreka were being Avorked, and a busy swarm of men, estimated by some at above 2,000, were digging for gold. Adventurous prospectors had spread themselves over a vast region, and toward everv point of the compass. All the affluents of the Sacramento, Shasta, Trinity, Scott, Pit, Rogue and Umpqua were infested by busy men with pick and pan, and the aurif- erous wealth of the country speedily became known. In June of 1850, Dollarhide and party discovered the Scott river placers, but abandoned them from fear of the In- dians and from other causes. Soon after came Scott and party who made additional discoveries, the news of which was speedily circulated, bringing many miners to the spot. General Joseph Lane arrived on the headwaters of the river in February, 1851, and set about gold digging in company with his own party of Oregonians. By the tacit consent of whites and natives alike (but as some have said by the intercession of 190 INDIAN WARS. Chief Tolo) the general became a sort of mediator in their differences ; and kept both parties in harmony throughout his stay on the river. The Indians of that vicinity, belonging to the Shasta tribe, were very numerous, but were divided into several bands. They occupied Shasta and Scott valleys, and the banks of the Klamath river adjacent. They had been separated from the Rogue Rivers only recently, owing to the death 01 their principal chief. There is no doubt that these two tribes were one and undivided previously, but now they were broken up and formed several communities, each with its own chief. At Yreka old Tolo was chief, an always firm friend and ally of the whites ; in Scott valley Tyee John, a son of the deceased head chief, was supreme ; in Shasta valley, Tyee Jim ; on the Klamath, Tyee Bill ; on the Siskiyou mountains and about the head of the Applegate, Tipsu (commonly called Tipsie) Tyee (bearded or hairy chief). On Rogue river were gathered the Indians who bore that name, num- bering, according to the best evidence, about 600 souls. They were broken up into tribal communities of greater or less importance, and, as before remarked, all owed a quasi allegiance to Joe and Sam, chiefs of the Table Rock band, the main division 01 the tribe. On Applegate creek dwelt Chief John, a redoubtable warrior who properly fills more space in history than any other Oregon Indian, excepting, perhaps, Kam-a-i-a-kun, the celebrated warrior of the Yakimas, and Peo-peo-mux-mux, the great chief of the Walla Wallas. John's clan, the Ech-ka-taw-a, was numerically small ; not more than fifty braves followed him to war, but these, under such a leader, more than made up for lack of numbers, by courage, strategy, and indomitable perseverance. We shall have much to say of this wily and sagacious chief, when treat- ing of the events of the war of 1855-56. Another prominent Indian was Limpy, — so called by the whites — who was of the Haw-quo-e-hav-took, a rather more numer- ous band, dwelling in the region drained by the Illinois river. His character was well known to the whites, by reason of his taking part in hostilities against them on all possible occasions. The acts of Limpy and John have become in a great measure con- founded in most people's recollections, and to the Illinois Indians are attributed many acts and exploits of which the blame or credit should be given to the Applegate band. George, another and less prominent sub-chief, dwelt upon the Rogue river below Van- noy's ferry. His people united on occasion with those of Limpy, and together made up an active and dangerous force. In the vicinity of Table Rock dwelt the sub-tribe of Indians previously alluded to as the band of Sam and Joe, which will be further referred to under the name ot the Table Rock band. Their home was upon the banks of the Rogue river, and in the midst of a pleasant country, fruitful in game, roots, seeds and acorns, while in the river, at the proper season, salmon swarmed by the thousand. They derived an easy and abundant living from the advantageous surroundings and were the dominant band of the tribe. Their number probably reached at one time 500 souls ; but in addition quite a number of Indians of other tribes were settled within the valley and through some consideration of Indian polity, gave their adhesion to the Table Rock chiefs and were in effect a part of their people. This band was ever regarded with jealousy by the whites until their removal to a distant reservation in 1856 ; but with little cause, as will be shown in the following pages. We shall have occasion to set forth the com- parative superiority of this particular band and of their chiefs in matters of civility, INDIAN WARS. l f Jl good faith, and regard for their engagements. The people of Jackson county still have lively memories of many of these Indians, particularly of the two chiefs. They tell that the twain were tall and stately men, Sam somewhat portly, the other of a more slender build, but alike in having massive heads and relatively intellectual foreheads. In the late years of their stay at Table Rock they dressed in " Boston " style, wearing tall hats, etc. Their manners were said not to be inferior to those of the ordinary miner or farmer. These comparatively intelligent and teachable Indians wielded a great influence among the surrounding tribes at a time when the utmost revengeful feelings had been excited against the whites. The Indian name of Joe was Aps-er- ka-ha, as is discovered on perusing the text of the Table Rock treaty of 1853, and from the same source we learn that Sam's name was To-gun-he-a ; and a less impor- tant chief named by the whites Jim, was in Too-too-tenni (the Rogue River language) called Ana-cha-ara. As the before-mentioned chiefs were the most prominent actors on the part of the Indians in the ensuing wars, further mention of them is deferred to its appropriate place. In 1854 a census was taken of the entire inhabitants of the upper portion of Rogue river valley, from which the following figures are extracted. The Indians were in this enumeration divided into two classes — those who accepted the provisions of the Lane treaty of 1853, and the outside or non-reservation Indians. Of the former the Table Rock band numbered seventy-six persons ; John's band, fifty-three ; the com- bined people of George and Limpy, eighty-one ; making a total of 307 Indians of both sexes and all ages, gathered upon the reservation at Table Rock. Of these, 108 were men. The non-treaty Indians comprised Elijah's band of ninety-four ; the "Old Applegates" (probably Tepsu Tyee's people) , numbering thirty-nine ; Taylor's band and the Indians of Jump-off- Joe creek, sixty strong ; and forty -seven remaining on the Illinois river; total, 240; of whom seventy-two were men. Thus the total In- dian population of the upper portion of the Rogue river country was 547 — a number that will seem disproportionately small to those who are in any degree familiar with the history of their actions. To this estimate Agent Culver added twenty-five per cent., as representing the number of alien or foreign Indians who might be found at any time with or near the bands named. There is reason to believe that the stranger Indians at times exceeded this large estimate, especially in time of hostilities. The best evidence exists to show that the Indian population of the valley suf- fered very serious diminution between the years 1854 and 1855. What the extent of this decrease was, or how long its causes had been in operation is not ascertainable. It is a very common expression with the earlier white settlers that the Indians were much more numerous at first. Agent Culver remarked that the loss to the " treaty Indians' r collected at Table Rock reservation, amounted during the first twelve months to not less than one-fourth of their whole number. Among the several strong bands of Indians resident in the Grave creek, Wolf creek and Jump-off-Joe region, the mor- tality was still greater ; and those intractable bands, dangerous enemies of the whites (they spoke the Umpqua language but were not of that blood), were nearly blotted out of existence. This theory of the diminution of the Indians will help to explain the apparently monstrous exaggerations of those who first battled with the Rogue Rivers — an exag- 192 INDIAN WARS. geration inexplicable on any other hypothesis. Tims, Major Kearney, writing to his superior officers concerning an engagement, professes to have been opposed by from 300 to 500 Indians. Many such statements might be adduced, which with the above theory are mutually supporting, though they do not rest on the same class of evidence by any means. The position in which these Indians found themselves at the era of the rapid influx of white men was anomalous. They were suddenly surrounded by a white population largely exceeding their own numbers, engaged in the pursuit of gold. Nor was this white population of a character to enable the Indians to remain in quiet. Ordinary observation speaks loudly to the contrary. Says J. Ross Browne, "The earliest comers were a wild, reckless and daring race of men, trappers and hunters, whose intercourse with the Indians was not calculated to afford them a high opinion of Ameri- cans as a people." These remarks were intended to apply to the travelers who came prior to the discovery of gold. With a slight modification they will apply perfectly to a very large number of subsequent arrivals. Concerning the character of the general white population in 1851-6, nothing need be said. Men of all ranks in life and of all conceivable characters were there. There is no occasion to go into raptures over the generosity, magnanimity and bravery of the better sort, nor to enter upon a long description of the vices of the worse. Good men were there and bad. The same vicious qualities which characterized the ruffian in more settled communities marked his career in this, except that circumstances may have given him a better chance here to display himself. "A majority of white persons came to the country with kind feel- ings for the Indians and not wishing to injure them; but there also came many having opposite sentiments." This sentence sets forth the condition of affairs as forcibly as ix it were expanded into a volume. A portion were ready to do the Indian harm, and circumstances never could have been more favorable to their malice. Law and justice were not; and whenever and wherever a white man's lust or love of violence led him then and there an outrage was perpetrated. Public sentiment to-day admits the truth of the strongest general charges of this nature; and the venerable rjioneer tottering per- haps on the edge of the grave says sadly — " The Indians suffered many a grievous wrong at our hands ; unmentionable wrongs, they were, of which no man shall ever bear more." Because these Indians were poor, because they were ignorant, and because they were aliens, society frowned on them, justice ignored them, the United States gov- ernment neglected to protect them and they were left a prey to the worst passions of the worst of men. To again quote, "Miscreants, regardless of sex or age, slaughter poor, weak, defenceless Indians with impunity. There are no means for agents to prevent it or punish it. There are many well-disposed persons, but they are silent through fear or some other cause," etc. These are the words of Joel Palmer, superin- tendent of Indian affairs for Oregon. In continuation of the subject, J. L. Parrish, Indian agent at Port Orford, said: "Many of the Indians have been killed merely on suspicion that they would rise and avenge their own wrongs, or for petty threats that have been made against lawless white men for debauching their women; and I believe in no single instance have the Indians been aggressors." The Oregon Statesman., of September 27, 1853, contained this language, which is all the more striking as being- published at a time when to utter a word in favor of the Indians was to court iinpojm- INDIAN WARS. 193 larity: "Some of the whites are reckless and imprudent men, who expected passive submission from the natives under any treatment, while the latter have never had any correct idea of the policy of our government in relation to their race, and consequently regard all whites as lawless intruders endeavoring to despoil them." It is useless to multiply incidents and quotations with the single view of showing the immediate cause of the Indian wars. Those who wish to investigate more fully the subject of outrages by whites on Indians will do well to consult the various govern- mental reports of the superintendent of Indian affairs, and other like publications; but let it be taken for granted at once that the newspapers will afford no evidence of the kind sought. Nor should the evidence of the regular army or other government officers be accepted as conclusive. There is as much of prejudice and downright untruthfulness in certain official reports on the conduct of the Indian wars of Southern Oregon as could well be found in any newspaper. We behold, at the close of the final hostilities with the Indians (war of 1855-6), the inglorious spectacle of a renowned general engaged in a wordy and abusively personal contest with certain civilians, respecting the comparative merit of the regulars and the volunteers in bringing the war to a close. This unseemly quarrel between General Wool and the citizens of Oregon and Washington territories hinged upon the very least of all the results of those memorable months of fighting, yet these wordy hostilities continued throughout many years, and their echoes are hardly yet died away. To burden history with grave discussions of such matters is not at all the intention of the present writer; and those who would inform themselves upon the subject matter of the Wool-Curry -Stevens dispute, should seek it in the files of the newspapers of the date of 1856 and subsequently. To subserve some hidden political or pecuniary purpose, the legislature of Oregon once procured the publication of a list of persons murdered by Indians prior to 1858. That this list was inaccurate, incomplete and unreliable, did not affect the purpose of its publication. It probably assisted in carrying the measure .as intended, and thus far was of use. But that publication has done more to create unjust and erroneous impressions regarding the Indian wars than aught else. All the newspaper pathos concerning the blood of our slaughtered friends, all the speeches of demagogues trying to make political capital by playing upon men's vanity, never could have appealed to the feelings as does that simple list, containing, without circumstance, the names of perhaps 200 persons killed within the boundaries of Oregon. It is a pity that for purposes of comparison we have not a similar list giving the names of Indians who, have been murdered by white men. The total would be at least convincing. Returning to our subject of the immediate causes of the wars, we find ourselves under the necessity of quoting from the words of General Sam Houston : " The out- breaks of Indians are always preceded by greater outrages on the part of the whites." There w T as a very peculiar yet probably common class of outrages inflicted on the Indians that seem more particularly to illustrate the words of the venerable speaker. These outrages were upon women; and although we cannot suppose that the savage heart was capable of feeling all the severe emotions which under such circumstances would agitate the breast of a white man so wronged in the person of his wife, still there is no reason to doubt the gravity of such a matter to them. It may well be taken for granted that such outrages were of not uncommon occurrence. The debauchery of 194 INDIAN WARS. the Indian women was an accompanying circumstance, ana doubtless the two nearly identical facts had an important bearing on the relation of the races. The scheme upon which the writer will endeavor to arrange the evidence bearing on this topic divides such evidence into — first, that bearing upon the tone of public sentiment during the years of hostilities ; second, the remarkable change in public opinion during the subsequent years; third, the opinions of intelligent and reliable living actors in the wars ; fourth, contemporary evidence contained in newspapers, manuscripts, etc. ; fifth, the unjust terrorism of opponents of the war. The ordinary, or what may be termed the patriotic, view of the cause, remote and immediate, of the war, rests upon opinion only, and presents no stronger grounds than — first, the public consension of opinion of the Indian character ; second, traditions concerning the facts of the war ; and third, one-sided newspaper reports. Having suggested the most important immediate causes of the war, let us imagine that these causes have produced their inevitable effects, and that open hostilities exist. In such a case it is manifest that the ignoble causes would sink from sight, while pub- lic attention would become engrossed by the more important actual condition of affairs; and practical measures rather than theoretical speculation would be the order of the day. The varying feelings of all white inhabitants would become merged in a desire to speedily conquer, and possibly to exterminate their enemies. These would be the inevitable results, and we might expect those who previously had been the most con- servative and sympathetic to manifest the greatest vigor and enthusiasm on attacking the savages. The population then, we have abundant reason for saying, would become unanimous upon the breaking out of an Indian war. There would have existed a constant though indefinite dread of Indian retaliation among nearly all classes, and this feeling would have assumed a more serious import to men of family and to those who inhabited exposed places. By degrees this wearing annoyance would have become intensified, and the habit of expecting evil would have become, in the less steadfast minds, actually insupportable. The feeling then, we are assured, would have merged into one of deadly hostility towards Indians in general. It is difficult for us, in the calmness of every-day life, to conceive the feverish intensity of excitement to which man may be wrought, when the animal energies of his nature converge to a point, and the buoyancy of strength and courage reciprocates the influences of anxiety and solic- itude. We shall see the bearing of these remarks in treating of the beginning of the war of 1855-6, where they apply with distinguished force to the noted Lupton case. Thus we may believe it was less the actual Indian outrages that inspired the whites to violence than the soul-harrowing expectation of them. In corroboration of these views we find S. H. Culver, Indian agent at Table Rock, expressing himself as follows : " The feeling of hostility displayed by both parties would be almost impossible to realize except by personal observation. Worthy men of standing entertained senti- ments of bitter hostility entirely at variance with their general disposition." The consideration of the causes of an Indian war divides itself naturally, as has been inferred, into two parts, namely: The immediate cause or causes, and the remote cause. Of the two, the latter is, from its generality, incomparably the more interesting and important, but its discussion leads ultimately to a train of philosophical specula- tions not in consonance with ordinary conceptions of history, and of interest to a very INDIAN WARS. 195 slight proportion of readers. The student of American history, casting his eyes upon the records of the settlement of this land, observes the multifarious accounts of Indian wars, and remarking their similarity in cause and effect, instinctively assigns them to a single primary cause, sufficiently comprehensive and effective to have produced them. It would be unphilosophical to ascribe the cause of these innumerable yet similar wars to the isolated acts of individuals, although we may credit the latter with their immediate production. The primary cause, says one, is the progress of civilization, to which the Indians are normally opposed. As otherwise stated, the cause is the result of immi- gration and settlement, which are also in opposition to the wish of the Indians. Another authority states it thus: "The encroachments of a suj)erior upon an inferior race." These three |)ropositions appear to set forth three different consequences of a universal truth, but by no means the primary truth itself. Probably the fundamental reason could be found in race differences, or still more likely in some psychological principle akin to that by which men are led to inflict death by jxreference upon the wilder animals, manifesting less hostility as species prove more tameable. Races are antagonized though mere facial differences ; and probably the principle, however it should be stated, enters into the actions and prejudices of even the most civilized and tolerant nations to an unsuspected extent. Finally, if we sum up the opinions brought out by close study of all the phases of the question as to the origin of the war, it seems an unavoidable result of the analogy of the various Indian wars, that hostilities in Southern Oregon were unavoidable under any circumstances attainable at the time, inasmuch as there existed no Quaker colony headed by a William Penn, to peacefully and wisely uphold law and order. Second, the immediate causes of the wars were due to the bad conduct of both parties, but were chiefly caused by the injudicious and unjust acts of reckless or lawless and treacherous white men. After a careful examination of the following pages, the unprejudiced reader will probably acknowledge that these conclusions are stated in singularly moderate and dispassionate language. CHAPTER XXIII. FIRST CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE INDIANS. Murder of Dilley— Other attacks — Arrival of Government Troops — Battle with the Indians — Death of Captain Stewart — His Character — General Lane Arrives — Further Operations — The Indians Chastised — Governor Gaines Makes a Treaty with the Indians — Official Acts — Agent Skinner — More Complaints Against the In- dians — Affairs on the Coquille. About May 15, 1851, a party of three white packers and two supposed friendly Indians camped about thirty miles south of the Rogue river crossing, probably near the site of Phoenix. During the night the two savages arose, and taking the only gun owned by the party shot and killed one Dilley, and then lied, carrying away the mules and packs. The other two whites escaped, and spread the news of the murder. Cap- tain Long, of Portland, then mining near Shasta Butte City (Yreka), raised a com- pany of thirty men to correct the savages, and proceeding north, encountered at some undesignated place a party of them. These they attacked, killing two and capturing four, of whom two were the daughters of the chief. The latter were held as hostages. Probably in nearly the same locality, and certainly within the Rogue river valley, several other hostile occurrences took place, which are casually mentioned in the public prints of that time. On the first of June, 1851, a band of Indians had attacked twenty-six prospectors, but withdrew, doing no damage. On June second four men were attacked and robbed of their mules and packs while on the way to the mines. On the same day and near by, Nichols' pack-train was robbed of several animals and packs, and one man was hit in the heel by a bullet. Other travelers were beset at about the same time and place, one train losing, it was reported, four men. Says the Statesman: "The provisions stolen by these Indians were left untouched, because a Mr. Turner, of St. Louis, had killed several of them by allowing them to rob him of poisoned provisions (sixteen or seventeen years before)." On June third a party of thirty-two Oregonians under Dr. James McBride, and including also A. M. Richard- son, of San Jose, California ; James Barlow and Captain Turpin, of Clackamas county; Jesse Dodson and his son aged fourteen years ; Aaron Payne and Dillard Holm an, of Yamhill county ; and Jesse Runnels, Presley Lovelady, and Richard Sparks, of Polk county; had a severe fight with the Indians near " Green Willow Springs, about twenty miles the other side of Rogue river crossing." At daybreak they were attacked by a party of Rogue River Indians under chief Chucklehead, as he was called by some whites. The assailed party had seventeen guns, the assailants about as many, the most of the latter being armed with bows and arrows. After fighting four and a half hours the Indian leader was killed and the rest retreated. The chief was in .the act of aim- ing an arrow at James Barlow when Richardson shot him. Six or seven Indians were killed, but no hurt was done to the whites, excepting that Barlow was wounded in the ®S:rS&f£*fes @£3 CEN.elOSEPH LANES TOMB, Masonig Cemetery, Roseburs. mH.LW8.Ln*. fOKTlAHD.OH. INDIAN WAKS. 1 ( J7 thigh by an arrow. The Indians drove off four saddle and pack animals, one carrying about fifteen hundred dollars in gold dust. These events, occurring in rapid sequence, deepened the before general impression of the hostile character of the Rogue Rivers and made it necessary that an armed force should be employed to pacificate the red men. Providentially, it happened at this juncture that Brevet Major P. Kearney, afterwards a celebrated general in the Union army, and killed at the battle of Chantilly, with a detachment of two com- panies of United States regulars, was on his way from the station at Vancouver to that of Benicia, California, guided by W. G. T'Vault. Approaching closely to the scene of hostilities he was invited to lend his aid in suppressing the savages. About the same time Governor Gaines, of Oregon, disquieted by the reports of Indian out- rages, set [out from the seat of government with the design of using his executive authority to form a treaty with the offenders ; and the task was made an easy one by the prompt and energetic action of Major Kearney and General Joseph Lane, who cleared a way for executive diplomacy, whereas, without their help his excellency would most certainly have failed of his laudable object and possibly have lost his scalp besides. The most intelligible accounts which can be gathered represent that Major Kearney found the main body of the Indians on the right bank of Rogue river, about ten miles- above Table Rock and nearly opposite the mouth of a small creek which enters the river from the east, and above Little Butte creek. The troops consisted of two com- panies ; one of dragoons, commanded by Captain Stewart, the other a rifle company,, under Captain Walker. The latter officer crossed the river, probably with the design of cutting off the savages' retreat, while Captain Stewart, dismounting his men, charged upon the Indians who were gathered at a rancheria. The conflict Avas very short, the Indians fleeing almost immediately. A wounded Indian lay upon the ground, and Captain Stewart approached, revolver in hand, to dispatch him ; but the savage, fixing- an arrow to his bow-string, discharged it at close range and pierced the captain's abdo- men, the point transfixing one of his kidneys. The fight and pursuit soon ended and the wounded man was taken to the camp of the detachment which spot was named, and subsequently for several years known as Camp Stewart, and is popularly supposed to be the spot where the battle occurred. Jesse Applegate is the authority for fixing the location as above stated. Accounts of the battle proceed to say that the wounded man was mortally injured, but remained sensible to the last. He lived a day, and, before dying said : " It is too bad to have fought through half the battles of the Mexican war to be killed here by an Indian." He was buried with military honors in a grave near the present village of Phoenix, nearly at the place where the ditch crosses the stage road, and where Mr. Culver's house now stands. In later years the remains were exhumed and taken to Washington to be re- interred near those of his mother. General Lane said of the deceased : " We have lost CajDtam Stewart, one of the bravest of the brave. A more gentlemanly man never lived; a more daring soldier never fell in battle." Captain Stewart's engagement is supposed to have taken place on June 26 or 27. It happened that at the same time Major Alvorcl, with Jesse Applegate as guide, was making an examination of the canyon or Cow creek mountain, between the Umpqua 198 INDIAN WARS. and Rogue river regions, to determine a feasible route for a military road. The sur- veying party, which included several other well known early pioneers as well as a small military escort, was in the neighborhood of Cow creek. At the same time Gen- eral Lane, who was on his way south, had arrived in the canyon. Here he was met by men who informed him of the occurrences of the preceding days, that a severe fight had taken place, and that the Indians were gathering from every quarter; that they were ky-as solluks, (fighting mad), and that heavy fighting was anticipated. This was news enough to arouse the warlike spirit of the General, and without losing a moment by delay he and his little party pushed for the scene of hostilities, anxious to be the first to strike a blow in the cause of humanity. It was characteristic of the man to make all possible haste to the scene, and accordingly we find him on Rogue river in the shortest possible time, an enthusiastic volunteer, armed with no military or civil authority, but taking, as became the man and the time, a most active and important part in the events of the succeeding days. In his own words; "On Sunday night, while picketing our animals, an express rider came, who informed us that the Major [Kearney] had set out with his command that evening to make a forced march through the night and attack the enemy at day- break. Early Monday morning I set out with the hope of falling in with him or with the Indians retreating from him. We made a hard day's ride, but found no one. On Tuesday I proceeded to camp Stewart; but no tidings had been received from the Major. Late in the evening Captain Scott and T' Vault came in with a small party, for supplies and re-inforcements. They reported that the military had fought two skirmishes with the Indians, one early Monday morning, the other late in the afternoon, the Indians having, after wounding Stewart, posted themselves in a dense hummock where they defended themselves for four hours, escaping in the darkness. The Indians suffered severely, and several whites were injured. " By nine o'clock at night we were on our way, and at two o'clock the next morn- ing we were in the Major's camp. Here I had the jileasure of meeting my friends Applegate [Jesse], Freaner, and others. Early in the morning we set out [soldiers and civilians together], proceeding down the river, and on Thursday morning crossed about seven miles from the ferry. We soon found an Indian trail leading up a large creek, and in a short time overtook and charged upon a party of Indians, killing one. The rest made their escape in dense chaparral. We again pushed rapidly forward and late in the evening attacked another party of Indians, taking twelve women and chil- dren and wounding several males who escaped. Here we camped; and next day scoured the country to Rogue river, crossing it at Table mountain and reaching camp at dark. " The Indians have been completely whipped in every fight. Some fifty of them have been killed, many wounded, and thirty taken prisoners. Major Kearney has been in the saddle for more than ten days, scouring the country, and pouncing upon the Indians wherever they could be found. Never has an Indian country been invaded with better success nor at a better time. The establishing of a garrison in this district will be necessary for the preservation of peace. That done, and a good agent located here, we shall have no more trouble in this quarter. As for our prisoners, the Major was anxious to turn them over to the people of Oregon, to be delivered to the Superin- INDIAN WARS. 109 tendent of Indian affairs ; but no citizens could be found who were willing to take charge of them. Consequently he determined to take them to San Francisco and send them from there to Oregon." A few days later when the troops and General Lane had reached the diggings near Yreka, the General himself, having determined to return to Oregon, took charge of the prisoners and delivered them to Governor Gaines, at the Kogue river crossing (near Yannoy's). The General closes his account by assigning due credit to different members of the expedition, as Major Kearney, Captain Walker, of the Eifles; Dr. Wil- liamson, Lieutenant Irvin, Messrs. Applegate, Scott, T' Vault, Armstrong, Blanchard and Boon, Col. Freaner and his volunteers, etc. Quite a number of miners assisted against the Indians, many having come from the newly discovered diggings on Jose- phine creek to take part. A great rush of men from Yreka and that vicinity had taken place just previous, and many of these, not finding sufficient inducements to remain, were on their way back to California, but stopped at Bear creek and lent their aid to suppress the Indians. The campaign of June ended by the departure of the regulars, who took up their line of march for California and will be heard of no more in our story. But before the effects of their operations in the Rogue river valley had died away, and while most of the men who inflicted such sudden punishment on the Indians were still near by,. Governor Gaines came to the Rogue river crossing and arranged a treaty of peace. The terms of this treaty mainly consist of a promise on the part of the Indians that they would be very good Indians indeed, and not kill or rob any more white men. They would stay on their own ground, which for official purposes was recognized as the north side of the river ; and they would cheerfully obey the commands of what- ever individual was sent among them as agent. To this treaty the signatures of eleven chiefs were appended, whose bands were bound thereby to obey its stipulations. But the most troublesome and desperate individuals of the native tribes refused to be thus bound ; and the strong joarties known as the Grave creek and Scisco mountain bands,, refused to meet the governor or have aught to do with the treaty. Something of an organization had been given to the department of Indian affairs of Oregon, by the creation of a superintendent thereof, who being the governor of the territory, held the former position ex officio. But the administration of this depart- ment not proving, for some reason, satisfactory to the authorities at Washington, the two offices were separated, and Doctor Anson Dart was appointed superintendent in 1851, soon after the Rogue river treaty was formed. Judge A. A. Skinner, formerly on the territorial bench, was chosen agent for the Indians of the southern part of the territory, and set about his duties. The judge was a gentleman of the strictest honor and probity, but was singularly unsuccessful in his dealings with the Rogue river bands. Within a short time after his accession to office, the terms of the Gaines treaty being still recognized, a number of white immigrants took up donation claims on the north side of Rogue river, within the region informally set apart for the Indians. Judge Skinner expostulated ; but commands and appeals to the new-comers were alike unheeded ; the settlers remained and the Indians took umbrage at what they consid- ered a breach of faith on the part of the whites. It does not appear that the intrud- ing settlers in all cases maintained a permanent residence upon the land assigned to 200 INDIAN WARS. the Indians, and this cause of complaint seems never to have assumed much magni- tude. However that may have been, Judge Skinner was much liked by his wards, and was lamented by them at his departure. He was ever ready to interpose his authority, limited though it was, between the whites and the Indians, and with ampler power might have served to obviate, for a time, the ills of the subsequent year, though not even the ablest of minds could have permanently settled the causes at issue, since - they were inevitably bound to terminate in war. As some |Dretended to have foreseen the Gaines treaty proved an unmitigated fail- ure. Hardly had the governor set his face toward the valley of the Willamette, than quarrels, misunderstanding, and serious difficulties broke out between the red and white occupants of Rogue river valley and neighboring localities. The one race speedily grew "insolent" and the other began, as usual, reprisals. There were not wanting unprincipled men of both races, whose delight was to stir up war and contention, and ruffianly bands of either color paraded the country and a condition of terrorism pre- vailed. Among the Indians, it was said, were several white men who had adopted Indian dress and manners, and these, if such existed, as there doubtless did, must have proved among the worst enemies of peace. Much complaint of the Indians began to be rife very soon after the treaty was signed; and the Cow Creek Indians, always a pugna- cious tribe, were charged with the commission of several outrages within two months 01 that event. The whites mining at Big Bar and other places on the Rogue river, and industriously prospecting the numerous streams which flow into it, were in constant danger. Lieutenant Irvin, of the regular army, was kidnapped by two savages (Shastas probably) and a Frenchman, removed to the trackless woods, tied to a tree and sub- jected to many sorts of personal indignity. He escaped howeA^er, injured only in mind, but deeply convinced that the locality was too dangerous for a pleasant existence. This occurred in July. In consequence of this and other occurrences, General Hitchcock, commanding the Pacific Department, dispatched a force of twenty regular troops from Vancouver and Astoria to Port Orford, a newly located place on the coast of Curry county, thirty miles north of the mouth of Rogue river and then supposed to be accessible from the former seat of war near Table Rock. Subsequent explora- tions have dispelled this idea and proved that the military, so far as their effect upon the malcontents of the upper portion of Rogue river valley was concerned, might as well have been left at Vancouver. However, they were well situated to awe the hostiles who had broken out nearer the coast. Contemporaneously with the events above mentioned had occurred on the coast several incidents of the greatest celebrity. The accounts of two of these, the defense of Battle Rock, at Port Orford, and the mem- orable T' Vault- Williams exploring expedition, will be found in another part of this work, the space deemed suitable for their proper presentation being too extended for this article. The Indians of the Coquille river being thus found hostile, the detach- ment, somewhat re-inforced, proceeded under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Casey, to teach them a lesson. Dividing his small force into two bodies, the commander proceeded to the forks of the Coquille, and near the locality now called Myrtle Point, attacked a band of natives, who retreating from the one detachment fell in with and were beaten by the other. This took place in the autumn of 1851. iKH. I 33 rn en :■-.-' >-& ■ I ■■".vi^!->. ■ -#- .■:-iS"-'j era -;<& ; a» .'■$■■• 5 .-y- C~3 TJ GO r— m m a en m 3D C3 I— > en a f i -,$ CHAPTER XXIV. HOSTILITIES OCCURRING IN 1852. Events of the Year — Murder of Woodman — Pursuit of the Murderers — The Steele Expedition — Affairs at Big Bend— A Slaughter of Indians — A Peace Talk— Steele Returns to Yreka — Ben Wright — His Character — The McDarmit Expedition — Massacre at Bloody Point — Ben Wright Sets Out for Tule Lake — The Indians De- feated — Discovery of Murdered Immigrants — Scouting at Tule Lake — The Lost River Massacre — Three Ver- sions — Triumphal Return to Yreka — Concerning a Murder at Galice Creek or Vannoy's Ferry — Fort Jones Established. The main events of importance in 1852 included the murder of Calvin Wood- man, the massacre of Bloody Point, wherein thirty-six persons lost their lives ; and the killing of the seven miners on Rogue river, near the mouth of Galice creek. Of these events, only the last took place within the limits of Southern Oregon, but they are all of sufficiently connected interest to justify a narration herein. The date of Woodman's death is unsettled ; the author of the history of Siskiyou says it occurred in May, 1852 ; but certain official documents, particularly a report on the number and names of those whites killed by various Indian tribes in Southern Oregon and Xorthern California, mention it as occurring in June of that year. June second has been specifically mentioned ; but the exact date is immaterial. The man — a miner — was killed while riding along the banks of Indian creek, a tributary of Scott river. Two Indians did the bloody deed, and fled. Quickly the whites gathered at Johnson's ranch and fired upon whatever Indian they could find, and making the peaceful natives of Scott valley the principal victims. These Indians who had never broken out into hostilities, but had rather signalized themselves by moderation and an obliging disposition toward the whites, retaliated upon occasion and severely wounded S. G. Whipple, the deputy sheriff, but late captain in the regular army. Old Tolo, Tyee John of Scott valley, and Tyee Jim offered themselves as hostages to secure the whites against the Shastas, and accompanied Elijah Steele to Yreka, where the real culprits were supposed to have fled. All were convinced that the Shastas had nothing to do with the murder, and that it was most probably committed by Rogue River Indians, who, it was said, had been seen in the vicinity, and who had now gone north to join Tipsu Tyee, or the bands on the river near Table Rock. There was a great deal of excitement at Yreka concerning the matter, and the court of sessions authorized Steele to apprehend the suspected parties, it not being supposed that much time or travel would be necessary to enable him to comply. The undertaking, however, proved an arduous one ; and Steele and his eleven companions, who included John Galvin, Peter Snellback, James Bruce (afterwards major in the war of 1855-6) Frank Merritt, John McLeod, Dr. L. S. Thompson, James White, the two hostages, and a Klickitat Indian named Bill, rode to Rogue river in 26 202 INDIAN WARS. the search, taking two Indians caj)tive on the way. The first of these attempted to escape, but was shot by the Klickitat, who was detailed to pursue him. The dead man had been sent out, it was afterwards concluded, to persuade the Shastas to join Sam's band in a proposed war against the whites. The other prisoner was well mounted and armed, and proved to be a son of Tipsu Tyee, the enigmatical chief who dwelt in the Siskiyous. Him they took along and hearing that there was a prospect of finding their refugees at the general encampment of the Rogue Rivers, kept on to that stream. Farther along they met Judge A. A. Skinner, the Indian agent, and by him were requested to camp at Big Bend, where he had arranged for a conference of whites and Indians on the morrow. Certain grievances had arisen between the Indians and whites, which at this distant day cannot be fully made out. Chief among these griev- ances, it was said, was the desire of "Young Sam," son of Tyee Sam, the principal war chief, to possess the hand and heart of little Miss Ambrose, daughter of Dr. Ambrose, afterwards Indian agent, and who was living with his family on an agricul- tural claim adjoining T' Vault's at the Dardanelles. But this is doubtless a mistake, as the writer is informed that the young lady in question had not yet reached two years of age. The cause was a more trivial one, it is said, and concerned only a piece of beef. The settlers near by, alarmed for the safety of themselves and families, applied to the people of Jacksonville for assistance, and a company numbering some twenty- eight or thirty, all young men, under the command of J. K. Lamerick, of after celeb- rity, proceeded instantly to their assistance, arriving on Big Bend, in front of and across the river from the Indian rancheria, a short time previous to Steele's arrival. Besides the companies of Lamerick and Steele, quite a number of neighboring settlers had gathered there, anxious to see the result of the proceedings, and these being armed, attached themselves to Lamerick's company in order to assist in the expected engage- ment. The whole of Joe and Sam's Indians were at the rancheira, and considerable coaxing was necessary to bring them to talk with the whites. Some crossed over, and the rest, emboldened by Judge Skinner's promises, also came, to the number of a hun- dred or more. The Judge, always favorable to the Indians, tried to bring about a reconciliation ; and for this purpose proposed that both parties should remove to a log cabin situated at some little distance away. Suspecting treachery, the Indians refused to go, although Joe, their peace chief, tried to persuade them to do so. Sam, his brother, had recently returned to the rancheria for safety. At this moment John Galvin, one of Steele's Yrekans, rudely pushed the muzzle of his rifle against an Indian's naked back, desiring him to move toward the cabin. The savage made a natural motion to resent the indignity, when Galvin instantly shot him dead. Fighting immediately took place. The dismayed and overmatched Indians got behind trees or sprung into the river and all was confusion. Those of the savages who were on the north side, began firing, but without effect, and hostilities only ceased when thirteen Indians had been killed. No white men were injured. Old Joe, the peace chief, clasped his arms about Martin Angell and clung desperately to him for protection. He was saved from his impending fate by Angell and two or three others, who kept off the excited throng of whites. Fighting ceased, and arrangements were made for the morrow's operations. Steele, with his Yrekans, agreed to move up the river to a certain point, cross the INDIAN WARS. 203 stream at Hailey's ferry and come down on the north bank to the vicinity of the rancheria. A detachment of Lamerick's company, embracing mainly the settlers who had proffered their services, was appointed to go down the river, cross and gain the top of upper Table Rock, whence they could command the vicinity. The main body, under Lamerick, rendezvoused at Ambrose's ranch and at night returned to the scene of the fight and crossed in the darkness at a very dangerous and difficult ford near the rancheria. When across they stopped until it grew light, and then moved toward the Indian stronghold which was surrounded by thick shrubbery, interlaced and nearly impervious to man or beast. When within shooting distance the Indians opened fire on them, which was returned, and as the expected reinforcements had not arrived, the troops had to wait. Sometime in the forenoon the settlers appeared, when the Indians immediately proclaimed their desire for a klose wa wa. This the volunteers somewhat objected to, as it dispelled all chance of fighting for which they were eager and now so well prejmred. A council of war was held, and it Avas decided that in view of the fact that the Indians had already suffered much damage, and the cause of the difficulty did not warrant a war of extermination, it would be best to have a talk. The contending forces soon came to an amicable understanding and agreed to let the past be buried with the hatchet, and then the volunteers returned home. Steele's company moved down the river as agreed upon, but found that peace had been restored before their arrival. They then returned to Yreka. Even their homeward journey was not without its share of excitement, for it appears the party, in order to avoid Tipsu Tyee, who was supposed to spend his time watching for the scalps of all those who passed his domains, took a wide and painful circuit through the untrodden wilds and suffered somewhat from hunger as well as apprehen- sion. The Steele expedition failed to arrest the two murderers, and was beside some- what expensive to its leader, who afterwards deposed that it cost him $2,000 which he could get nobody to pay. About the time of Steele's departure from Yreka, Ben Wright, the Indian fighter par excellence of all the country around, also set out from that town in search of the two murderers of Woodman ; he was accompanied by several Indians, among them being Scar-face, a Shasta sub-chief, a man much suspected by the whites. Proceeding toward the Klamath the party was divided and Scar-face, venturing near Yreka alone, was seen and pursued by several whites who sought to add him to their already long- list of "good Indians" slain in revenge for the killing of a man they had doubtless never heard of. The terror-struck Indian, on foot as he was, led them a race of eighteen miles along the hill sides before he was taken by his mounted pursuers. He was then hung to a tree in what is now known as Scar-face gulch. Wright was more fortunate than Steele in his search, for he returned to Scott valley with two prisoners, who were tried by a citizens' court at the Lone Star ranch, where immense crowds of men from Yreka, Humbug, Scott river and other mining centers attended. They found one of the prisoners guilty and hanged him immediately ; the other one was allowed to go. Thus ended the Woodman tragedy. The people of Jacksonville and Yreka became much exercised in the summer of 1852 in regard to the probable fate of the immigrants of that year, who were coming 204 INDIAN WARS. in large numbers by way of the southern route from Fort Hall via Clear lake and Tule lake. The Indians on the route, consisting mainly of Piutes and Modocs, had long been regarded as hostile, and the advance parties of that year's immigration reported them as being exceedingly troublesome. During the previous year the settlers of Yreka had lost quite a number of horses by the Modocs, part of them being recovered by Ben Wright with a small company of miners, who pursued the Indians. This Ben Wright enters largely into the history of Indian matters in Northern California and Southern Oregon, and divides the honors of a successful Indian fighter with such men as Kit Carson and other celebrated frontiersmen. Much has been written of him, and his career would appear to bear out in full both the praises bestowed on him as a courageous and successful scout and a skilled mountaineer. In any other walk of life, or amid any other surroundings, Wright doubtless would never have been heard of. But circumstance, which has made and marred the fortune of so many, raised him into prominence as an " Indian fighter " — an unenviable occupation, one would think, but seemingly the object of many men's ambition. Wright, we are told, was the son of Quaker parents ; but the peaceful tenets of that sect were set at naught by their son, who was possessed of a spirit of adventure and a disposition as foolhardy and reckless as ever guided man. After years spent in living with or fighting against Indians, he found himself, in the early part of 1851, on Scott river, a digger of gold. From here he went, during the same year, in search of the stolen horses, and returned measurably successful, driving the horses and carrying some Indian scalps. Indeed he was quite an Indian in habits and appearance, living with a squaw, wearing long, black and gloss}^ hair, which fell to his belt — a fashion aped by the inferior cow boy — dress- ing in buckskin and getting himself up to look the Indian as nearly as possible. He fought Indians after the manner of their own warfare, even to the scalping and muti- lating of the dead, and to the use of strategy and treachery to get the foe within his grasp; but to his own race he was ever true and honorable, though his associates were far below even the low standard of society then existing. By the Indians who encoun- tered him, he was regarded as the greatest warrior living; and taking all things together he was just the man for the emergency. Let the good results and the accompanying circumstances be the palliation of his methods. Early in the summer of J 852, a letter was received at Yreka from an immigrant, who was on his way to that place, saying that great suffering would ensue if the train was not met by a supply of provisions. In consequence of this statement, a company of men was organized, with Charles McDermit as captain, and provisions being con- tributed by merchants and others of Yreka, the train set out for Lost river. After passing Tule lake they were met by a party of men who had }3acked across the j)lains. McDermit and his company went on, and the packers continued toward Yreka. When they reached Bloody Point, on the north side of Tule lake, they were surprised by the Modocs who were hid in the tules bordering the trail, and who rose up and discharged volleys of arrows at them at short range. All these men were killed save one, Coffin by name, who cut the pack from ahorse, mounted the animal and riding to Yreka gave the alarm. Bloody Point is a place on the north side of the lake where a spur of the mountains runs down close to the lake shore. Around this spur the old emigrant trail r ' -' TO O -a m m m sfcd < m Z CO G1 > r— n en ' iC C/J J§§ " fl — HI <;'-■ INDIAN WARS. 205 passed, just beyond being a large, open flat, covered with tules, wild rye and bunch grass. This was a favorite place of ambuscade. When Coffin arrived in Yreka the news at once spread far and wide. Ben Wright was sent for, and a company of twenty-seven men quickly volunteered to serve under him in an expedition to annihilate utterly and without remorse the treacherous and blood-thirsty hostiles who performed the deed. These set out without loss of a moment, being well supplied with arms, horses and provisions, by the benevolent citi- zens of Yreka. But meanwhile the savages had not been idle. McDermit, not hear- ing of the tragic fate of the packers, had continued on, meeting at Black Bock two teams, for whose guidance he detailed three men, John Onsby, Thomas H. Coats assem- blyman-elect of Siskiyou county and a favorably known young man, and James Long. About the last of August the teams encamped at Clear lake, and the next day the three guides rode on in advance to select a proper halting place at noon. One of the trains delayed somewhat to make repairs to wagons, and thus was separated from the foremost one, which included thirty men, one woman and a boy. As they came over the divide, they saw the Indians about Bloody Point, while the guides were unsus- pectingly riding into danger. They disappeared around the point when shots were fired, and the three were butchered relentlessly by the savages, who retired again to the tides to wait for fresh victims. The men with the train divided themselves into a front and a rear guard and kept the savages at bay until reaching the flat. Here they made a barricade of their six wagons and retired within it for protection. By being constantly on their guard they managed to thwart the attempts of the Indians to dispossess them, but were kept closely beleaguered until noon the next day, when the Modocs drew off to attack the other train. These men, however, more wise than the first, drove over the hill, thus avoiding the ambush so carefully laid for them, and found safety in the barricade with the others. In the afternoon Ben Wright appeared, and taking in the situation at a glance, did not pause to communicate with the whites, but furiously charged the Modocs even in the midst of the tules, and attempted to cut them off from their boats. The sav- ages stampeded, and making for the water, were mingled indiscriminately with Wright's men, who killed them almost without resistance. All along the bank of the lake the fight raged ; the volunteers shooting and cutting with a ferocity suited to a combat with such cruel adversaries. The savages sought only to reach their boats and get out of range, and even in this they but partly succeeded, for an undetermined number, ranging from twenty to forty, if we may believe the ordinary accounts, met a richly deserved fate. Several succeeding days were spent in search for the Modocs' victims, and the mangled bodies of many immigrants were found, whose death had not been heard of. Two of these were women and one a little child. They were all mutilated and disfig- ured horribly, beyond recognition in probably every case. Portions of wagons were found, and camp utensils, fire-arms, clothing, money, and other articles, which con- clusively showed that an entire emigrant train must have fallen a prey to the demoni- acal hostility of the Indians. Twenty-two bodies were found and buried by Wright's company and fourteen by that of Captain Boss. Of these last several were of women and children, and all disfigured and mutilated. 206 INDIAN WAES. The stay of Captain Ross' Jacksonville company was necessarily shorter than that of the Yreka men, but considerable service was done, nevertheless, in protecting immi- grants and assisting in the search for the murdered people. The company left Jack- sonville in hot haste after thirty men had volunteered, the news of the attack on the pack train arriving in the evening. By the next morning the company was ready to march. Daniel Barnes was chosen first lieutenant, Nathan Olney, second. Returning homeward, Captain Ross escorted Snelling's train, the largest one of the year, safely to its destination at Yreka, and afterwards proceeded to Jacksonville. A three-montlis' campaign by Wright's company, with active scouting and a good deal of skirmishing with hostile parties, effectually protected the immigrant trains coming west. Captain Wright being well supplied with ammunition and provisions contributed by the people of Northern California, was enabled to protract his stay until all the immigrants had passed, some of whom were provided with escorts from his com- pany and McDermit's, reducing Wright's strength to eighteen men. With these he determined on a campaign against the savages, the main body of whom were securely posted on an island in Tule lake.- A company of U. S. dragoons under Major Fitzgerald, had materially assisted, by scouting along the shores of the lake, obliging all the hostiles to seek refuge on the island. A boat was provided, being hauled out from Yreka, in which six armed men reconnoitered almost daily the savages' position. The Modocs had large supplies of fish, grass seeds, wo-cus (pond lily), comas, and ip-a, which were their chief articles of sustenance, stored away in caches around the lake. These were nosed out by Wright's men, assisted by five Shastas and Swill, a Columbia river Indian, a stray Umatilla, and destroyed. The loss affected the Modocs seriously, and they thought of coming to terms.. Old Mary, a stray squaw, was sent out to the island, and after a day or two forty Indians came over and peace appeared about to spread her snowy wings over the scene. The object of Captain Wright, however, was not to secure peace, but to kill Indians; and this he set about. As to the manner in which he did it, accounts differ widely. Captain Goodall, now residing at Kanaka Flat, near Jacksonville, may be esteemed a credible witness, as he lived in Yreka in 1852 and was intimate with the most of the members of the Ben Wright expedition, particularly with the leader. It is reasonable to suppose that he was in Wright's confidence as he was instrumental in sending out the party, and was the more apt to know with certainty concerning it as he, also, was an Indian fighter of experience. The Captain says : " Ben Wright had several pow- wows with them, and when at length it was found necessary to close the campaign on account of ajDproaching winter and snow, a final talk was had, in which a beef was killed and well dosed with strychnine which I bought in Yreka and sent out to Wright. This was given to them and by them eaten half raw. But the plan failed of killing all of them off, for the heat of the fire deprived the poison of its strength. However it was successful thus far, that it made them all very sick with the ' jerks,' and actually killed five of them — that is, made good Indians of them; or in other phrase 'sunned their moccasins.' ' Captain Wright and company were discharged at Yreka, their muster-rolls and accounts made out by Captain Goodall, and they were duly paid by the state in scrip, and afterwards by the United States in greenbacks. INDIAN WARS. 207 This is one, and an apparently fair version. Next comes the more commonly accepted, but very improbable one of Wright's having poisoned forty Modocs, thus annihilating the whole band with the exception, some say, of two who slipped out of camp just before the feast of poisoned meat began. Several writers have adopted this tale, for example, A. B. Meacham in his ridiculous book "Wigwam and Warpath." It will be seen that the above stories differ only as to the number of Indians killed ; which would naturally be exaggerated as time went on. Hence as between the two, we must incline to that of Captain Goodall. Wright, it is said, persistently denied the story; not probably from any deference to refined people's feelings, and certainly not from any desire to screen himself from any measure of obloquy, for he was probably very far from caring for anybody's opinion. Finally we shall consider the account published in the History of Siskiyou county in 1881. This account, evidently prepared with great pains and unlimited attention to accuracy of details, was written to be read by people who might be presumed to know a great deal concerning the matter. Thus far, we believe, it has escaped adverse criticism, which in the event of error it would be nearly certain to meet. A synopsis of the account is as follows : Negotiations being in progress, word was sent to the Modocs to come in and feast. The camp was on Lost river, and the Indians who speedily came in, camped near by and on the bank of the river, both camps being about one-fourth of a mile above the natural bridge, and not far from the spot where Captain Jack and the troops first fought, ushering in the Modoc war of 1873. Some half hundred braves, with their squaws, made their home in camp and lived upon the provisions of the whites. Old Schonchin, head chief, foreseeing trouble, left the camp as did others. It appears to have been Wright's intention from the first to endeavor to get the Indians to restore the valuables they were thought to have stolen from immigrants, and then to bring on a fight and kill all of the savages he could. The time was November; the river was very low, and had two banks, forming a high and a low terrace. On the higher one the whites slept, while they cooked and ate on the lower one. The Indians camped but a few yards away, mingled with the whites during eating times, both parties leaving their arms in camp. Wright, it is said, discovered a plan on the part of the Indians to surprise and massacre his force; but be that as it may, he was too quick for them, and put in effect his own plan without delay. Sending six men across the river to where they would be opposite the Indian camp and hence able to cut off their passage across the stream, Wright himself went down among the Indians who were scattered about the camp-fires and shot dead, as a preconcerted signal, a young buck. The other whites being ready, continued the work of destruction and soon no men were left alive except John Schon- chin and Curly-headed Doctor. These two escaped and were heard of twenty years after, in the murder of Canby and Thomas. Forty-seven braves and several squaws were killed. Wright's men numbered but nineteen, including two Indians. Their casualties consisted in severe wounds to Isaac Sanbanch, Poland and Brown. The rest were uninjured. Wright's company then returned to Yreka and were grandly feted by the people. They rode into town accompanied by a guard of honor, their forty-odd scalps and sundry other mementoes dangling from their rifles, hats, and horses' heads. Cheers rent the air. The enthusiastic crowd lifted them from their horses and bore , INDIAN WARS. 209 Indians were hanged, though Taylor tried to excuse himself by saying he only stabbed the whites with a little knife, while the others used large ones. Thus runs the account, and as it is the only account known to be in existence, we hive an important case to consider, without any corroborative evidence whatever, for there were no eye-witnesses to the murder after the Indians had suffered for the crime. There was no investigation at all ; and if such had been fully made it might have resulted in showing that the seven missing miners had, with the characteristic rest- lessness of their class, packed up their tools and left unceremoniously for richer placers, some time before they began to be missed. It is certainly a common enough proceed- ing for miners to desert their claims without giving notice, and possibly this is what the seven did. It was in the fall of 1852 that Fort Jones, in Scott valley, Siskiyou county, was established. Major Fitzgerald, on returning from the Modoc country, somewhat before the Lost river massacre by Ben Wright, selected the site of the new post, whose first garrison was his comj^any of dragoons. The major being soon ordered hence, was relieved in command of the post by Captain B. R. Alden, and he by Captain, afterwards Major General H. M. Judah. Under the latter were three lieutenants, J. C. Bonnicastle, George Crook and J. B. Hood. The two latter names are now house- hold words for the American people. Crook, as is well known, fought well against the rebellion and became a major general of volunteers, and since the war has done invaluable service as a subduer of Indians, winning thereby a great reputation. Hood was even more famous during the civil war, and taking sides with the south was Joe Johnston's successor in command of the great army that faced Sherman in his cele- brated Atlanta campaign and was disastrously beaten by Thomas at Nashville. Gen- eral Hood died several years since. CHAPTER XXV. THE WAR OF 1853. A Prejudiced Writer Criticised— How the Indians Procured their Arms— Indian Characteristics — Their Allies Not to be Depended on — The Cow Creeks and Grave Creeks in Trouble— The Rogue Rivers Commit Outrages — Murder of Edwards — An Indian's Revenge — Murder of Wills and Nolan — Killing of Hodgings, Gibbs, Smith, and Whitmore — Miners and Settlers Seek Safety — Organization of a Military Force — Californians Offer their Services — Energetic Officers and Efficient Troops — The Indians also Organize — The First Fight an Indian Victory — Lieutenant Griffin's Battle — Disgraceful Atrocities— The Governor and General Lane Appealed to-- The Indians Evacuate Table Rock — Ely's Desperate Fight — General Lane Arrives and Assumes Command — Disposition for a Campaign — The Army Follows the Indians — Finds Them — Battle of Evans' Creek — A Drawn Battle — General Lane Wounded — A Peace Talk — Armistice Arranged — Casualties. A certain writer for the public prints, while treating of the condition of the In- dian affairs in Southern Oregon in the early part of 1853, made use of the following language : " The summary justice dealt out to ' Taylor' had the effect to somewhat check for a time the depredations of the Indians north of the Siskiyous, and they became more friendly, and more profuse in their expressions of good will toward the whites. These professions proved only a blind, however, under which the Indians matured plans, and collected munitions of war for the renewal of hostilities on a larger scale. By resort- ing to this ruse, they were enabled to augment their forces from neighboring tribes, and form alliances unsuspected by the whites. In the meantime, being allowed access to the premises of the settlers, they procured more or less guns and pistols by theft or otherwise ; and also to accumulate considerable ammunition. In those days all the tea brought into the country was put up in lead caddies, which being emptied, were thrown out with the rubbish, and from this source the Indians collected a very abund- ant supply of lead, and through a few unprincipled dealers they procured a large amount of powder." It may be a pleasing diversion to examine a few of the statements made with such assurance. It is said that the Indians began, in the spring of 1853, to court the friendship of the whites. This article evidently refers to the Rogue Rivers almost exclusively, thus seeming to imply that this tribe had not thus far been friendly to the whites. Yet there is an immense amount of first-rate evidence to show that this tribe was on excellent terms with the whites in 1852, both before and after the fight at Big- Bend. So quickly were the scars of war healed that Sam and Joe felt highly aggrieved because they were not invited to the celebration given at Jacksonville in honor of Cap- tain Lamerick and his brave followers. Several highly respected pioneer inhabitants of Jacksonville, including two or more ladies, have now (1883) given testimony con- cerning the unvarying courtesy and gentleness of the principal chiefs of the tribe, when met in times of peace. Sam and Joe, they say, were favored guests in private INDIAN AVARS. 211 houses ; and by their dignified and manly ways, won the approbation of all who could appreciate their simple yet honorable character. They were, to be sure, only ignorant and uncultured savages, and perhaps entirely incapable of a high degree of civiliza- tion ; yet with proper treatment they remained harmless and peaceable individuals, however intractable and fierce a great part of their tribe might have been. To charge these simple natives, who were merely children of a larger growth, with such, a degree of duplicity as that implied by the writer we have quoted, seems absurd. And at the time mentioned nearly all the Rogue Rivers were in the habit of coming into Jack- sonville, where they begged food, fraternized with the lowest whites, and were friendly to all. Sam, Joe, Tipsu Tyee, Queen Mary, and others were familiar figures. These barbarian aristocrats were immeasurably above their subjects, as they never conde- scended to beg, but took with ready grace what was offered. Their indignation was quickly roused when their worth and dignity were slighted, and to neglect to invite them to eat at the dinner hour was an offense which their haughty blood could not brook. Upon such occasions they would stalk indignantly homeward. Tipsu Tyee? whose home was in the mountains between Applegate and Bear creeks, used frequently to be seen in Jacks omrille. This savage, less interesting and attractive than the others, was a bugbear to the miners and settlers, because of his occasional " insolence" and mysterious character. Yet his impulses were not all bad, as the following anecdote will show. This is given on the authority of Henry Klippel, who was an eye-witness. John Sands, a rough miner, intoxicated himself, and meeting Tipsu Tyee in Jack- sonville, struck him over the head with a stick. The insulted savage, bow in hand, drew an arrow to the head, and apj)eared about to pierce his assailant's heart; but shout- ing "Hi yu Turn; nika wake memeloose mika!" lowered his bow. Experts in the Chinook jargon translate the above as "You are very drunk, or I would kill you!" This is certainly a case of forbearance on the Indian's part, as he had ample opportunity for escape to his brushy kingdom in the hills. Such incidents and peculiarities throw considerable light upon the character of the savages, and go far to prove the improbability of any such deep plots as many have ascribed. Their schemes could not have taken such a range as we are assured they did. All that we can allow in this connection is that the Indians were in time of war accustomed to receive re-inforcements from such neighboring tribes as were accustomed to fraternize with them in time of peace. But it should not be supposed that this aid was regularly granted or withheld by the chiefs or headmen of the neighboring tribes, for on such occasions the young men were accustomed to use their own discretion as to their individual acts of assistance, and were not under sufficiently strict command to be deterred from doing as they liked in that regard. There is a restless element in every tribe and on every reservation, consisting chiefly of young braves desirous of achieving renown in battle, and the history of Indian wars, almost without an exception, shows that the ranks of the hostiles are swelled by such volunteers from neighboring tribes, without any preconcerted arrangement being made; and, it may be remarked, this element seems at times as willing to fight on one side as the other, and to their assist- ance we owe many of our greatest victories over hostile tribes. The extent of the aid furnished is an important, but indeterminate matter. It seems consistent with the Indian character that aid so furnished would be of a most unreliable sort indeed. It 212 INDIAN WARS. would most likely occur that the volatile young warriors would desert the cause of their friends when the novelty of the occasion was worn off. Such seems to have been the case in the principal war in Southern Oregon, as we shall see. Before dismissing the subject we may enunciate the broad general truth, that the tribes of American Indians have been found altogether unable to combine together in the sense in which political combinations are spoken of. It is a significant fact that not even Tecumseh nor Pontiac nor King Philip was able to unite several tribes permanently against the whites. Had the latter, with his consummate strategy, been able to consolidate the New England tribes, the unavoidable result would have been to exterminate the Puri- tan colonists of that country. It is true of the Indians of New York and generally throughout the thirteen original colonies, that in their incipiency a thorough union of the hostile tribes would have resulted in a total extinction of the white inhabitants; but providentially for the pioneers of these now powerful and prosperous states, the Indian character was incapable of such union. It is true that Pontiac, and afterwards Tecumseh and his brother the Prophet, brought about a sort of confederacy between the great Indian tribes of the Ohio valley ; but these existed for but little time ; and we may conclude that if these chiefs of experience and intelligence, operating as they did at a great distance from the whites, could not effectually unite the Indians of their time, the Rogue River chiefs, surrounded and watched by whites, most certainly could not effect that result. It appears consistent to allow only that the Indian allies were but chance visitors or errant warriors from neighboring tribes. The writer further says: "They procured more or less guns and pistols by theft and otherwise." Giving its due weight to the word otherwise, no one can dispute that assertion. To ascribe procurement by theft, when it is an uudisputed fact that their arms were usually procured by a much viler means, is to avoid a topic whose relative importance excuses the indelicacy of naming it. Every one of experience knows that the Indians often came into possession of their guns, horses, ammunition and other valuables through the sale of their women. It is useless to disguise the fact. White men became the eager purchasers, and the Indian who had traded a bad wife for a good gun, felt equally the gainer. Thus both parties were satisfied and harmony prevailed. But by and by the new found bride might tire of her white lord, and taking advantage of his absence, might run away, seeking again the wigwam of her earliest love. In such a case the impassive brave awaited the coming also of the white Lothario, whose judgment was warped by affection, and who to regain the society of his bright particu- lar star, would give a second gun. Thus the Indians grew rich in guns, while the white men found their compensation in gentle woman's blessed companionship. Thus the Indian warriors placed themselves on a war footing, while the whites were figura- tively sunk in luxurious ease. This is certainly an easier mode of providing arms and munitions of war than by theft, even were Sam and Joe's men such expert thieves as certain individuals insist. Throughout the spring and the first part of the summer of 1853 little was heard of the depredations of the savages, only one incident seeming to mar the ordinary relations of white man and native. The event referred to was the murder of two miners, one an American, the other a Mexican, in their cabin on Cow creek, and the robbery of their domicile. As a matter of course the deed was laid to Indians and probably CO CO — I o zc m o CO ^ -a za a -o m 31 m > a > CO X 2] m C~3 a a CO c-j a :_T INDIAN WARS. 213 justly; for the Indians along that creek had a very bad reputation. They were of the Umpqua family, but had independent chiefs and were far more fierce and formidable than the humble natives of the Umpqua valley proper. They had committed several small acts of depredation on the settlers in that vicinity, such as attempting to burn grain-fields, out-buildings, etc., but had not, it appears, entered upon any more danger- ous work until the killing referred to. The unfortunate Grave creek band allowed themselves to be mixed up in the affair, and suffered ill consequences ; for a party of whites proceeded to their encampment and fired unceremoniously into it, killing one Indian and wounding another. The total number of Grave Creek Indians who were killed in consequence of their supposed complicity in the acts and in the so-called mur- der on Galice creek previously spoken of was eleven; of whom six were hanged and five shot. The Grave creek tribe was rapidly becoming extinct. In August, 1853, the Indians broke out into open war, or to limit this assertion somewhat, certain Indians, indifferently from various bands of the Rogue Rivers, com- mitted several bloody atrocities in the valley, alarming the settlers and causing them to seek the protection of fortified places, while the Table Rock band under Sam and Joe, joined by several other bands, left their pleasant location and retired to the hills to- escape the vengeance of the whites from whom their leaders wished to permanently remove. On the fourth of August the first act of the new era of hostilities took place, being the murder of Edward Edwards, an old farmer, residing on Bear creek, about two and a half miles below the town site of Phoenix. In his absence the murderers: secreted themselves in his cabin, and on his return at noon, shot him with his own gun, and after pillaging the house, fled to the hills. There were but few concerned in the deed, and subsequent developments fixed the guilt upon Indian Thompson, who w T as surrendered by the chiefs at Table Rock, tried in the United States circuit court in February, 1854, and hanged two days later. According to the prevailing account of the circumstances of this murder, the deed was committed in revenge for an act of injustice perpetrated on an Indian by a Mexican named Debusha, who enticed or ab- ducted a squaw from Jim's village, and when the chief and the woman's husband went to reclaim her they were met by threats of shooting. Naturally disturbed by the affair, the aggrieved brave started upon a tour of vengeance against the white race, killing Edwards and attempting other crimes. Colonel Ross, a prominent actor in the events that followed, identifies the murderer as Pe-oos-e-cut, a nephew of Chief John, of the Applegates, and represents the difficulty substantially as above stated, adding the particulars that Debusha had bought the squaw, of whom the Indian had been the lover. She ran away to a camp on Bear creek, and the Mexican, with Charles Harris, went to the camp and took her from Pe-oos-e-cut, much to his anger and grief. The disappointed lover next day began venting his rage against the whites by killing cattle and also shot Edwards as described. No sooner had the murder become known, than other savages became imbued with a desire to kill, and during the following fortnight several murders were committed, through treachery mainly. On August fifth, occurred the murder of Thomas Wills, a member of the firm of Wills & Kyle, merchants of Jacksonville, who was shot when near the Berry house, on the Phoenix road, and almost within the town of Jacksonville. The murder was 214 INDIAN WARS. committed at about the hour of twilight. The report of the Indian's gun was heard, as well as the wounded man's cries, and immediately his saddle-mule galloped into town, with blood on the saddle. Men went hurriedly to his assistance, but saw no Indians. The wound was through the back-bone, and necessarily fatal, although the victim lingered until August seventeenth. Excitement prevailed throughout the place and every man of Jacksonville's overflowing population armed himself and constituted himself a member of an impromptu committee of safety. The alarm was increased by a third murder which took place the following morning (August sixth.) The vic- tim was Rhodes Nolan, a miner on Jackson creek, who, in returning from town, at sunrise, after a night of watching to repel anticipated assaults, was shot as he entered his cabin door. Somewhat later than the events mentioned above, a very serious murder, or per- haps it may be called massacre, took place in the upper part of Bear creek, resulting in the death of several persons aud the serious wounding of others. Tipsu "Tyee became hostile, probably in consequence of the influence of the Indians in the lower valley, and an attack was made on settlers in the vicinity of the site of Ashland. Tipsu Tyee was not present at this event, and no evidence tends to show the degree of his participation therein ; nor is it material to the story. A detached party of his band, under sub-chief Sambo, being temporarily encamped on Neil creek at the time of the Edwards-Wills-Nolan murders, excited the suspicion of the white men newly settled in the upper part of Bear creek valley and on tributary streams, who united to the number of twelve and proceeded to the Indian camp. The whites being armed, fired on the savages, who took refuge, as is their invariable custom, in the brush, whence they fired at the whites and shot Patrick Dunn through the left shoulder and Andrew Carter through the left arm. "One Indian only is known to have been killed, and a few slightly wounded." According to the accounts of interested parties this action occurred on the thirteenth of August. On the same day or that following, the Indian women and children of the encampment were collected and taken to the camp of the whites, which was the house of Messrs. Alberding and Dunn (now the General Tolman place), where a stockade had been constructed for the protection of the settlers and their families. On the seventeenth, Sambo and his warriors, number- ing a dozen or so, came in voluntarily and surrendered to the whites and were pro- vided for and retained at the " fort." Several families, including those of Samuel Grubb, Frederick Heber, Asa Fordyce, Isaac Hill and Robert Wright, were at this station, besides several single men whom the idea of mutual protection had drawn there. Having ample confidence in the good faith of their savage guests, no great precautions were taken to guard against surprise, and so the Indians had ample op- portunity for an outbreak, which they effected on the morni ng of the twenty-third of August, as asserted by survivors, but on the seventeenth as given in various printed records. On this occasion they killed Hugh Smith, and wounded John Gibbs, Wil- liam Hodgings or Hudgins, Brice Whitmore, Morris Howell and B. Morris. Gibbs died soon after at the stockade at Wagner's, where the whites moved for protection ; Hodgings expired while being taken to - Jacksonville, and Whitmore, reaching that place, died within a few days. The others recovered, as did Dunn and Carter, pre- viously wounded, both of the men being alive and well at this day. INDIAN WARS. 215 In consequence of the murders described, a spirit of alarm necessarily spread itself throughout the country. The miners on Applegate, Foot's, and other creeks aban- doned their places and come into Jacksonville for protection. The settlers in various directions did the same, some of those who were better prepared, " forting up," with the intention of resisting Indian attacks. The people who thus prepared to defend them- selves were gathered mainly at T' Vault's j)lace (the Dardanelles) , N. C. Dean's (Willow springs), Martin Angell's (now Captain Barnes') and Jacob Wagner's, in Upper Bear creek valley. As soon as possible a military company was formed in Jacksonville, having Ben Armstrong as captain, and John F. Miller, B. B. Griffin and Abel George as lieutenants, and Charles E. Drew, quartermaster. But within a few days this organi- zation was superseded by others, a company of home-guards taking the most of the men. This latter company was under the command of W. W. Fowler. A large pro- portion of the houses outside of Jacksonville were abandoned by the owners, and these were mostly burned by roving parties of natives, who were scattered for a few clays over the whole valley. The people were compelled to seek assistance from wherever it might be procured and with this view dispatched messengers to Fort Jones the newly established military post near Yreka. The messengers arrived there on the eighth of August, and Captain B. R. Alden, 4th U. S. Infantry, commanding Fort Jones, instantly set out for the scene of hostilities with a very small force of infantry, not more than twenty men all told, but with forty or fifty muskets, and a supply of cartridges. Simultaneously a large number of volunteers presented themselves at Yreka and agreed to serve under Captain J. P. Goodall and Jacob Rhoades, well known as Indian fighters. Captain Goodall's company numbered ninety men, all mounted, as were those of Rhoades' com- pany which was about sixty strong. Unfortunately the muster-rolls of these two com- panies have been lost, so that it is impossible to present the names of alLthe members. Of Captain Goodall's company a partial list only is given, which will be found in its appropriate place. The volunteers raised in Southern Oregon were six companies in all, having as captains, R. L. Williams, J. K. Lamerick, John F. Miller, Elias A. Owens, and W. W. Fowler. They were ordered — with the exception of Fowler's company, which was raised exclusively for the protection of Jacksonville, and which did no outside service — to rendezvous at Camp Stewart. An organization was here effected and the troops, the most formidable, and numerous body of men thus far seen in this j>art of Oregon, assumed the semblance of an army. Each volunteer furnished, as a matter of course, his own riding animal and equipments. A quartermaster's department was extem- porized for the occasion, and B. F. Dowell became master of transportation or equivalent title. Captain Alden, by wish of the volunteers, assumed command of the whole force, whose numbers probably reached three hundred men. All the volunteers were of course without uniforms, wearing merely their ordinary clothes, and carrying rifles and revolvers as dissimilar in pattern as their own garments. Their saddle animals were horses and mules indiscriminately. It would be difficult to conceive a body of soldiery of more irregular type than the "army" at Camp Stewart; but it would be equally difficult to imagine a body of men better adapted for Indian fighting in a rough coun- try, or for that matter, in any country. The sequel of the short campaign which they 216 INDIAN WARS. carried on showed conclusively that with energetic and reliable commanders they were ■capable of the greatest services. The successful issue of their expedition it would seem was due to the energy and vigor with which their leaders moved upon the foe, and having found him, fought him relentlessly. Meanwhile, the malcontents who were scattered about the valley doing much dam- age in the way of burning houses, barns, fences, etc., left that employment and sought security with Joe, Sam and other chiefs, who were gathered at Table Rock, making what preparations they could against the threatened attack of the whites. They selected a naturally strong position and fortified it with considerable skill, digging a ditch, rearing a wall of rocks and earth, and otherwise strengthening the place. They were reported to be in strong force, numbering not less than 300 (an exaggeration, doubtless), and consisting of the Table Rock band, and the subsidiary bands of Jim and Jake (the Butte Creek Indians), with the Applegates and a few Grave Creeks. These minor bands had been worse treated by the whites than had the Table Rock Indians, and in consequence were much worse affected toward them, and as a result they entered into the coming contest with alacrity. The attitude of Tipsu Tyee was a subject of anxiety to the endangered whites, but much to their surprise this Indian refrained entinely from hostilities throughout the war, which would have been thought a fitting opportunity for his hatred to vent itself. But he kept aloof from either party, doubtless fearing the whites less than the defection of the lukewarm chiefs, Sam and Joe, who were deemed likely to accept the first overtures on the part of the whites. Be the cause what it may, he remained personally in seclusion until after the close of hostilities. From the eighth to the sixteenth of August, movements were made with a view of ascertaining the savages' whereabouts, and the vicinity of Table Rock was recon- noiterecl, when it was found that they had abandoned their position and retired to the north or west. Their trail showed that they were in great force and nearly the whole tribe were together. They had sent out their scouts, and up to this time knew every move of the whites. They declared themselves satisfied to await the decision of war- fare, and that they would fight until every white man was driven from the valley. Such bold, defiant talk naturally produced a great effect upon the whites, who were imbued with a sense of the fighting qualities of the Indians, and added to the anxiety of many for their families increased the feeling of apprehension throughout the valley. This feel- ing was heightened by the news of an engagement, the first of the war, between a party of whites under Lieutenant Burrell B. Griffin, of Miller's company, and a party of Indians under the redoubtable Old John. This fight occurred on the twelfth of August, on Applegate creek, near the mouth of Williams' creek (subsequently so named), The lieutenant, with some twenty men, had reached the main Applegate, at the mouth of Little Applegate, and proceeding thence to Sterling creek, destroyed an Indian village. Some little resistance was experienced, and Private George Anderson was wounded in the hip. Moving down to Williams' creek, the next day, an Indian band was found and followed, and when several miles up that stream, the men were ambushed by their wily foes and defeated with the loss of two, Lieutenant Griffin severely wounded in the right leg, and Private Francis Garnett killed. The engage- ment, which lasted three-quarters of an hour, was closely contested, and bravely and skillfully fought. The Indians, better sheltered than the whites, met with a heavier Times Printing Building, Ghas.Nickeil,Proprietor. Jacksonville. INDIAN WARS. 217 loss, as they acknowledged live killed and wounded. The soldiers were compelled to retreat finally, leaving the battle-field to the Indians. The savages probably outnum- bered the whites by at least tw r o to one, and had the additional advantage of being at home. But more than anything else that contributed to this success was the fact that Old John, their redoubtable war chief, led them, and by his strategy and foresight secured a victory. If their chief was so warlike the individual warriors of his band were hardly less so. Of one of them, " Bill," w T ho was wounded at the fight on Wil- liams' creek, General Lane once said that he never met a braver man in peace or war. Their opponents, without in the least recognizing the valor and shrewdness of John and his band, sought to explain Griffin's defeat by asserting that the hostiles num- bered from three hundred to five hundred — which is a palpable absurdity. Probably there were not more than fifty Indians present at the fight, nor were more required. John B. Harding (or Harden) and William B. Bose, of Lamerick's company were killed on August tenth, near Willow Springs, The two, with one or more com- panions, were on detached service, or, according to other accounts, were proceeding to Jacksonville ; when having reached a point a mile north of the springs they were fired on by Indians concealed near the road, and Bose was killed, and Harding was shot through the hips. He escaped, as did the others, but died on August fourteenth (some accounts relate that he died in eleven hours). Bose's body falling by the way- side, was stripped and mutilated, the throat cut and an eye gouged out ; six hundred dollars upon his person were taken, and his saddle horse also. Other incidents of the eventful period preceding Lane's campaign of August 21-25, were the capture and shooting of a suspected Indian by Angus Brown, the hanging of an Indian child in the town of Jacksonville, and other acts of that nature, which reflect no credit upon those engaged therein. That stern-visaged war had wrought up people to deeds of this sort, is not very remarkable. Five Indians, it is credibly reported, were hanged in one day, on a tree which stood near David Linn's residence. On the fourteenth of August a Mr. Ettlinger was dispatched north, with letters to the governor of Oregon and to other parties, setting forth the condition of affairs and soliciting aid to prosecute the war. General Lane heard the news when at his home on Deer creek, and instantly set about raising volunteers. Fifty men joined his party, and with these he set out and traveled rapidly to the scene of hostilities. On arriving at Carnj) Stewart he found the main jDart of the troops there, together with Captain Alden and his regulars. The command of all was tendered to the General by Captain Alden, and by him accepted. Preparations for moving on the enemy had been made, and an active campaign was resolved upon. On or about the fifteenth, a detachment under Hardy Elliff was sent to the rear of the enemy's j)osition behind Table Bock, in order to provoke an engagement ; but their position had been evacuated, and the hostiles had withdrawn. On August sixteenth a detachment of Goodall's company was sent out, consisting of twenty-two j)icked men, commanded by Lieutenant E. Ely, with the design of discovering the enemy's where- abouts. So well did they perform their duty, that on arriving at Little Meadows, on Evans' or Battle creek, they ran upon the savages and. lost several men in one of the sharpest skirmishes that has been knowm in the annals of Indian warfare. The scene 29 218 INDIAN WARS. of the collision was some two miles northwest of Table Rock, and about the same dis- tance from the mouth of the stream which flows into Rogue river at the village now called Woodville. It was on the seventeenth of August ; the men had picketed their horses in the flat and sat down to enjoy dinner ; sentries were stationed, but soon left their posts and gathered with the rest around the smoking viands. Just at this bliss- ful moment there came a volley of bullets from a fringe of willows close by, that killed and wounded ten of their number. Leaving their horses they rushed to cover 250 yards away, and gaining a strong position in the brush and amid fallen trees, they kept the savages at bay. They fought the enemy in true Indian style, from behind the protection of trees and rocks, and probably inflicted considerable injury. Privates Terrell and McGonigle set out for help, and before the enemy had completely sur- rounded theni got away and hastened to Camp Stewart, where Goodall's company was stationed, and reported that they had found the Indians, and that ten men with Lieu- tenant Ely were in a precarious situation, seventeen miles off and the Indians hi-as sollux. Goodall and his men set out at top speed, and in the shortest practicable time arrived on the field. J. D. Carly and five others were in the advance, and when the Indians saw them they decanrped at once, carrying away eighteen horses, blankets, etc. The casualties inflicted on Ely's men were found to be — Sergeant Frank Perry and Privates P. Keith, A. Douglas, A. C Colbourn, L. Stukting, and William NefT killed outright ; and Lieutenant Ely and Privates Zebulon Sheets, John Alban and James Carroll wounded. Carl Vogt, a German, is said to have been killed at this fight, although his name is not to be found in any official documents relating to the killed in the war. The Indians had fallen back, and the main force under Captain Alden came up during the night, and all camped on the flat. The next morning the dead were buried with the honors of war. Scouts sent out reported that the Indians had retired a long distance into the mountains, setting fire to the woods in their rear, and almost obliterating their trail. It was decided by the council of officers that it was necessary to return to headquarters and recruit with jerked beef and other frontier relishes in preparation for still more arduous duties. This was done ; and General Lane most opportunely appearing, received the command of the whole army, as has been related. The commander-in-chief made the following disposition of his forces. The com- panies of Miller and Lamerick, conrposing a battalion in charge of Colonel Ross, were ordered to proceed down Rogue river to the mouth of Evans' creek, and thence up that stream to the supposed vicinity of the enemy, or to a junction with Captain Alden's command, which consisted of his regulars and the two California companies of Goodall and Rhoades. This division was ordered to proceed up Trail creek to the battle ground where Ely was found by the Indians. The orders were to find the enemy's trail and pursue it regardless of the whereabouts of the other battalion. General Lane himself proceeded with Captain Alden's division. Scouts reported late in the day of starting that the Indians had taken to the mountains west and north of Evans' creek; hence the general ordered a halt and the forces encamped for the night. Early on the following day (August 23), the line of march was taken up and the Indian trail was followed through a very difficult country, mountainous, precipitous and bushy, where there was INDIAN WARS. 219 constant prospect of going astray 3 as the trail left by the savages was very dim and nearly obliterated by fire. Late in the afternoon, having crossed a high mountain, the command reached a branch of Evans' creek and halted for the night. The horses were allowed to feed on the bulrushes which grew by the side of the stream and which alone had escaped the forest fires. Indian "sign" had been noticed, it being small patches of ground left unburned, recently killed game, etc., thus indicating the proximity of the enemy. On the morning of the twenty-fourth, a shot was heard, which was known to come from the Indian camp. Scouts came in directly afterward and reported the enemy encamped in a thick wood filled with underbrush, and apparently impenetrable to horses. General Lane decided to attack instantly. Captain Alden insisted on leading the advance with his little force of regulars, and the whole command (with the excep- tion of a detachment of ten men under Lieutenant Blair of the Humbug volunteers, who were sent to turn the enemy's flank) precipitated themselves on the enemy's posi- tion. The first intimation that the savages had of the approach of the army (which they doubtless thought still at Camp Stewart), was a volley of bullets. They were not stampeded by this rough salute, however, but catching up their guns, entered with zest into the fight, while the squaws and other impediamenta were sent out of harm's way. A small force having been sent down a ridge to prevent the enemy's escape in that direction, all the remaining volunteers were brought into action in the Indians' front, and each man selecting a tree, got behind it and fired at the enemy, who were equally well concealed. The result was that the casualties were not very numerous. Captain Alden was wounded early in the fight, and his regulars had difficulty in preserving him from the Indians, who attempted his capture as he lay upon the ground The soldiers kept them at bay, however, until the wounded officer was removed to the shelter of trees. Pleasant Armstrong, of Yamhill county, a much respected gentleman who had volunteered with his friend General Lane, was mortally wounded by a bullet in the breast and fell, it is said, exclaiming, "A dead center shot!" The fight was very warm, and had lasted for an hour, when the pack trains arrived with their guard. Leaving fifteen men to guard the animals, General Lane took command of the others, not more than ten in number, and ordered a charge, to drive the natives from their cover. Being in advance he approached within thirty yards of the nearest Indians, when he received a severe bullet wound through the right arm. Still exposing him- self, he was forcibly dragged back behind a tree, where he continued to direct the fight. He gave orders to extend the line of battle so as to prevent the Indians from outflank- ing his force, and feeling the loss of blood, retired temporarily to have his wound attended to. The savages still held their strong position, and it was thought that they could not be driven from it. At this juncture the Indians, having found that General Lane was in command of the whites, began to call to him and to the soldiers, professing their readiness to treat for peace. A close wa-wa seemed very desirable to them, as they could not get away, and did not wish to risk further attacks. Robert Metcalf, sub-agent for the Indians, went to their camp, and through him and others negotiations were commenced, General Lane having returned to the front. Not wishing to inform the savages of his wound, the general went among them, having thrown a heavy coat over his shoulders so as to conceal his arm. In spite of pain and inconvenience he conversed with the Indians throughout an interminable peace talk, and ultimately 220 INDIAN WARS. agreed with them upon terms for a cessation of hostilities. No definite arrangements were made upon the occasion, but it was agreed between Chief Joe, who was in charge of the Indian force, Sam being absent, that a final peace talk should be held at Table Rock, within a few days; and that the Indians should proceed there in a body and await the results of the conference. Seven days were agreed upon as the duration of the armistice, after which the natives were to deliver up their arms to General Lane, and go upon the reservation at Table Rock which was to be, and afterwards was duly set off. During the following night both sides received accession to their forces, Colonel Ross arriving with the battalion, and Chief Sam coming in with about half the war- riors, with whom he had been reconnoitering for a permanent camp. It seems that as soon as the engagement began, runners were sent out by Joe to apprise his brother of the state of affairs and hasten his return. The distance prevented his arrival in time to take part in the fight, and his braves had no opportunity to display their valor. It is the opinion of many who took part in that battle, that Joe's deliberate intention was to throw the whites off their guard by professions of peace, and having done so to re- commence hostilities at a time when all the advantages were with his side. It is possi- ble that he was only waiting for Sam's braves in order to commence a massacre of hun- dreds of sleeping volunteers. It would be in consonance with the Indian character to act in that manner, therefore it may have been providential that Ross' battalion arrived when it did. Peace and good-will reigned between white and red man when war's stern alarms were so quickly changed into the piping of peace, and in figurative language the lion and the lamb lay down together. The Indian ponies and the American horses were turned loose to browse, and the Indians furnished a relief party to assist in bringing in the American wounded. They themselves owned to a loss of twelve killed and wounded, which is very likely, considering the superior excellence of white men's marksmanship. John Scarborough, of the Yreka volunteers, and P. Armstrong, aids to the general, were killed, and General Lane, Captain Alden, privates Thomas Hays (Humbug vol- unteers), and Henry Flesher and Charles Abbe (Yreka volunteers) were wounded, the latter mortally. Captain Alden died two years later from the result of his wound, and General Lane never quite recovered from his own hurt. As soon as the terms of the armistice were arranged, the troops took up their march homeward and went into camp at Hailey's (Bybee's) ferry, giving the location the name of Camp Alden, in honor of the gallant Major. CHAPTER XXVI. THE LANE TREATY OF PEACE AND CONCLUDING EVENTS OF 1853. Arrival of Reinforcements— The Army at Camp Alden— An Incident— The Council at Table Rock— The Treaty of Peace Signed— Cession of the Indians' Lands— Muster-Rolls of Certain Companies— List of the Killed and Wounded— Public Sentiment Concerning the Treaty— Ill-Faith of Certain Whites— Tragedy at Bates' House— Affairs on Illinois River— Cruelty of the Miners at Randolph— Indian Atrocities— Murder of Frizzell and Mungo — War on Deer Creek — General Lane Visits Tipsu Tyee — Military Affairs— Fort Lane Begun — Murder of Kyle— Expedition to the Modoc Country— The United States Pays the War Debt. Reinforcements began to arrive from various quarters by the time the forces returned to the valley. Ettlinger had faithfully performed his duty, and presented the governor with memorials from citizens and officials of Jacksonville and vicinity, which set forth the dangerous condition of affairs and apjDealed for help. Among other things a howitzer was asked for, and this request was referred by the governor to the authorities at Fort Vancouver, who sent the weapon with a supply of ammuni- tion, forty muskets with accoutrements, 4,000 cartridges, and some other articles- Lieutenant Kautz, since general, was sent in charge of the howitzer, with seven experi- enced men. Acting Governor Curry made proclamation for an armed guard of citizen volunteers to accompany the Lieutenant and his charge. In obedience to the call forty- one men volunteered, and led by J. W. JNesmith, with Lafayette Grover as lieutenant, hastened to the scene of hostilities. Lieutenant Grover went in advance with twenty men, and was joined at South Umpqua, on September first, by Judge M. P. Deady,, who was on his way to Jacksonville to hold court. The next night they stopped at Levens' station, and a day or two later came to Table Rock, too late to be of service, but in time to assist at the peace talk. Joel Palmer, superintendent of Indian affairs in Oregon, and Samuel H. Culver, government Indian agent, successor of Judge Skin- ner, who had resigned his charge, also arrived. From Port Orford came Captain A. J. Smith, with his company of the first dragoons, sixty men in uniform, an imposing and unfamiliar sight to the people of the valley. These had slowly and laboriously toiled through devious trails, over fallen trees and through the almost imjDenetrable wildwood tangles along Rogue river to where their assistance might be needed, but only to find their services useless, unless it was to awe the haughty savage whose heart was yet divided in its councils. Owing to Palmer's failure to arrive at the time ap- pointed, the peace talk was postponed until September tenth. Meantime the volunteers lay about headquarters talking over occurrences of the past fortnight and speculating upon those to come. They were 400 strong, and had little need to fear the results of future deliberations. Besides, Smith and Kautz were at hand and the former's sabres and the latter's twelve-pound howitzer with its shells, spherical case shot and cannister, would soon make short work of the comparatively defenseless aborigines. 222 INDIAN WARS. The latter, too, talked and thought of the new dispensation of affairs, and looked with wonder and awe upon such preparations for their injury, and begged General Lane — " Tyee Joe Lane " — not to have the hy-as rifle fired, which took " a hat-full of powder and would shoot a tree down." The inevitable war correspondent was abroad, even in that day, and under the title of " Socks " wrote to the Statesman of his visit to headquarters : " Never having seen General Lane my curiosity prompted me to visit his camp day before yesterday. Having seen generals in the States togged out in epaulets, gold lace, cocked hats and long, shining swords, I expected to find something of the kind at headquarters. But fancy my surprise on being introduced to a robust, good-looking middle-aged man, with his right arm in a sling, the shirt sleeve slit open and dangling bloody from his shoulder, his legs incased in an old pair of gray breeches that looked like those worn by General Scott when he was exposed to the ' fire in the rear.' One end of them was supported by a buckskin strap, in place of a suspender, while one of the legs rested upon the remains of an old boot. His head was ornamented by a for- age cap that from its appearance recalled remembrance of Braddock's defeat. This composed the uniform of the hero ' who never surrenders.' " The ' quarters' were in keeping with the garb of the occupant ; it being a rough log cabin about sixteen feet square, with a hole in one side for a door, and destitute of floor and chimney. In one corner lay a pile of sacks filled with provisions for the troops, in another a stack of guns of all sizes, from the old French musket down to the fancy silver-mounted sporting rifle, while in a third seta camj) kettle, a frying-pan, a coffee pot minus the spout, a dozen tin cups, four pack saddles, a dirty shirt and a moccasin. The fourth corner was occupied by a pair of blankets said to be the gen- eral's bed ; and on a projecting puncheon lay ammunition for the stomach in the shape of a chunk of raw beef and a wad of dough. In the center of the ' quarters' was a space about four feet square for the accommodation of guests. Such being the luxuries of a general's quarters you may judge how privates have fared in this war." A pleasant incident of the stay at Camp Alden was the flag presentation. The ladies of Yreka had decided to honor the braves of that locality who had so promptly volunteered in defense of their neighbors across the line, and had prepared flags and sent them through Dr. Gatliff to Camp Alden. The doctor gave them to General Lane, and a ceremony was arranged for the afternoon of September first. The- two companies of Bhoades and Goodall, escorted by Terry's Crescent City Guards (an independent organization which volunteered to fight Indians, but performed no service owing to the abrupt close of the war), were marched up, and with appropriate words the General presented the banners. On the tenth of September the leaders of opposing races met at the appointed place on the side of Table Rock and discussed and agreed upon terms of peace. The occasion was a remarkable one; and brought together many remarkable individuals. Many of those who were eye-witnesses of the " peace-talk " still live, and several have attained to honor and distinction. From the pens of two of these we have life-like and intelligible accounts of that meeting which was in some respects the most remark- able occurence that ever took place in Southern Oregon. Judge M. P. Deady wrote concerning it : INDIAN WARS. 223 "The scene of this famous 'peace talk' between Joseph Lane and Indian Joseph — two men who had so lately met in mortal combat — was worthy of the pen of Sir Walter Scott and the pencil of Salvator Ross. It was on a narrow bench of a long,, gently-sloping hill lying over against the noted bluff called Table Rock. The ground was thinly coyerd with majestic old pines and rugged oaks, with here and there a clump of o-reen oak bushes. About a half mile above the bright mountain stream that threaded the narrow valley below sat the two chiefs in council. Lane was in fatigue dress, the arm which was wounded at Buena" Vista in a sling from a fresh bullet wound received at Battle creek. Indian Joseph, tall, grave and self-possessed, wore a long black robe over his ordinary dress. By his side sat Mary, his favorite child and faithful compan- ion, then a comparatively handsome young woman, unstained with the vices of civiliza- tion. Around these sat on the grass Captain A. J. Smith — now General Smith of St. Louis — whohad just arrived from Port Orford with his company of the First Dragoons; Captain Alvord, then engaged in the construction of a military road through the Umpqua canyon and since paymaster of the U. S. A.; Colonel Bill Martin of Umpqua, Colonel John E. Ross of Jacksonville and a few others. A short distance above us on the hillside were some hundreds of dusky warriors in fighting gear, reclining quietly on the ground. " The day was beautiful. To the east of us rose abruptly Table Rock and at its base stood Smith's dragoons, waiting anxiously with hand on horse the issue of this attempt to make peace without their aid. After a proposition was discussed and settled between the two chiefs, the Indian would rise up and communicate the matter to a huge warrior who reclined at the foot of a tree quite near us. Then the latter rose up and communicated the matter to the host above him, and they belabored it back and forth. with many voices. Then the warrior communicated the thought of the multitude on the subject back to his chief; and so the discussion went on until an understanding was finally reached. Then we separated — the Indians going back to their mountain retreat, and the whites to the camp." J. W. Nesmith, who was present and quite prominent at the treaty, has left some additional particulars of interest. He says : " Early in the morning of the tenth of September, we rode toward the Indian encampment. Our party consisted of the following persons : General Lane, Joel Palmer Samuel Culver, Captain A. J. Smith, 1st Dragoons ; Captain L. F. Mosher, adjutant ; Colonel John Ross, Captain J. W. Nesmith, Lieutenant A. V. Kautz, R. B. Metcalf, J. D. Mason, T. T. Tierney. After riding a couple of miles we came to where it was too steep for horses to ascend, and dismounting, we proceeded on foot. Half a mile of scrambling over rocks and through brush brought us into the Indians' stronghold, just under the perpendicular cliff of Table Rock where were gathered hundreds of fierce and well armed savages. The business of the treaty began at once. Much time was lost in translating and re-translating and it was not until late in the afternoon that our labors were completed. About the middle of the afternoon an Indian runner arrived, bringing intelligence of the murder of an Indian on Applegate creek. He said that a company of whites under Captain Owens had that morning captured Jim Taylor, a young chief, tied him to a tree and shot him to death. This news caused the greatest confusion among the Indians, and it seemed for a time as if they were about to attack 224 INDIAN WARS. General Lane's party. The General addressed the Indians, telling them that Owens who had violated the armistice was a bad man, and not one of his soldiers. He added considerable more of a sort to placate the Indians, and finally the matter of ' Jim's ' death was settled by the whites agreeing to pay damages therefor in shirts and blankets." The treaty of peace of September 10, 1855/ contained the following provisions: Article 1 defines the boundaries of the lands occupied by the Rogue River and related tribes. The principal geographical points mentioned as lying upon these boun- daries are, the mouth of Applegate creek, the summit of the Siskiyou mountains at Pilot Rock, the Snowy Butte (Mount Pitt), and a point near the intersection of the Oregon road near Jump-off-Joe creek. All Indians within these limits were to main- tain peace with the whites, restore stolen property, and deliver up any of their number who might infringe the articles of the treaty. The second article provides that the tribes should permanently reside on a reservation to be set apart. According to article three they were to surrender all fire-arms except fourteen pieces, which were reserved for hunting. According to article 4, when the Indians received pay for their surren- dered lands, a sum not exceeding $15,000 was to be set aside to pay for whatever dam- ages they had caused. By article 5, they were to forfeit their annuites if they again made war. In article 6 they agree to inform the agent if hostile tribes entered the reser- vation. A supplemental treaty regarding the sale of the Indians' lands, was entered into on the same day. By it they ceded to the United States government all their right to the lands lying within these boundaries : Commencing at a point on Rogue river below the mouth of Applegate creek, thence southerly to the divide between Applegate and Althouse creeks ; thence along the divide to the summit of the Siskiyou moun- tains ; thence easterly to Pilot Rock ; thence to the summit of Mount Pitt ; thence to Rogue river ; thence westerly to Jump-off- Joe creek ; thence to place of beginning. The Indians were to occupy temporarily a reservation on Evans' creek, west and north of Table Rock, until another residence was found for them. In consideration for the transfer of their rights, the agents agreed to pay the Indians sixty thousand dollars ; of which fifteen thousand were to be retained as pro- vided in the treaty of peace. The damages caused by the Indians were to be estimated by three disinterested persons. Five thousand dollars were to be expended in pur- chasing blankets, clothing, agricultural implements, and other desirable and necessary articles. The remaining forty thousand dollars were to be paid in sixteen annual payments of live stock, blankets, necessaries of life, etc. Three dwelling houses, one for each of the principal chiefs, were to be erected, at a cost of not more than five hun- dred dollars each. The remaining provisos relate to the non-molestation of the whites passing through the reservation ; to the referral of grievances to the resident Indian agent ; to the discovery of thefts, murders, etc. ; and to the ratification of the treaty by the president, at which time it would take effect. The treaty for the cession of lands bore the signatures of Joel Palmer, Samuel H. Culver, Joe Aps-er-ka-har, Sam To- qua-he-ar, Jim Ana-cha-ara, John, and Limpy. Here follow the names and organizations of those who took part in the war of 1853. No apology is needed for inserting them. They are the names of men who gave their services for the defense of their fellow beings, and to many of whom Willi ;;:. -^^asS^&fe WflUING-UTH-POflTLAND-OR. Masonic Temple, Ashland. INDIAN WARS. 225 the thanks and gratitude of this later generation is due. It is a regrettable circum- stance that the muster-rolls of all the companies which were formed cannot be obtained. The missing ones are those of Terry's Crescent City Guards, Rhoades' Humbug Creek Volunteers, and Goodall's Yreka Volunteers. Of the latter a partial list is given from memory by their captain. Althouse Mounted Volunteers. — Mustered in August 24, 1853 ; discharged September 21, 1853 — Captain, Robert L.Williams; First Lieutenant, John W. Burke; Second Lieutenant, William Mendenhall ; Corporal, William T. Ross ; Privates, Isaac Auger, Alfred Allen, Michael Bush, James B. Bowers, Gabriel Cooper, Joseph Cooper, William Fountain, Paul Fairclo, James Jordan, John Makin, William A. Moore, William McMahon, William Mitchell, Peter H. Peveler, Thomas Phillips, Jackson Rader, Vinson S. Ricketts, Robert Shaw, Alex. St. Gilles, William Shelley, Christopher Shelley, Harry Spurgeon, John Spurgeon, William Shin, Z. A. Triplett, Christopher Taylor, Robert G. Worthington. Lameeick's Company. — Mustered August 7, 1853 ; discharged September 10, 1853 — Captain, John K. Lamerick ; First Lieutenant, John W. Babcox ; Second Lieutenants, Anthony Little, William Hunter, Henry Green ; Sergeant, S. B. Fargo ; Corporal, John Swiuden ; Privates, Isaac Adams, G. H. Ambrose, Nicholas Belcher, John Benjamin, R. E. Bondevant, E. H. Blanchard, David Crockett, John Creighton, William Chase, William Crogey, Joseph Copeland, Vincent Davis, E. Downing, Wil- liam Ewing, T. E. Estes, C. C. Gall, S. Gall, J. F. Hedrick, John W. Hillman, George Hillman, I. A. Hull, John R. Harding, G. H. Hazlett, W. B. Howe, Robert Hill, D. C. Ingles, James T. Jones, A. J. Kane, Henry Klippel, John Lancaster, Law- rence LaPointe, Levi Libby, John Milligan, Roderick McLeod, Malcolm McKay, J. W. Patrick, Alonzo Price, A. Russell, Solomon Racier, William R. Rose, J. R. Reynolds, William M. Sevens, Peter Snelback, S. B. Sarles, S. R. Senor, William G. T' Vault, David Thompson, Gustaf Wilson, Thomas Wilson, J. B. Wagner, Charles Williams, T. B. Willard, H. K Winslow. Miller's Company. — Mustered in August 8, 1853; discharged November 2, 1853. — Captain, John F. Miller; First Lieutenant, Burrell B. Griffin; Second Lieu- tenants, Abel George, Alfred Waterman; Sergeants, Claes Westfeldt, J. C. McFarland, William Hiatt, James Mattony; Corporals, A. J. Mattoon, Andrew Herron, James King, Payton W. Cook; "Farrier, William Hill; Privates, Benjamin Armstrong, Jesse Adams, Moses Adams, George Anderson, Thornton Anderson, Benjamin An tram, Richard Barker, Richard Benson, James Bailey, Henry Brown, Moses Bellinger, D. Bates, John Bland, David Brown, Daniel Carlysle, Daniel F. Counsel, David D. Cal- houn, Hugh C. Clawson, William Duke, Martin Elliott, Kela Farrington, Carter L. Fuller, Francis Garnett, Lewis D. Gibson, William M. Griffin, Thomas Gill, Thomas Guthrie, William Gee, John B. Hice, Lewis Hiatt, Jesse Hiatt, James Huggins, Charles B. Houser, David Hicks, Samuel Hicks, Abraham G. Hedden, Martin Hoover, N. Hulz, Thomas Inman, Charles Johnson, William Johnson, David C. Jamison, Thomas B. Jackson, Lycurgus Jackson, Isham P. Jones, J. T. Jones, John Lay ton, George Ludlow, Hugh Lyle, Jacob Long, Elijah Leasure, William Lippard, William P. Miller, Isaac Miller, John S. Miller, Green Matthews, William J. Morrison, Samuel Moore, John T. Moxley, John Meader, Elijah McCall,. John McCombs, David McRae, 30 226 INDIAN WARS. Andrew McNeal, Thomas McF. Patton, Cornelius Napp, Joshua Noland, John Orton, John Osborne, Henry Patterson, Sylvester Pease, Robert Parker, R. Pearce, Alonzo Pattee, Christian Peterson, David Redpath, Abraham Robinson, Josiah Register, E. Ransom, Edward Smith, James F. Stewart, John Shorkman, Enoch Springer, William M. Shaffer, James Stephens, Oscar T. Sandford, Thomas I. Sutton, John Thurber, Henry C. Turner, James Toabeler, Titus B. Willard, J. Wilkes, C. L. Wilcox, Alex- ander Williamson, Charles Wright, Charles Wright (Indian), Washington Waters, J. Willis, Elijah Williams, Samuel Williams, Samuel Wilkes. Halstead Mounted Volunteers. — Mustered in August 21, 1853; discharged September 14, 1853 — Captain, Elias A. Owens; First Lieutenants, Benjamin Halstead, Thomas Frizzell ; Second Lieutenant, Silas Crandle; Sergeant, William B. Lewis; Pri- vates, A. Allen, Sherlock M. Abrams, Charles Bushman, N. C. Boatman, Samuel S. Bowden, Louis Dernois, Joseph Despar, Robt. M. Denton, Jas. P. Frizzell, John FrizzelL John Green, Silas R. Howe, William S. Hamock, Albert P. Hodges, William Johnson, • Henry Kelly, William King, James Lafferty, John Lynch, Alexander McCloy, James Mungo, J. W. Pickett, Robert L. Smith, David Sexton, Joseph Umpqua. Yreka Volunteers. — Mustered August 11 ; discharged Captain, Jas. P- Goodall; First Lieutenant, Simeon Ely; Second Lieutenants, Philyar A. Bodwell, Geo. W. Tyler ; Sergeants, John W. Fairchild, Joseph G. Barber, James Thomas, Frank Perry; Corporal, Mike Brown ; Privates, John Alban, Kilian Albert, Charles Abbe, Asa Colburn, Carl Vogt, William Neff, Isham P. Keith, Alfred Douglass, John Scar- borough, James Bradley, James Bruce, John W. Crowell, Philip Edwards, William Terrill, McGonigle, Christopher Shack, Henry Flesher, William Lewis, Joseph Gaunyau, Robert Neal, James Carroll, Charles A. Johnson, James T. Hurd, Albert M. Price, John W. Cawood, Charles Lacey, D. V. Ellington, George Charles, J. D. Carly. Nesmith's Company. — Eulisted in the Willamette valley, in compliance with the Governor's proclamation — Captain, J. W. Nesmith; First Lieutenant, L. F. Grover; Second Lieutenant, W. K. Beale; Surgeon, J. D. McCurdy; Sergeant, J. M. Crooks; Privates, Samuel B. Gregg, Ben. McCormack, Jas. Gay, H. S. Young, James Pritchett, R. Woodfin, Francis A. Haynes, S. T. Burch, J. Fortune, G. H. McQueen, F. M. P. Goff, W. E. Clark, J. W. Jones, R. C. Hague, J. A. Millard, Samuel E. Darnes, Wm. Beale, Samuel Abbott, Jas. S. Rose, James M. Baldwin, Z. Griffin, J. Jones, Thos. W. Beale, A. A. Engles, James Stanley, George W. Cacly, John McAllister, R. C. Breeding, N. F. Herren, John Ragsdale, David Kirkpatrick, Wilson Blake, Horace Dougherty, James Daniel, J. M. Case, J. W. Toms. Hospital Attaches. — In the military hospital at Jacksonville, in 1853, E. H. Cleavland, as surgeon and medical director, was in charge, assisted by eleven attaches — R. A. Caldwell, C. Davenport, Thomas Gregory, W. W. Hanway, George Hillman, J. B. Hice, John Inman, James S. Lowery, Francis Peirce, J. B. Shepley, and B. W. Woodruff. These men served various terms, ranging from sixteen to sixty-three days, for which they received pay at the rate of five dollars per day and rations. List of Killed and Wounded. — On Applegate creek, August 8, George Anderson wounded, and on the following day B. B. Griffin, first lieutenant in the same company (Miller's) , wounded, and Francis Garnett, private, killed ; on August INDIAN WARS. 227 10, while on detached service, John R. Harding and William R. Rose, privates, Lamerick's company, killed; on August 17, at Little Meadows, Sergeant Frank Perry and Privates Asa Col burn, Alfred Douglass, Isharn P. Keith, William Neff and L. Stockting killed or mortally wounded, and First Lieutenant Simeon Ely and Privates Zebulon Sheets, John Alban and James Carroll severely wounded, all belonging to Goodall's company; on the twenty -fourth of August, at Battle creek, Private Thomas Hays of Rhoades' company, and Henry Flesher and Charles Abbe of Goodall's com- pany were wounded, the latter dying of his wounds on the second of September, and John Scarborough, private of Goodall's company, was killed; August 28, at Long's Ferry, First Lieutenant Thomas Frizzell and Private James Mungo (Indian), were killed in battle; September 14, Thomas Phillips, private in Williams' company, was killed by the Indians on Applegate creek; on October 4 occurred the last casualty of the war, in the wounding with arrows of Private William Duke, of Miller's company. When General Lane and his officers made the treaty with Joe and his people, there were many persons who in a subdued manner opposed it, and prognosticated its utter failure. These people were of the sort who in the earlier days of August had said: "Hang the Indian children; they will grow up to be our enemies." They urged a war of extermination; humanity's dictates were too refined to be applied to cases wherein Indians were concerned. This class, while they affected to deplore the horrible massacres of whites, still did their utmost to rouse the Indians to other deeds of like savagery, by inflicting on them unprovoked acts which really brave and merci- ful people abhor. It is a fact that after the Lane treaty was signed, its provisions were repeatedly broken by whites, who deliberately murdered unsuspecting and helpless Indians. Chief Joe, whom none of his white contemporaries suspected of falsehood, said at the Lane peace conference that he did not begin war nor seek to retaliate until fourteen of his tribe had been shot or hung by the whites. Least these remarks should be misunderstood, the reader is informed that they apply only to that irresponsible ele- ment in the population which had but little respect for law and justice, and not to that great body of respectable and law abiding citizens who cast their lot in Southern Oregon, and by thirty years of industry have made it what it is to-day. During the armistice and subsequent to the signing of the treaty, the class of ex- terminators alluded to kept up their efforts to kill off as many Indians as they could, regardless of any moral restriction whatever. Revenge was the motto, and these men lived up to it. Not half of the outrages which were perpetrated on Indians were ever heard of through newspapers; yet there are the accounts of several, and these are of a most cold-blooded description. We will allude lightly to a few examples. Captain Bob Williams, stationed with his company on the banks of Rogue river, during the armistice was not too brave and magnanimous to attempt to kill two children, the sons of Chief Joe; but General Lane with the utmost haste ordered his removal from the locality to another, where there would be less opportunity for the exercise of his pro- pensities. We have the evidence of no less an authority than Judge Deady to prove that a fearful outrage was perpetrated at Grave creek after the armistice was agreed upon. He writes : "At Grave creek I stopped to feed my horse and get something to eat. There was a house there, called the 'Bates House,' after the man who kept it. It was a rough, wooden structure without a floor, and had an immense clapboard fun- 228 INDIAN AVARS. nel at one end, which served as a chimney. There was no house or settlement within ten or twelve miles or more of it. There I found Captain J. K. Lamerick in com- mand of a company of volunteers. It seems he had been sent there by General Lane after the fight at Battle creek, on account of the murder of some Indians there, of which he and others gave me the following account : Bates and some others had induced a small party of peaceable Indians who be- longed in that vicinity to enter into an engagement to remain at peace with the whites during the war which was going on at some distance from them, and by way of ratifi- cation to this treaty, invited them to partake of a feast in an unoccupied log house just across the road from the 'Bates House;' and while they were partaking, unarmed, of this proffered hospitality, the door was suddenly fastened upon them, and they were deliberately shot down through the cracks between the logs by their treacherous hosts. Near by, and probably a quarter of a mile this side of the creek, I was shown a large, round hole into which the bodies of these murdered Indians had been unceremoniously tumbled. I did not see them, for they were covered with fresh earth." Some miners from Sailor Diggings attacked a rancheria on Illinois river or Deer creek, as the accounts go, and killed two of the seven male Indians present. The others hastily seized their bows and arrows, and began a lively resistance. Two white men were hit, which so discouraged the others that they ran away. The act of aggres- sion was severely denounced by other people, and the term "desperado" was applied to the perpetrators. Agent Culver was sent for to investigate matters, but it is not known that the guilty parties were ever brought to justice ; indeed, there is a certain presumption that they were not. An incident bearing somewhat upon this question is worthy of mention, though it occurred somewhat outside of the region supposed to be covered by the Lane treaty. On January 28, 1854, a small j3arty of armed men from the Randolph mines, in Coos county, went to a rancheria, attacked the Indians and killed fifteen, as far as is known, without provocation. Two squaws were shot dead, one with her babe in her arms. The next day the miners passed a law providing that whosoever should sell or give any gun, rifle or jristol to Indians, should for the first offense receive thirty-nine lashes, and for the second offense should suffer death. Meeting considerable adverse criticism for their attack upon the helpless and unarmed creatures at the rancheria, these men next proceeded to hold a meeting and pass resolutions, one maintaining that the Indians at the time were on the eve of an outbreak, and another congratulating themselves on their bravery ! The whole absurd proceedings are contained in a letter written by one of the assailants to the Oregon Statesman of contemporary date, and in the report of the Bureau of Indian Affairs for 1854, within which may be found letters from F. M. Smith, agent at Port Orford. and G. H. Abbott, leader of the attacking force of miners. It does not require the thorough investigation to which the records of these events have been subjected by the writer, to determine conclusively that while the whites as a class were content with the treaty and obedient to its provisos, there was a considerable minority who lost no opportunity to manifest their contempt of the instrument and their disregard of its obligations. Nor were the Indians idle. As soon as the report of the killings at Grave creek, at Applegate and other places, had been bruited abroad, and the natives had become convinced that they were individually in as much danger 3S INDIAN WARS. 2^9 as before the treaty, they began reprisals. They committed atrocities that were not exceeded in bloodthirstiness by those at whom they were aimed. A few days after the battle of Evans' creek Thomas Frizzell and Mungo were murdered by Indians on Rogue river, below Vannoy's. It seems that Frizzell owned a ferry in that locality, which he was constrained to leave at the commencement of hostilities. He joined Owens' company, of which he was chosen first lieutenant. On the day mentioned, he went home to examine into the condition of things, being accompanied by Mungo, a private of his company. On returning they arrived within two miles of Vannoy's, when they were fired on by concealed Indians, and Frizzell was instantly killed. Mungo, wounded, took refuge in a thicket and with his rifle kept the enemy at. bay for hours until a relief party came to his aid. He was carried to Vannoy's, but died on arriving there. These men were said to have been killed in retaliation for the massacre of the Indians at Bates' house, but this assertion, of course, does not admit of proof. The same day (August twenty-eighth), the savages burned the house of Raymond, at Jump- off-Joe creek, as well as two others in the vicinity. These disturbances were chiefly confined to Josephine county and the western part of Jackson county ; or to speak more specifically, to the Grave creek, Applegate creek, Illinois river and Althouse creek country. About the twelfth of September, 1853, there occurred a catastrophe of some note several miles below Deer creek bar. Two prospectors, Tedford and Rouse, were attacked by Illinois Indians, peaceable until that time, and both injured very severely. Rouse was cut in the face, and Tedford was shot in the left arm, shattering the bone. The men were alone at the time, but were speedily found by neighboring miners and carried to a place of safety. Tedford's injuries were mortal ; he died within a week. This, and some slighter injuries perpetrated the same day on other parties, were the first hostile acts of the Illinois Indians, who until then had shown a tolerably peaceful disposition. This was in the absence of nearly all the fighting portion of the white community, who were with Captain Williams on the Rogue river. On their return a party was made up to pursue certain Indians who had stolen some property from the Hunter brothers, including quite a number of mules. The thieves were followed for three days, over rough mountains, across creeks and through jungles, and at last traced to an Indian village on Illinois river. This was attacked by the pursuers, and several Indians were killed; but the whites had ultimately to retire,- Alex. Watts being slightly wounded in the attack. The regular troops shortly after occupied this village, after killing several of its inhabitants and driving the rest away. On their return to headquarters the Indians followed them, and killed Sergeant Day, wounded Private King, and re-took sixteen stolen animals. Lieutenants Radford and Carter were in charge of the expedition, having been sent by Captain Smith, on the seven- teenth of October, from Fort Lane, and the action took place on the twenty-fourth of the same month. It has always been supposed that the malcontents spoken of were Coast Indians, from the vicinity of Chetco. At any rate they were no triflers, as the whites found to their cost. On the twenty-sixth the miners again assembled, to the number of thirty-five, to make another descent upon the same camp, when the Indians' scouts discovered them and received them with unexpected warmth. William Hunter was wounded by three bullets, not seriously, and the party returned to their respective 230 INDIAN WARS. homes without carrying out their projected annihilation of the hostile camp. Michael Bushey was of the number, and through his exertions a treaty of peace and amity was entered into between the miners and the Indians of that rancheria. The Indians ob- served the treaty faithfully enough, but the whites were not so honorable. It has been mentioned how certain whites from Sailor Diggings attempted to " make good Indians" of seven " bucks" at a certain rancheria, but were driven off ignominiously. These Indians were the survivors of those who slew Sergeant Day, and foiled Bushey and his party. They were now living in quietness on Deer creek, when attacked by the party from Sailor Diggings, who were said to have numbered twenty. Again Bushey, with Alex. Watts, patched up a treaty with them which existed until 1855, when cer- tain events on the lower Klamath river, in which these Indians were implicated, sundered those pleasant relations. On Apj:>legate creek, September 2, four houses were burned by Indians, and their contents destroyed. At about the same date, or possibly a little later, a pack-train coming from Crescent City was fired upon and the three Mexicans who drove, were wounded, three mules were killed and all the merchandise captured by Indians. This closes the list of outrages perpetrated in that part of the country subsequent to the treaty, and the subject now leads us to consider the state of affairs on Rogue river. General Lane left for the north on or about October, 1853. But before taking leave of the people of the valley, he made a visit to Tipsu Tyee, hoping in the interests of peace, to induce that much feared warrior to join the Rogue River chieftains in amity to the whites. Tipsu had not made himself felt in the recent hostilities probably for reasons already set forth, but as if still further to signalize his independence of both white and Indian influence, he sent word to Jacksonville that he did not recognize the peace of September 10, and should not by any means subscribe to its terms. As for Sam, Joe, George, Limpy and the rest, they might do as they chose ; he was upon his own land, came upon it first, and should remain upon it. This message presented a new difficulty. It seemed to the people and to the Indian agents alike, that Tipsu Tyee needed to be put down. His outbreak of insolence ought to be punished. But to pun- ish such an Indian as the wily old Tyee was an undertaking of considerable difficulty > and very few were ready to attempt it. The chief staid in his lair, and General Lane, who to great fighting qualities added a heart that was capable of feeling for even the most savage of God's creatures, paid him a visit in the interests of peace and humanity. Accompanied by two men only, he went into the mountains, found the chief, and entered upon an agreement with him by which the rights of the settlers were to be respected and grievances to be settled satisfactorily; and having taken leave of his host, returned safely from a journey which most men regarded as infinitely dangerous. The different companies (Lamerick's, Miller's, Owens', Goodall's, Rhodes', Wil- liams', Terry's and Fowler's) were mustered out, with the exception of Miller's, during the early days of September, soon after the close of disturbances, and sent home. Peo- ple were now returning to their customary occupations, generally well pleased with the result of the war and hoping that no more "unpleasantness" might supervene, as considerabl force of regular troops had arrived, and Colonel Wright, with four com- panies from Benicia and Fort Reading, was daily expected. Captain Alden, convales- cent, set out for Fort Jones, about the time that the military authorities resolved upon INDIAN WARS. 231 founding a permanent fortified camp near Table Rock. The Indians were safely domi- ciled near that locality, their reservation extending north and west of those prominent and celebrated land marks. Their position was a good one and to their liking. Camas and ip-a roots grew there in profusion; salmon in their season swarmed in the river, game of all kinds was abundant in the neighboring mountains. Besides, it was in the laud of their nativity; and though nominally confined to the narrow limits of a com- paratively small tract, they were not perceptibly worse off than before. Opposite their home, the new military post reared its imposing front. Appropriately named Fort Lane, it was commodiously and even handsomely built, and in a manner well adapted to the uses of such a post. A stockade enclosed quite a spacious area in which was a parade ground, together with barracks for private soldiers, houses for officers, an armory? hospital, and other necessary buildings, all built of logs. It continued to be the head- quarters of the military forces in this region for three years ; at the end of the last Indian war being abandoned. A quarter of a century has seen the old fort fall into ruins, and to-day scarcely a vestige of what was once a lively encampment remains. The officers and men Avho guarded its wooden ramparts are scattered and many of them have found a soldier's grave. Some of them died fighting for the flag that waved above the old fort; others forsaking that flag, espoused the "Lost Cause" and were lost with it. Very soon after the construction of the military post was resolved upon, a circum- stance occurred which ranks as one of the most important, and at the same time singu- lar, that we have to narrate. This was the murder of James C. Kyle, on the sixth of October, 1853, by Indians from the Table Rock reservation. This sad affair took place within two miles of Fort Lane, at a time when the settlers were congratulating themselves that Indian difficulties were at an end. Kyle was a merchant of Jackson- ville, partner of Wills whose untimely and cruel death has been recorded. A rigid examination and investigation of the homicide proved that it was committed by indi- viduals from the reservation, and the chiefs were called upon to surrender the criminals in compliance with the terms of the treaty. They did so ; and two Indians, George and Tom, were handed over to the proper authorities, as the murderers of Kyle, while Indian Thompson, tilicum of the same tribe, who has been previously mentioned, was surrendered as the murderer of Edwards. Like Thompson, the other two suspects were tried before Judge McFadden of the United States circuit court, at Jacksonville, in February, 1854. They -were found guilty, and hanged two days later. At the close of the Evans' creek campaign, General Lane, with commendable humanity and sagacity, remembering the helpless condition of the incoming migra- tion of the season, dispatched a force of mounted men, being Miller's company, well armed and provisioned, to operate against the Indians in the region where such sicken- ing butcheries were perpetrated the year before, and where Ben Wright and Captain Ross had done such good service in aweing the savages and teaching them lessons of the white man's vengeance. Captain Miller proceeded thence with his men and throughout the season did excellent service in scouting, fighting those Indians who showed signs of hostility, and in piloting trains to their destination. They left Jack- sonville September twelfth, and returning at the close of their campaign, were dis- charged from service on the second of November. Their total term of service was about three months. The only casualties happening to them while on the emigrant 232 INDIAN WARS. trail was the wounding of Private William Duke by Indians at Goose lake, October fourth, and of Private Watt, at another time and place. Captain Miller's command on this expedition consisted of 115 men. These occurrences complete the history of Indian difficulties for the year, and together constitute the natural termination of what is known as the "War of 1853." There is a short note to be appended relating to the indebtedness which grew out of the war. This was assumed by the United States; and however, the people of South- ern Oregon might grumble — and grumble they did — at the attitude of the govern- ment and its army toward the settlers and the Indians, there was no grumbling heard concerning the assumption of the debt by the government, nor at the way in which that debt was paid. The muster-rolls and accounts of all the eight companies and General Lane's staff (the General refused to accept compensation for himself), were made out and adjusted by Captain Goodall, as inspecting and mustering officer, acting under orders from General Lane, at the close of the war; and these papers were forwarded to Captain Alden at Washington, and being presented to congress were promptly acted upon at the instance of that officer and General Lane, in his capacity as delegate to congress from Oregon Territory. Major Alvord, paymaster of the United States army, under orders from the secretary of war, paid off the volunteers, in coin, at Jacksonville and Yreka, in June and July, 1855. The commissary and quartermaster accounts were at the same time sent in draft to Governor Curry, and by him disbursed to the proper creditors. The total cost to the United States was about $285,000. CHAPTER XXVII. EVENTS OF 1854. A Year of Comparative Peace — Tipsu Tyee— His Career — The Cave Fight — Death of Tipsu — The Cotton- wood War — Walker's Expedition — His Muster-roll — Fight at Warner Rock— Return to Jacksonville — Murder of Phillips. Eighteen hundred and fifty-four was a year of peace for most of the Rogue River tribe, safely gathered on their reservation. The military force at Fort Lane kept in awe such roving vagabond savages as desired or might be led to commit outrages, and also such whites as, not having the fear of the law before their eyes, might seek to interfere with the natives. This latter class, numerous in most frontier countries, was doubly troublesome in Southern Oregon. There were grasping, avaricious men who seemed to begrudge the poor savages the very air they breathed. The reservation, some would say, is too good for them; it ought to be thrown open to settlement by whites. This class, too, were dissatisfied with the annuity that was promised the INDIAN WARS. 233 Indians. Nothing in our government's Indian policy commended itself to such men, unless it was the policy of referring the least of the Indians' faults to the stern arbit- rament of bullets, while permitting white men to ride rough-shod over them, regard- less of right or justice. Tipsu Tyee, however, did not join his brother chiefs in their friendly attitude toward the whites, but on the contrary entered systematically upon a career of stealthy warfare which was manifested in attacks on quite a number of parties on and near the Siskiyou mountains. He effectually terrorized a tract of country reaching from Ash- land to beyond the Klamath, and during many months made unexpected descents upon white settlements, or robbed towns, with almost entire impunity. The first notable outrage was the affair near Ashland on August 17, 1853. The visit of General Lane to Tipsu's headquarters would appear to have been abortive, for at various times we find the chief active against the whites. The principal affair of the season was the fight near Cottonwood, resulting in the death of Hiram Hulen, John Clark, John Oldfield, and Wesley Mayden, who were killed in January, 1854, on the road between Jacksonville and Yreka, by Shasta Indians. This affair had a curious origin. A num- ber of " squaw men" were living along the Klamath and about Cottonwood in the winter of 1853-4, and the women of two of these — Tom Ward and Bill Chance — deserted them and returned to their kindred, who were members of Tyee Bill's band of Shastas, dwelling in a large cave on the north bank of the Klamath, some twenty miles above Cottonwood. The squaw men proceeded after them, but on reaching the cave were ordered to leave. They immediately went to Cottonwood and falsely reported that a large number of stolen horses were in the possession of these Indians, when a company of men was raised to go and recover the animals. They went, and a fight ensuing, the four above mentioned were killed, and the rest driven away. The indig- nation in Cottonwood was great ; the deceased were well known citizens, and the people were not aware how they had been duped by the squaw men. Notice of the difficulty was sent to Captain Judah, commanding at Fort Jones, and he came up with a detach- ment of troops. A company of volunteers was raised at Cottonwood, commanded by R. C. Geiger, with James Lemmon as lieutenant. Their first act was to bury the bodies of Hulen and his friends, who served to start the new cemetery at Cottonwood, and were all buried in one grave. The regulars and volunteers went then to the cave, and laid siege to it, until Captain Geiger was killed by a bullet in his brain, from incau- tiously exposing himself. This happened on the twenty-sixth of January. On the same day Captain Smith arrived from Fort Lane with a detachment of regulars, and a mountain howitzer, and being the senior military officer, took command of the forces. He advanced to the vicinity of the cave and opened fire upon the mouth of it with his howitzer, but ineffectually except as to endangering the volunteers who were sta- tioned near the Indians' den. An old trapper, Robinson by name, now arrived and told Captain Smith the origin of the difficulty. The officer suspended the bombard- ment and went to the cave accompanied by two men only, and conversed with Tyee Bill, who confirmed tbe trapper's story. Words, it was said, had no power to describe the officer's indignation. Exasperated at the idea of a military force belonging to the United States being engaged in a dispute concerning the possession of squaws, he took his departure with his command in great anger. The inhabitants of Cottonwood 31 234 INDIAN WARS. and of all the surrounding country were displeased with this action, and for years the people and press of the border refused to be placated. Bill's band remained at the cave but made no hostile demonstration. On the twelfth of May a Shasta named Joe, made a felonious assault on a white woman, but was driven away by the approach of some men. He was pursued and fled to the cave. Lieutenant J. C. Bonnycastle, then in charge of Fort Jones, set out for the cave to com- pel his surrender, but halting on Willow creek, was informed of the attack by Tipsu Tyee on Gage and Clymer's pack-train on Siskiyou mountain wherein David Gage was killed and the mules stolen. The next day Lieutenant Bonnycastle and command set out for the scene of the last outrage, and on arriving they found that the murder had been committed by six Indians, of whom four had departed toward the cave. The detachment immediately followed, and reaching that place, they found that the Indians they were in pursuit of had arrived there, and they were none other than Tipsu Tyee, his son, and son-in-law, and another member of their band. But justice had overtaken the notorious old creature at last, for Bill and his party had fallen upon the four and killed them just before the troops arrived, being incited thereto by a desire to win the friendship of the whites, to whom they knew Tipsu to be a bitter enemy. They scalped the dead chief and sent that ghastly trophy to the office of Judge Roseborough in Yreka where it was seen by that gentleman, as he informed the writer. Lieutenant Bonny- castle and Captain Goodall also saw the scalp, and not feeling perfectly assured of its identity, went to the cave and twice exhumed the body, finding satisfactory evidence that it was the old Tyee and none other. Tipsu, is described by Colonel Ross and others who knew him as a tall and powerful man, wearing a beard or goatee which was tinged with gray. He had high cheek bones and a distinctively Indian appearance, but was a fine looking brave. "He was a quiet, reserved man, who never went among white people, when he could avoid it, but staid almost constantly in the hills. He never begged, but if provisions or other gifts were offered, he would allow his squaws to receive them." The end of the Cottonwood affair is not vet told. The Shastas in the cave were *j visited by several individuals, among them Lieutenant Bonnycastle, Judge Steele, Judge Boseborough, special Indian agent ; old Tolo chief of the Yreka Shastas and a friend of the whites ; Captain Goodall and others, and persuaded to set out for Fort Jones, where they were to be kept. On arriving at Cottonwood creek on June 24, they were fired upon by a gang of the miners of that vicinity, and Chief Bill was killed, and several others wounded. The whites lost one man, Thomas C. McKamey. The Indians finally got securely on the Fort Jones reservation. This is the extent of our chronicles concerning the Cave Shastas, and they drift now out of our story. The remaining incidents of 1854, are connected with the expedition of Captain Jesse Walker to assist the immigrants of that year through the dangerous grounds infested by the Modocs and other hostile tribes who had been punished by the previous expeditions of Captain Ross, Ben Wright and Captain Miller. Under date of July 17, 1854, Governor Davis addressed Colonel John Ross, authorizing him by virtue of his office as colonel in the Oregon militia, to call into service a company of volunteers to protect the immigration and particularly to suppress the Modocs, Piutes, and other disaffected aborigines. Colonel Ross accordingly made proclamation on the third of INDIAN WARS. 235 August following, inviting enlistments for the term of three months. Borne sixty or seventy men responded, whose names, with the officers they elected, are annexed : Captain, Jesse Walker ; Lieutenants, C Westfeldt, Isaac Miller; Sergeants, William G.Hill, B. E. Miller, Andrew J. Long; Privates, Benj. Antum, John Bormonler, David Breen, William Bybee, T. C. Banning, O. C. Beeson, Newton Ball, J. H. Clifton, E. S. A. Caldwell, Hugh C. Clauson, J. J. Coffer, WAV. Cose, David Dorsey, Henry C. Eldridge, W. M.D. Foster, T. Y. Henderson, Jesse Huggens, J. B.Henit, J. M. Holloway, J.H. Hoffman, James Hathaway, John Head, John Halleck, John Hawkins, David W. Houston. Samuel Hink, William H. Jaquette, Eli Judd, J. P. Jones, L. W. Jones, John F. Linden, Peter Mowry, John Martin, Greenville Matthews, John M. Malone, B. MeDaniel, James McLinden, John Pritchett, J. B. Patterson, Warren Pratt, Sylvester Pase, J. A. Pinney, George Bitchy, W. M. Eise, E, M. Eobertson, E. A. Eice, Thomas Swank, Seth Sackett, J. E. Smith, N. D. Schooler, John Smith, John Shookman, Silas E. Smith, Marion Snow, Yincent Tullis, John Thompson, David Thompson, Peter H. Yanslyke, Samuel Wilks, Lafayette Witt, Squire Williams, Elijah Walker, George W. Wilson, M. Wolverton, James Wilks, Thomas P. Walker, James W. Walker, H. Wright. Colonel Boss' instructions to the officers before their departure, were to proceed immediately to some suitable point near Clear lake, in the vicinity of Bloody Point, and protect the trains. These instructions concluded: "Your treatment of the Indians must in a great measure be left to your own discretion. If possible, cultivate their friendship; but, if necessary for the safety of the lives and property of the immi- gration, whip and drive them from the road." Simultaneously with their starting, a small party of Yreka people also set out with the same object. These Avere only fifteen in number, but included, also, some very experienced Indian fighters. While traveling along the north shore of Tule lake, they were greeted by a shower of arrows from the titles. They retired to await the Oregon company. When Captain Walker arrived, he sent forty men of his company with five Californians to attack the Indian village, which was situated in the marsh three hundred yards from where the attack had been made. This was destroyed without resistance, and all the men returned to camp at the mouth of the Lost river. The permanent rendezvous was made at Clear lake; and here both companies established their headquarters. Lieutenant Westfeldt, with a mixed detachment of Oregonians and Californians, went eastward on the trail as far as the big bend of the Humboldt, to meet the coming immigrants. Trains were made up of the scattered wagons, and being furnished with small escorts, were sent on westward. The Californians soon returning home, Captain Walker set out to punish the Piutes, who had stolen stock from the immigrants. On October third he started with sixteen men, traveling northward from Goose lake, when meeting a band of Indians, he chased them forty miles, coming the second day upon them where they were forti- fied on the top of an immense rock, named by him Warner's rock, in remembrance of Captain Warner, killed there in 1849. The small party made a furious attack upon the stronghold, but was repulsed with one man, John Low, wounded. Eeturning to Goose lake, they met and killed two Indians. Setting out again with twenty-five men, the determined captain again headed for Warner's rock, and by traveling in the night, reached it without being suspected by the savages, who, it was found, had gone down 236 INDIAN WAES. from the rock, and were living on the bank of a creek. The men rode up to the camp, and formed a semi-circle about it. At daydreak they began firing, and drove the Indians pell-mell into the brush, killing many. The only white man injured was Sergeant William Hill, who was severely wounded in the arm and cheek by a bullet from the gun of one of his companions. Returning now to Goose lake and then home- ward, they were mustered out of service at Jacksonville on November 6, 1854. Before closing this account of the events of 1854, there is mention to be made of two murders committed by Indians, the one of Stewart, an immigrant, while proceeding westward on the wagon trail, in September; the other that of Edward Phillips. The latter homicide occurred on the Applegate, about the middle of April. It was supposed to have been the deed of certain Indians residing thereabouts, but which was laid to the charge of the tribe on Rogue river. Captain Smith detailed a detachment to inquire into the matter, whose commanding officer reported that the man had been killed in his own cabin, and evidently for the purpose of robbery, as his gun, ammunition and tools had been taken. As we have seen, the greater part of the difficulties which occurred during the year 1854, were outside of the Rogue river valley, but they were still near enough to keep a portion of its inhabitants in a state of alarm. CHAPTER XXVIII. CAUSES OF THE WAR OF 1855-6. Character of the Events of 1855 — Public Opinion — Situation of the Indians — The Speculative Class — Murder of Hill — Of Philpot — Of Dyer and McCue — The Humbug War — Invasion of Jackson County — Resolutions — The Invaders Retire — Death of Keene— Murder of Fields and Cunningham — Reflections — The Lupton Affair. The latter portion of the history of Southern Oregon's Indian wars possesses a peculiar distinction. It describes exclusively the strong^ struggles of a single tribe against extermination ; it tells their slow and gradual yielding, and finally the last act of their existence which bears interest to us ; namely, their exile from the land of their birth. The subject which we took up lightly at the year 1827 has assumed a weightier character. Year by year the irrepressible conflict of races has taken on more alarming symptoms. The unavoidable termination as it approached, bore to the people a more serious import. We can imagine the situation as after a lapse of nearly three decades we philosophize upon the subject. The Indians toward the end of 1855 are growing restless, even desperate. The have long felt and now recognize the tight- ening bands of an adverse civilization strangling them. The white men who came ■m r - • a o ?» a c_ i— S l CO Z 2 a o 2 rn co a r- 3 *5 SBl — m 2 H o!f 2 a -n " r 3 -C3 C~3 P" m i— r- > Z INDIAN WARS. 237 with fair promises, who brought trifling presents, and who broke their words as twigs are broken, outnumbered them by far. In the minds of the whites distrust increases. There has also crept in a new element and an influential one. Speculative gentlemen mused upon the profits of an Indian war, and took note how surely government reim- bursed the contractors, the packers, the soldiers, of previous wars. Being without other means of accumulating wealth, Avhy should they not keep an eye open to the chance of a war against the Indians. "A good crop pays well, but a good lively cam- paign is vastly more lucrative." These few schemers were ready to take advantage of a war, and doubly ready with their little bills ; bills that the government found so exhorbitant that it took alarm — imagined a grand conspiracy to bring on a war and by such means to defraud the treasury ; and, finally, would pay no bills, not even those of honest volunteers who had periled life and limb in the country's need. Years after, there came J. Ross Browne, as treasury agent, who looked into the matter and found therein nothing but the traces of shrewd contractors and unscrupulous purveyors, and he bore evidence to the honesty and uprightness of the people, and to the legitimacy of the war. But this is a digression from our topic. The events of 1855 are easily susceptible of arrangement in historical form. Those which precede the beginning of hostilities (which took place October eighth), we are enabled to arrange in three series with reference to their locality, date of occurrence, and cause. We are informed that on May 8, 1855, Hill .was attacked and killed on Indian creek, in Siskiyou county, California. Primarily this information is obtained from the official list of white persons killed by Indians, referred to as the work of a legislative committee. The next entry is to the effect that " Jerome Dyar and Daniel McKew" were killed on the first of June, on the road from Jacksonville to the Illinois valley, and that, as in the former case, the killing was done by Rogue River Indians. On June second, says the report, Philpot was killed by the same Indians, in Deer creek valley. These constitute a chain of events to which particular attention should be paid in order to ascertain the comparative trustworthiness of the publication quoted from. From a careful comparison of accounts, oral as well as printed, it appears that a party of Illinois Indians, belonging possibly to Limpy's band, but more likely being the remnant of those active and formidable savages who so boldly resisted the attacks both of the regulars and the miners, as described in foregoing pages, went over to the Klamath river about Happy Camp, and robbed some miners' cabins, and then proceed- ing to Indian creek, killed a man named Hill — sometimes spelled Hull — and jDrecip- itately returning, stole some cattle from Hay's ranch (afterwards Thornton's), and took their booty to the hills at the head of Slate creek. On the day following, Samuel Frye set out from Hay's ranch with a force of eight men, and following the Indians into the hills, came upon them and killed or mortally wounded three of them, as the whites reported. The latter retired and probably were followed, as on the next day, while returning with re-inforcements, it was found that the Indians had gone to Deer creek and murdered Philpot and seriously wounded James Mills. The neighboring settlers and others moved immediately to Yarnall's stockade for safety, while Frye, with his military company, now increased to twenty men, were active in protecting them, and seeking the Indians. News was sent to Fort Lane, and Lieutenant Sw T itzer with a force 238 INDIAN WARS. of twelve men came down and entered upon the search, only to find that the Indians had murdered Jerome Dyer and Daniel McCue, on the Applegate, where they had gone on their supposed way to the Klamath lakes. A day or so later the Indians, finding their way blocked for escape to the eastward, surrendered to the troops and were taken to the Fort for safe keeping, as there were no regularly constituted author- ities to receive them, and if once allowed to go out of the power of the soldiers would infallibly have been killed by the citizens, as indeed they well deserved. The Indians, fourteen in number were brought up to the reserve, but Chief Sam put in forcible objections against their being allowed to come among his people, saying that some whites were endeavoring to raise disturbances among the latter, and their own good name would suffer, etc. To this Captain Smith and Agent Ambrose assented, and pro- vided a place for the Indians at Fort Lane, where they were kept under guard, as much to prevent whites from killing them as to discourage them from running away. The next sequence of events that deserves notice, constitutes the " Humbug War," well known by that name in Northern California. The whole matter, which at one time threatened to assume serious proportions, grew out of a plain case of drunk. Two Indians — whether Shastas, Klamaths, or Rogue Rivers there is no evidence to show, but presumably from the locality of the former tribe — procured liquor and became intoxicated, and while passing along Humbug creek in California, were met by one Peterson, who foolishly meddled with them. Becoming enraged, one of the Indians shot him, inflicting a mortal wound ; as he fell he drew his own revolver and shot his opponent in the abdomen. The Indians started for the Klamath river at full speed, while the alarm was given. Two companies of men were instantly formed and sent out to arrest the perpetrators. The information that an Indian had shot a white man was enough to arouse the whole community, and no punishment would have been deemed severe enough for the culprit if he had been taken. The citizens found on the next day a party of Indians who refused to answer their questions as they wished, so they arrested three of them and set out for Humbug with them. While on the road, two of the three escaped, the other one was taken to Humbug, examined before a justice of the peace and for want of evidence discharged. When the two escaped prisoners returned to their camp, it was the signal for a massacre of whites. That night (July 28) the Indians of that band passed down the Klamath, killing all but three of the men work- ing between Little Humbug and Horse creeks. Eleven met their death at that time, being William Hennessy, Edward Parish, Austin W. Gay, Peter Hignight, John Pol- lock, four Frenchmen and two Mexicans. Excitement knew no bounds ; every man constituted himself an exterminator of Indians, and a great many of that unfortunate race were killed, without the least reference to their possible guilt or innocence- Many miserable captives were deliberately shot, hanged or knocked into abandoned prospect holes to die. Over twenty-five natives, mostly those who had always been friendly, were thus disposed of. Even infancy and old age were not safe from these " avengers," who were composed chiefly of the rowdy or " sporting " class. Meantime some had said that the Indians who had committed the massacre had gone north. On the dissemination of this report, preparations for a pursuit were rapidly made, and about the first of August five companies of volunteers started for the north side of the Klamath. These were commanded by Captains Hale, Lynch, INDIAN WARS. 239 Martin, Kelly and Ream — the latter's men being mounted, while the others were on foot. The total force amounted to about two hundred. The Indians were found to have fled beyond the Klamath, and the volunteers, finding their trail, followed it closely. The pursued Avere carrying the man whom Peterson wounded, and had gone over the summit of the Siskiyou range, and down into the valley of the Applegate, and made for the reservation at Fort Lane. When the five companies reached Sterling creek, they camped, finding the Indians had escaped them and gone to the reservation. Here they held a meeting, and like all Americans in seasons of public anxiety, passed resolutions. Those were of the following tenor : Steeling, Oregon, August 5, 1855. At a meeting of the volunteer companies of Siskiyou county, State of California, who have been organized for the purpose of apprehending and punishing certain Indians who have committed depredations in our county, E. S. Mowry, Esq., was elected chairman, Dr. D. Ream, secretary, and the following resolutions were unanimously adopted : Whereas, Certain Indians, composed of the Klamath, Horse Creek, and a portion of the Rogue River tribe, on or about the twenty-seventh or twenty-eighth of July, 1855, came upon the Klamath river, and there ruthlessly and without provocation, murdered eleven or more of our fellow- citizens and friends, a portion of whom we know to have escaped into the reservation near Fort Lane, Rogue river valley, Oregon territory, from the fact of having tracked them into said valley and from testimony of certain responsible and reliable witnesses ; it is, therefore, Resolved, That a committee of five men, one from each company now present, be chosen to present these resolutions to Captain Smith, U. S. A., commandant at Fort Lane, and Mr. Palmer, the Indian agent for Oregon territory. We would respectfully request Captain Smith, U. S. A. , and Mr. Palmer, Indian agent, that they would, if in their power, deliver up to us the fugitive Indians who have fled to the reservation, in three days from this date, and if at the end of this time they are not delivered to us, together with all the stock and property, we would most respect- fully beg of Captain Smith, U. S. A., and the Indian agent full permission to apprehend the fugi- tive Indians, and take the property wherever it may be found. Resolved, That if at the expiration of three days the Indians and property are not delivered to us, and the permission to seek for them is not granted, then we will, on our own responsibility, go and take them where they may be found, at all and every hazard. Resolved, That the following-named gentlemen compose the committee : E S. Mowry, J. X. Hale, AD. Lake, William Parrish, E. S. Mowry, Chairman. A. Hawkins, Dr. D. Ream, Secretary. Committee. The committee went to Fort Lane and found that some of the stock stolen by the Indians was there, and that two Rogue River Indians who had been concerned in the massacre were then in the guard house. The committee waited upon Captain Smith, presented their credentials, and demanded the surrender of the stock and criminals. The Captain said that the animals would be delivered up on proof of ownership, but that the Indians could on no account be surrendered, excej)t to the jnoperly constituted authorities. Lieutenant Mowry then told him plainly that they came after the Indians and proposed to have them, if it was necessary to take them by force. This was too much for hot-tempered Captain Smith to endure. Threats from a citizen to a regular army officer were unheard-of in his experience. He stormed furiously, declined to submit to dictation, and invited the bold Californians to put their threats in execution. They left, declaring that if the Indians were not forthcoming in three days they would 240 INDIAN WARS. take the fort by storm. The camp was then removed to a point within three or four miles of the fort, and the volunteers began .to mature plans for its capture. Captain Smith made arrangements to repel attacks, placing his artillery (two or three small cannon) in position, loaded and trained upon the approaches, and suspended the visits of troops to the surrounding camps. The invaders evolved a plan for making the soldiers drunk, whereby they might enter the fort, but this fell through on account of communications being sundered ; and within a day or two they left for their homes, feeling that a war against the government might terminate injuriously to them. After the war of 1855-6 closed, the Indian criminals in question, two in number, were surrendered to the sheriff of Siskiyou, upon a warrant charging them with mur- der. They were taken to Yreka, and kept in jail until the grand jury met, and no indictment being found, they were released. But it happened that a number of men in that town had determined that the savages should die. As they walked forth from thejail these men locked arms with them, led them out of town, shot them and tum- bled their bodies into an old mining shaft where their bones yet lie. Years later appropriations were made by congress for the pay of the men belong- ing to the five companies, and about 1870 a number of them actually received compen- sation for their services in this expedition. On the second of September an affray occurred in the upper part of Bear creek valley, Jackson county, which resulted in the death of a white man and the wounding of two others. A few days previously, some Indians, by some supposed to belong to the gang which committed the eleven murders on the Klamath, stole some horses from B. Alberding. The owner summoned his neighbors to assist in recovering them, and a very small company set out on the quest. Following the trail, they walked into an ambuscade of savages, and were fired upon. Granville Keene was killed, Alberding was wounded by a ball that struck him above the eye, J. Q. Faber was shot through the arm, and another man received a wound in the hand. The party hastily retired, leaving the body of Keene where it fell. On the following day a detachment of troops from Fort Lane proceeded to the scene of conflict and obtained the much mutilated remains, but the Indians, of course, were gone. The savages who were concerned in this diabolism were said by different accounts to number from five to thirty. The next event of the sort is a still more serious one, which occurred on the twenty-fifth of September, and involved the death of two persons. On the previous day Harrison B. Oatman and Daniel P. Brittain, of Phoenix, and Calvin M. Fields, started from Phoenix, each driving an ox-team loaded with flour destined for Yreka. Camping the first night near the foot of the Siskiyou mountains, the train started up the ascent the next morning, doubling their teams frequently as was made necessary by the steepness of the road. When within three hundred yards of the summit, Oat- man and Fields advancing with two teams and one wagon, while Brittain remained with two wagons and one team, the latter heard five shots fired in the vicinity of the men in advance. Hurrying up the rise he quickly came in sight of the teams, which were standing still, while an Indian was apparently engaged in stripping a fallen man. Turning back, Brittain ran down the mountain, followed by a bullet from the Indian's rifle, but made his way unhurt to the Mountain House, three miles from the scene of the attack. Six men hastily mounted and returned to the summit. Oatman, mean- INDIAN WARS. 241 while had escaped, and got to Hughes' house (now Byron Cole's) on the California side, and obtained help. He reported that at the time the attack began, a youth named Cunningham, who was returning from Yreka with a team, was passing Oatman and Fields when the attack was made, and that he was wounded at the instant Fields fell dead. The hitter's body was lying in the road, stripped, but Cunningham was only found the next day, lying dead by a tree behind which he had taken refuge. The exact spot where the catastrophe occurred — says Mr. Brittain, who still resides at Phcenix — is where the railroad tunnel enters from the Oregon side. It is the gentle- man's opinion that about fifteen Indians were concerned in the attack. The date mentioned, September twenty-fifth, is taken from Mr. Robinson's diary, although Mr. Brittain is of the opinion that it took place three days later. Newspaper accounts give the twenty-fourth as the proper date. On the following day Samuel 'Warner was murdered on Cottonwood creek, not far from the scene of the other tragedy, and most likely by the same Indians. At nearly the same time, two men, Charles Scott and Thomas Snow, were killed on the trail between Yreka and Scott Bar. These repeated killings (whose details are not now known) produced a very considerable degree of alarm, but no military measures of importance were taken, except by the officials at Fort Lane, who sent forty mounted troops to the various scenes of bloodshed, but these returned without having effected anything. Our account now approaches the beginning of the war of 1855-6, by some thought to have been the result of the incidents above recounted. It is truly difficult at this time to accord these circumstances their proper influence in the acts which followed. It is evident that the people of Rogue river valley toward the end of the summer of 1855, must have felt an additional degree of insecurity, but that it was wholly in con- sequence of the murders which had previously taken place does not seem probable, inasmuch as these murders were committed outside the valley. Their legitimate results could hardly have been sufficient to stir up a general war against the Indians, so we are left to conjecture the growth of a public sentiment determined upon war. The vast majority of settlers, wearied of constant anxiety, heartily and unaffectedly believed that the removal of the Indians was desirable and necessary. Whatever may have been the exact status of the war party, and whatever the influence of the speculative branch of it, it is clear there was no outspoken opposition such as would have been created by a general sentiment in favor of peaceful methods. Almost the only out- spoken advocate of Indians' rights was compelled to leave the country of his adoption from fear of personal violence. Whoever doubts the acerbity of public sentiment at that date, will do well to pause here and digest that statement, comparing with it the tenor of the editorial remarks to be found in the Sentinel at that time. If that paper were a truthful exponent of public opinion, and we believe it was, there must have existed a condition of feeling analogous to that in the southern states in the months preceding the rebellion. If such publications may be trusted to gauge public senti- ment, the feeling of absolute enmity against the natives must have increased ten-fold since the signing of the Lane treaty. And as there was nothing in the conduct of the Indians to fully warrant this, we shall not, probably, be far out of the way in assign- ing much of it to the influence of those who, for various reasons, desired war. Un- doubtedly this view will fail to please those whose belief as to the cause of the war of 32 242 INDIAN WARS ; 1855-6 is founded upon current traditions; but such should remember that those tradi- tions date their commencement from a time when it was extremely unpopular, even dan- gerous, to oiypose the war, and as unpopular to print or speak anything of an opposing character. It has thus far been regarded as indisputable fact that Indian outrages brought on the war, and were the sole cause of it. Keeping in view the principle with which we set out, that the war was unavoidable from the very nature of things, it seems a fair and impartial conclusion that it could have been, by the use of tact and justice, postponed at least for a time. Instances might be multiplied to show the drift of public sentiment at the time of which we speak; pages might be written and endless quotations made; but it would seem that the foregoing paragraphs set forth the state of affairs with sufficient clearness. The existence of a war party was assured; and with the unexpected stimulus of the terrible massacre of October ninth, this war party proved powerful enough to effect the deportation of the Indians — a fact not to be regretted. Previous to that date no excuses were deemed necessary for even the most violent measures; but when criticism subsequently awoke, editorials were written, affidavits prepared, and another war (of words) was fought to prove the first one neces- sary. For as matters then existed outside sympathy had to be created — the conscien- ces of some people had to be calmed — some men had to be made heroes of — appropri- ations had to be got — and congress had to be won over. It is undoubtedly true that those writers and speakers who have attempted to apologize for or extenuate certain acts having a bearing on the question have most blunderingly performed their task. To effect this end required a high degree of tact and skill, both of which it would appear were wanting at that date. For example : Although we have evidence to show that the LujJton incident was the work partly of hair-brained enthusiasts and professed ruffians who in no sense represented the com- munity, still their act was adopted and defended by those who took it upon themselves to advocate the what they styled the cause of the people of Southern Oregon. The act should have been promptly repudiated as of too brutal a nature to represent the wishes of an enlightened and humane public. In other respects these apologists far overstepped the bounds of tact and prudence. Officials of the United States government were antagonized, thereby endangering governmental support. Column after column of the Sentinel, the only paper then published south of Salem, was filled with abuse of Gene- ral Wool, Joel Palmer and other officials, and violent recriminations concerning the conduct of the war generally. The result of this was that the government become sus- picious and sent an agent to investigate, as has been before remarked. It has always been regarded as a remarkable circumstance that the Indians on and near the reservation should have been (with the exception of Sam's band) fully prepared for an outbreak exactly at the time when the " exterminators " made their attack at the mouth of Little Butte creek, thereby furnishing an all sufficient reason for such outbreak. A still more suggestive fact is the simultaneous beginning of war in Oregon and Washington territory — a fact so striking as to suggest the collusion of those widely separated tribes. How this concert of action was brought about, several have attempted to explain, but never in a satisfactory manner. Leaving this subject we will proceed to consider the Lupton affair. INDIAN WARS. 243 On the seventh of October, 1855, a party of men, principally miners and raen- a bout-town, in Jacksonville, organized and armed themselves to the number of about forty (accounts disagree as to number) , and under the nominal leadership of Captain Hays and Major James A. Lupton, representative-elect to the territorial legislature proceeded to attack a small band of Indians encamped on the north side of Rogue river near the mouth of Little Butte creek a few miles above Table Rock. Lupton, it appears, was a man of no experience in bush fighting, but was rash and headstrong. His mili- tary title, says Colonel Ross, was unearned in war and was probably gratuitous. It is the prevailing opinion that he was led into the affair through a wish to court popu- larity, which is almost the only incentive that could have occurred to him. Certainly it could not have been plunder; and the mere love of fighting which probably drew the greater part of the force together was perhaps absent in his case. The reason why the particular band at Butte creek was selected as victims also appears a mystery, although the circumstances of their location being accessible, their numbers small, and their reputation as fighters very slight, possibly were the ruling considerations. This band of Indians appear to have behaved themselves tolerably ; they were pretty fair Indians, but beggars, and on occasion thieves. They had been concerned in no considerable outrages that are distinctly specified. The attacking party arrived at the river on the evening of the seventh, and selecting a hiding place, remained therein until daylight, the appointed time for the attack. The essential particulars of the fight which followed are, when separated from a tangle of contradictory minutiaB, that Lupton and his party fired a volley into the crowded encampment, following up the sudden and totally unex- pected attack by a close encounter with knives, revolvers, and whatever weapon they were possessed of, and the Indians were driven away or killed without making much resistance. These facts are matters of evidence, as are also the killing of several squaws, one or more old decrepit men, and a number, probably small, of children. The un- essential particulars vary greatly. For instance, Captain Smith reported to govern- ment that eighty Indians were slaughtered. Other observers, perhaps less prejudiced, placed the number at thirty. Certain accounts, notably that contributed to the States- man by A. J. Kane, denied that there were any " bucks " present at the fight, the whole number of Indians being women, old men, and children. It is worth while to note that Mr. A. J. Kane promptly retracted this supposed injurious statement, and in a card to - the Sentinel said he believed there were some bucks present. Certain "Indian fighters," also appended their names to the card. The exact condition of things at the fight, or massacre, as some have characterized it, is difficult to determine. Accounts vary so widely that by some it has been termed a heroic attack, worthy of Leonidasor Alexander; others have called it an indiscriminate butchery of defenceless and peaceful natives, the earliest possessors of the soil. To temporize with such occurrences does not become those who seek the truth only, and the world would be better could such deeds meet at once the proper penalty and be known by their proper name. Whether or not Indian men were present does not con- cern the degree of criminality attached to it. The attack was indiscriminately against all. The Indians were at peace with the whites and therefore unprepared. To fitly characterize the whole proceeding, is to say that it was Indian-like. 244 INDIAN WAES. The results of the matter, were the death of Lupton, who was mortally wounded by an arrow which penetrated his lungs, the wounding of a young man, Shepherd by name, the killing of at least a score of Indians, mainly old men, and the revengeful outbreak on the part of the Indians, whose account forms the most important part of this history. CHAPTER XXIX. THE MASSACRE OF OCTOBER NINTH, AND WAR IN GRAVE CREEK HILLS. A Memorable Day — The Indians Leave the Reservation— The Murder of Twenty People— Women in Cap- tivity — Mrs. Harris Defends her Family— Volunteers to the Rescue — General State of Alarm— An Army Organized — An Example of Promptness — Siege of Galice Creek — Discovery of the Indians' Where- abouts — Lieutenant Kautz Surprised — Expedition to Hungry Hill — Battle at Bloody Spring — A Defeat — Causes — The Volunteers and Regulars Disagree — A Parallel — Proclamation of Governor Curry — Army Reorganized — The Indians Retreat to the Meadows. Immediately succeeding the event last detailed, came a series of startling and lamentable occurrences, which produced an impression on the community which the lapse of over a quarter of a century has by no means effaced. The ninth of October, 1855, has justly been called the most eventful day in the history of Southern Oregon. On that day nearly twenty persons lost their lives, victims to Indian ferocity and cruelty. Their murder lends a somber interest to the otherwise dry details of Indian skirmishes, and furnishes many a romantic though saddening page to the annalist who would write the minute history of those times. A portion of the incidents of that awful day have been written for publications of wide circulation, and thus have become a part of the country's stock-in-trade of Indian tales. Certain of them have taken their place in the history of our country along with the most stirring and romantic episodes of border warfare. Many and varied are this country's legends of hair- breadth escapes and heroic defense against overpowering odds. There is nothing told in any language to surpass in daring and devotion the memorable defense of the Har- ris home. Mrs. Wagner's mysterious fate still bears a melancholy interest, and while time endures the people of this region cannot forget the mournfully tragic end of all who died on that fateful day. As the present memories describe it, the attack was by most people wholly unex- pected, in spite of the previous months of anxiety. The recklessness of the whites who precipitated the outbreak by their conduct at the Indian village above Table Rock^ had left unwarned the outlying settlers, upon whose defenseless and innocent heads fell the storm of barbaric vengeance. Early on the morning of October ninth, the INDIAN WARS. 245 bands of several of the more warlike chiefs gathered at or near Table Rock, set out traveling westward, down the river, and transporting their families, their arms and otlur property, and bent on war. It is not at this moment possible to ascertain the names of those chiefs, nor the number of their braves ; but it has been thought that Limpy, the chief of the Illinois band, with George, chief of the lower Rogue river band, were the most prominent and influential Indians concerned in the matter. Their numbers, if we follow the most reliable accounts, would indicate that from thirty-five to fifty Indians performed the murders of which we have now to discourse. Their first act was to murder William Goin or Going, a teamster, native of Missouri, and em- ployed on the reservation, where he inhabited a small hut or house. Standing by the hre-place in conversation with Clinton Schieffelin, he was fatally shot, at two o'clock in the morning. The particular individuals who accomplished this killing were, says Mr. Schieffelin, members of John's band of Applegates, who were encamped on Ward creek, a mile above its mouth, and twelve miles distant from the camp of Sam's band. Hurrying through the darkness to Jewett's ferry these hostiles, now reinforced by the band of Limpy and George, found there a pack-train loaded with mill-irons. Hamilton, the man in charge of it, was killed, and another individual was severely wounded, being hit in four places. They next began firing at Jewett's house, within which were several persons in bed, it not being yet daylight. Meeting with resistance they gave up the attack and moved to Evans' ferry, which they reached at daybreak. Here they shot Isaac Shelton, of Willamette valley, en route for Yreka. He lived twenty hours. The next victim was Jones, proprietor of a ranch, whom they shot dead near his house. His body was nearly devoured by hogs before it was found. The house was set on fire, and Mrs. Jones was pursued by an Indian and shot with a revolver, when she fell senseless, and the savage retired supposing her dead. She revived and was taken to Tufts' place and lived a day. O. P. Robbins, Jones' part- ner, was hunting cattle at some distance from the house. Getting upon a stump he looked about him and saw the house on fire. Correctly judging that Indians were abroad, he proceeded to Tufts and Evans' places and secured the help of three men, but the former place the Indians had already visited and shot Mrs. Tufts through the body, but being taken to Illinois valley she recovered. Six miles north of Evans ferry the Indians fell in with and killed two men who were transporting supplies from the Willamette valley to the mines. They took the two horses from the wagon, and went on. The house of J. B. Wagner was burned, Mrs. Wagner being previously murdered, or, as an unsubstantiated story goes, she was compelled to remain in it until dead. This is refinement of horrors indeed. For a time her fate was unknown, but it was finally settled thus. Mary, her little daughter, was taken to the Meadows, on lower Rogue river, some weeks after, according to the Indians' own accounts, but died there. Mr. Wagner being from home escaped death. Coming to Haines' house, Mr. Haines being ill in bed, they shot him to death, killed two children and took his wife prisoner. Her fate was a sad one, and is yet wrapped in mystery. It seems likely, from the stories told by the Indians, that the unhappy woman died about a week afterwards, from the effects of a fever aggravated by improper food. When the subsequent war l'agecl, a thousand inquiries were made concerning the captive, and 246 INDIAN WARS. not a stone was left unturned to solve the mystery. The evidence that exists bearing ujDon the subject is unsatisfactory indeed, but may be deemed sufficiently conclusive. At about nine o'clock a. m., the savages approached the house of Mr. Harris, about ten miles north of Evans', where dwelt a family of four — Mr. and Mrs. Harris and their two children, Mary aged twelve, and David aged ten years. With them resided T. A. Reed, an unmarried man employed by or with Mr. Harris in farmwork. Reed was some distance from the house, and was set upon by a party of the band of hostiles and killed, no assistance being near. His skeleton was found a year after. David, the little son of the fated family, had gone to a field at a little distance, and in all likelihood was taken into the woods by his captors and slain, as he was never after heard of. Some have thought that he was taken away and adopted into the tribe — a theory that seems hardly probable, as his presence would have become known when the entire band of hostiles surrendered several months afterward. It seems more probable that the unfortunate youth was taken prisoner, and proving an inconvenience to his brutal captors, was by them unceremoniously murdered and his corpse thrown aside, where it remained undiscovered. Mr. Harris was surprised by the Indians, and retreating to the house, was shot in the breast as he reached the door. His wife, with the greatest courage and presence of mind, closed and barred the door, and in obedi- ence to her wounded husband's advice, brought down the fire-arms which the house contained — a ritie, a double shotgun, a revolver and a single- barreled pistol — and began to fire at the Indians, hardly with the expectation of hitting them, but to deter them from assaulting or setting fire to the house. Previous to this a shot fired by the Indians had wounded her little daughter in the arm, making a painful but not danger- ous flesh wound, and the terrified child climbed to the attic of the dwelling where she remained for several hours. Throughout all this time the heroic woman kept the savages at bay, and attended as well as she was able to the wants of her fearfully wounded husband, who expired in about an hour after he was shot. Fortunately, she had been taught the use of fire-arms; and to this she owed her preservation and that of her daughter. The Indians, who could be seen moving about in the vicinity of the house, were at pains to keep within cover and dared not approach near enough to set fire to the dwelling, although they burned the out-buildings, first taking the horses, from the stable. Mrs. Harris steadily loaded her weapons, and fired them through the crevices between the logs of which the house was built. In the afternoon, though at what time it was impossible for her to tell, the Indians drew off and left the stout- hearted woman mistress of the field. She had saved her own and her daughter's life, and added a deathless page to the record of the country's history. After the departure of the savages, the heroine with her daughter left the house and sought refuge in a thicket of willows near the road, and remained there all night. Next morning several Indians passed, but did not discover them, and during the day a company of volunteers, hastily collected in Jacksonville, approached, to whom the two presented themselves, the sad survivors of a once happy home. When, on the ninth of October, a rider came clashing into Jacksonville and quickly told of the fray, great excitement prevailed, and men volunteered to go to the aid of whoever might need help. Almost immediately a score of men were in their saddles and pushing toward the river. Major Fitzgerald, stationed at Fort Lane, went INDIAN WARS. 247 or was sent by Captain Smith, at the head of fifty-five mounted men, and these going with the volunteers, proceeded along the track of ruin and desolation left by the savages. At Wagner's house, some five or six volunteers who were in advance, came upon a few Indians hiding in the brush near by, who, unsuspicious of the main body advancing along the road, challenged the whites to a fight. Major Fitzgerald came up and ordered a charge; and six of the "red devils" were killed, and the rest driven "on the jump" to the hills, but could not be overtaken. Giving up the pursuit, the regulars and volunteers marched along the road to the Harris house, where, as we have seen, they found the devoted mother and her child, and removed them to a place of safety in Jacksonville. They proceeded to and camped at Grave creek that night, and returned the next day. A company of volunteers led by Captain Rinearson hastily came from Cow creek, and scoured the country about Grave creek and vicinity, finding quite a number of bodies of murdered men. On the tw T enty-fifth of October the body of J. B. Powell, of Lafayette, Yamhill county, was found and buried. James White and Fox had been previously found dead. All the houses along the Indians' route had been robbed and then burned, with two or three exceptions. It would be difficult to picture the state of alarm which prevailed wdien the full details of the massacre were made known. Self^reservation, the first law of nature, was exemplified in the actions of all. The people of Rogue river valley, probably without exception, withdrew from their ordinary occupations and "forted up" or retired to the larger settlements. Jacksonville was the objective point of most of these fugi- tives, who came in on foot, on horse or mule back, or with their families or more portable property loaded on wagons drawn by oxen. In every direction mines were abandoned, farms and fields were left unwatched, the herdsman forsook his charge, and all sought refuge from the common enemy. The industries which had suffered a severe but only temporary check in the summer of 1853, were again brought to a standstill, and the trade and commerce which were rapidly building up Jackson and her neighboring counties, became instantly paralyzed. All business and pleasure were forsaken, to devise means to meet and vanquish the hostile bands. Nor was this state of affairs confined to the Rogue river country. Other and far distant regions caught the infection, and for a time the depressing expectation of Indian forays racked many a breast. The people of far removed districts devised means of defense from imagi- nary foes. The Methodists of the Tualatin plains, in peaceful Washington county, built a stockade about their little church, within which, unterrified by imminent danger, they might worship God as did the Pilgrim Fathers while their red-skinned adversaries howled and beat upon their impregnable fortress. An imaginary host of Indians threatened the Willamette valley from north, from south and from east. Three hundred Klamath warriors had arrived, it was rumored, at the head of the Santiam, and were preparing to rush upon the defenseless settlements below. Indian alarmists at Salem and Portland projected measures of defense, and boiled over in indignation when their advice was rejected. A safety meeting was held at Corvallis because three hundred Cow Creek Indians were said to have come north of the Cala- pooia mountains, and threatened the lives of all. The Oregon papers of that date were full of matter calculated to show the extreme state of apprehension which like a 248 INDIAN WAES. wave swept over this fair land. It will be believed that there was ample reason for such a feeling in those who lived south of the Calapooias. The settlers on the Umpqim and its tributaries were obviously endangered, nor did they escape the incon- veniencies, and in some cases, the actual presence of war. They, like their less fortu- nate friends on the Rogue river, "forted up," that is, retired to places of safety, and there remained until the Indian scare had settled clown to steady warfare. At Scotts- burg, more than a hundred miles from the seat of war, the inhabitants thus took refuge. The commonest form of protective structure was a house of logs with loop- holes between, through which a fire of small-arms might be kept up. At other places more elaborate defenses were substituted, the old-fashioned block house, with its loop- holes and projecting upper story, being a not uncommon sight. Earthworks, consist- ing of rifle pits including a house, were a favorite form. Any structure so situated as to command quite an area, and so built as to resist rifle bullets and afford immunity against fire, served for the temporary habitation of those who were driven from their own homes. It should be remarked that the situation in Southern Oregon was even more serious than was thought possible by those who viewed these affairs from abroad, or through the distorting medium of the newspapers. The people were beset on all sides by sav- ages, they knew not how numerous, and who might strike, they knew not where. The extent of the Indian uprising was not at first understood. The few Indians who had done so much mischief in the Siskiyou mountains were now imitated on a much grander scale by many times their number of bolder and more skillful fighters, who were well supplied with ammunition, and having in profusion, guns, rifles, revolvers and knives, as great in assortment and better in quality than the whites themselves were provided with. Besides, of the several thousand Indians who inhabited Southern Oregon, no one could tell which band might dig up the hatchet and go on the war parth in imita- tion of those who were already so actively butchering and burning. The Table Rock band, steadfastly friendly, withstood the temptation to avenge their undoubted griev- ances, and remained upon the reservation, thereby diminishing the enemy's force very considerably. The Coast Indians, formidable and dangerous barbarians, as yet had not been influenced to join the malcontents, but we shall see how at a later date they became hostile and equalled their allies in savagery and bloodthirstiness. To oppose such an array of active murderers and incendiaries, the general gov- ernment had a small number of troops unfitted to perform the duties of Indian fighting by reason of their unsuitable mode of dress, tactics and their dependence upon quar- termaster and commissary trains. The fact has been notorious throughout all the years of American independence that the regular army, however brave or well offi- cered, has not been uniformly successful in fighting the Indians. The reasons for this every frontiersman knows. They are as set forth above. But npon such troops the government in 1855 relied to keep peace between the hostile white and Indian popu- lation in Southern Oregon, and although with final success, we shall see that the operation of subduing the Indians was needlessly long and tedious. We shall also see how an ill-organized, unpaid, ill-fed, ill-clothed and insubordinate volunteer organiza- tion, brought together in as many hours as it required weeks to marshal a regular force, dispersed the savages repeatedly, fought them wherever they could be found, and INDIAN WARS. 249 in the most cheerless days of winter resolutely followed their inveterate foe, and were " in at the death" of the allied tribes. The formation of volunteer companies and the enrollment of men, began imme- diately upon the receipt of the news of the outbreak. The chief settlements — Jackson- ville, Applegate creek, Sterling, Illinois valley, Deer creek, Butte creek, Galice creek, Grave creek, Vannoy's ferry, and Cow creek — become centers of enlistment, and to them resorted the farmes, miners, and traders of the vicinity, who with the greatest unanimity enrolled themselves as volunteers to carry on the war which all now saw to be unavoidable. On the twelfth of October, John E. Ross, Colonel of the Ninth regi- ment of Oregon militia, assumed command of the forces already raised, by virtue of his commission, and in compliance with a resolution of the people of Jacksonville and vicinity. Recognizing the need of mounted troops for the duty of protecting the settle- ments, he made proclamation calling into service men provided with horses and arms, and in two days had increased his command to nine companies, aggregating five hun- dred men. Several of these companies had been on duty from the day succeeding the massacre, so promptly did their members respond to the call of duty. The regiment was increased by the first of November, to fifteen companies, containing an average of fifty men each, or seven hundred and fifty in all. The initiatory steps of the organiza- tion of the volunteer forces were necessarily precipitous, and in some cases correspond- ingly irregular. This organization was based upon the militia law of the territory, as it then existed, declaring the territory a military district for brigade purposes, of which by authority of the act of congress organizing the territory, the governor was com- mander-in-chief. This law further provided for the appointment by the governor, of a brigadier general, and for the election in subordinate districts, of colonels and other regimental officers. It also embraced the usual departments of the general staff, and provided for the commission of their chief, and subordinate officers. It is justly thought remarkable that such a force could have been raised in a country of such a limited population as Southern Oregon ; and this fact is rendered still more remarkable by the extreme promptness with which this respectable little army was gathered. If Ave examine the muster-rolls of the different companies, we shall be struck by the youth of the volunteers — the average age being not beyond twenty-four years. From all directions they came, these young, prompt and brave men, from every gulch, hillside and plain, from every mining claim, trading post and farm of this extensive region, and from the sympathizing towns and mining camps of Northern California, which, also sent their contingents. Thus an army was gathered, able in all respects to perform their undertaking of restoring peace, and suddenly too. These troops, as already said, were mounted. Their animals were gathered from pack-trains, farms and towns, and were in many cases unused to the saddle. But the exegencies of war did not allow the rider to hesitate between a horse and a mule, or to humor the whims of the stubborn mustang or intractable cayuse. With the greatest celerity and prompt- ness the single organizations had hurried to the rescue of the outlying settlements and in many cases preserved the lives of settlers menaced by Indians. Captain Rinearson, at Cow creek, enrolled thirty-five men on the day following the massacre, and by night- fall had stationed his men so as to effectually guard many miles of the road, leaving men at the Canvon, at Levens' Station, at Turner's, and the remainder at Harkness 33 250 INDIAN WARS. and Twogood's Grave Creek House; and receiving reinforcements, sent thirty men clown Grave creek and to Galice creek. By such exertions the enemy were overawed, and the white inhabitants, seeing an armed force in their midst, began to regain calmness and confidence. While the work of organizing the forces was going on, the Indian marauders had retired to the neighborhood of Grave creek, Cow creek and Galice creek, on each of which and particularly the two latter, were important settlements. The country threatened and partially occupied by the hostiles was the northern part of Josephine county — a land of canyons, narrow valleys, steep mountain sides and thick woods. Into this almost inaccessible retreat they had thrown themselves, and from there they issued forth at will to burn, plunder and murder. On the morning of the seventeenth of October the united bands of Limpy, George, John and Tenas Tyee made an attack on the headquarters of the volunteers on Galice creek, and the fight ensued which has been celebrated since as the "Siege of Galice creek." Captain William B. Lewis, in command of a company of about thirty-five men, was stationed at the creek, where his men were doing inicket and garrison duty. On the day mentioned, two men came to headquarters and reported finding Indian signs near by. Directly after Sergeant Adams, who had proceeded out to reconnoitre, was fired at by the hostiles who appeared in strong force on the hill overlooking the houses used as headquarters. Several volunteers who were standing near were also fired upon, and Private J. W. Pickett was mortally wounded by a shot through the body, and died during the day. The headquarters consisted of two board houses, situated some twenty yards apart, and about an equal distance from the stream. Some, four or five men took a position in a ditch which had been cut for defensive purposes; others took shelter within a log corral adjoining one of the houses, while within the latter the remainder were installed. The enemy were hidden behind natural obstructions in all directions from the defenses, which they surrounded. Very soon the men were driven from the ditch, and took refuge in the houses. While retreating toward the house, Private Israel D. Adams was shot and fell, mortally injured, near the house, being assisted into it by Private Allen Evans, who, while thus engaged, received a severe wound in the jaw. The Indians immediately occupied the ditch to the number of twenty or more, and kept up a fire on the houses, within which the volunteers were erecting defences by digging up floors, piling up blankets, etc. The Indians loudly announced their intention of firing the houses, scalping the men, and capturing the provisions and ammunition, and this cheerful talk was translated by the squaw of Umpqua Joe, a friendly Indian who was taking part with the whites, and who, with the squaw, was in the house. Umpqua Joe himself had the misfortune to be wounded ; and during the fight a bullet pene- trated the thin walls of the house and struck Private Samuel Sanders in the head, killing him instantly. Considerable conversation of an unfriendly nature passed between the different sides, and a steady fire was kept up by both. Several attempts were made by the enemy to set fire to the houses, and Chief George particularly distin- guished himself by attempting to throw burning faggots upon the roofs. This man, as well as John, Limpy and others, were recognized by the besieged party. The engagement lasted nearly all day, the Indians at nightfall retiring from the scene. When they had disappeared, the volunteers went to work to strengthen their defences INDIAN WARS. 251 by extending their ditch, at which they occupied themselves nearly all night. In the morning some Indians appeared, and seeing from the preparations that the whites were well ready to receive them, fired their guns, retreated, and were not again seen on Galice creek. The different accounts of this fight describe it as having been a closely contested affair, and of really important consequences. Three men had been killed or mortally wounded. Besides these, Benjamin Tufts, severely wounded, died on the twenty-eighth of November following. Captain Lewis, First Lieutenant W. A. Moore, and Privates Allen Evans, John Erixson, Louis Dunois, Milton Blacklidge and Ump- qua Joe were wounded. How great the Indian loss was could not be determined, as they carried away their injured, according to custom. The common opinion was that it was about equal to that of the whites. Thus the fight was comparatively desperate and bloody. A few days subsequent to the fight at Galice creek, and while the whereabouts of the Indians was unknown, an opportune circumstance revealed their place of abode. Lieutenant (since General) A. V. Kautz, of the regular army, set out from Port Orford with a guard of ten soldiers to explore the country lying between that place and Fort Lane, thinking to find a route for a practicable trail or wagon road by which the inland station could be supplied from Port Orford instead of the longer and very diffi- cult Crescent City route. The country proved even more rough, steep and precipitous than it had been reported to be ; and the Lieutenant was many days upon his journey. Leaving the river near the mouth of Grave creek, he ascended the neighboring hills and, much to his surprise, came upon a very large band of Indians. As they proved hostile, there was no resource but to run for it, and losing one man by the savages' fire, the officer made his escape to Fort Lane, fortunate in getting away so easily- Having now, by this unlucky experience of Lieutenant Kautz, been made aware of the Indians' exact whereabouts, Colonel Ross and Captain Smith, combining forces as well as the mutual jealousies of regulars and volunteers would permit, began to plan an active campaign. All the disposable troops at Fort Lane consisted of eighty-five men and four officers : Captain A. J. Smith, first dragoons ; First Lieutenant H. G. Gibson, third artillery ; Second Lieutenant A. V. Kautz, fourth infantry ; and Second Lieutenant B. Alston, first dragoons. These set out on the twenty-seventh of October, and on arriving at the Grave creek house were joined by Colonel Ross' command, of about two hundred and ninety men, besides a portion of Major Martin's force from Deer creek. From this point the combined forces moved on October thirtieth, to the Indian camp, arriving at daybreak at a point where Captains Harris and Bruce were deployed to the left, while Captain Smith, with the regulars, took the ridge to the right, with the expectation of arriving in the rear of the Indians' position, whereby they might be surrounded and captured. Captains Williams and Rinearson followed in Captain Smith's tracks. The country not being perfectly known by the whites, sev- eral mistakes followed in consequence, and Harris and Bruce came directly upon the Indian encampment, and were in full view of the savages before any strategic move- ment could be made, and no opportunity for surprising the enemy offered itself. The time was sunrise, and Captain Smith had gained his rear position and had built fires for his men's refreshment, at the place where Lieutenant Kautz had been attacked. By these fires the Indians were warned of the party in their rear, and prepared them- 252 INDIAN WARS. selves accordingly. The regulars descended into a deep gorge, climbed up the other side and directly were engaged with the Indians, who advanced to meet them. The savages " paraded in true military style," but directly fell back to a ledge of rocks or to the brushy crest of a hill. From the crest of the hill for a mile or more in the rear of the Indians, was a dense thicket ; on the right and left were precipitous descents into a gorge filled with pines and undergrowth, in which the natives concealed themselves almost perfectly from the view of the whites, who possessed no resources sufficient to dislodge them. The ridge being bare on top, the men were necessarily exposed to the enemy's fire, and some casualties resulted. Movements were made to get in the Indians' rear in this new j:>osition, but such attempts were futile. Several charges were made by the regulars but ineffectually, although the men were for considerable periods within ten or twenty yards of the hostiles. The latter fought bravely and steadily, picking off the whites by a regular fire from their rifles, which were pitied against the inferior weapons of the troops, or at least of the regulars, two-thirds of whom had only the ' : musketoon," a short, smooth-bore weapon, discharging inaccurately a heavy round bullet, whose range was necessarily slight. About sunset the commanders con- cluded to retire from the field, and did so, first posting sentries to observe the savages' movements. The united commands encamped for the night at Bloody Spring, as it was named, some distance down the hill. On the following morning Lieutenant Gibson, of the regulars, with ten men, pro- ceeded up the hill to the battle-field, to secure the dead body of a private of his detach- ment, and when returning with it was pursued by the savages, who came down and attacked the camp in force, firing numerous shots. No damage was done by this attack except the wounding of Lieutenant Gibson, and after a time the savages were driven off. No further attempt against the Indians was made, and after advising with their officers the two commanders decided to remove their troops from the vicinity. Accordingly, orders were given and the retrograde march began. The total loss was thirty-one, of whom nine were killed, and twenty-two wounded. Several of the latter died of their injuries. The volunteers killed were Privates Jacob W. Miller, James Pearcy and Henry Pearl, of Rinearson's company; John Winters, of Williams'; and Jonathan A. Pedigo, of Harris'. The wounded were Privates William H. Crouch, Enoch Miller and Ephriam Tager, of Rinearson's ; Thomas Ryan and William Stamms, of Williams' ; L. F. Allen, John Goldsby, Thomas Gill, C. B. Hinton, William M. Hand, William I. Mayfield, William Purnell and William White, of Harris'; C. C. Goodwin, of Bruce's; and John Kennedy, of Welton's. The latter died on the seventh of November, and C. B. Hinton. in endeavoring to make his way alone to the Grave Creek House, lost his road and perished from exposure. This fight, occurring on the thirty-first of October and the first of November, is known by the several names of the Battle of Bloody Springs, Battle of Hungry Hill, and Battle in the Grave Creek Hills. From these details, and considering that the Indians maintained their position on the battle-field, without great loss, it is evident that the campaign was an unsuccessful one. It is generally admitted by the whites who took part in the engagement, that the affair resulted in a partial defeat, and they ascribe therefor several reasons, either of which seems sufficient. The inclemency of the weather is set forth as a reason, and is ,: ■ "' INDIAN WARS. 253 doubtless an important one. It is known from good authority that one man perished from cold and wet, and that the bodies of those slain in the fight were frozen stiff in a few hours. This would indicate very severe cold, but from independent sources we gather that the weather throughout the winter was exceptionally severe. Troops, ill provided with blankets and clothing, stationed at the very considerable altitude of the Grave creek hills, were under the worst possible circumstances for continuing the attack. Besides, a still more serious reason presented itself. There was not a sufficient supply of food to maintain a single company of men. The commissariat was in chaotic condition, and supplies were either not sent out, or failed to reach the nearly starving- troops in time to be of use. This is a notorious fact in Southern Oregon, but, singu- larly enough, fails to appear in the earliest published accounts of the affair. The commissary and quartermaster departments were at fault, nor do they appear to have been efficiently administered at any time during the war, although their expenses (duly charged to the United States) were preposterously great. Figures are at hand to show that the expense of the latter department exceeded, for a time, eight hundred dollars per day! And this for transportation alone. A large number of Mexicans were borne on the rolls as packers, whose daily pay was six dollars, and who had the care and management of about one hundred and fifty pack animals, which were used in carrying supplies from Jacksonville or Crescent City to the seat of war. They belonged to the volunteer service, and were entirely distinct from the trains by which the regulars at Fort Lane were supplied. It was to the mismanagement of the persons in charge of the trains that the failure of the campaign was attributed, and apparently with con- siderable justice. The charge of insubordination made against the volunteers in con- sequence of their conduct at Bloody spring, will be recalled when treating of the later events of the war. As was customary with the regular army officials at that date, a great deal of blame was cast upon the volunteers for their alleged failure to properly second the efforts of the government troops. This charge is retorted upon Captain Smith's soldiers by counter-charges of similar tenor ; and as neither side in the controvesy is supported by any but interested evidence, we cannot at this date satisfactorily discuss the question. The matter, however, is connected with the invariable tendency to antagonism of the two related, yet opposed, bi'anches of service, which antagonism shows itself on every similar occasion, and is an annoying subject indeed. We see the spectacle of two different organizations, bent upon the same object and pursuing an identical road to the attainment of their object, but falling into bitterness by the way- side and continually reviling each other, and failing to lend their moral support and frequently their physical aid. The governor of Oregon, George L. Curry, entered considerably into the business of making proclamations during the events of the Rogue river war, and his first effort in that line, bearing upon the prosecution of hostilities in this region, was as follows : Whereas, By petition numerously signed by citizens of Umpqua valley, calling upon me for protection, it has come to my knowledge that the Shasta and Rogue River Indians, in Southern Oregon, in violation of their solemn engagements, are now in arms against the peace of this terri- tory ; that they have, without respect to age or sex, murdered a large number of our people, burned their dwellings, and destroyed their property ; and that they are now menacing the south- ern settlements with all the atrocities of savage warfare, I issue this my proclamation, calling for 254 INDIAN WARS. five companies of mounted volunteers, to constitute a northern battalion, and four companies of mounted volunteers to constitute a southern battalion, to remain in force until duly discharged. The several companies to consist of one captain, one first lieutenant, one second lieutenant, four sergeants, four corporals, and sixty privates, each volunteer to furnish his own horse, arms and equipments, each company to select its own officers, and thereafter to proceed with the utmost possible dispatch to the rendezvous hereafter appointed. It is expected that Jackson county will furnish the number of men wanted for the southern battalion, which will rendezvous at Jackson- ville, elect a major to command, and report in writing to headquarters. It will then proceed to take effective measures to recover indemnity for the past, and conquer a lasting peace with the enemy for the future. The following-named counties are expected to make up the number of men wanted for the northern battalion : Lane county, two companies; Linn county, one company; Douglas county, one company ; Umpqua county, one company ; which will rendezvous at Rose- burg, Douglas county, elect a major to command, and report in writing to headquarters. It will then proceed immediately to open and maintain communication with the settlements in the Rogue river valley, and thereafter co-operate with the southern battalion in a vigorous prosecution of the campaign. Given under my hand at Portland, the fifteenth of October, A. D., 1855. By the Governor, George L. Curry. John K. Lamerick, received the appointment of acting adjutant-general for the volunteers on Rogue river, and was entrusted with the duty of mustering in and organizing the forces. He arrived at the seat of war several days after the fight at Hungry Hill, and immediately proceeded with his duties. Some twelve or thirteen companies, of from twenty to eighty men each, presented themselves and requested to be mustered in. Lamerick demurred to this, however, as under his instructions the services of only four companies could be accepted. He agreed in short, to muster the remaining companies into a separate battalion, who could then elect their own major. This proposition was not acceptable to many, who wished all to be in the same battalion. On the tenth of November the volunteers being encamped at Vannoy's ferry, the com- panies of Bruce, Williams, Wilkinson and Alcorn were mustered in, and organized into a battalion known as the southern battalion, of which Captain James Bruce was elected Major, over Captain R. L. Williams his only competitor. The remaining troops were disbanded by order of Colonel Ross. At the rendezvous for the northern battalion enlistments began early, and about the twentieth of October William J. Martin was elected Major. Quartermaster-General McCarver occupied an office in the court house at Roseburg, engaged in fitting out the troops. The strength of the companies, set originally at sixty-three rank and file, was increased by Major Martin to one hundred and ten. The Douglas county company called for by the governor, was easily recruited and held its election October 27, when Samuel Gordon was elected captain. The Linn county company was commanded by Captain Jonathan Keeney; the two from Lane county by Captains Buoy and Bailey; respectively. On the last of November, Major Martin moved his headquarters from Roseburg to a point forty-eight miles south of Roseburg, and seven miles north of Grave creek, calling his new location Camp Lei and. Here for a few days the com- panies of Buoy and Keeney lay, while Bailey moved to Camas valley, and Gordon, dividing his company, posted a part in Cow creek valley and the Canyon, and the remainder on the North Umpqua, where a few stray Indians had made hostile manifes- tations. Some fifty men of the Umpqua company were sent to Scottsburg, near the mouth of the river, where, as before remarked, some anxiety was felt regarding an INDIAN WARS. 255 attack by the savages. Major Martin's written instructions to Captain Bailey at Camas prairie, given under date of November 10, conclude thus : " In chastising the enemy you will use your own discretion provided you take no prisoners." Captains Buoy and Keeney received similar instructions, the original order being now on file in the state house at Salem. The southern battalion had posted at the same time, detachments at Evans' ferry and at Bowden's, and troops were sent to assist Messrs. Harkness & Twogood, who were holding their tavern on Grave creek, and declared their purpose to retain it at all hazards. They had erected a complete stockade of timbers and prepared for a siege? as after the fight at Hungry hill it was supposed that Indian attacks would become frequent. The disposition of the military along the line of communication between the Rogue river and Umpqua valleys, however, effectually prevented the enemy from reaching the more important settlements, and the savages finding all avenues to the eastward closed, broke camp at Bloody spring and went down the Rogue river, taking refuge in the almost inaccessible country bordering that stream. The mountains thereabouts presented almost insuperable obstacles to the transportation of troops and supplies by reason of their steepness, the number of deep gorges which intersect them and the dense forests by which their sides are clothed. Underbrush of the densest kind abounds ; no roads nor even trails existed then, and scarcely do now exist ; am- bushes might have been easily formed ; and in a word, the Indians' hiding place was perfectly adapted to their security. Having so favorable a country to operate in, and being themselves unequaled as " mountain soldiers" and bush-fighters, through long experience in the woods, and in actual war they were well situated to resist attacks, as we shall see. The two battalions composing the " army" as newly organized, were expected to co-operate, although their commanding officers were mutually independent. After the mustering in at Camp Yannoy, the two Majors, having discovered through their scouts where the Indians had gone, determined on a plan of united action, in which they were promised the support of all the disposable regulars at Fort Lane. The United States forces in November were seriously curtailed by the withdrawal of Major Fitzgerald with his company of dragoons, ninety in number, who, under orders from Gen. John E. Wool, commanding the Pacific department, proceeded to Vancouver. Captain Judah still remained at the fort, and this officer, who acted under Captain Smith's orders, joined the exj^edition down the Rogue river — an exj)edition which we will designate as the First Meadows Campaign. CHAPTER XXX. THE FIRST MEADOWS CAMPAIGN. Expedition Down Rogue River — Nothing Accomplished — Various Difficulties in Douglas County— Siege of the Cabins on Applegate Creek — The Enemy Escape— Killing of Hull and Angell — Conclusion of the Applegate Affair— The Army Re-Organized— Its Strength— Jocular— The War Necessary— Appointment of a Brigadier General. On November twentieth Majors Martin and Bruce and Captain Judah left Evans' creek, taking all the regular and volunteer troops which could be spared, and a suffi- cient supply of provisions for a short campaign. A day or two days later, dates differing, they encamped at the mouth of Whiskey creek, and found traces of Indians. Proceeding down the river the next morning, keeping along the high lands back a mile or two from the stream, they found the Indians in strong force in the woods bordering the river. The country, as before mentioned, is exceedingly rough, covered with tangled underbrush, broken up into deep canyons, precipitous descents, and im- penetrable gorges. It was deemed proper to cross to the south side of the river, and for this purpose Major Bruce proceeded with his battalion down to the river, being then near the mouth of Jackass creek, and attempted to cross. The battalion were scattered upon the bar which borders the river on the north bank, and some engaged themselves in endeavoring to construct rafts to ferry the command across, while others prospected for gold in the gravelly bar. Indians within the dense cover of the trees along the south bank began firing, and the whites hurriedly left the bar and sought shelter in the brush. Captain Alcorn shouted " Form a line here ; where the are you running ?" But his Lieutenant replied, " Form and ! Break for the brush, every one of you, or you'll get shot !" And the privates thought the latter advice best, and hid themselvas with desperate haste. This closed the campaign as far as the battalion of Major Bruce was concerned, for thus defeated in their attempt to cross the river they retired to communicate with Martin and Judah. The latter officer signalized himself on many occasions through- out his residence on the Pacific coast by his devotion to artillery practice. A heavy twelve-pound howitzer was the inseparable companion of all his expeditions to fight the Indians. On this occasion he had brought this piece with infinite difficulty and labor, to the Meadows ; and at the time of Brace's discomfiture he with Martin lay upon the hill above him and several miles away, firing from that lofty position his clumsy piece of ordnance at the enemy, with the effect only to set the wild echoes flying through the hitherto silent solitude. After a deal of unprofitable practice the trio of commanders resolved upon a retrograde march ; and loading Captain Judah's toy upon a stalwart mule, the army slowly retired to Vannoy's and Camp Leland. One volun- teer, William Lewis, of Kenny's company, was killed, and five were wounded. At INDIAN WARS. 257 least one Indian bit the dust, for George Cherry killed a brave and carried the scalp tied to his war-horse's bridle. The various detachments arrived at the Grave creek camp on November twenty- first, and the companies were separated, being sent to guard the more exposed places and endeavor to keep the savages from making forays upon the inhabited country lying to the westward of their position. The weather came on exceedingly cold and nearly put a stop to all military operations for a time. The various companies went into winter quarters, but a few events took place in December to prove to the citizens that a state of war existed. The first of these was the descent of some twenty or thirty Indians upon the Rice settlement at the mouth of Looking-glass creek, eight miles south of Roseburg. The hostiles burned the Rice house, and captured some fire-arms and did other damage. A small company of men, commanded by J. P. Day, went from Deer creek to the scene and engaged and defeated the Indians, killing three, it was said. The stolen guns, horses, etc., were re-captured. Castleman, a member of the company, was slightly wounded. The affray occurred on the second of December- The Indians were probably Cow Creeks, a band of disaffected natives, who were actu- ated by hostility to the whites, but did not, it appears, feel sufficiently warlike to join Limpy and George on the banks of Rogue river. Some few of the peaceable, yet wretched and debased family of the Umpquas, resided in and around the pleasant vale of Looking-glass, and these, true to their harmless instincts, refrained from war throughout the troublous times of the conflict in the south, and sought by every humble act to express their dependence on and lik- ing for the whites. AVhen war broke out on Rogue river, these inoffensive people were gathered in Looking-glass valley, occupying a rancheria on the creek of that name, where they lived at peace with all the world, and ignorant and careless of everything outside of their own little sphere. Mr. Arrington was nominally their agent and pro- tector. In an evil hour — for them — certain white people of that vicinity, who imag- ined that they were dangerous neighbors, organized themselves into a company, and fell suddenly upon the helpless little community, and scattered them to the four winds of heaven. Several men were killed ; and one old squaw, in whom old age and rheu- matic bones defeated nature's first law of self-preservation, died, a victim, unmeant perhaps, but still a victim, and slain by white men's bullets. The date of this trans- action is at hand ; and proof of all its particulars ; but like other wrongs and much violence done that race, it best were buried, and only resurrected to serve the truth where truth needs telling. On Cow creek quite a series of disturbances occurred during the winter of 1855-6. T v e first of these in brief was the attack on some hog-drovers from Lane county, who were traversing the road. H. Bailev was killed instantlv, and Z. Bailev and three others wounded. The Indians burned on that day (October 24, 1855) the houses and barns of Turner, Bray, Fortune, Redfield and one other. Mr. Redfield placed his family in a wagon and started for a place of safety, but soon the horses were shot, and he took his wife upon his back and carried her to a fortified place. Mrs. Redfield was wounded, however, before reaching there. The raid of certain Indians through Camas, Ten-mile and Looking-glass valleys 258 INDIAN WAES. is detailed in another part of this volume. This affair occurred in the later months of the war. Late in March Major Latshaw, of the second regiment, set out on an expedition against the Cow Creek Indians, taking with him a portion of the companies of Robert- son, Wallan, Sheffield and Barnes. On the twenty-fourth of the month some Indians were found at the big bend of Cow creek, and were attacked and routed. Several of them were killed or wounded, and one white man, Private William Daley, of Sheffield's company, was killed, and Captain Barnes and Privates Andrew Jones, A. H. Wood- ruff and J. Taylor were wounded. The Indians dissappeared from the vicinity after this defeat, and did not return for a considerable time. These incidents comjmse the principal hostile acts which took place in Douglas county. The people on Butte creek, in Jackson county, had, with the first alarm of war, sought safety in a camp of log houses on Felix O'Neal's donation claim. Several families — in fact, nearly the whole population of the country adjoining — made their residences there for a time, and carried out measures of defense. Alcorn's company was recruited among the hardy settlers thereabouts, and subsequent to their return from the first meadows campaign, were posted in jjart at this fortified camp, and served to restore j)ublic confidence. Jake, a well-known chief of a small band of Indians, with his braves had long inhabited that portion of the country, and had refused to go on the reservation. The Indian agent, owing to the smallness of their numbers, had never thought it necessary to compel them to go there, and so they were suffered to remain, a nuisance, if not a jwsitive danger to the whites. They were said to steal, and were not supposed to be above the crime of burning buildings. They dwelt in a rancheria, between the Butte creeks. On the night of December twenty-fourth, Cap- tain Alcorn, with a part of his men, marched to the rancheria and camped within a mile of it, in the cold and snow. At daybreak the next morning the troops moved within rifle range, and began to fire. This they kept up until the natives were killed or dispersed, their loss being eight "bucks" killed, and the remainder wounded. One squaw was wounded in the jaw, and two men were captured. Only four guns were taken, but no ammunition, and three stolen horses were recaptured. Old Jake, the chief, was not in the fight, and was reported killed by the Shastas. A similar affair occurred at the same date between a detachment of Captain Bice's company, numbering thirty-four men, and the Indians of a rancheria four miles from and on the north side of Rogue river, and just below the mouth of Big Butte creek. A night march and an attack at daybreak formed the salient features of this affair also, which was likewise completely successful. The Indians were taken by surprise, and after several hours' fighting eighteen males were killed, and twenty squaws and children captured and the rancheria burned. The Indians, finding them- selves surrounded, fought bravely to the last. But one female was injured in the fight. On the same day on which the detachments of Alcorn and Rice started out, a third one consisting of twenty men of Bushey's company set out on a scouting tour to the neighborhood of Williams' creek, where a portion of old John's band were busying themselves in many a hostile way, much raised in self-esteem by the partial successes of their bold leader since the war began. On the evening of the same day an Indian trail was found by a spy party, which was followed the next day by the command, but INDIAN WARS. 259 without finding the rancheria. During the evening a man strayed off and became lost" The next day was spent in searching for him under the impression that he had fallen a victim to Indian barbarity. However, on the following day news came of his safe arrival at Thompson's ranch, on the Applegate, and of his having found a camp of ten or twelve Indians, near whom he camped for the night, but escaped unobserved. Orders were immediately given for following that trail, and, the command being divided, the Indian camp was easily found. The foremost detachment, seven in number, opened fire on them and and killed three, putting the rest to flight. No whites were injured. Toward the last of December some scouts who happened to be near the forks of the Applegate discovered that a body of Indians probably twelve or so in number had taken possession of two deserted miners' cabins and had gone into winter quarters there, preparing themselves for a state of siege by excavating the floors of the houses and piling the dirt against the walls so as to form a protection against rifle bullets. The scouts withdrew unseen, and going to Sterling told the news. A body of sixty or more miners and others went immediately to watch the cabins and prevent the Indians from escaping, while word was sent to various military companies who began to repair to the spot. Captain Bushey arrived, and finding the position too strong for his small force to take, awaited the arrival of others. Captain Smith sent Lieutenants Hagen and Underwood with tw r enty-five regulars and the inevitable howitzer, with the design of. shelling the savages out; but the fortune of war was unpropitious. The mule carrying the ammunition was so heedless as to fall into a deep creek and be killed, while the powder was ruined. More ammunition was sent for, and Lieutenant Switzer with sixteen regulars brought it on a mule. This animal was more fortunate; and the regular army drew up in front of the cabins and at a safe distance fired a shell which passed into or through a cabin and killed, as the records say, two savages. But before the howitzer's arrival the Indians had signalized themselves by a strong resistance. They had killed a man by a rifle-shot, at a distance of 500 yards — a display of marksmanship equal to the best known among the whites. Five whites had been wounded. After the shell was fired, the regulars postponed further operations until the morrow, as night was near. When they arose the next morning their birds had flown and the cages were empty. Quite a force of volunteers had gathered upon the scene. There were Captain Bice and his comj)any, from the upper end of Bear creek valley; some men of Alcorn's company, a few volunteers from Jacksonville, and a delegation from the Applegate. A much regretted event occurred during the day ; this was the killing of Martin Angell, of Jacksonville, who set out to accompany the regulars to Starr gulch, the scene of the siege. When two and a half miles from Jacksonville, on the Cresceut City road, Angell and Walker, who were about two hundred and fifty yards in advance, were fired on by Indians concealed in the brush beside the road. Angell was killed instantly, four balls passing through his head and neck. Walker was not hit, but escaped death narrowly. When the troops came up the Indians had stripped the dead man and were just retreating into the brush. On the same day (Jan- uary 2,) Charles W. Hull was killed on the divide between Jackson and Jackass creeks, his body being soon found by scouts. Deceased was hunting, but becoming separated from his friends, was waylaid and murdered by Indians. These occurrences, happen- ing so near to the principal town of the whole region, made a very deep impression, 2G0 INDIAN WARS. and there were those who apprehended the greatest dangers from the " red devils." But happily these were not realized ; and the clamors of war died from the listening ears in Jacksonville. The history of the Applegate affair includes still another chapter. After it was found that the Indians had made their escape, the regulars returned to the quiet and seclusion of Fort Lane, while Major Bruce, who had arrived upon the field, set out with portions of Rice's, Williamson's and Alcorn's companies, to follow up the wily strategists who had so valiantly defended their positions, and so unexpectedly escaped. Following the trail of the fleeing Indians to the west, the scouts came upon a single Indian, who ran at the top of his speed directly to the Indian camp. The savages, warned by the shouting of the pursued, prepared for a fight and for quite a while resisted that part of Brace's command which came into action, killing one man, Wiley Cash, of Alcorn's company, and seriously wounding Private Richardson, of O'Neal's company. Some ten or twelve horses, left unguarded by the whites, were taken by the Indians, and several more were shot. This fight occurred on the twenty-first of January, the locality being Murphy's creek, tributary to the Applegate. Only twenty- five men participated at first, but Lieutenant Armstrong came up with a small rein- forcement, and after a most plucky fight succeeded in saving the lives of the detach- ment. They were surrounded, and being separated from the main body of the troops, could not possibly have escaped but for the providential arrival. The total number of Indians engaged under the leadership of John was probably about fifty. The organization of the "southern army," as it was called, it will be recollected, was begun by Colonel Jonh E. Ross. For some reason hard to make out, but certainly not from any reasonable cause, the command of the volunteers on Rogue river was, by proclamation of the governor, dated October 20, 1855, placed in the hands of two officers each with the rank of major, and possessing distinct commands. This notable piece of strategy proved not to succeed well, owing to causes which anyone could have foreseen, and after its ineffectiveness became apparent to the governor and his prime minister, Adjutant-General Barnum, the two battalions were united and elevated to the dignity of a regiment, and an election of colonel, lieutenant-colonel and majors was ordered for December seventh. Robert L. Williams was chosen colonel. This officer had attained a deserved reputation as an "Indian fighter," and was popularly supposed to be devoid of fear. His qualifications for the office consisted in a highly developed hatred of Indians, a thorough knowledge of their tactics, and the liking of his fellow-soldiers, who had elected him triumphantly over Bruce and Wilkinson, both efficient commanders. W. J. Martin became lieutenant-colonel, whose command was to be the "right column," which was a newly invented name for the northern battal- ion. James Bruce remained as major, commanding the "left column" (southern battalion), and Charles S. Drew continued in his place as adjutant. Colonel Williams' regiment was officially styled the second regiment of the Orgeon mounted volunteers, and consisted at the time of the colonel's election, of the companies of Captains Bailey, Buoy, Keeney, Rice, O'Neal, Wilkinson, Alcorn, Gordon, Chapman and Bledsoe, the aggregate on paper being 901 rank and file, but the effective force was much less. This imposing force lay the greater part of the winter separately stationed at various jioints wherever their services w T ere required as guards. Occasionally something INDIAN WARS. 2G1 occurred to break the stagnant routine of camp life, but not often. An Indian raid might be expected, else the "war would have lost all attraction. The main body of the army, lying in what is now Josephine county, centered at Vannoy's as their head- quarters. The right column remained about the southern boundary of Douglas county. Almost the only interesting bit of information of a jocular character which survives to this day is the memorable trip of Captain Keeney from his post to the verdure-clad ]ilains of the Willamette. Captain Keeney was dissatisfied with guard duty. He hun- gered for a sight of the hills of Lane county. He applied to Colonel Williams for a furlough, but his commanding officer refused, saying no furloughs would be granted until the last Indian in Southern Oregon was killed. The Captain persisted; the Colonel told him to " go to grass." Captain Keeney returned to his command and indignantly related the story of his wrongs, when a private suggested, "He probably meant the Willamette; that's the only grass we've seen." The Captain, elated, said, "Boys, shall we go to grass?" The answer was unanimously affirmative. They broke camp, a hundred strong, arrived in Eoseburg December 27, and were in sight of their own homes in time to wish their friends a happy' new year. The joke was a good one; but Lieutenant-Colonel William J. Martin failed to see it as such. He made it a part of his official business to prefer charges against the home-sick farmers who found the war so different from their joyous anticipations. This stern martinet accused Captain Keeney of disobedience to orders, abandoning his position in face of the enemy, " uni- form ungentlemanly conduct," and other like charges of formidable tenor. The gov- ernor suspended him, but at a later date, as we perceive, the company with their cap- tain were restored to all the rights and privileges pertaining to the most obedient, steady and reliable of soldiers. In this time of monotony and ennui charges and counter-charges (verbal) were fre- quent. In February, Major Bruce incensed by the torpor of the volunteers, addressed a communication to Governor Curry, preferring charges against Colonel Williams for inactivity, failure to make public certain orders addressed by the Governor to the troops, etc. Captains O'Neal, Rice, Alcorn, and Wilkinson, also api^ended their names to these charges, whose outcome was the appointment of a brigadier general, to shoulder the responsibility which Williams was unequal to. These charges were based on the latter's supposed partiality toward a certain clique of speculators who were thought at the time and since, to be using their influence to prolong the war in order to further their pecuniary object. The whole subject of the war is entangled throughout with political and financial relations that are exceedingly difficult to unravel, and seem to ill repay the investigator, but nevertheless are so intermingled in people's minds with the cause of the war that it would be impossible to enter upon an examination without giving offense to those whose opinions are already formed. These chapters are written in the firm belief that hostilities with the aborigines were unavoidable, which it requires no very deep reasoning to make apparent. Wherever the Caucasian and the American Indian have come in contact, war and bloodshed have resulted. Even in the remote Eastern States, w T here the Pilgrim Fathers made head against opposing man and nature, the red men were the first and their worst enemies ; and even their Puritanical prin- ciples could not avoid a war of extermination. Then from analogy we declare that the removal of the Indians from Southern Oregon was a necessity. We admit its 262 INDIAN WARS. inexpediency, while on sentimental grounds we commiserate the unhappy and unfor- tunate humans whom ill-starred fate drove from a land which was theirs by the right of long possession. Sometime in the last days of January Colonel Williams removed the headquarters of the army to Charles Drew's farm, known as Forest Dale, near Jacksonville, and began the construction of barracks, stables and other buildings suitable for his pur- poses. This measure proved an unfortunate one for him, as it created quite a burst of indignation, being thought to be instigated by the owner of the land, whose interests would be enhanced thereby. Very soon after J. K. Lamerick was aj^pointed brigadier- general, and displaced Williams in the chief command, the latter retaining his rank of colonel of the second regiment, subordinate to Lamerick. The new selection does not seem to have been a very happy one; it was made at a time when much dissatis- faction existed against Lamerick, instigated, probably, by the speculative clique, and to add to his embarrassments, the period of enlistment of many men had come to an end, and these were receiving their discharges. The work of re-organizing the forces was very difficult. Most of the former caj) tains and subordinate officers were preju- diced against the new general, and many of these declined to serve under him. The inaction of the troops through the winter had given ample ojjportunity for political manipulators and others to bias the minds of the troops as they chose, and those small politicians looked upon the war as affording a satisfactory opportunity to urge their claims for preferment. By the middle of February two-thirds of the men had received their discharges, and the diminution of the necessary guards made it unsafe, we are told, for anybody to travel alone. Indians were seen repeatedly at points before deemed free from them, and alarm was felt lest there be a repetition of the sad tragedies of the preceding autumn. In this state of affairs General Lamerick removed the headquarters of the regiment again to Vannoy's, deeming that a more suitable place than the retired glades of Forest Dale. In February the companies of Bailey, Keeney, Gordon and Lewis received their final discharge, and those of O'JNTeal, Sheffield, Abel George, Bushey, M. M. Williams, Wallan, Robertson and Barnes were enlisted. Of these, Abel George and M. M. Williams had commanded companies attached to the ninth regi- ment, in the preceding fall; but being mustered out, along with numerous others, they had entered the service again at the date named. It was thought that it would be difficult to induce a sufficient number of men to enter the service, but these anticipa- tions were met by the re-enlistment of nearly every man of the discharged companies, and within a few days a sufficient force had been raised to meet all wants. The weather continued unpropitious for military movements throughout the months of February and March, and whatever strategical operations were then resolved upon by General Lamerick were not carried out. The companies remained in winter quarters, guarding suspected localities and taking care of themselves. No incidents of much importance occurred during the time, the Indians remaining mostly at their old haunts upon the lower river, until a-weary of waiting to be attacked. They made disconnected attempts at robbery on sundry occasions, wherever arms or ammunition were to be obtained; but there is no record of serious loss of life from these raids, until the famous one of March twenty-fifth, when Evans' pack-train was robbed, and the battle of Eight-dollar Mountain was fought. CHAPTER XXXI. THE SPRING CAMPAIGN. Removal of the Table Rock Band— Their Peaceful Character— A Flag of Truce— The Governor's Proclamation- Matters in Illinois Valley— A Pack-train Taken by Indians— Battle of Eight-dollar Mountain— Election of Officers of the Second Regiment— A Grand Campaign Resolved Upon— March to the Meadows— Arrival at the Little Meadows— Reconnoissances in Force— The Enemy Found on Big Bar— A Plan of Attack— The Indians Retire— The Army at the Bar— Fort Lamerick Built— The Army Goes Home— Results. Subsequent to the events just detailed, a transaction of considerable importance took place at the reservation across the river from Fort Lane. This was the removal of Chief Sam's band to the coast reservation west of the Willamette valley. It was mentioned in treating of the Indian outbreak of the ninth of October, that the Table Rock band took no part in those proceedings. On the contrary, the members of that band crossed the river to Fort Lane, and besought the protection of Captain Smith, assuring him of their peaceful feelings and deprecating the possible and ever probable violence of the white settlers, which, but for such protection, would surely have befallen them. During the succeeding months they remained under the immediate care of Captain Smith and Agent Ambrose (successor of Culver), and gave not the remotest cause for suspicion on the part of the whites. Chief Joe, celebrated as the foremost member of the Rogue River tribe, was dead. For a long time he had wielded with his brother the divided authority of the tribe. He had been eminent in council ; he was not a despicable enemy in battle. He died at his lodge at the lower end of Big Bar not long after the Lane treaty was signed- Notwithstanding the loss of their wisest counsellor, the band remained true to the agreements made in 1853, and with a striking devotion to their word, refrained entirely from giving aid or countenance to the hostiles, in spite of the utmost inducements to a contrary course. The whole annals of Indian wars have nothing more admirable than the truth and firmness with which these sorely troubled yet constant barbarians maintained the honor of their obligations. Finally, when the bureau of Indian affairs had decided to remove all the natives from Southern Oregon, the Table Rock band — being with the Umpquas, the only Indians accessible to authority — were sent to the permanent reservation about Yaquina bay. Such was the state of public sentiment that a guard of one hundred soldiers was deemed necessary in order to protect this little remnant on their progress northward. And this, notwithstanding the fact that by their friendship for the whites, they had incurred the enmity of all the hostile Indians on Rogue river. The people of the Willamette valley, jealous of the removal of such celebrated warriors into their neighborhood, and scarce understanding the situation of affairs, called loudly for the citizens to raise an armed force to resist their coming, and exterminate them; but the excitement soon calmed, and the Indians found a final home by the shores of the Pacific. 264 INDIAN WARS. Equally illustrative of the tone of public feeling, was a circumstance which hap- pened about the middle of February, a little time subsequent to the departure of the Table Rock band. At this time Chiefs Limpy and George, with about thirty warriors well armed, and mounted on horses, some of which carried two braves and others three, came up from the Meadows carrying flags of truce, and camj>ed on the reserva- tion opposite Fort Lane. They sent a messenger to Captain Smith to announce their arrival and desire for a talk. Their object was not to make peace, but to secure the surrender of some squaws who were in the hands of the agent. The news of their arrival got abroad instantly, and the various volunteer companies assembled at Forest Dale in haste, no one yet understanding the circumstances, but all inquiring as to the purpose of the invasion. Messengers went to the fort and were informed that the regulars would not allow the Indians to be molested in consequence of their coming under a flag of truce, as these same Indians had respected that symbol on a certain occasion. The law of nations and the regular army prevailed in spite of threat, and the savages returned unmolested to their lair. The Sentinel published a fiery editorial against the United States troops, and refused to be pacified. "We are informed by Major Bruce that Captain Smith said that if anyone fired upon the Indians, he would return the fire. We would ask if our citizen soldiery are to be intimidated by the threat of any one from avenging the innocent blood that these savages have caused to flow?" This sort of rhetoric did the Indians no hurt; but it proved very expensive to those who furnished army supplies. Returning to our main subject, we find that the Illinois Indians, previously at the Indian encampment at the Meadows on Rogue river, had become tired of the monotony of life sufficiently to induce them to make trips to their old hunting grounds in search of plunder, and excitement. On the twelfth of February they killed John Guess in his field on Deer creek, leaving him dead in the furrow. On the morning of March 24, news came to Vannoy's that the enemy had ambushed and killed two travelers, Wright, Yannoy's partner, and Private Olney, of O'Neal's comj)any,who were encamped at the foot of Eight-dollar mountain, and that the attacking party had at a later hour met another party consisting of five men, and mortally wounded John Davis. Orders were at once sent by Major Bruce to the various companies of his battalion to repair instantly to Fort Vannoy. Captain Hugh O'Neal, who with his company was nearest to the scene of action, had immediately set out for Hays' ranch, or Fort Hays, as it was called. Hoping to reach there before the Indians could do so, as that post had but few defenders. A sharp skirmish ensued when within a few hundred yards of the post and private Caldwell was mortally wounded, and some pack mules loaded with provisions etc., were taken by the Indians, who besieged the fort after the volunteers had taken refuge within it. The enemy abandoned the ground, during the night, and returning along the road southward, met and attacked Evans' pack-train which was coming from Crescent City. They killed a Mexican packer, and wounded "Big Dave." Evans escaped to Reeves' farm, but the mules and packs were all captured by the marauders, who gained a large amount of ammunition by the capture. On receiving the news of this late attack, Lieutenant- Colonel W. W. Chapman (recently elected to that office) ordered Major Bruce to attack the enemy with all his available force. There were per- haps 1 25 men who proceeded under the Major's orders to the scene of Evans' misfortune. m CO c-j m CO c5 z o r- CO CT3 a C"3 3> CD CT3 ■- IIP '■■"** : aBSi \^' INDIAN WARS. 265 The foremost of these engaged the enemy while yet the remainder were dismounting. All horses were left at the foot of the hill which it was necessary to ascend to find the enemy ; and a long line of battle, reaching several hundred yards along the side of the mountain, was formed and the troops advanced up the rise. Private Collins led the way up but was shot dead when near the top, falling in the road. John McCarty was also shot, dying soon after, and Private Phillips was mortally wounded. Abel George's men dismounted, and tying their horses to a fence, started up hill on the side next Deer creek, intending to outflank the Indians, while Captain M. M. Williams engaged them in front, assisted by members of Alcorn, Rice's (Miller's) and other companies. Major Bruce with about fifty men kept along the road to the place where Collins fell. The battle was now a lively one ; the rattle of rifles and revolvers was almost continuous, and frequent attempts were made by each party to charge the other- All sought cover, and there was little chance for life for the man who neglected thus to protect himself. At this interesting juncture a shout was raised that the Indians were making off with the horses, left at the foot of the hill. A number of the savages, spy- ing the condition of affairs ran hastily to the spot and mounting some and leading others, escaped with some fifteen of the animals belonging to Abel George's Yreka company. The most of the fighting for a time was clone by M. M. Williams and about a score of his bravest men, who stood their ground valiantly, and only retreated when the Indians had nearly or quite surrounded them. Alcorn's men and others fought well, also, but the general applause was marred by the conduct of a great many who either ran away during the fight, or else could not be brought into it at all. Over 200 men were within sound of the firing, but not one half that number took any part in the fight, and j)robably not over fifty engaged in it with energy and resolution. A hundred or more of the readiest fighters ever known among the Indians of this continent held with determination the hill and the thick woods and successfully barred the way. Against this force the volunteers effected nothing. Shortly they began to retire, and gaining the base of the hill, they mounted and returned to Fort Hays, hardly yet sensible of a defeat. The Indians withdrew in their characteristic manner and hostilities for the time were over. Lieutenant-Colonel Chapman now established a permanent camp at Fort Hays, making it the headquarters of the companies of Alcorn, George, O'Neal, Wilkinson and Williams, and of himself, Major Bruce and Regimental Surgeon Douthitt, On the eighteenth of March, 1856, an election was held in the various camps of the second regiment, and John Kelsey became colonel of the regiment in place of Williams, W. W. Chapman succeeded W. J. Martin as lieutenant colonel, and James Bruce and W. L. Latshaw were elected majors of the two battalions. The respective positions of the battalions remained unchanged or nearly so, that of Bruce being stationed in the Illinois and Rogue river valleys, while that of Latshaw occupied various posts in the southern part of Douglas county, notably Fort Sheffield, so-called, on Cow creek, a post in Camas valley, Fort Leland, on Grave or Leland creek, Fort Relief and other points considered to be of strategical importance. The total force of the second regi- ment, as appears by the rolls, Avas 807 non-commissioned officers and men, commanded by fifty-one commissioned officers inclusive of the staff. 35 266 INDIAN WAKS. With a portion of this force General Lamerick set out in April for an active cam- paign to the Big Meadows, on Rogue river, then recognized as the rallying point and base of supplies of the entire horde of hostiles, known to number at least 250 and popularly supposed to be twice as numerous. Having collected all his available force at the mouth of the Apjxlegate, the General appointed a day of parade, and fixed upon the fourteenth of April as the day for setting out upon the proposed expedition. On the morning of that day the army set out, under the immediate command of Lieuten- ant Colonel Chapman, who proceeded in advance with one hundred men, guided by the scouts of Lewis and Bushey. A very long pack-train came next, and Major Bruce brought up the rear with the remaining volunteers. A herd of beef cattle was driven along as a part of the commissariat, to be drawn upon as occasion required, and ample provision had been made for anticipated emergencies, even to supplying a couple of canvas boats, portable and collajisable, to be used in crossing the river. Shovels for constructing roads were supplied, and twenty-five days' rations were taken, besides 100 rounds of ammunition for each soldier. General Lamerick announced his intention to remain out until the Indians were completely conquered, or until the army had to return for j)rovisions. The southern battalion marched down the south side of Rogue river, and in two or three days reached Peavine mountain, some twelve miles from the Little Meadows of Rogue river, the objective point of Colonel Kelsey's command. This latter division fitted out at Fort Leland, on Grave creek, and set out on or about the seven- teenth of Aj)ril and arrived safely at their destination within two or three days, having come via Whiskey creek. No enemy was met upon the route but shortly after halting at the end of their march the pickets were fired upon by concealed Indians, whom a diligent search failed to discover. The country over which each detachment passed was thoroughly " scoured" by large numbers of scouts, and Indian " sign" in abundance was found, but the wily savages retired secretly before the army, and made no stand. On April twenty-seventh, three men, McDonald, Harkness, and Waggoner, express riders between Lamerick's command and Fort Leland, were attacked by Indians at Whiskey creek, and Harkness, a partner of James Twogood, in the Leland Creek House (otherwise called the Grave Creek House), was killed. His body was found horribly mutilated. Captain Barnes, of the spy company, reconnoitered during the halt at the Little Meadows, and found the Indians in large numbers, scattered in the rough, mountainous and brushy country between the camp and the Big Meadows, which lie below the Little Meadows, and also the north side of the river. Major Bruce being communi- cated with, his battalion was ordered up, and he joined forces with Colonel Kelsey, the total force gathered there being 535 officers and men. The camp was on a high bench or terrace, two miles north of the river and a thousand feet above it. A breastwork of pine trees was formed, enclosing a space sufficient for camping purposes, and there being an abundance of grass and water near, the locality was well adapted for that purpose. The Indian encampment was found to be on a large bar on the south side of the river and some three miles below. The Big Meadows were deserted by them, and the intervening country contained none except those doing duty as scouts. On the twenty-third Colonel Kelsey with 150 men made a reconnoissance toward a suspected INDIAN WARS. 267 point, but without results, and on the same day Major Bruce at the head of a like force, started to descend the slope toward the bar. At a distance of a mile from camp a creek was arrived at, beyond which were collected a considerable number of Indians, but these being beyond rifle range, and Major Bruce's instructions not allowing him to attack, no fighting was done, and the detachment having plainly seen the Indian village on the bar, returned to camp. During the following days until the twenty- seventh, considerable reconnoitering was done, and a brush with the enemy took place, without result. The Indians were thought to number several hundred, including women and children, and were found to be as actively employed in scouting as were the whites themselves. At a council of war ordered by General Lamerick it was resolved to attack the enemy in his stronghold on the bar; and to do this effectually and at the same time prevent the Indians from escaping over the mountains in their rear, Major Bruce was ordered to cross to the south side of the river and march to a point where they could be intercepted in case of flight. The other battalion under Colonel Kelsey in person was to proceed westward from the encampment, and gaining the summits opposite the Indians' position, was then to march down the steep declivity directly in their front and attack them from across the river. The southern battalion duly arrived at the point where they were to cross, but the two canvas boats being launched, the men declined to enter them, alleging that the Indians might easily sink them by rifle shots, or failing in that, might massacre the few who would be able to land. Major Bruce's authority was insufficient to compel them to obedience, and the plan was abandoned. It does not appear that any Indians had been seen by the battalion on their march to the river, nor does it seem likely that any considerable number of them, if any, were in the neighborhood, their total force probably having been at that hour at their rendezvous on the bar, three miles below. This is a fair example of the difficulties met with by the officers at that time. Such a state of insubordination prevailed that it rendered all plans nugatory. Every private thought himself entitled to reason upon his superior officer's commands, and to refuse compliance if they seemed injudicious. Under such circumstances it is no wonder that such a large force accomplished so little. Major Bruce being compelled to remain on the north side of the river, concluded to niDve down stream and join Colonel Kelsey at the bar. Meanwhile, this commander had reached a point on the declivity nearly opposite his objective point, and started directly down hill, following a ridge which afforded comparatively little obstruction to his advance. In this he was much favored by a heavy fog which rested upon the hills, utterly obscuring his every movement from the Indians. Thus he was enabled to arrive nearly at the river before they discovered his whereabouts. The detachment was now formed in order of battle, and all rushed down and took position on the bank of the river facing the Indian encampment on the bar, and opened a continuous fire upon the enemy. The savages were thrown into confusion by the sudden attack, and did not return the fire for some time. The women and children, the former carrying- heavy packs, soon left the camp and passed up the hill toward the Illinois river, while the greater part of the males sought shelter in the edge of the fir woods behind their encampment, and watched the movements of the whites. Major Bruce arrived with 268 INDIAN WAES. his command, and taking a position on the left of the northern battalion, began firing at the enemy, who, however, were in positions of comparative safety. Desultory and ineffectual firing was kept up all day, but no means of crossing the river being at hand, nothing could be done to complete the victory. It is supposed that quite a number of Indians were killed, while the only loss to the whites was the severe wounding of Elias Mercer, of Wilkinson's company, who, on being removed to Rose- burg, died upon the way. John Henry Clifte also sustained a severe wound, but recovered. In the evening the whole force went into camp at the Big Meadows, on the north side of the river and six miles below the former camp. On the following morning Colonel Kelsey and Major Latshaw with 150 men went to a point on the river two miles below the bar, with the expectation of crossing to the south side and " scouring " the country thereabouts. At the same time Lieutenant-Colonel ChajDman with 100 men marched to the battle-ground of the previous day to engage the enemy if they were still there, with the object of diverting their attention from the movement below. The former command found Indians scattered along the shore, who showed fight and "moved further into the brush and set up a considerable hallowing," consequently the detach- ment did not cross. The casualties of the day were, as might be judged, very light. A private of Sheffield's company was wounded, and one or two Indians were thought to be hit, but the latter is very doubtful. About twelve o'clock the Indians "withdrew beyond range of our guns, and deeming it impracticable to cross the river at this point we drew off the command and returned to camp." Lieutenant-Colonel Chapman had found no Indians at the bar, so he returned, probably also thinking it impracticable to cross. Major Bruce had " scoured " in the direction of John Mule creek with 100 men and he also returned unharmed. On the twenty-ninth Captain Crouch, with his company, left for Roseburg, via. Camas valley, ,to escort the wounded to the hospital. The remainder of the regiment broke camp and occupied the bar where the Indian encampment had stood, and met with no resistance in so doing. The scouts reported that the Indians had all left the vicinity and that the remains of seventy-five camp-fires existed on the mountain side above the bar, making the spot where they encamped on the night following Colonel Kelsey's attack. On the thirteenth the command remained at the bar on account of bad weather, and Captain Lewis' spies reported that the Indians had gone down the river. "The provisions now being nearly exhausted, and the weather continuing so unfavorable, it was considered impracticable to follow the enemy over the rough ground before us, which was covered with snow, and many of the soldiers were already nearly barefooted." On the first of May, the troops re-crossed the river, Captains George and Bushey proceeded immediately to Grave creek, while the rest camped at the Big Mead- ows, at a place selected as the site of a permanent fort. Williams, Wilkinson, Keith, Blakely and Barnes' companies were detailed to remain there, the remaining com- panies setting out for home the next day. Captains Sheffield and Noland with their men went to Roseburg via. Camas valley, and Robertson, Wallan, Miller (Rice's), O'Neal, Alcorn and Lewis' companies marched to Fort Leland, the headquarters of the northern battalion, which they reached on the fourth of May. INDIAN WARS. 2G9 If we sum up the fruits of this, the Second Meadows Campaign, we shall find that they equal those of the first. To descend to details, we find that the army " scoured " a large tract of wild country, consumed twenty-five clays' rations in two weeks, drove the Indians from their place on the har to another place in some unknown region, and returned to civilization. It is useless to enter into any long explanations of why such slight results were attained. It must have been partly the insubordination of the troops, who while nominally under the command of their general, colonel, lieutenant-colonel, four majors and unlimited captains and lieutenants, domineered shamefully over these officers and acted their own pleasure in times of emergency. It is difficult to under- stand why these individuals retained their commands under such discouraging circum- stances, and why their own self-respect did not impel them to quit their charges in dis- gust. Some curious and amusing incidents, whose record has come down to us, will illustrate the spirit of insubordination which so injured the army's usefulness. After General Lamerick had planned the fight at the Meadows and had given Major Bruce the order to cross the river, one of the latter's men said, "Look here, Gen'ral; this ain't gwine ter do. Jest as sure as we cross thar, some of us will git hit. Don't yer know we got one man killed tryin' ter cross thar afore?" Eather more encouraging was a reply to one of Major Bruce's commands to charge, "Yes, We say charge, and we'll chalk you out a damned good charge, Major!" There is no question of the individual bravery of those men. As expressed by one who was among them — a coward had no chance. A more daring set could not have existed than these miners and settlers. Their experience had made them the most self-reliant men that the world contained. But the peculiar circumstances surrounding them, the fact of their officers being raised from the ranks and being consequently regarded as no better than anybody else, wonderfully impaired their efficiency and reliability. CHAPTER XXXII. THE WAR IN CURRY COUNTY. Character of the Indians— Tribal Designation— Number— Incidents— Coquille Massacre— Killing of Buford, Haw- kins and O'Brien— The Natives Remain Peaceable— Captain Poland and His Company — Character of Enos — Massacre at Gold Beach— The Survivors Take Refuge in a Fort — Other Casualties — Seeking for Help — The Crescent City Company — Views of General Wool— A Military Campaign Planned — Arrival of Regular Troops Captain Smith Descends the River — Actions With the Indians — Volunteer Companies. Having now brought the detail of events down to the end of the second meadows campaign, it will be necessary to retrograde in order that a connected account of of affairs in a totally distinct region may be given, and their bearing upon the main features of our story be understood. The coast of Carry county had become known to Americans through the energetic explorations of Captain Tichenor and others in 1850 and 1851. The gold-bearing sand along the beaches was examined a few years later, and during the half-dozen years next following its discovery the region became a mining locality of considerable importance. Several hundred miners had, by the fall of 1855, gathered near the mouth of Rogue river, and together with the traders and others incidental to mining communities, made up a considerable population. These people lived mainly at the mouth of Rogue river, and held communication with the outer world by way of San Francisco, accessible by steam and sailing vessels, and with Crescent City by means of a much traveled road along the coast southward. The mouth of Rogue river is sixty-one miles north of Crescent City, Pistol river is twelve miles south of Rogue river, and Chetco, nearly upon the California state line, is twenty-five miles south. Some thirty miles north of the Rogue river is Port Orford, celebrated as the place where the first landing and settlement upon this portion of the coast was made, and where the first people to land sustained a memorable siege by Indians. Port Orford was, during the Indian wars, a military post of the United States army. No communication, or scarcely any, was carried on along the coast northward from Curry county, nor was it considered accessible from the eastward. Rough and impassable ranges of heavily wooded mountains cover almost the entire surface of the country and approach so near to the coast as to almost cut off travel by the sea shore. On the east these mountains penetrate to the Illinois, the Applegate and Cow creek. Among their defiles meander streams to whose beds the sunlight never penetrates. Steep hillsides and bushy canyons block the path of the adventur- ous explorer who would fain force his way among them, and roaring streams, swollen by winter's rains to an impassable height, impede the progress of man or animal. Among these mountains roamed the elk, deer, bear and smaller game in profusion. In the open glades and by the sides of the cool streams grew the salmon berry, and many edible roots. In such a region existence was an easily solved problem, and a numerous race of Indians gave proof of its solution. INDIAN WARS. 271 Here resided the To-to-tin, a numerous people, related to the Rogue Rivers and Klamaths. Their northern limits were at Coos hay ; toward the south they reached Chetco. They were divided into twelve hands, of whom eight lived along the coast, being the Yasomah, at the mouth of the Coquille ; the Quah-to-mah, on Mores creek ; Sixes (first called Shix) river and Port Orford ; the Co-sut-hen-tan, near the Three Sisters ; the Eu-qu-ach-ces, along the coast from Port Orford to Rogue river ; the Tah- shutes, southward of the river ; next the Chet-less-un-tun, or Pistol Rivers, about the mouth of that stream ; the Wisli-te-not-ins south of the Pistol Rivers, and north of the Chetcoes (Che-at-tee), who were the southernmost tribe. On Rogue river were the To-to-tins, who gave their name to the whole tribe ; the Mack-a-no-tins lived above, and the Shista-koos-tees still higher up stream, or about the mouth[of the Illinois. At the forks of the Coquille dwelt the Cho-cre-ten-tan band. All these divisions were small ; the Chetcoes, the most numerous, numbering but 242 in the sum- mer of 1854, while the total number of Coast Indians was 1230, of whom 448 were men. On the resignation of Judge Skinner in 1853, Samuel H. Culver became Indian agent for Southern Oregon, and resided for a part of the time at Port Orford. The government had decided upon the removal of the To-to-tin tribe to a reservation, but with the usual delay of governmental matters this was not carried out in time to avoid the great catastrophe. In 1854Isaiah L. Parrish became agent and made the enumer- ation of the Coast Indians, whence the above statistics are taken. There is nothing distinctive or peculiar about the intercourse of these people with the whites who came into the country ; they received the usual treatment accorded the Indian by the Cau- casian. With rather more than ordinary patience and humility they endured the encroachments of the higher civilization, and lived on calmly in their smoky hovels, spearing the salmon and gathering mussels, until their outbreak in 1856. From a long list the following incidents have been extracted, to show whatever they may of the situation of affairs along the coast previous to that date. The report of the com- missioner of Indian affairs for 1854, states that on or about the fifteenth of February, J 854, one Miller, with several accomplices from Smith river, killed fifteen Chetcoes, residing at the mouth of the river of that name, because these Indians interfered with the profits of a ferry which he was running. They transferred white passengers in their canoes, thus competing in a manner unacceptable to Miller. By another source we are told that Miller was subsequently indicted for the killing and sentenced to two years in the penitentiary. But this assertion is too wildly improbable for belief. It had no precedent, and has no subsequent counterpart. The only case in our knowl- edge that bears a resemblance was that of a white man named Thompson, who was indicted for murdering an Indian on Galice creek some time in 1854. The defendant made his escape before his case came to trial and left the country. On a previous page in this book the " Coquille massacre" was referred to. This was the work of forty miners and others living near the mouth of the Coquille, who killed sixteen Indians who were accused of having become "insolent" to the whites, and specifically of having said " God damn American" in the presence and contrary to the dignity of a white citizen of this great republic — of having fired a shot at a crowd of whites — of cutting a ferry-boat rope — of riding a white man's horse without 272 INDIAN WAKS. permission — and finally, of having refused to explain these insolent actions. On page 272 and following, of the Indian commissioner's report for 1854, may be found descriptions of the subsequent proceedings of the whites, wherein they demolished an Indian village, killed sixteen persons, including a squaw and an infant, and wounded several more. These statements having been given by Abbott, leader of the whites, no room is left for cavil. Another incident of importance has a termination somewhat different from the ordinary tale, but is itself very lamentable in its results. On August 26, 1855, James Buford, a miner living at the mouth of Rogue river, became involved in a quarrel with an Indian, and was shot by the latter, the bullet taking effect in Buford's shoul- der. The native was arrested and brought before a justice of the peace, and after a partial examination it was resolved to remove him for the night to the council ground, and afterwards to Port Orford. There being a considerable number of Indians there- abouts, a squad of United States troops was detailed for the service of guarding the prisoner, who was taken in a large canoe with his guard. Shortly, another canoe ran alongside in the semi-darkness, and from it Buford and two friends, Hawkins and O'Brien, fired and killed the prisoner and an Indian who was paddling. Instantly the soldiers returned the fire, killing two and mortally wounding the other assailant, who retained only sufficient strength to swim ashore, where he died upon the bank. This incident, we need not add, created a great deal of excitement, and resulted in a war of words against the army which could so quickly take the side of the savages, and leave unavenged the wrongs they committed upon the whites. Nevertheless, the army was, from the nature of things, opposed to the whites, although they could not be said to favor the Indians. Departmental instructions leave the officer commanding a military j)Ost no option regarding the treatment of either savage or civilized persons, but require him to interpose to restrain, on the one hand, the violence of the nation's aboriginal wards, and on the other to resist the action of the whites who may interfere unlawfully with them. After the uprising of the Interior Indians under John, Limpy and other chiefs, the Coast Indians were solicited to join in the warfare against the whites, but the sentiment of the larger portion was for peace, and the overtures of those chiefs were rejected. The Buford affair may be allowed to have contributed somewhat to produce the hostilities which followed in the spring of 1856, but still greater weight is probably to be attached to the success of the malcontents on the river above in resist- ing the efforts of their opponents who sought to conquer them. During the early part of the winter of 1855-6 symptoms of increasing discontent were noticed among the natives, and the condition of affairs was pronounced grave enough to warrant immedi- ate measures being taken to preserve peace. An Indian agent for the locality at the mouth of the river was considered indispensible, and Ben Wright, the celebrated Indian fighter, who had gained a vast experience in the management of the savages, and who had sustained intimate domestic relations with various tribes, was, at the solicitation of certain people of Yreka and elsewhere, appointed to that post as suc- cessor to Mr. Parrish, by Joel Palmer, superintendent of Indian affairs for Oregon. Wright began his ministrations under favorable auspices and for a time everything promised security for the whites, whose fears were not of the most serious cast. The military arm was present in the person of Brevet-Major Reynolds, U. S. A., who, with I IVAUlNO'llTH PORTLAMOO*. Rock Cut,one and one-half miles north ofTableRock. O&C.R.R. INDIAN WARS. 273 his company of the third artillery, was stationed at Port Orford, the post bearing the official designation of Fort Orford. This force, though too small to he of much service in time of a real outbreak, still served to maintain order as between the whites and natives, and was much relied upon by the infant colony so far away from effective help, and so completely at the mercy of the savages. The settlers, of course, were atmost entirely men in the prime of life; very few women and children had yet arrived in the country — a peculiarly fortunate circumstance as we shall see. Only two or throe white families were to be found at the settlement at the mouth of the river, called Gold Beach, but many miners abode in small cabins scattered along the banks of that stream for several miles upwards from the mouth, and along the sea-coast north and south, hut mainly located near the present site of Ellensburg. Three miles up the river was Big Flat, where a considerable settlement had been formed, and some land brought under cultivation. Something had been done in the way of protection against possible outbreaks by the formation of a small company of volunteers who were under the command of Cap- tain Poland. This company numbered thirty-three men and had been called out by the agent and stationed at the Big Bend, some fifteen miles up the river, where they served to separate the hostiles above from the peaceful Indians below. Here they had a strongly fortified post and were deemed secure from defeat or capture. These troops maintained their station until about the first of February, 1856, when they abandoned it and joined the main body of citizens at Gold Beach. Wright, observing the growing discontent of the natives at this time, put forth every effort to induce them to go peace- ably on to the temporary reservation at Port Orford, where they would be safe from the attack of ill-disposed whites and the solicitations of hostile Indians. It was still thought notwithstanding hints of an outbreak, that the Indians about the mouth of the river would be induced to submit to the authority of the superintendent and would eventu- ally, without trouble or bloodshed, be removed to some distant reservation. It has always been supposed that it was owing to the intriguing of one man that this effect was not brought about. This man was an Indian of some eastern tribe — Canadian, it was said — and had been with Fremont on his last expedition ten years before. He pos- sessed great experience of savage warfare and savage craft and duplicity, of which latter qualities he was certainly a master. Enos, called by the Indians Acnes, had become a confident of Wright's to the extent of knowing, it is said, all his plans for the peaceful subjugation of the Indians. We must confess Ben Wright changed from what fact and tradition have described him, if instead of meditating a mighty coup-de-main to destroy them, he relied upon negotiations, squaws' enticements and the persuasions of an Indian renegrade to accomplish what his arms alone had been want to do. Enos, nominally for Wright, constantly entered the Indian camps, in one of which his wife dwelt; and laid with the braves of these coast tribes a far-reaching plan to destroy utterly and beyond regeneration the small colony of whites ; and this done, to join the bands of savages who were waging war along the upper reaches of the Rogue, and at one fell swoop to defeat and drive from the country the invaders who so harrowed the Indian soul. Thus large they say his plan was ; but not larger, doubtless, than those of other savages, but more nearly being executed than most others, because laid by a brain that could contrive and a disposition that made bloody deeds and violence like 36 274 INDIAN WAKS. balm to his feelings. Many a dangerous and rough enemy the whites had in Southern Oregon, but none more dangerous nor capable than this planning and contriving, smil- ing and hating foreign Indian, whose treachery cost the sea-cost colony many valuable lives and nearly its whole material wealth. The first step in Enos' portentious plan was to slaughter Wright and the settlers along the coast. On the evening of February 22, having completed his arrangements, Enos with a sufficient force of his Indians fell upon the scattered settlement at the south side of the mouth of the river, and finding Agent Wright alone in his cabin, entered it seen but unsuspected by him, and with an axe or club slaughtered this hero of a hundred bloody fights. So died perhaps the greatest of the Indian fighters whom this coast ever knew. Concluding this villainy the Indians sought new victims, and during the night killed mercilessly, with shot or blows, twenty-four or twenty-five persons, of whom the list is here presented, as given by various authorities : Captain Ben Wright, Captain John Poland, John Geisel and three children, Joseph Seroc and two children, J. H. Braun, E. W. Howe, Barney Castle, George McClusky, Patrick McCollough, Samuel Hendrick, W. R. Tullus, Joseph Wagoner, Seaman, Lorenzo Warner, George Reed, John Idles, Martin Reed, Henry Lawrence Guy C. Holcomb and Joseph Wilkinson. Three prisoners they took — Mrs. Geisel and her remaining children Mary and Annie, the three of whom, after suffering the worst hardships at the hands of the Indians, were delivered from them at a later date, and now live to recount with tears the story of their bereavement and captivity. A large portion of the inhabitants thereabouts had gathered on that fateful night at the Big Flat to attend a dance given there, and so failed of death ; and on the morrow these set out for the ransacked village, and arriving there found that the Indians had gone, leaving the fearful remains of the butchery. The corpses were buried ; and the remaining population, numbering perhaps 130 men, scantily supplied with fire-arms and provisions, hastened to the north bank of the river, and sought protection in a fort, so-called, which quite providentially stood there, having been con- structed jDreviously by some whites in anticipation of such need. Here the survivors gathered and for a time sustained a state of siege with the added horrors of an immi- nent death by starvation. Their only communication from without was by means of two small coasting schooners which made occasional trips to Port Orford or Crescent City. At the former place lay Major Reynolds with a' force scarcely suffi- cient to maintain order ; and when the messengers from Gold Beach arrived and told their direful tale, the citizens of the post with their families and most valuable goods took refuge at the barracks, whence the commander refused to move. He. advised an entire abandonment of the settlement at Gold Beach, but as the Indians surrounded it and commanded all approaches by land, it was obviously impossible for the beleaguered citizens to escape, unless by sea, and that recourse was also cut off. Meantime the now aroused savages were not idle. Every dwelling and every piece of property of whatever description that fire could touch was destroyed. The country was devastated utterly, and only the station of Port Orford remained inhab- ited, if we except the fort at the mouth of the river. The buildings at Gold Beach were all burned, and an estimate of the property destroyed along the coast fixes the damage at $125,000. Subsequent to the first attack a number of other persons were INDIAN WARS. 275 killed by the Indians, these being Henry Builen, L. W. Oliver, Daniel Richardson, Adolf Schmoldt, Oliver Cantwell, Stephen Taylor, and George Trickey. By an unhappy chance H.I. Gerow, merchant; John O'Brien, miner; Sylvester Long, fanner; William Thompson and Richard Gay, boatmen, and Felix McCue, were drowned in the breakers opposite the fort, while bringing aid and provisions from PortOrford. At the same time the messenger proceeded to Port Orford application was made to Captain Jones of the regular army, who was stationed at Crescent City, and this officer offered the services of twenty-five troops, and except for General Wool's com- mands, would have instantly taken the field with that small force and marched to the assistance of the besieged citizens. But as we shall see a concerted movement against the Indians was about to be made wherein the scattered companies of regulars were each to bear a part. The citizens of Crescent City quickly organized a company of men, of whom G. H. Abbott was chosen captain ; T. Crook, first lieutenant, and C. Tuttle, second lieutenant; and these made preparations for a campaign against the Indians and were of much use in the hostilities which followed. The Crescent City people appealed to the troops in arms in Jackson county, and then mostly lying inac- tive at Vannoys', Fort Hays, Forest Dale, and other places, for assistance in putting down this new uprising and saving the lives of the coast people, but without effect, since the officers feared the consequences that might follow a withdrawal of any troops from the valley. The operations of the regular army which resulted in freeing Curry county from the presence of hostile Indians, are thus alluded to by Captain Cram. On the ninth of November, 1855, General John E. Wool, in command of the military department of the Pacific, while on his way to the Yakima country where war had broken out, arrived at Crescent City, and there learned of the existence of hostilities in Southern Oregon, of the formation of the "southern army" of volunteers, and of the fight at Hungry hill. Deeming the volunteers, with the assistance of the few regulars at Forts Lane and Jones, sufficient for the occasion, and there being no regular troops available for service in this district, General Wool gave himself no further concern about the matter, being averse to winter campaigns. General Wool's presence in Southern Oregon, says Captain Cram, was exceedingly opportune. He was enabled to judge of the measures necessary to be taken by his own command, and acting upon the basis of humanity for the Indians and with a due regard for the safety of the settle- ments, he instructed commanders of posts to receive and protect such friendly Indians as chose to come in and remain at the military posts. These were the precautions taken in consequence of "a due regard for the safety of the settlements:" Captain Jones, who was posted with his company of fifty men at Fort Humboldt, received orders some time during the war to proceed to Crescent City and "protect all supplies and public property, also to guard the friendly Indians gathered there by the superin- tendent of Indian affairs in Oregon;" and Major Reynolds with his company of just twenty-six artillerymen was ordered to remain at Fort Orford, ninety miles above Crescent City and thirty miles from Gold Beach, the spot where the Indians' blows must soonest fall, and only distant some forty or less miles from the common rendez- vous of all the hostiles. It would require no generalship to ascertain the unprotected 276 INDIAN WARS. state of the settlements along the coast. Absolutely no protection, military or natural, existed for the community at Gold Beach, excepting that these people had raised, as before mentioned, a small company, part of whom were stationed at the big bend of Rogue river, some fifteen miles above its mouth and a strategic point, where they acted as a guard to prevent the hostiles commanded by John, Limpy and other chiefs from communicating Avith or annoying the Indians of Gold Beach district, as before men- tioned. Had those indomitable warriors been disposed to attack the coast people, there was absolutely no power at hand capable of making a successful resistance. The garrison at Big Bend would have been crushed, the friendly Indians scattered, and scenes of blood enacted similar to those we have recounted. Why the hostile Indians made no such attempt is a subject for speculation; certainly the regular army did nothing to prevent it. When spring came, General Wool, "being previously well advised as to the topography of the district and of the probable positions of the Indians," and having been informed of the imminent danger of the coast settlements, proceeded, leisurely enough, to "put in effect a plan for terminating the Rogue river war by United States troops." Which war he proposed to terminate thus is not known; but it is plain that two separate wars had gone on during the weeks succeed- ing the "Ben Wright Massacre" — the one being by the Coast Indians against the coast colony, the other by John and Limpy and their bands against the volunteers of the southern army. From and after the arrival of the United States troops at the mouth of the Bogue, we can only recognize a single contest, the exigencies of war having brought about an alliance of the savages, and the mutual though reluctant co-opera- tion of the regulars and volunteers. The general's plan is thus outlined in reports of the war department : A detach- ment of one hundred men had been sent from Fort Lane to guard Sam's band to the coast reservation, which left a very small number there for offensive operations. Cap- tain Augur's company of the fourth infantry was ordered down from Vancouver to Fort Orford to reinforce Major Reynolds, which "would afford troops enough to pro- tect the friendly Indians and public stores collected there, and leave another small force disposable for the field." Captain Ord's company of the third artillery, stationed at Benicia, California, was ordered to be in readiness to embark on the steamer for Oregon. Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel Buchanan, major in the fourth infantry, was selected to take charge of the field operations. On March fifth the general embarked at San Francisco with Ord's company, Lieutenant-Colonel Buchanan, Captain Cram, Lieutenants Bonnycastle and Arnold, and Assistant-Surgeon Milhau, for the seat of war. On the eighth of March Lieutenant-Colonel Buchanan landed at Crescent City with Ord's company, and united with Jones' regulars and Abbott's volunteers in a vigorous prosecution of the war. General Wool's plan consisted of the conjoined action of the troops from Crescent City with those from Port Orford and those of Cap- tain Smith, to whom orders had been sent to descend the Rogue river in time to co-operate in the work. Captain Abbott, setting out from Crescent City before the regulars were ready, encountered the Pistol River and Chetco bands and fought them for a day, losing several men who were wounded and Private Miller killed, and ulti- mately being surrounded and forced to take refuge behind logs upon the beach. A night was spent thus when the regulars, 112 in number, under Captains Jones and MULlNG-LITM-POnTt^NO-Oft Tunnel No.8, Length, 2,822 feet. O&C.R.R. INDIAN WAHS. 277 Ord (E. 0. C. Ord, late a major-general in the United States service, deceased in 1883), who charged and drove the savages away. Tarrying in the vicinity a few days tor the purpose of inflicting a severe lesson on these hostiles, their cam]) was taken by the volunteers and the fleeing inmates were met and severely chastised by the regulars. On the twentieth of March Lieutenant-Colonel Buchanan, with the regulars from Crescent City, arrived at the mouth of Rogue river, having left Captain Abbott at Pistol river to keep open communications with Crescent City, the base of supplies- Operations on the lower Rogue began by an assault upon the Makanootenai rancheria, about ten miles up-stream and four or six below Big Bend. Captains Ord and Jones took the town, killing several Indians and driving the rest to their canoes. One man, Sergeant Nash, was severely wounded. A few days later a detachment of Captain Augur's company reached the mouth of Illinois river and found some ten or twelve Indians belonging to John or Limpy's band, and fought them. The Indians strove des- perately and five of them fell dead before the conflict was decided. Captain Augur had thus far failed to effect a junction with his superior officer and after the fight found it necessary to return toward Gold Beach. The Indians of the up-river band followed him closely, entering his camp as soon as he had abandoned it and whooping, burning- loose powder and dancing to testify their joy at his presumed defeat. Captain Smith set out from Fort Lane with eighty men — fifty dragoons compris- ing his own company, and thirty infantrymen. All of these went on foot, and the former carried their musketoons, "an ill-featured fire-arm that was alike aggressive at both ends " and which contributed to the inefficiency of that branch of the service as much as any cause. However, it is a matter of fact that the United States government is always at least a score of years behind the age in the armament of its troops, so the reader should not be surprised to learn the peculiarities of the musketoon, the princi- pal weapon of mounted troops in that decade. Captain Smith marched down Rogue river, up Slate creek to Hays' farm, from thence to Deer creek and thence down Illinois river to the Rogue, and encamped a few miles further dowu that stream, having come to his destination. Negotiations had been in progress for a few days, thanks to the exertions of Palmer, superintendent of Indian affairs, and it was hoped that an agreement would be reached, at least with the Coast Indians who were now much scattered. Enos, with quite a number of his followers, had joined the up-river bands who were lying on the river above the Big Bend. Some others had gone to Port Orforcl and jdaced themselves under the protection of the military there, and no malcontents were left upon the coast save a few Pistol river and Chetco Indians who had not yet been sufficiently pacificated. Several actions had taken place at various points along the coast, the results of which were calculated to humble the Indians. On the twenty-seventh of March a party of regulars were fired upon from the brush while jDroceeding clown the banks of the Rogue, whereupon they charged the enemy and killed eight or ten savages, with a loss to themselves of two wounded. On April 1, Captain Creighton with a company of citi- zens attacked an Indian village near the mouth of the Coquille river, killing nine men, wounding eleven and taking forty squaws and children prisoners. These Indians had been under the care of the government authorities at Port Orforcl until a few clays before the fight and only left that place because some meddlesome whites had represented to 278 INDIAN WARS. them that it was the soldiers' intention to kill them. Consequently they left, and Creighton with his men pursued and attacked them. Again, a party of volunteers intercepted several canoe loads of Indians near the mouth of the Rogue river and killed eleven males and one squaw; one male and two squaws only escaped. On the twenty- ninth of April a party of sixty regulars, convoying a pack-train, were attacked near Chetco by the remnant of the band of savages of that name, supposed to number about sixty, but probably less, and two or three soldiers were killed or wounded. The battle ended by the defeat of the natives, who lost six braves killed, and several wounded. In the month of April three volunteer companies operated on the coast, and did much service in spite of their being badly armed and equipped. These we're the Gold Beach Guards, the Coquille Guards and the Port Orford Minute Men. CHAPTER XXXIII. THE WAR ENDED. Usefulness of the Volunteers — Council at Oak Flat— Chief John Refuses to Treat — Military Operations— Bat- tle of Big- Meadows — Indian Tactics — Arrival of Augur — Movements of the Volunteers — Proclamation of Disbandment — The Indians Surrender— At the Reservation — The End — Financial History of the War. The Indian occupancy of Southern Oregon was now reaching its last days. The soil whereon the red man had trod and from whence arose the smoke of his camp fire, was about to pass forever into the possession of an alien race. The stormy scenes of the past six years were about to close, and the striving of white and red men had reached its climax. Hemmed in on all sides, without resources, without friends, the hostile tribes felt ther inability to cope with the organized forces now directed against them, and succumbed to the inevitable. Yet they did not relinquish their native land without tremendous struggles. The severest conflict of the war was the last. The part the volunteers took in the termination of hostilities was very creditable. Major Bruce, it will be remembered, was left in charge of the construction of the j)roposed fort at the Big Meadows, which was named Fort Lamerick, and was garrisoned by the companies of Blakely, Bledsoe, Barnes, Keith, and Noland, (successor of Captain Buoy), aggregating rather more than 200 effective men. Being above the position occupied by the hostile Indians, Fort Lamerick proved well situated for the purposes for which it was held, and being so strongly garrisoned the Indians were effectually prevented from re-occupying their old haunts to the eastward. While the troops were doing the indispensable duty of confining the savages to the lower part of the river the citizens, safely immured in their own houses, were actively engaged in complaining that the army did nothing and should be discharged. If there was a time when their INDIAN WARS. 279 services were valuable it was now that Old John and his allies, rendered desperate by dearth of provisions and the near approach of the regulars, sought to escape from the mountain fastnesses which had been to them a prison. The consequences of a raid by these desperate Indians upon the valleys and inhabited places would have exceeded any ills yet known or imagined save the massacre of Wyoming, which might again have been enacted. In a word, the volunteers rendered the invaluable service of con- fining the enemy to a tract of uninhabited country where they could do no damage, and from whence it was impossible for them to escape. On the twenty-first and twenty-second of May, Superintendent Palmer and the commander-in-chief held a conference with the Indians, invitations to all of whom had been extended. This is officially known as the Council of Oak Flat, the locality being on the right bank of the Illinois river, some three miles above its mouth. Nearly all the regular troops were present, making quite a display of force, the aggregate number of regulars at hand being about 200. Almost all the hostiles were present, and awed, no doubt, by the impressiveness of the spectacle, most of them agreed to surrender on a certain day. Not so however with chief John. This undaunted chieftain, when called upon to speak, said to Lieutenant-Colonel Buchanan : " You are a great chief; so am I a great chief; this is my country ; I was in it when these trees were very little, not higher than my head. My heart is sick fighting the whites, but I want to live in my country. I will not go out of my country. I will, if the whites are willing, go back to the Deer creek country and live as I used to do among the whites ; they can visit my camp and I will visit theirs ; but I will not lay down my arms and go to the reserve. I will fight. Good bye." And so saying, he strode into the forest. The result of the negotiations was the agreement of a great many Indians, notably the coast bands, to come in and give up their arms at a time and place fixed by the superintendent. On or before the twenty-sixth of May they were to assemble at the Big Meadows, and be escorted thence to Port Orforcl. The whole of the regular troops were at the council, save Ord's company which had been sent to Port Orford to escort a provision train to the command at Oak Flat. Reynold's company was sent out to'meet the same train, as its safety was very important. On the twenty-fourth Captain Smith left Oak Flat with his eighty dragoons and infantrymen to proceed to Big Meadows and perform escort duty when the Indians surrendered. He crossed the river and encamped on the north side near the place fixed upon for the surrender. On the twenty-fifth the chief in command moved from Oak Flat down the Illinois, and leaving Jones' company at its mouth, went across the Rogue with Augur's company and set about opening a trail for the passage of the surrendered Indians with their guard, who were expected the next day. On the evening of May twenty-sixth Lieu- tenant-Colonel Buchanan with Augur's company was on the north side of the river, some few miles from the mouth of the Illinois; Captain Ord was about ten miles west of Oak Flat, with the train; Jones was at the mouth of the Illinois; Reynolds about ten miles below that point, on the Port Orford trail; Smith at Big Meadows; and the main body of the Indians were on the bank of the Rogue, about five miles above Smith. The twenty-sixth passed and no Indians came in, but Smith was informed that they were delayed by slippery roads, and would be in during the next day. During the evening of the same day, George, a well-known chief of the Indians, and previously 280 INDIAN WARS. often spoken of, caused it to become known to Captain Smith that an attack was medi- tated on his camp. He instantly set about moving his command to a much more secure position an the river between two small creeks entering the main stream from the northwest. He occupied an oblong elevation some two hundred and fifty yards in length, and about twenty in width. Between this mound and the river is a narrow bottom called Big Meadows, but which was not the same locality designated by the volunteers as Big Meadows, and whereon stood Fort Lamerick. The latter locality is several miles further up the river, and farther removed from the stream. The top of the elevation on which CaiDtain Smith was now encamped formed a plateau of size sufficient for one company to encamp upon, and is of slight elevation. Directly to the north is another elevation of equal height and within. rifle range of the first. Early in the morning of the twenty-seventh, Smith sent a messenger to apprise Buchanan of his new position, and that the Indians had not come in. He also added to the express: "I think Old John may attack me." The express reached Buchanan in due time and was sent back to inquire of Smith if re-inforcements were desired ; but finding him surrounded with Indians fighting actively, the express returned to Buchanan, but getting lost in the night, did not reach that officer until the morning of May 28. Buchanan at once ordered Captain Augur to re-inforce Smith, and that officer, marching eighteen miles in four and a half hours, broke upon the savages and scattered them. The story of Smith's defense against large odds is thus told : Directly after the departure of the messenger, the savages came in from all direc- tions and soon the north mound was covered with them. A body of forty warriors attempted to euter camp, but were halted on the spot and told to lay down their arms at a certain spot, There being a howitzer planted so as to rake that approach, and a body of infantry at hand, the Indians felt it best to retire and consult their chiefs who stood upon the northern mound, where John was actively giving orders. At ten o'clock in the forenoon the Indians, who had completely surrounded Smith's position, made a sudden rush upon it, from both sides; but the}'" were repulsed by the howitzer and infantry. John developed all the tactics and strategy of a consummate general in his management of these and subsequent charges, and from his station gave commands in the Indian tongue, which were distinctly heard in Smith's camp and interpreted to the Captain. Implicit and thorough obedience characterized the conduct of his war- riors, who fought bravely to carry out their commander's intentions. It was a spectacle unparalleled in the annals of savage warfare, to behold a body of undisciplined men move obediently to perform the orders of a leader who was not a leader in the sense to which these children of the forest were accustomed. Disregarding the traditions of his race which impel a chief to perform the most dangerous personal service, John, adopt- ing the methods of civilization, confined himself to the more important duty of organ- izing and directing his warriors. His method of attack was by means of small-arm fire at long range, wherein many of the warriors, particularly of his own band, were adepts; charges by the larger bodies of braves ; and unexpected attacks by smaller numbers, who sought to gain the mound by scaling the steeper portions where the guard was weak. Only thirty of Smith's men had arms adapted to long range shooting, the dragoons' musketoons being useless except at close quarters. John's men, on the con- - -i ■■•II tl y« ■ 1 ■■-!.;■■ »-i § • '? : *H&sP^ Hi WALLlNG-irTH-PORTUAND-OR . Looking south from Tunnel No. 8. O&G.R.R. INDIAN WARS. 281 trary, possessed excellent pieces and shot effectively from almost incredible distances. The battle having been prolonged until night, the Indians drew off and encamped, resolved to renew the fight in the morning. Smith occupied his men in constructing rifle-pits and building with his camp equipage temporary defences, and in procuring water from the river for his thirsty troops. On the following morning the Indians again opened fire and continued the battle. Old John put forth all his efforts to seize victory, as there was every chance that re-inforcements for Smith would soon arrive, when all hope of terminating the war favorably to the Indians would be lost. But in spite of his generalship and personal bravery the assaults were successfully repulsed, and owing to the improved system of defences, less damage was caused by the sharp- shooters upon the north mound. About four o'clock in the afternoon the Indians formed in two bodies with the intention of attacking both flanks simultaneously, and in force. Just at the critical moment of their attack, Captain Augur's company was seen advancing. In conjunc- tion with these Smith charged and dispersed the enemy, John and all the rest escaping into the woods. Smith's loss was twenty-nine in killed and wounded, the most of whom were hit by bullets from the north mound. Says Captain Cram: "The number of warriors who arranged themselves under the banner of Old John for this last struggle for the defence of their valley was about 400." Aside from the glaring- solecism of mentioning Indians as fighting under a banner, this sentence contains the important error of ascribing to John's warriors at least twice their actual force. Two hundred would probably be nearer the mark, and even this number may be too large, as it is well known that the band over which John was chief only numbered from two to three score, and all in excess must have been volunteers for the occasion. It is reported that the Indians were so confident of capturing Smith and his command that the}' provided a number of pieces of rope, corresponding to the number of men in the command, wherewith to hang the whites, thereby saving the powder which would be required to shoot them ; but several almost convincing objections to the truth of the report suggest themselves. They also intended, it is said, to attack the scattered forces of Buchanan in detail, and annihilate them before they could effect a junction; a feasible plan in view of their wide separation. To prevent any like attempts for the future, Buchanan concentrated his forces at the Big Meadows on the thirtieth of May, and remained there until the greater part of the Indians had surrendered. While Captain Smith was thus contending with John and his warriors, the volun- teers some miles up the river were fighting Limpy and George and their j^eople. Major Latshaw left Fort Lamerick on January twenty-seventh with 213 men, and marched twelve miles down the river and during the next day skirmished w T ith the Indians of some rancherias still lower down, killing some and taking fifteen prisoners. On the twenty-ninth, the day following John's defeat by Captain Smith, more skirm- ishing was done, and H. C. Houston, sergeant in Keith's company, was badly wounded. On the following day fighting took place on the south side of the river, between a party of volunteers and some Indians, and Private Cooly, of Wallan's company, was wounded in the thigh and hand. On the thirty-first Major Latshaw, with 150 men, moved to Buchanan's headquarters, at Big Meadows. They here found that Limpy and George had surrendered with their bands on May twenty-ninth, the day 282 INDIAN WARS. following their fight with the volunteers. They had reported to Buchanan that the woods up the river were full of " Bostons," and that they had never seen so many guns in their lives. On the fifth of June, a great many Indians having already surrendered, General Lamerick, finding that the enemy had all left the neighborhood of Fort Lamerick, assumed command of his forces in person and moving down the river, encamped at Big Bend, where the regulars were lying. The next day a combined movement was made down the river by three companies of regulars and Captain Bledsoe's company of vol- unteers, and an Indian encampment was destroyed, some twenty or more natives being killed or drowned in endeavoring to escape. Two volunteers were wounded. The main body of the Indians were encamped on the river about fifteen miles below Big Bend, and it was General Lameriek's intention to attack them, but their cabins were found deserted when the attacking party arrived. Under date of May thirty-first, Governor Curry made proclamation, that as the Indians seemed pretty well subdued, the volunteers in the field were ordered to be dis- banded, with the exception of Keith's and Blakely's companies, which under the command of a major, should remain to protect such settlements as seemed in possible danger, and to perform other necessary duties. This order, issued somewhat prema- turely, was disregarded by General Lamerick, and we find him in the field a month later, no doubt to the vast annoyance of the regular officers, who took to themselves the credit of concluding the war and severely blamed the volunteers for harsh treat- ment of such Indians as fell into their hands. The remaining acts of the citizen soldiery can be briefly told. Major Bruce headed an expedition down the coast to the country of the Chetco and Pistol River bands, and killed three males and took fifty prisoners. The Indians laid down their arms on being fired on, but some retreating to the brush, were ordered to come out, which they did. The chief of the Chetcoes was brought in by Captain Bledsoe, who distinguished himself by his activity and bravery on many occasions. On June twenty-second, Major Latshaw, with Keith, Noland, and Blakely's companies, marched from the mouth of the river via Fort Lamerick to Camas prairie and Deer creek, and the troops going to Eugene City were there disbanded. General Lamerick, with Barnes' company, proceeded to Port Orford, with orders for this organization to be mustered out on July first. Captain Bledsoe, with his men, remained in service for a short time subsequently. On the twentieth of June Chief John sent five of his braves to Buchanan's head- quarters to announce that their leader would surrender on the same terms as had Limjry, George and other chiefs, but he wished the whites to guarantee safety to Enos, who was an object of particular aversion to the volunteers. Enos, within a few weeks of the massacre, had joined forces with John, but had been deserted by the Coast Indians whose speedy surrender had alienated him from his former associates. In this strait he had found a friend in John, whose solicitude in his protege's behalf argues a strong vein of humanity in his character. Previously the chief had refused all overtures of peace, saying that war suited him sufficiently well, and that in spite of the desertion of all the other Indians he would remain in his beloved country and fight continually. But by the first of July all the known hostiles had surrendered INDIAN WARS. 283 save a few about Pistol river, and John's own band; and the latter were now deserted by a small number of Klamaths, who, loving fighting for its own sake, and doubtless attracted by the renown of the celebrated chief whose achievements had become known to the Indians throughout Oregon and Northern California, left their too quiet home near the lakes, and came to learn the art of war under this savage leader. Deserted by these and sated with unequal combats, John surrendered to the regular army, an escort of 110 soldiers being sent out to accompany him and his little band of thirty- five to Port Orford. The objects of the war were now accomplished. The last band of hostile Indians had surrendered. On the temporary reservation at Port Orford were gathered about 1,300 Indians of various tribes, and including all the surviving members of the bands which had begun and carried on the war. All the chiefs of note were there; and not less than 300 warriors, the like of whom for bravery, perseverance and fighting powers have rarely been seen. Their career in arms was now effectually stopped; and it remained to remove them from a country where peace for them would be an impossi- bility. The coast reservation was fixed upon as their future abode — a tract seventy miles long, lying upon the coast of Oregon and extending from Cape Perpetua to Cape Lookout, and from the Pacific ocean to the western water-shed of the Willamette. By the first of September, 1856, 2,700 Indians had been removed there, including the Table Rock band under Chief Sam, who were taken there during the previous month of February, while the war was in progress. The Umpquas were removed there also, and were remarkable for their industry and obedience. The new home of the Indians was a well-watered country, hardly so fertile as that they had left, and much less pleasant. Fogs prevail and an enormous rainfall during the winter months makes the region gloomy and unpleasant. Nevertheless, nuts, roots, grasses, fish and game abound and furnished the savages a tolerable living throughout a portion of the year. Upon this extensive tract the tribes lived at peace with each other and the outside world, guarded from the contact of the whites by strong detachments of military, who held the avail- able passes from the east. Fort Umpqua at the mouth of the river of that name, Fort Hoskins in King's valley, Polk county, and another post still further north stood between them and civilization. At the more suitable localities in this large tract the Indians were located and in some cases began to assist in their own support, the gov- ernment, in consideration of the surrender of their lands, contributing the remainder. Here Old Sam, chief of the Table Rock band, was located, and here he developed traits of commercial enterprise previously unsuspected; for he raised apples and onions and disposed of them to his less provident subjects for exorbitant prices. Enos, too, was there for a time, but his restless habits got him into difficulties and he made illicit expeditions to various parts of the state, and being detected therein was denounced by certain nervous people as a fire-brand who was seeking to again spread the flames of war. There is a tradition in Curry county that Enos was hanged upon Battle rock at Port Orford; but the Indian then executed was one of four Coquille Indians hanged for the murder of Venable and Burton. John, the central figure of the war, after two years of inaction at the Yaquina, tried to instigate a revolt of the savages, with the object of seizing arms, overpowering the military, and escaping to their old hunting grounds. Being detected therein, John 284 INDIAN WAES. and his son Adam were placed in irons, and seat by the steamer Columbia to Sau Francisco, and confined in the military prison at Alcatraz. During the voyage the two warriors escaped from confinement, and attacking their guard attempted to take the ship. They were soon ovei^owered, but not before the younger savage lost a leg, which was severed by a blow with a butcher's cleaver. They were turned over to the authorities at Fort Flint, in San Francisco bay, and after a somewhat prolonged resi- dence as prisoners of war, were pardoned on promises of leading peaceful lives in future, and were returned to Oregon. At a later date Adam was in the Klamath lake country, where he became a chief. The termination of his father's career is not dis- tinctly made out. In 1857 an accurate census of the Indians upon the reserve proved them to num- ber 2,049 souls, in fourteen different bands. In 1869 there were half as many, still keeping up tribal relations. In 1866 the greater part of the reservation was taken away from them, and laid open to settlement by whites, and the comparatively few sur- vivors are confined within the narrow limits of what is called the Siletz reservation, which is a small portion of the former extensive tract. Grande Ronde is another des- ignation for the same reserve. Subsequent to the removal of the Indians some occurrences took place in Southern Oregon which properly belong to the subject of the Indian wars, because brought about by the few Indians who chose to remain in their old home and brave the anger of their white enemies rather than accompany the rest of their tribe into exile. In the southern part of Curry county there remained a few Indians, and in the southern part of Douglas county, more particularly in the vicinity of Cow creek, another small band were in hiding. On the Illinois river a few were also known to live, the miser- able and lonely relics of Limpy's once powerful band. These latter, impelled, doubt- less, by hunger, committed a few robberies during the month of July, 1856, and made an attempt on the life of one Thompson, but were driven off. The scene of their depredations was chiefly on Sucker and Althouse creeks. On the road between Camas prarie and the Big Meadows the dead bodies of two white men were found about the same time, whose evident murder was laid to Indians. About the middle of August some few Indians supposed to be Cow Creeks, signalized themselves by several attacks on citizens in the southern part of Douglas county. Moffit, a citizen, was pursued by a half-dozen of the band, but escaped. On August fourteenth James Russell and James Weaver, while riding along the road between Canyonville and Deer creek, were shot at and the former severely wounded. Both escaped. The same band, after burn- ing two houses, attacked and wounded another man near Burnett's place. Citizen Klink, of Douglas county, was fired at by Indians while plowing in his field. He ran to his house, shot through both arms. The assailants soon retired, but Major Cranmer, at the head of a volunteer company, arrested six of them a day or two subsequently. It was estimated that 100 Indians were still residing on Cow creek in August. On the sixth of the previous month a packer lost his life at the hands of hostile Indians on the Siskiyou mountains. A pack-train was waylaid by Indians while coming from Yreka to Jacksonville, and one Fogle was shot through the breast and soon died. These repeated casualties show conclusively that the state of affairs that existed immediately after the deportation of the tribes was of a most unquiet character ;. INDIAN WARS. 285 but society was not long subject to these disturbing causes. By the early part of the following year these difficulties had ceased and quietness reigned. Thus closed the Indian wars in Southern Oregon. The financial history of the Indian wars of the early years presents considerable of importance to interest the reader. It has been mentioned that the demands of the war of 1853 were paid in full two years later, through the action of General Lane and others. The accounts growing out of the Walker expedition "To fight the emigrants," as some facetious ones have termed it, were paid subsequent to the war of the rebellion. The act of Congress which authorized their payment, was based upon a previous act approved July 17, 1854, entitled "An act to authorize the secretary of war to settle and adjust the expenses of the Rogue River war [of 1853]," which was extended to cover the case of Captain Walker's company. The claims growing out of the last Indian war achieved quite a history. In the summer of 1856 the matter of these claims was brought before Congress by the Oregon delegate, General Lane, and being referred to the committee on military affairs, a recommenda- tion was made by that committee favorable to the payment of the expenses of the wars in Oregon and Washington, the two sets of claims — arising from the Rogue River and the Yakima wars — becoming mingled in all congressional and official reports. In consequence of this recommendation congress, on the eighteenth of August, passed an act, one of whose provisions is: "Be it enacted, That the secretary of war be directed to examine into the amount of expenses necessarily incurred in the suppression of hostilities in the late Indian war in Oregon and Washington by the territorial govern- ments in the maintenance of the volunteer forces engaged, including pay of volun- teers, and he may if he deem it necessary, direct a commission of three to report these expenses to him," etc. In consequence a commission consisting of Captain Andrew J. Smith, previously many times mentioned in the account of the wars; Captain Rufus Ingalls, now a high official in the paymaster's department, U. S. A.; and Lafayette Grover, of Salem, Or., was appointed to make the examination as aforesaid. They began work in October, 1856, and after spending more than a year in a careful inves- tigation of these claims, "traveling over the whole field of operations occupied by the volunteers during hostilities, and becoming thoroughly conversant with the matter," made their report to the secretary of war. According to their examination the sum of $4,449,949.33 was due as the expenses on the part of Oregon. The muster-rolls of companies represented [an indebtedness, after deducting stoppages for clothing, etc., of $1,409,644.53; while scrip had been issued to the extent of $3,040,344.80 in pay- ment of supplies, etc., furnished. This aggregate was exclusive of claims for spoliation by Indians, and included only what were thought to be the legitimate expenses of main- taining the volunteer force in the field. The report and accompanying documents were transmitted to congress, and on the eighth of February, 1859, a resolution passed the house of representatives providing that it should be the duty of the third auditor of the treasury to examine the vouchers and papers connected with the subject, and make a report in the December following, of the amount due each individual engaged in the military service of the two territories during the war. The resolution also provided that he should allow the volunteers no higher pay than was received by the officers and soldiers of like grade in the regular army, including the extra pay of tw r o dollars 286 INDIAN WARS. per month conferred by act of congress of 1852 on troops serving on the Pacific coast ; that he was to recognize no company or individual as entitled to pay except such as had been duly called into service by the territorial authorities; that in auditing claims for supplies, transportation, etc., he was directed to have a due regard to the number of troops, to their period of service and to the prices which were current at the time and place. On February 7, 1860, R. J. Atkinson, third auditor, made his report. It was an exhaustive and voluminous document, and it reduced the grand total of the claims of various sorts, acted on by the three commissioners, from $6,011,457.36 to $2,714,808.55, a reduction of about fifty-five per cent. This estimate was taken as a basis for these claims, and by a subsequent act of congress a sum of money to correspond was appro- priated to pay them, the greater portion of which has been disbursed. CHAPTER XXXIV. NAMES OF THE VOLUNTEERS. Muster-Roll of the Second Regiment — Officers and Privates Who Took Part in the War of 1855 — Com- panies Omitted. Roll of the Second Regiment Oregon Mounted Volunteers, December 7, 1855 to March 18, 1856 : Colonel, R. L. Williams ; Lieutenant-Colonel, William J. Martin ; Major, James Bruce ; Adjutant, Charles S. Drew ; Regimental Quartermaster, Jacob S. Rinearson ; Commissary, Terrill A. Jackson ; First Lieutenants attached to staff, Riley E. Stratton, Edgar B. Stone, Andrew J. Kane, Walter S. Hotchkiss; Sergeant Major, Daniel P. Barnes. Roll of field and staff of the Second Regiment on the nineteenth of March, 1856: Colonel, John Kelsey; Lieutenant-Colonel, William W. Chapman; Major, James Bruce ; Major First Recruiting Battalion, William H. Latshaw ; Major Second Re- cruiting Battalion, E. L. Massey ; Adjutant, Sandford R. Myres ; Adjutant Right Column, J. M. Cranmer ; Adjutant Recruiting Battalion, Lyman B. Munson ; Regi- mental Quartermasters, John B. White, Josej)h L. White ; Commissary, Terrill B. Jackson ; Sergeant Major, Byron M. Dawes ; Farrier, William Horseley. Company A. — Mustered October 23, 1855 ; discharged February 6, 1856 — Cap- tain, Joseph Bailey ; First Lieutenant, D. W. Keith ; Second Lieutenant, Cyrenus Mulkey; Sergeants, T. J. Holland, W. A. Owen, R. Hayes, Jonathan Riggs ; Cor- porals, Chas. McClure, James Woodey, A. Crissman, John Wilson ; Privates, T. J. Aubery, M. C. Aubery, J. C. Anderson, J. Buffington, G. Bogart, C. Bogart, O. H. P. INDIAN WARS. 287 Beagle, J. H. Beagle, W. L. Baskett, M. Belcher, J. M. Brewer, A. Benton, Wm. Cox, F. Cogswell, W. Dougherty, G. B. Day, J. J. Davison, W. B. Earnest, I. Early, M. Furgerson, J. W. Funk, J. M. Gale, J. Gillespie, J. L. Gardner, G. B. Hayes, L. C. Hawley, J. Henderson, D. C. Howard, W. Howard, E. Hills, Wm. Hunt, H. Holmes, J. January, A. A. King, W. Kirkpatrick, A. W. Langhlin, J. Lapham, Z. S. McCall, J. F. Mulkey, J. Mulkey, R. H. McGinnis, H. B. McPherson, J. W. McMinn, S. H. McBee, J. S. Miller, A. A. Morgan, L. Morgan, C. J. Matlock, R. M. Masterson, A. Murray, H. Milbourn, J. McCall, G. Ozmond, John Pankey, W. W. Patterson, L. B. Roland, W. L. Rogers, L. S. Rogers, R. Rush, J. W. Richardson, Benj. Stanton, J. C. Summer, Jos. Siden, H. A. Stevens, M. Taylor, S. Taylor, G. W. Tucker, D. Taylor, Robert Wilson, C. P. Wilson, J. M. Wallan, W. M. Watson, John Watson, C. W. Wild. Company D. — Mustered November 10, 1855 ; discharged May 15, 1856 — Cap- tain, E. A. Rice ; First Lieutenant, John S. Miller ; Second Lieutenant, J. F. Ander- son ; Sergeants, Ebenezer Pinkham, John Hailey ; Corporals, G. W. Collins, James Dickey, John McBride; Privates, Ira W. Barbee, Charles Barnes, Joseph Craine, John Crosby, William Cogle, J. M. Cramer, J. J. Charlton, Lewis Calhoun, Nicholas Cook, Oscar Duskins, William M. Elliott, W. M. Griffin, B. B. Griffin, J. F. Griffin, C. C. Goodwin, Alvan Heading, Isaac C. Hill, F. M. Huddleston, J. T. Hamilton r David N. Herren, Edward James, Jacob Long, Tobias Lytle, Nathan Milton, Tobias Mosev, A. J. Mattoon, George Morris, Chancy Nye, S. Pearse, Asher T. Prouty, Na- thaniel Rice, Wm. C. Riggs, William J. Robinson, Jacob B. Rinehart, Isaac Swinden, G. Stopper, Peter Sailing, Samuel Smith, Bushford Stanton, Noah Sagers, Jacob Tompson, D. W. Yanmarter, John W. Wood, Miles Wakeman, Robison Wright, William Yerke. Company E. — Mustered at Fort Yannoy, November 10, 1855, discharged Feb- ruary 1. 1856 — Captain, Robert L. Williams (elected Colonel, December 7); First Lieutenant, Hugh O'Neal (became Captain, January 5, 1856); Second Lieutenant, Michael Bushey ; Sergeants, George A. Eades, William J. Matthews, Grenville Blake, Richard Moore; Corporals, R. C. Brewer, Amasa Morse, John Lee, Samuel Cornelius ; Privates, John Axtell, B. Antoine, Charles Abraham, Benjamin Armstrong, James Black, L. Bozarth, W. E. Bozarth, M. Baughman, Daniel Briggs, B. B. Brockway, Christian Bellifelt, Joshua Barker, Michael Bone, AVilliam Barton, J. H. Barnes, Elzey Bird, H. R. Covert, John Cheeney, Nicholas Comser, James Curtain, Abraham Cole, Wm. Clements, Samuel Christalier, Ichabod Dodsen, Andrew J. Duskill, John C. S. Davis, Joseph Dickerson, George Dinsmore, James Duydate, J. P. Davidson, Thomas DeHaven, H. H. Epps, George R. Elliott, Michael Emerich, Harry Evens, Alexander Fuller, William Finch, A. W. Forgey, J. L. Frye, S. A. Frye, Thomas Gill, Robert Gammill, Ray Giddes, J. C. Graves, John Gould, J. W. Galbraith, Jefferson Howell, Green Holton, John R. Hale, Samuel Hawkins, Henry Hempster, William Heverlo, John B. Hutton, Peter Harrison, P. H. Harper, William Hyde, James Hornbuckle, I. S. Inman, H. S. Jones, John Jones, John Johnson, John Johnston, H. F. Johnston, Chas. Kimball, James Kelly, G. W. Keeler, T. R. Lawson, John Miller, Yoorhe Mul- lan, Jacob Miller, Thomas Mastin, S. K. Myers, N. H. Martin, P. J. Mann, Thos. E. McKoin, John Meter, S. D. Northcutt, W. W. Northcutt, Francis Pierson, John 2S8 INDIAN WARS. Parder, Samuel Parks, W. N. Pollock, David Philipps, Thomas Ryan, N. Ramsey, J. M. Roberts, Daniel Richardson, A. M. Rainey, L. Scoller, W. Stamnes, H. W. Stainton, Jno. Slater, Jacob Schernerhom, Seth Smith, D. H. Sexton, P. Snellback, Jno. Sargent, Wm. Smith, S. B. Sarles, Eel. Smith, Wm. Torrey, Jas. Thompson, A. J. Vincent, Z. Van Norman, George Weeks, J. C. Ward, James Wilson, C. Walker, H. Wilson, O. Whitsell, J. J. Whitsell, Charles Ward, Alex. Watts, J. J. Writter, N. J. Walker, Jas. Woolen, Anderson Williams, D. M. Yates. Company F. — Mustered November 10, 1855 ; discharged, February 10, 1856 — Captain, William A. Wilkinson ; First Lieutenant, C. F. Blake ; Second Lieutenant, M. F. Wakeman ; Sergeants, E. Hewitt, A. M. Shauntz, S. Fox, Robert Cochran ; Corporals, James Stephens, William Gray, Lewis Miller, Hiram Wade ; Privates, Wil- liam Allen, B. W. Alkin, John D. Alkire, William Arnett, Abraham Bowman, Wil- liam Bradley, James Brown, Stephen Betts, Arthur Coffin, Alfred Carter, J. H. Cochran, J. F. Chaffe, N. Campbell, G. C. Clay, Henry Cylinski, Emory Dalton, Theodore Deppe, W. H. Davidson, Patrick Daily, W. W. Edmonson, William Ells- worth, W. L. Freeman, Ransom Freeman, J. Farrout, Joseph Fitzen, J. W. Gaveny, Charles Griffith, O. Guilbert, Francis Graves, Edwin L. Hesse, Simon N. Harvey, F. V. Henderson, Thomas Huffman, John Harris, Henry Hawes, Thomas Hays, John Holloway, William Hobbes, J. B. Hunt, John Keller, David Kelsey, A. J. Long, J.W. Liles, G. F. Ledford, G. Mathews, J. W. May, T. H. Mitchell, James McCrate, B. F. Moore, Elias D. Mercer, Eli Martin, Michael Mowan, J. R. Meacham, E. F. Newland, James Ogg, Andrew Oldsen, John Osborn, William Purvis, W. W. Parrish, Albion Powell, John Ragsdale, George Reed, Andrew Russel, Jonathan Smith, Isaac Sneltser, John Stanley, J. E. Stephens, James J. Sanders, John B. White, J. W. White, Joseph Ward, D. W. Wallace, William Worden. Company F. — Re-enlisted February 11, 1856; discharged May 26, 1856 — Captain, W. A. Wilkinson; First Lieutenant, C. F. Blake; Second Lieutenant, Edwin L. Hesse ; Sergeants, J. H. Cochran, A. J. Long, T. W. Mitchell, Robert Cochran ; Corporals, T. W. Siles, J. F. M. Hash, S. N. Harvey, John D. Alkire; Privates, William Arnett, A. Bowman, James Brown, William Bradley, Arthur Coffin, Henry Cylinski, William Custerline, Alfred Carter, W. H. Davidson, Patrick Daily, Emory Dalton, Theodore Deppe, W. W. Edmonson, B. F. Endersby, Joseph Fitzen, J. W. Gaveny, Francis Graves, William Hobbes, John Harris, S. M. Hall, Seth Hall, Daniel S. Hicks, James B. Hunt, David Johnston, David Kelsey, W. C. Miller, Greenville Mathews, James McCrate, Michael Moran, Andrew McClure, B. F. Moore, F. N. McKee, E. D. Mercer, J. W. May, T. R. Miller, B. F. Newlin, Oscar Nott. Company G. — Mustered February 6, 1856 ; discharged May 28, 1856 — Captain, Miles F. Alcorn ; First Lieutenant, James M. Matney ; Second Lieutenant, John Osborn ; Sergeant, Silas J. Day (elected first lieutenant April 8) ; Privates, Robert Alcorn, Joseph M. Addington, Squire Butcher, George Black, George Brown, John W. Buckles, William Blane, William Brockus, Chester Badger, Zachariah Butts, Ariel E. Chapin, Andrew J. Cooper, John R. Cooper, Peter Cook, George W. Cherry, Ed- ward W. Day, Henry Gordon, Moses Hopwood, Miller Judd, Eli Judd, Allen Jones, Ceyren Knudsen, William H. Lane, William Lane, John N. Lewis, John Lee, David McClements, B. F. McKeen, John Morton, George Parks, Thomas C. Rowell, Samuel INDIAN WARS. 289 Reeder, Peter R. Sanderson, Jesse H. Stanley, J. D. Spears, Woods T. Tucker, John Wmeland, James Woods, Thomas T. Walker. Company H. — Mustered at Roseburg, November 25, 1855 ; discharged February L6, 1856 — Captain, Samuel Gordon; First Lieutenant, Samuel B. Hadley ; Second Lieutenant, Theodore Prater ; Sergeants, James B. Patton, Joseph Embree, Samuel I. Bunton, John Partz ; Corporals, Samuel H. Mastin, S. B. Greenland, Elijah Bunton, Jr., William A. Wallace; Privates, E. P. Anderson, Thomas Anderson, William M. Abbott, E. Barker, John Byron, William Briggs, I. M. Barker, Levi Bird, J. N. W. Beliew, Hugh Carson, H. M. Colon, John C. Cannon, E. Cupsin, William Cochran, Garrett Crockett, .Richard Duvall, John Doclson, John W. Dixon, M. S. Daily, Wil- liam Doty, William P. Day, George W. Day, R. H. Estell, Hiram Everman, A. A. Engels, W. M. Eaton, George Finch, I. W. Farleigh, James Fordyce, I. K. Ford, John Fitzhugh, Levi Gibbs, Robert G. Hadley, Wm. Ireland, C. W. Johnson, John Leicer, David Lilly, Robert J. Long, George Lawrence, Henry A. Livingstone, A. McElwain, W. J. Moore, Edwin Morgan, N. Mitchell, C. J. McClelland, J. B. Nichols, David O'Neil, V. Oden, James M. Pyles, John Price, L. D. Philipps, Richard Patrum, Robert Painter, Jr., Jesse Pool, F. M. Purley, I. Rapplye, Wm. Russell, Wm. H. Riddle, Eli. B. Robinson, C. B. Rawson, Alexander Reed, W. D. Singleton, James R. Scott, Hawkins Shelton, Edward Sheffield, Thomas Saum, Richard Shelton, N. I. Sexton, William Silvers, I. W. Thororelf, A. S. Thompson, W. N. West, G. W. Williams, Mathias Williams, I. P, Willson, F. M. Wright, James R. Wade, William Wilson, William Weekley. Company I. — Mustered at Roseburg, November 22, 1855; discharged January 18, 1856 — Captain, W. W. Chapman (became lieutenant-colonel of second regiment); First Lieutenant, Z. Dimmick; Second Lieutenant, James M. Morrill; Sergeants, Lyman S. Kellogg, William Wells, Abijah Ives, Thomas Cozad; Corporals, William A. Allen, Abraham C. Langdon, Johnson B. Gough, Joseph S. Reid; Privates, Simon H. Allensworth, George H. Burtgess, R. Butler, Edward Breen, William Barr, Clayton F. Bramlet, Benjamin Brattain, John Burrington, C. A. Bartrutt, Henry Casey, Thomas Chapman, James F. Cooper, G. J. Chapman, Daniel Craft, Alexander Canautt, William Canautt, William Davis, R. D. Dimmick, Solomon Ensley, A. P. Frayer, John Frayer, James Farmer, James Fraim, J. Crosby Fitzgerald, David W. Frarey, Levi Gant, James L. Garrett, Edward Griffin, William Golden, Francis Geiger, Addison C. Gibbs, Calvin B. Green, George Greenwald, Charles G. Hinderer, William Hubbard, A. T. Howard, William W. Haynes, Clark Hudson, Ira M. Hanna, Joseph Hudson, William Hilbert, William Hathaway, R. M. Hutchinson, Peter Johnson, George Kuntz, Levi Kent, James F. Levens, Z. Levens, J. A. Landes, Thomas Levens, Ansel Langdon, James McKinney, John Marshall, William McKearns, James McDonald, James McGranery, John Nicholson, W. R. Patterson, George Paine, Benton H. Pyburn, Samuel Rich, William Robertson, Thomas Stuttered, George W. Snyder, Andrew Sawyer, James F. Savery, S. R. Slayton, Jackson Swar- engen, John Sawyer, S. E. Smith, M. R. Sharpe, Madison Scoby, Edward Spicer, Daniel Test, Henry Thornton, D. C. Underwood, Ansel Weatherby, L. L. Williams, H. H. Woodward, John P. Wiggins. Company I. — Re-enlisted January 18, 1856; discharged May 14, 1856 — Captain, W. W. Chapman; First Lieutenant, S. S. Kellogg; Second Lieutenant, Ansel 38 290 INDIAN WARS. Weatherby; Sergeants, Henry Thornton, Henry W. Woodward, William Robertson, W. F. Clingan; Corporals, Benton H. Pyburn, Jacob Pittman, Abel J. Howard, William McKearns; Privates, W. A. Alien, Eli Allen, B. Brattain, William Brainard, W. F. Bay, James G. Chapman, Thomas Chapman, W. W. Chapman, Jr., W. H. Crouch, William Canauld, William F. Clingan, William Cummins, W. H. Chapline, T. Dayon, J. W. Gordon, J. B. Goff, William Hilbert, M. B. Holmbs, James Hilburn, J. A. Landes, J. J. Mitchell, William Patterson, John H. Pope, Evans Smith, Wil- liam Smith, Thomas Stoddard, Milo Taylor, William Theil, James Terrell, S. S. Williams. Company A. — (First recruiting battalion.) — Mustered at Roseburg, February 8, 1856 ; discharged May 20, 1856 — Captain Edward Sheffield ; First Lieutenant, S. S. J. Bunten ; Second Lieutenant, E. Capron ; Sergeants, S. H. Mastin, John Farleigh, R. G. Hadley, J. G. Belieu; Corporals, John Noah, N. Farris, Thos. Paul, W. R. Robin- son ; Privates, E. P. Anderson, D. Anderson, A. H. Brown, S. Belieu, James Bean, L. Bird, J. M. Baker, J. V. Bradley, H. Clifton, J. Cobble, G. Cox, Jesse Davenport, W. Dooley, F. M. Ellsworth, J. C. Fitzgerald, B. F. Frewel, D. M. Gilman, James Harris, S. Livingston, J. Livingston, J. D. B. Lee, Peter McKinney, J. M. McKinney, M. C. McCloucl, L. M. McCray, W. McKnight, J. McKinney, P. G. Masters, S. M. Masters, E. McElwain, John Pierce, E. Painter, H. Ridenham, James Stewart, W. Silver, John Siwash, John Spence, A. Thompson, A. H. Woodruff. Company B (First recruiting battalion) — Mustered in February 18, 1856; discharged June 18, 1856 — Captain, Abel George; First Lieutenant, William H. Chapline; Second Lieutenant, G. C. Vanlandingham; Sergeants, Byron N. Dalbes, Ezra Smith, F. D. Chapline, A. J. Doty; Corporals, Columbus White, William Dennis, John Mitchell, Willson W. Sharp; Privates, Jesse Adams, George W. Black- well, A. B. Buttolph, Isaac Carson, Stanford Capps, Jacob Colclosure, F. G. Collins, A. E. Colwell, John Chandler, George W. Cups, Robert Davis, Peter DeMoss, William Ellsworth, John Evens, J. H. Fanning, J. A. Freeman, S. A. Harding, Thomas Hays, George S. Flays, C. H. Horn, R. Jackson, John Jones, Henry Kennedy, Thomas Latham, Donna Lascreaux, Ormsby McKean, Peter Meeds, John McCartney, S. McMillen, H. D. Mount, Thomas Patten, M. S. Peden, F. Quabey, Lawson T. Reid, F. M. Rhodes, J. F. Richardson, George Robinson, Frances Sackett, Frederick Saddler, William Shanks, Richard Smith, A. J. Tomas, George S. Thomjoson, George W. Thurmon, William Watts, J. Woodward, Willson C. Wilcox, A. Wyland. Company C (First recruiting battalion) — Mustered in February 19, 1856; dis- charged May 21, 1856 — Captain, Michael Bushey; First Lieutenant, Samuel C. Nicholson; Second Lieutenant, Henry B. Conroy; Sergeant, Aaron R. Deadwood; Privates, J. G. Adams, J. M. Anderson, Henry J. Amnions, David Brenan, Erben E. Bozarth, Tomas Bozarth, Atchinson Blackwood, E. B. Ball, J. C. Cox, John H. Colclosure, Samuel Christelier, Sewyel Cox, George C. Clay, Peter Cook, Robert Davis, George Densmore, Jasper A. Daniels, Edward H. Day, Alfred H. Fisher, Henry Gordon, David M. Groom, Henry Green, Dempsey Hamilton, Henry Jones, William Lane, Adam Linn, Jacob Miller, William McGloughlin, William McMahon, Guilbert Parker, James M. Pyle, C. B. Roland, Wently Roop, James Strong, Seth Smith, Peter O. Smith, William J. Tracy, W. G. Winningham, Anderson Williams, A. I. W r atts, T. G. Winningham, George Wood, T. D. Wright. INDIAN WARS. 291 Company D. — (First recruiting battalion.) Mustered February 27, at Camp Stew art; discharged May 26, 185G — Captain M. M. Williams; First Lieutenant, J. A. Carter; Second Lieutenant, George B. Curry ; Sergeants, Joseph Tracy, A. D. Lake, Merritt Bellinger, Abner Miner; Corporals, S. J. Southerland, Samuel Clayton, W. M. Little, Denis Crawley; Privates, Charles Anderson, J. K. Applegate, John Albon, B. L. Battey, W. F. Burns, J. B. Burns, D. P. Brittain, Thos. J. Bayless, E. Blodget, J. B. Braman. W. Churchill John Churchill, T. M. Cameron, P. W. Cook, J. Dickens, H. Dixon, J. P. Delk, G. R. Enos, B. F. Elliott, S. Eager, E. Frost, H. B. Fowler, R. R. Gates, Alex. Harris, A. C. Harrison, J. Johnson TV. Lampson, J. R. Little, C. Links- wiler, T. Lamberson, L. Little, A. Lee, J. J. Murphy, S. Mooney, Ira Moody M. Mc- Lane, R. S. McMullin, A. C. Nelson, W. Newcomb, E. B. Poland, W. F. Pearman, F. Pierson, F. M. Rhoades, J. Rhoades, Alex. Rainey, W. M. Southerland, A. W.Stingent, M. G. Sellers, G. S. Smith, W. A. Stinger, Alex. Thompson, E. Taber, James Terrell, D. Tryon, S. M. Wait, Moses Warner. Company A. — (Second recruiting battalion). Mustered February 13, 1856; dis- charged June 19, 1856 — Captain, Wm. H. Latshaw (promoted to Major March 19); First Lieutenant, J. M. "Wallan (became Captain March 19) ; Second Lieutenant, Charles W. McClure ; Sergeants, J. L. White, John Duvall, John Wilson, Dennis Prickett; Corporals, David Wilson, William Cox, F. M. Mansfield, J. C. Templeton ; Privates, W. Allen, R. C. Breeding, E. H. Baber, R. D. Cotton, Wm. Crow, Benjamin Cox, D. B. Cooley, John Collins, J. F. Duniway, John Dodson, M. Emrick, J. W. Funk, J. Galbraith, J. R. Gist, J. R. Hays, G. W. Howard, H. P. Holmes, A. Haney, W. R. Jones, Jonathan Keeney, Jas. Lapham, A. S. McClure, Bobt. Matheny, J. H. McCord, A. J. McClure, John Miller, John McCall, James Petrie, William Privitt, D. H. Put- nam, W. H. Peck, Mahlon Petrie, M. C. Pettyjohn, R, S. Shook, Conrad Stuygle, W- W. Shortridge, J. P. Taylor, C. W. Tedrow, J. B. Thompson, William Wilson." Company B. — (Second recruiting battalion), Mustered February 18, 1856; dis- charged June 21, 1856 — Captain, John Kelser (promoted to Colonel ; succeeded by W. J. Robertson); First Lieutenant, J. L. Combs; Second Lieutenant, Comedon S. Lum ; Sergeants, J. W. Chisholm, Thomas Clemmins, M. Adams, W. C. Jasper ; Corporals, James S. Phillips, Morgan Lillard, William Ownsby, A. F. Ragsdale ; Privates, W. H. Anderson, John F. Baird, Carroll Baird, Robert S. Barclay, Robert Bolan, C. P. Blair, John T. Craigg, James Casner, J. M. Creswell, H. M. Childers, Reuben Fields, W. R. Fontain, Nicholas Feldwert, T. J. Goe, Ulysses Garred, G. W. Goodman, A. J. Hayden, G. W. Hayden, Richard B. Hays, Martin Humber, T. D. Hinton, J. B. Hen- derson, William Hiester, J. M. James, John C. Lloyd, William Lambden, Thomas McBee, J. K. McCormack, F. M. Mathews, E. Marple, James McCallister, W. A. Mulvaney, Newton Mulvaney, L. W. Mulvaney, John McCullock, John Marshall, S. McConnell, Thomas Mulkey, David Nesley, Edward Neely, Powell Ownsley, Cyrus Powers, Thomas Pyburn, A. Richardson, Hiram Richardsou, J. M. Richardson, S. V. Robinson, J. A. Robinson R. H. Randall, Joseph Slover, James Spears, M. A. Starr, S. E. Starr, S.C. Shannan, William Stringer, William Splan, William Skein, Benjamin Trimble,Robert G.Thompson, J. A. Thompson, P. C. Thompson, William S. Turnlow, Evan Taylor. Company C (Second recruiting battalion). — Mustered in March 29, at Eugene City; discharged July 3, 1856 — Captain, D. W. Keith; First Lieutenant, L. C. Haw- 292 INDIAN WAES. ley; Second Lieutenant, Jesse Cox; Sergeants, H. C. Huston, J. E. Kirkland, James Siden, George Morris; Corporals, G. H. Baker, John Robinson, Jesse B. Sitton, S. Gardner; Privates, William Allen, J. H. Alexander, T. N. Baker, O. Baird, J. T. Bowden, J. M. Brown, J. M. Brower, J. Bonser, O. Bates, H. A. Coston, A. J. Conard, D. S. Davis, M. Eccleston, J. M. Gale, J. N. Gale, J. C. Gray, Aaron Gardner, W. P. Gardner, J. A. Hays, E. Hammett, J. Hendricks, Adam Herbert, P. Higginbotham, Thomas Harson, Robert Harson, William Hyde, John Hutchins, A. A. King, A. J. Kirkland, John Jones, B. C. McAtee, Samuel Matheny, J. McClarnie, L. B. Munson, S. B. Mathers, Josiah McBee, S. H. McBee, E. L. Masssey, George W. Miller, B. F. Mounts, Thurston Pettyjohn, J. Robinson, M. Robinson, J. B. Riley, C. F. Robberson, W. L. Rogers, M. Smith, W. P. Skinner, C. C. Smith, T. B. South worth, J. N. Sharpe, John Skeen, John Taylor, William Taylor, John Taylor, John Warner, Benjamin Zumwalt. Prather's Spy Company. — Mustered at Deer Creek, March 6, 1856; discharged May 15, 1856 — Captain, Thomas Prather; First Lieutenant, Henry Shrum; Second Lieutenant, John Price; Sergeant, Edwin Morgan; Corporal, T. J. Singleton; Privates, Thomas Anderson, S. Blakeley, Andy Chapman, Joseph Embree, William Eaton, H. Everman, George Finch, J. Fordyce, J. French, I. J. Hinkle, L. Hale, H. Hoskins, G. Lawrence, R. Long, C. C. McClendon, J. S. Noland, M. Noland, V. Oden, A. V. Oden, M. Pervely, J. Simmons, H. Smith, P. VanSlyke, E. F. Whist- ler, James Watson, Daniel Walker, Enoch Wimberly, Robert Willis. Guess' Minute Company. — Mustered at Fort Play, Illinois valley, May 1, 1856; discharged June 20, 1856 — Captain, John Guess; First Lieutenant, Asher Moore; Second Lieutenant, Stephen Coleman; Sergeants, B. Kinchloe, W. J. Cross, W. S. Gibbs, John McCord; Corporals, Peter McClinchy, F. Sebastian, E. S. Fite, Alfred Dousitt, Thomas Arnett, Edward Evans, F. H. Freeman, A. J. Henderson, C. R. Hanaford, James Hope, John Heron, Charles Hook, J. A. M. Harned, J. Hamilton, U. C. Knight, B. Newman, W. Patterson, N. Pennaman, D. Post, J. D. Post, H. A. Plummer,W. Plummer, E. Mulkey, J. Miller, Charles Martin, J.Mendenhall,S. Mooney, P. Mulkey, John McDowd, J. Kirby, J. R. Reves, Lenoir Reves, G. L. Reed,W. Ross, M. Rothchild, Harvey Sbaw, George Sing, E. Z. Taner, A. P. Turner, F. M. Vliet, G. M. White, J. G. Wood. Looking-glass Guards. — Organized April 12, 1856 — Captain, Daniel Williams; First Lieutentant, William K. Stark; Second Lieutenant, William Cochran; Privates, James M. Arrington, Samuel W. K. Applegate, Willis Alden, John P. Boyer, Levi Ballard, William Cochran, Roland Flournoy, Jr., Jones Flournoy, Samuel S. Halpain, John H. Hartin, Nathaniel Huntley, Joseph Huntley, Daniel Huntley ; Alexander M. Johnson, Frederick Mitchell, Hilry A. Mitchell, Franklin Mitchell, Edmund F. McNall, Ambrose Newton, Abbot L. Todd, Franklin White, George W. Williams, Jefferson Williams, Milton W. Williams, Peter W. Williams. Gold Beach Guards. — Mustered March 13, 1856; discharged , 1856 — Captain, Elisha H. Meservey; First Lieutenant, Joseph McVey; Second Lieutenant, Joseph Griffith ; Privates, W. Allen Thomas Baker, Frank Bugy, Joseph Cruse, C. Claser, D. R. S. Daley, J. L. Garrett, E. A. Lane, Simon Lundy, S. Monte, John O'Regan, August Richards, J. W. Sykes, W. Smith, John Thomas, J. K. Vincent, O. W. Weam, Fred Weller, John Wilson. j3k i I INDIAN WARS. 293 Roll of the Ninth Regiment, Oregon Militia. — Colonel, John E. Ross; Lieutenant-Colonel, Major, ; Adjutant, Charles S. Drew. Company A. — Mustered October 10, 1855; discharged November 2G, 1855 — Captain, T. 8. Harris; First Lieutenant, A. M. Berry; Second Lieutenant, G. W. Manvill; Sergeants, J. M. Sutton, J. L. Ware, John Shoomau, Thomas Hall; Corporals, w!" C. Butler, O. F. Sanford, William Ornduff, O. P. Brumby; Privates, L. F. Allen, B. S. Allen, Charles Armstrong, B. Bunuss, James Bourk, A. Bethel, M. C. Barkwell, A. A. Buzzell, J. B. Coats, J. H. Deadmond, William Daflin, William Dora, J. R. Enos, A. C. Funkhouser, Louis Furgason, John Gunn, John Goldsbv, Thomas Gill, C. B. Hinton, William Hamilton, William Hay, B. G. Henry, D. W. Helm, A. Helms, William Hand, John Johnson, J. M. Johns, Charles F. Kroft, Charles Kimball, L. G. Linvill, Eli Ledford, J. B. Little, F. F. Loche, W. I. Mayfield, A. J. Nalin, G. S. Nichols, Robert Opp, Thomas Ord, William Pernell, J. A. Pedigo, Benjamin Person, William Penington, S. Bathburn, J. M. Raburn, W. C Biggs, William Smith, S. B. Sorles, Peter Saling, Samuel Smith, William White, John Winingham, Martin Wingood, E. Yager. Company C. — Mustered October 10, 1855; discharged November 21, 1855 — Captain, Jacob S. Binearson; First Lieutenant, William P. Wing; Second Lieutenant, U. L. Woodford; Sergeants, Thomas R. Evens, Daniel Boone, Elisha M. Beavis; Privates, James A. Abbutt, John W. Bucklis, George Brown, Isaac Bentley, Peter Brown, Bufus H. Bernan, John Billings, William Ballard, John Bankenship, E. C. Bray, John Casner, John Creighton, Win. H. Crouch, Job Denning, Ichobod Dodson, James C. Dickey, F. Duniway,.Tomas East, John Fortune,William Geiney, Clement S. Glasgow, B. W. Henry, A. G. Henry, David W. Inman, Charles Johnson, John Junker, William S. King, Martin C. Leslie, Bobert Lang, James W. Lanber, William Lear, John G. Minot, Carick G. Minot, Enoch Miller, George B. Miller, Jacob W. Miller, John McCasy, Levi Notte, James Pearcy, John Y. Pinkerton, Bobert C. Percival, Williarn B. Phillips, Jackson Beynolds, F. M. Boman, John Red field, Samuel P. Strange, B. Sargeant, Labin Saunders, Henry Smith, Charles B. Tooth- acher, Francis M. Thibbits, E. N. Thomas, Samuel Tillard, William F. Woodford, Henry Wisbrook, George Wood, John D. Wright, Ephram Yager, Henry Yocum. Company D. — Mustered October 12, 1855 ; discharged November 9,^1855 — Cap- tain, R. L. Williams; First Lieutenant, E. B. Stone; Second Lieutenant, H. O'Neal; Sergeants, G. A. Edes, W. J. Mathews, G. Blake, R. Moore; Corporals, R. C. Brewer, A. Morse, J. Lee, S. Cornelius; Privates, B. Armstrong, M. C. Barkwell, H. H. Bar- rett, M. Baughman, B. B. Brockway, D. Briggs, J. Cristy, H. K. Covert, J. Cheney, N. Courter, J. Curtain, G. Delaney, A. J. Driskell, J. C. S. Davis, J. Dickerson, G. Dinsmore, J. Dugdale, J. P. Davidson, M. Emerich, J. J. Elliotte, H. H. Epps, G. R. Elliott, A. Fuller, L. Felton, J. P. Frizzell, R. Gammill, R. Gaddis, J. C. Graves, L. Gates, J. Howell, G. Holten, J. R. Hale, S. Hawkins, J. B. Hutton, S. S. Inman, J. Jones, J. Kent, C. Lovel, Y. Mullen, John Miller, T. Martin, S. R. Myres, S. Mooney, M. M. Melvin, T. E. McKoin, Y. Neil, J. Parder,M. Parsley, W. B. Previtt, W. Pen- ington, J. Russel, T. Ryan, W. Showdy, L. Scoller, G. W. Sloan, W. Stannus, H. W. Stainton, J. Slates, J. Schermerhorn, W. Toney, J. C. Ward, J. Wilson, J. Winter, C. Walker, H. Wilson, J. Woolen, R. Woods, D. M. Yates. 294 INDIAN WARS. Company E. — Mustered October 12, 1855 ; discharged Captain, William B. Lewis ; First Lieutenant, William A. J. Moore ; Second Lieutenant, William White; Sergeants, John G. Adams, Alex. D. McJess, William Gibson ; Privates, Israel D. Adams, George W. Bramlet, Milton Blacklidge, William P. Chesher, John Cooper W. G. Crandall, J. Collins, John G. Dutcher, Allen Evans, I. Elliott, Harvey Evans John Erixson, John W. Gannaway, John Grosbois, Joseph McGahan, JosejDhus Hosier, Jacob Hershberger, Henry S. Jones, Joseph Umpqua, Louis Dunois, Timoleon Love, Edward Neely, James Neely, William Pruitt, J. W. Pickett, John Roberts, E. D. Smith, Adam Shough, Christolier Samuel, Samuel Sanders, Benjamin Tufts, J. L. Thompson, Evans Taylor, Thomas Wilson, J. E. White, George Weeks, Anderson Williams, W. R. Walker, A. S. Walker. Company F. — Mustered October 13, 1855 ; discharged November 13, 1855 — Captain, A. S. Welton ; First Lieutenant, Angus Brown ; Second Lieutenant, V. H. Davis ; Sergeants, J. C. London, John Hultz, David Rathborn ; Privates, George W. Anderson, M. D. Ballard, Wm. Barton, J. D. Bennett, S. Butcher, W. N. Ballard, Joseph Copeland, Joseph Carter, George Cherry, J. J. Charlton, C. A. Charlton, J. T. Farley, John Finnin, James Hawkins, J. H. Hasper, John Kennedy, Richard Kelly, Mellis Kelly, F. F. Locher, J. B. Layton, A. J. Long, Isaac Miller, N. N. Matlock, W. K. Minot, Edmund Magruder, J. B. Nichols, J. F. Noland, Henry Pearl, John Richards, George Ross, Clinton Schieffelin, E. Sharp, John Smith, James Stewart, David Tompson, Z. Van Orman, Thomas Warmon, Charles Williams, Stephen Watson. Company G. — Mustered into service October 11, 1855; mustered out November 10, 1855 — Captain, Miles F. Alcorn ; First Lieutenant, James M. Matney ; Second Lieutenant, John Osborn ; Sergeants, S. J. Day, Thos. Bailey,Thos. Walker, Thos. Mc- Lain; Corporals, A. W. A. McConnell, Edwd. Cose, Saml. C. Nicholson, Jas. Tucker ; Privates, Thomas L. Arnot, Levy Allison, Caleb Bailey, Washington Bailey, David Butterfield, Luzern Bradley, Squire Bucher, D. N. Birdseye, F. G. Birdseye, William Brockus, Newman Bartlett, George Black, Henry B. Conroy, Champion Collier, William Collier, Wiley Cash, J. K. Colwell, George W. Cherry, John Cose, Thomas Coates, Andrew J. Cooper, Peter Cook, Freeman Chandler, George E. Chapel, David Clemens, Granderson Curtis, James W. Collins, Edward W. Day, William Decker, James F. Davis, Allen Evans, Menry P. Gordon, Philip Griff, Owen Hopkins, Demp- sey Hamilton, Simeon Hardin, O. D. Hoxie, Moses Hopwood, Miller Judd, Richard Jones, Isaac B. Kauffman, George Long, Jacob Lewellen, William Lane, Allen B. Moser, James Miller, David Mall, Constantine Magruder, Edmond Magruder, Benja- min McKeen, Simeon McFall, Tomas McBurney, William McClain, Daniel Newcomb, William T. Newcomb, Martin C. Newcomb, Ortegrel C. Newcomb, Felix O'Neal. William Patterson, James M. Patterson, W. B. Philips, Calvin Paris, A. Jackson Rader, Samuel Reeder, David Ruminer, Joseph Swingle, Benjamin Snipes, James Savage, Clinton Schieffelin, P. R. Sanderson, Hiram Taylor, Isaac Vanderhorn, John Wineland. Company J. — Mustered October 20, 1855 ; discharged November 16, 1855 — Cap- tain, Thomas Smith ; First Lieutenant, John R. Helman ; Second Lieutenant, Turney G. Condrie; Sergeants, Bennet Million, Robert Hargadine, Samuel Clayton; Privates, William Alevand, John Buckingham, William Bunyard, Thomas Barrett, James Bar INDIAN WARS. 295 rett, John A. Bachman, A. Barr, B. F. Davis, Richard Evens, Eber Emery, J. Emery Asa Fordise, L. C. Geary, J. A. Harvey, Jacob Huffman, A. D. Helman, Sol. Holman j J. M. Johnson, James Kilgore, Sard. Knutzson, W. E. Laynes, William Miller, Jack- son Million, Masters, Michael Michealson, W. L. Morris, J. M. McCall, William McCommon, M. Newhouse, William Pitinger, John Roberts, Ferdinand Stiners, Wil- liam F. Songer, David Smith, James Toland, John Tucker, William Train, Giles Wells, John Wise, Isaac Woolen, John Walker, John Watson. Company K. — Mustered October 16, 1855j discharged November 21, 1855 — Captain, S. A. Frye; First Lieutenant, James Hornbuckle; Second Lieutenant, Thomas Moore; Sergeants, Charles Abraham, John Guess, Christian Tuttle ; Privates, James Ailsher, Urban E. Bozarth, Christian Billafelt, Joseph ^Barker, Michael Boon, T. Bozarth, Abraham Cole, T. DeHaven, Charles M. Dwelley, John L. Frye, William Finch, A. W. Foggy, John Gould, J. W. Galbraith, H. Henspeter, William Heaverloe, Patrick Haloran, John McGrew, John Meter, Samuel Parks, Frank Pierson, Napoleon Ramsey, James M. Roberts, David Sexton, Peter Snellback, Seth Smith, Henry Tomp- son, A. J. Whitsette, Charles Ward, Alex. Watts, J. J. Witter. Company L. — Mustered October 18, 1855; discharged November 21, 1855 — Cap- tain, Abel George; First Lieutenant, Thomas Hays; Second Lieutenant, Stephen Betts; Sergeants, J.M. Cranmer, J. H. Kirkpatrick, W. H. Case, T. N. Ballard; Privates, N. B. Bond, J. W. Chaffee, William Cogle, G. H. Church, A. J. Case, A. J. Doty, Wil- liam Elworth, W. L. Freemon, D. Fousley, A. Gage, A. M. Graham, Thomas Green- field, W. Gerick, C. R. Hicks, Edwin Heffs, H. Hawes, F. J. Higginson, A. S. Isaacs, R. II. Johnson, J. H. Lamand, Victor Lychlinski, Alexander Lee. James Ogg, J. W. Pate, Henry IF Richardson, E. H. Richardson John Ragsdell, Clinton Stetson, J. M. Shaw, George Stout, R. L. Smith, J. W. Selby, D. W. Van Martin, George C. A"an Landingham, William Warden. Company N. — Mustered October 26, 1855; discharged November 21, 1855 — Cap- tain, Orise F. Root; First Lieutenant, J. W. Scott; Second Lieutenant, BurdeP. Pott; Sergeants, C. P. Sprague, Isaac N. Knight, J. W. Pinnell, J. W. Donning ; Privates, John Axtell. Thomas Arnett, D. W. Beckley, J. G. Brious, William Brockus, A. J. Cutberth, W. W. Cox, James W. Doning, J. F. Davis, Robert Duckworth, H. DeGraff, Bernard Fisher, John Goings, Z. M. Goodale, J. M. Hay, Jarvis J. Hay, W. M. Hyde, A. J. Henderson, William Jump, Isaac N. Knight, James Kelly, T. R. Lawson, Jacob Lewellen J. W. Pattrich, J. W. Pinnell, W. M. Pollock, Burd Pott, Calvin Parris, Alexander M. Rainey, G. H. Reeves, J. R. Reeves, John Sargent, Charles F. Sharp, C. P. Sprague, J. W. Scott, John Twenty man, A. J. Vincent. Company — . — Mustered October 27 ; discharged November 16, 1855 — Captain, M. P. Howard ; First Lieutenant, Daniel Richardson ; Second Lieutenant, H. M. Conroy ; Sergeants, Israel T. Mann, G. A. Thomas, John Cathey, Lycurgus Bozarth ; Corporals, N. J. Walker, Nicholas H.Martin, John Cathey, N. R. Mulvaney; Privates, John Bowers, James Black, John Burns, Elzey Bird, William Clemens, Lozenzo Coppers, Pulaski Hall, P. H. Harper, Gill Hultz, Eli Judd, John H. Johnson, Thomas Lake, William Lamson, Joseph Miles, John Mayfield, James McClenney, David Phillips, John Price, D. F. Perkins, Jakob Rounderbush, Joseph Steel, Goldsmith Tear. George Tear. 296 INDIAN WARS. Company — . — Mustered October 10, 1855; discharged November 9, 1855 — Captain, James Bruce; First Lieutenant, E. A. Rice; Second Lieutenant, Joseph F. Anderson; Sergeants, Ebenezer Pinkham, R. R. Gates, Francis Pickle, John Haley; Corporals, George W. Collins, Elijah Williams, James C. Dickey, John S. McBride; Privates, Oliver P. Corbett, Dennis Crowley, John Coleman, Lewis Calhoun, D. R. Crocker, John C. Cottrell, Garret Fitzgerald, Charles L. Fee, Daniel F. Fisher, C. C. Goodwin, Aaron Greenbaum, James Hayes, E. Hereford, James Hereford, J. F. Hamilton, Alexander Harris , William A .Hall, Moses H. Hopwood, John N. Lewis, R. S. Munn, A. H. Matthew, Nathan Milton, Chauncey Nye, Sylvester Pease, William Pasley, William Pengra, Nathaniel Rice, August Rumbel, George Stapper, Samuel H. Smith, A. R. Smith, John W. Short, Bluford Stanton, Lewis Sagers, Alexander Thompson, John W. Wood, J. H. Wassum. Port Oeford Minute Men. — Mustered March 26; discharged June 25, 1856 — Captain, John Creighton; First Lieutenant, George Yount; Second Lieutenant, William Rollard; Sergeants, Nelson Stevens, Alexander Jones, Samuel Yount, Thourpson Lowe; Corporals, Peter Ruffner, John Herring, George White, Thomas Jamison; Privates, E. Bray, George Barber, Edward Burrows, Preston Caldwell, E. ditching, E. Cunningham, John T. Dickson, George Dyer, Aaron Dyer, H. M. Davidson, George Dean, Warren Fuller, Joseph Goutrain, Andrew Hubert, D W. Haywood, Joseph Hall, Thomas Johnson, Richard Johnson, T. G. Kirkpatrick, William Taylor, James Malcolm, L. Parker, James Saunders, Charles Setler, George P. Sullivan, Louis Turner, W. W. Waters, Charles Winslow, William White, John Wilson. Coquille Guards. — In service from November 6, 1855, to December 28, 1855; mustered at Fort Catching — Captain, W. H. Packwood; First Lieutenant, J. B. Hill; Sergeants, J. G. Malcolm, Evan Cunningham ; Corporals, Charles W. Wood, A. W. Davis; Privates, George Barber, Isaac Bingham, William Bagley, J. Bray, E. Catching, G. J. Cooper, J. J. Cooper, Preston Caldwell, William Cooley, F. McCue, J. B. Dulley, William Duke, Samuel Darlington, John B. David, J. A. Harry, Abram Huffman, David Hull, Alex. Jones,W. H. Jackson, Benjamin Tarrigan, Henry Miller, Lewellyn Oliver, A. Pence, R. G. Phillips, William Roland, James W. Rooks, John S. Sweet, Charles Settle, W. Waters. In this enumeration the companies of Buoy, Keeney, Bledsoe, Robertson, Blakely and Barnes of the second regiment, and of Thomas J. Gardner, M. M. Williams, W. A. Wilkinson, W. H. Harris, Stephen Coffin, J. G. Powell and W. S. Buckley of the ninth regiment are omitted because of the loss of their muster-rolls. The total strength of the two regiments is shown in the following table, which sets forth the number of officers and men in service on the twentieth of each month during the war of 1855-6: October, 1855. November, 1855. December, 1855. January, 1856. February, 1856. March, 1856. April, 1856. May, 1856. June, 1856. July, 1856. Ninth Regiment 545 217 880 7 901 4 912 4 518 3 807 2 913 2 663 2 326 Second Regiment Total Force 545 1,097 908 916 522 810 915 665 328 2 W.G.T' Vault. SOUTHERN OREGON. CHAPTER XXXV. DESCRIPTION, CLIMATE AND EARLY HISTORY. Extent of Southern Oregon— Forests of Timber— Supply of Water, Fish and Game — Climate — Meteorological Statistics — Population— Early History — Smith and McLeod — Wilkes Exploring Expedition — The Applegate Trail. The district which by common acceptance has become known as Southern Oregon, embraces the five counties of Douglas, Coos, Jackson, Josephine and Curry. It is bounded on the west by the Pacific ocean ; on the south it borders the California line ; the Cascade range interposes between it and Eastern Oregon ; while northwardly the region terminates in the Calapooia mountains and their prolongations, which separate the waters of the Willamette from those of the Umpqua. The shape of Southern Oregon roughly approaches a square, the principal divergence being in its north side, which runs northwesterly. The coast line is about one hundred and fifty miles long ; the southern side one hundred miles ; the eastern, or mountain boundary, about eighty- five miles ; and the northern side of the quadrilateral something near one hundred and twenty miles. Its total area is nearly twelve thousand square miles. This immense tract is divided by nature into two large and many small valleys separated by hills and mountain chains, rendering the country in the highest degree diversified. The larger valleys are those of the Umpqua and Rogue rivers — names celebrated in the history of Oregon, and in the future to be still more widely known as the abode of a numerous and fortunate people. To most of the mountain ranges intersecting these valleys names have been given, and particular peaks have also received designations. Thus to the northeastward the Calapooia mountains form the water-shed which separates the streams flowing into the Umpqua from those entering the Coast Fork and the Middle Fork of the Willamette. Mount Thielsen, or Cow-horn peak, stands near the point of intersection of that range with the Cascade mountains, and forms, as it were, the keystone of the whole range. This remarkable peak attains a height of 9,250 feet and bears a crown of snow through- out the year. It forms one of the most conspicuous objects in the whole range, and is in some respects superior to Mount Hood although its height is more than 2,000 feet less. It is especially remarkable as the center of several mountain systems which uniting at its base penetrate west, north and south. The spurs which trend to the west, north- 39 298 SOTJTHEEN OKEGON. west and southwest sink down as they proceed until they are lost in the hills of the Umpqua valley. These minor ranges, spreading like a fan, inclose pleasant valleys and deep canyons drained by clear and rapid streams, which, rising in the upper regions, run downward toward the sea, rapidly at first, over bowlders and precipices, slower as they pass through winding valleys and finally approaching and ending in Umpqua and Rogue rivers. In the mingled mass of mountains around about majestic Theilsen a number of important rivers have their birth. Almost at its base gush forth waters which, running in many devious courses, seek the ocean by various mouths. Within the shadow of the mountain lie lakes Crescent, Odell and Diamond. From the two former proceed streams which, flowing onward to the DesChutes river, keep a northerly course and reach the Columbia above The Dalles. From Diamond lake rises the North Umpqua, and from the gorges southwest therefrom the South Umpqua takes its rise, the two rivers to come together in the pleasant Umpqua valley and enter the ocean after flowing a generally westerly course. Again from Summit lake, a dozen miles north from Theilsen, the Middle fork of the Willamette springs, and after join- ing the main stream empties into the Columbia a hundred miles from the ocean. Close by the sources of the Umpqua and springing from the same great water shed which, as we have seen, nourishes the germs of so many rivers, the headwaters of Rogue river rise, and find their way down by devious ways to the ocean, the general course of the upper part of the river being southwest. Nor does this list comprise all the streams which have their birth in this remarkable region. Certain affluents of Klamath river and Klamath lake, namely, Wood, Seven-mile, and Annie creeks, head in these moun- tains. Thus the waters which spring forth from the sides of Theilsen and the neigh- boring peaks flow to every point of the compass. Before their course is run and they find rest in the Pacific they have traversed and watered the most fertile valleys of Oregon and Northern California. They have turned the wheels or borne the com- merce of scores of counties and bestowed blessings upon widely different localities. The Rogue and Umpqua rivers, after rising almost within stone's throw of each other, end their courses in the broad Pacific at a distance of over ninety miles apart. As seen from a high elevation the region under discussion does not by any means present the appearance generally accorded to it. Instead of large valleys or plains of level land fringed on either hand by the Cascades and the Coast Range, the country consists of a very large number of small valleys separated by mountain ranges of various heights and drained by creeks which find their tortuous way into the two principal streams. The separating ranges, instead of conforming to a general trend, seem to fol- low no fixed rule in that regard, and do not coincide with each other in any degree. Thus the country is exceedingly broken and its local divisions are almost innumerable, The observer would be particularly struck with the extent of the forest-clad surface. He would see that the trees cover by far the greater part of the entire region, only the broader valleys, bottom lands, and side-hills being to any extent free from timber and underbrush. On the west he would observe the extensive system of the Coast Range covered with dark forests of fir which extend to the sea coast. On the eastern boundary the Cascade mountains, clothed almost to the summit with noble forests, cut off the view in that direction. SOUTHERN OREGON. 299 The dividing ridge of the Cascades lies at a distance of rather more than one hun- dred miles from the coast, to which it is parallel. The Coast Range; which also follows approximately the ocean line, has its highest summits at about one-fourth the distance mentioned. The irregularity of the latter range is very striking. The Umpqua and Rogue rivers have forced their way through the solid sandstone mountains, whose preci- pices frown over their waters. The height of the Coast Range hardly exceeds one- third that of the snow peaks of the Cascades, nor is its base spread out over so great an area. The country lying on the western slope of the Coast Range possesses a distinctive character. Its width varies from five to thirty-five miles, according to the trend of the mountains ; its surface is much broken, and is divided laterally by numerous streams, whose valleys constitute nearly all the arable land of this narrow strip. The climate is oceanic, a moist atmosphere prevailing, with regular sea breezes. Forests of fir, laurel and cedar cover almost the entire surface. The rain fall is greater than in the Umpqua ami Rogue river valleys, and the temperature more equable. Beginning at the Cali- fornia state line and proceeding northward along the coast a large number of streams are crossed, rising, with the exception of the Rogue and Umpqua, among the hills of the Coast Range. The flora of Southern Oregon bears distinguishing characteristics. Upon the flanks of the Coast Range and the country lying between those mountains and the sea, exists an almost interminable forest of evergreen trees — the red fir, yellow fir, white fir, red cedar and the white cedar. These trees grow to an enormous size and constitute an almost inexhaustible store of the best quality of lumber. On the eastern slope of the range, the oak takes the place of the gigantie conifers, and scattered groves of these are found until the foothills of the Cascades are reached, when the fir again becomes abundant. Here it is associated with the sugar pine, a species almost unknown to the Coast mountains. On the Cascades also grow the oak, juniper, hemlock and spruce, but in smaller quantities than the former trees. Here, also, the supply of timber is very great, and owing to the difficulty of access, is practically untouched. All parts of this great and interesting region are well watered. Save in some ele- vated regions of the extreme eastern part, hardly a quarter-section of land but possesses an ample supply of the clearest and coldest water Numerous streams abound and springs burst forth in profusion. In these mountain streams rove vast numbers offish, the mountain or brook trout, the salmon trout, and in its season the salmon, being the most valuable species. The woods abound in game; the bear, elk, deer, California lion and other four-footed animals not yet extirpated by the bullet of the hunter, remain to furnish excitement for the sportsman and a not inconsiderable supply of meat to settlers and the markets. Smaller animals and birds lend the attraction of their presence to a scene of woodland peace and beauty. The climate of Southern Oregon is in many respects superior to that of any other portion of the coast. With an ample rainfall it stands midway between the continual drouth of Sacramento valley and the almost perpetual winter rains of the Willamette. Closed in by mountain chains, it is not swept by winds heated by a long journey over vast stretches of level land, while across the low summits of the Coast Range steal the cooling breezes from the sea. Storms can not reach it with the full strength of their 330 SOUTHERN OREGON. power. Protected from hot winds in summer, and in winter coming within the influ- ence of that warm ocean river, the Japan current, which so modifies and tempers the climate of the coast from Alaska to Mexico, the climate of this region is equable, agreeable and healthful. With a natural drainage of its surface that renders large areas of swampy land impossible, this region is never afflicted by scourge or pesti- lence, nor has it malaria or any other prevailing disease. It is a land where fertility of soil, health and agreeableness of climate and beauty of scenery conspire to make life a pleasure to the well, and to stimulate the invalid with renewed vigor. Statistics of temperature and rainfall, covering any extended period, it is impossi- ble to obtain. Until a station of the United States signal service was established in Roseburg in 1877, no organized effort was made in this direction, and individuals seem to have been too much engrossed in the cares of business to give attention to the subject. We have only the record kept in Rogue river valley by a pioneer of that region, extending from 1854 to 1865, and the reports of the station at Roseburg since its founding in 1877. From these the following tables have been prepared : METEOROLOGICAL SUMMARY. COMPILED PROM THE RECORDS OP THE UNITED STATES SIGNAL STATION AT ROSEBURG, OREGON. 1878. 1879. January February March April May June July August September October November December Annual Means. Totals Therrnom'tr Rain- Thennom'tr. fall Max Min M'n In's Mas Min M'n ;6.8 33.. 6 44 47 8 51.4 51.1 56.1 63 64.3 66.3 58.7 49.5 46.1 38.1 51.1 8.70 7 30 6.36 0.79 1.62 0.39 1.18 0.46 1.29 2.55 3.55 2.73 36.92 56 . 5 66 82.5 84 96 92 90 72 60 56 75.4 30.8 Rain- fall. In's. 37.6 44.6 49.8 51.4 53.4 60.2 65.9 67.3 63.2 52 42.1 39.1 52. 2 4.74 4.21 8.60 3.67 4.63 0.56 0.15 1.47 1. 15 2,20 5.79 7.86 45.03 MaxjMin M'n 1880. Thermom'tr. '5 .6 25 20 19 29.5 33 37.5 45 43 37 29 17.5 29 30 4 41 37 40 48 52.6 59.3 67 64.4 60.9 51.3 38.7 45.5 50.6 Rain- fall. In's. 9.37 2.49 2.81 3.98 1.39 0.68 0.01 0.41 0.47 0.77 0.77 8.29 31.44 1881. Thermom'tr. Max Min M'n 63 80 78 84.5 83.1 90.7 87.6 89 62.8 57.8 62.8 27.2 33 42.6 49.5 48 5 55.1 56.3 59.3 62.7 62.5 58.8 47.9 42.6 42.5 52. 2 Rain fall. In's. 11.60 8.19 1.95 1.07 0.73 2.93 0.79 0.46 0.72 5.96 4.15 5.14 43 .69 Thermom'tr Max Min M'n 53.1 9 80.4 86.5 94.6 94.5 87,- 67.4 61.3 62.5 76.4 31.2 38.6 39.1 13.9 48.6 55,5 63 67.5 64.9 59.7 50.6 42.4 44.6 51.5 Rain- fall. Ill's. 4.21 6.21 2.83 514 0.85 0.61 0.85 0.00 1.36 5.02 1.15 6.54 34 TABLE OF RAINFALL. COMPILED PROM A PRIVATE RECORD KEPT IN ROGUE RIVER VALLEY. January. . . February . . March April May June J«iy August .... September. October. . . November . December . Total 15-79 1854. i-5i .92 .81 2.94 •52 i-34 0.00 1.48 0.00 2-35 1. 12 1.80 i8S5- •33 .91 2.08 2.04 2.60 1.30 .01 0.00 .06 .10 2.46 3- °4 H-93 1856. 0.00 0.00 . 11 1.80 1.88 4-45 1857. 2.88 2-33 1.65 0.00 2. 15 3-48 .11 0.00 .01 • 30 2.83 2.20 2.09 3-i7 2.25 1.09 1.02 1. 12 0.00 .12 •25 2.32 3-i5 3- So 8.24 17.94 20.08 18.08 1859. 4.41 2.07 3-97 1-73 •75 0.00 0.00 .12 1.26 •5i 2.9.S .81 i860. ! 1861. 1862. 1-39 1.06 1. 15 1.02 2.21 1.74 2.15 .07 •33 1.86 2-75 3-3i 19.04 1. 71 1.78 1.07 1.29 1-03 i-i3 0.00 0.00 0.00 ■63 7.82 10. 11 4.66 2.32 1.94 •97 3-74 2-54 .21 0.00 .24 1.26 o 00 2.18 1863. 1864. 5.05 5.82 303 3.06 1. 21 .66 •74 .11 •73 •30 i-59 5.22 26.57 20.06 27.79 29.72 21.83 3.18 •23 2.83 1.89 i-95 1.27 0.00 .10 ■45 •37 5-86 12.09 1865. 1.42 1.67 1. 41 .68 •27 .61 .76 .16 1. 10 •63 9.06 4.06 First six months of 1856 not observed. Average for ten years, 23.18 inches. Within the bounds of Southern Oregon is found a population of about thirty thousand souls, pioneers and their descendants, who redeemed this beautiful region from the domination of savage tribes and brought it within the dominion of civiliza- tion. In the forty years of its history much has been accomplished. The primeval forests have been leveled. The fire of many a domestic hearth burns brightly in a land which not many years ago was a wilderness. The old story of' j)ioneer life is jJHUHffiKK$£ IffiKW ■"■'■I -l -if^ \ T^,\% SOUTHERN OREGON. 301 repeated here on this western shore by those to whom hardship and adventure were as second nature. Over this region, now fruitful in grain, the wild and debased Indian once roamed, an object of dread and danger. Bloody and fierce were the conflicts he waged against the superior race, fast despoiling him of his heritage, and the crimson history of Avar attests his valor and stubbornness. The Indian has melted away before the approach of the Caucasian, like snow beneath a noonday sun. Rude domestic utensils, and the arrow-heads fallen on many a bloody battle-field remain as sole mementos of a departed race. The history of Southern Oregon as a distinct section, aside from the Indian war already related, will be given by counties and localities, the annals of each being made as complete as possible ; yet, perhaps, a few introductory remarks may not be out of place. The progress of discovery and settlement of Oregon lias been fully detailed in the preceding pages. The few facts relating especially to this region may be sum- marized as the landing of Sir Francis Drake's pilot [see page 20] ; the discovery, possibly, of the mouth of either the Rogue or Umpqua river by Martin de Aguilar in 1603 [see page 30] ; the destruction of Jedediah S. Smith's party and the passage through this region of the first Hudson's Bay Company trappers under Alexander Roderick McLeod [see pages 119 to 122]. From that time forward Southern Oregon was for a number of years traversed by parties of Hudson's Bay Company men, passing to and from the rich trapping grounds of California, or setting their traps for beaver in the many streams of this region. Fort Umpqua, in Yoncalla valley, was erected by that company as a headquarters for operations in this section. In 1837 a large band of cattle was driven through from California [see pages 130 and 131], and other bands subsequently, while annually, beginning with 1843, emigrants passed backwards and forwards between the Willamette valley and California. In the month of September, 1841, a detachment of the celebrated exploring expedition of Commodore Charles Wilkes passed through this region on its way from Vancouver to Yerba Buena (San Francisco). It consisted of Lieutenant George F- Emmons, in command, Past Midshipman Henry Eld, Past Midshipman George W. Colovcoressis, Assistant Surgeon J. S. Whittle, and thirty-four others, among whom were J. D. Dana, the celebrated geologist, and a number of emigrants including women and children. Their impressions of the country are recorded in United States Explor- ing Expedition, Vol. 5, from which the following facts are gleaned : The detachment took its departure from Fort Umpqua, in Yoncalla valley, on the eighteenth of September, having been warned by Mr. Gamier, agent in charge, that the party was entirely too small to safely traverse the Umpqua, Rogue river and Shasta countries, since he had reliable information that the Indians, who were Avell aware of their approach, were massing at various points to cut them off. By using the utmost prudence and diligence and permitting no strange Indians to enter the camp, Lieutenant Emmons conducted his party safely through the Umpqua region and across the Umpqua mountains to Rogue river valley and camped on the banks of " Rogues, or Tootootutnas river." " They had now" says the report, " reached the country of the Klamet Indians, better known as the Rogues or Rascals, which name they have obtained from the hunters, from the many acts of villainy they have practiced." 302 SOUTHERN OREGON. Special mention is made of the place on Young's creek where Dr. Bailey was defeated, and of the scene of Turner's heroic battle on Rogue river. These places were no doubt jDointed out by the trappers engaged to accompany the party, and the story of Turner's combat as related by them to Lieutenant Emmons was as follows : A party of nine American trappers, some of them accompanied by their Indian wives, were encamped on the river one day in 1835. They had heedlessly permitted large num- bers of Indians to enter the camp, and these suddenly fell upon the whites, killing two of them and wounding the others. Turner, who was a powerful man, snatched a brand from the fire and disabled several of the assailants, until his wife brought him a rifle, with which he killed a number of the Indians and drove the others away. With his wounded companions he managed to reach the settlements in the Willamette. At another point on the river, where the report says that Michael Laframboise, the California leader of Hudson's Bay Company parties, had been twice attacked, the Indians made threatening demonstrations but no actual attack. On the twenty-ninth they crossed Siskiyou mountain, or Boundary ridge, as called in the report. Dense columns of signal smoke were continually observed, announcing their approach to tribes in advance. Mention is made on the ascent of Siskiyou mountain of a narrow defile, and of a party of fifteen, which was " defeated here by the Indians, some three years ago. One of their number was killed, and two died of their wounds on the Umpqua, whither they were obliged to retreat, although they had forced the Indians back with great loss." This refers to Ewing Young's cattle company in 1837, [see page 130], one of whom, Tibbats, was in Emmons' party. All these dangerous places were safely passed, and the party crossed into California without molestation. In 1846 a number of settlers in the upper end of Willamette valley explored a route for an emigrant road through Southern Oregon to Fort Hall, and as this was the first effort to render this region approachable for settlers, it is of considerable historical importance. The following summary of the passage of the party from the Willamette to Klamath lake, is taken from a diary narrative of the trip by Lindsay Aj^plegate, one of the explorers. Though many unimportant paragraphs and sentences are omitted, the language used is all that of the venerable pioneer. The narrative says : " From what information we could gather from old pioneers and the Hudson's Bay Company, the Cascade mountains to the south became very low, or terminated where the Klamath cut that chain; and knowing that the Blue mountains lay east and west, we concluded there must be a belt of country extending east toward the South pass of the Rocky mountains where there might be no vast, lofty ranges to cross. So, in 1846, we organized a company to undertake its exploration, composed of the fol- lowing persons : Levi Scott, John Scott, Henry Boggus, Lindsay Applegate, Jesse Applegate, Benjamin Burch, John Owens, John Jones, Robert Smith, Samuel Goodhue, Moses Harris, David Goff, Benit Osborn, William Sportsman, and William Parker. Each man was provided with a saddle horse and a pack horse, making thirty animals. " A portion of the country we purposed to traverse was at that time marked on the map ' unexplored region.' All the information we could get relative to it was through the Hudson's Bay Company. Peter Ogden, an officer of that company, who had led a party of trappers through that region, represented that portions of it -were desert-like, and that at one time his company was so pressed for the want of SOUTHERN OREGON. 303 water that they went to the top of a mountain, filled sacks with snow, and were thus able to cross the desert. He also stated that portions of the country through which we would have to travel, were infested with fierce and warlike savages, who would attack every party entering their country, steal their traps, waylay and murder the men, and that Rogue river had taken its name from the character of the Indians inhabiting its valleys. The idea of opening a wagon road through such a country at that time, was scouted as preposterous. These statements, though based on facts, we thought might be exaggerated by the Hudson's Bay Company in their own interest, since they had a line of forts on the Snake river route, reaching from Fort Hall to Vancouver, and were prepared to profit by the immigration. One thing which had much influence with us was the fact that the question as to which power, Great Britain or the United States, would eventually secure a title to the country, was not settled, and in case a war should occur and Britain prove successful, it was important to have a way by which we could leave the country without running the gauntlet of the Hud- son's Bay Company forts and falling a prey to Indian tribes which were under British influence. " June twentieth, 1846, we gathered on the La Creole, near where Dallas now stands, moved up the valley and encamped for the night on Mary's river, near where the town of Corvallis has since been built. :■: :•: £ :•; ■]: " The next morning, June twenty-third, we moved on through the grassy oak hills and narrow valleys, to the North Umpqua river. The crossing was a rough and dangerous one, as the river bed was a mass of loose rocks, and, as we were crossing, our horses occasionally fell, giving the riders a severe ducking. " On the morning of the twenty-fourth, we left camp early and moved on about five miles to the south branch of the Umpqua, a considerable stream, probably sixty yards wide, coming from the eastward. Traveling up that stream almost to the place where the old trail crosses the Umpqua mountains, we encamped for the night opposite the historic Umpqua canyon. "The next morning, June twenty-fifth, we entered the canyon, followed up the little stream that runs through the defile for four or five miles, crossing the creek a great many times, but the canyon becoming more obstructed with brush and fallen timber, the little trail we were following turned up the side of the ridge, where the woods were more open, and wound its way to the top of the mountain. It then bore south along a narrow backbone of the mountain, the dense thickets and the rocks on either side affording splendid opportunities for ambush. A short time before this, a party coming from California, had been attacked on this summit-ridge by the Indians and one of them had been severely wounded. Several of the horses had also been shot with arrows. Along this trail we picked up a number of broken and shattered arrows. "We could see that a large party of Indians had passed over the trail traveling- southward only a few days before. " On the morning of the twenty-sixth we divided our forces, part going back to explore the canyon, while the remainder stayed to guard the camp and horses. The exploring party went back to where we left the canyon on the little trail the day before, 304 SOUTHERN OREGON. and returning through the canyon, came into camp after night, reporting that wagons could be taken through. " Making an early start we moved on very cautiously. Whenever the trail passed through thickets we dismounted and led our horses, having our guns in hand ready at any moment to use them in self-defense, for we had adopted this rule, never to be the aggressor. Towards evening we saw a great many Indians posted along the mountain side, and now and then running ahead of us. As we advanced toward the river, the Indians in large numbers occupied the river bank near where the trail crossed. Having understood that this crossing was a favarite place of attack, we decided as it was growing late, to pass the night in the prairie. " In selecting our camp on Rogue river, we observed the greatest caution. Cutting stakes from the limbs of an old oak that stood in the open ground, we picketed our horses with double stakes as firmly as possible. The horses were picketed in the form of a hollow square, outside of which we took up our positions. We kept vigilant guard during the night, and, the next morning could see the Indians occupying the same position as at dark. There had been a heavy dew, and fearing the effects of the damp- ness upon our fire-arms, which were muzzle-loaders, of course, and some of them with flint-locks, Ave fired them off and re-loaded. In moving forward we formed two divis- ions, with the 2>ack horses behind. On reaching the river bank the front division fell behind the pack horses and drove them over, while the rear division faced the brush, with gun in hand, until the front division was safely over. Then they turned about, and the rear division passed over under protection of their rifles. The Indians watched the performance from their places of concealment, but there was no chance for them to make an attack without exposing themselves to our fire. The river was deep and rapid, and for a short distance some of the smaller animals had to swim. Had we rushed pell mell into the stream, as parties sometimes do under such circumstances, our expedition would probably have come to an end there. " After crossing, we turned up the river, and the Indians in large numbers came out of the thickets on the opposite side and tried in every way to j)rovoke us. There appeared to be a great commotion among them. A party had left the French settle- ment in the Willamette some three or four weeks before us, consisting of French, half- breeds, Columbia Indians and a few Americans ; probably about eighty in all. Pass- ing one of their encampments we could see by the sign that they were only a short distance ahead of us. We afterward learned that the Rogue Rivers had stolen some of their horses, and that an effort to recover them had caused the delay. From our camp we could see numerous signal fires on the mountains to the eastward. " On the morning of June 29th, we passed over a low range of hills, from the summit of which we had a splendid view of Rogue river valley. It seemed like a great meadow, interspersed with groves of oaks which appeared like vast orchards. All day long we traveled over rich black soil covered with rank grass, clover and pea- yine, and at night encamped near the other party on the stream now known as Emi- grant creek, near the foot of the Siskiyou mountains. This night, the Indians having gone to the mountains to ambush the French company as we afterwards learned, we were not disturbed. Here our course diverged from that of the other company, they :-'■■; ".■-i'. i .~-. - : 33 m m CO CD rn z m > 2 -a m 3D CO 3: CD 33 >■ CD a r- -o ac c-3 CD CD CD CT3 CD mi '-■Z-%- ; "■■•'^t ■liStf : *i --■ s?^#?rt^" ?yi>Wi ' SOUTHERN OREGON 305 following the old California trail across the Siskiyou, while our route was eastward through an unexplored region several hundred miles in extent. " Spending most of the day in examining the hills about the stream now called Keene creek, near the summit of the Siskiyou ridge we moved on down through the heavy forests of pine, fir and cedar, and encamped early in the evening, in a little val- ley, now known as Round prairie. On the morning of July 1st, being anxious to know what we were to find ahead, we made an early start. This morning we observed the track of a lone horse leading eastward, thinking it had been made by some Indian horseman, on his way from Rogue river to the Klamath country, we undertook to fol- low it. This we had no trouble in doing, as it had been made in the spring, while the ground was damp and was very distinct, until we came to a very rough rocky ridge where we lost it. * & ♦ £: :£ " The next day, July 3rd, we again traveled northward, further than before, mak- ing a more complete examination of the couutry than we had previously done, and at last found what seemed to be a practicable pass. Near this was a rich grassy valley through which ran a little stream, and here we encamped for the night. This valley is now known as Long prairie. " After crossing the summit of the Cascade ridge, the descent was, in places, very rapid. At noon we came out into a glade where there was water and grass and from which we could see the Klamath river. After noon we moved down through an immense forest, principally of yellow pine, to the river, and then traveled up the north bank, still through yellow pine forests, for about six miles, when all at once we came out in full view of the Klamath country, extending eastward as far as the eye could reach. It was an exciting moment, after the many days spent in the dense forests and among mountains, and the whole party broke forth in cheer after cheer." [For the conclusion of this expedition the reader is referred to page 148 of this volume, and for the contemporaneous visit of Fremont to page 187.] Such are the material events of Southern Oregon prior to its settlement, and the plan of this work does not embrace any further generalization of events. The details of occurrences and early settlements will be found carefully arranged by counties and recited in the history of the special locality in which thev occurred. 40 . JACKSON COUNTY. « — » — —*- CHAPTER XXXVI. GEOGRAPHY OF JACKSON COUNTY. Jackson County — Its Situation and Boundaries — Extent of Surface— Diversity of Scenery— Mountain Ranges— The Country a Basin— Mt. Pitt — Crater Lake— The Upper Rogue River— Rogue River— Origin of Name- Smaller Streams — Bear Creek Valley. Jackson county occupies a position on the southeastern angle of Southern Oregon, and comprises about two-sevenths of the aggregate area of that division of the state. In form it is nearly square, and its boundaries are mainly composed of straight lines, Avhich have directions towards the cardinal points. More minutely, the southern boundary — co-incident with the northern boundary of California — is forty-eight miles long and runs due east and west. The eastern boundary, dividing Jackson and Klam- ath counties, is ninety miles in length, and its direction is north and south, or making a right angle with the southern boundary. The northern boundary separates Jackson from Douglas county, and follows the summit of the high land or divide between the Rogue river and South Umpqua, having a curved course bending southwesterly. The fourth side of the square is formed by the boundary between Josephine and Jackson, and is an arbitrary and broken line, made up of three straight lines which coincide with township boundaries. This dividing line measures fifty-one miles in length, and terminates on the California line at the point where Jackson, Josephine and Siskiyou counties meet. All these boundaries, excepting the western, although the eastern and southern are straight lines, conform very closely to natural lines of division. As for the southern, it follows the course of the lofty Siskiyou range, which naturally sepa- rates Oregon from California ; on the east the water-shed between the Rogue river basin and the Klamath lake region approximates with the separating line of Klamath and Jackson counties ; northwardly, nature has built up the Canyon mountains as a barrier between the Rogue river and Umpqua regions, and man has accepted them as marking the political divisions of the two counties. To recapitulate : Douglas county lies on the north of Jackson, Klamath on the east, Josephine on the west, and Siskiyou county, California, on the south. The area of Jackson county is approximately .3,000 square miles, or to be more precise, contains the equivalent of eighty-one townships of thirty-six square miles each, or 2,916 square miles. Rendered in acres this is equal to no less a number than 1,866,240 — an area not far short of the size of Connecticut, and nearly twice that of Rhode Island. Within this large tract is a great diversity of land and scenery. The whole region is broken up into valleys, and mountain and hill ranges, aclown or between which flow streams which find their way to the Rogue river. Excej)ting a small por- tion of the southeastern corner of the county, all its waters make their way to that stream, tributary to it, as all their valleys are tributary to the central valley of the JACKSON COUNTY. 307 Rogue river. The word basin describes the general aspect of* the country ; all around, excepting upon its western border, lie lofty mountain ranges hemming in the valley of the Rogue as with a wall. On the south the Siskiyou, on the east the Cascades, on the north the Canyon mountains, form majestic barriers to isolate the basin of the Rogue river. The highest point of these natural bulwarks approaches 9,000 feet. Mount Pitt, otherwise called McLaughlin, lying nearly in the center of the eastern boundary, has been accredited with a height of 9,250 feet, or the same altitude as Mount Thiel- sen iknown to the people of Jackson county as Diamond peak, but called by moun- taineers Cow-horn peak), which lies a few miles beyond the northeasternmost point of Jackson county. At the foot of Thielsen heads Rogue river ; which, pursuing its pre- cipitous way southwestward between steep mountain sides forming a stupendous canyon, runs on to the wide valley below, where the mountains sink into hills and finally are lost at the junction of many streams. Rising at an altitude of over 6,000 feet the Rogue pursues its tortuous course for a hundred miles before passing the boundaries of Jackson county, and in that distance arrives at a level of about 1,000 feet above tide- water as it enters Josephine county. The altitude then of the lowest point in Jackson county may be taken as 1,000 feet, this point being a short distance below Grant's Pass, on the extreme western edge of the county. The utmost depth of the basin of Rogue river, accordingly reaches 3,000 feet if we assume 4,000 feet as the least altitude of the wall of mountains which surrounds the basin, and the estimate is doubtless cor- rect with respect to all but those mountains which lie to the northwest, which may fall somewhat short of these figures. Thus far no exact determinations of altitude have been undertaken with respect to the mountains of Southern Oregon. The railroad peojDle have indeed surveyed the points which lie upon their route, and private surveyors have reported upon the heights of many points upon county and other roads; but no exact scientific measure- ments have been undertaken as to the higher summits of the Cascades. From the notes of engineers who have surveyed the California and Oregon boundary line, we take the following excerpts : " The line traverses Lower Klamath lake thirteen miles ; thence ascending a very broken, rough and timbered country it crosses Klamath river at a point 104i miles from the ocean; it then takes over high, rocky mountains cut by the deep canyons of Long Prairie and Jenny creeks, between which two streams it reaches the southern extremity of the eastern boundary of Jackson county at a point ninety-eight miles from the Pacific ocean. At seventy-nine and a half miles from the Pacific it crosses the Oregon and California stage road, just north of Cole's station. Thence ascending to the summit of the Siskiyou range, and leaving the Hungry creek mines in Cali- fornia, the line crosses the head of Applegate valley, leaving the southwestern corner of Jackson county, which is just fifty and one-half miles from the Pacific. Thence passing over exceedingly rugged mountains it continues five miles south of the Althouse, and crosses the Illinois river at the junction of its forks, and three miles south of Waldo. This point is twenty-eight miles from the Pacific." The Siskiyou chain attain a lofty height, being piled up quite to the line of perpetual snow. These elevations exceed in altitude any summit east of the Missis- sippi, and are only second to the majestic Cascades themselves. Their aspect is rugged 308 SOUTHERN OREGON. in the extreme. Huge cliffs tower aloft, the main range sends forth many off-shoots, and profound canyons penetrate its dense recesses. Over this grand wall of granite, sandstone and basalt a wagon road, projected early and begun in 1849, passes, to accommodate travel between California and Oregon. A few miles west of the road Pilot rock towers aloft, a column-like mass of basalt, a thousand feet high and barely half that in diameter at its base. A noted landmark this, and known and noticed since the earliest times. On the sides of the range and perhaps a mile in elevation above the present sea level, sea shells are found, a never-ceasing source of wonder to the observer, whose cogitations find vent in repeating the truism that "the sea must have covered the whole country in early times." Mineral springs, thermal springs and springs of water of supposed medicinal qualities abound. Soda springs of great capacity exist and a "health resort" of wide celebrity may be expected to ensue in future. The eastern boundary of the Rogue river basin is composed as already hinted, of the summits of the Cascade mountains. This stupendous range it will be observed, extends north and south and divides the basin of Klamath lake from the country tributary to Rogue river. Approaching Klamath river the vast bulwark of hills and mountains sinks gradually until its greatest elevation, instead of presenting the aspect of a mountain range, is simply a plateau whose streams course indifferently to the east or west. Its height is about 4,000 feet; its surface is mainly covered with prairies and open glades. This portion, mainly inhabited by a few cattle-raisers and herdsmen, is of some agricultural value, and is capable of supporting the flocks and herds of quite a population. Further north rises the majestic cone of Pitt — the Mont Blanc of Southern Oregon. Its summit, coated with the un melted snow of ages, rears itself aloft, an enduring landmark to the £>eople of two counties. Few scenes partake so much of sublimity as the view of the white summit of this grand mountain outlined against the clear sky of that elevated region. All its neighboring summits are dwarfs in compari- son, and for a hundred miles on either hand no rival rises. In form the huge peak is more nearly faultless than any other in the Cascades or Sierra Nevada, only St. Helens being worthy of comparison with it in this respect. The usual asperities of mountain peaks are absent here, where a symmetrical cone rises through the clear sky, covered with snow and belted beneath by a zone of ever-green trees, scattered in the upper regions but growing more and more thickly toward the base, and where the mountain broadens out into the plateau, merging into a gloriously dense and majestic forest. But grand and imposing as Pitt is, nature has set near it a rival wonder more remarkable and more unique. Indeed, in point of uniqueness it is unrivalled upon the known face of the earth. This is Crater lake, of which those who have seen it have borne away recollections never to be erased. The pen and pencil of many visi- tors have been busy with its description and photographs have aided to afford an accurate conception of the glories of this tremendous work of nature. One who saw it, wrote: "The greatest curiosity of this region and one of the greatest of the whole northwest, is Crater lake, in the very summit of the Cascades, seventy-five miles northeast of Jacksonville. Its remoteness from the usual routes of travel has kept it in comparative seclusion; but more are attracted hither yearly, and it will, in the JOSBPHHTB COTJNTY Q !> H H l> o x "0 o H r - > ■z. o o 3D m O :xrny~±o:~T. * * Fold-out Placeholder This fold-out is being digitized, and will be inserted at a future date. JACKSON COUNTY. 309 future, be one of the regular objects visited by tourists iu this region. It has been variously known as Blue lake, Deep lake and Lake Majesty, but the more appropriate title it now bears will no doubt remain with it forever. In approaching the visitor suddenly finds himself upon the edge of a tremendous precipice, and looking across a wide stretch of water that lies far beneath. The shores vary from 1,500 to 3,000 feet in height, To be critical, there is no shore, for only at one point can a sure-footed person descend the cliff to the lake level, and when there the presence of a few boul- ders and some fallen debris is all that indicates a shore. The waters are wide, deep and silent. It is seldom that a breeze disturbs them, but at moments a wierd breath moves softly along and breaks the calm surface into ripples. Looking across from the surrounding wall the sky is seen so perfectly reflected in the water that were it not for the rocky margin of the lake it would be impossible to discern the line of division. The circumference is more than twenty miles, and the altitude of its surface as great as the summit of the pass over the mountains. On^the outside the steep w T alls shelve off into mountain ridges, w r ooded to the top; on the inside they stand almost perpendicular, looking down forever on the captive sea. In the early years, before the wide scope of country to the east was covered up with lava and ashes, there must have stood here one of the grandest mountains of the world. How immense this great volcano must have been can be imagined when it is realized that these walls that now stand from 7,500 to 9,000 feet high, are only the shell of the mountain as it once existed. With a base of twenty miles in circumfer- ence, at a height of 7,000 feet, what must have been the altitude of the cone that was reared above it? Beside it Hood, Shasta and Tacoma would hide their diminished heads. That such a mountain once stood here as an active volcano can not be doubted. The country to the east for many square miles is buried beneath ashes, pumice and volcanic scoria, To the terrible convulsions of nature, those miles of desolation, those rocky walls and this vast crater bear witness. In the midst of the lake rises a perfect but extinct volcano, at least 1,500 feet in height, its sides fringed with a stunted growth of hemlock. The lava flowing from this has made an island in the lake at least three miles long. The cone has a dish-like depression in its apex, which shows w r here once its crater was, and into which one can look from a position on the bluffs above. The period of the first great eruption was followed by a season of rest and then a second eruption, during which the small cone was formed by the final effort of the expiring forces. Burning lava flowed fiercely down its sides, where now the dwarfed hemlock has gained a precarious foothold and seeks to hide its ugliness beneath a mantle of vegetation. The Indians view Crater lake and its surroundings as holy ground, and approach it with reverence and awe. It is one of the earthly spots made sacred by the presence of the Great Spirit, and the ancient tribal traditions relate many mysterious incidents in connection with it. In the past none but medicine men visited it, and when one of the tribe felt called upon to become a teacher and healer, he spent several weeks on the shore of the lake in fasting, in communion with the dead, and in prayer to the Shahullah Tyee. Here they saw visions and dreamed dreams, and when they came down from the mountain, like Moses from Sinai, they were looked up to with reverence as having communed with the Great Spirit, and seen the unknown world." 310 SOUTHERN OREGON. Another writer, more flowery and voluminous, published iii the State Line Herald his impressions of a trip to the wonderful lake, which are here reproduced as contain- ing much valuable information of the country through which the traveler passes on his way to the lake. The most usual, and, in fact, the only route from the inhabited portion of Jackson county, lies along the Rogue river, passing up that stream for many miles. The story of the journey is thus told: Some there are who have traversed the Alps and the Appenines, have visited Yosemite and Tahoe, only to stand entranced on the brink of this once mighty cauldron and look with silent awe into its awful depth; or, turning, view with rapture the beautiful landscape spread out like a map below and around them. The roads leading to this wonderful spot, too, are fruitful of other treats in the rugged grandeur of this picturesque range. The best time for visiting Crater lake is in the month of August, before the snows of autumn come to block the way, or her frost to bite the wanderer, or blight the verdure so near these lofty summits. The location of the spot we seek is twenty-five miles in a northerly direction from Fort Klamath, near the northwest border of Lake county, Oregon, and is directly on the summit of the Cascade range, at an elevation of 9,000 feet above the level of the sea. Leaving the California and Oregon stage line at Jack- sonville or Ashland, in Rogue River valley, having first provided ourselves with all the necessary accoutrements and paraphernalia for camp and mountain travel, we start in a northerly direction for the banks of Rogue river. The Rogue river road to Fort Klamath is a reasonably good one at this season of the year, and will bear us within three or four miles of the lake, which is about ninety miles distant from our starting point. " Having reached and crossed the river at Hannah's ferry, we turned our course "up stream. As we move on, the valley grows narrower and farms and farm houses are fewer, while the rapid river grows swifter, the forest denser and more rugged. Fifty miles of our journey brings us to 'the bridge.' Here the river has narrowed to seventy- five feet in width and runs with fearful rapidity between steep and rocky banks. In a distance of one and a half miles from this point the river falls 300 feet and passes through a deep gorge in the mountains, rushing at times down a steep declivity, then leaping impetuously from rock to rock, lashing itself into fury and foam, whirling in eddies or resting a moment in some protected basin before plunging fifty feet with a rush and roar, ouly to repeat the same wild phantasies as it rolls wildly on to the ocean. Ere reaching the foot of the first rapids, the roar of the mighty waters in the distance rises above the din of those at our feet, and moving as rapidly as the character of the country will permit, we discover through the trees the snowy foam of the great falls or one branch of the river as it plunges with a single leap over a perpendicular cliff 184 feet, without a break, into the rapid flood below. The fall is one of the finest to be found in these wild and solitary regions. * " Old bruin of the grizzly species, is found in great numbers ; deer, elk, and other game are also plentiful. Leaving the roar and gloom about the falls of Rogue river? we journey on towards our destination, which is still forty miles away. Our road lies through one of the finest forests of the state. Here the sugar pine and fir grow to the height of 250 and 300 feet, with diameter in many instances from six to ten feet, and JACKSON COUNTY. 311 will doubtless some day be utilized with great profit. For many miles there is nothing to vary the monotony of this interminable forest, until we find our road running along the edge of a canyon which by time and water has been washed down the mountain sides to considerable depth. This wash occurred many years ago as the forest trees have grown in it to an enormous size. The great curiosity of this canyon, however, ate the columns or pyramids of rocky cement standing at the bottom of the gorge, and with a base of thirty or forty feet, reach a height of seventy-five or one hundred. These pyramids have evidently been composed of a harder substance than that which sur- rounded them and did not yield so readily to the action of water ; hence, were thus preserved as items in the great panorama of curiosities to be found in this wild region. "Having reached a point within ten or twelve miles of the summit of the moun- tain, our road becomes gradually steeper and more difficult to ascend. Here, too, evidences of volcanic action are more apparent. Great masses of pumice stone and lava are seen scattered about. The character of vegetation gradually changes, and fir predominates in this altitude. When three miles from the summit, we turn to the left, and after toiling for a mile over scoria, pumice and lava, we go into camp and pre- pare to make the remaining two miles, which is quite steep, on horseback or afoot. The weather for camping is excellent, and the denseness of the fir timber gives pro- tection from the winds. Open glades at hand present a very tempting feast for our jaded horses and we soon have the satisfaction of seeing them revelling in clover and redtop, knee high, while the rippling sound of the many pebbly brooks near by give assurance of an abundance of nature's beverage as pure as though just distilled from drops of pearly dew. "It is well to take the early morn for the remainder of our journey, and breathe the morning air from the mountain tops. A night's rest in these high altitudes, coffee and bacon before sunrise, and the invigorating air give life and vigor, and soon we find ourselves tripping up the mountain at a rate only to be maintained a few moments without rest. The ascent is not remarkably steep — in fact wagons can be driven to the very brink — yet at such an altitude the air is very rare and light and one soon becomes exhausted and overcome by exertion. As we advance, the scenery about us changes rapidly, yet there is no indication of a body of w r ater ahead ; in fact we appear to have reached an elevation beyond w r hich it is not reasonable to expect it. The trees become more dwarfish and scraggy. The grass is less abundant, and we miss the brooks and springs so plentiful just below. We halt now and then beneath the shade of thick clusters of fir, to gather breath and rest our weary limbs. Occa- sionally through openings in the trees we get glimpses of towering peaks, deep gorges and wide spreading forests in the distance. All at once and without a moment's warn- ing we find ourselves emerging from the timber into an amphitheater-like opening. Towering rocks rise up on either hand and in front and point skyward ; around and about us is spread a scene of desolation. Huge masses of lava, ashes, pumice stone and rocks of igneous formation lie scattered about. Just beyond us rise a semi-circle of peaks towering from 500 to 1,000 feet above us and encircling an area of about eight by fifteen miles. A few minutes more bring us to the brink of Crater lake, where, standing on a pinnacle of rocks, we gaze with silent wonder into its awful depths. None can look upon the scene without feeling a sense of his own insignifi- 312 SOUTHERN OREGON. cance steal over him, and he involuntarily shudders, in contemplating the awful work wrought by an unseen and mighty power." Though second to the scenery of the Cascades in grandeur, attractiveness and renown, the natural beauties of the various subordinate mountain ranges yet deserve remark and close scrutiny. The Canyon mouutains, the ranges bordering upon the valley of the Applegate, and the mountains about Butte creek possess characteristics of such interest as in any country but Southern Oregon would bring celebrity. There is much even in the tamer scenery of the valleys to excite the imagination, kindle curios- ity and gratify the taste of a thinking mind. Nowhere else in America, possibly not in the world have the forces of nature so conspired to beautify and render a region thoroughly delightful as in the Rogue river valley. Men of taste and experience have with unanimity pronounced it unrivalled in its own beauty and in the grandeur of its surroundings. All that nature could yield of majesty in altitude, of magnificence in distance and of variety in coloring has been lavished upon the Rogue river valley in unstinted measure. The diversity of scenery is pleasing in the extreme. After a long ride on steep mountain grades, through narrow canyons or dense forests the traveler, ascending a commanding elevation, catches as it were a glimpse of Paradise in the rolling hills and the lovely plain checkered with ploughed or green fields and diversified with streams whose borders are fringed by the oak or the lofty cone-bearing trees. Range after range of hills, low in the fore-ground, but successively rising in elevation until they assume the dignity of mountains, intercept the vision, and leave the imagination to con- ceive of the picturesque valleys and pleasant streams embraced between them. Finally, and as a fitting termination to such a scene, the sharp pointed summit of the lofty Cas- cades rise overtopping all else. The poet of Southern Oregon has not yet begun to sing, but no one can doubt that there is enough of poetical grandeur and beauty in these mountains and vales to furnish inspiration for the deepest and mightiest of songs. The Rogue river, a stream of great celebrity and historical importance, forming, perhaps, the most noticeable geographical feature of this region, was called by the natives Trashit. Its English name was early applied, but the origin of the designa- tion is now only a matter of conjecture. It is usually taken for granted that it was a term of reproach applied by early travelers to the Indians upon its banks. Archbishop Blanchet wrote: "Rogue river, Rogue river valley, in French is La riviere aux Coquins, La vallee aux Coquins — so-called on account of the wickedness of the Indians in that part of the country." It is well known that the first class of travelers through the region were trappers of the Hudson's Bay company, a majority of whom were of French descent and spoke the French language. They gave names to certain geographical features of the country, some of which are still in vogue. The designa- tion adduced by the reverend writer fully translated would be equivalent to the English word Rogue, which would reasonably enough be preferred by Americans, in default of a more characteristic term. Another hypothesis derives the name from the French word rouge, red, and supports this by saying that the stream has or had a peculiar reddish tinge, derivable, perhaps, from the sediment brought down by high water. An apocryphal story is instanced to the effect that a French vessel, passing the mouth of the river, observed the deep hue of the waters, and gave in consequence JACKSON COUNTY. 313 the name rouge. Still others have said that the cliffs at the mouth of the river, bear- ing a reddish tint were seen by the French vessel, whence the name Riviere Rouge, or Red river. But it is evident that the hypothesis of a French vessel on this part of the coast is an invention and an unnecessary one, because of the presence of the French Hudson Bay explorers on shore. These two derivations of the name do not by any means possess equal claims to credence, for the latter is intrinsically the most reasonable. There is hardly a doubt but that the French trappers named the stream, as they were wont to bestow numerous geographical terms, some of which are yet in vogue, as the Coquille, The Dalles, Des Chutes, Malheur, etc. But be it understood, they were in the habit of bestowing geographical names derived .from physical pecu- liarities, and not by any means from moral attributes. It would have been in keeping with their customs to name this stream Riviere Rouge, but not Riviere au.v Oojuins. We search in vain for the latter designation upon the map of British North America, their abiding place and from whence they crossed the Rocky mountains to the Pacific shore: but we find several Rivieres Rouges, two considerable waterways in the United States having once borne that name, but now known as Red river. Again, the Indians must have been named after the river, and not the river from the Indians, since we never hear or see the designation Rogue Indians, but always Rogue River Indians. Hence it follows that as the river received its name first, that name could only have been Rouge, as Coquin would be entirely inapplicable to a stream of water. Were the Indians primarily named Rogues or its French equivalent, it is remarkable, to say the least, that the river should receive next their peculiar designation, and then its own name be conferred on the Indians, with the addition of the word river or its French equivalent. This is a very significant and interesting etymological conundrum indeed, and only to be settled provisionally. There is yet another consideration, that it is unlikely that the French trappers, men of vast experience among savages, whose traditions were derived from two centuries of life with or warring against innumerable tribes, should reserve an opprobrious designation for a tribe of Indians in Southern Oregon. Rather would they have given it to the fierce Iroquois, the untamable Sioux or the cruel Blackfeet, enemies powerful and remorseless. In the absence of direct testimony, it appears by far the most likely that the river was originally named Rouge by the trappers, which, by the easiest perversion imaginable, was changed by English- speaking men into Rogue, which it has since remained. By legislative enactment dated in the winter of 1853-4, Rogue river was to have been known as Gold river, a somewhat more euphonious and possibly more appropriate designation than the usual one; but this name never achieved currency outside of the legislative chambers. Of the minor streams of Jackson county, there are the Big Butte, Little Butte, Antelope, and Dry creeks, with their lesser tributaries, rising in the eastern part of the county and flowing westward into the Rogue above the Table Rocks. Bear creek, otherwise called Mary's river and Stewart creek (the latter the name of a gal- lant military officer who was killed near its banks), rises near the southern boundary and flowing northwest empties into the main river near Table Rock. The Applegate, indifferently called river or creek, also rises near the California line. Its direction is northwest ; it is formed by the junction of the Big and Little Applegate ; it receives 314 SOUTHERN OREGON. the waters of Sterling, Williams, Forest, and other creeks, and passing into Josephine county it enters the Rogue in township 36 south, range 6 west. This stream drains a very considerable region, mostly covered with rugged mountain ranges, deep canyons and wooded steeps, in all perhaps not less than 1,000 square miles. East of the sources of the Applegate and Bear creek some small streams, notably Jenny creek, with its tributaries Beaver and Keene creeks (the latter deriving its name from Granville Keene, killed thereon by Indians on or about September 3, 1855), flow south into Klamath river. On the north side of Rogue river rise Button, Trail, Sam's, Sardine, Evans', and other lesser creeks, which drain small valleys, and flowing southward empty in the main river. Louse creek, Grave or Leland creek, Jump-off-Joe and Wolf creeks rise in the northwestern part of the county, flow west into [Josephine county and ultimately find their way into the Rogue. Into the south side of that river run the creeks known as T'Vault's or Kane's, and Foot's. These take their rise in the range separating the Applegate from Rogue river, and are but small streams, although somewhat important from the mining which has been carried on in their sands. Jackson creek flows a course nearly parallel with Bear creek, taking its rise in the hills south of Jacksonville, and from its association is an immensely important stream, though very insignificant in volume. Each of these streams drains a valley whose extent is generally proportioned to their own magnitude. The largest of these valleys has long been known as Rogue river valley — a name which has become as a household word throughout the countries where English is spoken. As usually applied the term designates the whole basin of the Rogue river, a region of not less than 4,000 square miles in area. In Southern Oregon and particularly in Jackson county, the expression is confined to the single valley extending from Table Rock to and above Ashland, and is a misnomer, inasmuch as the Rogue river passes through or by only the lower end of the tract. Bear creek valley, as bearing the name of the stream which passes through the middle of its whole length, is the more appropriate designation in every respect. The length of the valley proper is about forty miles, its maximum breadth — being the distance between the summits of the enclosing ranges — is about fifteen miles, and its average width is about eight miles. Thus it is equal in area to 300 square miles, a large part of which is level and of the very finest quality of soil. The tillable land of Bear creek valley is probably near one-half of all in the county. Here also live the larger portion of the population, who are also the most prosperous and wealthy of the county. Bear creek valley thus becomes the center of business and enterprise, and contains as a natural consequence nearly all the institutions of religious worship and instruction. CHAPTER XXXVII. AGRICULTURAL AND CLIMATIC RESOURCES. Character of the Soil— The Conditions of Fertility— Adaptation to Wheat— A Rich Agricultural Region— Stock- raising — Vegetables — Fruit-growing- — Enthusiastic Prophecies — Grapes and Wine — An Extract — Magnificent and Unequalled Climate — Rainfall — Temperature— Freedom from Disease — Retrospection. The material resources of Jackson county, which constitute a subject of great importance and interest, naturally fall into agricultural, mineral and climatic divisions. Concerning the former some general facts will serve to enlighten the reader, who, for particular instances should consult another portion of this account. The general character of the soil of Jackson county is a dark alluvium derived from the slow and gradual disintegration of the sandstone and other rocks, their removal to lower levels, and admixture with vegetable mold, the product of successive growth and decay of grasses, shrubs and trees. Upon high elevations, particularly the slopes of hills and mountains, the soil while partaking of the same general character, contains larger particles of rock, so much so as to produce a gravelly or pebbly soil. Some extensive level tracts are composed of heavy alluvial deposits of fine loam resting upon a sub-soil of clay. Usually the "bed-rock" is close beneath the soil and is mainly the sandstone country rock, or more often the barren detritus left by freshets. The foothills and mountain slopes are frecuiently covered with a warm, rich, red loam, verging into a grayish soil of less fertility. The loam, vegetable mold, alluvial deposits and decomposed, or rather disintegrated sandstone each possess many of the elements of fertility and their mixture forms, as is well known, the richest soils known to agriculturists. From a chemical point of view nothing could be better adapted to the growth and nourishment of crops than such soils. The various compounds which go to make up the mineral portion of plants, that is the ash, are present in ample cpian- tity. The potassium salts, the soluble silica, the phosphates and other indispensible constituents are at hand to be dissolved in nature's alembic, carried by the sap of the growing plant through the minute canals which pervade it and be incorporated with and form a j)art of its system. Given such a soil, with a sub-soil sufficiently pervious to water, and an unfailing supply of moisture just beneath it, and all the conditions of successful agriculture are at hand. A large part of the soils of Bear creek and other sections are of this sort; but in many localities considerable tracts of shallow soil rest upon an impervious foundation of sandstone, or upon coarse gravel which in turn reposes upon the sandstone country rock, and in such cases failures of crops are not infrequent. Under the most favorable conditions the fertility of the soil seems absolutely inexhaustible. Since farming began in the Rogue river valley, a matter of thirty odd years ago, certain lauds have yielded crops for each successive year, and still remain 316 SOUTHERN OREGON unimpaired in productive power. This applies to the rich tracts of Bear creek valley, but is also true in a less degree of other localities, and to some extent of the hill lands, whose value is being yearly demonstrated. The rich loam, or porous, gravelly soils of the rolling hills have produced crops of uncommon abundance in seasons when the level lands of the valleys have only borne a partial crop. For the culture of grain crops of every kind the soil of the region has proved its adaptability by the experience of a third of a century. Wheat has always been a favorite crop. Barley, rye and oats reward well the thrifty farmer. Twenty-five bushels per acre of either of these grains would in past years have been esteemed a small yield, taking the country at large. Com- pared with the area devoted to other crops wheat culture has always been foremost in importance of all agricultural branches, so much so that we may say that a history of agriculture in the valley is simply a history of wheat raising. At a time when the acreage of tilled lands was small, and transportation so costly as to debar the importa- tion of breadstuffs from the Willamette valley and the outer world generally, and when several thousand miners in Jackson, Josephine and Siskiyou counties depended for their supply of flour almost exclusively upon the fields of Bear creek valley, wheat raising achieved a standing as a very lucrative occupation, and what is more, an easy one. Flour at ten cents per pound corresponds nearly to a price of four dollars per bushel for wheat, which was frequently raised in quantities of fifty or sixty bushels per acre — figures that point to the growth of fortunes in small periods of time. The exportation of produce in bulk was impracticable, for even good wagon roads were not yet had; hence the home market alone being a dependence. Such products as found a ready sale at remunerative rates were cultivated. These were wheat, vegetables and live stock. The former industry was the earliest developed, as it has since continued the foremost, The farmers of Rogue river valley within fifteen years of the discovery of gold had become the wealthiest of their class on the Pacific coast, and had placed agriculture on a more advanced footing than it had attained elsewhere in Oregon. The breeding and rearing of flocks and herds became also an industry of no small impor- tance. It needed no skilled prescience to determine that the country was pre-emi- nently adapted to grazing, as on the hills and mountain slopes flourished uncounted acres of the richest and most succulent grasses upon which in summer, horses, cattle and sheep waxed obese and contented. And in time of frost, and snow, and rain, the animals were able to sustain life at least by the heat-giving powers of their accumulated fat, with some aid from dried grass, ferns and mosses. Consequently arose the nomadic class of stock-growers or cattle-raisers, so-called, who, however, do not raise cattle or even maintain herds, but are maintained by them, their principal and seemingly only necessary occupation being to count their property. Stock-raising has many votaries, but as conducted in many new countries bears no relation to the industrious and careful methods of real agriculture. An enthusiastic visitor to this valley said : " This fertile land will produce in abundance anything that will grow in the temperate zone." Corn thrives better than elsewhere in Oregon; vegetables of every variety grow in profusion, among them sweet potatoes, usually reckoned a semi-tropical production. Cabbages, usually a com- mon-place product, inspire positive enthusiasm when seen in Southern Oregouian luxuriance. The onion, of mildest flavor and completely devoid of its usual tear-com- \ " •■■•' i a & JACKSON COl'NTY. 317 pelling attributes, is produced at the rate sometimes of 700 bushels per acre. The pen, the bean (Boston's beloved aliment), the cauliflower, the radish, the potato, yield mar- velously, ami beyond belief of the farmers of the effete east whose highest hopes are centered upon the manure pile, and who are strangers to the facile ways of the agri- culturist of the Pacific slope. Small fruits and berries, wherever tried, have succeeded beyond expectation ; but it is from the culture of orchard and vineyard products that the people of this region expect the most. Since the decrease of mining and the con- sequent partial destruction of the home market, and more especially since the coming of the railroad, it has seemed that the heretofore isolated country will have to adapt itself to the changed circumstances in which it finds itself. To contemplate the con- tinued raising of wheat in direct competition with the boundless plains of California and the Willamette valley, is to foresee a loss of time and opportunities. The lands of the Roiiiie river basin are too contracted in area to admit of it ; and besides thev are more valuable for other purposes. Fruit raising, especially of the apple, pear and stone fruits, will prove at once a more laborious pursuit and a better paying one. For twenty years men have been prophesying an era when the fruits of this valley will be regarded universally as the best in the world and sought for at the highest prices. Perhaps this is so; probably there is not in the world a locality where certain fruits attain such excellence in flavor, size and keeping qualities. Men of the widest experi- ence concede to the apples grown here the highest merits in all desirable qualities- The grape they have also pronounced unequaled. Enthusiastic wine-drinkers and virtuosos, have foreseen a time when all the hill sides would be covered with vineyards, and when an overflowing population, appeased of their own beverage, should be enjoy- ing life in the shade of the vines. Soberly speaking, they have predicted that the laurels of France, Germany, and every foreign wine-producing country, as well as California, would be wrested from them and worn by the lovely vale of the Rogue river, which will then be the most abundant producer of the best of wines. A many- sided subject this, and not to be settled by the assertions of individuals, but by experi- ence alone. Thus far experiments haVe been successfully conducted in the planting and care of vines and the making of wine. Some sixty or seventy acres of vines have been set out, mainly near Jacksonville, where are located the two largest vineyards, those of R. Morat and J. N. T. Miller, each of whom devote several acres to that cul- ture. Their wine production, amounting to several thousand gallons annually, is consumed in the home market, as the cost of transportation has heretofore precluded its export to the outer world, whereby it would have met a decisive test by comparison with the wines of other localities. The vineyardist of the present produces a very fair article of wine, but its manufacturers labor under the disadvantages of a want of skill and too minute quantities, to be very strikingly successful. There is certainly no lack of space for the planting of vineyards, as the hill lands have long been conceded to be best adapted for grapes, and in this respect California has many advantages also. The varieties of grapes thus far experimented upon in Jackson county are very small, and only one, the Mission, is much known. Doubtless this species is the best adapted to the locality and attendant circumstances, being very hardy and requiring little care and attention. Its wine, however, is distinctly inferior to that of nearly every other variety. The introduction of superior varieties and the systematic and intelligent 318 SOUTHERN OREGON. pursuit of viniculture as a profession may place the county in the front rank of wine- producing localities. Again, there is thus far an entire absence of the j)hylloxera, that pest which is devastating the vineyards of California and most wine-making countries, and which threatens to utterly destroy the vines of many extensive regions heretofore renowned for the quantity and quality of their production. This latter is an advan- tage of no small consequence, but most likely the vineyards of this region will in time experience the terrible insect's ravages. A newspaper extract, printed since the capacity of the Rogue river valley for fruit growing became known, is to this effect: "In all countries valley land is less valu- able than hill sides for fruit ; the foot hills of the Sierra Nevada are yearly becoming more valuable for fruit raising, and the hilly regions of Unipqua and Rogue rivers invite the exertions of fruit growers in unlimited numbers. There is room enough for thousands of plantations and orchards. The productiveness of the soil is extreme, it costs considerable to prepare the land, bat a single crop under favorable circumstances as to transportation would more than repay all previous trouble and expense. The citrus family may not thrive successfully on the Rogue river, but we can dispense with oranges, lemons and also with the tenderest grapes and figs, while we raise hardy grapes, peaches, apricots, apples, pears, plums, prunes, cherries and berries in profusion. Nine years out of ten the peaches are abundant and choice, and with railway communication provided, would rule the markets of the Willamette and Puget sound, where they can- not raise peaches. There is practically no limit to the amount of fruit that can be grown in Jackson county." The following excellent and well-considered article is taken from a local publica- tion. It commends itself by the judgment it evinces, and contains hints which the fruit-grower and consumer have doubtless found of value. " It is because of its superior fruit that we refer to Rogue river valley as the Italy of Oregon. It is a well known fact that the finest flavored grapes of California are produced on the sunny slopes of the foot-hills, and the conditions there found exist in the foot-hill region of Jackson county. The vines produce large clusters, and the grapes have a most excellent flavor, being- very juicy and making a superior quality of wine. The conditions of soil and climate are also very favorable to peaches, the fruit being superior in flavor, though a trifle smaller in size, to the California product, The slight touch of frost in winter, though too mild to injure the vines or trees, gives a flavor to the fruit that is lacking in that of the warmer regions of California. The bottom lands are especially adapted to fruit culture, and it is that class of soil that has been utilized the most by fruit growers. In addition to grapes and peaches, apricots, pears, plums, apples, cherries and the usual fruits produce luxuriantly, and are of excellent quality, especially the apples, which have no superior anywhere. Hitherto the foot-hills have been used chiefly as a grazing ground for sheep, but that the flocks will seek 'pastures new' and the land be planted extensively in vineyards and orchards is certain. On the whole the fruit interest of Rogue river valley consists more in the possibilities of the future than in what has already been accomplished. With no market beyond the limits of Southern Oregon, farmers had formerly no encouragement to plant extensive orchards or large vineyards, but enough has been done to show the wonderful adaptability of the soil and climate to the production of fruit. The whole northwest offers a market at good prices for fruit JACKSON COUNTY. 319 of all kinds, while certain varieties are largely sought after in the east. There is no business that can be embarked in with greater promise of a golden reward than that of fruit culture. It must, however, like everything else, be managed properly to be a great success. Orchards and vineyards must be planted and taken care of in a systematic manner and the business from first to last conducted as experience in other places has shown to be hest. Especially must the fruit be put up in an attractive and marketable shape, well assorted, conveniently packed for handling by the dealer and attractive to the eye. Experience in California and elsewhere shows that the most successful fruit raisers are those whose product reaches the market in the hest condition and presents the most inviting appearance. Already we hear of a number of experienced orchardists who intend to locate in Southern Oregon immediately. It is a great pity that the farmers of that region have not prepared themselves for the market now being opened, by planting extensive orchards, but it is by no means too late, though the golden harvest must be delayed. The men who set out at once large orchards and vineyards and get them into bearing condition, will be the first to reap their reward. The market is large, growing and permanent." In its climate Jackson county is truly blessed. It possesses the combined advan- tages of many other sections with almost no drawback. In another portion of this volume the annual rainfall with statistics of temperature are set forth, from which much may be learned as to its meteorology. The average annual rainfall in the Bear creek valley is about twenty-five inches — a quantity almost exactly proportioned to the needs of agriculture. This total is about half that experienced in the Willamette valley, but is considerably more than that of Eastern Oregon. It is sufficient for every known crop and falls at such times as to perfectly answer the needs of tillage in every locality. The wisest human foresight could not apportion the rainfall more satisfactorily, for on the one hand all damage and loss by freshets is nearly obviated, and on the other the crops and grasses mature under its influence. Extremely heavy rains, as experienced in other localities are unknown here, and injurious floods recur so seldom and in so insignificant measure as to be of little consequence and not to be considered. The extreme limits of annual rainfall are not over twenty inches, com- paring favorably with localities in California where the variation is not less than forty, and in the northwestern part of Oregon where it is even more. Hence it follows that a certain amount of rain may be calculated upon, which is the principal element favor- ing sure crops. Again, this rainfall occurs at favorable times of the year, when its influence is for the good of agriculture. The somewhat infrequent summer showers play their part in laying the dust, purifying the air and renewing the verdure, while the greater part of rain falls in the colder months, preparing the land for the opera- tions of plowing and sowing. The temperature is equally favorable. The extreme height of the thermometer rarely exceeds ninety-five degrees, and as rarely sinks in winter below twenty. The range cannot be over seventy degrees in an ordinary season, while its yearly average is about fifty and one-half degrees. Thus the climate of Jackson county closely resembles that of California, if we make allowance for the higher latitude and the consequent depression of the temperature. That jDortion of the Golden State lying to the south of this region, however, is afflicted very frequently by too excessive rains, which act injuriously upon many occupations; and in this respect 320 SOUTHERN OREGON. Jackson county is much more highly favored. Finally, it is a fact that the Rogue river valley possesses the most favorable climate for agriculture that is known to the Pacific coast. This fact is easily substantiated by referring to the meteorological tables published herewith. The regularity of the rainfall and its comparative lightness, added to the fact of its distribution through the most advantageous part of the year are necessarily owing to the configuration of the various ranges of mountains which lie along the coast and modify the vapor-laden winds. Besides the strictly useful effects of the climate, it has the additional property of being extremely healthful and invigor- ating. Under such skies and blown upon by such breezes, existence itself is luxurious contentment. Pure air, abundance of good water — for no country is better supplied with pure and cool streams — scenery remarkable and hardly surpassed, and finally a profusion of the choicest productions of the temperate zone, make up all that reason- able mortals could desire for their chosen abiding place. To name all the features wherein the Rogue river country is signally blessed would require pages. We might recall the fact that no serious earthquakes have occurred here since man's advent; no pestilences dangerous to life have been known; even the common endemic diseases are scarce; no violent hurricanes, such as have devastated portions of the west, have been noticed, nor ever can be, because of the surrounding mountains; there have been no droughts injurious to crops; no "pluvial dispensations" of long continuance, by which floods are produced, lives endangered and property destroyed, and no cold waves of sufficient intensity to inflict damage. But on the other hand there is an amount of rich land sufficient for the support of a very numerous population; a climate nourish- ing and invigorating to plants, man and animals alike: a rainfall exactly sufficient to meet reasonable wants, sure and abundant enough to fairly co-act with the fertility of the soil, bringing forth in abundance its choicest productions; there is scenery so grand and so varied as to fill with wonder the stranger's mind and to never weary the eye of the oldest pioneer; there is pasturage sufficient for myriads of grazing animals; there is water power enough to propel the machinery of hundreds of manufactories; there are quartz veins and gravel deposits bearing gold which for centuries may be worked with good results; and there is railroad communication with the outside world by which the numberless rich products of the valley may be transported quickly and cheaply to market. Such" are a portion only of the advantages of the Rogue river country, in many of which it shares equally with other parts of Southern Oregon. For the immigrant who desires a home with the comforts and in due time the elegancies of life, no other part of America offers equal inducements. WaIung-uth-portiaho-ok. Presbyterian Church, Jacksonville. CHAPTER XXXVIII. MINERAL RESOURCES OF JACKSON COUNTY. Minerals found in the County — Mineral Springs— Limestone— Iron—Coal— Mercury— Gravel mining — Progress of the art— The pan— Rocker— Tom— Sluice — Hydraulic mining— How Conducted— The lack of Water — Yield of the mines — Product decreasing — Mining locations. The mineral resources of Jackson county comprise deposits of gold, silver, copper, iron, lead, salt, coal and limestone, besides granite, sandstone and other rocks suitable for building purposes. There are mineral springs of various descriptions, some hot and some of the sort known as sulphur springs ; there are soda springs in the Siskiyou mountains, and a variety of less known aqueous effusions, many of them believed to be valuable for medicinal purposes. Nickel, tin and zinc are said to exist in Jackson county. Thus far the extraction of gold from auriferous deposits in gravel has been by far the most important mining interest, the reduction of quartz containing gold standing second in importance. The industries depending upon the working of copper, iron and coal deposits have not as yet attained a commencement, and their relative importance cannot now be told. Limestone is found in several localities, notably on Jackson creek, where it is extracted and calcined in kilns, producing a good article of lime for mason work. At other places it abounds, often attaining the form of marble, which is well known to be a form of limestone, and which is sometimes of sufficient purity for statuary uses. This, as well as the iron, coal and copper deposits, may become of great value in the future. Cinnabar, the sulphide of mercury, the ore whence quicksilver is derived, has for many years been known to exist in Jackson county, and in several localities is found in paying quantities. On Evans' creek, in the western part of the county, claims have been taken, deposits examined and the metal produced ; but owing to the fall in the price of that commodity, and to other causes, the dawning industry which was once of great promise, was suffered to sink into temporary obscurity. At present no quick- silver is produced in this county, although there is thought to be paying ore sufficient to supply a very large part of the world's consumption for years. The history of gravel mining in Jackson county is a subject of intense interest, intermingled as it is with so much of human enterprise and suffering. In every respect it resembles and is identical with the history of the mining counties of California, with which state Jackson county has far closer affiliations than with the exclusively agricul- tural portion of Oregon. Indeed, it is a rather striking and in some sense regrettable fact that it is not a part of the former state. Settled by the same class of enterprising, fearless and progressive miners it became the abode of a population who, except for being surrounded with great agricultural advantages, were circumstanced precisely as those of California. The surface mining industry grew up under the same conditions, 42 322 SOUTHERN OREGON. attained its maximum at the same time and has declined in the same proportion. Hydraulic mining has suffered the same mutations which beset it in the golden state, excepting as to the famous debris question, but unlike the present condition of the industry in California, it seems that the deep placers of Jackson and Josephine counties are so extensive that they may remain unexhausted for centuries. Three methods of mining have been mainly followed in the extraction of gold ; whereof two pertain to gravel mining, and the other is quartz mining, so-called. One of the former is called surface placer mining, the other is styled hydraulic mining. The former process — the washing of gravel from shallow beds — is the forerunner of the hydraulic process, and although comparatively old, yet as practiced for the last twenty-five years is an enormous improvement on foreign and antiquated modes of mining. When in 1848 the sands of California were first found to contain gold, the only known means of separating it from the dirt was by washing with water in a batea, a wooden bowl in use by Mexican miners for generations. Ordinary culinary vessels were substituted for lack of these, and by experiment the common milk pan was found to be by its size and shape well calculated to effect the separation of the con- tained earth and gold. Accordingly these were first used exclusively, the iron seam- less " gold pan" now so universally known, being an improvement in manufacture. Thousands, and probably millions of dollars was thus laboriously and painfully washed out before the miners advanced to the discovery and use of the rocker or cradle. This article, also familiar to all residents in mining localities, is a long step in advance of the pan or batea, as by its use tw T o men are enabled to do the work of six or eight provided only with the latter instruments. For awhile this apparatus served the pur- pose for which it was designed, but the increasing scarcity of very rich diggings, added to the large amount of gravel requisite to be washed to procure what were considered fair results, led to the introduction of the " torn," a contrivance whereby a steady stream of water was led upon the gravel, washing it and setting free the gold, whose superior gravity carried it to the bottom, whereby it became entangled in cross " riffles" and so saved, while the lighter refuse was carried away by the force of the stream. The pan, the rocker, and the torn, alike were used wherever water could be procured, the dirt being usually carried to the water, for no extended ditches had yet been prepared to bring the water to the dirt. Next in point of time was the grand discovery of the sluice, which grew by evolution from the pan, the rocker and the torn, and was their natural successor. Gravel deposits of greater extent had become known, whose mass was beyond the power of man to move in any ordinary term of life, and for whose working the ordinary implements of mining were entirely inadequate. Systematic mining had made now its greatest step ; the water was brought to the gravel and its laborious handling was confined to shoveling into the sluice wherein a strong stream ran swiftly, carrying it away, separating its particles and dropping its contained gold into " riffles" as in the torn. With this improvement the amount of dirt which could be washed daily depended upon the strength and energy of those who wielded the pick and shovel. Sluices, at first of but slight length, afterwards were adopted in a continuous line hundreds of yards in length, whereby a larger percentage of gold was saved. The line usually led directly across the claim ; and the " bronzed and hardy gold-seekers," partners in the profits, stood upon either side of the boxes and shoveled JACKSON COUNTY. 323 the earth into them. This improvement led to the formation of companies" of miners, whereby advantages accrued in securing " water rights" and " dumping|grounds" and sufficient quantities of " pay dirt," which would usually have been impossible to solitary workers. Ground-sluicing and booming, related inventions, still of practical use, took their rise co-incident with the sluice. Finally we come to the last great step in gravel mining — the invention of the hydraulic process. With the continued use of the sluice the greater part of the valuable shallow deposits were worked and pay dirt became scarcer year by year, while in certain localities in California and Oregon the existence of enormous beds of auriferous gravel, comparatively poor in gold, had been discov- ered, but could not be worked by any known means owing to the high price of labor. In some instances these deposits were of tolerable richness, but were overlaid by a great depth of worthless earth, frequently one hundred or more feet in depth. In such cases a considerable quantity of gold-bearing dirt was sometimes extracted by " drift- ing," that is, by tunneling in to the deposit and removing it by hand, as in quartz mining. This, too, is an expensive process, and the exigencies of the situation led to the invention of the " giant" and the use of a powerful jet of water thrown against a bank of earth, whereby it is washed into the sluices without the intervention of manual labor except in directing the working stream. The earliest records of hydraulic washing show that a miner in Calaveras county, California, first applied the principle, using an extemporized canvas hose leading from a barrel so placed as to receive the water of a spring. Its value was soon perceived and " hydraulics" came slowly into use, but not of course in the manner now in practice. Larger amounts of w T ater and higher " heads" have been successively introduced until now, in certain instances, sev- eral hundred cubic feet of water per minute is forced through a single nozzle, with the pressure due to 400 feet of fall. Such a stream moves boulders of immense size, hurls earth and cobbles to a height of many feet, and erodes great hills and mountain sides during a season's work. All the appurtenances of hydraulic mining have advanced in the same degree. There are companies lately operating in California who had pre- pared ditches of forty miles or more in length, carrying in an extreme case 10,000 miner's inches of water (a miner's inch is equal to one and a half cubic feet per min- ute), which is led to the claims under pressure of from 250 to 400 feet. In Southern Oregon the process was early introduced ; its working has nearly always been attended with profit ; and there remains at this day a very large amount of earth fit to be worked and which will be "piped" away when water can be brought upon it. The minimum for which auriferous dirt can be worked with profit by the hydraulic pro- cess, where all the surroundings are advantageous, is five cents per cubic yard ; and most workings must contain four times that in order to pay. To digress somewhat, let it be observed that a cubic yard is about 175 or 200 panfuls ; if, then, it required twenty-five cents worth of gold to make a panful worth working in the " flush times," it seems that the process of washing is now performed at nearly one thousand times less cost than formerly. Undoubtedly there are very great and extensive deposits of auriferous gravel in Jackson and Josephine counties which contain much more than twenty cents per cubic yard ; and there is a great additional advantage in that the debris resulting from their working can never be seriously detrimental, as any injury 324 SOUTHERN OREGON. to the navigation of the Illinois and Rogue rivers and Applegate creek need not be a subject of solicitude. As a great and unfailing amount of water is necessary for the successful prosecu- tion of hydraulic mining, and as heretofore the greater part of the hydraulic miners of Southern Oregon have only been able to work their claims for a few months each year, depending upon the rains for their supply, it has been deemed of great moment that water be procured from a more reliable source than the creeks and springs hereto- fore depended on. With this view it has been suggested to tap the Klamath river above Cottonwood creek, and bring its waters by a long, wide and deep ditch to the placers in Applegate and other localities. Such a ditch would be an immensely costly undertaking, no doubt, as its length would probably reach seventy miles; but that it would be a pecuniary success is the opinion of many miners. Another scheme is for the introduction of water from the falls of Rogue river, whereby a ditch fifty miles long would be required, and the water used in various localities where deep placers exist, as Foot's creek, etc. The Sentinel in 1859 suggested the use of artesian wells as a source of water; but this suggestion, although backed by cogent arguments, showing how it was likely from the shape of the Rogue river basin that water exists in exten- sive gravel strata beneath the surface and under immense pressure, was not acted upon, and, indeed, has elsewhere proved unfeasible. The area of gold mines in Southern Oregon is bounded on the east by a line which begins on the North Umpqua river where the Willamette meridian crosses that stream, continues south across the South Umpqua, then bending west passes down the right bank of Rogue river to the mouth of Bear creek, jn'oceeds up that creek to the vicinity of Barron's, and so passes into California. Eastward of the line no gold, save, perhaps, occasional traces has ever been found. It will be noticed that the boundary line bends westward in the Rogue river basin. All that portion of Jackson county lying west of that line is considered as the mining district, and includes about one- third of the county's whole area. Within the district are the gravel mining localities known and celebrated under the names of Jackson creek, Sterling creek, Applegate, Forest creek (otherwise known as Jackass), Foot's creek, Kane's creek, Evans' creek, Pleasant creek, Sardine creek, Ward's creek, Poorman's creek, Grave creek (Leland creek), Jump-off- Joe creek, Coyote creek, Louse creek, Wagner creek, Phoenix, etc., as well as the quartz claims of Gold hill, Jackson creek, Steamboat, and many others. Here was mined a vast amount of treasure which played the foremost part in building up and developing the resources of this country. Many millions of wealth were here taken out, and the history of the industrious miners who did the work forms, here as elsewhere, the most interesting of all the records of the past. Nor is the mining industry by any means at an end. The rich and shallow placers were doubtless pretty nearly exhausted years ago, and only a few miners, mostly relics of the past, continue to work over and again the sands which have yielded so much. But there still exist deep deposits of unworked and as yet unworkable grounds, which, by the scarcity of water, have never been utilized, and these in the future will doubtless be found to pay. Some of these would give, say the experienced, an immense return if properly Avorked by hydraulic process. The capitalist or miner who desires to make trial of these deposits is confronted by the problem of how water is to be procured, and retires satis- JACKSON COUNTY. 3>r> tied that no ordinary outlay will provide a sufficient supply. Still, there will doubtless be found some man or an association of men who will be willing to make an invest- ment oi' sufficient capital to construct an immense ditch, bringing water from a great distance to the beds, and then by means of hydraulic apparatus washing down the great banks and separating the gold. Statisticians have frequently attempted to ascertain the yield of the mines of Jack- sou county during all the years subsequent to its settlement ; but a distant approxima- tion is only to be achieved. The principal association concerned in handling the product has been the express company of Wells, Fargo & Co., whose agent at Jackson- ville testifies to having forwarded ten million dollars worth of gold since 1856. A small portion only of this may have come from Josephine county. It is the agent's opinion that an equal amount was extracted during the same time which found other means of egress from the locality. By calculations based upon these figures we are apt to arrive at the opinion that thirty millions represents the quantity mined between the years 1851 and 1884, in Jackson county alone. This is regarded as a reasonable esti- mate, but the true amount may be millions greater or less. Of this amount the quartz mines have furnished a sum somewhat in excess of half a million dollars. While the average annual yield may have been quite a million a year, the out-put of precious metal has in general decreased each year from 1856 until the present. In the years preceding 1860 it is thought to have averaged over one and a quarter mil- lions, whereas in the year named it was probably not above $1,150,000. By 1870 it had decreased to two-thirds of that amount, and in succeeding years, as the placers become extinct and mining population diminished, very little was done in shal- low diggings, the hydraulics taking the place of picks and shovels, and the yearly product has now sunk to less than $250,000. The yield depends however on the rela- tive rainfall of the season, for circumstanced as the most of the miners are they must look to the evanescent clouds of the heavens for the means wherewith to make their mines produce. The extent of the mining industry in Jackson county is shown by the fact that 5438 mining locations were made from October 8, 1856, to June 30, 1880. Of these sixteen were copper, one tin, 124 cinnabar, and the rest gold and silver. There were 1221 conveyances of mining claims and 133 transfers of water ditches and rights during the same time. The claims were located as follows : In Big Applegate District, 466 ; in Little Applegate, 39; Uniontown, 2; Sterling, 151; Jackass, 491; Jackson- ville, 1463; Forty-nine, 234; Willow Springs, 785; Gold Hill, 361; Gall's creek, 95 ; Foot's creek, 288; Evans' creek, 115; Sardine creek, 132; Louse creek, 25; Dry Diggings; 33; Jump-off-Joe, 114; Grave creek, 224; Coyote creek, 75; Poorman's creek, 300; Steamboat, 45. CHAPTER XXXIX. QUARTZ MINING IN JACKSON COUNTY. Tw3 Years of Prospecting-— Distinction Between Milling and Pocket Veins— Pocket Mining— An Easy Road to Riches— The First Quartz Mine— The Gold Hill Mine— Enormous Yield— The First Quartz Mill— The Blackwell Lead — The Jewitt Mine — Mines on Jackson Creek — Two Quartz Mills — The Fowler Mine — Its History — A Silver Excitement. The history of quartz mining in Jackson county mostly centers about the dis- covery of the rich leads at Gold hill and Steamboat, and is mainly embraced in the two years of 1860 and 1861, in the first of which the greatest results were attained and the greatest amount of work done. Thus quartz mining will be seen to occupy but a single short period in the county's history, and resembles a spasmodic outburst which suddenly began and as suddenly ceased without very beneficial immediate results to the community, but giving great hopes for a future time when, the subject of mining and milling being better understood, much greater things may be expected. The ledges of gold-bearing quartz have not proved particularly numerous, but perhaps as large a proportion of them have been found to contain workable rock as in any other part of the country. Indeed, it would be difficult to point out any locality whatever in which the net returns have been greater for the amount invested and the work done. The experience of miners has shown that the veins of Jackson county are "spotted" — that is, their content of gold is not uniformly distributed throughout the mass of quartz, but is collected within small spaces of abnormally rich rock technically called "pockets." In other mining countries the same thing occurs; and practical quartz miners are in the habit of distinguishing such veins by the name of "pocket leads," in contradistinction to those veins where gold is uniformly dissemi- nated throughout, which are called "milling leads," as requiring reduction by mill process, whereas pocket veins are worked by more simple means. The working of pocket veins has become an industry of no small importance in the "slate belt" of California, and it is highly possible that a few hints from the experience of the busy workers there might assist in developing the hidden wealth of Jackson county. Twenty years, during which "hunting pockets" has become an exclusive pursuit carried on without reference to ordinary mining, has brought the occupation to the dignity of an art and a profession. The initiated talk abstrusely of "leads," "dikes," "crossings," "elbows," "bends," "blue slate" and the other technicalities of their pur- suit, and have formulated the principles supposed to determine the location of pockets with such approximation as to enable the seeker in many cases to discover the hidden treasure. Pocket mining is the most absorbing and interesting pursuit in the world; and whoever becomes tinctured with it will remain devoted to it for his lifetime. There are many instances known of men laboring assiduously at it for ten, twelve and JACKSON COUNTY. 327 more years, without once striking a color. Its rewards are ill-proportioned, but, per- haps, as certain as those of any branch of gold mining. The greatest pockets known to have been found yielded a quarter of a million of dollars, the two eminent examples which occurred in Jackson county being hardly surpassed. The pursuit possesses the distinguishing and obvious advantage that it can be carried on without capital, and by the exertions of a single individual or two partners. It is customarily followed by two in preference to any other number, especially in case of shaft workings, wherein one man loads the bucket with rock while the other turns the windlass to raise it. With only the ordinary excavating tools and explosives, and with a season's supply of provisions, the latter perhaps advanced as a "grub stake" by some speculative trader, the pocket miner is enabled to pursue his calling, often with good results, sometimes with surpassing luck, and frequently without the slightest return. The art of pecket mining consists essentially in discovering what are called crossings — narrow veins of quartz or yellowish "dike," so-called — and tracing these to their intersectic/ with an ordinary quartz vein, at which point, by some mysterious dispensation of nature, a pocket is usually formed. Elbows are bends in the vein, at which pockets are also to be looked for. The intersection is arrived at by means of a shaft or a tunnel of small diameter, frequently only a yard or so, as the object invariably is to remove as little dirt as possible. Having calculated where the pocket probably lies, the miner arrives at that point in the most expeditious and least laborious way possible, proceeding, usually, along the quartz vein in order to test by means of the pan the nearness of the gold deposit. The "color" is usually struck at a distance of a few feet and thereafter all the earth taken out is jealously examined lest the pocket be passed and so lost. When finally it is arrived at, the gold is almost entirely contained within the space of a few cubic feet, and frequently of a single bucketful. A panful of the quartz, usually decomposed and soft, may yield a thousand dollars or more. Thus the use of a mill or arastra is most frequently obviated, a single hand mortar and pestle being sufficient for the reduction of the rock, after which it is washed in a pan. Thus unpretentiously, have been taken out some pockets containing not merely ounces, but hundreds of pounds of gold. At other times the gold is found disseminated through several tons of quartz, of varying richness, which requires the use of heavier machinery, either an arastra or stamp mill. Of the former sort was the great Divoll pocket, found in Sonora, California, which yielded over $200,000 in a week, and of the other class was the Fowler ledge at Applegate, which was more productive, but more slowly extracted. Thus systematically is pocket quartz mining pursued in a district of California where a thousand miners, an industrious and worthy class, exist by it. Without their pres- ence the country they inhabit would be almost deserted; for they sustain trade and the small number of agriculturists residing near by. There are, perhaps, sufficient oppor- tunities for the cultivation of their art in the quartz deposits of Jackson county to support an equal number of miners, all of whom would contribute to the material advancement of the country. Perhaps some may reply, There is no opportunity; the veins have all been prospected, and the gold removed. To this we answer, The quartz veins have in no case been worked far below the surface ; two hundred feet or there- abouts measures the deepest shaft; but that is a mere scratch, hardly worth consider- 328 SOUTHERN OREGON. iug. Possibly the veins are equally rich at all depths, and rich pockets may exist in the lower portions of veins as well as near the surface. The quartz veins which were first met with by the miners frequently were found to contain pockets of decomposed rock with gold, which being accidentally found upon the surface, the gold was extracted by crushing in a mortar, and no further thought was given to the subject of quartz containing gold, though the theory of that mineral being the " original matrix" of the precious metal had had previous currency. The idea of sinking upon and "exploring the veins was not entertained until the quartz mania broke out in California and spread across the border into Oregon. The first quartz lead which was prospected in Jackson county was the Hicks lead, on the left fork of Jackson creek, above Farmer's Flat. Sonora Hicks and brother, the discov- erers, worked this vein in a necessarily imperfect way and took out some gold, getting, said the Sentinel, $1,000 in two hours ! Theirs was a pocket vein, and no mill or arastra was thought of in connection with it. Maury, Davis aud Taylor owned the adjoining claim, and put up an arastra upon it, the first apparatus of the kind in Ore- gon. The latter firm purchased the Hicks claim and worked its rock in their arastra. The total yield of the original claim, the first quartz lead worked in Oregon, was about $2,000. The next quartz discovery of importance was that of the famous Gold Hill lode, near Fort Lane. This took place in January, 1860, the discoverer being one Graham, known as " Emigrant," who, with George Ish, James Hayes, Thomas Chav- ner and John Long, as partners, located this astonishingly rich lode and began to work it. There was an abundance of float rock, found lying upon the surface of the hill, which yielded fabulously in gold, and as soon as the news of the strike became known the whole hill was staked out in claims, the boundaries marked some- times by stretching ropes, and men were busily at work picking up float and crushing it in mortars, whereby much money was realized. Mr. Henry Klippel, the father of quartz mining in Southern Oregon, found a piece of mixed gold and quartz weighing thirteen ounces, which yielded $100 ; and others reported as good results. Excitement ran high. Jacksonville, previously dull, began to bloom. Men who were notoriously " broke" began to put on airs of wealth. Money circulated with facility and every one partook, in spirit, of the good fortune. A daily stage was put on the route between Jacksonville f and the new mines, which was crowded with sight-seers, speculators and prospectors. An eating house sprang up near the mine, and Morgan Davis inaugu- rated a trading post. Quartz stock was up ; prospecting seized as a fever upon the whole country ; aud fabulous discoveries were reported in every direction. As for the original owners of the Gold Hill lead their fortunes seemed boundless, but dissension broke out in their camp. James Hayes, becoming dissatisfied, sold out to Henry Klippel, John McLaughlin and Charles Williams, for $5,000. Graham sold also to Messrs. Klippel and John E. Ross, for the same sum, the use of the money costing those gentlemen ten per cent, per month. Two arastras were put up to reduce the quartz, mules being the motive power, and armed men guarded the apparatus, mine and quartz wagons from the envious and predacious crowd. Weekly clean-ups were in order and 1,000 ounces of well retorted gold was frequently divided on Saturdays. For some time this extraordinary out-put continued, when the desires of the owners .-'.-.• -■•'- v^V 33 ■-. m CO a m zz. C3 m o 2 a ^ £ c_ 2 a > =5 : -V;- ?~ CO 2 - C-3 33 O > W \ -:X\ ^-J ^ in - - o CO m ■S^ CD C 33 G3 % ■ JACKSON COUNTY. 329 outran the capabilities of the slow and primitive mule-propelled arastra, and a steam quartz mill with all the modern improvements was resolved upon. This, the first quartz mill in Jackson county, was purchased in San Francisco and shipped to the mine by the firm of Klippel, McLaughlin & Williams, whose undertaking was to crush the mining company's quartz for eight dollars per ton, themselves retaining own- ership in the mill. The mill was shipped to Gold Hill via Scottsburg, in the spring of 1860, and great difficulty was experienced in transporting the heavy boiler, mortars, etc. The cost of freighting was about $2,600, and the total cost of the mill when in running order was about $12,000. It was a twelve-stamp mill, of the ordinary type of free gold mill, amalgamating in battery, and crushing wet- Its first j^erformance was the reduction of one hundred tons of refuse quartz, thrown aside as being too poor for the arastra process, which yielded one hundred dollars per ton. The mill was located at the Dardanelles, and here the rock was hauled from the mine. The next run was on ordinary quartz from the vein, unassorted, and very much to the surprise of all it yielded only three dollars per ton — owing, as was supposed, to defective amalgamation. Another run was carefully conducted for six weeks with a result of two dollars and forty cents per ton. Public confidence in the mine was much shaken, In August the mill and mine suspended operations. In the subsequent workings of the lode very little has been realized. The total product of this famous mine, accord- ing to Mr. Henry Klippel, was about $150,000, nearly all of which was taken from a confined space in the mine, only twenty-two feet long by ten in height and the thick- ness of the vein, which is less than a yard. Repeated tests of ore from other portions of it failed invariably, because the mine is without doubt a pocket ledge, and only to be successfully worked as such. The major part of the explorations subsequently per- formed consisted in sinking a shaft 130 feet deep, on the vein, and running two tunnels to intersect the shaft. A great many small prosj)ect holes have also been sunk, but not to any considerable depth. The vein has all of the characteristics supposed by " mining experts" to insure permanency. It dips somewhat to the east, has a thick, soft " gouge," smooth, well-defined walls, and other presumed valuable qualifications. After its first successful working, its ownership became the subject of a notable law- suit, that of Jacob Ish vs. The Gold Hill Mining Company, wherein the plaintiff sought to dispossess defendants. Ish had entered the land embracing the mining property as agricultural, aud had secured a patent thereto, the company remaining in ignorance thereof until its issuance. The circuit court of Jackson county sustained the plaintiff, but upon appeal to the supreme court of Oregon, the decision of the lower court was reversed, thereby, says Mr. Klippel, first enunciating the principle that the state courts have the authority to annul agricultural land grants to individuals in conflict with prior claims. Messrs. Klippel, McLaughlin & Williams lost $11,000 on the mill. After they had demonstrated its want of success, they leased it to a party of Yreka miners who were equally unsuccessful. Subsequently the mill was sold for $5,000 to Jewitt Brothers and Douthitt, and removed to the Jewitt mine near Vannoy's ferry, where it did good service for awhile, and after was converted into a saw mill. The machinery was dismantled, and some years later the engine was removed to Parker's saw mill on Big Butte creek, where it is still in use. 43 330 SOUTHERN OREGON. The Blackwell lead was discovered a short time subsequent to the finding of the Gold Hill vein. This mine proved far less rich than the other, yielding altogether but a few thousand dollars, though having a very promising appearance. It was actively worked and produced at first a good supply of beautiful specimens worth some thous- ands. In the summer of 1860 and subsequently, it was owned by C. C Beekman, William Hoffman, Dr. L. S. Thompson and U. S. Hay den, who made a contract with the proprietors of the Gold Hill quartz mill to work the mine and crush the ore, turn- ing over to the owners of the lead the amount realized above necessary expenses of working. The deposit of quartz gave out, however, and the attempt failed. At later times the Blackwell lead has been worked, but to no apparent purpose. In 1882 a rotary quartz crusher was put up at the mine and is being experimented with. The total yield of the Blackwell has been from ten to twenty thousand dollars. The Jewitt ledge, situated on the south side of Bogue river in township thirty-six, south, range five, west, was first prospected in 1860 by the Jewitt brothers, Avho had caught the quartz fever in common with the rest of the population of Jackson and Josephine counties. Indications proving favorable they associated themselves with D. William Douthitt, of Jacksonville, and began to work their vein. They were signally successful ; they took out $40,000, says Mr. Klippel, and having exhausted the deposit, ceased work. Their rock paid fifty dollars per ton at the first clean-up, the lode being six feet thick at the working point. Subsequent work on the claim has revealed nothing of great importance, but indications are said to be favorable for another rich strike. In 1874 or the succeeding year Messrs. Klippel and Beekman, having possession of the claim, purchased an engine and boiler and set up two steam arastras to work the rock. But owing to certain causes their operations failed of success. The name Elizabeth was given to the ledge. The assay value of the rock is said to average twenty-one dollars, and the arastras pay twelve dollars per ton, the vein's average width now being three feet. Next in importance stands the Swinden ledge, near Gold Hill, on the donation claim of John Swinden. It was owned by several partners and was prospected in 1860, and in 1862 and 1863 was worked, by a shaft, the quartz being reduced in an arastra. The vein was tolerably rich, at least in one spot, and paid something above expenses, it is thought, though the cost of working was considerable. The ledge is two and a half feet thick and is still thought valuable. In the same mining region are several other veins which have been considerably worked and are still regarded as valuablet The McDonough and Shump veins are of this class. On Foot's creek quite a number of quartz locations have been made from which a considerable amount of wealth has been extracted, with a first-rate prospect for future success. In 1860 Foot's creek quartz mines were reported to be paying handsomely. The rock was described as dark and soft, with specks of gold visible throughout. ' Johnson's, and Lyons and Peebler's ledges were particularly successful, according to newspaper reports. In 1861 these leads were mentioned as having fallen off in richness, only ten dollars per ton being realized. On Jackson creek, especially on the right branch, several veins of quartz of considerable promise have at times been prospected, the greater part of the work being- done in 1860, directly following the Gold Hill discovery, and at a time that we may designate as the epoch of quartz mining, since at no previous or subsequent time have JACKSON COUNTY. 331 there beeD any developments to compare with those which took place that year. Four locations were found on Shively gulch, from each of which considerable gold was taken. The principal of these was the Holman ledge, which yielded a total of about $10,000 as reported by credible witnesses. The rock from this mine was worked in the Jack- son creek quartz mill, situated at the forks of Jackson creek. This mill was erected by Henry Pape, who came from Yreka for the purpose and was built in the summer of 1860, at a time when quartz excitement ran high. Mr. Pape had contracted to crush quartz from eight or nine ledges, on the creek, to the amount of 1000 tons for eight dollars per ton, provided the rock paid that much. The first run was from the Holman, eighty or one hundred tons of it yielding forty-two dollars per ton. From a small lot taken from the Davenport claim on the right branch, seventy-five dollars per ton was obtained ; but this mine like all the rest was speedily exhausted. Mr. Pape ran the mill (eight stamps, steam) for four months, at the end of that time selling two-thirds of it to a company of several persons, by whom it was run some months longer. In rather less than a year from its inception it was changed into a saw mill, and at a later date the battery was in use on Wagner creek, where Messrs. Anderson and Rockfellow were working a quartz lead. The engine was put into a saw mill on Forest creek. Another mill was put rather later on by Charles Drew and Samuel Bowden, a small affair and unsuccessful. It was located up the right branch of Jackson creek and in the vicinity of several promising veins mainly in Timber and Shively gulches. This mill differed from the others in having an amalgamating pan and settler, it being- supposed that there was a notable amount of silver in the veins, which would be lost in ordinan' battery amalgamation. The mill, after a checkered career of two or more years, was taken down and the boiler is now in use at Karewski's Hour mill at Jackson- ville, while a portion of the battery lies upon the ground not far away. In 1860 Messrs. Johnson, Cupps and Woods possessed a lode upon the right branch, from which fifty ounces of gold were taken in one day. Afterwards Mr. Elder purchased the interest of the two latter and with Johnson, a most persistent quartz miner who still pursues his chosen calling, erected an arastra near their claim, driven by an over-shot water wheel. Boatman and Sheets carried on work upon a vein in Shively gulch, with some success. Elder, Johnson's partner, was a member of the firm to whom H. Pape sold his quartz mill, the remaining partners being Dr. Ganung, afterwards the coroner of Jackson county, and three Germans. The extraordinary quartz mine known by the several names of the Fowler lode, the Aprilegate quartz mine, and the Steamboat ledge is situated in township 40, range 4 west, on the right fork of Big Applegate, called Carberry fork, about 200 yards below the summit of the divide separating that stream from Brushy creek, and is seventeen miles by road south of the site of the trading post once owned by W. W. Fowler and Keeler, on Applegate creek. It was discovered in February, 1860, by Frank Fitterman, William Billups and others, who afterwards received into the firm Captain Barnes, John Ely, William P. Ferris, W. W. Fowler and G. W. Keeler, the two latter obtaining their interest in consequence of having furnished the "grub stake" by which the discoverers were enabled to prospect. The rock promised fairly at first and was merely explored a little, until an arastra was completed in June, 1860, and the lode regularly opened. For several months only an average yield was recorded, 332 SOUTHERN OREGON. until the beginning of the following year, when the extremely rich portion of the ledge was found. Then the full wealth of the deposit was developed, and an enormous yield was obtained. In one week in February, 1861, money enough was made to pay all previous expenses of the mine. Thirty-five tons of quartz yielded $350 per ton, and fifty tons, comprising the next lot, produced $18,500, or $370 per ton. But these yields were eclipsed by successive ones, for the newspapers of the day spoke of $10,000 as the income for one week, 1,470 ounces as the product of another, and $2,352 as the average yield per ton of the rock worked in March, 1861. Four arastras had been put up and other improvements were resolved upon, when Captain Barnes and Ely sold out their interest to Fowler for $6,000. Ferris had previously sold for a comfortable sum, leaving the seven shares divided as follows: Barnes and Ely, three shares; D. L. Hopkins, one; McKay and O'Brien, one; Fowler and Keeler, one; Fowler, Anderson and James T. Glenn, one. Mr. Samuel Taylor, a miner of experience, became superintendent in November, 1861, and retained that position for nearly two years, during which the yield was about $190,000, making with the previous yield a total of $280,000. Subsequently about $10,000 was taken out, and to this should be added about $25,000 supposed to have been realized by the O'Brien company, a rival firm which was working the same lead on the other side of the divide. Thus the whole yield of the lead may be summed up at $315,000, which is the amount reported by Superintendent Taylor. After using the arastras for a time, a four-stamp mill was erected, but the supply of rock gave out before it could be utilized. The above- mentioned firm of O'Brien & Company took up their claim upon the same lead, which infringed upon the original company and produced a lawsuit of great celebrity and expensiveness. The Fowler company claimed a portion of land supposed to overlie the vein, but which was found not to do so except for a small portion of its length. The other company ascertained the defect in their rival's position, and took advantage of it by filing an adverse claim. In the courts, after protracted litigation, the Fowler company won, after running tunnels and doing other work to demonstrate the truth of their claims. They got possession of the whole lead, but subsequently took out very little gold, the deposit being pretty nearly exhausted. The mine was abandoned by the owners but afterwards re-located by Mr. Cook, who has made efforts to prove the existence of yet more wealth, but thus far without success. He has tunneled about 300 feet without noticeable results, but still works and hopes. This concludes the effective history of quartz mining in Jackson county, all developments subsequent to 1861 having an abortive cast, and being inconsequential in comparison with the operations of 1860-1. About 1866 quite an excitement was occasioned by reported discoveries of rich silver ore in the hills near Willow Springs. Enormous percentages were returned by assay ers and people without distinction of age, race or color hastened to locate claims, 256 of these being recorded. The Jacksonville Reporter caught the infection and in an earnest editorial uttered the opinion that the new silver mines of Jackson county were incomparably richer than those of the Corn- stock lode in Nevada, and "if properly worked will produce enough of wealth for every man, woman and child in Oregon." In conclusion the editor expressed the heartfelt wish that there should be no legal squabbling about the ownership of claims. JACKSON COUNTY. 333 Litigation proved unnecessary; and within a few months "every man, woman and child in Oregon" knew that the silver veins contained no silver. Of a better sort is the Esther mine on Upper (have creek. This mining property lies in a belt of valuable quartz ledges, and is thought to be a good mine, although undeveloped. The possessors are the Messrs. Browning, father and son, who have labored tor years to get the mine in shape to produce. It is on the right bank of Grave creek, a mile from the stream, and the vein is from one to two feet thick. There was a time — about 1876 — when the Esther was the foremost min- ing property in Jackson county; but lack of skill or capital, or both, have injured its successful working. A mill containing four stamps, driven by water, was put up some half dozen years ago, and later on a joint-stock company secured the property and worked it somewhat, running for two years with considerable success. The rock, partaking of the milling character, yielded twelve or fourteen dollars per ton. CHAPTER XL. THE EARLY PIONEERS. The Earliest Pioneers in Jackson County — The First Impressions — A Lovely Valley— Contrasts — The Southern Route — Settlers in 1851 — The First Land Claims Taken — Discovery of Gold at Rich Gulch — Rapid immi- gration of Miners — A Rush — Roads. The early pioneers of Rogue river valley have with singular unanimity and earnestness borne witness to the sensations with which their hearts were thrilled when they first set eyes upon the fair region of which we now speak. Those tired and travel-worn men and women had set out for the Pacific shore as for a land of promise, and throughout the long and terribly wearying journey had traveled slowly toward the setting sun, intent only upon reaching the country so often but dimly described, and from whence such romantic and charming accounts had come. They watched the passage of time while days lengthened into weeks and months, and the slow beasts of burden dragged the loaded wagons, the emigrant's shifting home, and man and beast alike felt the heavy ills of life. The desolate and never-ending plains, the drouth, the imminence of death from thirst and hunger, the ever-present fear of hostile Indians, and the terrible isolation and loneliness of the route, weighed upon the souls of even the strongest, and many laid down their heavy burdens and sank to rest far from the goal they had struggled to reach. Perhaps there never lived a class of men and women of such strong and self-reliant character as these early 334 SOUTHERN OREGON. pioneers. They were cradled in hardship, spending their early years on the border of the then uttermost west. To penetrate into unexplored wilds and there subdue the earth, and lay the foundation of a state was to them a second nature — a desire trans- mitted from their parents, whose glorious characteristic was also to advance the bounds of progress and civilization, and make glad the waste places where man had never previously trod. Theirs was the mission to keep forever in the fore-front of the battle which man is ever waging with the forces of nature, and from the wildest regions accessible to man to send back the glad news that freedom had found yet another breathing place. Of such descent, and of such aspirations, were the pioneers of Jack- son county, and how they fulfilled their self-appointed task these pages will briefly and imperfectly tell. After the straits to which a six-months' land journey across the most desolate part of North America had brought them, how welcome to their vision must have been the sight of the grassy plains, the wooded slopes, and tree-fringed water courses of Southern Oregon. How deep the song of thankfulness that arose from their breasts ! Possibly the divine artificer could have created a more beautiful, a more fruitful valley, but doubtless he never did. If we may believe those pioneers, the country was one of primitive wildness, yet of obvious fertility and productiveness. The wild grasses grew in profusion, covering everywhere the land as with a garment of the softest and most luxuriant verdure. The hill sides were concealed beneath this marvelous plant growth which hid nature's ugliest scars from view. The rich soil, as yet unimpaired in fer- tility, sent up the stalks to the height of a man or of a horse. Wild berries nourished ; the beautiful mountain streams, clear as glass and of most refreshing coolness, ran, unpolluted by the dirt from mine*. The wild deer and elk, grazed undisturbed in the open meadow, or sought the shade of their leafy coverts and gazed out upon their quiet world. The hill tops, now mainly covered by dense thickets of manzanita, madrone and evergreen brush, were then devoid of bushes and trees because of the Indian habit of burning over the surface in order to remove obstructions to their seed and acorn gathering. In the streams roved the trout, the salmon-trout and the salmon, the favorite sustenance of the Indians. Some scattered villages of natives formed the only fixed population of the beautiful Rogue river valley, which were located near Table Rock, on Ashland creek, Little Butte creek, and at a few other points, where in after years they struggled manfully against the incoming tide of white settlers. Such was the aspect of the lovely valley of Rogue river when first beheld by the immigrants at the close of their arduous journey. The current of emigration which, setting at first for the vale of the Willamette, had been partially diverted toward the gold fields of California, suffered a still further change by the beginning of 1852, when the gold placers of the Rogue river country were discovered and the town of Jacksonville was founded. To thoroughly understand this change it is necessary to review a portion of the preceding events. The Willamette valley, we have said, was the objective point of the stream of immigration, prior to the discovery of gold in California. Since 1843 the fertile region of the Willamette had received constant though small accessions of population, the most of whom, starting from the border states and territories of the Mississippi valley, found their way by long and toilsome journeys to the Columbia region, The Dalles being a point upon their route. The JACKSON COTjNTY. 335 Cascade range lying to the oast of the infant settlements upon the Willamette, as yet had not been explored, and was supposed to present insuperable obstaeles to travel. To the south of the settlements lay Southern Oregon, known only to a few adventurous spirits who had traveled its wilds and brought back reports of the untamable ferocity of its inhabitants. The condition of things was such as to prevent the Rogue river valley and the neighboring regions from being explored, although no doubt even at that early day its fertility and desirability were partly understood and somewhat spoken of. In another part of this volume the experiences of the trappers and earlier travelers through this region have been set forth as far as they relate to the character of the Indian inhabitants, and some of the more notable expeditions between the Wil- lamette and California have been mentioned. Of a more important character was the expedition of the Applegates, in 1846, in search of a route by which the emigrants, now coming overland in increasing numbers, could reach the Willamette more easily and quickly than by The Dalles route. This journey of discovery, previously referred to herein, resulted in opening a passage by which many thousands of people entered Oregon and California, it being widely known under the name of the southern route, or south road. In the year of its discovery a considerable number of people entered Oregon, passing through the Rogue river valley, the Hue of travel entering at the head of Bear creek and following the old California and Oregon trail from the Siskiyous down Bear or Stewart's creek to the Rogue river, and keeping along the south side of that stream to a point one and a half miles southwest of the present village of Grant's Pass, where it crosses the river, and turning north, proceeded by a hilly and uneven course northward to the Canyon, on the southern border of Douglas county, there entering the Umpqua valley. Returning from Fort Hall the Applegate party acted as guides for the first emigrants who passed over the route, their way taking them through the country of the Modoc and the Piute tribes, who were very troublesome, murderino- one of the white men at Lost river and stealing some stock. During the progress of the Cayuse war, which followed the massacre of Doctor Whitman, near Walla Walla, in 1847, Governor Abernethy wished to send a message to the commandant of the United States' forces in California, soliciting aid in prose- cuting hostilities. Jesse Applegate was chosen as messenger, and provided with an escort of sixteen men — Levi Scott, John Scott, William Scott, Walter Alonteith, Thomas Alonteith, A. G. Robinson, William Gilliam, Joseph Waldo, James Campbell, James Fields, John Minto, James Lemon, John Dise, Solomon Tethero and George Hibbler. The party set out from La Creole (Rickreal) in Polk county, and arrived at the Siskiyou mountains about the first of February, 1848. Here, instead of passing directly across into California, they undertook to travel eastward for a distance, and "were lost in the snow. Half of the party turned back, taking all the horses, while Jesse Applegate with eight others pushed on by the aid of snowshoes. They, too, had to succumb to the depth of the snow and the rigor of the season, and turning north- ward they overtook the others at the South Umpqua river, and proceeded with them to the Willamette. Xo difficulties were experienced on account of the Indians, nor w T ere the latter molested. In 1848, 1849 and 1850 the Rogue river valley was increasingly traversed, mainly by parties of gold seekers on their way to California or returning to the Willamette. 336 SOUTHERN OREGON These men, intent chiefly upon the acquisition of gold, were not of a class to do more than slightly note the beauties of nature as exemplified in the luxuriant fauna and flora of the charming, yet wild and dangerous, region through which they had to pass. Thus far not only were no settlements made in Jackson county, but no reason existed for such settlements, excepting the obvious one of the country's fertility. It was too isolated for the abode of an agricultural community, and possessed the disadvantage of being occupied by hostile Indians, whereas the Willamette, whose farming industries were the most extensive on the coast, was devoid of disaffected aborigines. The time was not yet ripe for the advent of the race of pioneers, who were to change the scene of primitive wildness into the abode of industrious humanity, and build upon the haunts of wild beasts and wilder Indians the foundations of a peaceful and pros- perous society. In 1851 began the settlement of the county, or more properly sjDeaking, it then began to be looked upon as a possible home for settlers. In the spring and summer of that year three houses or stations became occupied permanently by white men, these being the three ferries on Rogue river, namely, Long's, Evans' and Perkins'. Other than these there were no houses or cabins between the South Umpqua and Yreka; or, in other words, Jackson county was uninhabited by whites, except .for the few em- ployes of the ferries and the transient travelers who might be upon the road, or rather trail, leading from California to the Columbia. Curry county, the westernmost of the tier of three, was likewise uninhabited, receiving its first white population on the ninth of June of that year, when Port Orforcl was taken possession of. The beauty, healthfulness and fertility of the valley had not proved sufficient incentives to induce the immigrants to pause here in their journey and occupy the pleasant land, for causes which we have slightly touched upon, and it was reserved for the tremendous attractive power of gold to cause the valley to become peopled, an effect which was brought about very rapidly, as we shall see. In the spring of 1851 travel became more than ever impeded by the depredations of the Indians, and organized efforts became necessary in order to keep open the trail then becoming much used. Murders and robberies were frequently reported, and Governor Gaines, ex-officio super- intendent of Indian affairs for Oregon, made a treaty with the Indians in midsummer, his action being preceded by a short but effective campaign by United States troops and volunteers combined against the braves of Sam and Joe, wherein the natives were badly beaten. The details of these operations having been set forth in the account of the Indian wars, the reader is referred thereto for the details and effects of the campaign. Directly following the close of hostilities Judge A. A. Skinner came to the valley in pursuance of his duties as Indian agent, and took up his residence southeast of Table Rock, on a donation claim supposed to have been the first taken in Jackson county, or in the whole Rogue river valley, for that matter. His house was the first one built on Bear creek and was a small log structure. With Judge Skinner resided the govern- ment interpreter, Chesley Gray, who took a donation claim adjoining and built a house upon it in order to comply with the law governing the holding of donation claims. He preferred to reside at the agent's, however. The Skinner claim is now the property of John B. Wrisley, while Isaac Constant owns the Gray claim. Moses Hopwood came from the Willamette with the oldest of his nine children and settled upon the well Public School, Roseburg, Douglas County. Walung ■ L i LAND, OK JACKSON COUNTY. 337 known Hopwood farm on Bear creek, near the two just mentioned, filing his claims thereto on Christmas, 1851. At about the same date Kennedy and Dean settled on the Willow Springs farm. Several other settlers came in at nearly the same time, and early in the year 1852 Judge Rice occupied the location next to Skinner's and brought his wife and a small family, the lady probably being the second of her sex to locate permanently in the valley. The Rice place has been occupied by the family ever since, and is now owned by the widow. Mrs. Lawless possessed the distinction of being the first white woman settler, coming some time in the early part of 1852. Directly after hi> arrival Mr. Hopwood brought the wife and the remainder of his family from Portland, and set about farming on a small scale, being the pioneer of the farmers of Rogue river valley. In December, 1851, Stone and Poyntz took up their land claims at the crossing of "Wagner creek and resided there for a short time, returning to their families in the East in 1852. An old man named Lewis took a claim adjoining theirs, but going to the "Willamette valley for a stay of several months, his claim was "jumped" in his absence and he failed to recover it. A little later than Poyntz, Stone aud Lewis, L. J. C. Duncan, now of Jacksonville, located a claim at Wagner creek, sometime in December, 1851. Chris. Thompson also came before the beginning of 1852 and accord- ingly ranks as one of the very earliest of the pioneers. At the ivpper end of the valley the Mountain House claim was taken up and here resided Barron, Russell and Gibbs. On the Tolman place were Patrick Dunn, Thomas Smith and Frederick Alberding. The following white persons were residing in the Rogue river valley on Xew Year's clay, 1852 : Major Barron, John Gibbs, Russell, Thomas Smith, Patrick Dunn, Frederick Alberding (R. H. Hargadine came to Ash- land in January), Stone, Poyntz, Lewis, L. J. C. Duncan, (E. K. Anderson and brother came to "Wagner creek in January), Samuel Colver, Judge Skinner, Chesley Gray, Sykes and two others residing at Skinner's ; Moses Hopwood and two sons, N. C. Dean, Bills and son, Davis Evans and one or two others at Evans' ferry ; Perkins, and prob- ably one assistant. Total, twenty-seven or twenty-eight persons, all males. At Per- kins' ferry was a log house, supposed to have been the first one erected on Rogue river, which was fortified to resist Indian attacks, but notwithstanding his fortress Perkins was obliged to leave during the latter part of 1851, fearing the natives. On the present Chavner place near Gold Hill, an old man named Bills had located, with his son. These men experienced great difficulty with the other whites, being- charged with having conspired with the Indians to murder all the settlers. It is not very clear whether one or both of them became objects of susjricion, but it seems that they had to leave the country. One account is to the effect that the young man was detected in the conspiracy in his father's absence, and was arrested by the miners on Big Bar; while others recount that the old man was the suspected party. Forty pairs of blankets, some allege, was the price demanded for his surrender by Sam and Joe with whose people the culprit had taken refuge, and this Judge Skinner paid. In January, 1852, the placers on Jackson creek were discovered by Sykes, Clug- gage, Poole and others, and an extensive immigration of miners began immediatelv on the dissemination of the news. In March it was estimated that from 100 to 150 men were working in the vicinity of Jacksonville, mainly on Rich gulch and the right branch of Jackson creek. James Skinner, nephew of the Judge, was among the 338 SOUTHERN OREGON. lucky ones, and took out a decent fortune within a few weesk. Later in the season " Old man Shively," working in the gulch which bears his name, accumulated $50,- 000 and set out for home, guarding the box containing his wealth with a drawn revolver. At Big Bar a party of eight or ten men had early worked with rockers, and in the summer at the time of the Indian disturbances, wherein Lamerick and his company distinguished themselves, there were at times some hundred or more workers on the bar. Prospectors had begun at once to examine all the region, moving out from the Jackson creek diggings as a center, and prospecting every gulch, streamlet and hill side for many miles. The miners who in the preceding year had worked, on Josephine and Canyon creeks, in what is now Josephine county, had mostly deserted those diggings and betaken themselves to other scenes; but many of these now returned to Jackson county and engaged in mining. At an early date gold- bearing gravel was struck at the present Cameron place, on Applegate creek, and shortly after Forest creek was invaded by a small army of miners, who worked with excellent results amid its sands. The greater part of the mining was done with the rocker, scarcity of water preventing the use of toms. Foot's creek became a noted mining ground, hardly second to Forest creek. By the middle of the summer of 1852, not less than a thousand miners had arrived in the valleys of Rogue river and its tributaries, and prospected nearly every spot where gold was likely to be found. The wave which had swept over California and laid bare its mineral treasures, was now expending itself upon the far northern verge of the great auriferous belt, and its first low wash had crept up the foothills of Southern Oregon, the forerunner of the mighty human sea which was to follow. Thus begun the active progress and development of Jackson county. With the open- ing of the placers, and the influx of miners, there sprang up a demand for the neces- saries of life, from whence trade took root and flourished, and merchants and packers entered upon their occupations. The chief seat of trade and activity was Jacksonville, which place quickly assumed the appearance and reality of a flourishing mining center and was frequented by the workers from all the neighboring diggings. Provisions for such a throng were, of course, difficult to procure, being of distant production and con- sequent high price. Long trains of animals, mostly mules, performed the important and arduous service of bringing, from the Willamette valley and from Scottsburg, the necessaries of life most in demand, for it was not until several years later that the wagon roads were constructed, which, in their turn, connected the valley with the outer world. The principal highways, or, rather, trails, leading from Jacksonville were the road over the Siskiyous and the road northward to the Umpqua,, via the Canyon. A year or two later, the Crescent City road was projected and laid out, whereby that port became a successful rival of Scottsburg — in earlier years a place of much real and enormous spec- ulative importance. Its fortunes began to sink by the year 1853, and within a few years it had ceased to be an important factor in the commerce of the Rogue river valley. Crescent City, on the contrary, grew and flourished at the expense of its northern rival, and shortly absorbed the trade which formerly centered at the mouth of the Umpqua. In 1851, the general government, through the military officers on the Pacific coast, resolved upon a road for military purposes from Scottsburg to Camp Stewart, on Bear creek, and in October, 1851, Major Alvord completed a survey of JACKSON COUNTY. 339 that portion of the road lying south of Myrtle creek, in Douglas county, choosing the Canyon route in preference to several others lying to the eastward. The road, for the greater part of its course, coincided with the old "Oregon trail." Congress appro- priated money for its construction, amounting in the aggregate to $120,000, and this money, or rather a portion of it, was expended under the direction of Colonel Hooker, afterwards called "Fighting Joe." In the spring of 1852, several settlers began to experiment on the productive qualities of their lands, putting in whatever crops their very limited resources would admit. The grain and vegetables used for seed were brought from the Willamette valley and planted in soil whose capabilities were in no degree understood. The result of the first season's work was discouraging, indeed, to the new-comers, for the unusual drought of that year prevented the plants from coming to maturity. Some of the set- tlers planted several acres of potatoes, with the expectation of realizing well upon them, but scarcely sufficient tubers were procured from their fields to keep their fami- lies from starving. Breadstuff's rose to an enormous value; late in the year, flour attain- ing a maximum price of a dollar and a quarter per pound. In the previous autumn it had ranged from twenty to thirty cents, with other' articles in proportion. A great many land claims were taken up in the year 1852, and nearly all the bottom lands of Bear creek valley were claimed, mostly by people from the Willamette. If there is any distinction to be made in the origin of the mining and farming population, it lies in the fact that the farmers were mostly Oregonians, while the greater part of the miners were from the California placers. But many embraced both occupations, pursuing the one when the weather served for mining, and returning to their donation claims when water gave out. For, as yet, only the shallowest placers were worked, and very little skill was necessary in order to successfully extract the gold, nor was much apparatus required. Thus a large number of settler had gathered and found occupation in the vicinity of Bear creek and its tributaries, the enterprising pioneer farmer had entered upon his pursuits, the mines were in an extremely productive condition, though, as yet, only the simplest and most laborious processes were in use, and the new town of Jack- sonville Avas gaining rapidly and proving its advantageous location for trade and activ- ity. The most valuable sites for farms were occupied that year by individuals, many of whom still live to reap the result of their timely and sensible action. Thus, within the space of one year, this rich and fertile country had become populated and advanced far upon the highway of rapid and thorough development. Even at that early day her resources had become recognized; her mines of gold were being prospected and worked as rapidly as the nature of things would admit; her forests of fir and pine were being drawn upon for lumber to serve the multifarious uses of the farmer, the miner and the inhabitant of towns. Precise accounts of the immigration of 1852 are not at hand, but the reader will remember that it was in this year that the tide of human- ity, previously setting for the Willamette valley and the .mines of California, was, in some measure, diverted to the Rogue river valley, whereby many settlers were added to those who came from other portions of the Pacific slope. In this connection, the reader will also recall the Tule lake massacre by Modocs and the subsequent exploits of Wright and Ross and their brave followers, as described in previous pages of this book. In the following year, 159 wagons came to Rogue river valley, via the southern route, 340 SOUTHERN OREGON. from the east, accompanied by 400 men, 120 women and 170 children. These pioneers brought 2600 cattle, 1300 sheep, 140 loose horses and forty males, with agricultural and household implements suited for use in the new country, where they set about making their homes. CHAPTER XLL GENERAL PROGRESSION. Organization of the County — Precincts — Interruptions of Growth— Mills — The Wheat Crop— Jackson the Leading County — Division of the County — Present Boundaries — Mineral Resources Vast but Unexplored. The county of Jackson was organized by an act of the legislature passed January 12, 1852, creating and defining the limits of the county. Its boundaries are as follows: Beginning at the southwest corner of Umpqua county ; thence east to the northwest corner of Douglas county; thence southerly along the western boundary line of Douglas to the southwest corner of that county; thence east along the southerly boundary of Douglas to the southeast corner thereof; thence northeast to the eastern extremity of the Rogue river valley; thence south to the boundary of California and Oregon; thence west to the Pacific coast; thence north to the point of beginning. Thus the county originally embraced a very extensive area, from which, in subsequent years, the counties of Josephine, Curry and Coos have been carved, while still a good-sized principality remains under the original name. Previous to the formation of the county, the whole region south of the Willamette had been nominally attached to one or the other of the northern counties, the legislature by enactment dated December 28, 1847, giving the name of Linn county to "all of Oregon south of Marion county and east of Benton." Jackson county's public affairs were first managed by a board of appointed offi- cers, of whom James Cluggage, N. C. Dean and Abel George w^re county commis- sioners; Dr. C. E. Alexander, clerk; E. H. Blanchard, elisor, to serve until the election of a sheriff; Thomas McF. Patton, prosecuting attorney; and Richard Dugan, treasurer. These officers dated the beginning of their official life in the spring of 1853, the first meeting of the board of commissioners taking place March seventh of that year. One of the first acts of the board was the establishment of precincts. These were at Emery & Company's sawmill, Ashland; at the house of William Law- less, at the Dardanelles; at Benjamin Halstead's house, in Perkinsville (Perkins' ferry); at Harkness & Twogood's house, on Grave creek; at Hardy Eliff's house, on Cow creek; at Dr. Edward Sheil's, on Applegate creek; at Miller & Company's house, on Canyon creek (Illinois river) ; at J. C. Anderson & Company's place, on Althouse creek; at the Robinson House, in Jacksonville; and at Gamble & Tichenor's, in Port JACKSON COUNTY. 341 Orford. Each of these precincts was empowered to elect one constable and one justice of the peace, excepting Jacksonville and Althouse, which were entitled to two of each. It was while the pioneer miners and tanners were thus industriously engaged in laying broad and deep the foundations of a permanent civilization that hostilities with the Indians again began. In August, 1853, a number of residents of Bear creek valley fell victims to savage ferocity and vindictiveness. Instantly the flames of war broke forth. Companies of volunteer soldiery, armed with rifles, shot-guns, revolvers, or whatever weapon at command, were organized, and arrangements were made for vigorously prosecuting hostilities against the natives, and avenging the blood already spilt. Within five days a force of men were in the field sufficient to check the enemy and protect the helpless from the incursions of the cruel marauders. The details of the series of encounters known as the war of 1853, have elsewhere been fully treated, and so will be merely referred to upon occasion. Mining operations and general improvements were almost entirely brought to a standstill during these difficulties, but revived immediately upon the conclusion of peace, and quickly assumed a more perma- nent character than at any previous time. At that epoch a very large proportion of the newly arrived immigrants were farmers by occupation and choice, and were of a class peculiarly adapted to satisfy the needs of a country like this, being young, vigor- ous and inured to hardship and and active labor. These established themselves upon land claims on Bear creek or other tributaries of Rogue river, affecting, mostly, the level bottom lands as more productive and easily cultivated than the hill lands. The town of Jacksonville, the most flourishing locality in Oregon and a most important trade center, quickly regained the commerce which had been hers before the war, and supplied all the neighboring camps with the necessaries of life. Pack-trains laden with the articles indispensable to miner and settler, were arriving and departing daily. The rich resources of the valley lands were being drawn upon to furnish breadstuffs, to the exclusion of the products of the Willamette valley ; trains of wagons had begun to traverse the new routes, and were engaged in freighting goods ; and everything appeared to warrant a continuance of these flush times. By 1854 two flouring mills upon Bear creek were built, the one by the Thomas Brothers, the other by Hellman, Emery and Morris, of Ashland. The former was the Eagle mills, now owned by the Farnham heirs ; the other the Ashland mills, at present owned and conducted by Jacob Wagner. Considerable wheat had been raised in 1853 — an exceptionally favorable season — and in the following year the farmers prepared to enter upon its culture to a great extent. The value of the bottom lands for the crop had now become known, and its extreme profitableness was recognized. Wheat raising then became and has ever since maintained its standing as the principal farm crop, exceeding any other, and even all others combined, in extent. The conditions surrounding the agriculture of this region have always been peculiar. A first-rate home market has always existed, nearly sufficient at all times to consume the most plentiful crops, and this has been a cash market also, wherein money could be imme- diately realized by the producer of grain, vegetables and meats. The very large con- sumption of flour, the miner's chief article of subsistence, created the demand for wheat in preference to other food products, and the continuance of that demand main- tained the conditions which surrounded agriculture at the beginning. Without com- 342 SOUTHERN OREGON. petition from abroad, and with almost positive certainty of at least a tolerable crop, the industrious and provident farmers became, in the course of time, the most pros- perous and wealthy of their class on the Pacific slope, and the Rogue river valley, partaking of their good fortune, advanced with rapid strides toward prosperity and plenty. The new facilities for making flour induced many more to enter upon wheat growing, and it was remarked that the quantity of that grain in the Rogue river valley in the fall of 1854 was greater in proportion to the population than elsewhere in Oregon. The wheat crop of 1855 was an extremely abundant one, the general average being over thirty bushels per acre, while many fields produced over forty. The two mills on Bear creek being incapable of turning the immense crop into flour, another and much larger mill was erected at Phoenix, by S. M. Wait, at great expense. Wheat flour of an excellent quality sold as low as four cents per pound, wholesale, a trivial price in comparison with its cost three years before. Lumber, also, was held at moderate figures, being produced in considerable quantities by various small saw mills. A. V. Gillette had erected the first of these in 1852, and William Hughes in the fall of the following year put up a small water power mill to cut lumber for Fort Lane, then in process of erection. Hughes received $125 per thousand feet for his lumber. In 1854 Milton Lindley constructed his mill near Phoenix, a water driven concern. Jackson county in the fall of 1855 had attained the foremost place in the list of Oregon's counties/being the most populous and wealthy of all. At no time in its history had affairs borne a more encouraging appearance, aside from the coming Indian troubles, or had brighter or more cheering anticipations filled the minds of its inhabi- tants. When hostilities finally closed in the spring of the next year, affairs revived from the stagnation produced by the appearance of war, and business quickly assumed more than its usual activity, as if to atone for the season of enforced idleness. New- firms were established at various points, especially at Jacksonville ; mechanics were in demand at high wages and steady employment; and the thousand and one ways in which flush times manifest their existence, became visible. The gravel mines were now being worked extensively and by more improved means than during the earliest years. The sluice was in use wherever a sufficient supply of water could be procured, and ground sluicing also was much depended on. The out-put of gold had reached its maximum. The total amount could not have been less than three millions annually, if we count the whole extent of the present Jackson county and the territory to the west, wherein were included the very important mines of Sailor Diggings, Althouse, the Ocean Beach diggings, and many other productive sources. Josephine county was set off from Jackson by act of the legislature dated January 22, 1856, since which time it has not been customary to include her yield of gold with that of the present county. This loss of territory restricted Jackson county's boundaries somewhat, and subsequently they have continued thus : Commencing at the northwest corner of township 33 south, range 5 west, the line follows Cow creek eastward to the divide between Rogue river and Elk creek; thence northeast to the source of Rogue river ; thence south along the east line of range 4 east, to the California line ; thence west to the intersection of the west line of range 4 west , thence north to township 36 ; thence JACKSON COUNTY. 313 west to the southwest corner of that township ; thence north along the west line of range 5 to the place of beginning. In the earlier years of the gold excitement, and before the county began to be surveyed by land surveyors, the southern boundary of Oregon, like all arbitrary divisions of the surface of the great northwest, was, necessarily, not determined. In the year 1851 the legislature of Oregon, we may instance, passed an act appropriating funds to enable the surveyor-general to ascertain "if Shasta Butte City [since called Yreka] were in Oregon or not." Such was the condition of ignorance of topography which necessarily pervaded the public mind at the time, and still, but to a lesser extent, pervades it. If the country was almost a terra incognita at the time as regards its topography, still more so was it true of the geology of the land. And most unfor- tunately that condition of geological ignorance remains almost unabated to the present. It would be easy to show that Southern Oregon, particularly Jackson county, is unex- celled in its boundless resources for the study of geology, and its associated branch paleontology, but no one has appeared as yet to lead the way to even the most meager application of them to the natural history of the region. It is probable, however, that in the near future we may look for such a thorough examination of the rock forma- tions of the country as will demonstrate fully its unexampled resources, both in a scientific and utilitarian point of view. The importance of a geological survey was early recognized. Some naturalists, employed by the United States in the early "fifties" made a sort of random inspection of certain districts on the Pacific coast, and reported large discoveries of coal, quartz and other valuable minerals, whereby the Oregon legislature was induced to resolve, on January 20, 1855, that " Whereas, a general geological reconnoissance has been made by United States geologists for the territories of Oregon and Washington, showing the existence of extensive beds of coal, limestone and other minerals; Resolved, that our delegate in congress be instructed to procure a sufficient appropriation to make a survey in detail of the coal fields and gold region of Oregon." The subject proceeded no farther, and Oregon, while owing noth- ing to the general government for a correct knowledge of her resources, owes as little to individual skill and enterprise. The great stores of useful minerals which certainly exist in Southern Oregon are suffered to lie dormant, awaiting the touch of the mighty magicians of the future, whose knowledge, skill and enterprise shall exceed ours as we exceed our ignorant ancestors. CHAPTER XLII SOCIAL AND OTHER TOPICS. Mining- Regions Most Fruitful in History— Effects of the Decreased Gold Production— Educational— Agricultural Society— The Telegraph— Chinese in the Mines— Fraser River— Other Rushes— The Ledford Massacre- Romance of Indian George and Mary. From the settlement of the Indian difficulties until the present time, the history of Jackson county presents the diversified, yet unbroken, record of a mining and agricultural country, and neither branch has been subject to fluctuations sufficiently noticeable to be particularly alluded to. The stirring scenes of earlier years have been rightly judged to contain all history of general interest, and in comparison with the events of 1851-6, the remainder of the chronicles of this region are singu- larly bare and uninteresting. The sharpest discernment sees little in the later years but the usual happenings of a settled and somewhat progressive community who have achieved exemption from savage foes, and from want and scarcity of subsistence. Political wrangles, sporadic mining excitements of uncertain origin, the success or failure of crops, the details of an occasional homicide, the opening of communication with this or that sea-port, and matters of similar tenure had taken the place of the exciting episodes attending the discovery of gold, the settlement of the country, and the subjugation of the savages. Nevertheless, the country was actively progressing. Matters had assumed a tamer aspect, as was to be expected, but this por- tion of Oregon was keeping equal pace with the Pacific coast in general, and in all essentials of civilization and refinement was far in advance of the remainder of Oregon. The lack of outward communication was, in most ways, felt as an evil; yet, it would be easy to point out wherein it was a real good. This is especially true of the earlier years, when a large yield of gold created an ample market for farm products. But, in later years, the number of miners decreasing and that of farmers increasing, the sup- ply increased above demand, and, for the first time, Rogue river valley had farm pro- ducts for export, but had no means of exporting them, excepting the comparatively small quantities demanded by the neighboring mining camps of Southern Oregon and Northern California, and the grazers of the Klamath country. Farming, in conse- quence, failed to keep up its former rate of growth, but can hardly be said to have declined, although its profits most certainly did. The contracted agricultural region of the Rogue river country continued to furnish the requisite supply of edibles, the imports from abroad being still confined to such articles of merchandise as are always in demand, but never can be furnished by a new country. Thus it continued to be, in most respects, self-sustaining, and to a greater degree than any other mining town now in recollection. In subsequent years, as wheat-growing absorbed less and less the united powers of the farmers, other products came in vogue, most of them being JACKSON COUNTY. 345 introduced with a view to supplying outside demand. Wool, bacon and. beef became staples, and proved the adaptability of the climate and soil to their production. Graz- ing became more and more important as a pursuit, and capita! looked more and more closely for opportunities for investment in flocks and herds. The grassy plains beyond the Cascades began to be populated with domestic animals, and a profitable and import- ant industry came to be recognized. Social advancement kept even pace with material progress. Many schools, churches and societies date their foundation from the active vears succeeding the Indian wars. The tone of public sentiment in Jackson county, if we may judge from circum- stances, always favored the education of youth, and the excellent effects thus far pro- duced are to be ascribed to the intelligent foresight of many of the early pioneers. And under a better school system than the execrable and slip-shod one in vogue in Oregon, still greater results might easily have been attained. The county became tolerably well provided with common schools, while an institution of learning, to be styled the Western University, was projected by enthusiastic citizens of Jacksonville, in the years just preceding the rebellion. This concern, advertised for a while in the Sentinel, was to be a full-fledged college, and to secure its existence a site was donated it, being the property known as Dr. Overbeck's grove. But the projectors' intentions came to naught, and Southern Oregon is yet without a university. In 1859 the Sentinel recommended the establishment of an agricultural society, as a measure of importance to the farmers, who would become united in action upon mat- ters affecting their mutual interests. The societv would also result in disseminating agricultural information and so be of further use. On February 8, 1860, the first meeting of the future association was held, John E. Ross being chairman, and organiza- tion was effected. The work of the society has been of use to the country at large, and its annual exhibitions have been very creditable. It is recollected that at the first of these, held where the court house stands in Jacksonville, the various agricultural, horti- cultural and manufacturing industries of Jackson county were well represented. Speci- mens of the "Gloria Mundi " variety of apples, the first raised in the valley, were on exhibition, grown upon the Skinner place on Bear creek, and these were purchased by Thomas Chavner, flushed with the distinction of owning in the treasures of Gold Hill, at the rate of two dollars and a half apiece. No doubt they were worth the money to the fruit-hungry pioneers. News from the outside world, at first so slow to penetrate to the camps of Southern Oregon, the most isolated of all the inhabited part of the coast, coming at first by the chance sources of occasional travelers and packers, afterwards brought by mail more or less regularly, and on the establishment of newspapers collected and disseminated with somewhat of care, for many years was uncertain and precarious. When San Francisco and all California had to depend on the monthly steamers, and, later on, the Pony express, the great events of the world's happenings could only reach to this region in a most fortuitous and often roundabout way. But with the construction of the overland telegra2)h the improvement was felt even on Rogue river, and when the wires reached Yreka in October, 1858, we find the Sentinel congratulating itself that it was within sixty-five miles of a telegraph office and hoped that Jacksonville would soon be included in the electric circuit. Six years later the wish was gratified in the building io 340 SOUTHERN OREGON. of the through telegraph line, and since then Jackson county has felt herself as more nearly a part of the outside world. If it be permissible to include under the head of social movements anything per- taining to the "Mongolians," we may here speak of the Chinese invasion of the mines. These peculiar people came early to Jackson county and mostly began work upon claims previously abandoned by whites — their universal custom — and made no effort to discover new claims, being far from proficient as prospectors. Their course here was exactly the same as in the better known mining districts of California. That is to say ; they minded their own business (an amiable and valuable trait, for which the Chinese are to be commended above all peoples) — worked early and late — gathered little "stakes" by the slow process of accretion of " colors " — made no rich strikes ; or if they made any they never mentioned it — let politics, whisky, fighting and all other Caucasian forms of iniquity severely alone — indulged themselves only in "tan" and other inscrut- able Celestial modes of abasement — in a word lived the life of all poverty-stricken Chinamen far from home and friends. As in California they came at first silently, labored quietly, and hardly was their presence known until the stolid yellow face of " John " peered from every bank and every worn-out placer from Jacksonville to Althouse and from the South Umpqua to Sailor Diggings. When the whites awoke to their numbers, many of them had accumulated gold and departed for the Flowery Kingdom, but their places were filled by greater numbers as thrifty, careful and accu- mulating as themselves. The Chinese question then, as now, was a difficult one to deal with. Why it required any interference at all is not clear; but possible danger might have been apprehended from a class of beings whose habits, manners, traditions and general behavior is so entirely different from what is American and therefore proper. Besides, these Chinese were digging American gold and taking it to China, which was indistinctly but firmly regarded to be wrong. These people could not be fought, for they were unarmed and interposed no resistance. By an apparently happy stroke of genius the California policy of taxing them was introduced across the border and a tribute of two dollars per month was levied upon all Chinese and Kanakas, under the title of Foreign Miners' tax. Store-keepers of those nationalities were mulcted in fifty dollars per month. This act, passed in January, 1859, took effect at a time when the influx of heathen was greatest. Its effect was to somewhat diminish their apparent numbers, but the wily strangers found ample means to evade it, and in respect to the Chinese, have ever since maintained a hold upon the placers and in some instances have ventured upon hydraulic mining, with good results. In Aj)ril, 1856, occurred the Ledford massacre, the last of the tragedies caused by Indians. It occurred at Rancheria Prairie, at the head of Big Butte creek, and con- sisted in the murder of five white men by certain Indians of the Klamath tribe, who were residing at that place. Eli Ledford and J. Brown, of Jacksonville, and S. F. Conger, W. S. Probst and James Crow, of Butte creek, set out to cross the Cascades eastward to the Klamath lake country. They were mounted and provided with arms, and proceeded up Big Butte on a trail that had not been traversed, thus far, during the season. They were not subsequently seen alive by any white men, and their fate was only discovered through the merest chance. It appeared that on the fourth of May following, Indian Agent Abbott, with a small party set out from Jacksonville for his- JACKSON COUNTY. 347 station among the Klamaths, and followed the trail of the other party up to a point in the mountains where the unmelted snow prevented further progress, and from whence Ledford and his party had turned back. Following the previous party to the Indian rancheria, Abbott found it deserted, the houses burned, and indications that rendered it probable that the five men had been murdered. Four of their horses were found dead, having been taken to a thicket, tied to a tree, and then shot. Abbott and his men returned to Jacksonville, and told their suspicions; a company of thirty citizens, with John Hillman and H. Klippel as leaders, set out for the spot, and after consider- able search found the bodies of Ledford's four companions buried, their throats cut, and many brutal wounds and bruises upon them, by the character of which it was judged that they were killed as they slept. Ledford's body was afterwards found at some distance away. The murderers were sought for far and wide, but without success. It is thought that they went into hiding in the prairies above Flounce Rock, until the melting of the snow allowed of their escape to their own country. The pursuit had lasted a month, when the searchers disbanded and left for their homes. In after years suspicion fastened upon several prominent Klamaths, among them a war chief, Skookum John, who was killed at Fort Klamath, in November, 1863, by Captain Kelly and Sergeant Underwood, while trying to arrest him. Two others, who were supposed to have had something to do with the massacre, met with violent deaths, and finally the last of the suspected braves was wiped out of existence at Camp Baker, near Phoenix, at the same date as that of Chief John's death. The event of the hanging of this Indian, Tyee George, on the nineteenth of November, 1863, is well remembered in Jackson county, and with its attendant circumstances has there become one of the principal romances of the time. Some Klamaths sought and obtained from their agent, Rogers, nicknamed "Sugar Foot," permission to reside on the west side of the Cascades. They came in small numbers, their chief men being George and Jack, and made themselves at home, roaming at will over the land and somewhat disturbing the settlers. They were said to have threatened individuals' lives, shot cattle, thrown down fences, and committed divers other misdemeanors. In consequence of these charges, George, who was indiscreet enough to come to town, was arrested in Jacksonville, and immediately delivered over to Charles Drew, commanding the volunteers at Camp Baker. Here his doom was speedily met: for by an unexampled stretch of arbitrary authority, the man in command ordered the Indian's execution at once, and he was hanged in the presence of the soldiery, Avithout the least delay. Jack escaped death, and with the most of his people hastened to safer fields, leaving George's mother, Old Mary, to enact her part in this little but sorrowful drama, by burying her son where he now lies, by the side of her own humble wick-i-up, and kindling upon his grave the sacred fire that in the beautiful Indian superstition is supposed to guide the wandering soul to the islands of the blessed. Poor old Mary is still known in Jack- sonville where her woes and maternal devotion have raised up sympathizing friends; and poetry has lent its aid to make memorable an episode resembling that of Rizpah and her sons, described in the scriptures. CHAPTER XLIL OTHER TOPICS OF INTEREST. Military Organizations in Jackson County — The Baker Guards— The Jackson Rangers — Expedition of Cap- tain Applegate — The Modoc War — Statistics of Population and Production — The Pioneer Society. During the war of the rebellion the people of Jackson county entered into the spirit of the occasion with characteristic energy and activity. Though far removed from the seat of war it aroused the feelings of every one to the greatest intensity. The union party testified their j)olitical views by donating liberally to the sanitary commis- sion, and, in individual cases, by enlisting in the volunteer service. The general gov- ernment made arrangements for the formation of several regiments of troops to garrison the various military -posts in this state and to repress Indian forays. The privates received thirteen dollars per month " and found," and in case that they provided their own horses and equipments (they were cavalry), they got twelve dollars per month in addition, besides a bounty of $100. Southern Oregon's quota amounted to four com- panies. R. F. Maury, now of Bear creek valley, was invested with the office of lieu- tenant-colonel, and proceeded to open a recruiting station at Jacksonville, in the fall of 1861. The first company raised was the Baker Guards, named in honor of Senator Baker, of Oregon. This body of men numbered about eighty, and were stationed at Camp Baker, near Phoenix. Their muster-roll follows : Captain, Thomas S. Harris ; First Lieutenant, Jesse Robinson ; Second Lieu- tenant, J. W. Hopkins ; Sergeants, R. J. Moore, William Irving, John Hurley, D. H. Taylor, James C. Mager, Silas Pepoon, Jr. ; Corporals, J. J. Elliott, Robert Irvin, Robert Bruce, Charles DufFerd, Frank Wyman, D. T. Cole. T. M. M. Wood, Joseph Little; Buglers, Warren Vernoy, Myron H. Field; Privates, George E. Butler, Wil- liam Bremer, T. J. Bradford, John R. Bond, Riley R. Barnes, C. C. Bailey, James Cassida, Reece Clark, S. H. Collins, D. B. Collins, Peter McDonald, C. J. Kenney, George W. Clapp, W. T. Lever, John B. Rains, Elihu Morgan, Marion Taylor, C. Dirshee, John McLaughlin, Jackson Million, John E. Hill, Milton Prickett, Orson P. Matthews, Augustus Laronburg, James A. Reid, Luke Standley, John Robinson, William A. Tull, J. E. Vail, J. W. Kimball, Simeon Peabody, AdenC. Spencer, James Longmire, G. W. Ashley, Gaylord Penny, J. Vanguilder, J. M. Hoxie, Warren Wood, Daniel McGee, Joseph B. Pepoon, J. H. Heitman, Charles Thompson, Charles H. Sumner, Ferdinand Wachter, George Gutting, Samuel Southerlancl, Chauncey P. Martin, George W. Dalton, J. H. Dalton, O. Dodge, Antonio Sandoval, William Mot- ley, Mahlon R. Gaskell, Eli T. Boon, William A. Jones, J. B. Perow, John Napper, John L. Sperry, Daniel Laughery, James Hickey, John Linnley, William R. Weddle, R. A. Gray, H. L. Fergusson, J. Hammill. NsBh*' «r /;i JACKSON COUNTY. 34'J The above were mainly residents of Jackson county, as were also the Jackson Rangers, another mounted company belonging to the same regiment. The Rangers wire commanded by Captain Sewall Truax, but their muster-roll not being preserved, it is impossible to present a list of the members, excepting Stephen Watson, John Brown, R. H. Casteel, Joseph Durpy, William Rand, Charles Truax, E. S. Powers, N. Fortney, William Pittinger, Theodore Roe, George P. Ledford, J. B. Robinson, Adrian Nappy and Henry Myer, all of whom were non-commissioned officers. The Rangers did service on the upper Columbia and Snake rivers until their discharge. Lindsay Applegate, fearing for the safety of the immigrants of 1851, -who were en route across the plains, set himself to work in August of that year, and organized a company of forty-two persons, armed, mounted and equipped, and set out with them toward the eastward, along the old emigrant trail, and did good service in protecting the new-comers from the ferocity of the Indians. The expedition resembled those of the early years of 1852-3-4, led by Ross, Miller and'Walker successively, and per- formed similar duties, penetrating even farther "to the eastward than had those adven- turous leaders. The Applegate company marched 400 miles east of the Cascades. Its members were L. Applegate, John Robinson, Warren Vernay, William Steward, Lewis Hiatt, F. F. Fulton, J. W. Mills, Thomas Williams, J. C. Raper, J. J. Carter, Charles Sumner, David Laugherty, J. M. Anderson, G. H. Brown, Peter Smith, Mike Murphy, J. P. Woodsou, J. H. Blake, W. F. Sanger, J. D. Applegate, X. L. Lee, G. W. Gaskill, William West, Samuel Richey, W. W. Shedd, Wallace Baldwin, w' D. Pittenger, J. L. McCoy, Giles Wells, Jr., W. P. Harris, John L. Sperry, J. P.* Chandler, Joseph Wells, Daniel Chapman, C. F. Blake, Robert Tenbrook, W. H. Jacquett, D. F. Cole, A. J. Walls, Isaac McCay, R. Simpkins, Ben Johnson. In the Modoc war of 1872-3, the citizens of Jackson county took a very promi- nent part. General Ross and Captain Kelley led a company of volunteers from Jack- sonville, who performed bravely, fighting in the lava-beds by the side of the regulars against Captain Jack's braves. The details of the war do not belong in a history of Jackson county, as the hostile occurrences took place without its bounds ; but the names of the Jackson county volunteers who served during the war are appended. Brioadier- General Ross was in chief command, with a staff composed of Majors Owen, Bell and Adair, and Captains Neil and Foudraj'. Captain Kelley's company was mustered in on December 2, 1872, and discharged between January 7 and February 12, of the following year. The muster-roll is as follows : Captain, Harrison R. Kelley ; First Lieutenant, J. W. Berry ; Second Lieutenant, E. R, Reames ; Sergeants, C. D. Wood, J. H. Snyder, J. W. Scranton, W. H. Roberts, Jasper Schockley ; Privates, A. M. Ackers, W. H. Ackers, William Adams, A. J. Adams, W. C. Borden, J. Baker, James Butler, J. S. Ball, A. B. Cardwell, Isaac Cox, D. E. Crawley, G. H. Crooks, W. D. Childers, Wesley Cole, James Downey, T. J. Farris, Thomas Gaston, John Gaston, F. Grobe, R. Hinkle, George W. Hamerick, J Heckethorn, J. T. Hunt, T. J. Howard, J. N. Harper, R. Hagan, J. E. Ish, F. W. Johnson, Walter Jones, G. W. Jones, Isaac Lewis, J. Lausignant, Alfred Law, J. Linn, James Miller, E. A. Miller, Gustave Marks, M. D. Murphy, Christopher Mays, Joseph McKee, Simon McKee, J. E. Newcombe, C. Xanny, A. P. Owen, B. F. Oatman, J. R. Powell, L. Robinson, William Rexford, O. McC. Schwatka, J. W. Savage, Elijah 350 SOUTHERN OREGON Smith, Thomas Tucker, Walter M. Ware, A. J. Wright, William Williams, Thomas Willis. We find as we proceed with the history of Jackson county that a noticeable change takes place in the character of our narrative. We miss the stirring tales, the warlike incidents and the record of mining discoveries and excitements. Our story is becoming common-place. There is less and less of incident to narrate as we approach the present times. The country is becoming more populous, but is losing its character of stirring adventure. The shallower mines are being exhausted and abandoned ; hydraulic apparatus is taking the place of hundreds of toilers in deeper gravel beds; other regions are calling away the more active part of the mining population ; and the pursuit of mining, in former years overshadowing every other, sinks to a secondary position ; while agriculture, at first carried on but to supply the miners with the necessaries of life, becomes paramount and is destined to so remain. These causes worked gradually; and even now the small amount of mining carried on has retained so many of the tra- ditions and influences which formerly clustered about it that it is spoken of with more of consideration than its importance deserves. Formerly, as we said, there were three separate and distinct sorts of subjects which gave interest to the history of this valley — the Indian wars, mining and agriculture. Of all regions the history of agricultural countries is driest in detail, while no 'population furnishes so much of history as a min- ing one. Hence in the transformation of Jackson county from a mining locality into a region of farms and farmers only, we feel the gradual extinction of interest in our story. Still, however, we may draw a valued lesson from the art of husbandry. Agri- culture abounds in statistics ; and we can most readily set forth the progress and stand- ing of Jackson county by a reference to and presentation of such official figures and calculations as are at our command. By referring to the assessor's rolls for 1862, we find the assessed value of taxable property to have been $1,517,988; polls, 1,026; the production of wheat, 60,000 bushels; barley, 6,750, and oats, 55,000. There were 6,650 horned cattle, 1,600 horses, 1,328 sheep, and 5,000 hogs. In 1865, we find these figures slightly changed, the number of polls being reduced to 994. The population was then 2,995 ; of whom 1,791 were males, and 1,204 females. The valuation of real and personal property was given as $1,305,583. The excess of males over females, common in all new countries, was being gradually eliminated, and the two sexes were being equalized in point of numbers. This process went on coincident with the growth of population, and while the number of grown-up men is no larger to-day than in the earlier years, that of women and children has steadily increased. The number of qualified voters has for more than twenty-five years remained at about 1,000, while the total population has trebled. We find that in 1881 the polls numbered 1,050; the gross value of property was $2,461,362; taxable property, $1,633,851. There were 229,678 acres of land in private ownership, of which 113,000 acres were improved. The cattle numbered 9,036; the sheep, 31,332; hogs, 9,525; horses and mules, 4,841. The roll for 1882 shows a total valuation of $2,464,832 for all classes of property in the county, these figures being supposed to represent only one-half, or, at most, two thirds, of the real value. This sum was divided as follows: Value of improved lands, $658,985; unimproved lands, $144,531; town lots, $62,982; improvements, $264,500; merchandise and imple- JACKSON COUNTY. 351 men ts, $396,435; money, notes and accounts, $594,277, household furniture, etc., $68,735; horses and mules, $149,005; cattle, $72,335; sheep, $31,361; swine, $21,677. The assessment roll for 1883 shows the following facts and figures: Acres of land, 249,399; value, $1,117,102. Average value of improved land, $8.25 per acre; unim- proved, $1.50. Value of town lots, $62,254; improvements, $270,644; mer- chandise, implements, etc., $384,098; money, notes, accounts, etc., $650,036; furniture, jewelry, etc., $73,818. Number of horses and mules, 4,260, valued at $160,269; cattle, 7,848, valued at $122,295; sheep, 31,501, valued at $42,827; swine, 13,235, valued at $33,027. Gross value of property, $2,916,786, indebtedness, $683,- 316, exemptions, $230,270. Total taxable property, $2,053,200. Number of polls, 1,025. The population of the county, given by the census of 1880 as 8,116, has prob- ably advanced at least 1,000 persons above that estimate, through the influence of the railroad. A few years before his decease, the lamented James Sutton, speaking editorially in his paper, the Tidings, gave utterance to the wish that the fast-disappearing recollec- tions of the pioneers of Southern Oregon might by some means be preserved from oblivion, and so serve as the groundwork of a future history of the country. The subject so shaped itself in his mind that a proposition to establish a society of pioneers grew out of it ; and this was heartily taken up by the older settlers of the country, especially of the Rogue river valley, and the Association of Southern Oregon Pioneers sprang from it. This society has existed since with increasing activity and interest. The members gather annually for the purpose of discussing matters connected with the early history of their section, and for social intercourse. Speeches are made, narra- tives are told, and the contingent business of the association is transacted. A very large proportion of the still existing pioneers of the country are members, and these constitute a very respectable, intelligent and much revered class of men and women Avhose experiences in settling and civilizing this region have been most extraordinary, and far beyond the comprehension of those who were born in later days or lived sur- rounded by less critical emergencies. The roll of membership includes the following persons: Haskel Amy, O. C. Applegate, Eli K. Anderson, Elizabeth N. Anderson, Gilbert G. Anderson, E. L. Applegate, Lindsay Applegate, L. B. Applegate, Albert Alford, Catherine K. Alford, A. M. Berry, Peter Britt, Rufus Ball, C. C. Beekman, Rial Benedict, Mary J. Benedict (died 1880), William Bybee, Thomas F. Beall, Root- V. Beall, James V. Bunyard, David N. Birdsey, Kinder Boaz, H. V. Bachelder, R. F. Baldwin, John Beeson, W. H. Brown, Wallace G. Bishop, Mary Jane Bishop, J. A. Cardwell, Lewis Calhoun, Theodore Cameron, Mary Ann Chambers (died 1882), William L. Colvig, Helen M. Colvig, William M. Colvig, Henry W. Clayton, N. H. Clayton, Thomas Chavner, Jerome B. Coats, (died 1881), John Coleman, Nicholas Cook, Almira A. Cook, M. H. Coleman, J. H. Chitwood, Robert J. Cameron, Milo Caton, R. [A. Cook, George W. Cooksey, Isaac Constant, Joseph A. Crane, G. B. Cadwell, Lucius Danforth, David Dunlap, A. Davison, L. J. C. Duncan, E. Dimick, B. F. Dowell, Patrick Dunn, Silas J. Day, Patrick Donegan, H. S. Emery, E. J. Far- low, James J. Fryer, D. F. Fisher, Asa G. Fordyce, E. D. Foudray, James D. Foun- tain, Zany Ganung. E. E. Gore, W. B. Grubb, Samuel Grubb (died 1883), Samuel B. Grubb (died 1882), John D. Grubb, Mary E. Grubb, A. V. Gillette (died 1884), 352 SOUTHERN OEEGON. Martha L. Gillette, Louis Girtman, Charles Griffith, John B. Griffin, Burrell B. Griffin (died 1881), C. C. Goodwin, U. S. Hay den (died 1879), Frederick Heber, James Hamlin, William Hoffman, Elizabeth Hill (died 1880), Jasper Houck, Addison Helms, John Holton, J. H. Huffer, David L. Hopkins, Michael Hanley, S. B. Hull, Rowland Hall, Thomas Hopwood, Rial Hinkle, George W. Isaac, Kaspar Kubli, Charles K. Klum, Henry Klippel, William Kahler, Georgiana A. Kahler, Silas Kil- gore, Edward Kilgore, W. W. Kentnor, David Linn, Arthur Laugell, N. Langell, Francis Logg, James Leslie, J. N. T. Miller, William M. Mathes, James McDonough, John N. McDonough, Rebecca McDonough, Rachel M. Mench (died 1880), John M. McCall, Artenecia Merriman, B. F. Miller, J. W. Manning, George W. Mace, W. C. Myer, B. F. Myer, J. P. McDaniel, Constantine Magruder, H. H. Magruder, J. B. Montgomery, Bennett Million, Margaret J. Miller, Isaac Miller (died 1878), Eliza- beth Miller (died 1878), Granville Naylor, Claiborne Neil, Louisa C. Neil (died 1880), Thomas E. Nichols, John O'Brien, Joseph P. Parker (died 1882), William H. Parker, Payne P. Prim, Samuel Phillips, W. J. Plymale, David Penegar, Champion T. Payne, G. F. Pennebaker, John E. Ross, P. J. Ryan, A. G. Rockfellow, F. B. Rogers, James H. Russell, Thomas G. Reames, E. R. Reames, J. W. Simpson, Thomas Smith, Veit Schutz, Charles W. Savage, Sylvester Saltmarsh, Josej3h B. Saltmarsh, H. Seybert, Peter Simpson, Thomas Snell, James M. Sutton (died 1879), Joseph A. Satterfield, D. Hobart Taylor (died 1882), S. C. Taylor, Levi Tinkham (died 1880), J. C. Tolman, John Toepper, J. B. Thomas, James Thornton, S. R. Taylor, James P. Tufts, John R. Tice, Samuel D. VanDyke (died 1880), John B. Wrisley, John Wat- son, Jacob Wagner, Alexander J. Watts, Mary Ann Walker, John P. Walker, Thomas Wright, H. L. Webb, A. K. Williams, Miles S. Wakeman, John Wise, Enoch Walker, Henry York. CHAPTER XXXIX. THE TOWN OF ASHLAND. Settlement of the Place— Earliest Arrivals — Building up the Town — Flour Mill— School — Manufactories — The Academy — Woolen Mill — Churches — Masons — Odd Fellows— Good Templars — Library — Bank— Extent of Business — Officers — Surroundings. The town of Ashland is situated at the base of the Siskiyou mountains, in the remotest southeastern corner of Rogue river valley, at an elevation of 1,900 feet above the Pacific. It is the extreme southern town of Oregon, being only twelve miles from the California line. It was incorporated October 13, 1874, having then a population of 300. The first officers were Jacob Wagner, F. W. Ewing, J. R. Tozer and H. C. Hill, trustees; Charles K. Klum, recorder; W. C. Daly, marshal; and J. M. McCall, treasurer. The history of the place, as nearly as can be obtained, is as follows : On the sixth day of January, 1852, R. B. Hargadine and Pease settled on the land recently known as the Applegate farm, but now occupied by the railway depot build- * * Fold-out Placeholder This fold-out is being digitized, and will be' inserted at a future date. JACKSON COUNTY. 353 ings and new town site of the Oregon and California Railroad Company. On the eleventh day of the same month Eben Emery, J. B. Emery, Dowd Farley, J. A. Cardwell, A. D. Hellman and A. M. Rogers also came and settled near by. Improve- ments were immediately commenced, and tin 1 first honse built was the dwelling of Hargadine and Pease. The second building was the sawmill built by Eben Emery, J. B. Emery, J. A. Cardwell and Dowd Hurley. It was commenced in February, 1852, and finished June sixteenth of that year, at a cost of $8,000 in money and labor, and was named the "Ashland Sawmill," in honor of Ashland, Ohio, Mr. Hellman's former home, and also in honor of the home of Henry Clay, Ashland, Kentucky, the majority of the company being whigs. The third building was the residence of A. D. Hellman, and the fourth one that of Eben Emery. In the year 1854 the Ashland flouring mills were built by A. D. Hellman, Eben Emery, J. B. Emery and M. B. Morris, at a cost of $15,000, and were dedicated by a grand ball on the night of August twenty-fifth of that year. These mills became the nucleus of the coming city, which was now laid out, with the mills occupying the south side of the plaza, around which the principal business part of the town is now built, and the name of the sawmill "Ashland " was transferred to the town. Simultaneously with the mills the first blacksmith shop was built by the mill company. Quite a number of other build- ings were soon erected, to-wit : a hotel, by John R. Foster ; a butcher shop, by Marion Westfall ; a carpenter and cabinet shop, by Buckingham and Williams; a wagon shop, by John Sheldon ; and a store by R. B. Hargadine. Ashland school district, number five, was now organized, and the first school was taught near the present residence of Mrs. Erb, two miles east of Ashland, by the Rev. Myron Stearns. The district was then divided at or near the Sisson place, two miles east of Ashland, the town retaining the name and number of the district. The first school of the town proper was taught in the house of Eben Emery, in the years 1854-5, by Miss Lizzie Anderson, now the wife of General McCall. Nothing more of special interest transpired until April 5, 1858, when Dr. Sisson was killed. This homicide is a dark page in the history of Ashland, and cast a shadow over the community that was not easily dispelled. Deliber- ation and coolness, however, in the planning and execution of the deed, were the only things developed by the investigation of the case. Many theories regarding the crime were advanced, but the murderer was never apprehended, nor the cause of the assassin- nation brought to light. The hotel, known as the "Ashland House," was built in the year 1859, by Eben Emery (now of Eagle Point), at a cost of $3,000, by whom it was kept for ten years, when it was sold to Jasper Houck, the present proprietor, for SO. 000. The first public schoolhouse of the town was built in 1860, on a lot donated by R. B. Hargadine. It was a substantial frame building, eighteen by twenty feet, on a solid foundation of cut stone, and cost $600. In the year 1867 an addition of nearly the same size was made to the original building. In 1880 increased school room becoming necessary, a commodious two-story house, thirty-six by fifty feet, was erected near the old building at a cost of $2,000. In this new building a school of nine months in each year is taught by the best instructors the country affords, from whence 250 scholars in its several departments draw that inspiration and culture that is to prepare them for work when the government shall be upon their shoulders. 46 354 SOUTHERN OREGON. The next enterprise was the marble saw-mill and shops built by James H. Rus- sell, in the years 1865 and 1869, for the purpose of utilizing the native marbles of the country. This mill turned out many magnificent slabs, which were afterward wrought into monuments by Mr. and Mrs. Russell. The sawing department was destroyed in the fire of 1879, since which time, Mr. Russell, wife and son continue the manufacture of monuments from American and Italian marble. To Ashland belongs the credit of the first marble works in Oregon, south of Portland. The planing mills and cabinet shops of L. S. P. Marsh & Company were projected and partly built by H. S. Emery, in the year 1868. In 1874, they were purchased by Messrs. Marsh & Valpey for $1,400. Since the succession of these gentlemen to the property extensive additions have been made to the buildings and machinery, which are now valued at $8,000. The Ashland college and normal school was inaugurated in 1869, at a quarterly conference of the Methodist Episcopal church held at Ashland in June of that year. Rev. C. Alderson, president of the meeting, proposed the enterprise. A committee to interview the people and solicit funds in aid of the project was appointed, by whom a very encouraging report was made. Plans and specifications were made out by the Rev. J. W. Kuykendall, and a contract was closed with Messrs. Blake & Emery for the erection of the building. Before its completion, however, funds failed and the enterprise was suspended. In 1872, Rev. J. H. Skidmore, at the solicitation of many friends, and the surrender to him, by the contributors to the original fund, of all right, title and interest in the concern, completed and furnished the building, and commenced the school as a private enterprise. Under his management', it would have been a suc- cess, but for the incubus of a heavy debt, with constantly accruing interest. This so embarrassed him that he was finally compelled to abandon the enterprise and turn it over to his creditors. From these it was redeemed in 1878 by its friends and placed again under the supervision of the above church, as a college and normal school. Prof. L. L. Rogers, A. M., was chosen president, and the school again started under the most flattering auspices and patronage. Unforeseen complications, however, arising, it was soon in the dust of humility. Patrons forsook it, friends became disheartened, and Mr. Rogers resigned his position. Though the case now seemed almost hopeless, the trustees resolved to make one more trial, and on August 26, 1882, the present incum- bent, Rev. M. G. Royal, A. M., was appointed to the management. Since his installation the course of the school has been onward and upward. The state has made it a branch of its normal school system, alienated friends are returning to it, and the highest hopes are entertained of usefulness for the institution. The Ashland Woolen Mills was originally established by a joint-stock company consisting of thirty members, with J. M. McCall as the leading spirit. It was inaugu- rated in the year 1867, and began operations in 1868, under the name and style of the Rogue River Woolen Manufacturing Company, with J. M. McCall, president; C. K. Klum, secretary ; and John Daley, superintendent. The mill was completed and equipped with one set of cards, one spinning jack, four looms, and the necessary oj)er- ating and finishing machinery, at a cost of $32,000. It was operated three years by the original company, without profit to the stock-holders, when it was sold to G. N. Marshall and Charles Goodchild. During the second year of this administration James JACKSON COUNTY. 355 Thornton became a partner in the business, and in 1878 he bought the entire stock of the concern. In the same year W. H. Atkinson, Jacob Wagner and E. K. Anderson became partners with Mr. Thornton, when the name of the concern was changed to •• Ashland Woolen Manufacturing Company." In 1881, Mr. Wagner retired, and Capt. J. M. McCall again became interested in the business. Since 1878 machinery and improvements to the amount of $10,000, have been added. The manufacturing machinery now consists of one set of cards, seven broad looms, two spinning jacks of -40 spindles each, two full sets of knitting machinery of the latest and most approved styles, with every other needed appliance. The present capacity of the mill is over 1(5,000 pounds of wool per month. It is operated day and night, the year round — Sundays excepted — by thirty skilled employes, and furnishes employment to as many other persons in the manufacture of under- wear, finishing of hosiery &c. Shawls, blankets and hosiery are specialties of these mills, but they manufacture all the ordinary woolen products. These articles find a ready market, with such increasing demand for them as to warrant increased capacity for their production, which is already in con- templation by the proprietors. The mills are run by water power and the motive machinery is a twenty-six-inch turbine, with thirty-two feet pressure. James Thorn- ton is general superintendent, W. H. Atkinson business manager, and J. R. Casey foreman. "A lithographic view of the mill adorns the pages of this work. The planing mill and cabinet shop of Daley & company were built in 1878, by the present proprietors, at a cost of $3,000. They are situated at the junction of Mechanic and Hellman Streets. The power used is the water of Ashland creek, acting on a turbine wheel. They have a wide range of usefulness, and turn out annually a large amount and variety of carpentry and cabinet work. Proprietors, W. C. Daley, J. E. Tozer and H. S. Emery. The extensive nursery of Orlando Coolidge, will bear special mention. It was established in 1868, and is the most extensive of its kind in Southern Oregon. It con- tains almost all varieties of fruits, nuts, shrubs, flowers and ornamental trees to be found ou the coast. Mr. Coolidge's fruits and . Mrs. Coolidge's flowers are the desire and admiration of neighbors and strangers. The epicure and the lover of the beautiful each find food for a highly cultivated taste in their orchards and gardens. The permanent organization of the Methodist Episcopal church in Ashland took place in July, 1864, by Rev. P. M. Starr, P. E., of Jacksonville circuit. The members were David P. Walrad and wife, A. G. Rockfellow and wife, Mrs Jacob Wagner, Mrs. Mary Myer, William Jaquett and wife, W. C. Myer and wife, Heaton Fox and wife, and D. P. Brittain and wife. The organization has been maintained and meetings of the church regularly held from the date of the organization to the present. In 1875-6, the present church building was erected at a cost of $3,500. The dimensions are thirty-six by fifty-six feet. The membership of the society now fifty, and of the Sab- bath school sixty. The trustees are Amos Willits, C. B. Kingsbury, D. P. Walrad, Jacob Wagner, W. C. Myer and A. G. Rockfellow. The various pastors of the M. E. church who have labored in Jackson county since its settlement are T. F. Royal Stephen Tayter, Orlando Raynour, Archy Taylor, George Greer, G. G. Belknap, John Flynn, C. C. Stratton, I. D. Driver, J. W. Miller, P. M. Starr, C. Alderson, J. W. Kuykendall, George Huohbanks, G. W. Roork,Noah Starr, W. H. Hurlburt, John 356 SOUTHERN OREGON. T. Wolfe, J. H. McCain, W. T. Chapman, L. L. Rogers, Ladru Royal, B. J. Sharp, J. H. Skidmore and D. W. Crowell. The Baptists' organization in Ashland was begun in February, 1877, under the name of the First Baptist church. The persons connected with it at its inception were Rev. J. F. Bradford, Rev. A. Brown, Deacons Horace Root and C. P. Tallent, Elder Horace Ritter, L. W. Robertson, M. Robertson, M. A. Robertson, S. E. Ritter, Eliza- beth Hill and Caroline Ritter. The first meetings were held at the school house, but the Presbyterian church is now in use for the purpose. The pastor is Rev. A. M. Rus- sell. This church belongs to the organization originally known as the Umpqua Bap- tist Association, which dated its beginning from June, 1863 ; but at a later date that, association was dissolved, and another, known as the Rogue River Baptist Association was formed, including seven churches, three in Josephine and four in Jackson. This body meets annually with some one of the churches composing it, and administers upon its community affairs. The First Presbyterian church of Ashland was organized on the twenty-eighth of August, 1875, by Rev. Thomas Frazer, missionary agent of the synod of the Pacific. The original members were Mrs. M. A. Gillette, E. Giddings, M. Jacobs, Mr. and Mrs. W. W. Kentnor, Mrs. Woodson, U. Ewing, J. Buick, A. H. Russell, M. M. Dunn, B. Taylor, Mr. and Mrs. C. Neil, Mrs. Wells, Mr. and Mrs. Samuel Grubb, and Miss Sarah Grubb. In 1878, the society was incorporated. The first board of officers were: G. H. Marshall, chairman; W. H. Atkinson, clerk and treasurer; and Samuel Grubb, J. P. Walker, and W. W. Kentnor, trustees. The old district school house served as a place of mesting, originally, but a church was erected in block number five, in the year 1878, costing $3,200, which is now occupied by the society. The present member- ship is about thirty. Ashland possesses several secular societies, the Masons, Odd Fellows, Order of the Eastern Star and Good Templars being the principal. Ashland Lodge, number 45, Independent Order of Odd Fellows, was organized July 23, 1873, with D. S. K. Buick, Morris Baum, William Taylor, Jacob Slagle, J. W. Cunningham and W. W. Kentnor, as charter members. The records having been burned, it is impossible to give any portionof the lodge's history. A fine building — Odd Fellows' Hall — has been constructed at a cost of $6,000, and this, with their paraphernalia, constitutes the lodge's property. The present officers are: N. G., W. W. Kentnor; V. G., W. C- Daley; recording secretary, H. C. Myer; P. S., F. M. Drake; treasurer, H. Inlow; warden, W. Baldwin; conductor, T. D. Fountain; I. G., L. A. Neil; L. S. N. G., J. W. Burris; R. S. V. G., J. B. Russell; L. S. V. G., J. P. Woodson; R. S. S., G. F. Pennebaker. Ashland Lodge, number 23, A. F. & A. Masons, was organized in June 1875, by the Grand Lodge of A. F. & A. M., of Oregon. Charter members — W. H. Atkin- son, J. R. N. Bell, N. Conkling, P. Dunn, J. S. Ewbanks, H. C. Hill, A. S. Jacobs, C. S. Sergent, J. H. Skidmore, J. C. Tolman, Jacob Wagner, Justus Wells and Free- man Yandell. First Officers— H. C. Hill, W. M.; J. R. N. Bell, S. W.; P. Dunn, J. W. ; Jacob Wagner, treasurer, and W. H. Atkinson, secretary. Present officers — W. H. Atkinson, W. M. ; L. F. Willitts, S. W.; M. L. McCall, J. W. ; J. M. McCall, treasurer ; H. T. Chitwood, secretary ; H. Fox, tyler. The present membership is ,* NU 3/^UJ SWs '^va