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 OF THE 
 
 REPUBLICAN GENERAL COMMITTEE 
 
 OF 
 
 OF THE CITY AND COUNTY OF NEW-YORK, 
 
 FRIENDLY TO THE ELECTION 
 
 OF 
 
 GEN. ANDREW JACKSON 
 
 TO THE PRESIDENCY, 
 
 TO 
 
 THE REPUBLICAN ELECTORS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 STATE OF NEW- YORK. 
 
 •TEREOTYfED BT JAMEH CONNER, NEW-YORK. 
 
 ' lSrciB==¥ovfet 
 
 ALEXAJ^DER MNG, Jr. PRINTER, 
 106 BEEKMAN-STREET. 
 
 1828. 
 
Esse 
 
ADDRESS 
 
 TO THE PEOPLE OF NEW-YORK. 
 
 The Republican Representatives of the various counties 
 of this great State, acting under a deep sense of duty to their 
 Constituents, a becoming respect for a long established 
 usage of the party, and an anxious regard for the true in- 
 terests of our common country, having with great unani- 
 mity recommended to the electors of New-York, for the 
 office of President of the United States, their illustrious fellow- 
 citizen GEN. ANDREW JACKSON, and having now re- 
 tired to their respective homes, the time has arrived when it 
 becomes every friend of our Republican Institutions to be 
 actively employed in the support and advancement of a cause 
 which involves high and vital principles. Upon the eve of 
 the mighty conflict in which we are soon to engage, the 
 Republican Committee of Young Men of the City of New- 
 York, impressed with the momentous consequences which 
 hang upon its issue, feel themselves called to make a solemn 
 appeal to their brethren of the Republican family, with a 
 view of arousing all the energies of the party in defence of 
 those principles, which have been the subject heretofore of 
 many an anxious struggle, and for the preservation of which 
 no toils can be too heavy, no sacrifices too great. Our 
 strength is in the spirit and intelligence of the American 
 People. By the aid of these, we have triumphed in times 
 that are past — in these we repose our confident hope for the 
 future. 
 
 The contest to which we summon you is not a mere dis- 
 pute about men. Were it so, it would be unworthy of our 
 own dignity, and an unwarrantable interference with your 
 rightful predilections, thus to address you. The question 
 which now agitates the union is one which involves more 
 
( 4 ) 
 
 important considerations. It concerns the national policy, 
 the purity of our government, the vigour, and, it may be, 
 the existence, of our invaluable institutions. Are our hiffh- 
 est destinies then at stake, and can any friend of his country 
 be an inactive spectator 1 The most powerful inducements 
 conspire to incite us to exertion. We are contending in the 
 cause of freedom and the Constitution. The foundations of 
 our Liberty, which no human strength can shake, are gra- 
 dually becoming undermined. Tiie illustrious Jefferson, and 
 a host of patriots, who have finished their services upon 
 earth, and now " rest from their labours," are looking down 
 upon us, tlieir descendants, to whom they transmitted, at their 
 departure, the richest legacy that man could bequeath, in 
 those pure principles of government which have guided our 
 country for years in a path of unequalled prosperity and pro- 
 mise. To us they have committed the precious palladium 
 of that country's freedom. We are urged by our duty to 
 them, to ourselves, and to posterity, to show ourselves worthy 
 of the sacred trust. 
 
 Let a solemn regard to these considerations operate upon 
 your minds and influence your conduct at the approaching 
 Presidential election. You are called upon to choose be- 
 tween two candidates for that high and important office, both 
 of whom have been long before the public. We earnestly 
 in\ite you to lend us your attention, while we pursue a candid 
 and temperate investigation of tlieir respective claims to the 
 confidence of their fellow-citizens, and the support, more 
 especially, of the Republican party. In conducting this ex- 
 amination, while we, on our part, disclaim every motive ex- 
 cept a sincere regard for the preservation of our Republi- 
 can institutions, we entreat you, on yours, to lay aside all 
 prepossession, which may interfere with correct judgment, or 
 close the mind against honest conviction. 
 
 We speak the language, we are persuaded, of a very large 
 proportion of the Republican party, when we say, that the 
 present administration has neverpossessed,and has never me- 
 rited, the confidence of the great body of the American Peo- 
 ple. We do not assert that Mr. Adams was unconstitutionally 
 elected, so far as more form was concerned — but we do can- 
 
( ^ ) 
 
 dklly and deliberately declare our settled conviction, that his 
 election was in violation of the spirit of that sacred instru- 
 ment. We know that Gen. Jackson received a plurality of 
 the electoral votes ; and we are satisfied that Mr. Adams 
 did not receive the free and unbiassed sulfrages of the Con- 
 gressional Representatives of a majority of the States. The 
 extraordinary, and otherwise unaccountable, conduct of Mr. 
 Clay — the reserve and mystery which marked his demean- 
 our almost to the day of election, and kept the public notori- 
 ously in doubt what part he intended to act — his sudden tran- 
 sition from beiiig the enemy and public reviler of Mr. Adams 
 to become his advocate and supporter, and this in direct op- 
 position to the known will of his Constituents, and the instruc- 
 tion of their representatives in the Legislature — his accept- 
 ance, under such peculiar circumstances, of the highest office 
 in the Cabinet — his inconsistency in declaring the elevation 
 of the Secretary of State to the Presidency to be a "safe 
 precedent," which he had, not long before, in reference to 
 this very case, pronounced to be a dangerous one — liis own 
 declarations at various times, which cannot otherwise be re- 
 conciled — and, above all, the numerous and repeated confes- 
 sions of his colleagues and friends : — all unite to form a mass 
 of testimony, which an unprejudiced mind can hardly resist. 
 Upon the investigation, which recently took place before the 
 Legislature of Kentucky, a series of facts was exhibited in 
 testimony utterly incompatible with his innocence. It was 
 there distinctly proved, that several of the Representatives 
 from that State, who voted for Mr. Adams, acknowledged, 
 and endeavoured to justify their conduct to their constituents 
 by the acknowledgment, that they supported him in order 
 to obtain for Mr. Clay the Secretaryship of State ; and that 
 they had ascertained that this appointment might be depend- 
 ed on as the result of his election. It remains for them to 
 say, from whom the fact could have been ascertained, except 
 from Mr. Adams himself. It was also proved, that Mr. Clay, 
 just before setting out for the seat of government in the fall 
 of 1824, endeavoured to prevent any instruction from the 
 Legislature ; declaring that he was uncommitted, and that 
 there wn<: no obstaclp to his voting for Gen. .Jackson, whom 
 
(6 ) 
 
 he had invited to travel in company with him to Washington : 
 while he himself has affirmed, that he had previously an- 
 nounced his intention of voting for Mr. Adams. It was fur- 
 ther shown, that Mr. Clay, in the year 1823, had paid One 
 Hundred Dollars out of his own pocket, towards the publica- 
 tion of a pamphlet, which was written for the purpose of 
 showing Mr. Adams's hostility to the West, and his attempt 
 to barter away the navigation of the Mississippi during the ne- 
 gotiations at Ghent. It was proved, that Mr. Blair, a confi- 
 dential friend of Mr. Clay, had declared, before the election, 
 that, if Mr. Adams were successful, Mr. Clay would be Se- 
 cretary of State, and that he obtained his information by 
 a private letter from Washington; which letter, circumstances 
 rendered air ost certain, was written by Mr. Clay himself. 
 Upon being called before the Legislature to give testimony, 
 he absolutely refused to ansv.'er ; and declared, that he would 
 rather go to prison than submit to be questioned upon the 
 subject of this communication. It cannot have been forgot- 
 ten, that, after Mr. Adams had replied to the letter of Mr. 
 Russell, charging him with the design of conceding to Great 
 Britain, in the Treaty of Ghent, the right of navigating the 
 Mississippi, Mr. Clay published a card, in which he accused 
 Mr. Adams of making erroneous statements upon this subject 
 in his answer, and pledging himself to expose them — that 
 the publication of this card was followed by a challenge from 
 Mr. Adams to produce the exposure — but that, while the 
 public were looking for the opening of the controversy, the 
 opposing chami)ions suddenly became reconciled, and their 
 weapons were sheathed. It is well known that Mr. Adams 
 received at his election the votes of Illinois and Missouri. 
 These States had each but one representative in Congress, 
 and their suffrages were also given in direct opposition to the 
 will of the People, for whom they professed to be acting. 
 The electors of these three States have since proclaimed 
 their sentiments, with a tone of thunder, in the ears of the 
 men who, on this important occasion, were deaf to their 
 voice. But several of those, whom their constituents cast 
 off, the administration took up ; and more than one of them 
 have received lucrntive olTices under government, as a reward 
 
(^ ) 
 
 IDr their ll'eacliery. Cook, who disposed of tlie vote of Illi- 
 nois, was sent upon a secret embassy to Cuba ; and Scott, 
 who was unfaithful to the people of Missouri, was rewarded 
 with the appointment of a collector of the Land Office. 
 
 Bwt independently of these facts, how stands the case ? 
 Mr. Adams unquestionably obtained the Presidency by the 
 influence of Mr. Clay. The latter undoubtedly knew, that 
 the acceptance of office from a President of his own creation, 
 under such circumstances, would throw suspicion upon his 
 integrity. A high-minded man, conscious of his innocence, 
 would have disdained the empty splendour of an office, which 
 could only be acquired at the expense of his character. 
 Free from guilt, he would have sought also to be above 
 suspicion. The conduct of Mr. Clay was regulated by other 
 principles, and an unsullied reputation he no longer enjoys. 
 
 That Mr. Adams was ever a sincere convert to the Re 
 publican party we do not believe. In April, 1806, he presided 
 at a Federal meeting m Boston. In 1807, the State of 
 Massachusetts, which he then represented in the Senate of the 
 United States, became democratic. In the same year, he 
 deserted his party, upon the pretence that they were treating 
 with Canada for a dismemberment of the Union — a charge 
 which, however just it might have been at a period long 
 subsequent to the time of which we speak, was then a gross 
 aspersion of his political friends. No man had been better 
 acquainted with the politics of the country than he. The 
 policy of Mr. Jefferson had been uniform, and by none more 
 uniformly and bitterly opposed than by him. He could have 
 received no new light upon the subject. He did not even 
 pretend that the administration had changed its course. No 
 extraordinary crisis of events existed: and yet, all of a sudden, 
 he was transformed, from a relentless opponent, mto a most 
 zealous supporter of the then predominant party. The ex- 
 planation is obvious. He was no longer entrusted with office 
 by the general government, and his own State had left him. 
 His ambition overcame his principle. He joined the Rcpubli- 
 can party, to crush it if he could, and to rise with it if he could 
 not. In an unfortunate hour, it received and cherished him ; 
 and his viper sting is now turned against the bosom of his 
 
(8) 
 
 ]:»eiiefcictor. He had no sooner assumed his new station in 
 the Republican ranks, than he sought to recommend himself 
 to his adopted friends, by an act of fanatical zeal. Mr. Jef- 
 ferson proposed to Congress the passage of an act declaring 
 an Embargo. This grave Senator, who, a few days before, 
 had refused to the Administration the smallest share of his 
 confidence, then arose in his place, and used this remarkable 
 language — " The President has recommended the measure 
 " on ills high responsibility. / would not consider — / would 
 " i\ot deliberate — / would act. Doubtless, the President pos- 
 " sesses such further information as will justify the measure.''^ 
 Thus forgetful of his duty to his constituents and to his coun- 
 try, and disregardhig the sacred trust committed by the Con- 
 stitution to the body of which he was a member, he endea- 
 voured to lull suspicion, and evince the sincerity of his con- 
 version, by urging the adoption of an important measure 
 upon the mere recommendation of the executive, without the 
 necessary information, without examination, and even with- 
 out deliberation. To those who have observed the character 
 of the man through liis long and diversified political course, 
 it will be no matter of surprise to hear, that, within twenty 
 days after the passage of the Act, he moved the appoint- 
 ment of a Committee to consider the propriety of its repeal. 
 His motion was rejected by an almost Ufianimous voice. 
 
 To those who were advocates of the war of 1812 — who 
 saw, in its origin, the last resort of a peaceable people, driven 
 to arms by a long course of insult and oppression, with no 
 alternative left them but disgraceful submission — who hailed 
 with pride, in its progress, those many triumphs by sea and 
 by land, which shed a lustre over American bravery — who 
 witnessed, in its conclusion, the character of our country 
 elevated in the eyes of the w^orld, and our happy confedera- 
 tion more firmly knit together — to all those, (and among 
 them is to be found every genuine Republican,) we present, 
 without comment, an extract of a letter, which was written 
 by Mr. Adams, during the negotiation at Ghent, and address- 
 ed to the American Consul at St. Petersburgh. These are 
 his words, (and a volume could not better exhibit the cha- 
 racter and sentiments of the man)—" Divided among our- 
 
(9)- 
 
 ^'Selves, more inpassiom than interest, with half the nation 
 *' SOLD by their prejudices and their ignorance to our enemy^ 
 
 ^*With a FEEBLE AND PENURIOUS GOVERNMENT, With five 
 
 "■^ frigates for a navy, and scarcely five effi,cient regiments 
 '■'■for an army, how can it be expected that we should resist 
 *' the mass of force, luhich that gigantic power has collected 
 
 '< to CRUSH us AT A BLOW 1" 
 
 Yet the author of this letter is now President of the United 
 States. And what have been tlie fruits of his administration? 
 We call, in the name of the People, we call upon its friends 
 and supporters, wliere ever they may be : We call upon the 
 admiuislration itself, and those who are fattening upon its 
 bounty, to point out to us one important measure of their 
 adoption, which has ledomided to the honour or advantage 
 of the country. But our call will not, for it cannot, be an- 
 swered. Would that we could stop here ! Happy would it be 
 for the Nation, if its rulers possessed even the negative merit 
 of having done nothing to advance its interest. But even to 
 this praise, poor as it would be, they are not entitled. No 
 sooner was Mr. Adams seated in the Presidential chair, than 
 he threw off his disguise, and appeared in his true character. 
 He declared, in 1806, that the only way of destroying the 
 Republican party was by uniting with it : and he was not 
 long in verifying the declaration of Josiah Quincy, that those 
 who fell with the first Adams, had risen v/ith the second. 
 From the moment of liis obtaining the office, he has been 
 surrounded and influenced by Federalists ; and the very men 
 whom, upon his pretended conversion in 1807, he denoimced 
 as traitors to their country, have again become his bosom 
 friends and confidential counsellors. Whether it be in fulfil- 
 ment of a pledge, as there is too much reason to believe, or 
 merely the effect of a revival of old partialities, certain it is, 
 that, in the distribution of offices, the federal party has not 
 been forgotten. 
 
 He has ^disregarded ar.d trampled under foot the rights 
 of the separate States, upon the preservation of which, abovft 
 all things else, our liberties depend ; and, following up the 
 monarchical views of his father and instructor, he hns done 
 
 2 
 
nil in tijs power to strengthen and consolidate the general 
 government. 
 
 He has warned the Representatives of the People against 
 suffering themselves to be " palsied by the will of their Con- 
 stituents ;" and has asserted the power of the Executive to 
 create missions, without the consent of the Senate. 
 
 By his neglect of duty, by the injudicious appointment of 
 a minister to England, and by a conceited fondness for 
 diplomacy, he has lost our colonial trade. 
 
 By the most unjustifiable and relentless persecution of the 
 spirited and gallant Porter, he has driven from the service of 
 our country that brave defender of her flag. 
 
 He has wasted the public money, and brought ridicule 
 upon the nation, by his Quixotic and abortive mission to Pa- 
 nama. 
 
 He has left our country for a long time past unrepresented 
 at the Court of St. James', save by an inexperienced youth, 
 from a strong desire, which it is believed he cherished but 
 feared at last to gratify, of giving that important appoint- 
 ment, after the rising of Congress, to a distinguished and 
 favourite Federalist. 
 
 He has tamely submitted to insult and depredation from 
 the petty government of Brazil, and has indirectly censured 
 the Minister, who, to save the honour of his country, de- 
 manded liis passports, and left the kingdom. 
 
 Thus meek and patient under foreign injury, he, whose 
 duty it is to watch over and soothe, with paternal care, the 
 grievances and complaints which must sometimes, of neces- 
 sity, spring up in our great political family, has goaded one 
 of our sister States almost to desperation under her supposed 
 wrongs ; and, instead of using argument and persuasion, has 
 assumed a frowning aspect and warlike attitude, and has 
 threatened to invade her territory with the military force of 
 the Union. 
 
 While, with his vision fixed upon the clouds, he has gravely 
 recommended to Congress the erection of « light-houses of 
 the skies," he has overlooked, in his last message, the more 
 importaRt but less elevated subject of tKp tariff, which, while 
 
( 11 ) 
 
 it agitated the wliole country from Maine to Georgia, and, 
 from its decided character and extensive operation, must 
 necessarily be productive of great good or great evil, was 
 passed over in extraordinary silence, by him, to whom the 
 nation properly looked for instruction and advice, and who is 
 bound by the Constitution and his oath of office to " give to 
 Congress information of the state of the Union," and to « re- 
 commend to their consideration such measures as he sliall 
 judge necessary and expedient." 
 
 We have seen economy neglected, and executive patron- 
 age increased — the public money squandered upon useless 
 officers, and with selfish views, until the national expendi- 
 ture has already exceeded, by nearly seven millions of dol- 
 lars, the expenses of the same period of Mr. Monroe's ad- 
 ministration. The contingent fund, for which the President is 
 particularly accountable, exliibits, for the same space of time, 
 an increase of Three Hundred Thousand Dollars — and 
 the " secret service''* money, which, during the last three 
 years of Mr. Monroe's term, amounted to but Forty Thousand 
 Dollars, and which, for four or five of Mr. Jefferson's ad- 
 ministration, was altogether uncalled for, already amounts, 
 for the first three years of Mr. Adams's term, to One Hun- 
 dred AND Ten Thousand Dollars : while the expenditures 
 of the last year exceed the income, by the sum of Nine 
 Hundred Thousand Dollars. 
 
 We have seen the President himself, and the members of 
 his Cabinet, deserting their posts, and scouring the country 
 upon electioneering excursions ; bending tlieir exertions first 
 to one State, and then to another ; kindling a feverish ex- 
 citement, by every plan which their ingenuity could contrive ; 
 disturbing the peace of the community, and interfering, in 
 the most shameless manner, with the sentiments and elec- 
 tive rights of the People. 
 
 We have seen Mr. Adams, upon one of these occasions, 
 forgetting the magnanimity of the American People, exult, 
 in barbarous and unfeeling triumph, over the grave of a gal- 
 lant enemy — and this, in a manner scarcely less ludicrous, 
 than the sentiments he exrressed were shocking tf fie 
 feelings of humanity^ / . 
 
( 1^ ) 
 
 We have seen the lirst officer of the Cabinet cliallenge to 
 mortal combat a member of the Senate, who liad dared to 
 express his political opinions with an unpleasant freedom 
 upon the floor of Congress — thus insulting the feelings of a 
 free and christian People, and carrying the recollection back 
 to the horrible days of the French Revolution, when political 
 animosity could only be appeased by human blood. 
 
 But we close this painful detail of error and misconduct. 
 The mind of the Republican patriot, as he listens to the 
 gloomy recital, reverts to the golden days, when a Jeffer^ 
 son and a Madison presided over the Councils of the Na- 
 tion ; and he sighs over the departed glories of his country. 
 But he does not despond. He knows that there is a re- 
 deeming spirit in the People : and he casts his eye to the 
 Hermitage at the West, where he beholds, in dignified re- 
 tirement, the man of their choice, who, neither seeking nor 
 refusing office, is soon to come forth at their call, to restore 
 the faded honours of his country, and to renew the triumphs 
 of his party. 
 
 But this man is a " Military Chieftain," The key-note was 
 sounded by his arch-enemy at Washington, and the strain 
 has been taken up and prolonged by his more humble oppor 
 nents from one end of the Union to the other. Is it meant 
 J)y this, that his elevation to the Presidency will place the 
 country in danger of having its liberties supplanted by a mili- 
 tary despotism 1 The idea is an absurdity. Grant that he 
 has the disposition, where are the ineans ? Are they to be 
 found in a standing army of six thousand men 1 Mr. Clay 
 himself, in his speech on the direct tax in the year 1816, ridi- 
 culed this opinion, and declared, that " unless gentlemen 
 ♦' were afraid of spectres, it was utterly impossible that any 
 "danger could be apprehended from Ten Thousand men 
 *' dispersed on a frontier of many thousand miles." Where 
 then is the force with which Gen. Jackson is to subjugate 
 and enslave ten miUions of people ? It must be raised and 
 paid by the People themselves through their representa- 
 tives. And aie the American People come to this pass, that 
 they will quietly lay their heads upon the block, and furnish the 
 executioner with the axe to strike the fatal blow 1 The sup- 
 
( 1^ ) 
 
 j>oskion is a base libel upon the spirit of intelligence and love 
 of freedom wliich characterize our countrymen. And yet, 
 without it, the apprehension of danger from military usurpa- 
 tion must ever be chimerical. Our Constitution, with its 
 checks and guards, possesses a self-preserving power ; which, 
 although it may be frittered away by gradual encroachments 
 from pretended friends, is proof against the ambitious attacks 
 of open enemies. There is infinitely more to fear from lati- 
 tude of construction, than from military violence. ^ 
 
 But is Gen. Jackson a "military chieftain," in the only 
 sense of the term, which, under any circumstances, could 
 miply danger from the character 1 Has he been bred in a 
 camp 1 Has his life been military 1 Does he belong to a body 
 of men possessing a distinct and different interest from the 
 mass of the community 1 Happily for our country, such a 
 character is here almost unknown. We have no standing 
 army which is worth the name. Every soldier is a citizen, 
 and every citizen may be said to be a- soldier. With the ex- 
 ception of a few hundred men, who are enlisted for a term 
 of years, to garrison our forts, the militia of the United States 
 are their only soldiers. And who are the mihtia but the Peo- 
 ple themselves 1 
 
 Seven or eight years at most of Gen. Jackson's life have 
 been spent in the army. It is doubtless true that he has 
 been a distinguished military commander. His services in 
 this capacity a grateful nation will never forget. The man^ 
 whose bosom does not swell with pride at the recollection of 
 his brilliant exploits, possesses not an American heart. The 
 history of our country will be a monument to his fame, more 
 enduring than the triumphal arch, and will perpetuate to the 
 latest generation the memory of his deeds. And who were 
 the chief partners of his glory "? The volunteers and militia 
 of the West — his fellow-citizens and neighbours. And where 
 are they now 1 and where is their commander 1 Do they stand 
 with arms in their hands, prepared to destroy the liberties of 
 their country ? No. Both they and he, like Washington and 
 Cincinnatus, have returned to their farms, and mingled long 
 since with the mass of citizens. 
 
 But suppose Jackson to possess the power, has he ever evinced 
 
(14) 
 
 the disposition of an usurper ? The man wlio, in the vigour 
 of his days — at the head of an army flushed with victory 
 and devoted to his person — amidst a people amazed at his 
 successes and enthusiastic in his praise — could throw off his 
 military character, and; in citizen's attire, subject himself 
 patiently to the unjust condemnation and punishment of a 
 civil tribunal, and venture his personal safety in defending 
 the Judge, who pronounced sentence, from the fury of an 
 exasperated populace — is he, when drawn forth from his re- 
 tirement by the solicitation of his countrymen — in time of 
 profound peace — in the decline of life — without an army at 
 his command, and without the means of raising one — to 
 conquer and enslave the People, whose gratitude and esteem 
 have bestowed upon him the highest mark of their confi- 
 dence 1 We leave it to the candour and common sense of the 
 community to answer the question. 
 
 It is repeatedly asked, " Why will you elevate a man to the 
 Presidency solely on account of military services and mili- 
 tary talents'?" The question is as uncandid, as it is easy of 
 answer. The friends of Gen. Jackson have never asserted 
 that his military achievements, however glorious, or his mili- 
 tary genius, however great, are sufificient of themselves to 
 entitle him to the office. They do, however, contend, that 
 to exclude him from civil appointments, as his enemies would 
 do, on account of the services which he has rendered to his 
 country in the field, would be a most odious and impolitic 
 proscription. They do contend, that, when eminent civil 
 qualifications are added to splendid military services, the 
 man, in whom they are united, possesses a double claim to 
 the support of his fellow-citizens. And they are prepared 
 to show that this union exists in the person of Gen. Jackson. 
 When this objection is made, we shall never cease to recur 
 to the example of WASHINGTON, whose character and 
 usefulness, he must be bold indeed who dares to assail. The 
 principle upon which our opponents proceed, could not but 
 have excluded him, and preferred the elder Adams. The 
 latter, like his son, was a learned man, an experienced states- 
 man and diplomatist. Washington, like Jackson, was a 
 "military chieftain," and much less experienced than !ie in 
 
( 15 ) 
 
 civil affaiiij. Bui the discernment of our fathers, unseduced 
 by artificial si)lendour, knew well how little the value of the 
 diamond depends upon its polish. Undeceived by the sound 
 of learning aiid diplomacy, they saw, and prized, in the Hero 
 of Monmouth and Yorktown, those intrinsic and substantial 
 qualities, which their sons appreciate in the Hero of New- 
 Orleans ; qualities which fit a man equally for civil, as for 
 military, rule : strong native sense — correct and discrimina- 
 ting judgment — wisdom in contrivance, and promptness and 
 firmness in execution — a knowledge of mankind, and un- 
 bending integrity. Were Jackson destitute of civil qualifica- 
 tions, and dangerous as his enemies represent him, think you 
 for a moment that he would receive the support of many of 
 the first men of the country^ men, whose patriotism and 
 talents none will dispute, and who cannot be ignorant of 
 his character — of such men as Macon, and Berrien, and 
 Tazewell, and Van Beuren, and Hayne, and Crawford, and 
 the late lamented Clinton 1 and that, too, when they had the 
 whole Union before them for a choice 1 
 
 Listen to the opinion of Mr. Crawford, as expressed in a 
 letter, written a few weeks since to a political friend of Gen. 
 Jackson — " I think with you, that the People have deter- 
 " mined who should be President, and I should be the last 
 *' 7nan in the United States who would wish to unsettle that 
 " determination ; for I am one of the People, and approve their 
 " choice.^'' To another friend of the General he says — " You 
 «' do me justice in supposing I am with you, in the struggle 
 " 710W making in relation to the Presidential election: though 
 " I am informed, by letters from Washington, that I have 
 " written a letter to Mr. Clay, approving of Mr, Adams's ad- 
 " ministration. But, I am confident, his name is mentioned 
 " but once in the letter ; and then, onli/ to say, that he is 
 " destined to undergo the fate that hcftl his father.''^ 
 
 Hearken to the honest sentiments of Henry Clay, uttered 
 in one of his speeches, in reference to him, whose elevation 
 to the Presidency he now contemplates with more horror 
 than "2i;ar," ''pestilence,'" or "/az/i/we."— "Towards that dis- 
 "tinguished Captain, who has shed so much glory on our 
 " country, whose renown constitutes so great a portion of its 
 
( 16 ) 
 «' moral properly, I never had, I never can have, any other 
 
 "FEELINGS, THAN THOSE OF THE MOST PROFOUND RESPECT 
 •'AND OF THE UTMOST KINDNESS." 
 
 Hear the unprejudiced opinion of Mr. Adams himself, as 
 expressed in 1822, in one of his official letters, written during 
 our controversy with Spain, in which he vindicated the con- 
 duct of Gen. Jackson while Governor of Florida. — " In pass- 
 *' ing unnoticed this and other mere invectives against an 
 
 ** officer, WHOSE SERVICES TO THIS NATION ENTITLE HIM TO 
 "THEIR HIGHEST REWARDS, AND WHOSE WHOLE CAREER HAS 
 *' BEEN SIGNALIZED BY THE PUREST INTENTIONS AND THE MOST 
 
 "ELEVATED PURPOSES, I wish to be undcrstood as abstaining 
 *=from observations, which, however justified by the occasion, 
 *« could but add to the unpleasantness of the discussion." 
 
 Hear him agaui in his reply to the Committee which was 
 appointed by the House of Representatives to inform him of 
 his election to the Presidency — " It has been my fortune to 
 "be placed, by the divisions of sentiment prevailing among 
 "our countrymen on this occasion, in competition friendly 
 *« and honourable, with three of my fellow-citizens, all justly 
 " enjoying, in eminent degrees, the public favour ; and of 
 " whose WORTH, TALENTS AND SERVICES, no One cntcrtaijis a 
 " higher and more respectful sense than myself The names 
 " of two of them were, in the ftilfilment of the provisions of 
 " the Constitution, presented to the selection of the House, 
 "in concurrence with my own — names, closely associated 
 «« with the glory of the nation, and one of them, further re- 
 ** commended by a larger minority of the electoral suffrages 
 " than mine." 
 
 We are told that Gen. Jackson is rash — of ungovernable 
 temper — and that he has trampled under foot the laws and 
 constitution of his country. A tyrannical disposition in 
 his private intercourse is utterly irreconcilable with the ex- 
 traordinary admiration and love which are entertained for him 
 in his own State and neighbourhood, among those who can- 
 not be ignorant of his character ; and with the known attach- 
 ment to his person, which prevails, in a most striking degree, 
 among those who have ever been under his command. But his 
 opponents, disregarding this infaHil)lo testimony to his private 
 
woiili, and poiiuing to his public life, refer us in confirmation 
 of their assertion to his conduct at New-Orleans. To this 
 scene of liis triumph we gladly bear them company ; but 
 with impressions, and for purposes, widely different from 
 theirs. Rarely has any man been placed in a situation of 
 greater difficulty, and never was difficulty more gloriously 
 overcome. An enemy, formidable by number and discipline, 
 was hovering upon the coast. The City of New-Orleans, 
 which was, doubtless, to be the object of attack, was in the 
 most defenceless condition — without fortifications, without 
 arms, without soldiers. The inhabitants were overwhelmed 
 with terror, and well nigh sunk in despair. Made up of 
 heterogeneous materials, the country was occupied by 
 a disaffected population ; and the city, as the Gover- 
 nor himself declared, was filled " with spies and traitors." 
 Jackson arrived, and, in a few days, the whole aspect of 
 tilings was changed. Cool and undismayed amidst the thou- 
 sand difficulties which surrounded him, he assumed, without 
 a moment's hesitation, the fearful responsibility of defending, 
 at all hazards, the great key of the Western country ; and an- 
 nounced his firm determination to save the city, or perish in 
 the last ditch. The disaffected were silenced. The timid, 
 inspired with courage, buckled on their armour, and has- 
 tened to the field. All the resources of the country were 
 brought into active operation. His own private fortune was 
 pledged to provide means of defence. The unprotected city 
 became a warlike camp, and every citizen a soldier. The 
 enemy had scarcely landed, when they were attacked by an 
 inferior force, and beaten in the open field. The decision 
 of the commanding General was equalled by his prudence. 
 Instead of rashly following up the victory he had gained, he 
 retired towards the city, and, having carefully selected the 
 most favourable ground, he made use of the time he had gain- 
 ed by this important check, in throwing up those lines of en- 
 trenchment, behind which he calmly awaited the arrival of 
 liis expected reinforcements and the advance of the enemy. 
 It is needless to mention by what almost superhuman exer- 
 tion this last hope of the city was raised — how for four days 
 and nights, everv hour, as it passed, found him wakeful at 
 
< 18 ) 
 
 some point of the line, animating his men, and urging on 
 their labours : — how wise and cautious, and yet how speedy, 
 were all his arrangements — how brilliant and decisive was 
 the result. Who can paint the mingled horrors and glories 
 of that day 1 All united in honouring the hero, whose pru- 
 dence and skill had rendered the raw militia and volunteers 
 of the West superior to the veteran troops of the peninsula, 
 and, in the triumphant defeat of her ruthless invaders, had 
 " filled the measure of his country's glory." One tide of 
 applause rolled its uninterrupted course from Louisiana to 
 Maine. Instead of censuring him for his rashness, the whole 
 country joined, with one consent, in praising him for his cool- 
 ness and presence of mind. Instead of condemning him for 
 his ungovernable temper, they agreed in admiring that ex- 
 traordinary reflection and self-command, which induced him, 
 out of a tender regard for the lives of liis men, and in pur- 
 suance of a strictly defensive policy, to restrain his eager 
 troops from pursuing the routed enemy. Then the nation 
 spoke m the honesty of their hearts. But when the enthu- 
 siasm excited by his wonderful exploits had in some mea- 
 sure subsided, envy, which ever attends upon greatness as 
 its shadow, commenced its dark operations at undermining his 
 character. Then it was remembered, that, in order to the 
 defence of New-Orleans, martial law had been declared, the 
 deliberations of the Legislature for a time suspended, and a 
 judge arrested. — If the first measure were justifiable, then 
 those which followed must be conceded by all to have been 
 indispensable. It would have been w^orse than useless to pro- 
 nounce martial law, and not to enforce it. The propriety of 
 declaring it had been discussed in the presence of the Judge, 
 without liis making a single objection. If its existence were 
 essential, then he who attempted to defeat its regulations, 
 more especially after an acquiescence in its expediency, was 
 very properly arrested, and sent without the limits of the 
 camp. No further restraint was attempted to be put upon 
 his person. The Judge himself, bending to the necessity of 
 the time, had, in direct violation of law, discharged, without 
 bail or recognizance, a number of persons indicted for capi- 
 tal offences When, then, he opposed the course wliich the 
 
( ^'-^ ) 
 
 commanding General tliought fit to pursue, he was guilty 
 of the obvious inconsistency of denying the influence of that 
 reason, in the case of another, the sufficiency of which he 
 had acknowledged in liis own. — The Legislature of Louisiana 
 had been for some time meditating the destruction of all Gen. 
 Jackson's plans of defence, by proposing terms of capitula- 
 tion to the enemy. Had the officer, to whom the general 
 government committed the defence of the district, quietly 
 permitted this unconstitutional exercise of power, he would 
 have been guilty of the grossest neglect of his duty, and ren- 
 dered himself liable to the severest censure. As the least 
 objectionable, and yet the most effectual, means of prevent- 
 ing the fatal consequences which would result from the 
 adoption of the contemplated measure, without interfering 
 in any manner with their discussions, he directed the Gover- 
 nor to place a guard before the Hall ; and, in case such a re- 
 solution should be passed^ to prevent the members from leav 
 ing the chamber in which they sat. The Governor, mistaking, 
 or purposely disobeying the order, excluded them from the 
 Hall. That the precaution, intended by the General, waSj 
 under the circumstances, just and necessary, no one, we 
 think, can honestly deny ; as to the rest, the responsibility i^ 
 with the Governor — not with him. — But for the adoption of 
 the decisive course, for which Gen. Jackson has been so 
 much reviled, no human exertion could have saved the city. 
 New-Orleans must inevitably have fallen : and with it, in all 
 probability, the whole AVestern country. The case was an 
 extraordinary one, and required extraordinary sacrifices^ 
 The Legislature, impelled by existing necessity, had set the 
 example, by assuming a power which did not belong to them, 
 and declaring an embargo upon the vessels in port. The 
 firmness and decision of Jackson were equal to the emer- 
 gency. He had already pledged his estate for the defence 
 of the city — He now put in jeopardy his character as a citizen, 
 and his reputation as a soldier. And what earthly induce- 
 ment had he to stand the fearful hazard, but that which has 
 always been the prevailing guide of his conduct — the public 
 good ? The Governor (as we have before observed) had in- 
 formed him, and liis own experience had afforded a lament- 
 
( 20 ) 
 
 able eonlhniation of the report, that the city was filled with 
 spies and traitors. The population was a mixed and discor- 
 dant mass of Frenchmen, Spaniards, native Louisianians, 
 and Americans; — some, disposed to receive the enemy with 
 open arms — others, lukewarm and indifferent as to the issue 
 — with scarce any attachment to the government, and none 
 to one another. Every day the enemy were made acquaint- 
 ed with wliat was passing in the city, and in the army. Even 
 the Legislature itself was tainted with disaffection, and 
 meditating a surrender. The constitutional authorities 
 were at an immense distance. The property, the libert)^ 
 and the lives, of thousands of his fellow-citizens, were en- 
 trusted to his protection, and imposed upon him an awful 
 responsibility. The whole prospect was shrouded in dark- 
 ness, save only one path, upon which a beam of hope still 
 rested. This course he determined, at whatsoever hazard, 
 to pursue. He summoned all the energies of his great soul, 
 and resolved, for a short time, to suspend constitutional forms, 
 for the preservation of constitutional rights. He included 
 the city and its environs within the limits of his camp. Never 
 were his greatness of mind and superiority to ordinary men 
 more strikingly exhibited, than in this decisive act. The re- 
 sult was worthy of the sacrifice. The government of his 
 Ccun-try, whose Constitution had been violated, approved of 
 his conduct ; and signalized its approbation by a vote of 
 thanks, and a medal. The city of New-Orleans — the oppressed 
 city, for whose grievances so many of our citizens, at a dis- 
 tance of hundreds of miles, after a lapse of thirteen years, 
 feel fresh emotions of sympathy, as the election approaches — 
 hailed him as her deliverer, and showered upon his head her 
 thanks and honours ; and now enjoys the pride and satisfac- 
 '.ion of having her name enrolled among those of his warm- 
 est supporters. 
 
 Driven from this ground of objection, the opponents of 
 ften. Jackson fly to the execution of Arbuthnot and Ambris- 
 ler. But, unfortunately for them, the man whom they most 
 admire, before rivalry or jealousy had stepped in to warp his 
 judgment or influence his feelings, produced an able and 
 complete vindication of the hero from this unfounded charge. 
 
( 21 ) 
 
 He has conclusively shown that this act, which was founded 
 in principles of self-preservation, was justified by the law of 
 nations, and required by the policy of civil society. These 
 men had cut themselves off" from the civilized world, to asso- 
 ciate with savages for purposes of plunder and profit. They 
 had stimulated the Indians to make w^ar upon our frontiers, 
 and to commit the most shocking cruelty, at the bare men- 
 tion of which the heart sickens, and the blood chills in the 
 veins. Wherever these monsters came, desolation marked 
 their path. The sound of the deadly rifle, as it singled out 
 its victim, often broke the noontide stillness of the forest, 
 and often was its midnight scenery lighted by the blaze of the 
 burning cabin. The terrified mother, waked from her slum- 
 ber by the hideous yell, drew her babe more closely to her 
 beating bosom, and aw^aited, in breathless despair, the ap- 
 proach of those inhuman invaders, against w^hom neither age 
 nor sex afforded the least protection. Whole families, with- 
 out discrimination, were tomahawked and scalped. Unof- 
 fending infants, wliile they instinctively stretched out their 
 little hands as if imploring mercy, were seized by their legs, 
 and their brains dashed out, within sight of their distracted 
 parents. The whole frontier w^as made a scene of inde- 
 scribable suffering. Mr. Adams, in the defence above alluded 
 to, after recounting some of the inhuman acts w^hich the 
 savages had committed, thus expresses his feelings and opi- 
 nions. « Contending with such enemies, although humanity 
 <' revolts at entire retaliation upon them, and spares the lives of 
 " the feeble and defenceless women and children, yet Mercy 
 " herself surrenders to retributive Justice the lives of their 
 " leading warriors takenin arms—and still more the lives of 
 *' the foreign white incendiaries, who, disowned by their own 
 "governments, and disowning their own natures, degrade 
 " themselves beneath the savage character, by voluntarily 
 *' descending to its level. Is not this the dictate of common 
 ''sense? Is it not the usage of legitimate warfare? Is it not 
 " consonant to the soundest authorities of naHonal law ?" 
 He further declares, that " as accomplices of the savages, 
 ««and, sinning against their better knowledge, worse than 
 *' savages, General Jack?:on, possessed of their persons and 
 
( 22 ) 
 
 " of the proof of their guilt, might, by the lawful and ordhiarv 
 "^'usages of war, have hung them both without the formality 
 " of a trial." These men were taken prisoners ; one of them 
 actually in arms, and leading on a corps of Indians. Al- 
 though, as you have heard from Mr. Adams, they might 
 have been lawfully hung without a trial. Gen. Jackson gave 
 them the benefit of a respectable Court of Inquiry. The 
 authority of this court, like that of a jiu'y under our civil laws, 
 was confined to a determination of the guilt or innocence of 
 the prisoners ; and did not extend, as in the case of a Court 
 Martial, to the punishment of the offence. This was the pe- 
 culiar provhice of the commanding General. Notwithstand- 
 ing this defect of power, they not only pronounced the pri- 
 soners guilty, but unanimously awarded against them a sen- 
 tence of death. After the court had been legally dissolved, 
 the members again assembled, without the shadow of autho- 
 rity, and revoking their sentence of death against Ambrister, 
 the more flagrant offender of the two, they substituted in its 
 place the punishment of whipping. Gen. Jackson was not 
 so insensible to his character as an officer, or so indifferent to 
 his duty, as to sanction, by submission, so unauthorized, so 
 irregular, and so unreasonable a proceeding. The blood of 
 the murdered inhabitants of the frontier, and the safety of 
 those who survived, called, with an imperative voice, for the 
 exemplary punishment of these outlaws, who stood before 
 him, without excuse, and reeking with the gore of innocent 
 families. He exercised his authority with a becoming firm- 
 ness, and the offenders were executed. Quiet and security 
 were restored to the settlements upon our border. The 
 British government, whose subjects these men had been, 
 after a parliamentary inquiry into their case, made no com- 
 plaint, but acquiesced in the justice of their fate. Yet the 
 recklessness of party spirit, in our own country, in order to 
 subserve temporary purposes, has dared to hold up to the 
 American community these atrocious murderers, red with 
 the blood of American citizens, as objects of commiseration ; 
 and to stigmatize the author of their punishment as himself 
 a murderer. 
 
 Another charge brought against General Jackson, is his 
 
( 23 ) 
 
 having, at two different periods, invaded Florida, while it 
 formed a part of the territories of Spain, a nation with which 
 the United States were then at peace. The first invasion 
 was in 1814, and the second in 1818. Tliey were made un- 
 der similar circumstances, and with the same view, and are 
 justifiable upon the same grounds. No person, at all ac- 
 quainted with the law of nations, can be ignorant, that neutral 
 rights are inviolable only so long as strict neutrality is ob- 
 served. Besides being subject to this general and invariable 
 principle, the Spanish government had contracted a parti- 
 cular obligation, by the terms of a treaty entered into with 
 the United States in the year 1795, by which they had en- 
 gaged to prevent, by force if necessary, all excesses by the 
 Indians within their territories. In 1814 the seventh military 
 district was entrusted to the defence of Gen. Jackson; its pro- 
 tection at the period spoken of involved a tremendous re- 
 sponsibility. The expected descent of a powerful force upon 
 New-Orleans spread consternation through the country. 
 All eyes were turned to General Jackson and his small band 
 of followers, as the only hope amid threatening dangers. At 
 this crisis a British detachment was landed in Florida. The 
 Britisli flag was seen flying upon a Spanish fort. Pensacola 
 was made a place of rendezvous by our enemies. There 
 munitions of war were collected, soldiers disciplined, the 
 hostile Indians assembled, armed, protected, and fed. Thence 
 an infamous proclamation was issued by the British com- 
 mander, caUing upon the inhabitants of Louisiana and Ken- 
 tucky to become traitors to their country. Thence an attack 
 was finally made upon an American fort, which was bravely 
 and successfully defended, but at the expense of the lives 
 of many gallant soldiers. It had now become obvious that 
 this hold of the enemy must be broken up, or New-Orleans 
 must be lost. Gen. Jackson's conduct, instead of exhibiting 
 the rashness with which he has been charged, was charac- 
 terized by eminent prudence and forbearance. He had com- 
 municated all the facts to his own government, and request- 
 ed their direction — but no direction came. He had repeatedly 
 remonstrated with the Spanish Governor — but his remon- 
 strances were disregarded. A crisis had arrived whic.^i re- 
 
( 24 ) 
 
 quired immediate action. The defence of his district called 
 imperatively for the adoption of a decisive course. It was 
 justified by the law of self-preservation ; and with the reso- 
 lution of a great mind, it was adopted. The British were 
 expelled — the Indians dispersed — and New-Orleans was 
 eventually saved. We have said that Gen. Jackson sought 
 direction in vain from our own government. It afterwards 
 appeared that a letter, authorizing a descent upon Florida, 
 was written by the Secretary at War, in July ; but, from 
 some unaccountable cause, was not received until the 17th 
 of January following. It has the effect, however, of show- 
 ing, that the judgment of the Secretary, as to the expediency 
 of the measure, under the circumstances of the case, coin- 
 cided with that of Jackson. Had the commanding General 
 shrunk from this step, had he longer hesitated, in all human 
 probability the city would have been captured and pillaged 
 — its female inhabitants would have become a prey to the 
 brutal lust of the soldiery — the country would have been 
 overrun by desolating invaders. The occupation of Pensa- 
 cola and St. Marks in 1818 took place under a similar neces- 
 sity, and rests for its justification upon the same principles. 
 The Spanish authorities in these places had become accessory 
 to those heart-rending cruelties, which, characterized by all 
 the horrors of savage warfare, had bathed the frontier settle- 
 ments in the commingled blood of their men, women, and 
 children. Our barbarous enemies, and their more barbarous 
 instigators, had been received, entertained, and encouraged 
 by the Spanish officers ; and were permitted to make the 
 Spanish territory a depository and a market for their plun- 
 der. It is an error prevalent among the friends as well 
 as the opponents of Gen. Jackson, to suppose that, in entering 
 the Spanish territory, he was governed solely by his own 
 judgment of the necessity of the case. This is not true. 
 Previously to his taking the field, our army in that quarter 
 was commanded by Gen. Gaines. This officer received an 
 order from the War Department, dated on the 16th of De- 
 cember, 1817, containing the following direction : "Should 
 "the Seminole Indians still refuse to make reparation for 
 " their outrages and depredations on the citizens of the United 
 
( ^'5 ) 
 
 « Stales, it is the wish of the President, that you consider 
 *< yourself at liberty to march across the Florida linCy and 
 " attack them within its limits" Very shortly afterward, Gen. 
 Jackson was ordered to take the command ; and was inform- 
 ed by the Secretary at War, under date of December 26th, 
 1817, that the government had been made acquainted with 
 " the increasing display of hostile intentions by the Seminole- 
 « Indians," and that Gen. Gaines had been " directed to 
 "penetrate from Amelia Island through Florida to the Semi- 
 " nole towns."" The Secretary then instructs the commanding 
 General, " with this view," to " concentrate" his " force," and 
 to adopt the necessary measures to terminate the conflict. 
 Jackson was influenced, then, in this case, not by his owft 
 opinion, but the opinion of the government — he acted, not 
 upon his own discretion, but under orders from the Depart- 
 ment of War — and cannot, upon any principle of justice, be 
 held responsible for a course, which was pursued in obedience 
 to superior authority. This ground of justification is com- 
 plete and immoveable. But had it no existence, the conduct 
 of Gen. Jackson, in this respect, would not be justly liable to 
 censure. Upon this subject, however, let us be silent, while 
 Mr. Adams speaks. His opinions, although expressed in 
 immediate reference to the invasion of 1818, are equally 
 applicable to that of 1814. We quote from the letter ad- 
 dressed by him, as Secretary of State, to the American Min- 
 ister at the Court of Spain, in the year 1818. Speaking of the 
 papers produced on the trial of Arbuthnot before the Court 
 of Inquiry, he says — " You will find these papers in the printed 
 "newspaper enclosed, and in the proceedings of the Court 
 "Martial, and will point them out to the Spanish govern- 
 " ment, riot only as decisive proofs of the unexampled com- 
 '■'■pliances of the Spanish Officers in Florida to foreign intru- 
 " sive agents and instigators of Indian hostilities against the 
 " United States, but as placing beyond a doubt that par licipa- 
 '•^tion of this hostile spirit my-tHe Commandant of St. 
 " Marks, which Gen. Jackson so Justly complains of, and of 
 " which we have so well founded a right to demand, the pun- 
 '■'■ ishment." In another part of the same letter he says — 
 " This exposition of tlur origin, the causes, and the charactei' 
 
 4 
 
( 26 ) 
 
 "of the War with tlie Seminole Indians and part of the 
 " Creeks, combined with M<Gregor's mock patriots and 
 ""Nicholl's negroes, wliich necessarily led out troops into 
 " Florida, and gave rise to all those incidents, of which Mr. 
 *' Pizarro so vehemently complains, will, it is hoped, enable 
 *' you to present other and sounder views of the subject to 
 " his Catholic Majesty's government. It will enable you to 
 " shew, that the occupation of Pensacola and St. Marks was 
 " occasioned neither by a spirit of hostility to Spain, nor with 
 *' a view to extort prematurely the province from her pos- 
 " session — that it was rendered ticcessary, by the neglect of 
 " Spain to perform her engagements of restraining the 
 " Indians from hostilities against the United States, and by 
 "the culpable countenance, encouragement, and assistance 
 " given to these Indians, in their hostilities, by the Spanish 
 " Governor and Commandant at those places." " Finally, in 
 *' restoring Pensacola and St. Marks to Spain, the President 
 " gives the most signal proofs of his confidence, that, here- 
 " after, her engagement to restrain, by force, the Indians of 
 « Florida from all hostilities against the United States, will be 
 " effectually fulfilled." " If the necessity of self defence 
 <* should again compel the United States to take possession of 
 «« the Spanish forts and places in Florida, declare, with the 
 " candour and frankness that becomes us, that another un- 
 « conditional restoration of them must not be expected.'^'* We 
 cite these opinions of Mr. Adams as entirely conclusive of the 
 question, so far as respects his own supporters. If Gen. 
 Jackson be guilty of this charge, then the person who re- 
 fused satisfaction or apology to the injured government of 
 Spain, and defended and justified the acts of which they com- 
 plained, has become of necessity an accessory to the guilt — 
 as clearly so, as the man who utters a counterfeit bill, know- 
 ing it to be forged, becomes a virtual participator of the ori- 
 ginal offence. But we have not yet done with the subject. 
 In the letter above referred to, we find the sentiments of Mr. 
 Monroe, then President of the United States ; which are thus 
 detailed by Mr. Adams—" The President will neither inflict 
 ^'punishment, nor pass a censure, upon Gen. Jackson, for 
 »■• that conduct, the motives for which were founded in the 
 
( 27 ) 
 
 '•PUREST PATRIOTISM, of t/te necessity foi' which he had the 
 *^most immediate and effectual means of forming a JiMig- 
 «' ment, and the vindication of which is written in every page 
 ^^ of the law ofnaiions, as well as in the first law of nature — 
 " self defence. He thinks it, on the contrary, due to the 
 "justice which the United States have a right to demand 
 " of the Spanish government, that inquiry sliall be instituted 
 " into the conduct of Don Jose Masot, Governor of Pensaco- 
 " la, and of Don Francisco C. Luenzo, Commandant at St. 
 "Marks; and a suitable punishment inflicted on them, for 
 "having, in defiance and violation of the engagements of 
 "Spain with the United States, aided and assisted those 
 " hordes of Savages in those very hostilities against the 
 " United States." We cannot better close tliis part of the 
 defence, than by inserting a note, addressed to Gen. Jackson 
 by the venerated Jefferson ; containing, not only an opinion 
 of his proceedings in the Seminole War, but an expression of 
 sentiment in relation also to the general character of the 
 man, who has been so bitterly reviled by many of those who 
 profess to have been brought up in the school of this great 
 founder of Republicanism. " Thomas Jefferson returns his 
 " thanks to Gen. Jackson for the copy lie has been so good as 
 " to send him, of the vmdication of the proceedings of the Semi- 
 " nole War. If doubts on those proceedings have existed in 
 " candid minds, this able vindication can scarcely fail to remove 
 " them. In addition to what had before been laid before the 
 " public, it brings forward some new views and new facts of 
 " great weight. On the whole, he cannot doubt but that the 
 ^^ gratitude of his country for former achievements, inll be 
 ^^ fortified by those new proof s of the salutary energies of 
 " THEIR GREAT BENEFACTOR. Hc salutcs thc Geiicral, ivith 
 " assurances of his constant and affectionate attachment and 
 " esteem.''^ After reading this cordial and unequivocal testimo- 
 nial of approbation from so distinguished a man, who can 
 place the least confidence in the accusations of the enemies 
 of Jackson I No one knew him better than Mr. Jefferson. He 
 had seen him by his side in the great contest for popular 
 rights, during the Presidency of the elder Adams — he had 
 been long familiar with his principles — he had been an eye- 
 
witness of his condiici, during the most tryhig period in our 
 political history. Where has there been found a more acute 
 discerner of human character — a purer patriot — a more 
 sincere man ? And. yet, he approves of the measures of 
 Jackson, and expresses for him a warm and " affectionate 
 attachment and esteem." On another occasion, in a conver- 
 sation with a friend who complained of some of Jackson's 
 proceedings, he zealously vindicated and entirely justified his 
 coiiduct as Governor of Florida, and his measures at New- 
 Orleans ; and with a manner strikingly emphatic, he made 
 this memorable declaration — " be assured, sir, that Jackson 
 " has more of the Roman in him — more of that devoted 
 " feelhig, which, in the love of country, forgets self, than any 
 " man now living." When this illustrious statesman was 
 made acquainted with the sentiments avowed by Mr. 
 Adams in his first message to Congress, he shuddered for the 
 security of our free institutions, and uttered the most gloomy 
 apprehensions. He thought he heard the knell of state 
 rights sounding in that document, and saw, in sad prospect, a 
 consolidated government about to rise upon their grave. 
 What disciple of his — nay, what American patriot, can reflect, 
 unmoved, upon the scene Mliich was exhibited, when the 
 venerable author of the Declaration of our Independence, 
 sinking under the weight of years, casting his view back over 
 the long course of an eventful life, which had witnessed the 
 great struggles that had given birth to our Repul)lican insti- 
 tutions, and Jiad subsequently restored them to their original 
 purity ; and looking forward, with fearful apprehension, lest 
 all those struggles should have been in vahi ; a gleam of hope 
 lighted up his countenance, while, as he thought upon his 
 favourite people, with his eyes raised towards Heaven, and 
 with the impressiveness of a departing prophet upon his lips, 
 he pronounced Jackson to be " almost the last hope'^ of his 
 beloved country. 
 
 The imputation of misconduct while Governor of Florida, 
 like most of the accusations preferred against Gen. Jackson, 
 is founded upon misrepresentation. There is no reasoning 
 required to show the strict propriety of his treatment of Cal- 
 lava. Nothing is necessary, but a plain statement of the 
 
( 29 ) 
 
 particulars of the transaction ; and the inference may be 
 safely left to the understanding of the community. The 
 treaty, by which Florida was ceded to the United States, pro- 
 vided, that all the public records, which related to private 
 property, should be surrendered to the new authorities. Cal- 
 lava, the former Spanish Governor, but who was now a 
 private citizen, retained in his possession, contrary to the pro- 
 visions of the treaty, awd in violation of every rule of justice 
 and humanity, the documents which were necessary to sub- 
 stantiate the title of a family of female orphan children to a 
 large estate, which had been left to them by will. He was 
 summoned before the Governor, as the highest judicial officer 
 of the territory, and ordered to deliver up these important 
 papers. He obstinately refused to obey this decree ; and, 
 by the exercise of a power which is inherent in every judicial 
 tribunal, he was imprisoned for a contempt of the authority 
 of the Court. Judge Fromentin, under a mistaken concep- 
 tion of his power, interposed a writ of habeas corpus — a pro- 
 cess which, at that time, was totally unauthorized within the 
 territory, and which, of course, was properly disregarded. 
 The papers were seized — the property in question was secured 
 to its rightful owners — and the fraudulent ex-Governor was 
 shortly afterwards released. Upon this statement of facts, 
 there cannot, we conceive, be two opinions. It was a struggle 
 between justice and fraud : in Avhich the former, under the 
 resolute administration of Jackson, could not fail to triumph. 
 This transaction was also approved by the government, and 
 conclusively vindicated by Mr. Adams. 
 
 The adversaries of Jackson, as unwearied in their efforts 
 to destroy his popularity, as they are unscrupulous about the 
 means of accomplishing their purpose, have lately discovered 
 a new ground of complaint, in his refusal to pardon the six 
 militia-men, who were condemned to death at Mobile in 1814. 
 The most extraordinary exertions have been made to extite 
 the feeUngs of the community upon this subject also, by a 
 total and most illiberal misrepresentation of the facts of the 
 case. A mere statement of the truth, as it has lately been 
 made to appear by public documents, upon a full investigation 
 jof the complaint inthcHouse of Representatives of theUnited 
 
( 30 ) 
 
 States, will afford a complete justification of the commanding 
 officer, on this occasion, in the eyes of every candid man. 
 It appears, by the muster-roll of the regiment, and by a letter 
 of Governor Blount, of Tennessee, to the Secretary at War, 
 that these men were called into service expressly for the term 
 of six months, commencing on the 20th of June, and termi- 
 nating on the 20th of December, 1814. An act of Congress 
 provides, that the militia, wiien called into actual service, 
 shall be subject to the rules and articles of war. One of 
 these articles declares, that the crime of which these men 
 were found guilty, shall be punished by death, or such other 
 penalty as by a Court-Martial shall be inflicted. The persons 
 in question, with about two hundred others, were charged 
 with mutiny, and with exciting mutiny in the army, pre- 
 viously to and upon the 19th day of September; a period at 
 which, if they had been detailed for three months only, tkey 
 would not have been entitled to a discharge. After a delibe- 
 rate and full investigation of these charges by the Court, they 
 were found guilty. The punishment of death was awarded 
 by the Court : but all, except the six ringleaders, were re- 
 commended to mercy ; and were pardoned, or but slightly 
 punished. These six, whose guilt was of the blackest die, 
 and one of whom, by the name of Harris, had actually carried 
 about the camp a subscription paper, to obtain the signa- 
 tures of those who would agree to desert, were left to the 
 sentence of the Court; and were executed accordingly. 
 We have thus given a plain inivarnished detail of the facts, 
 " established by the clearest proof ; and we appeal to every 
 honest man in the community, be he friend or foe, whether, 
 if he had been placed in similar circumstances, his conduct 
 W'ould not have been the same as that complained of in Gen. 
 Jackson. Numbers of men were executed during the late 
 war with Great Britain, for the same offence, under the orders 
 of Harrison, Brown, M'Arthur, and the various officers who, 
 at different times, and in different places, were at the head of 
 our armies; but upon the subject of these, not a murmur is 
 heard : nor would there have been in relation to those six 
 offenders, had not Gen. Jackson been brought forward as a 
 candidate for the Presidency. In all ages, nnd in all countries. 
 
( 31 ) 
 
 the crime of nmtiiiy has been considered of the most heinous 
 nature, and worthy of death. It strikes at the root of ail military 
 subordination — it endangers the safety of whole countries, 
 and the lives of whole armies — it is a ^iolation of that alle- 
 giance, which is due from the citizen to his government for 
 the protection he receives, without which civil polity cannot 
 exist — it is an offence the more unpardonable, from its being, 
 in almost all cases, and from its nature, deliberately com- 
 mitted. Had Gen. Jackson, from motives of false compassion, 
 in disregard of his duty, and of the rules of wholesome disci- 
 pline, extended a pardon to these atrocious offenders, the very 
 men, who now complain of his severity, would have been the 
 first to censure him for his weakness, and would have had 
 it in their power to present a much stronger case before an 
 intelligent community. Obvious as the reason and necessity 
 of this enforcement of military subordination must be, to the 
 mind of every man possessed of the least reflection, we will 
 not pass by the opportunity which it affords, of again referring 
 to the example of the illustrious chieftain of our Revolution, 
 who, in the year 1781, when a partial revolt of the Jersey 
 troops took place at Pompton in that state, caused the two 
 principal actors to be executed upon the spot ; and hesitated 
 not, in the succeeding year, to suppress a contemplated mu- 
 tiny in the Connecticut line, by consigning the ringleaders to 
 a similar fate. 
 
 After this explanation and defence of the conduct of Gen. 
 Jackson, in relation to the six militia-men, we need only ob- 
 serve, with respect to the execution of Woods, which is also 
 made a subject of accusation, that this man deserted, and 
 was pardoned — that, within a few days after, he again de- 
 serted, and that a pardon was again offered him, upon the 
 condition of his promising future good conduct — that he re- 
 jected the offer, defied the Court-Martial and the commanding 
 General, and died with mutiny upon his tongue. 
 
 We are aware of but one remaimng charge, which is worthy 
 of notice, in this defence of the conduct of Gen. Jackson. It 
 is said by his adversaries, that, in the year 1819, he waited in 
 the ante-chamber of the Senate of the United States, on the 
 last evening of the session, for the purpose of doing violence 
 
( 32 ) 
 
 to the person of one of the Senators; from tlie commission of 
 which, he was restrained by Commodore Decatur. It will 
 surely be sufficient for any candid inquirer after the truth to 
 know, that tliis charge was made after tire death of Commo-. 
 dore Decatur, and without citing any responsible authority ; 
 and that the particulars were, for the first time, pretended to 
 be given to the public in a newspaper paragraph, by John 
 Binns, the editor of the Democratic Press of Philadelphia: a 
 man, to whom, we think, we do no injustice, when we express 
 our conviction, that any ingenuous member of his own party 
 would be mortified to have it thought, that he gave credit to a 
 statement solely upon his authority. It was clearly per- 
 ceived, that, according to every principle of reason and 
 justice, it was incumbent upon the party preferring so foul an 
 accusation, to bring forward some proof to substantiate it: 
 and ,Mr. Tyler and Mr. Tazewell, of Virginia, were subse- 
 quently referred to, as having been informed of the fact by 
 Com. Decatur; but both these gentlemen, upon being ap- 
 plied to, denied that they ever heard from the Commodore a 
 syllable upon the subject. Gen. Call, now a resident of Flo- 
 rida, was the only person living at the time the complaint was 
 made, who was said to have been present on the occasion, 
 but he was never called upon by the accusing party, to com- 
 municate his knowledge of the transaction. These three 
 distinguished men were known to be strenuous supporters of 
 Gen. Jackson for the Presidency — a fact which, taken in 
 connection with their high character, was nearly conclusive 
 as to their disbelief of so heinous a charge. Under these 
 circumstances, in the absence of all proof to support the 
 accusation, and with the strongest presumption existing 
 against its correctness. Gen. Jackson himself was appealed 
 to ; and solemnly declared, that he was not once in the Senate 
 chamber or ante-chamber during the year spoken of — an 
 assertion which, if false, might certainly be contradicted by 
 many witnesses, and for the truth of which he referred to 
 Gen. Call, who, at the time alluded to, was his aid and almost 
 constant attendant, and who was said by the complaining party 
 to have been present at the altercation. He further declared, 
 that not a harsh word ever passed between himself and Com. 
 
( S3) 
 
 Decatur, during the wiiole course of their acquaintance. Since 
 this statement was made by Gen. Jackson, Gen. Call, becoming 
 apprised of the controversy "througli the medium of the 
 newspapers," has voluntarily stepped forward, and set the 
 whole matter for ever at rest. Witli the best means of knowing 
 the truth, he pronounces the accusation to be "a/i unqualified 
 tissue of falsehood and misrepresentation ;'"' and confirms, in 
 every particular, the answer wliich was given by Gen. Jackson 
 Jiimself. But we vdll present the testimony of this witness in. 
 Ills own words, by quoting fi-om a letter written by him, and 
 dated at Taliahasse, December 23d, 1827. In this letter he 
 says — "I accompanied General Jackson to Washington City, 
 'Mn the year 1819, during the memorable Seminole debate. 
 "I usually attended liim wherever he went; and to the best 
 "of my recollection and belief, he was not in the Senate 
 " Chamber, or in the ante-room of the Senate, at any time 
 ''during his visit. I remember frequently to have heard him 
 "invited by the members to visit the Senate while in session, 
 "and always heard him decline doing so, from motives of 
 "delicacy, as his official conduct was at that time a subject of 
 "investigation before that body. On the last evening of the 
 '■'session of the Senate, ! remember distinctly that I was not 
 "171 the ante-room of the Senate, and am equally confident 
 ^'that Gen. Jackson was not there. While at Washington, I 
 '•v.-itnessed, vs'ith the highest gratification, many interviews 
 "between Gen. Jackson and Com. Decatur. The cordiality 
 "of feeling, and the respectful deportment of those gentlemen 
 "towards each other, was such as might have been expected 
 "from the chivalry and generosity of their dispositions. What 
 "man of common understanding can believe for a moment, 
 " that an angry controversy could have taken place between 
 "Gen. Jackson and Com. Decatur, in the ante-chamber of the 
 " Senate, without its being immediately known to the public ; 
 "and yet I, as the aid.-de-camp of Gen. Jackson, though said to 
 " have been present on the occasion, never heard of the occur- 
 "rence, until informed of it through the medium of the news- 
 "papers.'^ The authors and propagators of this accusation, 
 unsupported by a single particle of evidence, and with their 
 own witnesses testifying directly against them, stand con- 
 
(34) 
 
 victed, before the tribunal of public judgmeiit,'of the most 
 odious and deliberate falsehood. 
 
 Having thus discharged the unpleasant duty of discussing, 
 and, we humbly trust, of satisfactorily refuting, all the objec- 
 tions urged against the elevation of Gen. Jackson to the 
 Presidency, which are calculated to have the least weight 
 with any serious mind ; we proceed to the more agreeable 
 task, of submitting to our Republican fellow-citizens, the va- 
 rious reasons by which we are influenced in supporting him 
 for that distinguished office. But, before we enter upon this 
 part of the subject, we cannot refrain from expressing the deep 
 mortification and regret which we experience, as American 
 Citizens, jealous of the honour of our country in the eyes of 
 foreign nations, at the illiberal course wliich many of our op- 
 ponents have chosen to pursue, in order to destroy the pre- 
 tensions of this eminent individual to an office, the competition 
 for which, it is the pride of our Constitution to proclaim, as 
 open to all. It might have been hoped, that respectability of 
 character, at least, would have been conceded to him, who 
 has received so many proofs of the admiration and gratitude 
 of his countrymen, and who, but a few years since, obtained 
 a plurality of their suffrages for the very distinguished station, 
 for which he is now a candidate. It might have been hoped, 
 that, after every public and every private act of his own life 
 had been rigidly scrutinized and vilely slandered, his accusers 
 would have stopped upon the threshold of that sanctuary, into 
 which it has ever been considered ungenerous and unmanly 
 to intrude. But such hopes, if indulged, were vain. The 
 vocabulary has been searched for epithets the most foul and 
 calumnious, with which to vilify and denounce the man, who 
 was honoured by the confidence and esteem of Washington, 
 Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe. He has been pronounced 
 a murderer, an adulterer, a traitor, a slanderer, a fool. Even 
 the most delicate relations of his domestic life have been vio- 
 lated ; and the jiious and amiable partner of his bosom has 
 been dragged forth to the public gaze, as a vile harlot. The 
 commonest acts of his most private intercourse have been 
 "basely and wantonly misrepresented ; and the grossest for- 
 geries have been resorted to, for the purpose of blackening his 
 
(35) 
 
 reputation. All this he has endured with a meek and digni- 
 fied patience. Conscious of his own innocence, secure of the 
 public trust and esteem, and relying upon the intelligence 
 and honesty of tlie great mass of the People, he cultivates 
 his farm in retirement, and smiles at tlio impotent and shame- 
 less efforts of his adversaries. The confidence of this exalted 
 patriot is not misplaced. Envy and jealousy may rage 
 around him, but vain is all their fury. It is his good fortune 
 to be elevated far beyond their reach. The envenomed 
 shafts, which, with ineffectual aim, are directed at his charac- 
 ter, expend their force in air, only to descend upon the heads 
 of his assailants. Washington and Jefferson, like him, 
 were reviled. Sustained by the strength of an enlightened 
 and virtuous people, like them, he shall not fail eventually ta 
 triumph. 
 
 Gen. Jackson is one of the few rejnaining soldiers of the 
 Revolution. The love of liberty, and of his country, which 
 has shed so brilliant a lustre over the meridian of his life, 
 dawned brightly upon his early youth. At the tender age 
 of fourteen, he v.'as fontid in arms, defending the rights of 
 man against British oppression ; and, to this day, he bears 
 upon his person the honourable memorial of a wound, re- 
 ceived in the great struggle for American freedom. In all 
 human probability, he is the last of that venerable band, 
 upon whom you will have it in your pov/er to bestow the 
 highest of earthly honours. And is it nothing to have bled 
 In the achievement of National Independence 1 Revolutionary 
 fathers ! the small remnant whom time has spared ! we ap- 
 peal to you — to you, who retain in lively remembrance the 
 toils, and dangers, and sacrifices of that eventful period, we 
 appeal — is it nothing to you, that he, who is now a candidate 
 for your suffrages, shared with you in the labours, and suffer- 
 ings, and glories of that memorable contest 1 Children of the 
 heroes of the Revolution ! is it nothing to yoi/, that Jackson 
 was an associate of the venerable " band of brothers," who 
 bore " the heat and burden" of that momentous day, and 
 from whom, you deem it the proudest of all titles to have 
 derived your descent ? To all those who now enjoy the rich 
 fruits of Independence, we appeal, and ask — is it nothing tQ 
 
( 3,6 ; 
 
 ypii^ that JacksDU shed his yoiilhful blood, to purchase for 
 you that bright inheritance, with wliicli the wealth of the In- 
 dies would be poverty in comparison ? We know the answer 
 of every generous bosom. While our liberty endures, we 
 have constantly before our eyes an impressive memorial of 
 the debt of gratitude which is due to those fearless patriots, 
 who, in the face of death, declared themselves and their 
 descendants free. 
 
 Thus honourably commenced the career of Jackson. 
 Since that time, and within the memory of most of us, 
 it was our fate to become involved in a second War, 
 for the preservation of those rights which were acquired 
 in the first. It was then that a powerful nation, not con- 
 tent with directing against us, by sea and by land, the suffi- 
 ciently dreadful means of legitimate warfare, let loose upon 
 our South Western frontier all the horrors of savage bar- 
 barity. Who then stepped forward to stay its murderous 
 ravages 1 It was Jackson. Quitting the peaceful cultivation 
 of his farm, and leaving to others the field where glory was 
 to be won by open fight with civilized combatants, he plunged 
 into the depths of the Wilderness. Here, amid the gloomy 
 and trackless waste,with the heavens for his covering and the 
 ground for his bed, he submitted to privations and sufferings 
 almost beyond human endurance. His course was obstructed 
 by the mountain torrent, and the lowland marsh — the rugged 
 steep, and the icy river. Hunger and thirst, cold and we\^ 
 mutiny among his men, and ill health in his own person, con- 
 spired to discourage his advance. But his was a spirit not 
 to be broken by pliysical suffering. His energy and ardour 
 rose with his difficuUies. With courage and fortitude, worthy 
 of a Roman, he stood aloft, a tower of encouragement to his 
 followers, and of terror to his enemies. The frontier inhabi- 
 tants received him with transport, as their deliverer from the 
 jaws of a horrible death. The almost total extermination 
 of tlieir savage invaders, brought back peace and security, 
 once more, to their rude dwellings. — The most gloomy pe- 
 riod of our contest with Great Britain now arrived. The 
 conflict, which had been hitherto marked by many brilliant 
 successes, shedding glor^upon the American arms, had been 
 
( 37 ) 
 
 aiteiided by its reverses too. The government had been 
 forced, not only to contend with an external foe, but to en- 
 counter also the virulent opposition of a powerful minority 
 at home. Peace had been suddenly concluded among the 
 JVutions of Europe ; and a large army, well disciplined, and 
 practised in fight, who had followed their renowned leader to 
 victory, until tliey bore the proud name of the " Invincibles 
 of Wellington," had just been deprived of employment in 
 the great continental war, and a considerable body of them 
 were known to be on their way to America. A feeling of 
 apprehension, increased by the dark forebodings of the op- 
 ponents of the Administration, spread, like a dark cloud, over 
 the face of the community. Even the moral courage of 
 Mr. Adams was now overcome : and his heart sunk within 
 him for very fear, while his terrified vision called up before 
 him, " the mass of force" which the " gigantic power" of 
 Great Britain had " collected, to crush us at a blow." But, 
 suddenly, light broke in upon the darkness. The formidable 
 force had landed near New-Orleans, confident of success ; 
 and, with '-beauty and booty" for their watchword, threaten- 
 ing fury and desolation to the devoted city. They had been 
 met and conquered. The bodies of three thousand of then: 
 number strewed the battle-field. Their leader was slain : 
 and the remainder of the army was driven from our soil. 
 Jackson was there, with his brave volunteers. He had never 
 desponded. When all around was consternation and dismay, 
 this was his memorable language — " Our watcliword is Vic- 
 »' tory or Death — our country must and shall be defended — 
 " We W'ill enjoy our liberty, or perish in the last ditch." It 
 was a noble resolution, and )iobly was it kept ! After the 
 lapse of a few years, we find this indefatigable man, instead 
 of reposing upon the laurels he had acquired, agam braving 
 the hardsliips of an Indian War upon the frontier, and again 
 successful. No one can deny, that he has « done the State 
 some service" — but he is a « Military Chieftain' —and so, 
 say his enemies, he is disqualified for civil office. Detestable 
 doctrine ! that would thus disfranchise a failliful servant of 
 the public, because he has done too much for his country! 
 Jackson is a man of iv-flexible integrity. It is remarkable 
 
( 38) 
 
 that, amid the torrents of abuse which have been poured 
 upon him from every quarter by his poUtical opponents, un- 
 til they have left him little better than a fiend, his stern 
 honesty has never been questioned. Corruption trembles at 
 his name. And never, since the organization of our srovern- 
 ment, was the firm exercise of this quality more called for, 
 than at the present period. A superfluity of offices, unlaw- 
 ful exactions, and a profuse expenditure of the public money, 
 are evils which call aloud for correction. That great abuses 
 have been suffered to creep into the bureaux of the different 
 departments at Washington, no one, at all acquainted with 
 the state of tilings there, can deny. And never will these 
 abuses cease, while the line of " safe precedent" is followed, 
 and the President taken from the cabinet. Never will they 
 cease to exist, until the people shall place at the head of af- 
 fairs, a man taken directly from their own bosom, possessed 
 of discernment to discover the corruption which prevails, of 
 perseverance to ferret it out from all its secret recesses, and 
 of firmness to destroy it, when brought to light. And who is 
 better fitted for this task than Jackson 1 Already is his eleva- 
 tion anticipated, and his terrible scrutiny dreaded, by the 
 swarm of officers at Washington. Already they see " the 
 hand-writing upon the wall;" and, like Belshazzar of old, as 
 they read their fate, their "thoughts are troubled" — their 
 " knees smite together." Many an arrow have they dis- 
 charged from their ambush near the capitol, against the 
 object of their terror — but his well tried character has been 
 his shield, and the love of the people his impregnable 
 rampart. 
 
 But Jackson is recommended to the support of his fellow- 
 citizens, not more by his integrity, than by his capacity. He 
 possesses, in an extraordinary degree, that native strength of 
 mind, that practical common sense, that power and discrimi- 
 nation of judgment, which, for all useful purposes, are more 
 valuable than all the acquired learning of a sage. He is 
 remarkable for his knowledge of human nature, and an intui- 
 tive penetration into the characters and motives of men. He, 
 has a mind fertile in resources — great promptness of de<iision, 
 when required — and inflexible firmness in the discharf^e of 
 
(39 ) 
 
 his duties. These are the very qualities by which General 
 Washington was recommended, and the very qualities in 
 which Mr. Adams is deficient. Accordingly, it has been the 
 uniform policy of his supporters to keep them as much as 
 possible out of view. While advocating the cause of their 
 favourite candidate, they do not contrast his correctness of 
 judgment, his knowledge of mankind, or his steadiness of 
 purpose, with the same qualities in Gen. Jackson. If they 
 did, stubborn facts would contradict them. If they talked of , 
 his judgment, a series of indiscretions would stare them in the 
 face. True judgment consists in selecting useful objects of 
 exertion, and in the proper adaptation of means to secure the 
 ends in view. Here, they would be reminded of his choice 
 of Secretary of State ; which, even if Mr. Clay were perfectly 
 iimocent of the charges made against him, was, to say the 
 least of it, under the circumstances of the case, an inexpedi- 
 ent measure, and set the country in a blaze. They would be 
 reminded of the Panama Mission : which consisted in sending 
 Ministers at great expense to a Congress, which could never 
 be found, and- at which, if it had existed, they could have 
 been of no earthly use to our country. They would be re- 
 minded of the loss of the Colonial trade ; which, by proper 
 measures adopted in time, might undoubtedly have been 
 secured — of the degrading comparison which he has insti- 
 tuted between the gallant officers of our navy, and those of 
 other maritime nations — of his design to interfere with the 
 religious opinions of the Catholics of South America — and so, 
 of many other senseless projects, and unnecessary failures, 
 which, with the absence of one single important object effect- 
 ed, either for the good of the nation, or their own popularity, 
 prove the present to be, either a most unfortunate and ill- 
 fated, or else a most feeble and ill-judging admniistration. 
 
 Did his friends boast of his knowledge of mankind, they 
 would be met in the very teeth by his Ebony and Topaz 
 toast, and the explanatory speech that followed it ; which, 
 instead of answering the purpo.se for which they were in- 
 tended, of increasing his favour with the people, and remov- 
 ing the impression created by his letter to Leavett Harris, 
 accomplished neither the one thing nor the other, but, on the 
 
( 40) 
 
 contrary, excited the ridicule of liis opponents, and the in- 
 dignation and disgust of many even of his friends. They 
 would be met by liis harsh exasperation of the Governor of 
 Georgia, which well nigh threw the country into the horrors 
 of a civil war — by his rash and ungentlemanly persecution of 
 the chivalrous Porter, whose wounded feelings compelled 
 him to leave the service of his country — ^by his selection of a 
 man broken down by the infirmities of age, as our Minister 
 at the Court of St. James, at a crisis wliich called for vigorous 
 exertion — and by his numerous appointments to office, which 
 have been evidently made with a view of strengthening 
 his cause, but which, in almost every instance, have had the 
 effect of alienating his friends, without conciliating liis ene- 
 mies. Were his advocates to praise him for his steadiness of 
 purpose, they could not conceal from the pubUc, the notorious 
 fact, that the present administration has been characterized by 
 vacillation and inconsistency — that they have trimmed their 
 sails to every appearance of a breeze, from whatever quarter 
 it was expected ; whilst, with their repeated veering, they have 
 evidently been carried backward instead of forward, and are at 
 this moment drifting, with friglitful rapidity, upon a lee shore. 
 These are all vulnerable points in Mr. Adams's character. His 
 friends know it, and keep them in the shade. They talk, in 
 swelling strains, of his learning, and diplomatic skill. That he 
 possesses diplomatic experience we do not deny : but his diplo- 
 matic skill is subject of serious question. He has been so 
 often and so boldly pronounced a great diplomatist, that 
 many have taken it for granted that the assertion must be 
 true. But let us not be led away by mere sound. Where 
 are the proofs of his skill 1 What benefit has the country thus 
 far derived from his diplomatic talents 1 We call upon his 
 supporters to answer these questions. We know that in ne- 
 gotiating tlie treaty for the purchase of the Florida?, from 
 neglect or oversight in one instance, and from a gross ignor- 
 ance of the Constitution of Spain in another, he failed to effect 
 one important object, which he fancied he had rendered 
 secure ; and has left the title of the Ihiited States and their 
 grantees, to immense tracts of land in that territory, extreme^ 
 ly doubtful, if not clearly invalid. We know that, in negotia- 
 
(41 ) 
 
 1 
 
 ting tlic treaty of Giio»\t, lie endeavoured to barter the naviga- 
 tion of the Mississippi for an unniiportant interest in the 
 fisheries ; from which he was restrained by his colleagues. 
 We know that he lost the Colonial trade ; which, at his own 
 request, was left to his negotiation ; when, by the passage 
 of an act of Congress, it might have been retained. We 
 know that our government has been insulted, the property of 
 our citizens illegally seized, and our seamen imprisoned, by 
 the insignificant state of Brazil ; and that no satisfaction has 
 been obtained ; but that both the insult and the injury have 
 been quietly submitted to. 
 
 That Mr. Adams is possessed of learning too we are willing 
 to admit. We are not ignorant that he has received a college 
 education — that he has been a professor of rhetoric — that he 
 can round a period, dress out a figure, and exhibit in his 
 writing many of the graces of classical composition. He 
 may bo a philosopher, a la\vyer, an elegant scholar, and a 
 poet too, forsooth, (we know he wrote doggrel verses upon 
 Mr. Jefferson,) and yet the nation maybe little better off for all 
 these endowments and accomplishments. That he is learned 
 we are willing to admit : but his wisdom we take leave to 
 question, and again call for proof. It is not displayed in his 
 public measures, as we have already seen. Where else are 
 we to look for it 1 It may exist ; but, if so, it has remained thus 
 far in a latent state. We confess our attachment to the 
 homely doctrine, thus happily expressed by the great Englis 
 poet : — 
 
 That not to know of thinffs remote 
 " From use, obscure and subtle, but to know 
 '• That which before us lies in daily life, 
 '• Is the prime wis-dom." 
 
 Tliis wisdom we believe that Gen. Jackson possesses in an 
 eminent degree — and that he is destitute of that useful and 
 practical learning, which is necessary to qualify him for the 
 Presidency of the union, we utterly deny. Were he ignorant 
 and illiterate as his enemies represent him, it is an absurdity 
 to suppose that he would have been elevated to the first 
 offices in his own State, and in the Union ; or that he could 
 have filled those offices even with respectability. After a 
 
(42) 
 
 previous course of study, he was regularly admitted to the bar 
 of North Carolina ; whence he removed to Tennessee, Be- 
 fore he had attained the age of twenty-six years, he was ap- 
 pointed by Gen. Wasliington, Attorney General of the terri- 
 tory. At the age of twenty-nine, he was chosen a member 
 of the Convention, to frame a Constitution for the State. Du- 
 ring the same year, he was elected a representative to Con- 
 gress. In 1797, when only thirty years of age, he was ap- 
 pointed a Senator of tire United States. Two years afterward, 
 he was made a Justice of the Supreme Court of the State, and 
 remained in that office for six years. In 1814, he was ap- 
 pointed by Mr. Madison to negotiate a treaty with the Indians. 
 By I^Ir. Monroe he was created Governor of Florida ; was 
 offered the Secretaryship at War ; and, subsequently, an em- 
 bassy to Mexico. He has since been, a second time, one of 
 the Senators of the United States from Tennessee. Few 
 men can exliibit more numerous and striking proofs of pubhc 
 confidence ; especially when it is considered, that they were 
 so many acts of homage paid to merit, and all conferred 
 without solicitation or request. In the whole course of his 
 service, in the various offices which he consented to accept, no 
 man can adduce a single complaint of his want of integrity 
 or ability, by the authority from which the appointment em- 
 anated : whether it be his constituents in Tennessee, the Le- 
 gislature of that State, or the general government. On the 
 contrary, he has received from them all, at various times, the 
 most flattering marks of their esteem and approbation. Not- 
 withstanding these facts, it has been lately discovered, if the 
 friends of the present administration are to be believed, that 
 he can neither write grammatically, nor spell : but that, both 
 in syntax and orthography, he is decidedly inferior to an or- 
 dinary school-boy of twelve years of age. This is too heavy 
 a tax upon public credulity. The attempt at imposition is as 
 senseless, as the charge is mahcious, and the evidence dis- 
 graceful The preposterous accusation was endeavom-ed to 
 be sustained by the basest forgery ; which, if it had not been 
 obvious in itself, could not fail to be detected by means of the 
 many public documents, and the thousand private letters, 
 \yhich hav2 >:i.-a5 from his pen in the course of a long and 
 
( 43 ) 
 
 active life, and which have accordingly sprung up, in all parts 
 of the country, for public inspection, to fasten upon his as- 
 sailants the double charge of slander a!id forgery. Is it not 
 equally futile to suppose, as liis enemies assert, that he has 
 had a literary friend ever at his elbow, to prepare Iiis most 
 private and confidential communications — or, if he had, tliat 
 he should himself defeat this elaborate scheme of deception, 
 by waving this assistance in two or three instances, and those 
 the very communications which would be most likely to meet 
 the public eye 1 
 
 But we owe an apology to the feelings and intelligence 
 of the conununity, for having dwelt so long upon a 
 charge wiiicli is repugnant to the common sense of every 
 man in society. The truth is, that the productions of Gen. 
 Jackson are not only connect in point of grammar and or- 
 thography, but are marked by a manly and nervous style, 
 strikingly characteristic of their author. Not to mention 
 other instances, his farewell address to his troops at New- 
 Orleans, and his replies to the various addresses which were 
 made to him upon his re-visiting the scene of Ms glory at the 
 commencement of Uie present year, will bear a safe compari- 
 son with any similar productions from the pen of Mr, Adams. 
 
 In addressing Republicans, we trust that we present no 
 unimportant claim of Gen. Jackson to their support, when 
 we say, that he has been, ever since the formation of the 
 party, an uniform Republican. He has been always fo"Bnd 
 upon the side of the People, from the day when he poured 
 out his youthful blood for their Independence, tlirough the 
 disastrous period of the Alien and Sedition laws, up to the 
 present time, when a grateful country is seeking to confer 
 upon him a glorious reward for all his services, by elevating 
 him to the proud pinnacle of human honour. Viewed in ihis 
 light, what a shining contrast docs his character present, 
 when opposed to that of Jolm Quincy Adams. ^Viio dare 
 assert that Mr. Adams has been an uniform Republican? Had 
 he been a cdnsislent Federalist, he would be entitled to some 
 respect as a politician : but even this praise he forfeited, by 
 his pretended apostacy from that party in 1807. Amidat all 
 the fulsome eulogiums which have been lavished upon rim 
 
by his political adherents, (for personal adherents he never 
 had, and never will have while the laws of repulsion continue 
 to exist,) no one of them has been bold enough to rank 
 steadiness of principle among his commendable qualities. The 
 high-toned federal spirit, which was lighted at the parental 
 fire in his youth, and wliich burned with an almost monarchical 
 flame in the essays of Publicola, although for many years it 
 was carefully smothered, was never extinguished in liis bo- 
 som ; and has again blazed forth, with all its " original bright- 
 ness," in his first Presidential message. The snake was 
 " scotched, not killed ;" and is now entwining its venomous 
 folds around every branch of the government. The doctrines 
 avowed in the document referred to, are ult^-federal ; and 
 evince a determination to establish a powerful, a magnificent, 
 and "a costly general government, at the expense of the in- 
 dividual sovereignties which compose the confederation. If 
 these doctrines have not been followed up to thekr full extent, 
 the thanks are due, not to the forbearance of the President, 
 but to the salutary restraint imposed upon him by the ap- 
 proaching popular election. It should never be forgotten, 
 that the present administration has not yet been seen in its 
 worst character. Let the dread of popular resentment be 
 removed by a re-election, and all its terrors will then be un- 
 folded. Then will come the redemption of pledges, the pro- 
 motion of favourites, the creation of new offices, extravagant 
 expenditures, misconstructions of the Constitution, invasions 
 of State rights, arbitrary assertions of power, and all the 
 train of evils attendant upon a sumptuous and high-handed 
 government. Then will come the second " Reign of Ter- 
 ror." We doubt not the Vessel of State will survive the 
 storm : but she that set out in stately trim, with streamers 
 and pennons flying, will be returned to her owners weather- 
 beaten, and strained in every seam. 
 
 Fellow Republicans^ 
 
 We have now laid before you our views in relation to the 
 existing political controversy. We again entreat you to give 
 them a candid consideration. We should not have discharged 
 our duty, had we not animadverted, with freedom, upon the 
 
( 45 ) 
 
 public character and public acts of Mr. Adams. Although 
 strongly urged by feelings, which are natural to the human 
 breast, to retaliate upon our adversaries for the abusive and 
 unmerited attacks, which, without shame and without provo- 
 cation, they have seen fit to makeupon the jori-ua^e transactions 
 and relations of a great and good man ; and though abundant 
 materials presented themselves to our hands, and seemed to 
 invite us to the task ; we have thought it more magnanimous 
 in ourselves, more worthy of the noble minded personage 
 whose caufee we have espoused, and more respectful to the 
 feelings of a generous community, to desist from the inquiry, 
 and to leave the personal failings of our political opponent, to 
 the secret retribution of his own conscience. If it be thought 
 that, at any time in the course of this address, an undue degree 
 of warmth has been exhibited, we trust it will be imputed, not 
 to malevolence of spirit, but to a generous indignation, at wit- 
 nessing the conduct and course of an administration, whose 
 origin and progress we strongly disapprove ; and to an 
 unaffected regret, at seeing the Republican party, once so 
 powerful, laid prostrate, for a time, at the feet of its opponents, 
 by the ungrateful treachery of pretended friends. 
 
 Fellow Republicans, 
 
 With these feelings, we exhort you to vigilance. The 
 power which has been obtained by hypocrisy and corruption, 
 can only be preserved by intrigue and deception. Every 
 artifice has been employed, and will continue to be used, for 
 the purpose of blinding your eyes to your own interests, 
 and the character of the present coalition. Their cause can 
 never be truly yours. Yet, they have endeavoured to persuade 
 you, that their usurpation of the government has been coun- 
 tenanced by those, in whom you justly repose your highest 
 confidence. You have been told that Mr. Crawford was their 
 supporter. But his sentiments you have heard. They have 
 sought to make you believe, that they possessed the sanction 
 of the venerable ex-Presidefts,* Madison and Monroe; and 
 have endeavoured to keep this fraud alive, by nominating 
 those gentlemen as Electors for the State of Virginia, and 
 ^elavinsr, for several weeks to inform then: of the nomination. 
 
{ 46 ) 
 
 Bht tiiis bubble liiis also burst. Those distinguished men 
 couldnot be induced to prostitute their well-earned reputation, 
 to secui-e the continuance of a dynasty, so anti-republican in 
 its inception and proorress. Bk watchful, and there is 
 notliiaiT to fear from these attempts at imposition. You are 
 too enlightened to be again deceived, and too virtuous to be 
 ever seduced. Once more we call upon you to arouse in your 
 strength, and recover the ground you have lost. It is not yet 
 too late. Adversaries and false friends have announced your 
 dissolution: but in this they either deceive themselves, op 
 seelc to deceive others. Your glory is obscured, but not 
 extingaished. Your sun is eclipsed, but it is only by a passing 
 cloud. Be active, and your foes shall soon perceive, that 
 they have roused the sleeping lion. The party is not dissolved. 
 The noble superstructure was not erected upon the perishing 
 politics of a day, nor upon the transient popularity of a favourite 
 individual. Its foundations were laid in those solid principles, 
 wliich have an enduring nature ; which are co-existent with 
 our government ; and which can only fail, when the glorious 
 fabric of our liberty, raised, under Providence, by the toils and 
 sufferings of our fathers, and consecrated by the blood of 
 martyrs in the cause of freedom, shall become a heap of ruins. 
 Do you ask what those principles are 1 Contrast the first 
 Presidential message of Mr. Jefferson ^^^th that of Mr. Adams, 
 and you can no longer doubt. Compare the measures of the 
 present Administration with those of Mr. Jefferson, and those 
 principles will stand in bold relief. If we have not fallen short 
 of our design, we have already presented them to you in this 
 address. 
 
 Fellow Republicans of the State of Kew~York, 
 
 Much, very much, in the api)roac]fu)g struggle, will depend 
 upon yon. Upon you the eyes of the whole Union are ear- 
 nestly fixed. He, who has intruded himself into the chief- 
 magistracy of the Union, looks with anxiety to you, as those 
 by whom his doom is to be pro^^ounced. The sound of that 
 portentous voice, which issued from New-York in 1800, still 
 vibrates on his ear. He feels that an Administration, which 
 lias not the favour of the people, cannot endure. He heard 
 
(47 ) 
 
 the knell of his political death in the result of the last Con- 
 gressional election. But he is resolved not to surrender 
 without a struggle. The most desperate efforts have been 
 made, and are still makmg, in various parts of the Union, to 
 avert his destiny. His footsteps have been seen even among 
 ^yourselves. A casual excitement, which originated in com- 
 passion for the fate of an unfortunate individual, and which had 
 nothing political in its nature, has been kept alive and 
 cherished by the most unhallowed means, and sought to be 
 made subservient to party purposes. Money has been ex- 
 pended, appointments have been made, and every contrivance, 
 which the ingenuity of man could devise, has been used to 
 attach you to the present Administration. But all has been 
 in vain. You came forward in your strength at the late elec- 
 tion, and spread consternation and terror through all the do- 
 mains of the coalition. The tlurone of the usurper shook as 
 with an earthquake. One effort more, and it will tumble into 
 ruin. Do not rest in a false security. You are contending 
 with a crafty and vigilant foe. Do not be satisfied with a bare 
 victory. The enemy must be routed and dispersed. It is 
 only in this way that you can be secured from the danger of 
 subsequent attack. Look around you^ and see who your ad- 
 versaries are. Look at th^ metropolis of your state. Who 
 are the friends of the Administration there 1 Are they the old, 
 consistent members of your party, who stood by their country 
 in her days of trial? No ! You observe among them men of 
 all sorts and opinions, ranged under the same parti-coloured 
 flag, and headed by whom ? by the famous Dartmoor Agent, 
 and the Secretary of the Hartford Convention. How 
 must the Republicans of New-York have degenerated from 
 the spirit of former times, if they can consent, Avithout scruple 
 and without shame, to be conducted to defeat, or even to 
 victory, by leaders such as these ! We conjure you by all 
 that you most highly value — by your remembrance of the 
 past, and your hope for the future — by the achievements of 
 your fathers, and the welfiire of your posterity — by the glo- 
 rious destinies of our country, and the inestimable principles 
 of our party — by tlie Constitution, and the freedom it secures — 
 that you steadfastly resist, and resolutely put down, the en- 
 
( 48 ) 
 
 croachments which are making upon the rights of the people. 
 Union and activity will ensure your success. The followers 
 of Jackson have been once betrayed, but they have never 
 been defeated. Marshal all your forces then — unfurl the 
 banners of the Republican party — and let the campaign com- 
 mence. Our opponents are already in the political field. 
 Our cause is the cause of Freedom and the Constitution. 
 Our watchword is "JACKSON AND VICTORY." 
 
 AARON O. DAYTON, 
 . WILLIAM H. BUNN, 
 
 CHARLES L. LIVINGSTON, 
 JOHN HILLYER, 
 ISAAC DYCKMAN, 
 JOHN HARRIS, 
 ABRAHAM V. WILLIAMS, 
 ELIJAH J. ROBERTS, 
 JACOB S. BOGERT, 
 ALEXANDER MING, Jun. 
 ABRAHAM LE FOY, 
 JOHN COX, 
 CHARLES J. DODGE, 
 EDWARD M. MURDEN, 
 
 Corresponding Committee. 
 
 JOHN MONTGOMERY, Chairman. 
 RICHARD GRANT, Jun. Secretary.