.0- i>>..-^- ♦;-**. .o*.."-. *o ♦ AY r^ • ^ ^9^ ^w '' • » * v^ <^ *- » . - . » * A <^ *' a-^^^,*. >o^ * .^^ "^^ s^y '>0 .-i^x. ^^ s^.. 5^r A _ t / # - n^ .0^ . '" "'^••^ %.^^ .«?-v 0^^ »»JiMiui' .M ii-ii',^-iii«.-^Mj»i.<;jij«jmt«iu<.i4..'imii» ■ ■ ^..-^iiiamiti.iw ■■■.»»« .«« .i« iii«T.ii?rrT . .1 1 1 i « 1 " SS SPEECHES Oli^ AT THE OOKVENTIOKS Held at Albany January 31, 1861, and Septembsr 10, 1862. ■») ii i*M»M iB5 •-? 1^440 SPEECHES lYMOUR tlie Conventions lield at Albany January 31, 1861, and September 10, 1862. m. SBIMOCII'S SFEEfill, At the Conveiitjoa iieJd at Albany, Hon Horatio Setmodr appeared npon the stand, and was received with loud and long continued applause. He said : It. has been truly said by the President of this Convention that we do not meet for parti- san purposes, althoajrh wo are asgevnbled in pursuance of a call issued by a political organi- zation. There was no other mode by which ■wo could act as a representative body. The people of the State are divided ioto two great parties, one of which gave at the late Presiden- tial contest more th»n three hundred and fifty thousand, and the other more than three hun- dred and ten thousand votes for their respec- tive candidates. "We have waited with p.itieut expectation for some elibrt on the part of the responsible majority to avert the calamities which overhang our country We have h*i!ed with joy every indication of a desire on their part to meet the duties of their position. We have given a cordial approval to every patriotic expression coming from individuals of that par- ty, whether uttered through hi-s Journal by the able R"publican leader of the State, by the distinguished Senator at 'vVcshington, or by a T-atrioiic and intelligent Memter of our Legis- lature. The hope.s excited by those expres- sions have died away. Our country is on the verga of ruin, and now, in behalf of the great organizit'on we represent and of those who, since the late election, have joined our ranks, we meet to confront the dangers which menace lis. I believe jn our resolutions we shall utter the sentiments of a vast majority of the people of New York We shall rise above political purposes. We shall indulge in no reproaches — patriotic purposes in the past must be shown by patriotic action now. The acts of this day will throw light upon our motives in what we have done, and will influence oar conduct in the future. As I have been placed npon the committee which is to frame resolutions for your conside- ration, I wish to state my views of the policy which should guide us and the sentiments we should put forth to the world. Three score and ten years, the period alloted for the lifo of man, have rolled away since George Wasbiugion was inaugurated first Presi- dent of tlie United States, in the city of New York Vt^e were then among the feeblest peo- ple r;f the earth. The flag of Great Britain still waved over Oswego with insulting defiance of our national rights, and the treaty recognizing our independence. The powers of the world re- garded us with iaditierence or treated us with contemptuous injustice. So swift has been our progress under the influence of our Union that but yesterday we could defy the world in arms, and none dared to insult our flag. When our Constitution was inaugurated tbo utmost en- thnsissm pervaded our land. Stern warriors who had fought the battles of the Revolution wept for joy. Glad processions of men and women marched with triumphal pride along the streets of our cities — holy men of God prayed in his Temples that the spirit of fra- ternal love, which had shaped the compromises of th*? Constitution, might never fade away, and that sectional bigotry, hate and discord might never curse our land. Amid this wild enthu-xiasm there was no imagination so excited . nor piety with faith bo strong that it foresav the full influeace of the event then celebrated. Some yet live to see onr numbers increased li'om four to thirty millions, our territories quadrupled and extended from the Atlantic to the PaciUc. oar power and progress t^e wonder of the world. Alas, sir, they also live to see the patriotism and fraternal love, which have wrought out these marvelloas results, die out, and the mightj fabric o! our goveramenr, about to crumble and fali, becaaie the virtues which reared and upheld it have departed from our councils. What spectEcle do we present to-day ? Al- ready six States have withdrawn from this Confederacy. Revolution has actually begun. The term "secession" divests it of none of its terrors, nor do arguments to prove secession inconsistent with our Constitution stay its pro- gress, or mitigate its evils. All virtue, patriot- ism and intelligence seem to have fied from our national Capitol; it has been well likened to the conflagration of an asylum for madmen — some look on with idiotic imbecility, some in sullen silence, and some scatter the tireba&nds which consume the fabric above them, »n(^r)ng upon all a common dostrncaon. Is there one revolt- ing aspect in this scene whi. '^as not its para.1- lel at the GapiCol of your 'j.juiitry? Do you not see tLere the senseless ifxioeciiity, the gar- rulous idiocy, the maddened rage displayed with regard to potty personal passions and party purposes, while the glory, the honor and the safety of the rountry are all forgotten. The same pervading fanaticism has brought evil upon all the institutions of our land. Our churches are to;n asunder and desecrated to partisan purpo-ses. The wrongs of our local legislation, the giowing burdens of debt and taxation, the gradual destruction of the Afri- can in the free States, which is marked by each recurring census, are all due to the ne- glect of our own duties, caused by the com- plete absorption of the public mind by a sense- less, unreasoning fanaticism. The agitation of the question of slavery has thus far brought greater social, moral and legislative evils upon the people of the free States than it ha>i upon the institutions of those against whom it has been excited. The wisdom of Franklin stamped upon the 8r?t coin issued by our government, the wise uiotto, "' mind your business .'" The violatio"2 Oi the iiomely proverb which lies at the fo'iT'-i rtion of the doctrines of local rights has, thuc iar, proved more hurtful to th© med- dlers i;; iri^ o'jvi'ivh of others thai' to those againsi; \in in the late war, when their number^ were less than 3 500,- 000. Nay, more, whi'e she armed Indian savages to carry murder sind rapine into the homes of the North, she atte[".pted to excite a servile insurrection in the Soutii. For this we cursed her brutal inhuTTj.?nity. Her own in- dignant 8tate3men expressed their abhorrence on the floor of Parliament; and yet, at this day, those who quote British journals to influence American opinions, have intimated that there might be a gratification of their hate in the burning homes of murdered families of their own countrymen, or by cutting the embank- ments of the Mississippi and submerging their land. But some have suggested w'ta comilacent air that the South could be easily snbiugated by blockading their ports with a f«w ships of war. Let these gentlomen stu'ly the geogra- phy of onr country. While the Atlantic coast line of the Northern States is 851 miles, that of the South, including the Gulf of Mexico, is 3,076. We have 189 >,nd they have 'Jiv' har- bors. Great Britain, with her immense fleet, attempted blockade, and f«.iled. But, nssaming the success of this m;'3,.%urt who are to be the sufferers? Are we w^ing w.sr npon the >onth or upon the North? Upon the Southern plan- ter, or upon tho Northern mercbRnt, manu- faciurer and mechanic? This coasting trade is the chief support of Northern oomnierco — tho prize which Great Britain strngo;led so long and so persistently to gain. Not only do our ships carry the prod::ct8 of the South, but, at this time, our manufacturers annually consume of their cotton to the amouyt of more than $40 000,000. In tbd hand? of Northern car- riers and artisuna, this bomaips worth raoro than §150,000,000. The wbole price for thi- cotton crop received from aii the world about $200,000,000 each year, is pa'd out to the labor and industry of tho North. We can inflict great misery npon the South, but conld human ingenuity devisa a warfarf more destructive to all the interests of tho Northern States of this Confederacy? But, say cir Tieuublican friends, these evils may be h verted by onr internal channels. If we thus evade the blockade of the Soutb, to what end is all it cost brought on us? Is it sn object to disturb the courj^o of trade, in order to ruin Northern soamen and merchants and cities? But let us leave these pecuniary considera- tions for others more weighty with every pa- triot. Upon what field shall this contest be waited ? Upon what spot shall American shad American blood ? Whore, on this broad con- tinent, shall we fiad the arena, where every association and memory of the past will not forbid this fratricidal contest ? Or, when un- natural war shall have brought upon our peo- ple its ruin, and upon our nation its shame, to what ground shall we be brought at last ? To that we should have accepted at the outset. The question is simply this: Shall we have compromise after the war, or compromise with- out war* Shall we be aided in this settlement by the loss of national honor, the destruction of individual interest, the shedding of blood. and by carrying misery and mourning into the homes of our people? Mr. President, the honor of the North, the parties to the controversy, and the object in dispute, demand a compro- mise of this difficulty. I say the honor of the North demands a conciliatory policy. When our Constitution was formed there was but one free State. To day there are 19 free" and 15 slave States. Then there were but two Sena- tors from the free States; now we have a ma- jority of eight in the Senate, and this will soon be increased. Than there wore but eight re- presentatives from the free States; um^er the census of 1860 we will have the proportion of 151 members to 75. Then our population was about equally (jlivided between the Northern and Soutbern States (the N jrth 1 9li8,455, the South 1,901,372;) to-day we number more than 18.000 000, they about 12 000 000. Those results are due not alone to natural causes, but to the policy that favored the commercial interest and immigration from other lands. This policy has ever been up- held loyally by the South, and history tells you by whom it was opposed. Would it not be base aud cowardly to withold at this day those courtesi33 and that cousideralion which \ we showed in the days of their comparative I strength? lid not one of our distinguished! Senators then declare that comity demanded ' that wo should permit them to travel through our State with their slaves, and that, therefore, he was opposed to the repeal of the law which allowed them to rem'iin hero for a period of nine months; and did not his colleague, then a member of the House of Ropresontatives, vote against allowing a petition for abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia to be read or referred? Were bills designed to embar- rass the exercise of their rights to reclaim fugi- tives, then fjund upon the Statute books of the Northern States? By the increase of our popula- tion, under the adjustment of the Constitution, the power and control of the destioies of our coun- try, are placed in the hand of the North. Does not every sentiment of patriotism and of hones- ty demand that wo shall exercise this power in :i spirit of conciliation and forbearance? Aud is it not a just cause for alarm to our Southern brethren to find men and journals who stcod by them in the pist, now becoming their most bitter and unscrupulous assailants, when their political power is weakened? It grows out of the acquisition of territories not contemplated by the Constitution — out of an expansion of our territory from 820,680 to 2 936 166 square mihs. In tho progress of our country this has given rise to contlictiag vie^s, and our leading state.smen have, at diilbrent times, held incontiatent opinions. Air. Calhoun, at one time, decided, while a member of the Cabinet, that Congress had the power of legis- lating upon territorial questions. At a later day he took the opposite ground. John Quincy Adams, who opposed the admission of Mis- souri as a slave Slate in 1836, on the occasioQ of the admission of Arkansas, used the Ibllow- ing language: '•Mr. Chairman — I cannot consistently with my sense of my obligations as a citi/.en of the United States, and bound by oath to support their Constitution, / cannot object to the admis- sion of Arkansas into the Union as a slave Slate; I cannot propose or agree to make it a condition of her admission that a Convention of her peo- nle shall expunge this article from her Constttw tion. She is entitled to admission as a slave State as Louisiana and Mississippi, aud Ala- bama and Missouri, have been admitted, by virtue of that article in the treaty for the ac- quisition of Louisiana, which secures to the in- habitants of the ceded territories all the rights, privileges and immunities of the original citi- zens of the United States, and stipulates for their admission, conformably to that principle, into the Union. Louisiana was purchased as a country wherein slavery was the established law of the land. As Congress have not power in time of peace to abolish slavery in the original States of the Union, they aro equally destitute of the power in those parts of the territory ceded by France to the United States, by the name of Louisiana, where slavery existed at the acquisition. Slavery is, in this Union, tho subject of internal legislition in the States, and in peace is cognizable by Congress oaly, as it is tacitly tolerated and protected where it exists by the Coastitution of the United States, and as it mingles in their intercourse with other nations. Arkansas, therefore, comes, and has the right to come into the Union with her slaves and her slave laws. It is written in the bond, and however I may lament that it over was so written, I must faithfully peiiurm its obliga- tions " The region acquired by the Louisiana pur- chase, oxteading from the Gulf of Mexico to the Canadian lino, and, on its Northern limit, reaching from the Mississippi to the F^cilic, comprehends most that is valuable and jmpor- tantof the remaining territories. Citizens of the South hold as confidently and as sincerely that they are entitled to carry their slaves into this region, as does the Republican that thoy have no such right. We have had, heretofore, similar questions of jurisdiction between our own and foreign govornmoTits. When Groat Britain seized, in tho Northeast, a portion of oar country, which we held by tho sacred title 'ftined by the Wood and suffering!? of (he Revo- loii^m, every Ameri au believed it was an an- ju,,t itivusriu; but we adjusted ifio diliiciiUy by a new bon:idaiy. Agsiin, when she made a claim on a part of the same Louisiana purchase on the noilliwest coast, we deni;'d its justice, but yielded up to the jurisdiction of the crown 167 3(55 stjuare miles of the most valuable part of the Faci-tic coast, including its finest harbors and tireatest comLaercial facilities. We gave Op an area greater than New Englard, New York, Peonsyivania and New Jersey combined. Shall we yield to a foreign nation aud to a sys- tem of government condemned by our Consti- tution, what we will not concede to our own countrymen? Shall we, for the sske of p'ioce, siabject vast regioKs to principles of government antagonistic to oar own, an 1 then destroy our Union by refusing a compromise which would give to the South the occupation of a less valu- able territory in consideration of their giving up what they believe to be their constitutional right to occupy the whole? Is there any rea- son why we should be less conciliatory now than we have been heretelbre and are there not obvious ones why we should be more so, in view of our relative power? Did the men who now raihe the cry of no compromise and no concession, hold that language when we had a controversy with the crown of Great Britain? Let us look at the objections which are urged to this policy It is said this iiuestioa was de- cided at the late election. Questions of consti- tutional law ftre not to be decided by elections; if they were, oar Constitution would be worth- less, and all its guarantees of the rights of States and of individuals, of rights of conscience and religious liberty, might be annihilated — Neither is it true that the late canvass shows that the popu'ar will is opposed to compromise. Mr. Lincoln was made President by a constitu tional vote, and is entitled to our loyal and cheerful support, acd he shall have it ; but this is not the only result of the late congest. if iwo millions of voters declared themselves in favor of the principles put forth by his par- ty, three millions declared themselves opposed to them; if the Republicans triumphed in the choice of the Executive, we triumphed in gain- ing Congress, which makes the laws he is bound to carry out, without regard to his own views. If alt parties will yield to the results of the last election, and the fresident elect will de- clare that he will be governed by the will of the people and not by the will of a party, and that he will not exert the induonce of his place to defeat measures of compromise peace will ba restored to ou'' land. I hold that those who P'liut to tiie Chicago platforui. and not to the Constitution, as the guide of his conduct, do him a base wrong. 1 know ibat there are some that treat him us a man with manacles upon his hands; who boast that they hold in the Chi- cago platform a chattel mortgage upon his con- scieuco and his opinion. All honest men de- clare, if ho allows the declarations put forth ia 'he heat of a po:iticu.l contest, to control his aciioDs against his own judgment, he will de- bervo iojpeacbment and degrada'iou from his h'gh oCfice. I repel, for one, the imputations thus made against Mr. Lincoln, and the claims thus impudently put forth to personal and pe- culiar liens on bis views as most injurious to his honor and his induonce. Before the elec- tion, it v/.Ts said by his friends he was tho man best fitted to adjust the jarring conflicts of the day. L?it him then contiune to hold tho nation- al and disps^slo^ate position which was then claimed lor him. Wo invoke ihe Ilepublicans not to charge th/it he will bo a traitor to his country by making a partisan creed, and not the solemn oath of his oliico, the guide of his conduct. It is also said that the honor and dignity of our governmi^nf will not peruiit measures of compromise at this momeut. When the pres- ent ditiiculty wa.s only threatened, we wtro told, in answer to our atipsjals for aa adjuatment, that tbern was no cansa fur alarm; t'lat the South could not be driven out of ilic Union} the time had not come tor compromises; now, that six States have withdr;!wa, we are told it is too late, that the dignity of tha government will not permit it to make concessions The error consists in confounding the action of a few States with the position of the whole South — Wo admit that you cannot ofler Con.stitulional compromises to States that declare themselves outside of the pale of the Constitution. But is the attitude of South Carolina to be urged against the appeals of patriotic men in Virgin- ia? Are we to drive the Border States into concert of action with those who defy tho power of your government? Are we to give an impulse to revolution by inditference to the appeals of patriotic men and by insulting threats of coercion, and by irritating displays of power? Which cause was helped at the South by tbe (ender of arms by oar own State, — that of Union or that of Secession? All know that the future fate of our country de- ponds upon the action of the Border States, and while the beam trembles. New York throws its avvord into the scale and inclines it in favor of revolutivn. This called from tho onserva- tive Governor of Virginia, the declaration that " nothing that has occurred in the progress of this controversy has been worse timed and less excusable. If New York desires to preserve the Union a tender of men and money, under the promptings of passion, prejudice and ex- citement, will not produce this result." We do not ask concessions for men in open resistence to government, but to those who are slrug;j;liug for tho preservation of our Union. Shall we have no sympathy for those upon whom the whole weight of this contest fills? Can we listen, unmoved, to the entreaties of the Governor of Maryland, of the Senator of Iventucky, or refuse to second the patriotic edbrts of Virginia? Can we so entirely forget tho past history of our country, that we can stand upon the point of pride against States whose ci'izens battled with our fathers and [toured oiif, with them their blooriuCL!on3 Art had exhausted itself in palut- 3tig and Sculpture lo make every aspect sugges- tive of high and noble thought and purpose. I'uU vi' the associalious which cluster about this vatst Temple which should be dedicaded to pa- tribiism and truth; 1 entered its Legislative Halls; their gilded walls and gorgeous furni- ture did not contrast more strongly with the rude scenes of martial life than did tha glistcu iug putrescence and thin lacquer of Congress- ional virtue contrast with the sterling loyalty and noble self-sacritica of our country's de- iQudera. I listened to debates full of biiterness aud^tnfu. 1 saw in the camp a heartfelt homage to our national tlag — a stern dedance of those who dared to touch its sacred fold with hostile hands. I heard in the Capitol threats of mu- tilation of its emblazonry — by striking down , She'lifb of Slates. He who would rend our .National standiird by dividing our Union is a Traitor. Ho who would put out one glittering star from its azure held, is a Traitor too. , TI1|; PB E3KNT CONDITION OF OUR COUNTRY. Lot U8 now coafrout the facts of our condi- tion, and they shail be slated in the language of those who brought this administration into powur, and who now are politically opposed to the members of this Convention. After the ex- penditure of nearly one thousand millions of dollars, and the sacrilice of more than one hundred thousand Northern lives in the laa- guag*» of the Evening Foit; 'VVIial Jius been Uie result ? Our armies of tiie West, t-L)e ui>lil,e'Vi(;l;>rs ut" Knrl Uouelsoii uikI cSliiloli, nrf. .st;ai- t--rinr.''o iliRt 110 man Iciiosvs ilieir wliereaboul, wliiio ihe fofvtlicv werr stnl lo tiis|)crsf^ i'ta liuiKtred umIms ;n Uieir rear, i^irealeiii^ig ilie cities "f Teane.'see aiul Kentuc!oyal Slates. We have learned the folly of uii- derraving: our enemies We have learned thai Uiey are e'-i-^al.Jy bra.ve, equally hardy, equally (|uick willed, equally ciuiuwcd v.-ith m.irtial ijualities wiih our.seives. We have learned lliey are la'nbly in earnest in iheir offori.5 10 achieve ihe:r ends. Tho Nev7 York Tribune declares that "The Country is in peril. Vievied frMm the .slanli- poinl of the pilbi c e-iimate of ' the siiuaiion,' it is in tr- ireme peril. The Re els seem lo he piisiinig for ward their forces all along Uie border line from Uie Ailanlic 10 Ihc Missouri. Tin-y are Uircalening iiieI'oioi!.iae and •lie Ohio. They are sinking at \Vash1n5jfon, Cuiciiinai and Louisville. 'I'his simultaneous movemeir. is both alarming and encouraging. )l is aiarming beciu-iC, ihrnHgh ihe timidity, despondency, or folly of llie Fed- eral Government, it may become lomiv.iranly successful, !;ivingio the toe a lodgment 111 some portion of Uie i''ree Ciiaies which may require weeks to break up " Bolt it is admitted by those who were opposed to us, that debt and di-leat are not the boaviSst ealamiiies which weigh us down. A viitaofia people and a pure government cau bear up against any amount of outward presstfro 'or phy.sicai calamity, but when lottcnness and corruption pervade tho hgislative nail or ex- ecutive depirtmeut the heart of the patriot, faints and his arm withers. Tho organ of tho Secretary of State admits: , " There have been mistakes. There have been specu- lation. Weak men hive disgraced, and Dad men have betrayed the Goveinment Contra, tors have ■ fatten . ed on fat joljs. Adveinur. r.s have found the war a source of private gam. iVloal des|)orado::s have flocked about the Na'ional Capital and lain 111 wait for pr'-y. The scum of the land lias galliered about the soun es of pMw-' er and dehied them by its reek >iiid oIlciiFiivc- odijr — > There has been ini-inanagcmciii in the department.-; inis- inamgement- wherever greai labur has be;.'h performed and great re^ponsilnliin-s iievolving Men— even Presi- dents ami Cabinet olbcers .and iJ.MiimaiKli'ig Ger.erals — liave erred, bec-iu-e tliey couid nol gra p ihe lull siguiti- cance of the drama, and because they were coinpelied 10 slnke oulon untrodden paths." — Eve. Journal. Hear the voice of a leading Ivepublicaa ora- tor : " 1 declare it upon my responsiliility as a Kenator of. ihe United Slal'.'S," said .loliii V Hale, " lliai the Imeiiies ot Ills country are 111 greaier d n-'cr lo.day from the cor-' rupuoiis anil Irom the pndiigacy praclieed 111 Ihe va lous ('eparlinents of Ihe (iovernment than luey are from ilia open enemy in the Held." The Now York World exclaims in an agony of remorse: li is Willi dismay and unspeakable shame .that we, who liave supported the adminislration from lUe oeuimiing,. observe is aou^e of its power of arrest. There is no such ihiu^ as either jusiifyimr or extcniiatiiig its con. duct in this pirticular. Kvery prineii) e of Ameiioaii liberty, every regard for the loyal cause, every senu- met.l of justi<;e, every impuNe of manhood, cries out ag.'iinsi it. Tile man who thinks at idl is absolu elj .siaggered ihul these things can be. Tiiey seeiri like some hideous dream. One can almo.sl faujy thai Mephistophiles himself had gol access inio the Councils of the gover.".ment, and by some device, fresh from the pii, had duoried us energies, from the repression of re- bellion to Ihe suppression of'libeny. The New York Times demands a change in the Administration, and in tho conduct of aaiairs. I have thus carefully set forth the de- clarations and named the witnesses to this awful indictment, against our rulers, for wo mean to proceed with all the care and candor, and all the solemnity of a Judicial Tribunal. It is with a sorrowful heart I point to these dark pictuttjs, not drawn by journals of the Democratic party. God knows that as a mem- ber of that patriotic organiza'ion, as an Ameri- ,can citizen, I would glaoly efface them if I couid. But, ales, they are grounded upoa truths that cannot be gainsaid, Onco more, 9 then, our Republican fellow-citizens, in thia day of our common humiliation and disgrace, we imploro you as respectfully as ia tho hour of your political triumph listen to our sugges- tions. We do not come with reproaches, but with entreaties. Follow the pathways marked out by the Constitution aLd we shall be extri- . cated from our perilous position. On the other hand, if you will still be governed by those who brought us iato our presont condition, you will learn too late that there are yet deeper depths of degradation before us, and greater miseries to be borne than those which now oppress us. ]\^ay more, the President of the United States appeals to us all, in his communication with the loyal men of the Border States, when he says he is pressed to violate his duty, his oath of otHce, and the Constitution of the land — pressed by cowardly and heartless men, living far away from the scenes of war, fattening upon the wealth coined irom the blood and misery of the land, and living in those localities waere official investigations show that this peo- ple and Government ha^'e been robbed by fraud- ulent contracts. Such men demand that those who have Buffered most in this contest, who have shown the highest and purest patriotism nnder the terrible trials of divided families, of desolated homes, of ruined fortunes and of blood stained fields, should have a new and further evil inflicted upon them by the hands of a Gov- ernment they are struggling to uphold. By the help of God and the people wa will relieve the President from that pressure. NECESSITY IfOR PARTY ORGANIZATIONS. An attempt is made to close the ears of our Republican friends to our appeals, because we act as a poli'ical organization. Can we do oth- erwise ? Would not the dispersion of this an- cient party, identified as it is with the growth, greatness and glory of our land, be looked upon as a calamity, even by our opponents? Did not a shadow fall upon our country when it was torn apart at Charleston; and do not men of all par- ties point to its di.-5ruption as one of the causes of this unnatural wart Is it not just we should have a representation in the State and National government proportioned to our contributions to our armies and the treaiury ? If we elect all of our ticket at this time, we .'•hall have no more than our proportional share of political power. It may bo said we should meet without regard to political organize ions, and nominate officers . This destroys tho object of such organizations. They would cease to be protections against abuses of power or the inroads of corruption. Let the two great parties be honest and honor- able ertough to meet iu fair and open discussion with woU defined principles and policies- Then each will servo our couutry as w«!! out of power 1 as in power The vigilance kept alive by party ' contest guards against corruption or oppression This watchfulness is most needed when unusual expenditures of money present unusual temp- tations to the corrupt and sellish. For another reason we cannot disband our crganiziation. Tho Union men of tha Border and more Soutbs^ra States, without distinction of party, implore us not to do so. They tell [ ns a triumph of our party now would be worth more than victories upon the battle held. It would re assure their friends, it woull weaken their opponents. Every advantage gained over abolitionism puts down the reb'^^lion. While they and we know there are many just and pa- triotic men in the Republican party, it is still true that its success gives power and inlluence to the violent and fanatical, and that their par- ty action always goes beyond their parly plat- form. Every fair man admits there Is no way of correcting abuses but by a change of political leaders. The Republican party demanded this when they charged abuses upon Democratic administration. They should concede the principle now. Experience shows that frauds practiced by political friends are not punished by men ia power. It is conceded that gross frauds have been committed in ditferent departments of gov- ernment; that they have brought distress upon our soldiers, defeat upon our arms and disgrace upon our people. But not one man has been pun- ished, or made to foel the power of that preroga-. live which is claimed to be an incident of war. Corruption that has done more to destroy the Mational power than armed rebwllion, has gone unscathed. The Sentinel who slept upon h's post, has been sentenced to death — the olficial who closed his eyes to frauds, which destroyed armies, is quietly removed, by and with the advice of the Sen te aud represents the Nation's character at the Capital of a frieud- ly power! Citizens in loyal States wno became tho objects of suspicion or of malignant as- saults, have been seized at their homes, drag- ged to distant prisons without trial and with- out redress, while each convicted plunderer walks freely and boldly among the people he has robbed and wronged Maladministration demands change of administration. At this time issues should bo fairly and bold- ly made. It h no dishonor to be mistaken, but is disgraceful not to be outspoken. Let this war at least settle questions of principlo. A few months will decide who is right and who is wrong now, as the past two years have shown who were right and who were wrong hcretoforo. We are in favor of the rights of the Siato, as well as of the General Government; we are in favor of local self-government, as well as of tho National jurisdiction within its proper .sphere,,,. While we thus meet as a political organizar^ tion it is not for partisan purpose.s. \Ve can . best serve our country in this relatiouahip. The President of the United States will boar witness that ho has not been pressed or em- barrassed by us. We have loyally responded to every call made on us by constituted authority. We have obeyed all orders ;o reinforce our armies. When we were in power wo denounced the higher lawdoct-rine — the principlo that men might set up their wills against tho statutes of the land — as troasonable. Wo denounced i{tj when uttered by Northern men; we uro com- . battiug it now when it is asserted by tho rebel- lious South. We repudiate it by submitting to every demand of our GoverDment made within 10 the limits of rightful jnrisdiction. Thii' obedi- ence has not been constrained, bat cheerfully ren- dered, even in support of a party and policy to which we are opposed. We have struggled to sustain not only the letter but the spirit of our laws. We feel that we have set an example of loyalty that will not be lost upon upon those opposed to us. Having done our duty, we now demand our rights, and we shall at this time set in calm and fearless judgment upon the conduct of our rulers. Ours shall not be the language of discord and violence. We de- plore the passionate and vindictive assaults of leading Republican journals upon those hold- ing civil or military stations. Above all we protest in behalf of our country's honor and dignity, against their insubordinate and disre- spectful language towards the President of these United States. Such language wrecks the authority of Government and tends to anarchy and public disorder. For another reason, we cannot disband our organization. No other party can save this couutry. It alone has clearly defined purposes and well settled principles. It has been well said in our Congressional Address, that under its guidance, From five milhons, the population increased to thirty millions. The Revoiui oiiary deht wa« exlinguished. — Two foreign wars were .sucee^sfully prosecuieii, wiili a moderaie outlay and small army and navy, and willioul the suspensicm of the habeas corpus; wiilioul one infrac- tion of ihc Constitution; without one usurpatiort of powc; vriihoul suppressing a single newspaper; vvitliout impris- onin ■ a single editor; without limit lo the freedom o( the press; or of speech in or out of Congress, but in the midst ot the grossest abuse of both ; and without llie arrest of a single •' traitor," though the Harliord Convention sat durnig one of the wars, und in the other !;>enaiors invited the fciiemy to " Ureei our Volunteers with bloody hands and welcome them to Hospitable Graves"! During all this tiine wealth increa.sed, business of all kinds multiplied, prosperity smiled on every side, taxes were low, wages were high, the North and the South furnished a market for each other's prouucls at good prices, publ.c liberty was secure, private rights undis- turbed; every man's house was his castle; the Courts were open to all ; no passports for travel, no secret po- lice, no sp es, no informers, no bastiles; the right lo as- semble peaceably, the right to petition; freedom of reli- gion, freedom of speech, a frcv ballot, and a free press; and all this lime ihe Constitution maintained and the Union of the Stales preserved. WHT THE REPUBLICAN PAETT CANNOT SAVE THE COUNTRT. On the other hand, the very character of the Republican organizations, makes it incapable of conducting the alfairs of the Government. For a series of years, it has practiced a system of coalitions, with men differing in principle, until it can have no distinctive policy. In such chaotic masses, the violent have most control. They have been educating their followers for years, through the press, not to obey laws which did not accord with their views. How can they demand submission from whole communi- ties, while they cootend that individuals may op- pose laws opposed to their consciences? They are higher law men. They insist that the contest, in which we are engaged, is an irrepressible one and that therefore the South could not avoid it, unless they were willing at the outset to sur- render all that abolitionists demanded. To declare that this contest is irrepressible, de- clares that otir Fathers formed a government, J which could not stand. Are such men, the proper guardians of this government ? Have not their speeches and acts given strength to the rebellion, and have they not also enabled its leaders to prove to their deluded followers, that the contest was an Irrepressible one ? But their leaders have not only asserted that /, this contest was 'rrepressible, unless the South '* would give up what extreme Republican de- mand, (their local institutions,) but those ia power have done much to justify this rebellion in the eyes of the world. The guilt of rebellioo is determined by the character of the govern- ment against which it is arrayed. The right of revolution, in the language of President Lin- coln, is a sacred right when exerted against a bad government. We charge that this rebellion is most wicked because it is against the best Government that ever existed. It is the excellence of our Gov- ernment that makes resistance a crime. Re- bellion is not necessarily wrong. It may be an act of the highest virtue — it may be one of the deepest depravity. The rebellion of our Fa- thers is our proudest boast — the rebellion of our Brothers is the humiliation of our Nation is our National disgrace. To resist a bad Gov- ernment is patriotism — to resist a good one is the greatest guilt. The first is patriotism, the last is treason. Legal tribunals can only regard resistance of laws, as a crime but in the forum of public sentiment the character of the Gov- ernment will decide if the act is treason or patriotism. Our Government and its administration are different things; but in the eyes of the civilized world, abuses, weakness or folly in the con- duct of affairs go far to justify resistance. — I have read to you the testimony of Messrs. Greely, Weed, Bryant, Raymond and Marble, charging fraud, corruption, outrage and in- competency upon those in power. Those who stand up to testify to the incompetency of these representatives of a discordant party to conduct the affairs of our Government are politically opposed to us. Bear in mind that the embarrass- ments of President Lincoln grows out of the con- flicting views of his political friends, and their habits and principles of insubordinaiion. His hands would be strengthened by a Democratic victory, and if his private prayers are answered we will relieve him from the pressure of phi- lantrophists who thirst for blood, and who call for the extermination of the men, women and children of the South. The brutal and bloody language of partisan editors and political preachers have lost us the sympathy of the civilized world in a contest where all mankind should be upon one side. Turning to the Legislative Departments of our government, what do we see? In the his' tory of the decline and fall of Nations, there are no more striking displays of madness and folly. The assemblage of Congress throws gloom over the Na'-ion; its continuance in session is more disastrous than defeat upon the battle field. It excites alike alarm and disgust. The public are disappointed in the results of 11 the war. This is owing to the differing objects ■ of the people on the one hand, and of the fanat- ical agitators in and out of Congress on the other. In the army, the Union men of the North and South battle side by side, under one flag, to put down rebellion and uphold the Union and Con- stitution. Iq Congress a fanatical majority make war on the Union men of the South and strength- en the hands of Secessionists by words and acts which enable them to keep alive the flames of civil war. What is done on the battle held by the blood and treasure of the people, is undone by Senators. Half of the time is spent in fac- tious measures designed to destroy all confi- dence in the government at the South, and the rest in annoyiog our army, in meddling with its operations, embarrassing our generals and in publishing undigested and unfounded scandal. One party is seeking to bring about peace, the other to keep alive hatred and bitterness by in- terferences. They prove the wisdom of Solo- mon, when he said: •' It is an honor to a man to cease from strife, but overy fool will be med- dling." This war cannot be brought to a successful conclusion or our country restored to an honor- able peace under the Republican leaders for another reason. Our disasters are mainly due to the fact that they have not dared to tell the truth to the community. A system of misre- presentation had been practiced so long and so successfully that when the war burst upon us they feared to let the people know its full pro- portions, and ihey persisted in assuring their friends it was but a passing excitement. They still asserted that the South was anable to maintain and carry on a war. They denounced as a traitor every man who tried to tell the truth and to warn our people of the magnitude of the contest. Now, my Republican friends, you know that the misapprehensions of the North with regard to the South has drenched the land with blood. Was this ignorance accidental^ I appeal to you Republicans, if for years past, throuch the press and in publications which have been urged upon your attention by the leaders of your par- ty, you have not been taught to despise the power and resources of the South? I appeal to you to say if this teaching has not been a ^art of the machinery by which power has been gained? I appeal to you to answer if those who tried to teach truths now admittted have not been denounced? I appeal to you if a book, boyond all others, false, bloody and treasonable, was not sent out with the endorsement of all your managers; and is it not true that now, when men blush to own they believed its statements , that its author is honored by an official station? It is now freely confessed by you all, that you have been deceived with respect to the South Who deceived you? Who, by false teachings, in- stilled contempt and hate into the miods of our people? Who stained our land with blood? Who caused ruin and distress? All these things are within your own knowledge. — Are their authors the leaders to rescue us from oar calamities? They shrink back appalled from the mischief they have wrought, and tell yon it is an irrepressible contest. That reason is as good for Jell'erson Davis as for them. They attempt to drowu reflections by new excite- ments and new appeals to our passions. Hav- ing already, in legislation, gone far beyond the limits at whicu, by their resolutions, they were pledged to stop, they now ask to adopt mea- sures which they have heretofore denounced as unjust and unconstitutional. For this leason they cannot save our coanlry. As our national calamities thicken upon us an attempt is made by their authors to avoid their responsibfliiies by insisting that our failures are due to the fact tha: their measures are not carried out, although Government has already gone far beyond its pledges. The de- mands of these men will never cease, simply because they hope to save themselves from con- demnation by having unsatisiiod demands At the last fcjbssion Congress not only abolished slavery in the District of Columoia, but, to quiet climoroua men, an act of Confiscation and Emancipation was passed, which, in the opinion of leading Kepuolicans, was unconsti- tutional and unjust. By this act the rebels have no property — not even their own lives — and they own no slaves. But to the astonishment and disgust of those who believe in the policy of statutes and proclamations, the.»o rebels Btill live and fight and hold their si ves. These measures seem to have reanimated them. They have a careless and reckless way of appropri- ating their lives and property, which by act of Congress belong to us, in support of their cause. But these fanatical men have learned that it is necessary to win a victory before they di- vide the spoil — and what do they now propose? As they cannot take the properly of rebels beyond their reach they will take the property of the loyal men of the Border States. The violent men of this party as you know from ex- perience, my conservative Republican friend, in the end have their way. They now demand that the President shall issue a Proclamation of immediate and universal emancipation ? Against whom is this to be directed? Not against those in rebellion for they came within the scope of the act of Congress. It can only be applied to those who have been true to our Uuion and our Flag. They are to be pun- ished for their loyalty. When we consider their sufferings and their cruel wrongs at the hands of the secessionists, their reliance upon our faith, is not this proposal black with ingrati- tude? The scheme for an immediate emancipation and general arming of the slaves throughout the South is a proposal for the butchery of women and children, for scenes of lust and rapine; of arson and murder nnparalelled in the history of the world. The horrors of the French Revolution would become tame in comparison. Its eilect would not be confined to the walls of cities, but there would be a wide spread scene of horror over the vast expanse of great States, involving alike the loyal and seditious. Such malignity and cowardice would THE NEW-YORK WEEKLY ARGUSi To Restore the Uulou and Maintain the Constitation. For j-ears the Democratic and Conservative sentiment of the Xation has been keenly alive to the necessity of being faithfully and ably represented by a first class Newspaper, pubhshed in the Citj of New York, sustaining the same relation to it as does the New York Tribune to Abolitionism and all kinds of Radicalism. The undersigned, from their connexion with the Albany Atlas & Argus — one of the oldeit andi best known Democratic papers in the Union — had been constantly urged to respond to this demand: and finally yielded to the wishes of their political friends, and translerred the publication of theiii Weekly to the city of New York, and. issued it under the name of ]\EW YOKM WEEKLY ARGUS. The experiment has met with complete success, We are grateful to the friends of eound politicah principles, who have enabled us in a few months, to establish on a paying basis, a first class New. York Weeklij Paper. We have every where met with cordial co-operation, and Clubs of subscribers, from all parts of the country, are being rapidly added to our list. The friends of the New York Weekly Akgus may boldly challenge comparison of it with any other New York Weekly — both as to typographical appearance and the contents of its pages. Thej' already insist, and we intend to make good their claim, that it is the I _ pSiJS! Ml! IS! ilEY IIWIFIi If if Yil )natobr or expense will be spared to make a paper of which Democrats and Conservativa moni ■)e proud. The responsible Editors are •9ALVERT COMSTOCK, WILLIAM CASSIDY k ELON COMSTOCK, With ample additional and special assistance in the several departments of the paper. To sustain such a paper and enable it to influence the political sentiment of the Nation, an ampl©9 subscription list is necessary. Ours has already, in nine months, reached Tllil'ty TllOUSaild, , and wo appeal to those, whose opinions the paper represents, to give it One Hundred Thousand Subscribers, During the present year. This can be easily done by a general effort — as the paper is afforded to' Clubs at the low price of One IDolIar a Yearl Shall it be done? We leave the answer to f those who wish the success of such a paper. "3? DE3 :E^ -ml J@a Sing:le Subscriptions per atinicna ... $o oo Three Copies one year - - ... 5 OO Eigflit do do ----- 10 ©O Additional Copies ^1.20 each. Twenty Copies, to one address, - - - - 20 OO With an extra copy to the person sending the Club of twenty. To any person sending a Club of 100 we will send the Albany Daily Atlas & Argus one year gratis. Fayahle always in advance. Letters, whether containing remittances or otherwise, should be addrersed to the imdersigned, COENER OF BROADWAY" AND PARK PLACE, (opposite City Hall Park,) NEW YORK. 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