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ORATION 
 
 DELIVERED BEFORE THE 
 
 City Council and Citizens 
 OF Boston 
 
 ON THE 
 
 ONE HUNDRED AND TWENTY-SECOND 
 ANNIVERSARY OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 
 
 MONDAY, JULY 4, 1898 
 
 BY 
 
 Rev. D. O'CALLAGHAN 
 
 BOSTON 
 
 PRINTED BY ORDER OF THE CITY COUNCIL 
 1898 
 
ORATION 
 
 DELIVERED BEFORE THE 
 
 City Council and Citizens 
 OF Boston -777 
 
 ON THE 
 
 ONE HUNDRED AND TWENTY-SECOND 
 ANNIVERSARY OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 
 
 MONDAY, JULY 4, I898 
 
 J BY 
 
 Rev. D. O'CALLAGHAN 
 
 BOSTON 
 
 PRINTED BY ORDER OF THE CITY COUNCIL 
 
 1898 
 

 % 
 
 275:^>7 
 
 Press of Municipal Printing Office, 
 Boston, Massachusetts. 
 
Cilg 0f '^ a si an. 
 
 In Common Council, July 7, 1898. 
 Resolved, That the thanks of the City Council be 
 hereby tendered to the Rev. Denis O'Callaghan for the 
 eloquent and interesting oration delivered by him on the 
 Fourth of July, in commemoration of the One Hundred 
 and Twenty-second Anniversary of the Declaration of 
 Independence, and that he be requested to furnish a 
 copy of the said address and his portrait for publication. 
 
 Adopted unanimously by a rising vote. Sent up for 
 
 concurrence. 
 
 TiMOTHT L. Connolly. 
 
 JPresident. 
 
 In Board of Aldermen, July 11, 1898. 
 Concurred unanimously by a rising vote. 
 
 Joseph A. Coney, 
 
 Chairman. 
 
 Approved JulylS, 1898. 
 
 JOSLA-H QUINCY, 
 
 Mai/ or. 
 
 A true copy. 
 
 Attest : 
 
 John M. Galyin, 
 
 Cit^ Clerk. 
 
ORATION. 
 
 Me. Mayor and Citizens of Boston: 
 
 I cannot know, and hence I may not tell, by what 
 undeserved good fortune, by what favormg circum- 
 stances, by what too kind overestimate, the honor 
 of having the place of the principal speaker has 
 come to me. This day, which marks the birth of a 
 nation amid unprecedented circumstances, this hall, 
 the very cradle of American liberty, which heard 
 the earnest resolves of the patriot fathers them- 
 selves; this hall, whose walls have rung again and 
 again with the finished and impassioned utterances of 
 the nation's most gifted sons, have reechoed with the 
 plaudits of thrilled and entranced audiences; this 
 environment, the ancient and goodly city of Boston, 
 whose breath kindled the flame of American liberty, 
 whose daring act, provoked, made necessary and 
 resulted in the Declaration of Independence; this 
 present distinguished assembly; the circumstances of 
 the present hour, when we have victories abroad 
 and peace and union at home, might well cause the 
 most eloquent tongue to stammer. How, then, shall 
 they not make this attempt of mine appear not 
 
6 Oration. 
 
 only inadequate, but overambitious and hazardous? 
 Were it not then that I recognize in this compli- 
 mentary selection something far and away beyond 
 personal merit, or long residence, or cherished 
 friendship; did I not see in it a compliment to 
 the sacred calling of which I am a member, a 
 tribute to a large and well-deserving portion of 
 this Commonwealth, whose sons have proved oft 
 and again their loyal citizenship, e'en in the deadly 
 breach, who now stand ready upon the tented field, 
 or perchance, having sped across the main, are at 
 this moment in the deadly fight, I could have never 
 brought myself to acccept. 
 
 The circling year, then, has once more brought 
 us to this day of sacred and glorious memories. It 
 marks the history, the trials of colonial life, and 
 the very beginning of these United States. 
 
 It tells us again how the providential hand of 
 God led our fathers from the land of bondage, from 
 the narrowness, the contentions, the prohibitions, 
 civil and ecclesiastical, of the old world. How, hav- 
 ing braved unknown seas and encountered every 
 danger of unpropitious skies, hostile earth and savage 
 foe, they found here a foothold and made a home. 
 How they, a feeble folk, were made brave, alert and 
 strong as steel by recurring danger; how isolation 
 
Fourth of July, 1898. 7 
 
 had taught- them self-reliance ; and the need of pro- 
 tection and union had developed in them the 
 capacity for self-government; how the sights and 
 sounds of nature brought them closer to God and 
 filled them with a sense of right, of justice, of 
 dependence on Him ; how distance from home had 
 freed them from the artificial distinctions of caste 
 and rank, and common toil had dissolved the 
 enchantment that hangs about those who are clad 
 in soft raiment and dwell in the houses of 
 kings. When their claims were derided, when, as 
 the declaration states, their appeals were spurned, 
 their petitions unanswered, their liberty not only 
 threatened but invaded ; when force, the last 
 argument of tyranny, was brought to coerce them, 
 then finally they resisted; they appealed to God, to 
 the righteous judgment of the lovers of justice 
 throughout the world, and to their own stout 
 arms. 
 
 The declaration, which this day saw first pro- 
 claimed, will be forever memorable, not simply for 
 the determination and the deeds to which it 
 bears witness ; not' so much for the fidelity and sac- 
 rifices which carried out its statements into glorious 
 actions; not for the results we enjoy, but mainly 
 because it was the handwriting on the wall to 
 
8 Oration. 
 
 tyranny every^vhere ; because it was and is the 
 Magna Charta, not of one nation, but of humanity, 
 and, shall I say, of universal and triumphant democ- 
 racy. Surely there is a providence which shapes man's 
 ends. Those men spoke more wisely than they knew ; 
 they wrote inspired words, not simply the text of 
 the immortal document that bears their names, but 
 with a stylus whose teachings will be found indel- 
 ibly impressed upon the human conscience henceforth 
 and forever ; they built more strongly, more broadly 
 than they thought or wisted of, for they set up as 
 a living reality what had been a dream, — a hope 
 of liberty-loving souls from the beginning, — "A 
 government of the people, for the people and by 
 the people." And so we glorify these men, great 
 in their generation, whose works remain, whose testa- 
 ment is confirmed. Now this day, fellow-citizens, 
 has not only its great . memories, but its great 
 lessons. It exalts and enforces with transcendent 
 power the virtue of patriotism. It brings home to 
 us as no other day can the ever-needful duty of 
 love of country. 
 
 Patriotism is not a narrow, selfish glorification of 
 one's country which, dwelling too fondly on the past 
 and present, finds expression in vapid and boastful 
 words. It is not an unreasoning sentiment which, 
 
Fourth of July, 1898. 9 
 
 ignoring right, justice, the virtues and quahties of 
 others, flatters itself as possessing supreme excellence ; 
 which is ready to condone all faults, to extol all 
 deeds whether of blood or finesse, provided they 
 redound to the nation's strength and fame. This is 
 the perversion, the excess of patriotism. 
 
 True patriotism has its sources in things far 
 nobler, it has its foundation in things which are 
 both natural and divine. Nations have their provi- 
 dential limits, their characteristics, their definite role. 
 They work out under the Divine Ruler the destiny 
 he has set before them and play their part in an 
 ever-shifting yet mighty drama which tends to 
 mankind's betterment and God's glory. As the 
 nation receives from God authority for its work 
 and for its needs, so does it speak to us with a 
 divine voice which in its own realm merits and 
 claims our obedience. 
 
 As it protects our higher and nobler interests, 
 our homes, our altars, oiu* firesides and our ]3roperty, 
 as we partake of its strength, share in its peace 
 and its civilization, so upon the high and solid basis 
 of justice and gratitude, we owe it affection and 
 allegiance. The supreme and determining rule is, 
 " Render to Caesar the things that are Caesar's, and to 
 God the things that are God's." "For after God is 
 
10 Oration. 
 
 country, and after religion comes patriotism." This 
 virtue and duty, then, of patriotism, is a just, deep 
 and holy attachment to the land of one's birth or 
 adoption, which combines reverence and gratitude for 
 the past, with the discharge of duty in the present. 
 It is a sentiment which makes a man not only 
 love but strive to be worthy of his country; makes 
 him willing and glad to uplift himself and his 
 fellows to ideal citizenship ; makes him ready to do 
 and dare all things for his country's preservation, 
 for its honor, renown and glory. Patriotism, more- 
 over, combines many other things which are personal 
 and tender. We are not isolated beings. "We tend 
 to grow towards all things smce we tend to truth, 
 to liberty — to God. The very local, surroundings 
 of life become part of ourselves; the very natural 
 features of our country come to be as kin to our- 
 selves ; the high mountains, the noble rivers, the 
 smiling valley, the grandeur and might of ocean, 
 here fretted and curbed by our rocky coast, all these 
 things are instinct with feeling and make our love. 
 The impressions and associations of home, a mother's 
 love, a father's tender care, the playgroimd of our 
 childhood, the hallowed and . historic spots, a Lexing- 
 ton, a Concord, a Bunker Hill, the Heights of Dor- 
 chester, the very pavements beneath our feet, where 
 
Fourth of July, 1898. 11 
 
 heroes fought and bled, — these are nourishing forces 
 of patriotism. And where are they scattered around 
 with a more lavish hand than here in Boston? 
 What is wanting to us? As regards history, these 
 United States are providential in origin, in history 
 and in preservation. In us the cause of human 
 liberty and progress would seem to be bound up. 
 
 What other nation has a record and a growth 
 so wonderful, a domain so extended, so varied, so 
 fertile, a mission so glorious? What other nation 
 so ennobles men by her conception of what they 
 are, and, in turn, what other nation so entirely and 
 fondly entrusts herself and her fortunes to the love, 
 to the intelligence and patriotism of her children? 
 It is on this fundamental appreciation of what our 
 country is, what she stands for, that our patriotism 
 must rest ; and conversely each and all of us is charged 
 with the duty of maintaining those principles of liberty 
 and right; for their perpetuation, their preservation, 
 depend upon our honor, our intelligence and zealous 
 regard for the public good. What our fathers hoped 
 for we see ; what they toiled for we enjoy ; and one 
 hundred and twenty years of national, ever-expand- 
 ing life have but more fully demonstrated that the 
 republic is the hope of mankind, the beacon light, 
 high-uplifted, to lead humanity onward to liberty and 
 
12 Oration. 
 
 self-government, to peace and prosperity, to universal 
 brotherhood. 
 
 The considerations thus far set forth on the ex- 
 ample, the action, the virtue, which inspired the 
 Declaration of Independence, weighty and inter- 
 esting as they are, must, however, be judged and 
 weighed, and they will be found to be results from 
 some broad and higher motive. And so, in truth, 
 they are. As we read the annals of those times and of 
 those men, as we scan the signatures appended to that 
 unique document ; those names which have made his- 
 tory — and such history! — those men who resisted unto 
 death that they, their fellow-citizens, and if so be, all 
 men, might be guaranteed " life, liberty and the pursuit 
 of happiness," we are constrained to ask om'selves 
 what was the sanction of their act ? What was the 
 source of their hope and of their strength, what 
 the inspiration that moved them to do and dare all, 
 in creating, in upholding, in loving " through good 
 report, and evil report, unto stripes and death," their 
 country? Can we mistake it? Is it far to seek? 
 No! it confronts u« in unmistakable characters of 
 living light ; it is promulgated with no uncertain 
 sound, in the very text — which thus runs — " For 
 the support of this declaration with a firm reliance 
 on the protection of Divine Providence w^e mutually 
 
Fourth of July, 1898. 13 
 
 pledge to each other our Hves, our fortunes, and our 
 sacred honor." It was rehgion. It was the human 
 conscience knowing its rights and its sincerity ; yet 
 aware at the same time of its own innate weakness, 
 crying to, and resting upon, heavenly aid, and now 
 appealing from man to God. Beside and above the 
 new-born genius of the republic which that day 
 sprang forth to life, bathed in the sunshine, there 
 stood, with hands outstretched in benediction, the ven- 
 erable form and spirit of religion — "that light which 
 enlighten eth every man coming into the world" — 
 that religion first proclaimed amid the thunders of 
 Sinai, that flamed later on in the inspired words of 
 the prophets, that burned with serenest glow as it 
 lit up and thrilled men's souls, as it fell like dew 
 upon the parched earth from the gentle, holy li]3s 
 of the Saviour. 
 
 Following the authority of every philosopher and 
 statesman who has worthily discussed human gov- 
 ernment, they held there could be " no stable society 
 without justice, no justice without morality, no 
 morality without religion, and no religion without 
 God." They did not advocate, nor should I, 
 in this presence, the particular forms, practices, 
 tenets of any of the various divisions of Christianity; 
 but they well knew in such an undertaking, in the 
 
14 Oration. 
 
 achievement thence resulting, that you might as well 
 hope to bind fast with a silken thread any of the 
 great ships in yonder harbor, that you could as 
 easily quarry the granite rocks which line our coast 
 with the keen edge of a razor, as hope to rebuild, 
 maintain, and perpetuate a nation by mere human 
 means and without religion. 
 
 Human genius, exceptionable abiUty, valor, have 
 done many wonderful things in creating, in hold- 
 mg people together under authority, in determining 
 laws, in welding States into one mighty and en- 
 during fabric of empire; but one thing mere genius 
 has never done, no, nor ever conceived, a govern- 
 ment such as these United States. Other and 
 great States, ancient and modern, have risen and 
 flourished and filled a great place. But they were 
 often scourges in the hands of God ; they fell, and 
 great was the fall thereof ; " their root was rottenness 
 and their flower went up as dust ; for they knew 
 not, or cast far from them, the law of the God of 
 hosts, and blasphemed the word of the Holy One 
 of Israel." (Isaiah v. 24.) 
 
 For what, I ask, is it that makes for the enno- 
 bling and preservation of man ; what safeguards 
 and sanctifies the home; what casts the aegis of 
 protection around the family ; what is the sanction 
 
Fourth of July, 1898. 15 
 
 of law, and. the motive and reward of obedience ; 
 what begets character and directs and enlightens 
 public opinion; what is the solid barrier against 
 moral corruption and unholy greed; what promotes 
 peace and maintains justice ; what reduces to a 
 minimum crime, lawlessness, pauperism; what makes 
 a country worth living for, worth dying for; 
 what alone makes life tolerable, nay, blessed ? 
 It is religion — religion, the only, the immu- 
 table basis of civic as of human life, which, per- 
 meating and directing individuals and States, 
 transforms them and renders them worthy of the 
 divine blessing. And the recognition of this great 
 truth is happily abundant in the profession and 
 policy of this government, and in the public and 
 private lives of its great men. In the very doc- 
 ument which gives rise to this day's celebration 
 the name of God greets us in its opening para- 
 graph; it is invoked in its closing sentence. In- 
 deed, not to appeal to the express and lengthy 
 invocation of God in Washmgton's inaugural address, 
 nor to the hope and reverent trust of his farewell, 
 I will venture to briefly quote a paragraph from 
 the writings of one who, from the very calmness 
 and philosophic character of his mind, was thought 
 to have taken a purely human and utilitarian view 
 
16 Oration. 
 
 of the Revolution. The words are those of Benjamin 
 Frankhn, spoken in Congress on the framing of the 
 Constitution. "Sir," he said, "I have lived many years, 
 and the longer I live, the more convincing proofs I see 
 that God governs the affairs of men ; and if a spar- 
 row cannot fall without his notice, is it probable 
 that an empire can rise without his aid ? We are 
 told in the sacred writings that except the Lord 
 build a house they labor in vain that build it. 
 This I firmly believe, and I believe that, without 
 his concurring aid, we shall succeed no better in this 
 political building of ours than did the builders of 
 Babel." (Parton's " Life of Benjamin Franklin." 
 Vol. IL) Thus Franklin, and thus with him, too, 
 all names illustrious in history. "I know not," says 
 Cicero, "whether the destruction of piety towards 
 the gods would not be the destruction also of good 
 faith, of human society, and of the most excellent of 
 virtues, justice." (De Nat. Deor. i. 2.) "I hold," 
 says Cardinal Gibbons, " that religion is the only 
 solid basis of society. If the social edifice rests not 
 on this eternal and immutable foundation it will soon 
 crumble to pieces. It would be as vain to attempt 
 to establish society without religion as to erect a 
 palace in the air, or on shifting sands, or to hope 
 to reap a crop from seed scattered on the ocean's 
 
Fourth of July, 1898. 17 
 
 surface." For what, fellow-citizens, does religion 
 demand of you and of me? What support does it 
 impart to the nation? It demands of you that you 
 be loyal to yoiu* country, zealous in her defence, 
 faithful in the observance of her laws, scrupulous in 
 observing yom* oaths and vows, honest in your deal- 
 ings and truthful in your promises ; " that you 
 render to all men their dues; tribute to whom 
 tribute is due ; custom to whom custom ; fear to 
 whom fear; honor to whom honor." (Romans xiii. 7.) 
 Apart from this, religion teaches us that we are all 
 children of the same father, brothers and sisters of 
 the same Redeemer, and, consequently, members 
 of the same family. It teaches us the brotherhood of 
 humanity. It influences the master and servant, the 
 rich and the poor ; the rich that they may not be 
 high-minded ; the poor to sustain contentedly their 
 lot after the example of Him "who, though rich, 
 became poor that through His poverty we might all 
 become rich." (2 Cor. viii. 9. ) In a word, says 
 the above-named prelate, "religion is the focus of 
 all social virtues, the sure foundation of public 
 morals, and the one instrument by which wise rulers 
 and legislators may rule the destinies of a people, 
 and exalt the glory of a nation. It is stronger than 
 self-interest, more awe-inspiring than civil threats, 
 
18 Oratiox. 
 
 more universal than honor, more active than love of 
 country, the surest guarantee that rulers can have 
 the fidelity of their subjects, and that subjects can 
 have the justice of their rulers. It is the curb of 
 the mighty, the defence of the weak, the consolation 
 of the afflicted. It is the covenant of God with man. 
 It is, in the language of Homer, ' the golden chain 
 which suspends the earth from the throne of 
 the eternal.' " As then, the favor and protection 
 of the Most High, merited by their purpose, was 
 the impulse and support of those who began this 
 government, so, too, must we walk in the light 
 of his countenance, if we hope to sustain it and 
 carry out its high ideals. A country discovered 
 largely through the impulses and promptings of 
 religious zeal, colonized in part by those who braved 
 all things that they might worship God according 
 to the dictates of conscience ; baptized once in blood 
 to show that justice must rule man's government of 
 man ; baptized a second time in order that all men. 
 whatever the color of their faces, should be free ; 
 we are at this moment again engaged, not so much 
 in a war, as in a crusade, to prove that inhumanity 
 must not rule, at least in this western world. We 
 may have had our doubts and misgivmgs as to whether 
 the resources of diplomacy were exhausted; we may 
 
Fourth of July, 1898. 19 
 
 have hoped that the clouds of war might pass away, 
 and that the blood of the Nation's sons might be 
 spared; but when our chief executive declared the 
 position intolerable, the conclusion was at hand. 
 " Respuhlica locuta est, causa finita est." The Nation 
 has spoken and there is no more doubt. Extending 
 on this day of glorious memories greetings and praise 
 to our gallant boys in blue, who, on land and sea, 
 uphold our flag and honor so bravely, extending 
 also sjonpathy to the wounded and to the friends of 
 those who nobly died beneath a southern sun, surely 
 it is wise to recognize that new conditions con- 
 front us, and that even in the seeming paths of 
 peace there are dangers. In a country so large, so 
 teeming with the different races of earth who all 
 here find shelter beneath freedom's canopy, 'tis 
 well, surely, that those who seek a home among us 
 should be taught devotion to the flag and what that 
 flag represents. Yet am I not of those who see dan- 
 ger lurking here, for so profoundly am I convinced 
 of this nation's grandeur, so well do I appreciate 
 the opportunities for the pursuit of life, liberty and 
 happiness which it holds forth, so fully do I realize 
 its glory, that the conviction comes home to me 
 that all, strangers to our soil, will soon learn to 
 love this, the country of their adoption. For when 
 
20 Oration. 
 
 once, indeed, the genius of this country's institutions 
 will have dawned upon them, when once they will 
 have realized that this is, and should be, the land of 
 universal brotherhood, that here, like God's sun- 
 shine, there is freedom for all, then will they cherish 
 it, and in every danger, in every crisis, like that 
 which now confronts us, rally and fly to its defence 
 like unto the gallant sons of that Niobe among 
 the nations whose blood flows in my veins. Soon, 
 too, will they learn that though vast and boundless 
 are our plains, extensive our marts of trade and 
 commerce, yet is there not room enough for English- 
 men, Irishmen, Italians, Frenchmen or Germans, 
 but that they should be Americans all. And their 
 motto, high-uplifted, shall be — ''Pro Deo et Patria," 
 ^-For God and country. And in this connection, 
 too, though not necessary m view of history past, 
 present and of the hour, it may perchance become 
 me to say, priest of that church whose symbol was 
 first planted on these shores, that whilst we cheerfully 
 give obedience to, and take our religion from him 
 who sits enthroned by the Tiber's banks, yet in all 
 that pertains to the glory, the expansion, the fame, the 
 defence, the lionor of this fair republic, we are one with 
 our fellow-citizens of every creed and denomination. 
 Reluctantly, indeed, would I, whose pathways are 
 
Fourth of July, 1898. 21 
 
 those of peace, and who, whilst living amid worldly 
 strife, yet am supposed to .be remote therefrom, 
 assume the office of the statesman, and point out 
 dangers that may impede the country's glory and ad- 
 vancement. Yet it does not require any great pene- 
 tration or worldly wisdom to see that a spirit of 
 wild and feverish speculation is abroad upon the 
 land; that the desire for riches and contempt for 
 honest toil grow apace; that selfish and greedy 
 combinations seeking to control industrial activities 
 excite a spirit of unrest among the people; that 
 communism, conflicts between labor and capital, 
 discrimuaating legislation, idleness and intemperance 
 retard national prosperity ; that mischievous and 
 unpatriotic utterances of a few native and foreign 
 agitators sow dissension among brethren. These 
 dangers need the exercise of a broad and vigilant 
 patriotism. They need for their correction the appli- 
 cation of the power of law and the condemnation 
 of wise public opinion. 
 
 But now to conclude: In fullest confidence in that 
 guiding providence so manifest in the past, confi- 
 dent in the might of religion to teach, to enforce 
 and to uphold justice, peace and good-will; confident 
 in the good sense, in the loyalty of oiu- citizens to 
 maintain and transmit to others what they enjoy, we 
 
22 Oration. 
 
 may look forward on this day with hopeful hearts to 
 the continued glory and prosperity of our country. 
 And may each circlmg year behold it high advanced ! 
 May new heroes arise with the coming years for 
 its defence — heroes, who in life and act will imitate 
 the virtues and heroic deeds of the fathers, and con- 
 tinue to show forth what a common devotion and a 
 love stronger than death can do, has done, and will 
 do again, if need be, to perpetuate liberty and union, 
 now and forever, one and inseparable. 
 
A LIST 
 
 BOSTON MUNICIPAL ORATORS, 
 
 By C. W. ERNST. 
 
BOSTON ORATORS 
 
 Appointed by the Municipal Authorities. 
 
 For the Anniversary of the Boston Massacre, March 5, 1770. 
 
 Note. — The Fifth-of-March orations were published in handsome quarto editions, 
 now very scai'ce; also collected In book form in 17S5, and again in 1807. The oration 
 of 1776 was delivered in Watertown. 
 
 1771. — Lovell, James. 
 
 1772. — Warren, Joseph. 
 
 1773. — Church, Benjamin. 
 
 1774. — Hancock, John.-"^ 
 
 1775. — Warren, Joseph. 
 
 1776. — Thacher, Peter. 
 
 1777. — Highborn, Benjamin. 
 
 1778. — Austin, Jonathan Williams. 
 
 1779. — Tudor, William. 
 1780. — Mason, Jonathan, Jun. 
 
 1781. — Dawes, Thomas, Jun. 
 
 1782. — MiNOT, George Eichards. 
 1783. — Welsh, Thomas. 
 
 For the Anniversary of National Independence^ July 4, 1776. 
 
 Note. — A collected edition, or a full collection, of these orations has not been 
 made. For the names of the orators, as officially printed on the title pages of the 
 orations, see the Municipal Register of 1890. 
 
 1783. — Warren, John.^ 
 1784. — Highborn, Benjamin. 
 
 1785. GrARDNER, JOHN. 
 
 a Reprinted in Newport, R. I., 1774, Svo, 19 pp. 
 
 •Reprinted in Warren's Life. The orations of 1783 to 1786 were published In 
 large quarto; the oration of 1787 appeared in octavo; the oration of 1788 was printed 
 In small quarto; all succeeding orations appeared in octavo, with the exceptions 
 stated under 1863 and 1876. 
 
26 Appendix. 
 
 1786. — Austin, Jonathan Loring. 
 
 1787. — Dawks, Thomas, Jun. 
 1788. — Otis, Harrison Gray. 
 
 1789. — Stillman, Samuel. 
 
 1790. — Gray, Edward. 
 
 1791. — Crafts, Thomas, Jun. 
 1792. — Blake, Joseph, Jun.^ 
 1793. — Adams, John Quincy.^ 
 1794. — Phillips, John. 
 1795. — Blake, George. 
 1796. — Lathrop, John, Jun. 
 1797. — Callender, John. 
 
 1798. — Quincy, Josiah.-'8 
 
 1799. — Lowell, John, Jun.^ 
 1800. — Hall, Joseph. 
 
 1801. — Paine, Charles. 
 
 1802. — Emerson, William. 
 
 1803. — Sullivan, William. 
 1804. — Danforth, Thomas.- 
 
 1805. — Button, Warren. 
 
 1806. — Channing, Francis Dana.^ 
 1807.— Thacher, Peter. 2' ^ 
 
 1808. — Ritchie, Andrew, Jun.^ 
 
 1809. — Tudor, William, Jun.^ 
 1810. — TowNSEND, Alexander. 
 
 1811. — Savage, James. ^ 
 
 1812. — Pollard, Benjamin.* 
 
 1813. — Livermore, P^dward St. Loe, 
 
 » Passed to a seconci edition. 
 
 8 Delivered another oration in 1826. Quincy's oration of 1798 was reprinted, also, 
 in Philadelphia. 
 
 *Not printed. 
 
 "On February 26, 1811, Peter Thacher's name was changed to Peter Oxenbridge 
 Thacher. (List of Persons whose Names have been Changed in Massachusetts, 1780- 
 1892, p. 21.) 
 
Appendix. 27 
 
 1814\ — Whitwell, Benjamin. 
 1815. — Shaw, Lemuel. 
 
 1816. — Sullivan, George.^ 
 
 1817. — Channing, Edward Tyrrel. 
 
 1818. — Gray, Francis Galley. 
 
 1819. — Dexter, Franklin. 
 1320. — Lyman, Theodore, Jun. 
 
 1821. — LoRiNG, Charles Greely.^ 
 
 1822. — Gray, John Chipman. 
 
 1823. — Curtis, Charles Pelham."^ 
 
 1824. — Bassett, Francis. 
 
 1825. — Sprague, Charles.® 
 
 1826. QUINCY, JOSIAH.^ 
 
 1827. — Mason, William Powell. 
 
 1828. — Sumner, Bradford. 
 
 1829. — Austin, James Trecothick. 
 
 1830. — Everett, Alexander Hill. 
 
 1831. — Palfrey, John Gorham. 
 
 1832. — QuiNCY, JosiAH, Jun. 
 
 1833. — Prescott, Edward Goldsborough. 
 1834. — Fay, Richard Sullivan. 
 
 1835. — Hillard, George Stillman. 
 
 1836. — Kinsman, Henry Willis. 
 
 1837. — Chapman, Jonathan. 
 
 1838. — WiNSLOW, Hubbard. "The Means of the Per- 
 
 petuity and Prosperity of our Republic." 
 1839. — Austin, Ivers James. 
 1840. — Power, Thomas. 
 1841.— Curtis, George Ticknor.^ " The True Uses of 
 
 American Revolutionary History." * 
 1842. — Mann, Horace.^ 
 
 6 Six editions up to 1831. Repriuted also in his Life and Letters. 
 
 7 Reprinted in his Municipal History of Boston. See 1798. 
 
 8 Delivered another oration in 1862. 
 
 9 There are five editions; only one by the City. 
 
28 Appendix. 
 
 1843. — Adams, Charles Francis. 
 
 1844. — Chandler, Peleg "Whitman. '' Tlie Morals of 
 Freedom." 
 
 1845. — Sumner, Charles. -^^ "The True Grandeur of 
 Nations." 
 
 1846. — Webster, Fletcher. 
 
 1847. — Cary, Thomas Greaves. 
 
 1848. — Giles, Joel. "Practical Liberty." 
 
 1849. — Greenough, William Whitwell. "The Con- 
 quering Republic." 
 
 1850. — Whipple, Edwin Percy." "Washington and 
 the Principles of the Revolution." 
 
 1851. — Russell, Charles Theodore. 
 
 1852. — King, Thomas Starr, ^^ "The Organization of 
 Liberty on the Western Continent." ^^ 
 
 1853.— BiGELOW, TlMOTHY.^^ 
 
 1854. — Stone, Andrew Leete.^ 
 
 1855. — Miner, Alonzo Ames. 
 
 1856. — Parker, Edward Griffin. "The Lesson of 
 
 '76 to the Men of '56." 
 1857. — Alger, William Rounseville." " The Genius 
 
 and Posture of America." 
 
 1858. — Holmes, John Somers.^ 
 
 1859. — Sumner, George. ^^ 
 1860. — Everett, Edward. 
 1861. — Parsons, Theophilus. 
 
 1862. — Curtis, George Ticknor.^ 
 
 1863. — Holmes, Olr-er Wendell.^* 
 1864. — Russell, Thomas. 
 
 '9 Passed through tliree editions in Boston and one in London, and was answered 
 In a pamplilet, Remarks upon an Oration delivered by Cliarles Sumner .... July 
 4th, ISl.i. By a Citizen of Boston. See Memoir and Letters of Charles Sumner, by 
 Edward L. Pierce, vol. 11. 337-3s4. 
 
 11 There is a second edition. (Boston : Tlcknor, Reed & Fields. 1S50. 49 pp. T2°.) 
 
 " First published by the City In 181V2. 
 
 " This aud a number of tlie succeeding orations, up to 1861, contain tlie speeches, 
 toasts, etc., of the City dinner usually given in Faueull Hall on tlie Fourth of July. 
 
Appendix. 29 
 
 1865. — Manning, Jacob Merrill. "Peace under 
 Liberty." 
 
 1866. — LoTHROP, Samuel Kirkland. 
 
 1867. — Hepwortii, George Hughes. 
 
 1868. — Eliot Samuel. " The Functions of a City." 
 1869. — Morton, Ellis Wesley. 
 
 1870. — Everett, William. 
 
 1871. — Sargent, Horace Binney. 
 
 1872. — Adams, Charles Francis, Jun. 
 
 1873. — Ware, John Fothergill Waterhouse. 
 1874. — Frothingham, Richard. 
 
 1875. — Clarke, James Freeman. 
 
 1876. — Winthrop, Robert Charles." 
 
 1877. — Warren, William Wirt. 
 
 1878. — Healy, Joseph. 
 
 1879. — Lodge, Henry Cabot. 
 
 1880. — Smith, Robert Dickson.^* 
 
 1881. — Warren, George Washington. "Our Repub- 
 
 lic — Liberty and Equality Founded on Law." 
 1882. — Long, John Davis. 
 1883. — Carpenter, Henry Bernard. "American 
 
 Character and Influence." 
 1884. — Shepard, Harvey Newton. 
 1885. — Gargan, Thomas John. 
 
 1* Probably four editions were printed in 1857. (Boston : Office Boston Daily Bee. 
 60 pp.) Not until November 2-2, 1864, was Mr. Alger asked by the City to furnish a 
 copy for publication. He granted the request, and the first official edition (J. E. Far- 
 well & Co., 1864, 53 pp.) was then issued. It lacks the interesting preface and appendix 
 of the early editions. 
 
 "There is another edition. (Boston: Ticknor & Fields, 1859, 69 pp.) A third 
 (Boston ; Rockwell & Churchill, 1882. 46 pp.) omits the dinner at Faneuil Hall, the 
 correspondence and events of the celebration. 
 
 i« There is a preliminary edition of twelve copies. (J. E. Farwell & Co., 1863. (7), 
 71 pp.) It is " the first draft of the author's address, turned into larger, legible type, 
 for the sole purpose of rendering easier its piiblic delivery." It was done by " the 
 liberality of the City Authorities," and is, typographically, the handsomest of these 
 orations. This resulted in the large-paper 75-page edition, printed from the same 
 type as the 71-page edition, but modified by the author. It is printed " by order of the 
 Common Council." The regular edition is in 60 pp., octavo size. 
 
30 Appendix. 
 
 1886. — "Williams, George Frederick. 
 1887. — Fitzgerald, John Edward. 
 1888. — Dillaway, "William Edward Lovell. 
 1889. — Swift, John Lindsay. ^^ "The Americau Citi- 
 zen." 
 1890. — Pillsbury, Albert Enoch. "Public Spirit. " 
 
 1891. — QuiNCY, JosiAH.20 "The Coming Peace." 
 
 1892. — Murphy, John Robert. 
 
 1893. — Putnam, Henry "Ware. "The Mission of Oui- 
 
 People." 
 
 1894. — O'Neil, Joseph Henry. 
 
 1895. — Berle, Adolph Augustus. "The Constitution 
 
 and the Citizen." 
 1896. — Fitzgerald, John Francis. 
 1897. — Hale, Edward Everett. 
 1898.— O'Callaghan, Rev. D. 
 
 " There is a large paper edition of fifty copies priuted from tliis type, and also an 
 edition from the press of John Wilson & Son, 1876. 55 pp. S". 
 
 IS On Samuel Adams, a statue of whom, by Miss Anne Whitney, had just been 
 completed for the City. A photograph of the statue is added. 
 
 >9 Contains a bibliography of Boston Fourth of July orations, from 17S3 to 1SS9, 
 inclusive, compiled by Lindsay Swift, of the Boston Public Library. 
 
 *" Reprinted by the Americau Peace Society.