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LETTERS 
 
 FROM A FARMER IN 
 
 PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
The Patriotic American Farmer. 
 J-n D -k-n s — n E sq r Barri ster at Law: 
 
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LETTERS 
 
 FROM 
 
 A FARMER in Pennfyhania, 
 TO THE INHABITANTS OF 
 THE BRITISH COLONIES 
 
 BY 
 
 JOHN DICKINSON 
 
 WITH AN HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 
 BY 
 
 R. T. H. HALSEY 
 
 NEW YORK 
 
 THE OUTLOOK COMPANY 
 
 I903 
 
3] 54-^ 
 
 THE Ll6RAl:V OF 
 
 CONGRESS. 
 Two Copiei Receive 
 
 AUG 26 1903 
 
 »- XXc. No 
 
 o e> O "> / 
 COPY B. 
 
 Copyright, 1905 
 By R. T. H. Halsey 
 
 ■ 
 
 * , * 
 
 - * * t t » ( 
 
TO THE MEMORY 
 
 OF ONE WHO LOVED HER COUNTRY 
 
 AND ALL THAT PERTAINED 
 
 TO ITS HISTORY 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Introduction xvii 
 
 Notes xlix 
 
 Letter I 5 
 
 Letter II 13 
 
 Letter III 27 
 
 Letter IV 37 
 
 Letter V 47 
 
 Letter VI 59 
 
 Letter VII 67 
 
 Letter VIII 79 
 
 Letter IX 87 
 
xii CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Letter X 101 
 
 Letter XI 117 
 
 Letter XII 133 
 
 Letter of Thanks from the Town 
 
 of Boston 147 
 
I LLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 The Patriotic American Farmer 
 J-n D-k-ns-n, Esq r , Barrister-at- 
 Law Frontispiece 
 
 Photogravure on copper. 
 
 Initial Letter from the Penn- 
 sylvania Chronicle of 1768 . . Title 
 
 Line etching on copper. 
 
 Chelsea Derby Porcelain Statu- 
 ette of Catherine Macaulay xliii 
 
 Bierstadt process color print. 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 IN the issue of the Pennsylvania 
 Chronicle and Universal Adver- 
 tiser of November 30th— December 3d, 
 1767, appeared the first of twelve successive 
 weekly " Letters from a Farmer in Penn- 
 sylvania to the Inhabitants of the British 
 Colonies" in which the attitude assumed 
 by the British Parliament towards the 
 American Colonies was exhaustively dis- 
 cussed. So extensive was their popularity 
 that they were immediately reprinted in 
 almost all our Colonial newspapers. 
 
 The outbursts of joy throughout America 
 occasioned by the repeal of the Stamp Act 
 had scarcely subsided when, the protracted 
 illness of Lord Chatham having left the 
 Ministry without a head, the indomitable 
 Charles Townsend, to the amazement of his 
 colleagues and unfeigned delight of his 
 King, introduced measure after measure 
 under the pretence that they were de- 
 manded by the necessities of the Ex- 
 chequer ; but in reality for the purpose of 
 demonstrating the supremacy of the power 
 of the Parliament of Great Britain over her 
 colonies in America. Among these Acts 
 were those which provided for the billeting 
 of troops in the various colonies ; others 
 
xviii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 called for duties upon glass, lead, paint, oil, 
 tea, etc. Of dire portent was the provision 
 therein, that the revenues thus obtained be 
 used for the maintenance of a Civil List 
 in America, and for the payment of the 
 salaries of the Royal Governors and Justices, 
 salaries which had hitherto been voted by 
 the various Assemblies. The Assembly of 
 New York, having failed to comply strictly 
 with the letter of the law in regard to the 
 billeting of the King's troops, was punished 
 by having its legislative powers suspended. 
 This action boded ill for the future of any 
 law-making body in America which should 
 fail to carry out strictly any measure upon 
 which the British Parliament might agree. 
 The Colonies needed a common ground on 
 which to meet in their opposition to these 
 arbitrary Acts of Parliament. The deeds of 
 violence and the tumultuous and passionate 
 harangues in the northern colonies met 
 with little sympathy among a large class in 
 the middle and southern colonies, who, 
 while chafing under the attacks upon their 
 liberties, hesitated to favor resistance to the 
 home government because of their unswerv- 
 ing loyalty to their King and their love for 
 the country to whom and to which they 
 owed allegiance. To these " The Farmer " 
 appealed when he wrote, "The cause of 
 liberty is a cause of too much dignity to be 
 slighted by turbulence and tumult. It 
 ought to be maintained in a manner suitable 
 
INTRODUCTION. xix 
 
 to her nature, those who engage in it should 
 breathe a sedate yet fervent spirit animat- 
 ing them to actions of prudence, justice, 
 modesty, bravery, humanity and magnani- 
 mity." The convincing logic of these let- 
 ters clearly proved that the constitutional 
 rights belonging to Englishmen were being 
 trampled upon in the colonies, and fur- 
 nished a platform upon which all those who 
 feared their liberties were endangered could 
 unite. 
 
 Under the date of the fifth of November, 
 1767, the seventy-ninth anniversary of the 
 day on which the landing of William the 
 Third at Torbay gave constitutional lib- 
 erty to all Englishmen, John Dickinson, of 
 Pennsylvania (for before long it became 
 known that he was the illustrious author), 
 in a letter addressed to his " beloved country- 
 men," called attention to the lack of interest 
 shown by the Colonies in the act suspend- 
 ing the legislative powers of New York, and 
 logically pointed out that the precedent 
 thereby established was a blow at the lib- 
 erty of all the other Colonies, laying partic- 
 ular emphasis upon the danger of mutual 
 inattention by the Colonies to the interests 
 of one another. 
 
 The education and training of the author 
 well qualified him to handle his subject. 
 Born in 1732 on his ancestral plantation on 
 the eastern shore of Maryland, from early 
 youth John Dickinson had had the advanta- 
 
xx INTRODUCTION. 
 
 ges of a classical education.* His nineteenth 
 year found him reading law in a lawyer's 
 office in Philadelphia. Three years later, 
 he sailed for England, where he devoted 
 four important years to study at the Middle 
 Temple, and then and there obtained that 
 knowledge of English common law and 
 constitutional history, and imbibed the tra- 
 ditions of liberty belonging to Englishmen 
 on which he later founded his plea for the 
 resistance of the Colonies to the ministerial 
 attacks upon their liberty. On his return 
 home he took up the practice of his profes- 
 sion at Philadelphia, and immediately won 
 for himself a high place at the Bar. Elected 
 in 1760 a member of the Assembly of Del- 
 aware, his reputation for ability and politi- 
 cal discernment gained him its speakership. 
 In 1762 he became a member of the As- 
 sembly of Pennsylvania, where he acquired 
 great prominence and unpopularity, which 
 later cost him his seat in that body, on ac- 
 count of his opposition to the Assembly's 
 sending a petition to the King praying that 
 the latter " would resume the government of 
 the province, making such compensation to 
 the proprietaries as would be equitable, and 
 permitting the inhabitants to enjoy under 
 the new government the privileges that have 
 been granted to them by and under your 
 Royal ministries." 
 
 * " The Life and Times of John Dickinson," by 
 Charles J. Stille. 
 
INTRODUCTION. xxi 
 
 Possibly Dickinson's knowledge of the 
 personality of the Ministry and the domi- 
 nant spirits in English political circles 
 gained while abroad, led him bitterly to 
 attack this measure, fathered and supported 
 by Franklin, for subsequent events soon 
 showed the far-sightedness which led him 
 to distrust the wisdom of a demand for the 
 revoking of the Proprietary Charter, even 
 though it were a bad one. His part in the 
 controversy forced even his bitterest oppo-» 
 nents to admire his ability. The enormous 
 debt incurred by Great Britain during the 
 then recent war with France led" the Minis- 
 try to look for some way of lightening tax- 
 ation at home. It was decided that Amer- 
 ica must pay a share toward lifting the 
 burden resting heavily on those in England, 
 caused by the financing of the expenses of 
 a war which drove France from North 
 America. The fact that the colonies had 
 furnished, equipped and maintained in the 
 field twenty-five thousand troops and had 
 incurred debts far heavier in proportion 
 than those at home was forgotten. In 1764 
 was passed the " Sugar Act," which ex- 
 tended and enlarged the Navigation Acts 
 and made England the channel through 
 which not only all European, but also all 
 Asiatic trade to and from the colonies must 
 flow. At the same time an announcement 
 was made that "Stamp Duties" would be 
 added later on. The next year from Dick- 
 
xxii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 inson's pen appeared a pamphlet entitled 
 "The LATE REGULATIONS Respect- 
 ing the BRITISH COLONIES on the 
 Continent of AMERICA Considered, 
 in a Letter from a Gentleman in Philadel- 
 phia to his Friend in London," in which 
 these late regulations and proposed measures 
 were discussed entirely from an economic 
 standpoint. In it was clearly shown how de- 
 pendent were the manufacturers and traders 
 in England for their prosperity upon the 
 trade of the colonies and that any restraint 
 of American trade would naturally curtail 
 the ability of those in the colonies to pur- 
 chase from the home market. The Stamp 
 Act was opposed on the ground that the 
 already impoverished colonies would be 
 drained of all their gold and silver which 
 necessarily would have to go abroad in the 
 payment for the stamps. This letter was 
 conciliatory and persuasive, yet in the clos- 
 ing pages Dickinson asked : 
 
 "What then can we do? Which way 
 shall we turn ourselves? How may we 
 mitigate the miseries of our country ? Great 
 Britain gives us an example to guide us ? 
 She Teaches us to Make a Distinction 
 Between Her Interests and Our Own. 
 
 " Teaches ! She requires — commands — 
 insists upon it — threatens — compels — and 
 even distresses us into it. 
 
 " We have our choice of these two 
 things — to continue our present limited and 
 
INTRODUCTION. xxiii 
 
 disadvantageous commerce — or to promote 
 manufactures among ourselves, with a habit 
 of economy, and thereby remove the neces- 
 sity we are now under of being supplied by 
 Great Britain. 
 
 " It is not difficult to determine which 
 of these things is most eligible. Could the 
 last of them be only so far executed as to 
 bring our demand for British manufactures 
 below the profits of our foreign trade, and 
 the amount of our commodities immedi- 
 ately remitted home, these colonies might 
 revive and flourish. States and families are 
 enriched by the same means ; that is, by 
 being so industrious and frugal as to spend 
 less than what they raise can pay for." 
 
 The various Non-Importation Agree- 
 ments signed during the next ten years, bear 
 testimony to the popularity of the proposed 
 plan. 
 
 This pamphlet circulated freely and in- 
 creased Dickinson's reputation as that of a 
 man capable of thoroughly discussing public 
 measures ; it also brought his name to the 
 attention of the British public for whom the 
 " Letter " was especially written. 
 
 At the call of Massachusetts, representa- 
 tives of nine of the colonies met in New 
 York in October, 1764, and after a long 
 discussion (in which Dickinson's knowledge 
 of constitutional law and English colonial 
 policy enabled him to assume the leader- 
 ship) issued a " Declaration of Rights," in 
 
xxiv INTRODUCTION. 
 
 which it was asserted that the inhabitants of 
 the Colonies, standing on their rights as 
 Englishmen, could not be taxed by the 
 House of Commons while unrepresented in 
 that body. Memorials were sent abroad 
 protesting against the proposed acts, ex- 
 pressing, however, their willingness to meet 
 loyally as in the past any properly accredited 
 requisitions for funds sent to the various 
 Assemblies. Notwithstanding this opposi- 
 tion, and the protests of all friends of Amer- 
 ica in England, the Stamp Act was passed. 
 A year later it was repealed. 
 
 Written in a plain, pure style, with il- 
 lustrations and arguments drawn from eccle- 
 siastical, classical and English history, each 
 point proven with telling accuracy and con- 
 vincing logic, conciliatory to the English 
 people, and tilled with expressions of loyalty 
 to the King, these essays, popularly known 
 as the " Farmer's Letters," furnished the 
 basis on which all those who resented the 
 attacks on their liberty were able to unite. 
 Town meetings * and Assemblies vied with 
 each other in their resolutions of thanks. 
 The" Letters" were published immediately 
 in book form in Philadelphia (three different 
 editions), New York, Boston (two different 
 editions), Williamsburgh, London (with a 
 preface written by Franklin), and Dublin. 
 
 * The " Address from the Town of Providence," 
 printed from the original manuscript, is to be found in 
 the Notes, page li. 
 
JUST PUBLISHED. 
 
 Printed on a large Type, and fine Paper, 
 
 And to be sold at the LONDON BOOK STORE 
 
 North Side of King-street 
 
 l e r r e r s 
 
 FROM 
 
 A FARMER in PENNSYLVANIA 
 
 To the INHABITANTS of the 
 BRITISH COLONIES. 
 
 {Price two Pistareens) 
 
 Among all the WRITERS in favor of the COLONIES, 
 the FARMER shines unrivalled, for strength of Argument, 
 Elegance of Diction, Knowledge in the Laivs of Great Bri- 
 tain, and the true interest of the COLONIES: A pathetic 
 and persuasive eloquence runs thro the whole of these 
 Letters : They have been printed in every Colony from Flo- 
 rida to Nova Scotia ; and the universal applause so justly 
 bestowed on the AUTHOR, hath fully testified the GRA- 
 TITUDE of the PEOPLE OF AMERICA, for such an 
 able Adviser and affectionate Friend. 
 
xxvi INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Franklin was influential, also, in having 
 them translated into French, and published 
 on the Continent. Owing to the beauty of 
 its typography and the excellence of its 
 book-making, the Boston edition, published 
 by Messrs. Mein & Fleeming, has been se- 
 lected for republication, and has been re- 
 printed line for line and page for page, in 
 a type varying but slightly from that used 
 by Mein & Fleeming. A few typographi- 
 cal errors have been corrected, but the ir- 
 regularities in spelling, wherever they exist 
 throughout the various editions, have been 
 retained. The binding also is a reproduc- 
 tion of that of the original. Its publication * 
 was announced in the "Boston Chronicle," 
 March 14-21, 1768, by the advertisement 
 reprinted on the preceding page. 
 
 Valuable as these " Letters " were at 
 home in uniting all factions in their meas- 
 ures of resistance, yet their influence abroad 
 was of even more far-reaching effect. Re- 
 printed in London in June, 1768, this two- 
 shilling pamphlet quickly circulated through 
 coffee-house and drawing-room. In minis- 
 terial circles the " Farmer " caused great 
 indignation. In a letter from Franklin, 
 addressed to his son, dated London, 1 3th of 
 March, 1768, appears the following: "My 
 Lord Hillsborough mentioned the ' Farm- 
 er's Letters ' to me, said that he had read 
 
 * Two weeks later a letter of thanks voted by the 
 town of Boston was added to this edition. 
 
INTRODUCTION. xxvii 
 
 them, that they were well written, and he 
 believed he could guess who was the author, 
 looking in my face at the same time, as if 
 he thought it was me. He censured the 
 doctrines as extremely wild. I have read 
 them as far as Number 8. I know not if 
 any more have been published. I should, 
 however, think they had been written by 
 Mr. Delancey, not having heard any men- 
 tion of the others you point out as joint 
 authors." 
 
 Groaning under their own heavy taxa- 
 tion, the troubles of America had hitherto 
 appealed but slightly to the average English- 
 man and the sympathies of the English 
 people had become involved in the long- 
 drawn-out struggles of Wilkes to obtain his 
 constitutional rights. The press published 
 little American news. America was little 
 discussed ; conditions there were practically 
 unknown to all but the trading class, whose 
 members had prospered through the mon- 
 opoly of the constantly increasing commerce 
 with the growing colonies. This class, 
 naturally fearing the loss of the magnificent 
 trade which had been built up, had long 
 bemoaned the constantly increasing friction 
 between the two factions on each side of 
 the water. Englishmen in general had 
 hitherto paid little attention to the debates 
 over the various acts raising revenue from 
 the colonies. From the time the " Farm- 
 er's Letters " were published in England 
 
xxviii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 the differences between Parliament and 
 colonies were better understood there. 
 Untouched and yet alarmed by the political 
 corruption so prevalent at the time, thinking 
 men saw in these " Letters " a warning that 
 if their Sovereign was successful in his 
 attempt to take away constitutional liberty 
 from their fellow Englishmen across the 
 sea, their own prized liberty at home was 
 in danger. "American" news became 
 more frequent in the newspapers, " Letters 
 to the Printer," the form of editorials of 
 the day, discussed and criticised the meas- 
 ures of Parliament with great freedom. 
 To the masses, John Dickinson's name soon 
 became very familiar through the agency 
 of the press, which under date ol June 26— 
 28, 1768, freely noted Isaac Barre's char- 
 acterization in the House of Commons of 
 Dickinson as " a man who was not only an 
 ornament to his country but an honor to 
 human nature." Almost immediately after 
 the publication of the London edition, the 
 Monthly Review of July, 1768, forcibly 
 called the attention of the literary world to 
 the " Farmer's Letters " in an exhaustive 
 review which is reprinted in the Notes, page 
 liii, for the purpose of showing the view held 
 by the English Whigs regarding the doc- 
 trines laid down and arguments used by 
 Dickinson in defence of his position. 
 
 The " London Chronicle," under date of 
 September 1st, 1768, printed the popular 
 
INTRODUCTION. xxix 
 
 Liberty song, written by Mr. Dickinson, 
 and which, set to the inspiring air of 
 " Hearts of Oak," was being sung through- 
 out the colonies. In order to give the 
 accompanying letter of request for the re- 
 publication of the song, a request which, 
 from its wording demonstrates the enthusi- 
 asm which the song aroused, the latter is 
 here reprinted from the issue of the Boston 
 "Evening Post" of August 22, 1768. 
 
 MESSIRS FLEETS 
 
 The following Song being now much in Vogue 
 and of late is heard resounding in almost all 
 Companies in Town, and by way of eminence 
 called " The Liberty Song," you are desired to re- 
 publish in your 'circulating' Paper for the Bene- 
 fit of the whole Continent of America. 
 
 [To the Tune of Hearts of Oak.] 
 
 Come, join Hand in Hand, brave Americans all, 
 And rouse your bold Hearts at fair Liberty's Call, 
 No tyrannous Acts shall suppress your just Claim, 
 Or stain with dishonor America's Name. 
 
 In Freedom we're born, & in Freedom we'll live, 
 
 Our Purses are ready, 
 
 Steady, Friends, Steady, 
 Not as Slaves but as Freemen our money we'll 
 give. 
 
 Our worthy Forefathers — let's give them a Cheer — 
 To Climates unknown did courageously steer; 
 Thro' Oceans to Deserts for Freedom they came, 
 And dying bequeath 'd us their Freedom & Fame. 
 
 In Freedom we're born, &c. 
 
xxx INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Their generous Bosoms all Dangers despis'd, 
 So highly, so wisely, their Birthrights they priz'd ; 
 We'll keep what they gave — we will piously keep, 
 Nor frustrate their Toils on the Land or the Deep. 
 
 In Freedom we're born, cVc. 
 
 The Tree their own Hands had to Liberty rear'd, 
 They liv'd to behold growing strong and rever'd; 
 With Transport then cry'd, ' now our Wishes we 
 
 gain, 
 For our Children shall gather the Fruits of our 
 
 Pain.' 
 
 In Freedom we're born, &c. 
 
 Swarms of Placemen and Pensioners soon will ap- 
 pear, 
 Like Locusts deforming the Charms of the Year; 
 Suns vainly will rise, Showers vainly descend, 
 If we are to drudge for what others shall spend. 
 
 In Freedom we're born, &c. 
 
 Then join Hand in Hand brave Americans all, 
 By uniting we stand, by dividing we fall ; 
 In so righteous a Cause let us hope to succeed, 
 For Heaven approves of each generous Deed. 
 
 In Freedom we're born, &c. 
 
 All Ages shall speak with amaze and applause, 
 Of the courage we'll shew in support of our laws; 
 To die we can bear — but to serve we disdain — 
 For Shame is to Freemen more dreadful than 
 Pain. 
 
 In freedom we're born, &c. 
 
 This Bumper I crown for our Sovereign s Health, 
 And this for Britannia's Glory and Wealth ; 
 That Wealth and that Glory immortal may be, 
 If She is but just — and if we are but free. 
 
INTRODUCTION. xxxi 
 
 In Freedom we're born, & in Freedom we'll live, 
 
 Our Purses are ready, 
 
 Steady, Friends, Steady, 
 Not as Slaves, but as Freemen our Money we'll 
 give. 
 
 The following extract from the London 
 " Chronicle " of October 4, 1768, demon- 
 strates how completely the arguments and 
 logic of the "Farmer's Letters" gained popu- 
 lar approval ; how constantly Dickinson's 
 name was kept before the public, both at 
 home and abroad ; how his fame was toasted; 
 how he was recognized as the leader of 
 political thought in the colonies. It shows 
 also the constantly increasing interest in 
 American matters taken by the press of 
 England since the advent of the " Farmer's 
 Letters," for the " American News," pub- 
 lished in this and other London papers, 
 was extensively reprinted in the local jour- 
 nals throughout the kingdom. 
 
 Taken from the Boston, in New England, Evening 
 Post of August 22, iy68 
 
 On Monday the fifteenth instant, the anniver- 
 sary of the ever memorable Fourteenth of August, 
 was celebrated by the Sons of Liberty in this 
 Town, with extraordinary festivity. At this Dawn, 
 the British Flag was displayed on the "Tree of Lib- 
 erty, and a Discharge of Fourteen Cannon, ranged 
 under the venerable Elm, saluted the joyous Day. 
 At eleven o'clock, a very large Company of the 
 principal Gentlemen and respectable Inhabitants 
 of the Town, met at the Hall under the Tree, 
 
xxxii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 while the Streets were crowded with a Concourse 
 of People of all Ranks, public Notice having been 
 given of the intended Celebration. The Musick 
 began at high Noon, performed on various Instru- 
 ments, joined with Voices ; and concluding with 
 the universally admired American Song or Lib- 
 erty, * the Grandeur of its Sentiment, and the easy 
 Flow of its Numbers, together with an exquisite 
 Harmony of Sound, afforded sublime Entertain- 
 ment to a numerous Audience, fraught with a 
 noble Ardour in the cause of Freedom : The Song 
 was clos'd with the Discharge of Cannon and a 
 Shout of Joy ; at the same time the Windows of 
 the Neighbouring Houses, were adorned with a 
 brilliant appearance of the fair Daughters of Lib- 
 erty, who testified their Approbation by Smiles of 
 Satisfaction. The following Toasts succeeded, 
 viz. 
 
 /. Our rightful Sovereign George the "Third. 
 
 2. The Queen, Prince of Wales, and the rest of 
 the Royal Family. 
 
 j. The Sons of Liberty throughout the World. 
 
 ./. The glorious Administration of ij66. 
 
 5. A perpetual Union of Great Britain and her 
 
 Colonies, upon the immutable Principles of 
 Justice and Equity. 
 
 6. May the sinister Designs of Oppressors, both 
 
 in Great Britain and America, be for ever 
 defeated. 
 
 7. May the common Rights of Mankind be estab- 
 
 lished on the Ruin of all their Enemies. 
 
 *The Song has been given already in our Chronicle. 
 
 The following toasts may need brief explanation. — R. T. H. H. 
 4. The Rockingham Ministry which repealed the Stamp Act. 
 
INTRODUCTION. xxxiii 
 
 8. Paschal Paoli and his brave Corsicans. May 
 they never want the Support of the Friends of 
 Liberty. 
 
 p. The memorable ijth of August, 1765. 
 
 10. Magna Charta, and the Bill of Rights. 
 
 11. A speedy Repeal of unconstitutional Acts of 
 
 Parliament, and a final Removal of illegal and 
 oppressive Officers. 
 
 12. The Farmer. 
 
 1 j. John Wilkes, Esq.; and all independent Mem- 
 bers of the British Parliament. 
 
 14. The glorious Ninety-Two who defended the 
 Rights of America, uninfluenced by the Man- 
 dates of a Minister, and undaunted by the 
 threats of a Governor. 
 
 Which being finished, the French horns 
 sounded ; and after another discharge of the can- 
 non, compleating the number Ninety-Two, the 
 
 8. The struggles of Paoli and the Corsicans excited great interest 
 both in Great Britain and America. Constant references are made 
 to these in the "Letters." 
 
 9. The day of the demonstration in Boston against the Stamp 
 Officers. Daybreak disclosed hanging on a tree an effigy of the 
 Stamp Officer Oliver After hanging all day, at nightfall it was 
 taken down by the Sons of Liberty, who placed it on a bier and es- 
 corted it through the principal streets in Boston to the home of Oliver, 
 where, in the presence of a large number of people, it was burned. 
 
 12. John Dickinson. 
 
 14. On the 1 ith day of February, 1768, the Assembly of Mas- 
 sachusetts adopted and sent to the various Colonial Assemblies a 
 circular letter drawn up by Samuel Adams, informing them of the 
 contents of a petition which the Massachusetts Assembly had sent 
 to the King. This letter also urged united action against the op- 
 pressive measures of the Ministry, and gave great offense to the 
 King and Ministry. The Secretary for the Colonies, Lord Hills- 
 borough, instructed Governor Bernard of Massachusetts to order 
 the Assembly to rescind this letter, and in case of refusal to dis- 
 solve this body. After a thorough discussion this request was re- 
 fused by a vote of " ninety-two " to "seventeen." 
 
xxxiv INTRODUCTION. 
 
 gentlemen in their carriages repaired to the Grey- 
 hound Tavern in Roxbury, where a frugal and 
 elegant entertainment was provided. The music 
 played during the repast : After which the follow- 
 ing toasts were given out, and the repeated dis- 
 charge of cannon spoke the general assent. 
 
 /. The King. 
 
 2. §>ueen and Royal Family. 
 
 j. Lord Cambden. 
 
 4. Lord Chatham. 
 
 5. Duke of Richmond. 
 
 6. Marquis of Rockingham. 
 
 7. General Conway. 
 S. Lord Dartmouth. 
 
 9. Earl of Chesterfield. 
 10. Colonel Barre. 
 //. General Howard. 
 
 3. A strenuous upholder of the Constitutional rights of the Col- 
 onies and a strong defender in the House of Lords of the doctrine, 
 "No taxation without representation." Contemporary writers fre- 
 quently spelt Camden's name as above. 
 
 5. Another friend of America in the same body. 
 
 6. Under whose ministry the Stamp Act was repealed. 
 
 7. The leader in the House of Commons during the Rocking- 
 ham Ministry. 
 
 8. President of the Board of Trade in the Rockingham Minis- 
 try, much loved in the Colonies. Dartmouth College bears his name. 
 
 9. A warm adherent of America. 
 
 10. The companion of Wolte at Quebec ; in replying to Town- 
 send during one of the debates over the passage of the Stamp Acts 
 he characterized the Americans as "Sons of Liberty," a term 
 which immediately was applied throughout the Colonies to those 
 who were resenting the interference of Parliament with their home 
 government. 
 
 11. A member of Parliament from Stamford who was active in 
 obtaining the repeal of the Stamp Act. 
 
INTRODUCTION. xxxv 
 
 12. Sir George Saville. 
 /J. Sir William Meredith. 
 
 14. Sir William Baker. 
 
 15. John Wilkes, Esq., and a Speedy Reversal of 
 
 his outlawry. 
 
 16. The Farmer of Pennsylvania. 
 
 if. The Massachusetts Ninety-Two. 
 
 iS. Prosperity and Perpetuity to the British Em- 
 pire, on Constitutional Principles. 
 
 ig. North America : And her fair Daughters of 
 Liberty. 
 
 20. Theillustrious Patriots of the Kingdom of Ireland. 
 
 21. The truly heroic Paschal Paoli, and all the 
 
 brave Corsicans. 
 
 22. The downfall of arbitrary and despotic Power 
 
 in all Parts of the Earth ; and Liberty with- 
 out Licentiousness to all mankind. 
 
 2 j. A perpetual Union and Harmony between Great 
 Britain and the Colonies, on the Principles 
 of the Original Compact. 
 
 2J.. To the immortal Memory of that Hero of 
 Heroes William the Third. 
 
 25. The speedy Establishment of a wise and perma- 
 nent administration. 
 
 12. Represented Yorkshire in the House of Commons ; a strong 
 supporter of the Rockingham Ministry. 
 
 13. Member of Parliament from Liverpool. Lord of the Ad- 
 miralty during the Rockingham Administration. 
 
 14. Also energetic in securing the repeal of the Stamp Act. 
 
 15. The struggles of Wilkes excited keen interest in America. 
 
 16. It is noted that this was the second time Dickinson's health 
 was drunk that day. No other American residing in this country 
 was toasted. 
 
 20. In Letter X Dickinson warns against the fate of Ireland. 
 
xxxvi INTRODUCTION. 
 
 26. The right noble Lords, and very worthy Com- 
 
 moners, who voted for the Repeal of the stamp 
 Act from Principle. 
 
 27. Dennis De Berdt, Esq ; and all the true 
 
 Friends of America in Great Britain, and 
 those of Great Britain in America. 
 
 28. The respectable Towns of Salem, Ipswich and 
 
 Marblehead, with all the Absentees from the 
 late Assembly, and their constituents, who 
 have publickly approved of the Vote against 
 Rescinding. 
 
 29. May all Patriots be as wise as Serpents, and 
 
 as harmless as Doves. 
 
 jo. The Manufactories of North America, and 
 the Banishment of Luxury, Dissipation and 
 other Vices, Foreign and Domestic. 
 
 ji. The removal of all Task-Masters, and an ef- 
 fectual Redress of all other Grievances. 
 
 32. The Militia of Great Britain and of the Col- 
 onies. 
 
 jj. As Iron sharpeneth Iron, so may the Coun- 
 tenance of every good and virtuous Son and 
 Daughter of Liberty, that of his or her 
 Friend. 
 
 27. The agent of Massachusetts in London. 
 
 28. Representatives of these towns voted in favor of rescinding. 
 Town meetings, however, were held, and the citizens of these 
 places recorded themselves as endorsing the action of the majority 
 in refusing the "Ministerial Mandates" and condemned the 
 position assumed by their own representatives. In letters which ap- 
 peared in the press a number of absentees from the Assembly boldly 
 endorsed the action of the majority. 
 
 30. Referring to the proposal of Dickinson quoted on page xxiii 
 of the Introduction. 
 
INTRODUCTION, xxxvii 
 
 34. The Assemblies on this vast and rapidly popu- 
 lating Continent, who have treated a late 
 haughty and " merely ministerial " Mandate 
 " with all that Contempt it so justly deserves." 
 
 33. Strong Halters and sharp axes to all such as 
 respectively deserve them. 
 
 36. Scalping Savages let loose in Tribes, rather 
 
 than Legions of Placemen, Pensioners, and 
 Walkerizing Dragoons. 
 
 37. The Amputation of any Limb, if it be necessary 
 
 to preserve the Body Politic from Perdition. 
 
 38. The oppressed and distressed foreign Protes- 
 
 tants. 
 
 3p. The free and independent Cantons of Switzer- 
 land. 
 
 40. Their High Mightinesses the States General 
 
 of Seven United Provinces. 
 
 41. The King of Prussia. 
 
 42. The Republic of Letters. 
 
 43. The Liberty of the Press. 
 
 44. Spartan, Roman, British Virtue, and Chris- 
 
 tian Graces joined. 
 
 43. Every man under his own Vine ! under his 
 own Fig-Tree ! None to make us afraid ! 
 And let all the People say, Amen ! 
 
 Upon this happy occasion, the whole company 
 with the approbation of their brethren in Roxbury, 
 consecrated a tree in the vicinity ; under the shade 
 of which, on some future anniversary, they say they 
 
 54. Referring to the replies of the various Assemblies to the cir- 
 cular letter and endorsements of the action of the Massachusetts 
 Assembly. 
 
 45. See page 51. 
 
xxxviii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 shall commemorate the day, which shall liberate 
 America from her present oppression ! Then 
 making an agreeable excursion round Jamaica 
 Pond, in which excursion they received the kind 
 salutation of a Friend to the cause by the discharge 
 of cannon at six o'clock they returned to Town ; 
 and passing in slow and orderly procession 
 through the principal streets, and the State-House, 
 they retired to their respective dwellings. It is 
 allowed that this cavalcade surpassed all that has 
 ever been seen in America. The joy of the day 
 was manly, and an uninterrupted regularity pre- 
 sided through the whole. 
 
 The two illustrations in this volume were 
 selected for the purpose of recording preva- 
 lent contemporary opinions of Dickinson. 
 
 The frontispiece is a reproduction (slight- 
 ly reduced in size) * of the very scarce 
 print in which John Dickinson is crudely 
 portrayed as the author of the " Farmer's 
 Letters." It was first advertised for sale in 
 the Pennsylvania " Chronicle " under date 
 of October 12-17, 1768, as follows: 
 
 Lately published and sold by R. Bell 
 
 at James Emerson's, in Market-street, 
 
 near the river, and at John 
 
 Hart's vendue store, in Southward 
 
 (Price One Shilling) 
 
 an elegant engraved COPPER PLATE PRINT 
 
 of the Patriotic American Farmer; 
 The same glazed and framed, price Five Shillings. 
 
 * Reproduced through the courtesy of the Library 
 Company of Philadelphia. I wish also to express my 
 obligation to my friends Messrs. Wilberforce Eames of 
 the Lenox Library and Robert H. Kelby of the New 
 
INTRODUCTION. xxxix 
 
 This specimen of early American engrav- 
 ing, the work of some unknown artist and 
 engraver, was undoubtedly inspired by the 
 following article which appeared in the 
 Pennsylvania " Chronicle " for May, 9—16, 
 1768, as well as the many other newspapers 
 in the colonies, so eager was the press to 
 publish any information concerning the 
 author of the " Farmer's Letters." The 
 inscription is thus explained as well as the 
 elimination of the vowels from Dickin- 
 son's name. 
 
 PHILADELPHIA 
 
 On Tuesday last, by order of the Governor 
 and Society of Fort St. David's, fourteen Gentle- 
 men, members of that Company, waited upon J-n 
 D-ck-nson Esq ; and presented the following ad- 
 dress, in a Box of Heart of Oak. 
 
 Respected Sir, 
 
 When a Man of Abilities, prompted by Love of 
 his Country, exerts them in her Cause, and ren- 
 ders her the most eminent Services, not to be sensible, 
 of the Benefits received, is Stupidity ; not to be grate- 
 ful for them, is Baseness. 
 
 Influenced by this Sentiment, we, the Governor 
 and Company of Fort St. David's, who among other 
 Inhabitants of British America, are indebted to you 
 for your most excellent and generous Vindication of 
 Liberties dearer to us than our Lives, beg Leave to 
 return you our heartiest Thanks, and offer to you 
 the greatest Mark of Esteem, that, as a Body, it is 
 in our Power to bestow, by admitting you, as we 
 hereby do, a Member of our Society. 
 
 York Historical Society for repeated access to the volumes 
 of Colonial Newspapers, etc., in the collections under 
 their charge. 
 
xl INTRODUCTION. 
 
 When that destructive Project of Taxation, which 
 your Integrity and Knowledge so signally contrib- 
 uted to baffle about two years ago, was lately re- 
 newed under a Disguise so artfully contrived as to 
 delude Millions, You, sir, watchful for the Interests 
 of Your Country, perfectly acquainted with them, 
 and undaunted 'in asserting them, Alone detected the 
 Monster concealed from others by an altered Ap- 
 pearance, exposed it, stripped of its insidious cover- 
 ing, in its own horrid Shape, and, we firmly trust 
 by the Blessing of God on Your Wisdom and Vir- 
 tue, will again extricate the British Colonies on this 
 Continent from the cruel Snares of Oppression; for 
 we already perceive these Colonies roused by your 
 strong and seasonable Call, pursuing the salutary 
 Measures advised by You for obtaining Redress. 
 
 Nor is this all that you have performed for Your 
 native Land. Animated by a sacred Zeal, guided 
 by Truth and supported by fustice, You have pene- 
 trated to the Foundations of the Constitution, have 
 poured the clearest Light on the important Points, 
 hitherto involved in a Darkness bewildering even 
 the Learned, and have established with an amazing 
 Force and Plainness of Argument, the true dis- 
 tinctions and grand principles, that will fully in- 
 struct Ages yet unborn, what Rights belong to 
 them, and the best Methods of defending them. 
 
 To Merit far less distinguished, ancient Greece or 
 Rome would have decreed Statues and Honours with- 
 out Number : But it is Tour Fortune and your 
 Glory, Sir, that You live in such Times, and possess 
 such exalted Worth, that the Envy of those, whose 
 Duty it is to applaud You, can conceive no other 
 Consolation, than by withholding those Praises in 
 Public, which all honest Men acknowledge in Pri- 
 vate that you have deserved. 
 
 We present to you, sir, a small gift of a So- 
 ciety not dignified by any legal authority ; But 
 when you consider this gift as expressive of the 
 sincere Affection of many of your Fellow Citizens 
 for Your Person, and of their unlimited Approba- 
 tion of the noble Principles maintained in your un- 
 
INTRODUCTION. xli 
 
 equalled Labours, we hope this Testimony of our 
 Sentiments will be acceptable to you. 
 
 May that all-gracious Being, which in kindness 
 to these colonies gave your valuable Life Existence 
 at the critical Period when it will be most wanted, 
 grant it along Continuance, filled with every Felic- 
 ity ; and when your Country sustains its dreadful 
 loss, may you enjoy the Happiness of Heaven, and 
 on Earth may your Memory be cherished, as we 
 doubt not it will be, to the latest Posterity. 
 Signed by the Order of the Society, 
 
 John Bayard, Secretary. 
 
 The box was finely decorated, and the Inscrip- 
 tion neatly done in Letters of Gold. On the Top 
 was represented the Cap of Liberty on a Spear, 
 resting on a Cypher of the Letters I. D. Under- 
 neath the Cypher in a semicircular Label - - - Pro 
 Patria Around the whole the following words : 
 
 The Gift of the Governor and Society 
 of Fort St. David's to the Author of the 
 Farmer's Letters, in grateful Testimony of 
 the very eminent Services thereby rendered 
 to this Country, 1768. 
 
 On the Inside of the Top — 
 
 The Liberties of 
 
 The British Colonies in America 
 
 Asserted 
 
 With Attic Eloquence, 
 
 And Roman Spirit, 
 
 by 
 
 J-n D-k-ns-n * Esqr.-, 
 
 Barrister at Law. 
 
 On the Inside of the Bottom — 
 
 Ita Cuique Eveniat 
 ut de Republica Meruit. 
 
 On the Outside of the Bottom — A sketch of 
 Fort St. David's. 
 
 *The Name at length. 
 
xlii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 To which the following Answer was returned. 
 
 Gentlemen, 
 
 I very gratefully receive the Favour you have 
 been pleased to bestow upon me, in admitting me a 
 Member of your Company ; and I return you my 
 heartiest Thanks for your Kindness. 
 
 The " Esteem " of worthy fellow Citizens is a 
 Treasure of greatest Price ; and as no man can more 
 highly value it than I do, Your Society in " ex- 
 pressing the Affection " of so many respectable 
 Persons for me, affords Me the sincerest Pleasure. 
 
 Nor will this Pleasure be lessened by reflecting, 
 that you may have regarded with a generous Parti- 
 ality my Attempts to promote the Welfare of our 
 Country ; for the Warmth of your Praises in com- 
 mending a Conduct you suppose to deserve them, 
 gives Worth to these Praises, by proving your Merit, 
 while you attribute Merit to another. 
 
 Your Characters, gentlemen, did not need this 
 Evidence to convince Me, how much I ought to 
 prize Your " Esteem " or how much You deserved 
 Mine. 
 
 I think myself extremely fortunate, in having ob- 
 tained your favorable Opinion, which I shall con- 
 stantly and carefully endeavor to preserve. 
 
 I most heartily wish you every Kind of Happi- 
 ness, and particularly that you may enjoy the com- 
 fortable Prospect of transmitting to your Posterity 
 those " Liberties " dearer to You than your Lives, 
 " which God gave to you, and which no inferior 
 Power has a Right to take away." 
 
 The potter's art, which from time imme- 
 morial has been the means of transmitting 
 history, furnishes the other illustration and 
 also perpetuates the estimate of Dickinson's 
 character held by William Duesbury, Eng- 
 land's greatest manufacturer of porcelain. It 
 pictures a porcelain statuette of Mrs. Cather- 
 

 
 '•Htl.SEA DERBY PORCELAIN STATUETTE OF CATHERINE MACAULAY 
 
1 hi 
 
 man can 
 
 respect 
 crest Pleasure, 
 ned by reflecting, 
 nerous Parti- 
 ■lfare ot 
 
 (tn- 
 •^your Merit, 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Th- 
 ru* 
 
 tit"-, 
 
 •ki i 
 
 }•■ 
 It 
 e of Mrs. Cather- 
 
 YAJUAOAM SHIJIIHIAO '-IO ITTaUTATC H1AJ3DJIOH Y«JI3a A38J3H' 
 
INTRODUCTION. xlv 
 
 ine Macaulay, a well-known historian, whose 
 " History of England from the Accession of 
 James the First to that of the Brunswick 
 Line" and other historical writings met with 
 great approval among the Whig party in 
 England and whose decided approval of the 
 stand taken by the colonies, gave her great 
 popularity in America. This statuette, meas- 
 uring i 2J/2 inches in height, is modeled to a 
 certain extent after the statue of this lady 
 which was erected in 1777 in the Church of 
 St. Stephen, Walbrook, London. Mrs. 
 Macaulay appears leaning upon her " His- 
 tories of England," which rest on the top of 
 a pedestal, on the front of which is the in- 
 scription, " Government a Power Delegated 
 for the Happiness of Mankind conducted by 
 Wisdom, Justice and Mercy." Beneath are 
 the words, '■'■American Congress." On the side 
 of the pedestal the name of Dickinson ap- 
 pears, preceded by the names of those noble 
 writers, England's great advocates and ex- 
 pounders of Constitutional liberty, Sydney, 
 Hampden, Milton, Locke, Harrington, 
 Ludlow and Marvel. This beautiful porce- 
 lain statuette was moulded at the Chelsea 
 factory in 1777, the same year in which 
 Boswell chronicles Dr. Johnson's visit there, 
 noting, " The china was beautiful, but Dr. 
 Johnson justly observed it was too dear, for 
 he could have vessels of silver as cheap as 
 were here made of porcelain." 
 
 The space at my disposal prevents my 
 
xlvi INTRODUCTION. 
 
 quoting many a " Letter to the Printer " 
 appealing for justice for the Colonials as 
 well as numerous contributed articles which 
 appeared during the next few years in the 
 English press, the contents of which clearly 
 show how strongly Dickinson's arguments 
 had influenced their respective authors. 
 While it is true that these sentiments were 
 attacked both at home and abroad, the 
 attacks soon lost their vehemence. Strange 
 as it may seem, more protests against the 
 course of the ministry than denunciations 
 of the doings of the colonial Assemblies are 
 found in the columns of the English press 
 of the period. The demand for the argu- 
 ments contained in the" Farmer's Letters" 
 was not lessened by subsequent events as 
 their popularity demanded the publishing 
 of another London edition in 1774. 
 
 Certainly to John Dickinson for his 
 masterly defence of the rights of the Colo- 
 nies America owes an everlasting debt of 
 gratitude. The logic of his claims and his 
 warnings as to what must be the ultimate 
 result of the ministerial encroachments upon 
 the liberties of Englishmen did much to 
 win over to the American cause in England 
 that strong ally, the support of a large body 
 of thoughtful Englishmen. These men 
 actively condemned the ministerial actions 
 and during the war which followed caused 
 the course of the government to be bitterly 
 opposed by an influential and constantly 
 
INTRODUCTION. xlvii 
 
 growing minority in Parliament. Through 
 their efforts was fostered a public senti- 
 ment which caused the war to be prose- 
 cuted in a half-hearted manner and obliged 
 a power-loving King to fill the depleted 
 ranks of his army with German mercenaries, 
 so impossible was it to force a sufficient num- 
 ber of his own liberty-loving subjects to fight 
 against their kindred living in the land so 
 happily alluded to by a contributor to the 
 London "Chronicle" (June 3-6, 1769), 
 in the following poem : 
 
 The Genius of America to her Sons 
 
 Who'd know the sweets of Liberty ? 
 
 'Tis to climbe the mountain's brow, 
 
 Thence to discern rough industry, 
 
 At the harrow or the plough ; 
 
 'Tis where my sons their crops have sown, 
 
 Calling the harvest all their own ; 
 
 'Tis where the heart to truth allied, 
 
 Never felt unmanly fear ; 
 
 'Tis where the eye with milder pride, 
 
 Nobly sheds sweet pity's tear ; 
 
 Such as America yet shall see, 
 
 These are the sweets of Liberty. 
 
NOTES. 
 
A 
 
 NOTES. 
 I. 
 
 N Address from the Moderator and Free- 
 men of the Town of Providence in the 
 Colony of Rhode-Island,and Providence Plantation 
 convened in open Meeting the 20th day of June, 
 1768, to the Author of a Series of Letters signed 
 
 A FARMER. 
 
 Sir, 
 
 In your Retirement, " near the Banks of the 
 River Delaware," where you are compleating, in a 
 rational way, the Number of Days allotted to 
 you by Divine Goodness, the consciousness of 
 having employed those Talents which God hath 
 bestowed upon You, for the Support of our 
 Rights, must afford you a Satisfaction vastly ex- 
 ceeding that, which is derived to you from the 
 universal Approbation of Your Letters, — How- 
 ever amidst the general Acclamation of your 
 Praise, we the Moderator and Freemen of the 
 ancient Town of Providence cannot be silent ; 
 although we would not offend your Delicacy, or 
 incur the Imputation of Flattery in expressing our 
 Gratitude to you. 
 
 Your Benevolence to Mankind, fully discover- 
 able from your Writings, doubtless caused you to 
 address your countrymen, whom you tenderly 
 call Dear and Beloved, in a Series of Letters, 
 wherein you have with a great Judgment, and in 
 the most spirited and forcible Manner explained 
 their Rights and Privileges ; and vindicated them 
 against such as would reduce these extensive Do- 
 
lii NOTES. 
 
 minions of His Majesty to Poverty, Misery, and 
 Slavery. This Your patriotic Exertion in our 
 Cause and indeed in the Cause of all the human 
 Race in some Degree, hath rendered you very dear 
 to us, although we know not your Person. 
 
 We deplore the Frailty of human Nature, in 
 that it is necessary that we should be frequently 
 awakened into Attention to our Duty in Matters 
 very plain and incontrovertible, if we would suffer 
 ourselves to consider them. From this Inattention 
 to Things evidently the Duty and Interest of the 
 World, we suppose despotic Rule to have orig- 
 inated, and all the Train of Miseries consequent 
 thereupon. 
 
 The virtuous and good Man, who rouses an 
 injured Country from their Lethargy, and animates 
 them into active and successful Endeavours for 
 casting off the Burdens imposed on them, and ef- 
 fecting a full Enjoyment of the Rights of Men, 
 which no Human Creature ought to violate, will 
 merit the warmest Expressions of Gratitude from 
 his Countrymen, for his Instrumentality in saving 
 them and their Posterity. 
 
 As the very Design of instituting civil Govern- 
 ment in the World was to secure to Individuals a 
 quiet Enjoyment of their native Rights, wherever 
 there is a Departure from this great and only 
 End, impious Force succeeds. The Blessings of 
 a just Government, and the Horror of brutal 
 Violence are both inexpressible. As the latter is 
 generally brought upon People by Degrees, it will 
 be their Duty to watch against even the smallest 
 attempt to " innovate a single Iota " in their 
 Privilege. 
 
 With Hearts truly loyal to the King, we feel 
 the greatest concern at divers Acts of the British 
 Parliament, relative to these colonies. We are 
 clear and unanimous in Sentiment that they are 
 
NOTES. liii 
 
 subversive of our Liberties, and derogatory to the 
 Power and Dignity of the several Legislatures es- 
 tablished in America. 
 
 Permit us, Sir, to assure you that we feel an in- 
 effable Gratitude to you, for sending forth your 
 Letters at a Time when the Exercise of great 
 Abilities was necessary. We sincerely wish that 
 You may see the Fruit of your Labours. We on 
 our parts shall be ready at all Times to evince to 
 the World that we will not surrender our privi- 
 leges to any of our Fellow Subjects, but will ear- 
 nestly contend for them, hoping that the "Al- 
 mighty will look upon our righteous contest with 
 gracious approbation." We hope that the Con- 
 duct of the Colonies on this Occasion will be 
 "peaceable, prudent, firm, and joint; and such as 
 will show their Loyalty to the best of Sovereigns, 
 and that they know what they owe to themselves 
 as well as to Great-Britain. " 
 
 Signed by Order 
 
 JAMES ANGELL, Town Clerk. 
 
 I I . 
 
 FROM THE MONTHLY REVIEW. 
 LONDON, JULY, 1768. 
 
 " Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania, to (he 
 Inhabitants of the British Colonies. Svo. 2s. 
 Almon. 7/68. 
 
 " We have, in the Letters now before us, a calm 
 yet full inquiry into the right of the British parlia- 
 ment, lately assumed, to tax the American colo- 
 nies ; the unconstitutional nature of which at- 
 tempt is maintained in a well-connected chain of 
 close and manly reasoning; and though from this 
 character, it is evident that detached passages 
 
liv NOTES. 
 
 must appear to a disadvantage, yet it is but just 
 to give our Readers some specimens of the man- 
 ner in which the author asserts the rights of his 
 American brethren ; subjects of the British gov- 
 ernment, as he pleads, carrying their birthrights 
 with them wherever they settle as such. 
 
 ' Colonies, says he, were formerly planted by 
 warlike nations, to keep their enemies in awe ; to 
 relieve their country overburthened with inhabi- 
 tants ; or to discharge a number of discontented 
 and troublesome citizens. But in more modern 
 ages, the spirit of violence being, in some measure, 
 if the expression may be allowed, sheathed in com- 
 merce, colonies have been settled by the nations of 
 Europe for the purposes of trade. These purposes 
 were to be attained, by the colonies raising for their 
 mother country those things which she did not pro- 
 duce herself; and by supplying themselves from 
 her with things they wanted. These were the na- 
 tional objects in the commencement of our colo- 
 nies, and have been uniformly so in their promo- 
 tion. 
 
 ' To answer these grand purposes, perfect liberty 
 was known to be necessary; all history proving, that 
 trade and freedom are nearly related to each other. 
 By a due regard to this wise and just plan, the in- 
 fant colonies, exposed in the unknown climates 
 and unexplored wildernesses of this new world, 
 lived, grew, and flourished. 
 
 ' The parent country, with undeviating prudence 
 and virtue, attentive to the first principles of colo- 
 nization, drew to herself the benefits she might 
 reasonably expect, and preserved to her children 
 the blessings, upon which those benefits were 
 founded. She made laws, obliging her colonies to 
 carry to her all those products which she wanted 
 for her own use ; and all those raw materials which 
 she chose herself to work up. Besides this restric- 
 tion, she forbade them to procure manufactures from 
 any other part of the globe, or even the products of 
 European countries, which alone could rival her, 
 
NOTES. lv 
 
 without being first brought to her. In short, by a 
 variety of laws, she regulated their trade in such a 
 manner as she thought most conducive to their mu- 
 tual advantage and her own welfare. A power was 
 reserved to the crown of repealing any laws that 
 should be enacted : the executive authority of gov- 
 ernment was also lodged in the crown, and its rep- 
 resentatives ; and an appeal was secured to the 
 crown from all judgments in the administration of 
 justice. 
 
 ' For all these powers, established by the mother 
 country over the colonies ; for all these immense 
 emoluments derived by her from them ; for all their 
 difficulties and distresses in fixing themselves, what 
 was the recompense made them ? A communica- 
 tion of her rights in general, and particularly of that 
 great one, the foundation of all the rest — that their 
 property, acquired with so much pain and hazard, 
 should be disposed of by none but themselves — or, 
 to use beautiful and emphatic language of the sacred 
 scriptures, "that they should sit every man under his 
 vine, and under his fig-tree, and none should make 
 them afraid." 
 
 ' Can any man of candour and knowledge deny 
 that these institutions form an affinity between 
 Great Britain and her colonies, that sufficiently se- 
 cures their dependence upon her ? Or that for her 
 to levy taxes upon them is to reverse the nature of 
 things ? Or that she can pursue such a meas- 
 ure without reducing them to a state of vassal- 
 age ? 
 
 4 If any person cannot conceive the supremacy 
 of Great Britain to exist, without the power of 
 laying taxes to levy money upon us, the history of 
 the colonies, and of Great Britain, since their set- 
 tlement, will prove the contrary. He will there 
 find the amazing advantages arising to her from 
 them — the constant exercise of her supremacy — 
 and their filial submission to it, without a single 
 rebellion, or even the thought of one, from their 
 first emigration to this moment — and all these 
 things have happened, without one instance of 
 
lvi NOTES. 
 
 Great Britain's laying taxes to levy money upon 
 them. 
 
 ' How many British authors have demonstrated, 
 that the present wealth, power and glory of their 
 country, are founded upon these colonies ? As 
 constantly as streams tend to the ocean have they 
 been pouring the fruits of all their labours into 
 their mother's lap. Good heaven ! and shall a total 
 oblivion of former tendernesses and blessings, be 
 spread over the minds of a good and wise nation by 
 the sordid arts of intriguing men,who, covering their 
 selfish projects under pretences of public good, first 
 enrage their countrymen into a frenzy of passion, 
 and then advance their own influence and interest, 
 by gratifying the passion, which they themselves 
 have basely excited. 
 
 ' Hitherto Great Britain has been contented with 
 her prosperity, moderation has been the rule of her 
 conduct. But now, a generous, humane people, 
 that so often have protected the liberty of strangers, 
 is inflamed into an attempt to tear a privilege from 
 her own children, which if executed, must, in their 
 opinion, sink them into slaves: and for what? for 
 a pernicious power, not necessary to her as her own 
 experience may convince her ; but horribly dread- 
 ful and detestable to her. 
 
 ' It seems extremely probable, that when cool, 
 dispassionate prosperity, shall consider the affection- 
 ate intercourse, the reciprocal benefits, and the un- 
 suspecting confidence, that have subsisted between 
 these colonies and their parent country, for such a 
 length of time, they will execrate, with the bitter- 
 est curses, the infamous memory of those men, 
 whose pestilential ambition unnecessarily, wantonly, 
 first opened the sources of civil discord between 
 them ; first turned their love into jealousy ; and first 
 taught these provinces, filled with grief and anxiety, 
 to enquire.' 
 
 " As every community possessed of valuable 
 privileges, and desirous to preserve the enjoyment 
 of them, ought to be very cautious of admitting 
 
NOTES. Ivii 
 
 innovations from their established forms of polit- 
 ical administration, our Author does not confine 
 his views to the immediate effects of the laws lately 
 passed regarding America ; but considers the nec- 
 essary tendency of the precedents ; thus he says, 
 
 ' I have looked over every statute relating to these 
 colonies, from their first settlement to this time ; 
 and I find everyone of them founded on this prin- 
 ciple, till the stamp-act administration. All before, 
 are calculated to regulate trade, and preserve or pro- 
 mote a mutually beneficial intercourse between the 
 several constituent parts of the empire; and though 
 many of them imposed duties on trade, yet those 
 duties were always imposed with design to restrain 
 the commerce of one part, that was injurious to an- 
 other, and thus to promote the general welfare. 
 The raising a revenue thereby was never intended. 
 Thus, the king by his judges in his courts of justice, 
 impose fines, which altogether amount to a very con- 
 siderable sum, and contribute to the support of gov- 
 ernment ; but this is merely a consequence arising 
 from restrictions, that only meant to keep peace, 
 and prevent confusion ; and surely a man would 
 argue very loosely, who should conclude from hence, 
 that the king has a right to levy money in general 
 upon his subjects. Never did the British parlia- 
 ment, till the period above mentioned, think of im- 
 posing duties in America, for the purpose of raising a 
 revenue. Mr. Grenville first introduced this lan- 
 guage, in the preamble to the fourth of George 
 III. chap. 15, which has these words — "and whereas 
 it is just and necessary that a revenue be raised in your 
 majesty's said dominions in America, for defraying the 
 expenses of defending, protecting and securing the same : 
 We your majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, 
 the commons of Great Britain, in Parliament assem- 
 bled, being desirous to make some provisions in this 
 present session of parliament, toiuards raising the said 
 revenue in America, have resolved to give and grant 
 unto your majesty the several rates and duties here- 
 inafter mentioned," etc. 
 
Iviii NOTES. 
 
 ' A few months after came the stamp-act, which 
 reciting this, proceeds in the same strange mode of 
 expression, thus — " And whereas it is just and nec- 
 essary, that provision be made for raising a further 
 revenue ivithin your majesty's dominions in America, to- 
 wards defraying the said expenses, we your majesty's 
 most dutiful and loyal subjects, the commons of 
 Great Britain, etc., give and grant" etc., as be- 
 fore. 
 
 4 The last act, granting duties upon paper, etc., 
 carefully pursues these modern precedents. The 
 preamble is, "Whereas it is expedient, that a revenue 
 should be raised in your majesty's dominions in America 
 for making a more certain and adequate provision for 
 defraying the charge of the administration of justice, 
 and the support of civil government in such provinces, 
 where it shall be found necessary ; and towards the 
 further defraying of the expences of defending, pro- 
 tecting, and securing the said dominions, we your maj- 
 esty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the commons 
 of Great Britain, etc. give and grant," etc. as be- 
 fore. 
 
 'Here we may observe an authority expresly claim- 
 ed and exerted to impose duties on these colonies; 
 not for the regulation of trade ; not for the preser- 
 vation or promotion of a mutually beneficial inter- 
 course between the several constituent parts of the 
 empire, heretofore the sole objects of parliamentary 
 institutions; but for the single purpose of levying money 
 upon us.' 
 
 " Again in another place, 
 
 ' What but the indisputable, the acknowledged 
 exclusive right of the colonies to tax themselves, 
 could be the reason, that in this long period of 
 more than one hundred and fifty years, no statute 
 was ever passed for the sole purpose of raising a 
 revenue from the colonies ? And how clear, how 
 cogent must that reason be, to which every parlia- 
 ment, and every ministry for so long a time sub- 
 mitted, without a single attempt to innovate ? 
 
 ' England, in part of that course of years, and 
 
NOTES. lix 
 
 Great Britain, in other parts, was engaged in sev- 
 eral fierce and expensive wars ; troubled with some 
 tumultuous and bold parliaments ; governed by 
 many daring and wicked ministers ; yet none of 
 them ever ventured to touch the Palladium of 
 American liberty. Ambition, avarice, faction, 
 tyranny, all revered it. Whenever it was necessary 
 to raise money on the colonies, the requisitions of 
 the crown were made, and dutifully complied with. 
 The parliament, from time to time, regulated their 
 trade, and that of the rest of the empire, to pre- 
 serve their dependence and the connections of the 
 whole in good order.' 
 
 "The amount of present duties exacted in an 
 unusual way is no part of the object in question; 
 for our Pennsylvanian Farmer observes : 
 
 ' Some persons may think this act of no conse- 
 quence, because the duties are so small. A fatal 
 error. That is the very circumstance most alarm- 
 ing to me. For I am convinced, that the au- 
 thors of this law would never have obtained an 
 act to raise so trifling a sum as it must do, had 
 they not intended by it to establish a precedent for 
 future use. \ To console ourselves with the small- 
 ness of the duties, is to walk deliberately into the 
 snare that is set for us, praising the neatness of the 
 workmanship. Suppose the duties imposed by the 
 late act could' be paid by these distressed colonies 
 with the utmost ease, and that the purposes to which 
 they are to be applied, were the most reasonable 
 and equitable that can be conceived, the contrary 
 of which I hope to demonstrate before these letters 
 are concluded ; yet even in such a supposed case, 
 these colonies ought to regard the act with abhor- 
 rence. For who are a free people ? Not those, 
 over whom government is reasonably and equitably 
 exercised, but those, who live under a government 
 so constitutionally checked and controuled, that proper 
 provision is made against its being otherwise ex- 
 ercised. 
 
k NOTES . 
 
 ' The late act is founded on the destruction of 
 this constitutional security. If the parliament have 
 a right to lay a duty of four shillings and eight 
 pence on a hundred weight of glass, or a ream of 
 paper, they have a right to lay a duty of any other 
 sum on either. They may raise the duty, as the 
 author before quoted says has been done in some 
 countries, till it " exceeds seventeen or eighteen 
 times the value of the commodity." In short, if 
 they have a right to levy a tax of one penny upon 
 us, they have a right to levy a million upon us ; for 
 where does their right stop ? At any given num- 
 ber of pence, shillings or pounds ? To attempt to 
 limit their right, after granting it to exist at all, 
 is as contrary to reason — as granting it to exist at 
 all, is contrary to justice. If they have any right 
 to tax us — then, whether our own money shall 
 continue in our pockets or not, depends no longer 
 on us, but on them, " There is nothing which "we" 
 can call our own ; or, to use the words of Mr. 
 Locke — ivbat property have " we " in that which 
 another may, by right, take, when he pleases, to him- 
 self?" 
 
 ' These duties which will inevitably be levied upon 
 us — which are now levying upon us — are expresly 
 laid for the sole purpose of taking money. This is the 
 true definition of " taxes." They are therefore 
 taxes. This money is to be taken from us. We are 
 therefore taxed. Those who are taxed without their 
 own consent, expressed by themselves or their rep- 
 resentatives are slaves. We are taxed without our 
 own consent, expressed by ourselves or representa- 
 tives. We are therefore slaves.' 
 
 " Further, 
 
 ' Indeed nations in general are more apt to feel 
 than to think ; and therefore nations in general 
 have lost their liberty : for as the violation of the 
 rights of the governed are commonly not only spe- 
 cious, but small at the beginning, they spread over 
 the multitude in such a manner, as to touch indi- 
 viduals but slightly ; thus they are disregarded. The 
 
NOTES. lxi 
 
 power or profit that arises from these violations, 
 centering in a few persons, is to them considerable. 
 For this reason, the Governors having in view their 
 particular purposes, successively preserve an uni- 
 formity of conduct for attaining them : they regu- 
 larly increase and multiply the first injuries, till at 
 length the inattentive people are compelled to per- 
 ceive the heaviness of their burthen. They begin 
 to complain and inquire — but too late. They find 
 their oppressions so strengthened by success, and 
 themselves so entangled in examples of express 
 authority on the part of their rulers, and of tacit 
 recognition on their own part, that they are quite 
 confounded : for millions entertain no other idea of 
 the legality of power, than that it is founded on the 
 exercise of power. They then voluntarily fasten 
 their chains by adopting a pusillanimous opinion 
 " that there will be too much danger in attempting 
 a remedy " — or another opinion no less fatal, " that 
 the government has a right to treat them as it 
 does." They then seek a wretched relief for their 
 minds, by persuading themselves, that to yield their 
 obedience, is to discharge their duty. The deplorable 
 poverty of spirit, that prostrates all the dignity be- 
 stowed by Divine Providence on our nature — of 
 course succeeds.' 
 
 " With regard to the proper conduct of the col- 
 onies on this occasion he premises the following 
 questions : 
 
 ' Has not the parliament expressly avoived their 
 intention of raising money from us for certain pur- 
 poses ? Is not this scheme popular in Great Britain ? 
 Will the taxes imposed by the late act, answer those 
 purposes ? If it will, must it not take an immense 
 sum from us ? If it will not, is it to be expected, that 
 the parliament will not fully execute their intention, 
 when it is pleasing at home, and not opposed here ? 
 Must not this be done by imposing new taxes ? Will 
 not every addition thus made to our taxes, be an ad- 
 dition to the power of the British legislature, by 
 increasing the number of officers employed in the col- 
 
lxii NOTES. 
 
 lection ? Will not every additional tax therefore 
 render it more difficult to abrogate any of them ? 
 When a branch of revenue is once established, does 
 it not appear to many people invidious and unduti- 
 ful, to attempt to abolish it? If taxes sufficient to 
 accomplish the intention of the parliament, are im- 
 posed by the parliament, what taxes will remain to 
 be imposed by our assemblies ? If no material taxes 
 remain to be imposed by them, what must become 
 of tbern, and the people they represent ? 
 
 " Our Author all along, however, asserts that the 
 real interest of English America consists in its 
 proper dependence on the mother country, at the 
 same time that he strenuously exhorts his country- 
 men to oppose, by all the suitable means in their 
 power, every incroachment on those constitutions 
 under the sanction of which they settled on those 
 remote and uncultivated shores, whereon they 
 have so industriously established themselves. He 
 remarks with a spirit which no one, it is appre- 
 hended, can condemn : 
 
 ' I am no further concerned in anything affecting 
 America, than any one of you ; and when liberty 
 leaves it, I can quit it much more conveniently than 
 most of you : but while divine providence, that gave 
 me existence in a land of freedom, permits my head 
 to think, my lips to speak, and my hands to move, 
 I shall so highly and gratefully value the blessing 
 received, as to take care, that my silence and inac- 
 tivity shall not give my implied assent to any act, 
 degrading my brethren and myself from the birth- 
 right, wherewith heaven itself " hath made us 
 free." 
 
 " The consequence of Great Britain exerting 
 this disagreeable power, he shews, in a long train 
 of arguments, to have a tendency very fatal to the 
 liberty of America, which he illustrates by exam- 
 ining into the application of the pensions on the 
 
NOTES. lxiii 
 
 Irish establishment; and sums up his reasoning 
 with the following positions : 
 
 ' Let these truths be indelibly impressed on our 
 mind — that we cannot be happy, without being free — 
 that we cannot be free, ivithout being secure — in our 
 property — that we cannot be secure in our property, 
 if, without our consent, others may, as by right, take it 
 away — that taxes imposed on us by parliament, do thus 
 take it away — that duties laid for the sole purposes of 
 raising money, are taxes — that attempts to lay such 
 duties should be instantly and firmly opposed — that this 
 opposition can never be effectual, unless it is the 
 united effort of those provinces — that therefore be- 
 nevolence of temper towards each other, and unanimity 
 of counsels, are essential to the welfare of the whole — 
 and lastly, that for this reason, every man amongst 
 us, who in any manner would encourage either dis- 
 sention, diffidence, or indifference, between these 
 colonies, is an enemy to himself, and to his 
 country. 
 
 ' The belief of these truths, I verily think, my 
 countrymen, is indispensably necessary to your 
 happiness. I beseech you, therefore, " teach them 
 diligently unto your children, and talk of them when 
 you sit in your houses, and when you walk by the 
 way, and when you lie down and when you rise 
 up." 
 
 ' What have these colonies to ask, while they con- 
 tinue free ? or what have they to dread, but insidi- 
 ous attempts to subvert their freedom ? Their 
 prosperity does not depend on ministerial favours 
 doled out to particular provinces. They form one 
 political body, of which each colony is a member. 
 Their happiness is founded on their constitution ; 
 and is to be promoted by preserving that constitu- 
 tion in unabated vigour, throughout every part. A 
 spot, a speck of decay, however small the limb on 
 which it appears, and however remote it may seem 
 from the vitals, should be alarming. We have all 
 the rights requisite for our prosperity. The legal 
 authority of Great Britain may indeed lay hard re- 
 
lxiv NOTES. 
 
 strictions upon us ; but, like the spear of Telephus, 
 it will cure as well as wound. Her unkindness 
 will instruct and compel us, after some time to dis- 
 cover, in our industry and frugality, surprising rem- 
 edies — if our rights continue unviolated : for as long 
 as the products of our labour, and the rewards of our 
 care, can properly be called our own, so long will it 
 be worth our while to be industrious and frugal. 
 But if we plow — sow — reap — gather and thresh — we 
 find, that we plow — sow — reap — gather and thresh 
 for others, whose pleasure is to be the sole limitation 
 how much they shall take and how much they shall 
 leave, why should we repeat the unprofitable toil ? 
 Horses and oxen are content with that portion of 
 the fruits of their work, which their owners assign to 
 them, in order to keep them strong enough to raise 
 successive crops ; but even these beasts will not sub- 
 mit to draw for their masters, until they are subdued 
 with whips and goads. Let us take care of our rights, 
 and we therein take care of our property. " Slavery 
 is ever preceded by sleep." Individuals may be 
 dependent on ministers if they please. States should 
 scorn it ; and if you are not wanting to yourselves, 
 you will have a proper regard paid you by those, to 
 whom if you are not respectable, you will infallibly 
 be contemptible. But — if we have already forgot 
 the reasons that urged us, with unexampled unani- 
 mity, to exert ourselves two years ago — if our zeal 
 for the public good is worn out before the homespun 
 cloaths which it caused us to have made — if our reso- 
 lutions are so faint, as by our present conduct to 
 condemn our own late successful example — if we are 
 not affected by any reverence for the memory of our 
 ancestors, who transmitted to us that freedom in 
 which they had been blest — if we are not animated 
 by any regard for posterity, to whom, by the most 
 sacred obligations, we are bound to deliver down 
 the invaluable inheritance — then, indeed, any min- 
 ister, or any tool of a minister, or any creature of a 
 tool of a minister — or any lower instrument of admin- 
 istration, if lower there be, is a personage whom it 
 may be dangerous to ofFend.' 
 
NOTES. lxv 
 
 " In justification of the Letter-writer's loyalty, 
 and the integrity of his intentions, he declares in a 
 note : 
 
 ' If any person shall imagine that he discovers in 
 these letters the least disaffection towards our 
 most excellent sovereign, and the parliament of 
 Great Britain, or the least dislike of the dependence 
 of these colonies on that kingdom, I beg that such 
 person will not form any judgment on particular 
 expressions, but will consider the tenour of all the 
 letters taken together. In that case, I flatter my- 
 self that every unprejudiced reader will be con- 
 vinced, that the true interests of Great Britain are 
 as dear to me as they ought to be to every good 
 subject. 
 
 ' If I am an enthusiast in anything, it is in my 
 zeal for the perpetual dependance of these colonies 
 on the mother country. — A dependance founded on 
 mutual benefits, the continuance of which can be 
 secured only by mutual affections. Therefore it is, 
 that with extreme apprehension I view the smallest 
 seeds of discontent, which are unwarily scattered 
 abroad. Fifty or sixty years will make astonish- 
 ing alterations in these colonies ; and this consider- 
 ation should render it the business of Great Britain 
 more and more to cultivate our good dispositions 
 toward her : but the misfortune is, that those great 
 men, who are wrestling for power at home, think 
 themselves very slightly interested in the prosperity 
 of their country fifty or sixty years hence ; but are 
 deeply concerned in blowing up a popular clamour 
 for supposed immediate advantages. 
 
 ' For my part, I regard Great Britain as a bul- 
 wark happily fixed between these colonies and the 
 powerful nations of Europe. That kingdom is 
 our advanced post or fortification, ivhich remaining 
 safe, we under its protection enjoying peace, may 
 diffuse the blessings of religion, science, and lib- 
 erty, through remote wildernesses. It is, therefore, 
 incontestably our duty and our interest to support 
 the strength of Great Britain. When, confiding 
 
lxvi NOTES. 
 
 in that strength, she begins to forget from whence 
 it arose, it will be an easy thing to shew the source. 
 She may readily be reminded of the loud alarm 
 spread among her merchants and tradesmen, by 
 the universal association of these colonies, at the 
 time of the stamp-act, not to import any of her 
 manufactures. In the year 1718, the Russians 
 and Swedes entered into an agreement, not to suf- 
 fer Great Britain to export any naval stores from 
 their dominions, but in Russian or Swedish ships, 
 and at their own prices. Great Britain was dis- 
 tressed. Pitch and tar rose to three pounds a barrel. 
 At length she thought of getting these articles from 
 the colonies ; and the attempt succeeding, they fell 
 down to fifteen shillings. In the year 1756, Great 
 Britain was threatened with an invasion: An easterly 
 wind blowing for six weeks, she could not man 
 her fleet ; and the whole nation was thrown into 
 the utmost consternation. The wind changed. 
 The American ships arrived. The fleet sailed in 
 ten or fifteen days. There are some other reflec- 
 tions on this subject worthy of the most deliberate 
 attention of the British parliament ; but they are 
 of such a nature that I do not chuse to mention 
 them publicly. I thought I discharged my duty to 
 my country, by taking the liberty, in the year 1765, 
 while the stamp-act was in suspence, of writing my 
 sentiments to a man of the greatest influence at 
 home, who afterwards distinguished himself by es- 
 pousing our cause in the debates concerning the re- 
 peal of that act.' 
 
 " When we review a performance well written, 
 and founded upon laudable principles, if we do 
 not restrain ourselves to a general approbation, 
 which may be given in few words, the article will 
 unavoidably contain more from the author of it, 
 than from ourselves ; this, if any excuse is needful 
 for enabling our Readers, in some measure, to 
 judge for themselves, is pleaded as an apology for 
 our copious extracts from these excellent letters. 
 
NOTES. lxvii 
 
 To conclude ; if reason is to decide between us and 
 our colonies, in the affairs here controverted, our 
 Author, whose name the advertisements inform 
 us is Dickenson,* will not perhaps easily meet with 
 a satisfactory refutation." 
 
 * Of Pennsylvania. See his dispute with Mr. Galloway, Re- 
 view, vol. xxxii. p. 67. 
 
LETTERS 
 
 FROM 
 
 A FARMER. 
 
LETTERS 
 
 FROM 
 
 A FARMER in Pemifyfoania, 
 
 To the INHABITANTS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 BRITISH COLONIES 
 
 BOSTON : 
 
 Printed by Mein and Fleeminc, and to 
 
 BE SOLD BY JOHN MeIN, AT THE 
 
 London Book-store, north- 
 side of King-street, 
 
 m DCC LXVIII. 
 
LETTERS 
 
 FROM 
 
 A FARMER. 
 
 LETTER I . 
 
 My Dear Countrymen, 
 
 I AM a FARMER, fettled after a variety 
 of fortunes, near the banks, of the river 
 Delaware, in the province of Pennfylvania. 
 I received a liberal education, and have 
 been engaged in the bufy fcenes of life: But 
 am now convinced, that a man may be as 
 happy without buftle, as with it. My farm 
 is fmall, my fervants are few, and good ; 
 I have a little money at intereft ; I wifh for 
 no more : my employment in my own af- 
 fairs is eafy ; and with a contented grateful 
 mind, I am compleating the number of 
 days allotted to me by divine goodnefs. 
 
 Being mafter of my time, I fpend a good 
 deal of it in a library, which I think the 
 moil valuable part of my fmall eftate ; and 
 
6 L ETTE R I . 
 
 being acquainted with two or three gentle- 
 men of abilities and learning, who honour 
 me with their friendihip, I believe I have 
 acquired a greater ihare of knowledge in 
 hiffory, and the laws and conftitution of my 
 country, than is generally attained by men 
 of my clafs, many of them not being fo 
 fortunate as I have been in the opportuni- 
 ties of getting information. 
 
 From infancy I was taught to love huma- 
 nity and liberty. Inquiry and experience 
 have iince confirmed my reverence for the 
 leifons then given me, by convincing me 
 more fully of their truth and excellence. 
 Benevolence towards mankind excites wifhes 
 for their welfare, and fuch wifhes endear the 
 means of fulfilling them. Thole can be 
 found in liberty alone, and therefore her 
 facred caufe ought to be efpoufed by every 
 man, on every occalion, to the utmoft of 
 his power : as a charitable but poor per- 
 fon does not withhold his mite, becaufe he 
 cannot relieve all the diftreffes of the mife- 
 rable, fo let not any honeft man fupprefs 
 his fentiments concerning freedom, however 
 fmall their influence is likely to be. Per- 
 haps he may " a touch fome wheel" that 
 will have an effecT: greater than he expedts. 
 
 Thefe being my fentiments, I am encou- 
 raged to offer to you, my countrymen, my 
 thoughts on fome late tranfactions, that in 
 
 (a) Pope. 
 
L ETTER I . 7 
 
 my opinion are of the utmoft importance to 
 you. Confcious of my defecrs, I have wait- 
 ed fome time, in expectation of feeing the 
 fubject treated by perfons much better qua- 
 lified for the talk ; but being therein disap- 
 pointed, and apprehenfive that longer delays 
 will be injurious, I venture at length to re- 
 quest the attention of the public, praying 
 only for one thing, — that is that thefe lines 
 may be read with the fame zeal for the hap- 
 pinefs of Britilh America, with which they 
 were wrote. 
 
 With a good deal of furprife I have ob- 
 ferved, that little notice has been taken of an 
 acl: of parliament, as injurious in its principle 
 to the liberties of thefe colonies, as the 
 Stamp-act was: I mean the adt for fuf- 
 pending the legislation of New- York. 
 
 The aSfembly of that government com- 
 plied with a former acl: of parliament, re- 
 quiring certain provisions to be made for 
 the troops in America, in every particular, 
 I think, except the articles of fait, pepper, 
 and vinegar. In my opinion they acted 
 imprudently, considering all circumstances, 
 in not complying fo far, as would have 
 given Satisfaction, as leveral colonies did : 
 but my diilike of their conduct in that 
 inltance, has not blinded me fo much, that 
 I cannot plainly perceive, that they have 
 been puniShed in a manner pernicious to 
 American freedom, and juStly alarming to 
 all the colonies. 
 
8 LETTE R I . 
 
 If the British Parliament has a 
 legal authority to order, that we (hall fur- 
 nifh a fingle article for the troops here, and 
 to compel obedience to that order; they 
 have the fame right to order us to fupply 
 thofe troops with arms, cloaths, and every 
 neceffary, and to compel obedience to that 
 order alio ; in fhort, to lay any burdens 
 they pleafe upon us. What is this but 
 taxing us at a certain Jam, and leaving to 
 us only the ttia?iner of raifing it? How is 
 this mode more tolerable than the Stamp 
 act ? Would that act have appeared more 
 pleafing to A M e r i c a n s, if being ordered 
 thereby to raife the fum total of the taxes, 
 the mighty privilege had been left to them, 
 of faying how much fhould be paid for 
 an inftrument of writing on paper, and 
 how much for another on parchment ? 
 
 An act of parliament commanding us to 
 do a certain thing, if it has any validity, 
 is a tax upon us for the expence that accrues 
 in complying with it, and for this reafon, I 
 believe, every colony on the continent, that 
 chofe to give a mark of their refped: for 
 Great-Britain, in complying with the 
 act relating to the troops, cautiouily avoided 
 the mention of that act, left their conduct 
 fhould be attributed to its fuppofed obliga- 
 tion. 
 
 The matter being thus ftated, the affembly 
 of New-York either had, or had not a right 
 to refufe fubmimon to that act. If they 
 
L ETTE R I . 9 
 
 had, and I imagine no American will fay, 
 they had not, then the parliament had no 
 right to compel them to execute it. — If they 
 had not that right, they had no right to 
 punifh them for not executing it; and there- 
 fore had no right to fufpend their legiflation, 
 which is a puniihment. In fact, if the 
 people of New-York cannot be legally taxed 
 but by their own reprefentatives, they can- 
 not be legally deprived of the privileges of 
 making laws, only for infilling on that ex- 
 clufive privilege of taxation. If they may 
 be legally deprived in fuch a cafe of the 
 privilege of making laws, why may they 
 not, with equal reafon, be deprived of every 
 other privilege ? Or why may not every 
 colony be treated in the fame manner, 
 when any of them (hall dare to deny their 
 afTent to any impofitions that fhall be di- 
 recled ? Or what fignifies the repeal of the 
 Stamp-Act, if thefe colonies are to lofe 
 their other privileges, by not tamely fur- 
 rendering that of taxation? 
 
 There is one confideration arifing from this 
 fufpicion, which is not generally attended to, 
 but fhews its importance very clearly. It was 
 not necejfary that this fufpenfion mould be 
 caufed by an act of parliament. The crown 
 might have restrained the governor of New- 
 York, even from calling the aflembly toge- 
 ther, by its prerogative in the royal govern- 
 ments. This flep, I fuppofe, would have 
 
 B 
 
io LETTER I . 
 
 been taken, if the conduft of the affembly of 
 New-York, had been regarded as an aft of 
 difobedience to the crown alone : but it is 
 regarded as an aft of " difobedience to 
 " the authority of the British Legisla- 
 " ture." This gives the fufpeniion a 
 confequence vaftly more afFefting. It is a 
 parliamentary aifertion of the fnpre me autho- 
 rity of the Britijh legijlature over thefe colo- 
 nies in the part of taxation ; and is intend- 
 ed to compel New-York unto a fubmiflion 
 to that authority. It feems therefore to me 
 as much a violation of the liberty of the peo- 
 ple of that province, and confequently of all 
 thefe colonies, as if the parliament had fent a 
 number of regiments to be quartered upon 
 them till they fhould comply. For it is evi- 
 dent, that the fufpenfion is meant as a com- 
 pullion ; and the method of compelling is to- 
 tally indifferent. It is indeed probable, that the 
 fight of red coats, and the beating of drums 
 would have been mod alarming, becaufe 
 people are generally more influenced by their 
 eyes and ears than by their reafon : But who- 
 ever ferioufly conliders the matter, muff 
 perceive, that a dreadful flroke is aimed at 
 the liberty of thefe colonies : For the caufe 
 of one is the caufe of all. If the parliament 
 may lawfully deprive New-York of any of 
 its rights, it may deprive any, or all the o- 
 ther colonies of their rights ; and nothing 
 can poflibly fo much encourage fuch at- 
 tempts, as a mutual inattention to the in- 
 
L ETTER I . ii 
 
 tereft of each other. To divide, and thus to 
 dejiroy, is the firft political maxim in attack- 
 ing thofe who are powerful by their union. 
 He certainly is not a wife man, who folds his 
 arms and repofeth himself at home, feeing 
 with unconcern the flames that have invaded 
 his neighbour's houfe, without any endea- 
 vours to extinguish them. When Mr. Hamp- 
 den s lhip-money caufe, for three (hillings 
 and four-pence, was tried, all the people of 
 England, with anxious expectation, intereft- 
 ed themfelves in the important decifion ; and 
 when the flighteft point touching the free- 
 dom of a fingle colony is agitated, I earnest- 
 ly wilh, that all the reft may with equal ar- 
 dour fupport their lifter. Very much may 
 be laid on this fubjecl, but I hope, more at 
 prefent is unneceflary. 
 
 With concern I have obferved that two 
 aflemblies of this province have fat and ad- 
 journed, without taking any notice of this 
 ad:. It may perhaps be alked, what would 
 have been proper for them to do ? I am by 
 no means fond of inflammatory meafures. I 
 
 deteft them. 1 lhould be forry that any 
 
 thing lhould be done which might juftly dif- 
 pleafe our fovereign or our mother-country. 
 But a firm, modeft exertion of a free fpirit, 
 lhould never be wanting on public occafions. 
 It appears to me, that it would have been 
 fufficient for the affembly, to have ordered 
 our agents to reprefent to the King's mini- 
 fters, their fenfe of the fufpending act, and 
 
 B 2 
 
12 LETTER I . 
 
 to pray for its repeal. Thus we mould have 
 borne our teftimony againft it; and might 
 therefore reafonably expect that on a like 
 occafion, we might receive the fame affift- 
 ance from the other colonies. 
 
 " Concordia res parvce crefcunt. 
 Small things grow great by concord. — 
 
 A FARMER. 
 
LETTER II. 
 
 Beloved Countrymen, 
 
 THERE is another late act of parlia- 
 ment, which feems to me to be as 
 destructive to the liberty of thefe colonies, 
 as that inferted in my lafl letter ; that is, 
 the act. for granting the duties on paper, 
 glafs, &c. It appears to me to be uncon- 
 stitutional. 
 
 The parliament unquestionably porTerTes a 
 legal authority to regulate the trade of 
 Great-Britain, and all its colonies. Such 
 an authority is elfential to the relation be- 
 tween a mother country and its colonies ; 
 and necelfary for the common good of all. 
 He, who coniiders thefe provinces as Mates 
 diftindt from the Britifli Empire, has very 
 (lender notions of juftice or of their interejls. 
 We are but parts of a whole; and there- 
 fore there muft exift a power fomewhere, to 
 prefide, and preferve the connection in due 
 order. This power is lodged in the parlia- 
 ment; and we are as much dependant on 
 Great-Britain, as a perfectly free people can 
 be on another. 
 
 I have looked over every Jlatute relating 
 to thefe colonies, from their firft fettlement 
 
i 4 LETTER II. 
 
 to this time ; and I find every one of them 
 founded on this principle, till the Stamp- 
 act administration*. All before are cal- 
 culated to preferve or promote a mu- 
 tually beneficial intercourfe between the 
 feveral constituent parts of the empire ; 
 
 (a) For the Satisfaction of the reader, recitals from 
 former aits of parliament relating to thefe colonies 
 are added. By comparing thefe with the modern acts, 
 he will perceive their great difference in expreffion 
 and intention. 
 
 The 1 2th Cha. II Chap. 18, which forms the founda- 
 tion of the laws relating to our trade, by enacting that 
 certain productions of the colonies fhall be carried to 
 England only, and that no goods fhall be imported from 
 the plantations but in fhips belonging to England, Ire- 
 land, Wales, Berwick, or the Plantations, &c. begins 
 thus : " For the increafe of fhipping, and encourage- 
 ment of the navigation of this nation, wherein, under 
 the good providence and protection of God, the wealth, 
 fafety, and ftrength of this kingdom is fo much 
 concerned," &c. 
 
 The 15th Cha. II. Chap. 7. enforcing the fame regu- 
 lation, afligns thefe reafons for it. " In regard to his 
 Majefty's plantations, beyond the feas, are inhabited and 
 peopled by his fubjects of this his kingdom of England ; 
 for the maintaining a greater correfpondence and kind- 
 nefs between them, and keeping them in a firmer de- 
 pendence upon it, and rendering them yet more bene- 
 ficial and advantageous unto it, in the further employ- 
 ment and increafe of English fhipping and feamen, vent 
 of Englifh woolen, and other manufactures and com- 
 modities, rendering the navigation to and from the 
 fame more fafe and cheap, and making this kingdom a 
 ftaple, not only of the commodities of thofe planta- 
 tions, but alfo of the commodities of other countries 
 and places for the fupplying of them ; and it being the 
 ufage of other nations to keep their plantations trade 
 to themselves," &c. 
 
 The 25th Cha. II. Chap. 7, made exprefsly " for the 
 better fecuring the plantation trade," which impofes 
 
LETTER II. 15 
 
 and though many of them impofed du- 
 ties on trade, yet thofe duties were always 
 impofed with dejign to reftrain the com- 
 merce of one part, that was injurious to ano- 
 ther, and thus to promote the general wel- 
 fare. The railing a revenue thereby was 
 
 duties on certain commodities exported from one colo- 
 ny to another, mentions this laft for impofing them : 
 " Whereas by one a£t palled in the 12th year of your 
 Majefty's reign, intitled, an a£t for encouragement of 
 (hipping and navigation, and by feveral other laws, paf- 
 fed fince that time, it is permitted to fhip, &c. fugars, 
 tobacco, &c. of the growth, &c. of any of your Maje- 
 fty's plantations in America &c. from the places of 
 their growth, &c. to any other of your Majefty's plan- 
 tations in thofe parts, &c. and that without paying of 
 cuftom for the fame, either at the lading or unlading 
 the faid commodities, by means whereof the trade 
 and navigation in thofe commodities from one planta- 
 tion to another is greatly encreafed, and the inhabi- 
 tants of divers of thofe colonies, not contenting them- 
 felves with being fupplied with thofe commodities for 
 their own ufe, free from all cuftoms (while the fubjects of 
 this your kingdom of England have paid great cuftoms 
 and impofitions for what of them hath been fpent here) 
 but, contrary to the exprefs letter of the aforesaid laws, 
 have brought into diverfe parts of Europe great quan- 
 tities thereof, and do alio vend great quantities thereof 
 to the (hipping of other nations, who bring them into 
 divers parts of Europe, to the great hurt and diminuti- 
 on of your Majefty's cuftoms, and of the trade and na- 
 vigation of this your kingdom ; for the prevention 
 thereof, &c. 
 
 The 7th and 8th Will. III. Chap. 21, intitled, "An 
 adt for preventing frauds, and regulating abufes in 
 the plantation trade," recites that, " notwithstanding 
 diverfe a£ts, &c. great abufes are daily committed, to 
 the prejudice of the English navigation, and the lofs of 
 a great part of the plantation trade to this kingdom, by 
 the artifice and cunning of ill difpofed perfons : for re- 
 medy whereof, &c. And whereas in fome of his Majef- 
 
16 LETTER II. 
 
 never intended. Thus, the king by his judges 
 in his courts of juftice, impofes fines, which 
 all together amount to a confiderable fum, 
 and contribute to the fupport of govern- 
 ment : but this is merely a confequence a- 
 riiing from reftriclions, which only meant to 
 
 ty's American plantations, a doubt or mifconftrudtion 
 has arifen upon the before mentioned adts, made in the 
 25th year of the reign of Charles II. whereby cer- 
 tain duties are laid upon the commodities therein enu- 
 merated (which by law may be tranfported from one 
 plantation to another, for the fupplying of each others 
 wants) as if the fame were, by the payment of thole 
 duties in one plantation, difcharged from giving the fe- 
 curities intended by the aforesaid adts, made in the 1 2th 
 22d and 23d years of the reign of King Charles II. and 
 confequently be at liberty to go to any foreign market 
 in Europe," &c. 
 
 The 6th Anne, Chap. 37, reciting the advancement of 
 trade, &c. and encouragement of fhips of war, &c. grants 
 to the captors the property of all prizes carried into A- 
 merica, fubjedt to fuch cuftoms and duties, &c. as if the 
 fame had been firft imported into any part of Great- 
 Britain, and from thence exported, &c. 
 
 This was a gift to perfons ailing under commiffions 
 from the crown, and therefore it was reafonable that the 
 
 terms prefcribed fhould be complied with more 
 
 efpecially as the payment of fuch duties was intend- 
 ed to give a preference to the productions of the Britifh 
 colonies, over thofe of other colonies. However, being 
 found inconvenient to the colonies, about four years af- 
 terwards, this adt was, for that reafon, fo far repealed, 
 by another adt " all prize goods, imported into a- 
 " ny part of Great-Britain, from any of the plantations, 
 " were liable to fuch duties only in Great-Britain, 
 " as in cafe they had been of the growth and produce of 
 " the plantations," &c. 
 
 The 6th Geo. II. Chap. 13, which impofes duties on 
 foreign rum, fugar and molafTes, imported into the co- 
 lonies, fhews the reafon thus. — " Whereas the welfare 
 
LETTER II. 17 
 
 keep peace, and prevent confufion ; and lure- 
 ly a man would argue very loofely, who 
 mould conclude from hence, that the King 
 has a right to levy money in general upon 
 his fubjedts; Never did the Briti/h parliament, 
 till the period abovementioned, think of im- 
 pofing duties in America for the pur- 
 pose of raising A revenue. Mr. Green- 
 ville's fagacity nrft introduced this language, 
 in the preamble to the 4th of Geo. III. Ch. 
 15, which has thefe words — "And whereas 
 it is juft and neceifary that a revenue be 
 
 RAISED IN YOUR MAJESTY'S SAID DOMIN- 
 IONS in America, for defraying the ex- 
 pences of defending, protecting and fecuring 
 the fame: We your Majesty's moft dutiful 
 and loyal fubjecls, the commons of 
 Great Britain, in parliament alfembled, 
 
 C 
 
 and profperity of your Majefty's fugar colonies in Ame- 
 rica, are of the greateft confequence and importance to 
 the trade, navigation and ftrength of this kingdom ; 
 and whereas the planters of the faid fugar colonies, have 
 of late years fallen under fuch great difcouragements 
 that they are unable to improve or carry on the fugar 
 trade, upon an equal footing with the foreign fugar 
 colonies, without fome advantage and relief be given to 
 them from Great-Britain : For remedy whereof, and 
 for the good and welfare of your Majefty's fubjedls," &c. 
 The 29th Geo. II. Chap. 26. and the ift Geo.III.Chap. 
 9, which contains 6th Geo. II. Chap. 13, declare, 
 that the faid aft hath, by experience, been found ufeful 
 and beneficial, &c. Thefe are all the moft considerable 
 ftatutes relating to the commerce of the colonies ; and 
 it is thought to be utterly unneceftary to add any obfer- 
 vations to thefe extracts, to prove that they were all in- 
 tended folely as regulations of trade. 
 
18 LETTER II. 
 
 being defirous to make fome provifion in 
 the prefent feifion of parliament, towards 
 raifing the faid revenue in America, have 
 refolved to give and grant unto your Ma- 
 jefty the feveral rates and duties herein after 
 mentioned," &c. 
 
 A few months after came the Stamp-act, 
 which reciting this, proceeds in the fame 
 ftrange mode of expreffion, thus — " And 
 whereas it is juft and neceffary, that pro- 
 vifion be made for raising a further reve- 
 nue WITHIN YOUR MAJESTY'S DOMINIONS IN AME- 
 RICA, towards defraying the faid expences, 
 we your Majefry's most dutiful and loyal fub- 
 je£ts,the Commons of Great-Britain, 
 &c. give and grant," &c. as before. 
 
 The laft act, granting duties upon paper, 
 &c. carefully purfues theie modern prece- 
 dents. The preamble is, " Whereas it is 
 expedient that a revenue ihould be railed in 
 your Majefry's dominions in America, for 
 making a more certain and adequate pro- 
 vifion for the defraying the charge of the 
 administration of juftice, and the fupport of 
 civil government in fuch provinces, where 
 it mail be found neceifary ; and towards 
 the further defraying the expences of de- 
 fending, protecting and fecuring the faid do- 
 minions, we your Majefry's mofl dutiful and 
 loyal fubjects, the Commons of Great 
 Britain, &c. give and grant," &c.asbefore. 
 
 Here we may obferve an authority expresjly 
 claimed to impofe duties on thefe colonies ; 
 
LETTER II. 19 
 
 not for the regulation of trade ; not for 
 the prefervation or promotion of a mutually 
 beneiicial intercourfe between the feveral 
 confKtuent parts of the empire, heretofore 
 the J ole objeBs of parliamentary institutions ; 
 but for the Jingle purpofe of levying money 
 upon us. 
 
 This I call an b innovation ; and a molt 
 dangerous innovation. It may perhaps be 
 objected, that Great-Britain has a right to 
 lay what duties fhe pleafes upon her c ex- 
 ports, and it makes no difference to us, 
 whether they are paid here or there. 
 
 To this I anfwer. Thefe colonies require 
 many things for their ufe, which the laws 
 of Great-Britain prohibit them from getting 
 any where but from her. Such are paper 
 and glafs. 
 
 (V) It is worthy obfervation how quickly fubfidies, 
 granted in forms ufual and accuftomable (tho' heavy) 
 are borne ; fuch a power hath ufe and cuftom. On the 
 other fide, what difcontentment and difturbances fub- 
 fidies formed on new moulds do raife (fuch an inbred 
 hatred novelty doth hatch) is evident by examples of 
 former times. Lord Coke's 2d inftitute, p. 33. 
 
 (c) Some people, whofe minds feem incapable of u- 
 niting two ideas, think that Great-Britain has the fame 
 right to impofe duties on the exports to thefe colo- 
 nies, as on thofe to Spain and Portugal, &c. Such per- 
 fons attend fo much to the idea of exportation, that they 
 entirely drop that of the connection between the mother 
 country and her colonies. If Great-Britain had always 
 claimed, and exercifed an authority to compel Spain and 
 Portugal to import manufactures from her only, the ca- 
 fes would be parallel : But as fhe never pretended to 
 fuch a right, they are at liberty to get them where they 
 pleafe ; and if they chufe to take them from her, rather 
 than from other nations, they voluntary confent to pay 
 the duties impofed on them. 
 
2o LETTER II. 
 
 That we may be legally bound to pay any 
 general duties on thefe commodities, relative 
 to the regulation of trade, is granted; but 
 we being obliged by her laws to take them 
 from Great Britain, any fpecial duties im- 
 pofed on their exportation to us only, with 
 intention to raife a revenue from us only, are 
 as much taxes upon us, as thofe imposed by 
 the Stamp-ail. 
 
 What is the difference in fubjlance and 
 right, whether the fame fum is railed upon 
 us by the rates mentioned in the Stamp-a£t, 
 on the ufe of the paper, or by thefe duties, on 
 the importation of it. It is nothing but the 
 edition of a former book, with a new title 
 page. 
 
 Suppofe the duties were made payable in 
 Great-Britain ? 
 
 It lignifies nothing to us, whether they 
 are to be paid here or there. Had the 
 Stamp-aB directed, that all the paper ihould 
 be landed in Florida, and the duties paid 
 there, before it was brought to the Britijh 
 Colonies, would the acl have raifed lefs mo- 
 ney upon us, or have been lefs deftruclive 
 of our rights? By no means: For as we 
 were under a neceflity of uling the paper, 
 we Ihould have been under the neceffity of 
 paying the duties. Thus, in the prefent 
 cafe, a like necejjity will fubjecl: us, it this 
 ad: continues in force, to the payment of the 
 duties now impofed. 
 
LETTER II. 21 
 
 Why was the Stamp-acl then fo pernicious 
 to freedom ? It did not enact, that every 
 man in the colonies jhould buy a certain 
 quantity of paper — No : It only directed, 
 that no inftrument of writing mould be 
 valid in law, if not made on ftamp paper, 
 &c. 
 
 The makers of that act knew full well, 
 that the confulions that would arife upon 
 the difufe of writings would compel the 
 colonies to ufe the ftamp paper, and 
 therefore to pay the taxes impofed. For 
 this reafon the Stamp-acl was faid to be a 
 
 law THAT WOULD EXECUTE ITSELF. For the 
 
 very fame reafon, the laft act of parliament, 
 if it is granted to have any force here, will 
 execute itfelf, and will be attended with the 
 very fame confequences to American Liberty. 
 
 Some perfons perhaps may fay, that this 
 act lays us under no necefftty to pay the du- 
 ties impofed, becaufe we may ourfelves ma- 
 nufacture the articles on which they are 
 laid : whereas by the Stamp-act no inftru- 
 ment of writing could be good, unlefs made 
 on Britifh paper, and that too ftampt. 
 
 Such an objection amounts to no more 
 than this, that the injury refulting to thefe 
 colonies, from the total difufe of Britifh pa- 
 per and glafs, will not he fo afflicting as that 
 which would have refulted from the total 
 difufe of writing among them ; for by that 
 means even the ftamp-act might have been 
 eluded. Why then was it univerfally detef- 
 
22 LETTER II. 
 
 ted by them as flavery itself? Becaufe it 
 prefented to thefe devoted provinces nothing 
 but a choice of calamities, imbittered by 
 indignities, each of which it was unworthy 
 of freemen to bear. But is no injury a vi- 
 olation of right but the greatejl injury ? If 
 the eluding the payment of the duties im- 
 pofed by the ftamp-act, would have fubject- 
 ed us to a more dreadful inconvenience, than 
 the eluding the payment of thofe impofed by 
 the late act ; does it therefore follow, that 
 the lalt is no violation of our rights, though 
 it is calculated for the fame purpofe that the 
 other was, that is, to raife money upon us, 
 
 WITHOUT OUR CONSENT ? 
 
 This would be making right to coniift, 
 not in an exemption from injury, but from 
 a certain degree of injury. 
 
 But the objectors may further fay, that 
 we (hall fuftain no injury at all by the difufe 
 of Britifh paper and glafs. We might not, 
 if we could make as much as we want. 
 But can any man, acquainted with Ameri- 
 ca, believe this poffible ? I am told there 
 are but two or three glafs-houfes on this 
 continent, and but very few paper-mills ; 
 and fuppofe more fhould be erected, a long 
 courfe of years muff elapfe, before they can 
 be brought to perfection. This continent 
 is a country of planters, farmers, and fim- 
 ermen ; not of manufacturers. The diffi- 
 culty of eftablifhing particular manufactures 
 in fuch a country, is almoft infuperable, 
 
LETTER II. 23 
 
 for one manufacture is connected with o- 
 thers in fuch a manner, that it may be faid 
 to be impoffible to eflablifh one or two, 
 without eftablifhing feveral others. The 
 experience of many nations may convince 
 us of this truth. 
 
 Inexpremble therefore mull: be our di- 
 ftreffes in evading the late a6ts, by the dif- 
 ufe of Britifh paper and glafs. Nor will this 
 be the extent of our misfortunes, if we ad- 
 mit the legality of that act. 
 
 Great-Britain has prohibited the manu- 
 facturing iron and fteel in thefe colonies, 
 without any objection being made to her 
 right of doing it. The like right fhe murt 
 have to prohibit any other manufacture a- 
 mong us. Thus me is poffeffed of an undif- 
 puted precedent on that point. This autho- 
 rity, fhe will fay, is founded on the original 
 intention of fettling thefe colonies ; that is, 
 that fhe fhould manufacture for them, and 
 that they fhould fupply her with materials. 
 The equity of this policy, fhe will alfo fay, 
 has been univerfally acknowledged by the 
 colonies, who never have made the leaft ob- 
 jection to fbatutes for that purpofe ; and will 
 further appear by the mutual benefits flowing 
 from this ufage, ever fince the fettlement of 
 thefe colonies. 
 
 Our great advocate, Mr. Pitt, in his 
 fpeeches on the debate concerning the repeal 
 of the Stamp-aff, acknowledged, that Great 
 Britain could reftrain our manufactures. His 
 
24 LETTER II. 
 
 words are thefe — " This kingdom, as the 
 fupreme governing and legiflative power, 
 has always bound the colonies by her regu- 
 lations and reftri&ions in trade, in navigati- 
 on, in manufactures in every thing, ex- 
 cept that of taking their money out of their 
 
 pockets, WITHOUT THEIR CONSENT." A- 
 
 gain he fays, " We may bind their trade, 
 
 CONFINE THEIR MANUFACTURES, and 
 
 exercife every power whatever, except that 
 of taking money out of their pockets, with- 
 out THEIR CONSENT. 
 
 Here then, let my countrymen, rouse 
 yourfelves, and behold the ruin hanging o- 
 ver their heads. If they ONCE admit, that 
 Great-Britain may lay duties upon her ex- 
 portations to us, for the purpofe of levying 
 money on us only, (lie then will have nothing 
 to do, but to lay thofe duties on the arti- 
 cles which fhe prohibits us to manufacture — 
 and the tragedy of American liberty is finifh- 
 ed. We have been prohibited from procuring 
 manufactures, in all cafes, any where but 
 from Great-Britain, (excepting linens, which 
 we are permitted to import directly from 
 Ireland). We have been prohibited, in fome 
 cafes, from manufacturing for ourfelves ; 
 We are therefore exactly in the iituation of a 
 city befieged, which is furrounded by the 
 works of the befiegers in every part but one. 
 If that is clofed up, no ftep can be taken, but 
 to furrender at difcretion. If Great-Britain 
 can order us to come to her for necelfaries we 
 
LETTER II. 25 
 
 want, and can order us to pay what taxes 
 fhe pleafes before we take them away, or 
 when we have them here, we are as abject 
 flaves, as France and Poland can fliew in 
 wooden fhoes, and with uncombed hair. c 
 
 Perhaps the nature of the neceffities of the 
 dependant ftates, caufed by the policy of a 
 governing one, for her own benefit, may 
 be elucidated by a fact: mentioned in hiftory. 
 When the Carthaginians were poflefled of 
 the ifland of Sardinia, they made a decree, 
 that the Sardinians mould not get corn, 
 any other way than from the Carthaginians. 
 Then, by impofing any duties they would, 
 they drained from the miferable Sardini- 
 ans any fums they pleafed ; and whenever 
 that opprelfed people made the leafl move- 
 ment to affert their liberty, their tyrants 
 flarved them to death or fubmiffion. This 
 may be called the mofl perfect kind of po- 
 litical neceffity. 
 
 From what has been faid, I think this un- 
 controvertible conclusion may be deduced, 
 that when a ruling flate obliges a dependant 
 flate to take certain commodities from her 
 alone, it is implied in the nature of that obli- 
 gation ; and is elfentially requifite to give it 
 the leafl degree of juflice; and is infeparably 
 
 D 
 
 (c) The peafants of France wear wooden {hoes ; and 
 the vaffals of Poland are remarkable for matted hair, 
 which never can be combed. 
 
26 LETTER II. 
 
 united with it, in order to preferve any (hare 
 of freedom to the dependant Mate ; that thofe 
 commodities mould never be loaded with 
 duties for the fole purpofe of levying money 
 on the dependant ftate. 
 
 The place of paying the duties impofed 
 by the late adf, appears to me therefore to be 
 totally immaterial. The fingle queftion is, 
 whether the parliament can legally impofe 
 duties to be paid by the people of thefe colo- 
 nies only FOR THESOLEPURPOSEOF R A IS- 
 
 ing a revenue,™ commodities which Jlie 
 obliges us to take frotn her alone ; or, in o- 
 ther words, whether the parliament can le- 
 gally take money out of our pockets, without 
 our confent. If they can, our boafted liber- 
 ty is but 
 
 Vox et prceterea nihil. 
 
 A found, and nothing else. 
 
 A FARMER. 
 
LETTER III. 
 
 Beloved Countrymen, 
 
 I REJOICE to find, that my two former 
 letters to you, have been generally re- 
 ceived with fo much favour by fuch of you 
 whofe fentiments I have had an opportunity 
 of knowing. Could you look into my heart, 
 you would inftantly perceive an ardent affec- 
 tion for your perfons, a zealous attachment 
 to your interefts, a lively refentment of e- 
 very infult and injury offered to your honour 
 or -happinefs, and an inflexible refolution to 
 affert your rights, to the utmoft of my 
 weak power, to be the only motives that 
 have engaged me to addrefs you. 
 
 I am no further concerned in any thing 
 affecting America, than any one of you, and 
 when liberty leaves it I can quit it much 
 more conveniently than mofl of you : but 
 while divine providence, that gave me exif- 
 tence in a land of freedom, permits my 
 head to think, my lips to fpeak, and my 
 hand to move, I fhall fo highly and grate- 
 fully value the blerfing received, as to take 
 care that my filence and inactivity fhall not 
 give my implied affent to any acl: degrading 
 my brethren and myfelf from the birthright 
 
 D 2 
 
28 LETTER III. 
 
 wherewith heaven itself " hath made us 
 freer' 
 
 Sorry I am to learn, that there are fome 
 few perfons, make their heads with folemn 
 motion, and pretend to wonder what can 
 be the meaning of thefe letters. " Great- 
 Britain, they fay, is too powerful to con- 
 tend with"; (he is determined to opprefs us ; 
 it is in vain to fpeak of right on one fide, 
 when there is power on the other ; when we 
 are flrong enough to refift, we mall attempt 
 it; but now we are not flrong enough, and 
 therefore we had better be quiet; it ligni- 
 lies nothing to convince us that our rights 
 are invaded, when we cannot defend them, 
 and if we mould get into riots and tumults 
 about the late act, it will only draw down 
 heavier difpleafure upon us." 
 
 What can fuch men defign? What do 
 their grave obfervations amount to, but this 
 — " that thefe colonies, totally regardlefs 
 of their liberties, mould commit them, 
 with humble reiignation, to chance, time, 
 and the tender mercies of minijlers." 
 
 Are thefe men ignorant, that ufurpations, 
 which might have been fuccefsfully oppofed 
 at firft, acquire ftrength by continuance, 
 and thus become irrefiftible ? Do they con- 
 demn the conduct of thefe colonies, concern- 
 ing the Stamp-acl f Or have they forgot its 
 fuccefsful iiTue ? Ought the colonies at that 
 
 (a) Gal. v. I. 
 
LETTER III. 29 
 
 time, inftead of ailing as they did, to have 
 trufted for relief, to the fortuitous events of 
 futurity ? If it is needlefs " to fpeak of 
 rights" now, it was as needlefs then. If the 
 behaviour of the colonies was prudent and 
 glorious then, and fuccefsful too; it will be 
 equally prudent and glorious to aci in the 
 fame manner now, if our rights are equal- 
 ly invaded, and may be as fuccefsful. 
 Therefore it becomes neceffary to enquire, 
 whether " our rights are invaded." To 
 talk of " defending " them, as if they could 
 be no otherwife "defended" than by arms, 
 is as much out of the way, as if a man 
 having a choice of feveral roads to reach his 
 journey's end, fhould prefer the worft, for 
 no other reafon, than becaufe it is the worft. 
 
 As to "riots and tumults," the gentle- 
 men who are fo apprehenfive of them, are 
 much miftaken, if they think, that grievan- 
 ces cannot be redrefled without fuch aftift- 
 ance. 
 
 I will now tell the gentlemen, what is 
 " the meaning of thefe letters." The mean- 
 ing of them is, to convince the people of 
 thefe colonies, that they are at this moment 
 expofed to the molt imminent dangers; and 
 jto perfuade them immediately, vigouroufly, 
 and unanimoufly, to exert themfelves, in 
 the mod firm, but moft peaceable manner 
 for obtaining relief. 
 
 The caufe of liberty is a caufe of too 
 much dignity, to be fullied by turbulence 
 
I 
 
 30 LETTER III. 
 
 and tumult. It ought to be maintained in a 
 manner fuitable to her nature. Thofe who 
 engage in it, mould breathe a fedate, yet 
 fervent lpirit, animating them to actions 
 of prudence, juftice, modefty, bravery, hu- 
 manity, and magnanimity. 
 
 To fuch a wonderful degree were the an- 
 tient Spartans, as brave and as free a people 
 as ever exifted, infpired by this happy tem- 
 perature of foul, that rejecting even in their 
 battles the ufe of trumpets, and other instru- 
 ments for exciting heat and rage, they march- 
 ed up to fcenes of havock and horror, with 
 the found of flutes, to the tunes of which 
 their fteps kept pace — " exhibiting, as Plu- 
 ' tarch fays, at once a terrible and delightful 
 ' fight, and proceeding with a deliberate 
 ' valour, full of hope and good aflurance, 
 ' as if fome divinity had infenfibly aflifted 
 ' them." 
 
 I hope, my dear countrymen, that you 
 will in every colony be upon your guard a- 
 gainft thofe who may at any time endeavour 
 to ftir you up, under pretences of patriotifm, 
 to any meafures difrefpectful to our fovereign 
 and our mother country. Hot, rafli, difor- 
 derly proceedings, injure the reputation of a 
 people as to wifdom, valour and virtue, 
 without procuring them the leaft benefit. I 
 pray God, that he may be pleafed to infpire 
 you and your pofterity to the latefi: ages 
 with that fpirit, of which I have an idea, but 
 find a difficulty to exprefs : to exprefs in 
 
LETTER III. 31 
 
 the beft manner I can, I mean a fpirit that 
 fhall fo guide you, that it will be impoflible 
 to determine, whether an American's cha- 
 racter is moft diftinguifhable for his loyalty 
 to his fovereign, his duty to his mother coun- 
 try, his love of freedom, or his affection for 
 his native foil. 
 
 Every government, at fome time or other, 
 falls into wrong meafures ; thefe may pro- 
 ceed from miftake or pamon. But every 
 
 fuch meafure does not diifolve the obligati- 
 on between the governors and the governed ; 
 the miftake may be corrected ; the palTion 
 may pafs over. 
 
 It is the duty of the governed, to endea- 
 vour to rectify the miftake, and appeafe the 
 paffion. They have not at firft any other 
 right, than to reprefent their grievances, and 
 to pray for redrefs, unlefs an emergency is 
 fo preffing, as not to allow time for receiv- 
 ing an anfwer to their applications which 
 rarely happens. If their applications are dis- 
 regarded, then that kind of oppolition be- 
 comes juftifiable, which can be made with- 
 out breaking the laws, or difturbing the pub- 
 lic peace. This confifts in the prevention of 
 the oppreifors reaping advantage from their 
 oppreffions, and not in their punilhment. For 
 experience may teach them what reafon did 
 not ; and harfh methods, cannot be proper, 
 till milder ones have failed. 
 
 If at length it becomes undoubted, that 
 an inveterate refolution is formed to annihi- 
 
32 LETTER III. 
 
 late the liberties of the governed, the Englifh 
 hiftory affords frequent examples of refiftance 
 by force. What particular circumftances will 
 in any future cafe juftify fuch refiftance, can 
 never be afcertained till they happen. Per- 
 haps it may be allowable to fay, generally, 
 that it never can be juftifiable, until the peo- 
 ple are fully convinced, that any fur- 
 ther fubmiflion will be deftrudtive to their 
 happinefs. 
 
 When the appeal is made to the fword, 
 highly probable it is, that the punifliment 
 will exceed the offence ; and the calamities 
 attending on war out weigh thole preceding 
 it. Thefe confiderations of juftice and pru- 
 dence, will always have great influence with 
 good and wife men. 
 
 To thefe reflections on this fubject , it re- 
 mains to be added, and ought for ever to be 
 remembred ; that refiftance in the cafe of 
 colonies againft their mother country, is ex- 
 tremely different from the refiftance of a 
 people againft their prince. A nation may 
 change their King or race of Kings, and re- 
 tain their antient form of government, be 
 gainers by changing. Thus Great-Britain, 
 under the illuftrious houfe of Brunfwick, a 
 houfe that feems to flourifh for the happinefs 
 of mankind, has found a felicity, unknown 
 in the reigns of the Stuarts. But if once we 
 are feparated from our mother country, what 
 new form of government (hall we accept, or 
 when ftiall we find another Britain to fupply 
 
I 
 
 LETTER III. 33 
 
 our lofs ? Torn from the body to which we 
 are united by religion, liberty, laws, affecti- 
 ons, relations, language, and commerce, we 
 muft bleed at every vein. 
 
 In truth, the profperity of thefe provinces 
 is founded in their dependance on Great- 
 Britain ; and when flie returns to " her old 
 " good humour, and old good nature," as 
 Lord Clerendon expreffes it, I hope they 
 will always efteem it their duty and intereft, 
 as it moft certainly will be, to promote her 
 welfare by all the means in their power. 
 
 We cannot a£t with too much caution 
 in our difputes. Anger produces anger; 
 and differences that might be accommodated 
 by kind and refpeclful behaviour, may by 
 imprudence be changed to an incurable rage. 
 
 In quarrels between countries, as well as 
 in thofe between individuals, when they have 
 rifen to a certain heighth, the firft cause of 
 diffention is no longer remembred, the minds 
 of the parties being wholly engaged in re- 
 collecting and refenting the mutual expref- 
 fions of their dillike. When feuds have 
 reached that fatal point, all considerations 
 of reafon and equity vanifti ; and a blind 
 fury governs, or rather confounds all things. 
 A people no longer regards their intereft, 
 but the gratification of their wrath. The 
 fway of the Cleon's, b and Clodius's, the de- 
 
 E 
 
 (b\ Cleon was a popular firebrand of Athens and 
 Clodius of Rome ; each of them plunged his country 
 into the deepeft calamities. 
 
34 LETTER III. 
 
 figning and deteftable flatters of the prevail- 
 ing paflion, becomes confirmed. 
 
 Wife and good men in vain oppofe the 
 florm, and may think themfelves fortunate, 
 if, endeavouring to preferve their ungrateful 
 fellow citizens, they do not ruin themfelves. 
 Their prudence will be called bafenefs ; their 
 moderation, guilt ; and if their virtue does 
 not lead them to deftruclion, as that of 
 many other great and excellent perfons has 
 done, they may furvive, to receive from their 
 expiring country, the mournful glory of her 
 acknowledgment, that their councils, if re- 
 garded, would have faved her. 
 
 The constitutional modes of obtaining re- 
 lief, are thofe which I would wifli to fee 
 purfued on the prefent occafion, that is, by 
 petitioning of our alfemblies, or, where they 
 are not permitted to meet, of the people 
 to the powers that can afford us relief. 
 
 We have an excellent prince, in whofe 
 good difpoiitions towards us we may confide. 
 We have a generous, fenlible, and humane 
 nation, to whom we may apply. They 
 may be deceived : they may, by artful men, 
 be provoked to anger againfi; us ; but I can- 
 not yet believe they will be cruel or unjuft; 
 or that their anger will be implacable. Let 
 us behave like dutiful children, who have 
 received unmerited ws from a beloved 
 parent. Let us c r ain to our parents ; 
 but let our complaints fpeak at the fame 
 
LETTER III. 35 
 
 time, the language of affliction and venera- 
 tion. 
 
 If, however, it (hall happen by an unfortu- 
 nate courfe of affairs, that our applications 
 to his Majefty and the parliament for the 
 redrefs, prove ineffectual, let us then take 
 another flep, by withholding from Great- 
 Britain, all the advantages fhe has been ufed 
 to receive from us. Then let us try, if our 
 ingenuity, induftry, and frugality, will not 
 give weight to our remonftrances. Let us 
 all be united with one fpirit in one caufe. 
 Let us invent ; let us work ; let us fave ; let 
 us at the fame time, keep up our claims, and 
 uncealingly repeat our complaints ; but 
 above all, let us implore the protection of 
 that infinite good and gracious Being, "by 
 "whom kings reign and princes decree 
 "juftice." 
 
 " Nil defperandum." 
 
 Nothing is to be defpaired of. 
 
 A FARMER. 
 
 E 2 
 
LETTER IV. 
 
 Beloved Countrymen, 
 
 AN objection, I hear, has been made 
 againft what I offer in my fecond let- 
 ter, which I would willingly clear up before 
 I proceed. " There is," fay thefe objec- 
 tors "a material difference between the 
 " Stamp-acT: and the late acl: for laying a 
 " duty on paper, &c. that juftifies the con- 
 " duel of thofe who oppofed the former, 
 " and yet are willing to fubmit to the lat- 
 " ter. The duties impofed by the Stamp- 
 " act, were internal taxes, but the prefent 
 " are external, which therefore the parlia- 
 
 " ment may have a right to impofe." 
 
 To this I anfwer, with a total denial of the 
 power of parliament to lay upon thefe colo- 
 nies any tax whatever. 
 
 This point being fo important to this and 
 to all fucceeding generations, I wifh to be 
 clearly underftood. 
 
 To the word " Tax," I annex that 
 meaning which the constitution and hiftory 
 of England require to be annexed to it ; 
 that it is, an impoiition on the fubject for 
 the fole purpofe of levying money. 
 
 In the early ages of our monarchy, the 
 fervices rendered to the crown, for the 
 
38 LETTER I V . 
 
 general good, were perfonal ; a but in pro- 
 grefs of time, fuch institutions being found 
 inconvenient, certain gifts and grants of 
 their own property were made by the peo- 
 ple, under the feveral names of aids, tal- 
 lages, talks, taxes, fublidies, &c. Thefe 
 were made as may be collected even from 
 the names for public fervice, " upon need 
 and neceffity," b all thefe fums were levied 
 upon the people by virtue of their voluntary 
 gift. c The deiign of them was to fupport 
 
 (<?) It is very worthy of remark, how watchful our 
 wife anceftors were, leaft thefe fervices fhould be extend- 
 ed beyond the limits of the law. No man was bound to 
 go out of the realm to ferve, and therefore even in the 
 conquering reign of Henry V. when the martial fpirit 
 of the nation was inflamed by fuccefs to a great degree, 
 they ftill carefully guarded againft the eftabliftiment of 
 illegal fervices. Lord Chief Juftice Coke's words are 
 thefe, " When this point concerning maintainance of 
 wars out of England came in queftion, the Commons did 
 make their continual claim of their antient freedom and 
 birth-right, as in the firft of Henry V. and 7th of Hen- 
 ry V. &c. the Commons made proteft that they were 
 not bound to the maintainance of war in Scotland, Ire- 
 land, Calais, France, Normandy, or other foreign parts, 
 and caufed their protefts to be entered into the parlia- 
 ment roll, where they yet remain ; which, in efFedt, a- 
 greeth with that, which upon the like occafion was made 
 in the parliament of 25. E. 1." 2d Inft. p. 528. 
 
 (b) 4. Inft. p. 28. 
 
 (c\ Rege Anglla nihiltale, ntft convocath primis ordinibus 
 et ajfentiente populo, fufcipiunt. Phil. Comines. 
 
 Thefe gifts entirely depending on the pleafure of the 
 donors, were proportioned to the abilities of the feveral 
 ranks of people, who gave, and were regulated by their 
 opinion of the public neceflities. Thus Edward I. had 
 in his nth year a thirteenth from the laity, a twentieth 
 from the clergy ; in his 22d year, a tenth from the lai- 
 ty, a fixth from London, and other corporate towns, 
 
LETTER IV. 39 
 
 the national honour and intereft. Some of 
 
 thofe grants comprehended duties ariiing 
 
 from trade, being imports on merchandizes. 
 
 Thefe Chief Juftice Coke claftes "under 
 
 " fublides " d and "parliamentary aids." 
 
 They are alfo called " cuftoras." But 
 
 whatever the name was, they were always 
 
 conlidered as gifts of the people to the 
 
 crown, to be employed for public ufes. 
 
 Commerce was at a low ebb, and mod 
 
 furprifing inftances may be produced, how 
 
 little it was attended to, for a fucceffion of 
 
 ages. The terms that have been mentioned, 
 
 and among the reft that of " tax," had 
 
 half of their benefices from the clergy ; in his 23d year, 
 an eleventh from the barons and others, a tenth from 
 the clergy, and a feventh from the burgefles, &c. 
 
 Hume's Hiftory of England. 
 
 The fame difference in the grants of the feveral ranks, 
 is obfervable in other reigns. In the famous ftatute 
 de tallagio non eoncedendo, the King enumerates the fe- 
 veral claffes, without whofe confent he and his heirs 
 ftiould never fet or levy any tax. " Nullum tallagium 
 " vel auxilium, per nos, vel haredes no/lros, in regno nojlro 
 " ponatur feu levetur, fine voluntare et ajfenfu archiepifcopo- 
 " rum, epifcoporum, comitum, baronum, militum, burgenfi- 
 " um, et aliorum liberorum de regno nojlro." 34 E. I. 
 
 Lord Chief Juftice Coke in his comment on thefe 
 words, fays, " for the quieting of the Commons, and for 
 a perpetual and conftant law for ever after, both in this 
 and other like cafes, this ac~t was made." " Thefe words 
 are plain without fcruple ; abfolute without any fav- 
 ing." 2 Coke's Inft. p. 522, 523. 
 
 Little did the venerable judge imagine, that " other 
 " like cafes" would happen, in which the fpirit of this 
 law would be defpifed by Engliihmen, the pofterity of 
 thofe who made it. 
 
 (d) 4. Inft. p. 28. 
 
4 o LETTER IV. 
 
 obtained a national, parliamentary meaning, 
 drawn from the principles of the constitu- 
 tion, long before any Englishmen thought 
 of regulations of trade " by impofing 
 duties." 
 
 Whenever we fpeak of taxes among 
 Englifhmen, let us therefore fpeak. of them 
 with reference to the intentions with which, 
 and the principles on which they have been 
 eftabliftied. This will give certainty to our 
 expreflion, and fafety to our condudl : but 
 if when we have in view the liberty of 
 thefe colonies, and the influence of " taxes " 
 laid without our confent, we proceed in any 
 other courfe, we purfue a Juno e indeed, 
 but mall only catch a cloud. 
 
 In the national parliamentary fenfe in- 
 lifted on, the word " tax " f was certainly 
 underftood by the congrefs at New-York, 
 whofe refolves may be faid to form the Ame- 
 rican " bill of rights." I am fatisfied that 
 the congrefs was of opinion, that no impo- 
 litions could be legally laid on the people of 
 thefe colonies for the purpofe of levying 
 money, but by themfelves or their reprefen- 
 tatives. 
 
 The third, fourth, fifth, and iixth refolves 
 are thus exprefled. 
 
 (*) The goddefs of empire, in the heathen mytholo- 
 gy. According to an ancient fable, Ixion purfued her, 
 but (he efcaped by a cloud which (he threw in his way. 
 
 (J) In this fenfe Montefquieu ufes the word " tax", 
 in his 13th book of Spirit of Laws. 
 
LETTER IV. 41 
 
 III. "That it is infeparably eSfential to 
 the freedom of a people and the undoubted 
 right of Englishmen, that no tax be impofed 
 on them, but with their own confent, given 
 perfonally or by their reprefentatives." 
 
 IV. " That the people of the colonies 
 are not, and from their local circumStances 
 cannot be reprefented in the Houfe of Com- 
 mons, in Great-Britain." 
 
 V. " That the only reprefentatives of the 
 people of the colonies, are the perfons cho- 
 fen therein by themfelves ; and that no 
 taxes ever have been, or can be conStitution- 
 ally impofed on them, but by their refpe&ive 
 legiilatures." 
 
 VI. " That all fupplies to the crown 
 being free gifts of the people, it is unrea- 
 sonable and inconiiftent with the principles 
 and fpirit of the BritiSh constitution, for the 
 people of Great-Britain to grant to his Ma- 
 jeSty the property of the colonies." 
 
 Here is no distinction made, between in- 
 ternal and external taxes. It is evident 
 from the Short reafoning thrown into thefe 
 refolves that every imposition "to grant to 
 " his MajeSty the property of the colonies," 
 was thought a "tax;" and that every 
 fuch impofition if laid any other way " but 
 with their confent, given perfonally, or by 
 their reprefentatives;" was not only " un- 
 " reafonable, and inconfiStent with the prin- 
 " ciples and fpirit of the BritiSh conStitu- 
 
 F 
 
42 LETTER IV. 
 
 " tion," but deftruclive " to the freedom 
 " of a people." 
 
 This language is clear and important. A 
 " tax " means an impofition to raife money. 
 Such perfons therefore as fpeak of internal 
 and external " taxes," I pray may pardon 
 me, if I objed: to that expreffion as applied to 
 the privileges and interefts of thefe colonies. 
 There may be external and internal impofiti- 
 ons, founded on different principles, and hav- 
 ing different tendencies ; every " tax " be- 
 ing an impofition, tho' every impofition is 
 not a "tax." But all "taxes" are found- 
 ed on the fame principle, and have the fame 
 tendency. 
 
 " External impofitions for the regulation 
 of our trade, do not grant to his Majefty 
 the property of the colonies." They only 
 prevent the colonies acquiring property in 
 things not neceffary, and in a manner judged 
 to be injurious to the welfare of the whole 
 empire. But the lafl ftatute refpecling us, 
 " grants to his Majefty the property of thefe 
 " colonies," by laying duties on manufac- 
 tures of Great-Britain, which they muft 
 take, and which he fettled them, in order 
 that they fhould take. 
 
 What g "tax" can be more "internal" 
 than this ? Here is money drawn without 
 
 (g) It feems to be evident, that Mr. Pitt, in his defence 
 of America, during the debate concerning the repeal of 
 the Stamp-act, by " internal taxes" meant any duties 
 '■'■for the purpofe of raiftng a revenue; " and by " external 
 
LETTER IV. 43 
 
 their confent from a fociety, who have con- 
 stantly enjoyed a constitutional mode of raid- 
 ing all money among themfelves. The 
 payment of this tax they have no poffible 
 method of avoiding, as they cannot do with- 
 out the commodities on which it is laid, and 
 
 " taxes" meant u duties impofed for the regulation of trade." 
 His expreflions are thefe. — " If the gentleman does not 
 underftand the difference between internal and external 
 taxes, I cannot help it ; but there is a plain diftindlion 
 between taxes levied for the purpofes of raifing a reve- 
 nue, and duties impofed for the regulation of trade, for 
 the accommodation of the fubjecl ; altho' in the confe- 
 quences, fome revenue might incidentally arife from 
 the latter." 
 
 Thefe words were in Mr. Pitt's reply to Mr. Grenville, 
 who faid he could not underftand the difference between 
 external and internal taxes. But Mr. Pitt in his firft 
 fpeech, had made no fuch diftinction ; and his meaning, 
 when he mentions the diftin<5tion, appears to be — that 
 by " external taxes" he intended impofitions, for the 
 purpofe of regulating the intercourfe of the colonies 
 with others ; and by " internal taxes" he intended im- 
 pofitions, for the purpofe of taking money from them. 
 
 In every other part of his fpeeches on that occafion, 
 his words confirm this conftrudtion of his expreflions. 
 The following extracts will ftiew how pofitive and gene- 
 ral were his affertions of our right. 
 
 " it is my opinion that this kingdom has no 
 right to lay a tax upon the colonies." "the 
 Americans are the sons not the bastards of 
 England. Taxation is no part of the Govern- 
 ing or legislative power." "The taxes are a vo- 
 luntary gift and grant of the Commons alone. In le- 
 giflation the three eftates of the realm are alike concern- 
 ed, but the concurrence of the peers and the crown to a 
 tax, is only neceffary to clofe with the form of a law. 
 The gift and grant is of the Commons alone." " The 
 diftindtion between legiflation and taxation is effentially 
 neceffary to liberty." " The Commons of America repre- 
 fented in their fever al affemblies have ever been in poffeffion of 
 the exercife of this, their conftitutional right, of giving and 
 
44 LETTER IV. 
 
 they cannot manufacture thefe commodities 
 themfelves ; beiides, if this unhappy country 
 fhould be fo lucky as to elude this acl, by 
 getting parchment enough to ufe in the 
 place of paper, or reviving the antient 
 method of writing on wax and bark, and 
 by inventing fomething to ferve inftead of 
 glafs, her ingenuity would ftand her in little 
 ftead ; for then the parliament would have 
 nothing to do, but to prohibit manufac- 
 tures, or to lay a tax on hats and woollen 
 cloths, which they have already prohibited 
 the colonies from fupplying each other with ; 
 or on inftruments and tools of fteel and iron, 
 which they have prohibited the provincials 
 
 granting their oivn money. They would have been Jlaves, if 
 they had not enjoyed it." " The idea of a virtual repre- 
 fentation of America in this houfe, is the moft contemp- 
 tible idea that ever entered into the head of man. It 
 does not deferve a ferious refutation." 
 
 He afterwards fhews the unreafonablenefs of Great- 
 Britain taxing America, thus — " When I had the ho- 
 nour of ferving his Majefty, I availed myfelf of the 
 means of information, which I derived from my office : 
 I fpeak therefore from knowledge. My materials were 
 good, I was at pains to collect, to digeft, to confider 
 them : and I will be bold to affirm that the profit to Great- 
 Britain from the trade of the colonies, thro' all its branches, 
 is two millions a year. This is the fund that carried you tri- 
 umphantly thro' the lajl war. The eftates that were rent- 
 ed at two thoufand pounds a year, threefcore years ago, 
 are at three thoufand pounds at prefent. Thofe eftates fold 
 then from fifteen to eighteen years purchafe ; the fame 
 may now be fold for thirty. YOU OWE THIS TO A- 
 MERICA. THIS IS THE PRICE THAT AMERICA 
 PAYS YOU FOR HER PROTECTION,"—" I dare 
 not fay how much higher thefe profits may be augment- 
 ed." — " Upon the whole, I will beg leave to tell the 
 
LETTER IV. 45 
 
 from manufacturing at all h And then 
 what little gold and lilver they have, muft 
 be torn from their hands, or they will not 
 be able in a fhort time, to get an ax ' for 
 cutting their firewood, nor a plough for 
 raifing their food. — In what refped: there- 
 fore, I beg leave to afk, is the late act pre- 
 ferable to the Stamp-ait, or more confident 
 with the liberties of the colonies ? " I re- 
 " gard them both with equal apprehenfion, 
 " and think they ought to be in the fame 
 " manner opposed." 
 
 " Habemus quidem fenatus confultum — 
 
 tanquam gladium in vagina repofitum 
 We have a ftatute like a fword in the 
 
 fcabbard. 
 
 A FARMER. 
 
 houfe what is really my opinion : it is, that the 
 
 STAMP-ACT BE REPEALED ABSOLUTELY, TOTALLY, 
 
 and immediately. That the reafon for the repeal be 
 affigned, becaufe it was founded on an erroneous prin- 
 ciple." 
 
 (h) " And that pig and bar iron made in his Maje- 
 fty's colonies in America may be further manufactured 
 in this kingdom, be it further enadled by the authority 
 aforefaid, that from and after the twenty-fourth day of 
 June, 1750, no mill or other engine for flitting or roll- 
 ing of iron, or any plaiting forge to work with a tilt 
 hammer, or any furnace for making fteel, fhall be e- 
 refted, or after fuch erection continued, in any of his 
 Majefty's colonies in America." 
 
 3 Geo. II. chap. 29. fe£t. 9. 
 
 (i\ Though thefe particulars are mentioned as being 
 fo abfolutely neceflary, yet perhaps they are not more fo 
 than glafs, in our fevere winters, to keep out the cold, 
 from our houfes ; or than paper, without which fuch 
 inexpreflible confufion muft enfue. 
 
LETTER V . 
 
 Beloved Countrymen, 
 
 PE R H A P S the objection to the late act, 
 impofing duties upon paper, &c. might 
 have been fafely refted on the arguments 
 drawn from the univerfal conducl of parlia- 
 ments and ministers, from the firft existence 
 of thefe colonies, to the administration of 
 Mr. Grenville. 
 
 What but the indifputable, the acknow- 
 ledged excluiive right of the colonies to tax 
 themfelves, could be the reafon, that in this 
 long period of more than one hundred and 
 fifty years, no ftatute was ever palled for the 
 fole purpofe of railing a revenue on the co- 
 lonies ? And how clear, how cogent mult 
 that reafon be, to which every parliament 
 and every minifter, for fo long a time fub- 
 mitted, without a fingle attempt to innovate ? 
 
 England in part of that courfe of years, 
 and Great Britain, in other parts, was en- 
 gaged in fierce and expenlive wars ; troubled 
 withfome tumultuous and bold parliaments ; 
 governed by many daring and wicked mini- 
 sters ; yet none of them ever ventured to 
 touch the PALLADIUM of American 
 Liberty. Ambition, avarice, fadlion, ty- 
 ranny, all revered it. Whenever it was ne- 
 
4 8 LETTER V. 
 
 ceffary to raife money on the colonies, the 
 requisitions of the crown were made, and 
 dutifully complied with. The parliament 
 from time to time regulated their trade, and 
 that of the reft of the empire, to preferve 
 their dependencies, and the connection of 
 the whole in good order. 
 
 The people of Great-Britain in fupport of 
 their privileges, boaft much of their antiqui- 
 ty. Yet it may well be queftioned, if there 
 is a lingle privilege of a Britifti fubjed:, fup- 
 ported by longer, more folemn, or more un- 
 interrupted teftimony, than the exclulive right 
 of taxation in thefe colonies. The people of 
 Great-Britain conlider that kingdom as the 
 fovereign of thefe colonies, and would now 
 annex to that fovereignty a prerogative ne- 
 ver heard of before. How would they bear 
 this, was the cafe their own ? What would 
 they think of a new prerogative claimed by 
 the crown ? We may guefs what their con- 
 duct would be from the tranfports of paffi- 
 on into which they fell about the late em- 
 bargo, laid to remove the moft emergent ne- 
 ceffities of ftate, admitting of no delay ; and 
 for which there were numerous precedents. 
 Let our liberties be treated with the fame 
 tendernefs, and it is all we delire. 
 
 Explicit as the conduct of parliaments, for 
 fo many ages, is, to prove that no money 
 can be levied on thefe colonies, by parlia- 
 ment for the purpofe of raifing a revenue ; 
 yet it is not the only evidence in our favour. 
 
LETTER V. 49 
 
 Every one of the more material arguments 
 againft the legality of the Stamp-act operates 
 with equal force againlt the adt now object- 
 ed to ; but as they are well known, it feems 
 unneceifary to repeat them here. 
 
 This general one only mall be considered 
 at prefent. That tho' thefe colonies are de- 
 pendant on Great-Britain ; and tho' (he has 
 a legal power to make laws for preferving 
 that dependance ; yet it is not neceifary for 
 this purpofe, nor elfential to the relation be- 
 tween a mother-country and her colonies, 
 as was eagerly contended by the advocates 
 for the Stamp-acl, that lhe mould raife mo- 
 ney upon them without their confent. 
 
 Colonies were formerly planted by war- 
 like nations, to keep their enemies in awe ; 
 to relieve their country overburthened with 
 inhabitants ; or to difcharge a number of 
 difcontented and troubleiome citizens. But 
 in more modern ages, the fpirit of violence 
 being in fome meafure, if the expreffion may 
 be allowed, lheathed in commerce, colonies 
 have been fettled by the nations of Europe 
 for the purpofes of trade. Thefe purpofes 
 were to be attained by the colonies railing 
 for their mother country thofe things which 
 lhe did not produce herfelf ; and by fupply- 
 ing themfelves from her with things they 
 wanted. Thefe were the national objects 
 in the commencement of our colonies, and 
 have been uniformly fo in their promotion. 
 
 G 
 
5 o LETTER V. 
 
 To anfwer thefe grand purpofes, perfect 
 liberty was known to be neceflary ; all hif- 
 tory proving, that trade and freedom are 
 nearly related to each other. By a due re- 
 gard to this wife and juft plan, the infant co- 
 lonies expofed in the unknown climates, and 
 unexplored wilderneffes of this new world, 
 lived, grew, and flourifhed. 
 
 The parent country with undeviating pru- 
 dence and virtue, attentive to the firft prin- 
 ciples of colonization, drew to herfelf the 
 benefits fhe might reafonably expe£t, and 
 preferved to her children the bletfings, on 
 which thofe benefits were founded. She 
 made laws obliging her colonies to carry to 
 her all those produces which ihe wanted for 
 her own ufe ; and all thofe raw materials 
 which (he chofe herfelf to work up. Befides 
 this reftridtion, (he forbade them to procure 
 manufactures from any other part of the 
 globe; or even the producls of European 
 countries, which alone could rival her, 
 without being firft brought to her. In fhort, 
 by a variety of laws, (lie regulated their 
 trade in fuch a manner, as (lie thought moft 
 conducive to their mutual advantage, and 
 her own welfare. A power was referved to 
 the crown of repealing any laws that Ihould 
 be enacled. The executive authority of 
 government was all lodged in the crown 
 and its reprefentatives ; and an appeal was 
 fecured to the crown from all judgments in 
 the adminiftration of juftice. 
 
LETTER V. 51 
 
 For all thefe powers eftablifhed by the 
 mother country over the colonies ; for all 
 thefe immenfe emoluments derived by her 
 from them ; for all their difficulties and dif- 
 treftes in fixing themfelves, what was the re- 
 compenfe made them ? A communication of 
 her rights in general, and particularly of 
 that great one, the foundation of all the 
 reft — that their property, acquired with fo 
 much pain and hazard, fhould not bedifpofed 
 of by a any one but themfelves — or to ufe 
 the beautiful and emphatic language of the 
 facred fcriptures, " that they fhould fit 
 every man under his vine, and under his fig 
 tree, and none fhould make them afraid. " b 
 
 Can any man of candour and knowledge 
 deny, that thefe institutions, form an af- 
 finity between Great-Britain and her colonies, 
 that fufficiently fecures their dependance 
 upon her ? or that for her to levy taxes 
 upon them, is to reverfe the nature of things ? 
 or that fhe can purfue fuch a meafure, with- 
 out reducing them to a ftate of vaffalage ? 
 
 If any perfon cannot conceive the Supre- 
 macy of Great Britain to exift, without the 
 power of laying taxes to levy money upon 
 us, the hiftory of the colonies and of Great- 
 Britain fince their fettlement will prove the 
 contrary. He will there find the amazing 
 
 (a) The power of taxing themfelves, was the privi- 
 leges of which the Englifli were, with reafon, particu- 
 larly jealous. Hume's hift. of England. 
 
 (b) Mic. iv. 4. 
 
52 LETTER V. 
 
 advantages arifing to her from them — The 
 conftant exercife of her fupremacy — and 
 their filial fubmiflion to it, without a fingle 
 rebellion, or even the thought of one, from 
 the firft. emigration to this moment — and 
 all thefe things have happened, without an 
 inftance of Great-Britain laying taxes to 
 levy money upon them. 
 
 How many Britifli authors c have remon- 
 
 (c) It has been faid in the houfe of commons, when 
 complaints have been made of the decay of trade to 
 any part of Europe, " That fuch things were not worth 
 regard, as Great-Britain was pofTeft of colonies that 
 could confume more of her manufactures than (he was 
 able to fupply them with." 
 
 " As the cafe now ftands, we (hall {hew that the plan- 
 tations are a fpring of wealth to this nation, that they 
 work for us, that their treafure centers all here, and 
 that the laws have tied them faft enough to us ; fo that 
 it muft be through our own fault and mifmanagement, 
 if they become independent of England." 
 
 Davenant on the plantat. trade. 
 
 " It is better that the iflands fhould be fupplied from 
 the Northern Colonies than from England, for this rea- 
 fon ; the provifions we might fend to Barbados, Jamaica, 
 &c. would be unimproved product of the earth, as grain 
 of all kinds, or fuch producl: where there is little got by 
 the improvement, as malt, fait, beef and pork ; indeed 
 the exportation of fait fifh thither would be more ad- 
 vantageous, but the goods which we send to the northern 
 colonies are fuch, whofe improvement may be juftly 
 faid, one with another to be near four fifths of the 
 value of the whole commodity, as apparel, houfehold 
 furniture, and many other things." Idem. 
 
 " New-England is the moft prejudicial plantation to 
 the kingdom of England ; and yet, to do right to that 
 moft induftrious Englifh colony, I muft confefs, that 
 though we lofe by their unlimited trade with other 
 foreign plantations, yet we are very great gainers by 
 their direct trade to and from Old England. Our year- 
 
LETTER V. 53 
 
 fixated that the prefent wealth, power and 
 glory of their country are founded on thefe 
 colonies ? As constantly as Streams tend to 
 the ocean, have they been pouring the fruits 
 of all their labours into their mother's lap. 
 Good Heaven! And (hall a total oblivion of 
 
 ly exportations of Englifh manufactures, malt and other 
 goods, from hence thither, amounting, in my opinion, 
 to ten times the value of what is imported from thence ; 
 which calculation I do not make at random, but upon 
 mature confideration, and peradventure, upon as much 
 experience in this very trade, as any other perfon will 
 pretend to ; and therefore, whenever reformation of 
 our correfpondency in trade with that people (hall be 
 thought on, it will, in my poor judgment, require 
 great tendernefs, and very ferious circumfpedtion." 
 
 Sir Jofiah Child's difcourfe on trade. 
 
 " Our plantations fpend moftly our Englifh manu- 
 factures, and thofe of all forts almoft imaginable, in 
 egregious quantities, and employ near two thirds of all 
 our Englifh (hipping ; fo that we have more people in 
 England, by reafon of our plantations in America." 
 
 Idem. 
 
 Sir Jofiah Child fays, in another part of his work, 
 " that not more than fifty families are maintained in 
 England by the refining of fugar." From whence, and 
 from what Davenant fays, it is plain, that the advan- 
 tages here faid to be derived from the plantations by 
 England, mud be meant chiefly of the continental colo- 
 nies. 
 
 " I (hall fum up my whole remarks on our American 
 colonies, with this obfervation, that as they are a cer- 
 tain annual revenue of feveral millions iterling to their 
 mother country, they ought carefully to be protected, 
 duly encouraged, and every opportunity that prefents, 
 improved for their increafment and advantage, as every 
 one they can poflibly reap, muft at leaft return to us 
 with intereft. Beawes's Lex mere. red. 
 
 " We may fafely advance, that our trade and navi- 
 gation are greatly increafed by our colonies, and that 
 they really are a fource of treafure and naval power 
 
54 LETTER V. 
 
 former tenderneiTes and bleffings be fpread 
 over the minds of a wife people, by the for- 
 did acls of intriguing men, who covering 
 their felfiih projects under pretences of public 
 good, firft enrage their countrymen into a 
 frenzy of paffion, and then advance their 
 
 to this kingdom, fince they work for us, and their trea- 
 fure centers here. Before their fettlement, our manu- 
 factures were few, and thofe but indifferent ; the num- 
 ber of Englifh merchants very fmall, and the whole 
 (hipping of the nation much inferior to what now be- 
 longs to the northern colonies only. Thefe are certain 
 fa£ts. But fince their esftablifhment, our condition has 
 altered for the better, almoft to a degree beyond credi- 
 bility. Our manufactures are prodigioufly encreafed, 
 chiefly by the demand for them in the plantations, 
 where they at leaft take off one half, and fupply us 
 with many valuable commodities for exportation, which 
 is as great an emolument to the mother kingdom, as to 
 the plantations themfelves." 
 
 Poftlethwait's univerfal di<3. of trade and commerce. 
 
 " Mod of the nations of Europe have interfered with 
 us more or lefs, in divers of our ftaple manufactures, 
 within half a century, not only in our woollen, but in 
 our lead and tin manufactures, as well as our fifheries." 
 
 Idem. 
 
 " The inhabitants of our colonies, by carrying on a 
 trade with their foreign neighbours, do not only occa- 
 fion a greater quantity of the goods and merchandizes 
 of Europe being fent from hence to them, and a greater 
 quantity of the product of America to be fent from 
 them thither, which would otherways be carried from, 
 and brought to Europe by foreigners, but an increafe 
 of the feamen and navigation in thofe parts, which is 
 of great ftrength and fecurity, as well as of great ad- 
 vantage to our plantations in general. And though 
 fome of our colonies are not only for preventing the 
 importations of all goods of the fame fpecies they pro- 
 duce, but fuffer particular planters to keep great runs 
 of land in their poffeflion uncultivated with defign to 
 prevent new fettlements, whereby they imagine the 
 
LETTER V. 55 
 
 own influence and intereft, by gratifying that 
 paffion, which they themfelves have barely 
 excited ? 
 
 Hitherto Great-Britain has been contented 
 with her profperity. Moderation has been 
 the rule of her conducl. But now a gene- 
 rous and humane people that fo often has 
 
 prices of their commodities may be affected ; yet if it 
 be confidered, that the markets of Great-Britain depend 
 on the markets of all Europe in general, and that the 
 European markets in general depend on the proportion 
 between the annual confumption and the whole quantity 
 of each fpecies annually produced by all nations ; it 
 muft follow, that whether we or foreigners, are the 
 producers, carriers, importers and exporters of American 
 produce, yet their refpedtive prices in each colony (the 
 difference of freight, cuftoms and importations con- 
 fidered) will always bear proportion to the general con- 
 fumption of the whole quantity of each fort, produced 
 in all colonies, and in all parts, allowing only for 
 the ufual contingencies, that trade and commerce, ag- 
 riculture and manufactures are liable to in all countries." 
 
 Idem. 
 " It is certain, that from the very time Sir Walter 
 Raleigh, the father of our Englifh colonies, and his af- 
 fociates, firft projected thefe eftablifhments, there have 
 been perfons who have found an intereft, in mifrepre- 
 fenting, or leffening the value of them. — The attempts 
 were called chimerical and dangerous. Afterwards ma- 
 ny malignant fuggeftions were made, about facrifi- 
 cing fo many Englifhmen to the obftinate defire of fet- 
 tling colonies in countries which then produced very 
 little advantage. But as thefe difficulties were gradually 
 furmounted, thofe complaints vanifhed. No fooner were 
 thefe lamentations over, but others arofe in their ftead ; 
 when it could be no longer faid, that the colonies were 
 ufelefs, it was alledged that they were not ufeful enough 
 to their mother country ; that while we were loaded 
 with taxes, they were abfolutely free ; that the planters 
 lived like princes, when the inhabitants of England la- 
 boured hard for a tolerable fubfiftence." Idem. 
 
56 LETTER V. 
 
 protected the liberty of Arrangers, is inflamed 
 into an attempt to tear a privilege from her 
 own children, which, if executed, muft in 
 their opinion, link them into Haves : And 
 for what ? For a pernicious power, not 
 neceflary to her, as her own experience may 
 
 " Before the fettlement of thefe colonies," fays Po- 
 ftlethwayt, " our manufactures were few, and thofe but 
 indifferent. In thofe days we had not only our naval 
 ftores, but our (hips from our neighbours. Germany 
 furniihed us with all things made of metal, even to 
 nails. Wine, paper, linens, and a thouland other things 
 came from France. Portugal fupplied us with fugar ; 
 all the produces of America were poured into us from 
 Spain ; and the Venetians and Genoefe retailed to us 
 the commodities of the Eaft-Indies, at their own price." 
 
 " If it be afked, whether foreigners for what goods 
 they take of us, do not pay on that confumption a great 
 portion of our taxes ? It is admitted they do." 
 
 Poftlethwayt's Great-Britain's true fyftem. 
 
 " If we are afraid that one day or other the colonies 
 will revolt, and fet up for themfelves, as fome feem to 
 apprehend, let us not drive them to a neceffity to feel 
 themfelves independant of us ; as they will do, the mo- 
 ment they perceive that they can be fupplied with all 
 things from within themfelves, and do not need our 
 afliftance. If we would keep them ft ill dependant upon 
 their mother country, and in fome refpedts fubfervient 
 to their views and welfare, let us make it their intereft 
 always to be fo." Tucker on trade. 
 
 " Our colonies, while they have Englifh blood in 
 their veins, and have relations in England, and while 
 they can get by trading with us, the ftronger and great- 
 er they grow, the more this crown and kingdom will get 
 by them ; and nothing but fuch an arbitrary power as 
 fhall make them defperate can bring them to rebel." 
 Davenant on the plantation trade. 
 
 " The northern colonies are not upon the fame foot- 
 ing as thofe of the fouth ; and having a worfe foil to 
 improve, they muft find the recompence fome other 
 way, which only can be in property and dominion. 
 
LETTER V. 57 
 
 convince her ; but horribly dreadful and de- 
 tectable to them. 
 
 It feems extremely probable, that when 
 cool, difpaffionate pofterity (hall confider 
 the afledlionate intercourfe, the reciprocal 
 benefits, and the unfufpecling confidence, 
 
 H 
 
 Upon which fcore, any innovations in the form of 
 government there, fhould be cautioufly examined, for 
 fear of entering upon meafures, by which the induftry 
 of the inhabitants may be quite difcouraged. 'Tis 
 always unfortunate for a people, either by confent or 
 upon compulfion, to depart from their primitive in- 
 ftitutions, and thofe fundamental, by which they were 
 firft united together. Idem. 
 
 " All wife ftates will well confider how to preferve 
 the advantages arifing from colonies, and avoid the 
 evils. And I conceive that there can be but two ways 
 in nature to hinder them from throwing off their de- 
 pendence ; one to keep it out of their power, and the 
 other, out of their will. The firft muft be by force ; 
 and the latter by usfing them well, and keeping them 
 employed in fuch productions, and making fuch manu- 
 factures, as will fupport themfelves and families com- 
 fortably, and procure them wealth too, and at leaft 
 not prejudice their mother country. 
 
 Force can never be ufed effectually to anfwer the end, 
 without deftroying the colonies themfelves. Liberty 
 and encouragement are neceflary to carry people thither, 
 and to keep them together when they are there ; and 
 violence will hinder both. Any body of troops con- 
 fiderable enough to awe them, and keep them in fub- 
 jeclion, under the direction too of a needy governor, 
 often fent thither to make his fortune, and at fuch a 
 diftance from any application for redrefs, will soon put 
 an end to all planting, and leave the country to the 
 foldiers alone, and if it did not, would eat up all the 
 profit of the colony. For this reafon, arbitrary countries 
 have not been equally fuccefsful in planting colonies 
 with free ones ; and what they have done in that kind, 
 has either been by force at a vaft expence, or by depart- 
 
58 LETTER V. 
 
 that have fubfifted between thefe colonies 
 and their parent country, for fuch a length 
 of time, they will execrate with the bittereft 
 curfes the infamous memory of thofe men, 
 whose peftilential ambition, unneceftarily, 
 wantonly, firft opened the fources of civil 
 difcord, between them ; firft turned their 
 love into jealoufy ; and firft taught thefe 
 provinces, filled with grief and anxiety, to 
 enquire, 
 
 " Mens ubi tnaterna eft V* 
 Where is maternal affeclion. 
 
 A FARMER. 
 
 ing from the nature of their government, and giving 
 fuch privileges to planters as were denied to their other 
 fubje&s. And I dare fay, that a few prudent laws, and 
 a little prudent condudt, would foon give us far the 
 greateft fhare of the riches of all America, perhaps 
 drive many of other nations out of it, or into our co- 
 lonies for ftielter. 
 
 There are fo many exigencies in all ftates, fo many 
 foreign wars and domeftic difturbances, that thefe co- 
 lonies can never want opportunities, if they watch for 
 them, to do what they (hall find their intereft to do ; 
 and therefore we ought to take all the precautions in 
 our power, that it (hall never be their intereft to adf. 
 againft that of their native country ; an evil which 
 can no otherways be averted, than by keeping them 
 fully employed in fuch trades as will increafe their own, 
 as well as our wealth ; for it is much to be feared, if 
 we do not find employment for them, they may find it 
 for us. The intereft of the mother country is always 
 to keep them dependent, and fo employed -, and it re- 
 quires all her addrefs to do it ; and it is certainly more 
 eallly and efFeftually done by gentle and infenfible me- 
 thods, than by power alone. Cato's letters. 
 
LETTER VI. 
 
 Beloved Countrymen, 
 
 IT may perhaps be objected againft the ar- 
 guments that have been offered to the 
 public concerning the legal power of the 
 parliament, that it has always exercifed the 
 power of impoiing duties for the purpofes 
 of raifing a revenue on the productions of 
 thefe colonies carried to Great-Britain, which 
 may be called a tax on them. To this I 
 answer ; that is no more a violation of the 
 rights of the colonies, than their being or- 
 dered to carry certain of their productions to 
 Great-Britain, which is no violation at all ; 
 it being implied in the relation between them, 
 that the colonies mould not carry fuch com- 
 modities to other nations, as fhould enable 
 them to interfere with the mother country. 
 The duties impofed on thefe commodities 
 when brought to her, are only a confequence 
 of her paternal right ; and if the point is 
 thoroughly examined, will be found to be 
 laid on the people of the mother country, 
 and not at all dangerous to the liberties of 
 the colonies. Whatever thefe duties are, 
 they mull proportionably raife the price of 
 thegoods, and confequently the duties mufl: be 
 paid by the confumers. In this light they were 
 
60 LETTER VI. 
 
 confidered by the parliament in the 25 Char. 
 II. Chap. 7, fee. 2, which fays, that the pro- 
 ductions of the plantations were carried from 
 one to another free from all cuftoras "while 
 ' ' the fubje&s of this your kingdom of Eng- 
 ' ' land have paid great cuftoms and impo- 
 ' ' fitions for what of them have been fpent 
 ' ' here, &c." Such duties therefore can ne- 
 ver be injurious to the liberties of the colo- 
 nies. 
 
 Befides, if Great-Britain exports thefe 
 commodities again, the duties will injure her 
 own trade, fo that me cannot hurt us with- 
 out plainly and immediately hurting herfelf ; 
 and this is our check againfr. her acting arbi- 
 trarily in this refpecf. 
 
 It a may, perhaps, be further objected, 
 ' ' that it being granted that ftatutes made 
 
 (a) ' If any one fliould obferve, that no oppofition 
 ' has been made to the legality of the 4th Geo. III. ch. 
 ' 15, which is the firft a£t of parliament that ever im- 
 ' pofed duties on the importations in America, for the 
 ' exprefs purpofe of raifing a revenue there, I anfwer, 
 ' firft, that tho' that act exprefsly mentions the raifing 
 ' a revenue in America, yet it feems that it had as much 
 4 in view, " the improving and fecuring the trade between 
 " the fame and Great-Britain," ' which words are part 
 ' of its title, and the preamble fays, " Whereas it is ex- 
 " pedient that new provifions and regulations mould be 
 " eftablifhed for improving the revenue of this kingdom, 
 " and for extending and fecuring the navigation and 
 " commerce between Great-Britain and your Majefty's 
 " dominions in America, which, by the peace, have been 
 " fo happily extended and enlarged, &c." ' Secondly, 
 ' all the duties mentioned in that adt, are impofed fole- 
 ' ly on the productions and manufactures of foreign 
 
LETTER VI. 61 
 
 for regulating trade are binding upon us, 
 it will be difficult for any perfons but the 
 makers of the laws to determine, which 
 of them are made for the regulating of 
 trade, and which for railing a revenue ; 
 and that from hence may arife confufion." 
 To this I anfwer, that the objection is of 
 no force in the prefent cafe, or fuch as re- 
 femble it, becaufe the a£t now in queflrion 
 is formed exprefsly for the fole purpofe of 
 railing a revenue. 
 
 However, fuppofing the defign of the par- 
 liament had not been exprelfed, the objecti- 
 on feems to me of no weight, with regard 
 to the influence, which thofe who may make 
 
 ' countries, and not a fingle duty laid on any produ&i- 
 ' on or manufacture of our mother country. Thirdly, 
 ' the authority of the provincial affemblies is not therein 
 ' fo plainly attacked, as by the Iaft acl:, which makes pro- 
 ' vifion for defraying the charges of the adminiftration 
 ' of juftice, and the fupport of civil government, 4-thly, 
 ' That it being doubtful whether the intention of the 
 ' 4th Geo. III. ch. 15, was not as much to regulate trade 
 ' as to raife a revenue, the minds of the people here 
 ' were wholly engrofTed by the terror of the Stamp-adt, 
 ' then impending over them, about the intention of 
 ' which they could be in no doubt.' 
 
 ' Thefe reafons fo far diftinguish 4th Geo. III. ch. 15, 
 ' from the laft aft, that it is not to be wondered at, that 
 ' the firft fhould have been fubmitted to, though the laft 
 ' fhould excite the moft univerfal and fpirited oppofiti- 
 ' on. For this will be found on the ftridtest examinati- 
 ' on to be, in the principle on which it is founded, and 
 ' in the confequences that muft attend it, if poflible, 
 ' more deftrudtive than the Stamp-acl. It is, to fpeak 
 ' plainly, a prodigy in our laws, not having one Britifh 
 ' feature.' 
 
62 LETTER VI. 
 
 it, might expecl it ought to have on the 
 conduct of the colonies. 
 
 It is true, that impofitions for railing a 
 revenue, may be hereafter called regulations 
 of trade, but names will not change the na- 
 ture of things. Indeed we ought firmly to 
 believe, what is an undoubted truth, confirm- 
 ed by the unhappy experience of many ftates 
 heretofore free, that unlefs the moft watch- 
 ful attention be exerted, a new fervitude 
 may be llipped upon us under the fandb'on 
 of ufual and refpedtable terms. 
 
 Thus the Ca?fars ruined Roman liberty, 
 under the titles of tribunical and dictatorial 
 
 authorities, old and venerable dignities, 
 
 known in the moft flourilhing times of free- 
 dom. In imitation of the fame policy, James 
 II. when he meant to eftablifh popery, talk- 
 ed of liberty of confcience, the moft lacred 
 of all liberties ; and had thereby almoft de- 
 ceived the diffenters into deftrudlion. 
 
 All artful rulers, who ftrive to extend their 
 own power beyond its juft limits, endeavour 
 to give to their attempts, as much femblance 
 of legality as poflible. Thofe who fucceed 
 them may venture to go a little farther ; for 
 each new encroachment will be ftrengthened 
 by a former, b " That which is now fupport- 
 " ed by examples, growing old, will be- 
 " come an example itfelf," and thus fup- 
 port freih ufurpations. 
 
 (b) Tacitus. 
 
LETTER VI. 63 
 
 A free people, therefore, can never be 
 too quick in obferving, nor too firm in op- 
 poling the beginnings of alterations, either 
 in form or reality, refpecling inftitutions 
 formed for their fecurity. The firft leads 
 to the laft ; on the other hand nothing is 
 more certain, than that forms of liberty may 
 be retained, when the fubftance is gone. In 
 government as well as in religion, " the 
 " letter killeth, but the fpirit giveth life." c 
 
 I will beg leave to enforce this remark by 
 a few inftances. The crown, by the constitu- 
 tion, has the prerogative of creating peers ; 
 the existence of that order in due number 
 and dignity, is elfential to the conftitution ; 
 and if the crown did not exercife that pre- 
 rogative, the peerage mull have long fince 
 decreafed lb much, as to have loll its proper 
 influence. Suppole a prince for fome unjuft 
 purpofes, Ihould from time to time advance 
 many needy profligate wretches, to that 
 rank, that all the independance of the houfe 
 of Lords mould be deltroyed, there would 
 then be a manifeft violation of the conftituti- 
 on, under the appearance of uiing legal pre- 
 rogative. 
 
 The houfe of Commons claim the privi- 
 lege of forming all money-bills, and will 
 not fuffer either of the other branches of the 
 legiflature to add to or alter them; contend- 
 ing that their power, limply extends to an 
 
 (r) 2 Cor. iii. 6 
 
64 LETTER VI. 
 
 acceptance or rejection of them. This privi- 
 lege appears to be juft ; but under pretence 
 of this juft privilege, the houfe of Commons 
 has claimed a licence of tacking to money 
 bills, claufes relating to many things of a total- 
 ly different kind, and have thus forced them, 
 in a manner, on the crown and lords. This 
 feems to be an abufe of that privilege, and 
 it may be vaftly more abufed. Suppofe a 
 future houfe ; influenced by fome difplaced 
 difcontented demagogues, in a time of dan- 
 ger, ftiould tack to a money bill fomething 
 fo injurious to the king and peers, that they 
 would not affent to it and yet the Commons 
 (houldobftinately inlift on it; the wholeking- 
 dom would be expofed to ruin, under the ap- 
 pearance of maintaining a valuable privilege. 
 
 In thefe cafes it might be difficult for a 
 while to determine, whether the King in- 
 tended to exercife his prerogative in a con- 
 ftitutional manner or not ; or whether the 
 Commons infilled on the demand facf itioufly, 
 or for the public good : But furely the con- 
 duel of the crown, or of the houfe, would 
 in time fufficiently explain itfelf. 
 
 Ought not the people therefore to watch 
 to obferve facls ? to fearch into caufes ? to 
 inveftigate defigns ? and have they not a 
 right of judging from the evidence before 
 them, on no (lighter points than their liber- 
 ty and happinefs ? It would be lefs than trif- 
 ling, wherever a Britifh government is efta- 
 bliftied, to make ufe of any other arguments 
 
LETTER VI. 65 
 
 to prove fuch a right. It is fufficient to re- 
 mind the reader of the day on which King 
 William landed at Torbay. d 
 
 I will now apply what has been faid to 
 the prefent queftion. The nature of any im- 
 pofitions laid by parliament on the colonies, 
 muft determine the deiign in laying them. 
 It may not be eafy in every inftance to dif- 
 cover that deiign. Whenever it is doubtful, 
 I think, fubmimon cannot be dangerous ; 
 nay, it muft be right : for, in my opinion, 
 there is no privilege the colonies claim, which 
 they ought, in duty and prudence, more 
 earneftly to maintain and defend, than the 
 authority of the Britifti parliament to regu- 
 late the trade of all her dominions. Without 
 this authority, the benefits (be enjoys from 
 our commerce, muft be loft to her : The 
 bleflings we enjoy from our dependance up- 
 on her, muft be loft to us ; her ftrength muft 
 decay; her glory vanifti; and lhe cannot fuf- 
 fer, without our partaking in her misfortune. 
 
 " Let us therefore cherilh her intereft 
 
 " as our own, and give her every thing 
 " that it becomes FREEMEN to give or 
 " to receive." 
 
 The nature of any impofitions (he may 
 lay upon us, may in general be known, con- 
 sidering how far they relate to the preferv- 
 ing, in due order, the connexion between the 
 
 I 
 
 (a) November 5, 1688. 
 
66 LETTER VI. 
 
 feveral parts of the Britijh empire. One thing 
 we may be affured of, which is this ; when- 
 ever a ftatute impofes duties on commodities, 
 to be paid only upon their exportation from 
 Great-Britain to thefe colonies, it is not a 
 regulation of trade, but a delign to raife a 
 revenue upon us. Other instances may hap- 
 pen, which it may not be neceffary to dwell 
 on. I hope thefe colonies will never, to their 
 lateft existence, want understanding Suffici- 
 ent to difcover the intentions of thofe who 
 rule over them, nor the refolution neceffary 
 for afferting their interests. They will al- 
 ways have the fame right that all free ftates 
 have, of judging when their privileges are 
 invaded, and of ufing all prudent meafures 
 for preferving them. 
 
 " ^uocirca vivite fortes" 
 
 " Fortiaque adverfis opponite pecJora rebus," 
 
 Wherefore keep up your fpirits, and gal- 
 lantly oppofe this adverfe courfe of affairs. 
 
 A FARMER. 
 
LETTER VII. 
 
 Beloved Countrymen, 
 
 THIS letter is intended more particularly 
 for fuch of you, whofe employment 
 in life may have prevented your attending to 
 the conlideration of fome points that are of 
 great and public importance. For many 
 fuch perfons there mull be even in thefe co- 
 lonies, where the inhabitants in general are 
 more intelligent than any other people, as 
 has been remarked by flxangers, and it seems 
 with reafon. 
 
 Some of you perhaps, filled as I know your 
 breafts are with loyalty to our moft excellent 
 prince, and with love to our dear mother / 
 country, may feel yourfelves inclined by the 
 affeclions of your hearts, to approve every 
 adtion of thofe whom you fo much venerate 
 and efteem. 
 
 A prejudice thus flowing from goodnefs 
 of difpofition is amiable indeed. I wifh it 
 could be indulged without danger. Did I 
 think this poflible, the error mould have 
 been adopted, not oppofed by me. But in 
 truth, all men are fubjecT: to the paflions and 
 frailties of nature; and therefore whatever re- 
 gard we entertain for the perfons of thofe 
 who govern us, we mould alwavs remem- 
 
68 LETTER VII. 
 
 ber that their conduct as rulers may be in- 
 fluenced by human infirmities. 
 
 When any laws injurious to thefe colonies 
 are pafled, we cannot, with the leafli propri- 
 ety, fuppofe that any injury was intended us 
 by his Majefty or the Lords. For the aflent 
 of the crown and peers to law feems, as far 
 as I am able to judge, to have been veiled in 
 them, more for their own fecurity than for 
 any other purpofe. On the other hand, it is 
 the particular bufinefs of the people to en- 
 quire and difcover what regulations are ufe- 
 ful for themfelves, and to digefr. and prefent 
 them in the form of bills to the other orders, 
 to have them enacled into laws — Where 
 thefe laws are to bind themfelves, it may 
 be expected that the houfe of Commons will 
 very carefully confider them : But when they 
 are making laws, that are not defigned to 
 bind themfelves, we cannot imagine that 
 their deliberations will be as cautious and 
 fcrupulous as in their own cafe. a 
 
 (a) Many remarkable inftances might be produced of 
 the extraordinary inattention with which bills of great 
 importance, concerning thefe colonies, have pafled in 
 parliament ; which is owing, as it is fuppoffed, to the 
 bills being brought in by the perfons who have points to 
 carry, fo artfully framed, that it is not eafy for the 
 members in general, in the hafte of bufinefs, to difco- 
 ver their tendency. 
 
 The following inftances (hew the truth of this remark. 
 When Mr. Grenville, in the violence of reformation 
 and innovation, formed the 4th Geo. III. chap. 15th, 
 for regulating the American trade, the word " Ireland " 
 was dropt in the claufe relating to our iron and lumber, 
 fo that we could fend thefe articles to no other part 
 
LETTER VII. 69 
 
 I am told that there is a wonderful ad- 
 drefs frequently ufed in carrying points in 
 the houfe of commons, by perfons experien- 
 ced in thefe affairs — that opportunities are 
 watched — and fometimes votes are part, that 
 if all the members had been prefent, would 
 
 of Europe, but to Great-Britain. This was fo unreafon- 
 able a reftri&ion, and fo contrary to the fentiments of 
 the legiflature, for many years before, that it is furprif- 
 ing it fhould not have been taken notice of in the houfe. 
 However the bill parted into a law. But when the mat- 
 ter was explained, this reftridtion was taken off in a fub- 
 fequent a£t. 
 
 I cannot poftively fay, how long after the taking off 
 this reftri£tion, as I have not the a£ts ; but I think in lefs 
 than eighteen months, another a£t of parliament paffed, 
 in which the word " Ireland," was left out as it had 
 been before. The matter being a fecond time explain- 
 ed, was a fecond time regulated. 
 
 Now if it be confidered, that the omiflion mentioned 
 ftruck off, with one word, fo very great a part of our 
 trade, it mult appear remarkable : and equally fo is the 
 method by which rice became an enumerated commodi- 
 ty, and therefore could be carried to Great-Britain only. 
 
 " The enumeration was obtained, (fays Mr. Gee*) by 
 one Cole, a Captain of a (hip, employed by a company 
 then trading to Carolina ; for feveral fhips going from 
 England thither and purchafing rice for Portugal, pre- 
 vented the aforefaid Captain of a loading. Upon his 
 coming home, he poffefled one Mr. Lowndes, a member 
 of parliament (who was very frequently employed to 
 prepare bills) with an opinion, that carrying rice direct- 
 ly to Portugal was a prejudice to the trade of England, 
 and privately got a claufe into an adt to make it an e- 
 numerated commodity ; by which means he fecured a 
 freight to himfelf. But the confequence proved a vaft 
 lofs to the nation." 
 
 I find that this claufe " privately got into an a£t," 
 for the benefit of Capt. Cole, to the vaft lofs of the nati- 
 on," is foifted into the 3d Anne, chap. 5, intituled, 
 * Gee on trade, p. 32. 
 
1 
 
 7 o LETTER VII. 
 
 have been rejecled by a great majority. 
 Certain it is, that when a powerful and art- 
 ful man has determined on any meafure a- 
 gainfl: thefe colonies, he has always fucceed- 
 ed in his attempt. Perhaps therefore it 
 will be proper for us, whenever any oppref- 
 five acl affecting us is part, to attribute it to 
 the inattention of the members of the houfe 
 of commons, and to the malevolence or 
 ambition of fome factious great man, rather 
 than to any other caufe. 
 
 Now I do verily believe, that the late acl 
 of parliament impofing duties on paper, &c. 
 was formed by Mr. Grenville and his party, 
 becaufe it is evidently a part of that plan, 
 by which he endeavoured to render himfelf 
 popular at home ; and I do alfo believe that 
 not one half of the members of the houfe 
 of commons, even of thofe who heard it 
 read, did perceive how deftruclive it was to 
 American freedom. 
 
 For this reafon, as it is ufual in Great- 
 Britain, to coniider the King's fpeech, as 
 the fpeech of the miniftry, it may be right 
 here to coniider this acl: as the acl: of a party. 
 — Perhaps I mould fpeak more properly if I 
 was to ufe another term. — 
 
 " An a£t for granting to her Majefty a further fubfidy 
 " on wines and merchandizes imported," with which 
 it has no more connexion, than with 34th Edw. 1. 34th 
 and 35th of Henry VIII. or the 25th of Car. II. which 
 provide that no perfon fhall be taxed but by himfelf or 
 his reprefentative. 
 
LETTER VII. 71 
 
 There are two ways of laying taxes. — 
 One is by impofing a certain fum on parti- 
 cular kinds of property, to be paid by the 
 ufer or confumer, or by taxing the perfon 
 at a certain fum ; the other is, by impofing 
 a certain fum on particular kinds of property 
 to be paid by the feller. 
 
 When a man pays the firfi: fort of tax, he 
 knows with certainty that he pays fo much 
 money for a tax. The confideration for 
 which he pays it is remote, and it may be does 
 not occur to him. He is fenfible too that 
 he is commanded and obliged to pay it as a 
 tax ; and therefore people are apt to be dif- 
 pleafed with this fort of tax. 
 
 The other fort of tax is fubmitted to in 
 a very different manner. The purchafer of 
 any article very feldom reflects that the 
 feller raifes his price fo as to indemnify him 
 for the tax he has paid. He knows the 
 prices of things are continually fluctuating, 
 and if he thinks about the tax, he thinks 
 at the fame time in all probability, that he 
 might have paid as much, if the article he 
 buys had not been taxed. He gets fome- 
 thing vifible and agreeable for his money, 
 and tax and price are fo confounded toge- 
 ther, that he cannot feparate, or does not 
 chufe to take the trouble of feparating 
 them. 
 
 This mode of taxation therefore is the 
 mode fuited to arbitrary and oppreflive go- 
 vernments. The love of liberty is fo natural 
 
 
72 LETTER VII. 
 
 to the human heart, that unfeeling tyrants 
 think themfelves obliged to accommodate 
 their fchemes as much as they can to the 
 appearance of juftice and reafon, and to 
 deceive thofe whom they refolve to deftroy 
 or opprefs, by prefenting to them a mifera- 
 ble picture of freedom, when the ineftimable 
 original is loft. 
 
 This policy did not efcape the cruel and 
 rapacious Nero. That monfter, apprehen- 
 iive that his crimes might endanger his au- 
 thority and life, thought proper to do 
 fome popular acts to fecure the obedience of 
 his fubjects. Among other things, fays 
 b Tacitus, " he remitted the twenty-fifth 
 " part of the price on the fale of Haves, 
 " but rather in fhew than reality ; for the 
 " feller being ordered to pay it, it became 
 " a part of the price to the buyer." 
 
 This is the reflection of the judicious hif- 
 torian : but the deluded people gave their 
 infamous emperor full credit for his falfe 
 generofity. Other nations have been treated 
 in the fame manner the Romans were. The 
 honeft induftrious Germans who are fettled 
 in different parts of this continent can in- 
 form us, that it was this fort of tax that 
 drove them from their native land to our 
 woods, at that time the feats of perfect and 
 undifturbed freedom. 
 
 Their princes inflamed by the luft of 
 power and the luft of avarice, two furies, 
 
 (£) Tacitus's An. b. 13. f. 31. 
 
LETTER VII. 73 
 
 that the more hungry they grow, tranfgreffed 
 the bounds, they ought in regard to themfel- 
 ves, to have obferved. To keep up the decep- 
 tion in the minds of fubjecls " there mull 
 be," fays a very learned author d " fome 
 proportion between the import and the value 
 of the commodity ; wherefore there ought 
 not to be an exceffive duty upon merchan- 
 dizes of little value. There are countries 
 in which the duty exceeds feventeen or eigh- 
 teen times the value of the commodity. In 
 this cafe the prince removes the illuiion. 
 His fubjedls plainly fee they are dealt with 
 in an unreafonable manner, which renders 
 them moil exquifitely fenfible of their flavifh 
 fituation." 
 
 From hence it appears that fubjecls may 
 be ground down into mifery by this fort of 
 taxation as well as the other. They may be 
 as much impoverished if their money is 
 taken from them in this way, as in the other ; 
 and that it will be taken, may be more evi- 
 dent, by attending to a few more confidera- 
 tions. 
 
 The merchant, or importer who pays the 
 duty at firft, will not confent to be Co much 
 money out of pocket. He, therefore, pro- 
 portionably raifes the price of his goods. It 
 may then be faid to be a conteft between 
 him and the perfon offering to buy, who 
 (hall lofe the duty. This rauft be decided 
 by the nature of the commodities and the 
 purchafers demand for them. If they are 
 
 K 
 
 (d) Montefquieu's fpirit of laws, b. 13. chap. 8. 
 
 r 
 
74 LETTER VII. 
 
 mere luxuries, he is at liberty to do as he 
 pleafes, and if he buys, he does it voluntari- 
 ly : But if they are abfolute neceflaries, or 
 conveniences which ufe and cuftom have 
 made requilite for the comfort of life, and 
 which he is not permitted, by the power 
 impoiing the duty, to get elfewhere, there 
 the feller has a plain advantage, and the 
 buyer mufl pay the duty. In fait, the feller 
 is nothing lefs than the collector of the tax 
 for the power that impofed it. If thefe 
 duties then are extended to neceifaries and 
 conveniences of life in general, and enor- 
 moufly increafed, the people mufl: at length 
 become indeed " moft exquilitely fenfible 
 of their flavifli fituation." 
 
 Their happinefs, therefore, entirely de- 
 pends on the moderation of thofe who have 
 authority to impofe the duties. 
 
 I fliall now apply thefe obfervations to the 
 late acl of parliament. Certain duties are 
 thereby impofed on paper and glafs, &c. im- 
 ported into thefe colonies. By the laws of 
 Great-Britain we are prohibited to get thefe 
 articles from any other part of the world. 
 We cannot at prefent, nor for many years to 
 come, though we fhould apply ourfelves to 
 thefe manufactures with the utmoft induftry, 
 make enough ourfelves for our own ufe. 
 That paper and glafs are not only convenient, 
 but abfolutely neceifary for us, I imagine ve- 
 ry few will contend. Some, perhaps, who 
 think mankind grew wicked and luxurious as 
 foon as they found out another way of com- 
 
LETTER VII. 75 
 
 municating their fentiments than by fpeech, 
 and another way of dwelling than in caves, 
 may advance fo whimfical an opinion. But 
 I prefume nobody will take the unnecefFary 
 trouble of refuting them. 
 
 From thefe remarks I think it evident, that 
 we rauft ufe paper and glafs, that what we 
 ufe muft be Britijh, and that we muft pay 
 the duties impofed unlefs thofe who fell 
 thefe articles are fo generous as to make us 
 prefents of the duties they pay, which is not 
 to be expecled. 
 
 Some perfons may think this acT: of no con- 
 fequence, becaufe the duties are fo J mall. 
 A fatal error. That is the very circum- 
 ftance moft alarming to me. For I am con- 
 vinced that the authors of this law, would ne- 
 ver have obtained an acl to raife fo trifling 
 a fum, as it muft do, had they not intend- 
 ed by it to eftabliih a precedent for future 
 ufe. To confole ourfelves with the fmallnefs 
 of the duties, is to walk deliberately into the 
 fnare that is fet for us, praifing the neatnefs 
 of the workmanfhip. Suppofe the duties, 
 impofed by the late acl, could be paid by 
 thefe diftreffed colonies, with the utmoft eafe, 
 and that the purpofes, to which they are to 
 be applied, were the moft reafonable and e- 
 quitable that could be conceived, the contra- 
 ry of which I hope to demonftrate before 
 thefe letters are concluded, yet even in such 
 a fuppofed cafe, thefe colonies ought to re- 
 gard the acl with abhorrence. For who are 
 a free people ? not thofe over whom govern- 
 ment is reafonably and equitably exercifed 
 

 yb LETTER VII. 
 
 but thofe who live under a government, fo 
 conjlitutionally checked and controuled, that 
 proper provision is made againft its being o- 
 therwife exercifed. The late aft is founded on 
 the deftruclion of this conftitutional fecurity. 
 
 If the parliament have a right to lay a duty 
 of four (hillings and eight pence on a hun- 
 dred weight of glafs, or a ream of paper, 
 they have a right to lay a duty of any other 
 fum on either. They may raife the duty 
 as the author before quoted fays, has been 
 done in fome countries, till it " exceeds fe- 
 " venteen or eighteen times the value of the 
 " commodity." In fhort, if they have a 
 right to levy a tax of one penny upon us, 
 they have a right to levy a million upon us. 
 For where does their right ftop ? At any gi- 
 ven number of pence, (hillings, or pounds ? 
 To attempt to limit their right, after grant- 
 ing it to exift at all, is as contrary to reafon, 
 as granting it to exift at all is contrary to 
 juftice. If they have any right to tax us, 
 then, whether our own money (hall continue 
 in our own pockets, or not, depends no long- 
 er on us, but on them. " There is nothing 
 " which we can call our own", or to ufe 
 the words of Mr. Locke, " What property 
 " have" we " in that, which another may, 
 " by right, take, when he pleafes, to him- 
 " felf." c 
 
 Thefe duties, which will inevitably be le- 
 vied upon us, and which are now levying up- 
 on us, are exprefsly laid for the fole purpofe 
 of taking money. This is the true definiti- 
 
 (e) Speech Lord Cambden lately publifhed. 
 
LETTER VII. 77 
 
 on of taxes. They are therefore taxes. This 
 money is to be taken from us. We are 
 therefore taxed. Thole who are taxed with- 
 out their own confent, given by themfelves, 
 or their reprefentatives, are flaves. f We are 
 
 (f) This is the opinion of Mr. Pitt, in his fpeech on 
 the Stamp-ad:. 
 
 " It is my opinion, that this kingdom has no right to 
 " lay a tax upon the colonies. The Americans are the 
 « SONS, not the BASTARDS of England. The dif- 
 " tindtion between legiflation and taxation is eflential- 
 " ly neceflary to liberty. The Commons of America re- 
 " prefented in their feveral aflemblies, have ever been 
 " in poffeflion of this their constitutional right of giv- 
 " ing and granting their own money. They would 
 " have been flaves if they had not enjoyed it. The i- 
 " dea of a virtual reprefentation of America, in this 
 " houfe, is the moft contemptible idea that ever enter- 
 " ed into the head of man. It does not deferve a feri- 
 " ous refutation. 
 
 That great and excellent man Lord Cambden, main- 
 tains the fame opinion in his fpeech, in the houfe of 
 peers, on the declaratory bill of the fovereignty of Great- 
 Britain over the colonies. The following extracts fo 
 perfectly agree with, and confirm the fentiments avow- 
 ed in thefe letters, that it is hoped the inferting them in 
 this note will be excufed. 
 
 " As the affair is of the utmoft importance, and in its 
 " confequences may involve the fate of kingdoms, I took 
 " the ftridest review of my arguments ; I re-examined 
 " all my authorities ; fully determined, if I found my- 
 "• felf miftaken, publicly to own my miffake, and give up 
 " my opinion, but my fearches have more and more 
 " convinced me, that the Britifh parliament have no 
 " right to tax the Americans. Nor is the dodtrine new; 
 " it is as old as the constitution ; it grew up with it, 
 " indeed it is its fupport. Taxation and reprefentation 
 " are infeparably united. God hath joined them ; no 
 " Britifh parliament can feparate them ; to endeavour 
 " to do it is to flab our vitals. 
 
 " My pofition is this — I repeat it — I will maintain it 
 " to my laft hour — Taxation and reprefentation are in- 
 " feparable. This pofition is ounded on the laws of 
 " nature ; it is more, it is itfelf an eternal law of na- 
 
78 LETTER VII. 
 
 taxed without our own confent given by 
 ourfelves, or our reprefentatives. We are 
 
 therefore 1 fpeak. it with grief I 
 
 fpeak it with indignation we are flaves. 
 
 " Miferabile vulgus. 
 
 A miferable tribe. 
 
 A FARMER. 
 
 " ture ; for whatever is a man's own, is abfolutely his 
 " own ; and no man hath a right to take it from him 
 " without his confent, either expreffed by himself or 
 " reprefentative ; whoever attempts to do it, attempts 
 "an injury; whoever does it, commits a robbery; he 
 " throws down the diftin&ion between liberty and fla- 
 " very." " There is not a blade of grafs, in the moft 
 " obfcure corner of the kingdom, which is not, which 
 " was not, reprefented fince the constitution began : 
 " there is not a blade of grafs, which when taxed, was 
 " not taxed by the confent of the proprietor." " The 
 " forefathers of the Americans did not leave their na- 
 " tive country, and fubje£t themfelves to every danger 
 " and diftrefs, to be reduced to the ftate of flavery. They 
 " did not give up their rights ; they looked for protec- 
 " tion, and not for chains, from their mother-country. 
 " By her they expected to be defended in the pofTefTion of 
 " their property ; and not to be deprived of it : For fhould 
 " the prefent power continue, there is nothing which 
 " they can call their own, or, to ufe the words of Mr. 
 " Locke, what property have they in that, which ano- 
 " ther may, by right, take, when he pleafes, to him 
 « felf." 
 
 It is impoflible to read this fpeech and Mr. Pitt's, and 
 not be charmed with the generous zeal for the rights of 
 mankind, that glows in every fentence. Thefe great 
 and good men, animated by the fubjed: they fpeak up- 
 on, feem to rife above all the former glorious exertions 
 of their abilities. A foreigner might be tempted to 
 think they are Americans, afferting with all the ardour 
 of patriotifm, and all the anxiety of apprehenfion, the 
 caufe of their native land, and not Britons driving to 
 flop their miltaken countrymen from opprefling others. 
 There reafoning is not only juft ; it is " vehement," as 
 Mr. Hume fays of the eloquence of Demofthenes, 
 " 'Tis difdain, anger, boldnefs, freedom, involved in a 
 " continual llream of argument." Hume's EfTay on E- 
 loquence. 
 
LETTER VIII. 
 
 Beloved Countrymen, 
 
 IN my opinion, a dangerous example is 
 fet in the lafl ad: relating to thefe colo- 
 nies. The power of parliament to levy 
 money upon us for railing a revenue, is 
 therein avowed and exerted. Regarding 
 the acT: on this lingle principle, I mull: again 
 repeat, and I think it my duty to repeat, 
 that to me it appears to be unconstitutional. 
 
 No man, who conliders the conduct of 
 parliament lince the repeal of the Stamp-adf , 
 and the difpofition of many people at home, 
 can doubt, that the chief object of attention 
 there, is, to ufe Mr. Grenville's expremon, 
 " providing that the dependance and obedi- 
 ence of the colonies be alferted and main- 
 tained." 
 
 Under the influence of this notion, inftant- 
 ly on repealing the Stamp-act , an adl palfed, 
 declaring the power of parliament to bind 
 thefe colonies in all cafes whatever. This, 
 however, was only planting a barren tree, 
 that call: a lhade indeed over the colonies, 
 but yielded no fruit. It being determined 
 to enforce the authority on which the Stamp- 
 acT: was founded, the parliament having 
 never renounced the right, as Mr. Pitt ad- 
 vifed them to do ; and it being thought 
 
80 LETTER VIII. 
 
 proper to difguife that authority in fuch a 
 manner, as not again to alarm the colo- 
 nies ; fome little time was required to find 
 a method, by which both thefe points mould 
 be united. At laft the ingenuity of Mr. 
 Greenville and his party accomplifhed the 
 matter, as it was thought, in " An act for 
 granting certain duties in the Britifh colo- 
 nies and plantations in America, for allow- 
 ing drawbacks, &c. which is the title of the 
 act laying duties on paper, &c. 
 
 The parliament having feveral times be- 
 fore impofed duties to be paid in America, 
 it was expected no doubt, that the repeti- 
 tion of fuch a meafure would be paifed over 
 as an ufual thing. But to have done this, 
 without exprefsly afferting and maintaining 
 " the power of parliament to take our mo- 
 ney without our confent," and to apply it as 
 they pleafe, would not have been fufficiently 
 declarative of its fupremacy, nor fufficiently 
 depreffive of American freedom. 
 
 Therefore it is, that in this memorable acl: 
 we find it exprefsly " provided" that money 
 {hall be levied upon us without our confent, 
 for purpofes, that render it, if poffible. more 
 dreadful than the Stamp-act. 
 
 That acl, alarming as it was, declared, 
 the money thereby to be raifed, mould be 
 applied " towards defraying the expences 
 " of defending, protecting and fecuring the 
 " Britifh colonies and plantations in Ameri- 
 " ca :" And it is evident from the whole 
 act, that by the word " Britifh " were in- 
 
LETTER VIII. 81 
 
 tended colonies and plantations fettled by 
 Britiih people, and not generally, thofe fub- 
 jecTt to the Britiih crown. That a£t therefore 
 feemed to have fomething gentle and kind in 
 its intention, and to aim only at our own wel- 
 fare : But the adl: now objected to, impofes 
 duties upon the Britiih colonies, " to defray 
 the expences of defending, protecting and 
 fecuringhis Majefty'sdominionsin America." 
 
 What a change of words ! What an incom- 
 putable addition to the expences intended by 
 the Stamp-a<fl ! " His Majefty's dominions " 
 comprehended not only the Britiih colonies ; 
 but alfo the conquered provinces of Canada 
 and Florida, and the Britiih garrifons of Nova- 
 Scotia ; for thefe do not deferve the name 
 of colonies. 
 
 What juftice is there in making us pay for 
 " defending, protecting and fecuring" thefe 
 places ? What benefit can we, or have we ever 
 derived from them r None of them was con- 
 quered for us ; nor will " be defended, pro- 
 tected and fecured" for us. 
 
 In facl, however advantageous thefubduing 
 or keeping any of thefe countries may be to 
 Great-Britain, the acquiiition is greatly inju- 
 rious to thefe colonies. Our chief property 
 confifts in lands. Thefe would have been of 
 a much greater value, if fuch prodigious ad- 
 ditions had not been made to the Britiih ter- 
 ritories on this continent. The natural in- 
 creafe of our own people, if confined within 
 
 L 
 
82 LETTER VIII. 
 
 the colonies, would have railed the value ftill 
 higher and higher, every fifteen or twenty 
 years. Belides, we fhould have lived more 
 compactly together, and have been therefore 
 more able to refift any enemy. 
 
 But now the inhabitants will be thinly 
 fcattered over an immenfe region, as thofe 
 who want fettlements, will chufe to make 
 new ones, rather than pay great prices for 
 old ones. 
 
 Thefe are the confequences to the colonies 
 of the hearty afiiftance they gave to Great- 
 Britain in the late war. A war, underta- 
 ken folely for her own benefit. The objects 
 of it were, the fecuring to herfelf the rich 
 tracts of land on the back of thefe colonies, 
 with the Indian trade, and Nova-Scotia with 
 the fifhery. Thefe, and much more has that 
 kingdom gained ; but the inferior animals 
 that hunted with the Lion, have been amply 
 rewarded for all the fweat and blood their 
 loyalty coft them, by the honour of having 
 fweated and bled in fuch company. 
 
 I will not go fo far as to fay, that Cana- 
 da and Nova-Scotia are curbs on New-Eng- 
 land ; the chain of forts through the back 
 woods, on the middle provinces ; and Flori- 
 da, on the reft : but I will venture to say, that 
 if the products of Canada, Nova-Scotia and 
 Florida, deferve any coniideration, the two 
 firft of them are only rivals of our northern 
 colonies and the other of our fouthern. 
 
LETTER VIII. 83 
 
 It has been faid, that without the conqueft 
 of thefe countries, the colonies could not 
 have been " protecled, defended, and fecur- 
 " ed ;" If that is true, it may with as much 
 propriety be faid, that Great-Britain could 
 not have been " defended, protecled, and 
 " fecured" without that conqueft : for the 
 colonies are parts of her empire, which it 
 is as much concerns her as them to keep out 
 of the hands of any other power. 
 
 But thefe colonies when they were much 
 weaker, defended themfelves, before this 
 conqueft was made ; and could again do it, 
 againft any that might properly be called 
 their enemies. If France and Spain indeed 
 fhould attack them, as members of the Bri- 
 tish empire perhaps they might be diftreffed ; 
 but it would be in a Britifh quarrel. 
 
 The largeft account I have feen of the num- 
 ber of people in Canada, does not make them 
 exceed 90,000. Florida can hardly be said to 
 
 have any inhabitants It is computed that 
 
 there are in our colonies, 3,000,000. — Our 
 force therefore muft encreafe with a difpro- 
 portion to the growth of their ftrcngth, that 
 would render us very fafe. 
 
 This being the ftate of the cafe, I cannot 
 think it juft, that thefe colonies, labouring 
 under fo many misfortunes, fhould be loaded 
 with taxes, to maintain countries not only 
 not ufeful, but hurtful to them. The fup- 
 port of Canada and Florida coft yearly, it is 
 faid, half a million fterling. From hence we 
 
84 LETTER VIII. 
 
 may make fome guefs of the load that is to 
 be laid upon us ; for we are not only to " de- 
 " fend, protecl, and fecure " them, but alfo 
 to make " an adequate provifion for defray- 
 " ing the charge of the administration of 
 " juftice and the fupport of civil govern- 
 ment, in fuch provinces where it mall be 
 " found neceffary." 
 
 Not one of the provinces of Canada, Nova- 
 Scotia, or Florida, has ever defrayed thefe 
 expences within itfelf : And if the duties im- 
 pofed by the laft ftatute are collected, all 
 of them together, according to the beft in- 
 formation I can get, will not pay one-quar- 
 ter as much as Pennfylvania alone. So that 
 the Britifh colonies are to be drained of the 
 rewards of their labour, to cherifh the 
 fcorching fands of Florida, and the icy 
 rocks of Canada and Nova-Scotia, which 
 never will return to us one farthing that we 
 fend to them. 
 
 Great-Britain 1 mean the miniftry in 
 
 Great-Britain, has cantoned Canada and 
 Florida out into five or fix governments, 
 and may form as many more. She now has 
 fourteen or fifteen regiments on this conti- 
 nent ; and may fend over as many more. 
 To make " an adequate provifion" for all 
 thefe expences, is, no doubt, to be the inhe- 
 ritance of the colonies. 
 
 Can any man believe that the duties upon 
 paper, &c. are the laft that will be laid for 
 thefe purposes ? It is in vain to hope, that 
 becaufe it is imprudent to lay duties on the 
 
LETTER VIII. 85 
 
 exportation of manufactures from a mother 
 country to colonies, as it may promote ma- 
 nufactures among them, that this conlidera- 
 tion will prevent them. 
 
 Ambitious, artful men have made the 
 meafure popular, and whatever injuftice or 
 deftruction will attend it in the opinion of 
 the colonifls, at home it will be thought 
 juft and falutary. a 
 
 The people of Great-Britain will be told, 
 and they have been told, that they are fink- 
 ing under an immenfe debt — that great part 
 of this debt has been contracted in defend- 
 ing the colonies — that thefe are fo ungrate- 
 ful and undutiful, that they will not contri- 
 bute one mite to its payment — nor even to 
 the fupport of the army now kept up for 
 their " protection and fecurity " — that they 
 are rolling in wealth, and are of fo bold 
 and republican a fpirit, that they are aiming 
 at independence — that the only way to re- 
 tain them in " obedience " is to keep a 
 ftrict watch over them, and to draw offpart 
 of their riches in taxes — and that every bur- 
 den laid upon them is taking off fo much 
 from Great-Britain — Thefe alfertions will 
 be generally believed, and the people will 
 be perfuaded that they cannot be too angry 
 with their colonies, as that anger will be 
 profitable to themfelves. 
 
 (a) " So credulous, as well as obftinate, are the peo- 
 ple in believing every thing, which flatters their pre- 
 vailing paflion." Hume's Hift. of England. 
 
86 LETTER VIII. 
 
 In truth, Great-Britain alone receives any 
 benefit from Canada, Nova-Scotia, and 
 Florida ; and therefore fhe alone ought to 
 maintain them. — The old maxim of the law 
 is drawn from reafon and juftice, and never 
 could be more properly applied, than in this 
 cafe. 
 
 " £>ui Jen fit, commodum, /entire debet et 
 onus." 
 
 They who feel the benefit, ought to feel 
 the burden. 
 
 A FARMER. 
 
LETTER IX. 
 
 Beloved Countrymen, 
 
 IH A V E made fome obfervations on the 
 purpofes for which money is to be levied 
 upon us by the late ad: of parliament. I 
 (hall now offer to your confideration fome 
 further reflections on that fubject ; and. un- 
 lefs I am greatly miftaken, if thefe purpof- 
 es are accomplifhed, according to the ex- 
 preft intention of the act, they will be found 
 effectually to fuperfede that authority in our 
 refpective alfemblies, which is moft elfential 
 to liberty. The queftion is not whether 
 fome branches mall be lopt off — The ax is 
 laid to the root of the tree ; and the whole 
 body mull infallibly perifh, if we remain idle 
 fpectators of the work. 
 
 No free people ever exifted, or ever can 
 exift, without, keeping, to ufe a common 
 but ftrong expreffion, " the purfe fixings" 
 in their own hands. Where this is the cafe, 
 they have a conftitutional check upon the 
 adminiffration, which may thereby be 
 brought into order without violence : but 
 where fuch a power is not lodged in the 
 people, oppreffton proceeds uncontrouled 
 in its career, till the governed, tranfported 
 
88 L ETTE R IX. 
 
 into rage, feeks redrefs in the midft of blood 
 and confufion. 
 
 The elegant and ingenious Mr. Hume, 
 fpeaking of the Anglo-Norman government, 
 fays " princes and miniflers were too igno- 
 rant to be themfelves fenfible of the ad- 
 vantages attending an equitable admini- 
 ftration ; and there was no eftablifhed 
 council or aifembly which could protecl 
 the people, and, by withdrawing fup- 
 plies, regularly and peaceably admonifh 
 the King of his duty, and enfure the ex- 
 ecution of the laws." 
 Thus this great man, whofe political re- 
 flections are fo much admired, makes this 
 power one of the foundations of liberty. 
 
 The Engliih hiftory abounds with instan- 
 ces, proving that this is the proper and fuc- 
 cefsful way to obtain redrefs of grievances. 
 How often have Kings and miniflers endea- 
 voured to throw off this legal curb upon 
 them, by attempting to raife money by a 
 variety of inventions, under pretence of law, 
 without having recourfe to parliament ? 
 And how often have they been brought to 
 reafon, and peaceably obliged to do juflice, 
 by the exertion of this conftitutional authori- 
 ty of the people, vefled in their reprefenta- 
 tives ? 
 
 The inhabitants of thefe colonies have on 
 numberlefs occafions, reaped the benefits 
 of this authority lodged in their affemblies. 
 
LETTER IX. 89 
 
 It has been for a long time, and now is, 
 a conftant inftruftion to all governors, to 
 obtain a permanent fupport for the officers 
 of government. But as the author of the 
 administration of the colonies fays, " this 
 ' ' order of the crown is generally, if not 
 ' ' univerfally, rejected by the legiflatures of 
 * ' the colonies." 
 
 They perfectly know how much their grie- 
 vances would be regarded, if they had no o- 
 ther method of engaging attention, than 
 by complaining. Thofe who rule, are ex- 
 tremely apt to think, well of the conftrudti- 
 ons made by themfelves, in fupport of their 
 own power. Thefe are frequently errone- 
 ous and pernicious to thofe they govern — 
 Dry remonftrances, to (hew that fuch con- 
 structions are wrong and oppreffive, carry 
 very little weight with them, in the opinion 
 of perfons, who gratify their own inclinati- 
 ons in making thefe constructions. They 
 cannot understand the reafoning that oppofes 
 their power and defire : but let it be made 
 their intereSt to understand fuch reafoning — 
 and a wonderful light is inStantly thrown on 
 the matter ; and then rejected remonStran- 
 ces become as clear as " proof of holy 
 
 writ." * 
 
 The three moft important articles, that 
 our afTemblies, or any legiflatures can pro- 
 vide for, are, firft the defence of the focie- 
 
 (a) Shakefpeare. 
 
 M 
 
oo LETTER IX. 
 
 ty : fecondly — the administration of juftice : 
 and, thirdly, the fupport of civil government. 
 
 Nothing can properly regulate the ex- 
 pence of making provifion for thefe occasi- 
 ons, but the neceffities of the fociety ; its a- 
 bilities ; the conveniency of the modes of 
 levying money among them ; the manner 
 in which the laws have been executed ; and 
 the conduct of the officers of government ; 
 all which are circumftances that cannot pof- 
 fibly be properly known, but by the fociety 
 itfelf ; or, if they mould be known, will 
 not, probably, be properly conlidered, but 
 by that fociety. 
 
 If money may be raifed upon us, by o- 
 thers, without our confent, for our " de- 
 " fence," thofe who are the judges in levy- 
 ing it, mull alfo be the judges in applying 
 it. Of confequence, the money faid to be 
 taken from us for our defence, may be em- 
 ployed to our injury. We may be chained 
 in by a line of fortifications : obliged to pay 
 for building and maintaining them ; and be 
 told that they are for our defence. With what 
 face can we difpute the fact, after having 
 granted, that thofe who apply the money, 
 had a right to levy it ; for, furely, it is 
 much eafier for their wifdom to underftand 
 how to apply it in the belt manner, than 
 how to levy it in the befl: manner. Befides, 
 the right of levying is of infinitely more 
 confequence, than that of applying it. The 
 people of England, that would burfl out in- 
 
LETTER IX. 91 
 
 to fury, if the crown Should attempt to le- 
 vy money by its own authority, have aflign- 
 ed to the crown the application of money. 
 
 As to " the administration of juStice" — the 
 judges ought, in a well regulated State, to 
 be equally independant of the legillative 
 powers. Thus, in England, judges hold 
 their commiflions from the crown " during 
 " good behaviour ;" and have falaries, Suit- 
 able to their dignity, fettled on them by 
 parliament. The purity of the courts of 
 law, fince this establishment, is a proof of 
 the wifdom with which it was made. 
 
 But, in thefe colonies, how fruitlefs has 
 been every attempt to have the judges ap- 
 pointed during good behaviour ; yet whoe- 
 ver confiders the matter will foon perceive, 
 that fuch commiSfions are beyond all com- 
 parifon more neceSfary in thefe colonies, than 
 they are in England. 
 
 The chief danger to the fubjedr. there, a- 
 rofe from the arbitrary defigns of the crown ; 
 but here, the time may come, when we 
 may have to contend with the deligns of the 
 crown, and of a mighty kingdom. What 
 then will be our chance, when the laws of 
 life and death, are to be fpoken by judges, 
 totally dependant on that crown and king- 
 dom — fent over, perhaps, from thence — 
 filled with British prejudice — and backed by 
 a Standing army, fupported out of our own 
 pockets, to " aSfert and maintain" our own 
 " dependance and obedience 
 
 M 2 
 
92 LETTER IX. 
 
 But fuppoling, that through the extreme 
 lenity that will prevail in the government, 
 through all future ages, thefe colonies never 
 will behold any thing like the campaign of 
 chief juftice Jeffereys, yet what innumerable 
 acls of injuftice may be committed, and 
 how fatally may the principles of liberty be 
 fapped by a fucceffion of judges utterly in- 
 dependant of the people? Before fuch judges, 
 the fupple wretches, who cheerfully join in 
 avo wing fentimentsinconfiftent with freedom, 
 will always meet with fmiles : while the ho- 
 neft and brave men, who difdain to facrifice 
 their native land to their own advantage, but 
 on every occafion, boldly vindicate her caufe, 
 will conftantly be regarded with frowns. 
 
 There are two other coniiderations, re- 
 lating to this head, that deferve the moft 
 ferious attention. 
 
 By the late acf the officers of the cuftoms 
 are impowered " to enter into any houfe, 
 " warehoufe, fhop, cellar, or other place, 
 " in the Britifh colonies or plantations in 
 " America, to fearch for, or feize prohibited 
 " or unaccuftomed goods," &c. on " writs 
 " granted by the inferior or fupreme court 
 " of juftice, having jurifdiclion within fuch 
 " colony or plantation refpectively." 
 
 If we only reflecT: that the judges of thefe 
 courts are to be during pleafure — that they 
 are to have " adequate provi/ion" made 
 for them, which is to continue during their 
 complifant behaviour — that they may be 
 
LETTER IX. 93 
 
 sftranger to thefe colonies — what an engine 
 of oppreffion may this authority be in fuch 
 hands ? 
 
 I am well aware that writs of this kind 
 may be granted at home, under the feal of 
 the court of exchequer : But I know alfo 
 that the greater!: aflerters of the rights of 
 Englishmen, have always ftrenuoufly contend- 
 ed, that fuch a power was dangerous to free- 
 dom, and exprefsly contrary to the common 
 law, which ever regarded a man's houfe, as 
 his caftle, or a place of perfect fecurity. 
 
 If fuch a power is in the leaft degree dan- 
 gerous there, it muft be utterly deftructive 
 to liberty here. — For the people there have 
 two fecurities againft the undue exercife of 
 this power by the crown, which are want- 
 ing with us, if the late act takes place. In 
 the firft place, if any injustice is done there, 
 the perfon injured may bring his action 
 againft the offender, and have it tried by 
 independant judges, who are b no parties in 
 committing the injury. Here he muft have 
 it tried before dependant judges, being the 
 men who granted the writ. 
 
 To fay that the caufe is to be tried by a 
 jury can never reconcile men, who have any 
 idea of freedom to fuch a power. — For we 
 know, that (heriffs in almoft every colony 
 
 (J>) The writs for fearching houfes in England are to 
 be granted under the feal of the court of exchequer, 
 according to the ftatute — and that feal is kept by the 
 chancellor of the exchequer. 4 Inft. 
 
94 LETTER IX. 
 
 on this continent, are totally dependant on 
 the crown; and packing of juries has been 
 frequently pradtifed even in the capital of 
 the Britiih empire. Even if juries are 
 well inclined, we have too many instances 
 of the influence of overbearing unjuft 
 judges upon them. The brave and wife 
 men who accomplished the revolution, 
 thought the independency of judges ellential 
 to freedom. 
 
 The other fecurity which the people have 
 at home, but which we (hall want here, is 
 this. — If this power is abufed there, the par- 
 liament, the grand refource of the oppreft 
 people, is ready to afford relief. Redrefs of 
 grievances mull precede grants of money. 
 But what regard can we expedt to have 
 paid to our aifemblies, when they will not 
 hold even the puny privilege of French par- 
 liaments that of registering the edicfs, 
 
 that take away our money, before they are 
 put in execution. 
 
 The fecond consideration above hinted at, 
 is this — There is a confulion in our laws that 
 is quite unknown in Great-Britain. As this 
 cannot be defcribed in a more clear or ex- 
 adt manner, than has been done by the inge- 
 nious author of the hiftory of New-York, I 
 beg leave to ufe his words. " The ftate of 
 our laws opens a door to muchcon troverfy. 
 The uncertainty which refpedt them, ren- 
 ders property precarious, and greatly expo- 
 fes us to the arbitrary decifion of unjuft judg- 
 
LETTER IX. 95 
 
 es. The common law of England is gene- 
 rally received, together with fuch Statutes, 
 as were enacted before we had a legislature 
 of our own ; but our courts exercile a fove- 
 reign authority, in determining what parts 
 of the common and Statute law ought to be 
 extended : For it muft be admitted, that the 
 difference ofcircumSfancesnecelfarily requires 
 us, in fome cases, to reject the determinati- 
 on of both. In many inftances they have al- 
 fo extended even acts of parliament, palled 
 lince we had a diftindt legislature, which is 
 greatly adding to our confufion. The prac- 
 tice of our courts is no lefs uncertain than 
 the law. Some of the English rules are a- 
 dopted, others rejected. Two things there- 
 fore feem to be absolutely necelTary for the 
 public fecurity. Firft the palling an act for 
 fettling the extent of the English laws. Se- 
 condly, that the courts ordain a general fet 
 of rules for the regulation of the practice." 
 How ealy will it be under this " Slate of 
 " our laws" for an artful judge to act in 
 the moSt arbitrary manner, and yet cover his 
 conduct under fpecious pretences, and how 
 difficult will it be for the injured people to 
 obtain redrefs, may be readily perceived. We 
 may take a voyage of three thoufand miles 
 to complain ; and after the trouble and ha- 
 zard we have undergone, we may be told, 
 that the collection of the revenue and main- 
 tenance of the prerogative, muSt not be dis- 
 couraged. And if the misbehaviour is fo 
 
96 LETTER IX. 
 
 grofs as to admit of no justification, it may 
 be faid that it was an error in judgment on- 
 ly, arifing from the confufion of our laws, 
 and the zeal of the King's fervants to do 
 their duty. 
 
 If the commiffions of judges are during 
 the pleafure of the crown, yet if their fala- 
 ries are during the pleasure of the people, 
 there will be fome check upon their conduct. 
 Few men will confent to draw on themfelves 
 the hatred and contempt of those among 
 whom we live, for the empty honour of 
 being judges. It is the fordid love of 
 gain that tempts men to turn their backs on 
 virtue, and pay their homage where they 
 ought not. 
 
 As to the third particular, the " fupport 
 "of civil government," few words will be 
 fufficient. Every man of the leaft under- 
 Handing mull know, that the executive power 
 may be exercifed in a manner fo difagreeable 
 and harafiing to the people, that it is abfol- 
 utely requifite, they mould be enabled by the 
 gentleft method which human policy has yet 
 been ingenious enough to invent, that is by 
 the Shutting their hands, to " admonifh " 
 (as Mr. Hume fays) certain perfons " of 
 " their duty." 
 
 What mall we now think, when, upon 
 looking into the late act, we find the afTem- 
 blies of thefe provinces thereby ftript of their 
 authority on thefe feveral heads ? The de- 
 clared intention of that acf is, " that a reve- 
 
LETTER IX. 97 
 
 nue fhould be raifed in his Majefty's domini- 
 ons in America, for making a more certain 
 and adequate provifion for defraying the 
 charge of the adminiftration of juftice, and 
 the fupport of civil government, in fuch pro- 
 vinces where it (hall be found neceffary ; and 
 towards further defraying the expences of 
 defending, protecting, and fecuring the faid 
 dominions," &c. 
 
 Let the reader paufe here one moment, 
 and reflect — whether the colony in which he 
 lives, has not made fuch " certain and ade- 
 " quate proviiions" for thefe purpofes, as 
 is by the colony judged fuitable to its abili- 
 ties, and all other circumftances. Then let 
 him reflect — whether, if this act takes place, 
 money is not to be raifed on that colony 
 without its confent to make provilion for 
 thefe purpofes, which it does not judge to 
 be fuitable to its abilities, and all other cir- 
 cumftances. Laftly, let him reflect — whe- 
 ther the people of that country are not in 
 a ftate of the moft abject flavery, whofe 
 property may be taken from them under the 
 notion of right, when they have refufed to 
 give it. For my part, I think I have good 
 reafon for vindicating the honour of the af- 
 femblies on this continent, by publicly affert- 
 ing, that they have made as " certain and 
 "adequate provifion" for the purpofes a- 
 bove-mentioned, as they ought to have 
 made ; and that it fhould not be prefumed, 
 that they will not do it hereafter. Why then 
 
 N 
 
98 LETTER IX. 
 
 fhould thefe moll; important truths be 
 wrefted out of their hands ? Why mould 
 they not now be permitted to enjoy that 
 authority, which they have exercifed from 
 the firft fettlement of thefe colonies ? Why 
 mould they be fcandalized by this innovati- 
 on, when their refpedlive provinces are now, 
 and will be for feveral years, labouring un- 
 der loads of debts impofed on them for the 
 very purpofes now fpoken of ? Why Ihould 
 the inhabitants of all thefe colonies be with 
 the utmoft indignity treated, as a herd of 
 defpicable wretches, fo utterly void of com- 
 mon fenfe, that they will not even make 
 " adequate provilion" for the " admini- 
 " fixation of juftice" and " the fupport of 
 " civil government" among them, for their 
 " own defence" — though without fuch 
 " provision" every people mull: inevitably 
 be overwhelmed with anarchy and deftructi- 
 on ? Is it poffible to form an idea of flavery 
 more complete, more miferable, more dil- 
 graceful, than that of a people, where jus- 
 tice is administered, government exercifed, 
 and a Standing army maintained, at the ex- 
 pence of the people, and yet without the 
 leaft dependance upon them ? If we can find 
 no relief from this infamous fituation, let 
 Mr. Grenville fet his fertile fancy again to 
 work, and as by one exertion of it, he has 
 Stripped us of our property and liberty, let 
 him by another deprive us of our understand- 
 ing too, that unconfcious of what we have 
 
LETTER IX. 99 
 
 been or are, and ungoaded by tormenting 
 reflections, we may tamely bow down our 
 necks with all the ftupid ferenity of fervitude, 
 to any drudgery, which our lords and ma- 
 ilers may pleafe to command. — 
 
 When the " charges of the administration 
 of juftice," — " the fupport of civil govern- 
 ment ;" — and " the expences of defending 
 " protecting and fecuring" us, are provid- 
 ed for, I fhould be glad to know upon what 
 occafion the crown will ever call our affem- 
 blies together. Some few of them may 
 meet of their own accord, by virtue of their 
 charters : But what will they have to do 
 when they are met ? To what fhadows will 
 they be reduced ? The men, whofe delibera- 
 tions heretofore had an influence on every 
 matter relating to the liberty and happinefs 
 of themfelves and their conftituents, and 
 whofe authority in domeftic affairs, at leaft, 
 might well be compared to that of Roman 
 fenators, will now find their deliberations of 
 no more confequence than thofe of confta- 
 bles. — They may perhaps be allowed to 
 make laws for yoking of hogs, or pounding 
 of ftray cattle. Their influence will hardly 
 be permitted to extend fo high as the keep- 
 ing roads in repair, as that bulinefs may more 
 properly be executed by thofe who receive 
 the public cam. 
 
 One mofl memorable example in hiftory 
 is fo applicable to the point now infifted on, 
 
 L.oFC. 
 
ioo LETTER IX. 
 
 that it will form a juft conclufion of the ob- 
 fervations that have been made. 
 
 Spain was once free. Their Cortes refem- 
 bled our parliament. No money could be 
 raifed on the fubjecl, without their confent. 
 One of their Kings having received a grant 
 from them to maintain a war againft the 
 Moors, defired, that if the fum which they 
 had given, mould not be fufficient, he 
 might be allowed for that emergency only, 
 to have more money, without aiTembling the 
 Cortes. The requeft was violently oppofed 
 by the belt, and wifeft men in the aflembly. 
 It was however, complied with by the votes 
 of a majority ; and this fingle conceffion 
 was a precedent for other conceffions of the 
 like kinds, until, at laft, the crown obtained 
 a general power for railing money in cafes 
 of neceffity. From that period the Cortes 
 ceafed to be ufeful, and the people ceafed to 
 be free. 
 
 Venienti occurrite tnorbo. 
 
 Oppofe a difeafe at its beginning. — 
 
 A FARMER. 
 
LETTER X . 
 
 Beloved Countrymen, 
 
 THE confequences, mentioned in the laft 
 letter, will not be the utmoft limits of 
 our mifery and infamy. We feel too fenfibly 
 that any a minifterial meafures, relating to 
 thefe colonies, are foon carried fuccefsfully 
 thro' the parliament. Certain prejudices o- 
 perate there fo ftrongly againft us, that it 
 might juftly be queftioned, whether all the 
 provinces united, will ever be able effectually 
 to call to an account, before the parliament, 
 any minifter who fhall abufe the power by 
 the late acf given to the crown in America. 
 He may divide the fpoils torn from us, in 
 what manner he pleafes ; and we fhall have 
 no way of making him refponlible. If he 
 fhould order, that every Governor, fhould 
 have a yearly falary of 5000/. fterling, eve- 
 ry chief juftice of 3000/. every inferior offi- 
 
 (ci) The gentleman muft not wonder he was not con- 
 tradicted, when, as the minifter, he aflerted the right of 
 parliament to tax America. I know not how it is, but 
 there is a modefty in this houfe, which does not chufe to 
 contradict a minifter. I with gentlemen would get the 
 better of that modefty. If they do not, perhaps the 
 collective body may begin to abate of its refpect for the 
 reprefentative. Mr. Pitt's fpeech. 
 
102 L ETT E R X. 
 
 cer in proportion ; and fhould then reward 
 the moil profligate, ignorant, or needy de- 
 pendants on himfelf, or his friends with pla- 
 ces of the greateft truft becaufe they were 
 of the greateft profit, this would be called 
 an arrangement in confequence of the " a- 
 " dequate provifion for defraying the charge 
 " of the administration ofjuftice, and the fup- 
 " port of the civil government." And if the 
 taxes fhould prove at any time infufficient to 
 anfwer all the expences of the numberlefs 
 offices, which minifters may pleafe to create, 
 furely the houfe of Commons would be too 
 " modeft" to contradict a minifter who (hould 
 tell them, it was become neceflary to lay a 
 new tax upon the colonies, for the laudable 
 purpofe of " defraying the charges of the 
 " adminiftration of juftice, and the fupport 
 " of civil government" among them. Thus 
 in fad: we fhall be taxed by minifters. b 
 
 We may perceive, from the example of 
 Ireland, how eager minifters are to feize up- 
 on any fettled revenue, and apply it in fup- 
 
 porting their own power. Happy are the 
 
 men, and happy are the people, who grow 
 wife by the misfortune of others. Earneft- 
 ly, my dear countrymen, do I befeech the 
 author of all good gifts, that you may grow 
 wife in this manner : And, if I may be al- 
 
 (£) " Within this a<3, (Jlatute de tallag'w non concedendo) 
 are all new offices eredted with new fees, or old offices 
 with new fees, for that is a tallage put upon the fub- 
 jecTt, which cannot be done without common aflent by 
 aft of parliament." 2 Inrt. 533. 
 
LETTER X . 103 
 
 lowed to take the liberty, I beg leave to re- 
 commend to you in general, as the beft me- 
 thod of obtaining wifdom, diligently to ftu- 
 dy the hiftories of other countries. You will 
 there find all the arts, that can pofiibly be 
 practiced by cunning rulers, or falfe patri- 
 ots among yourfelves, fo fully delineated, 
 that changing names, the account would 
 ferve for your own times. 
 
 It is pretty well known on this continent, 
 that Ireland has, with a regular coniiftence 
 of injustice, been cruelly treated by minifters 
 in the article of penfions ; but there are 
 fome alarming circumft ances relating to that 
 fubject, which I wifli to have better known 
 among us. 
 
 c The revenue of the crown there, arifes 
 principally from the excife granted " for 
 " pay of the army, and defraying other 
 " public charges in defence and prefervation 
 " of the kingdom " — from the tonnage and 
 additional poundage granted " for protecl- 
 " ing the trade of the kingdom at fea, and 
 " augmenting the public revenue" from the 
 hearth-money granted, as a " public re- 
 " venue for public charges and expences." 
 There are fome other branches of the reve- 
 nue, concerning which there is not any ex- 
 prefs appropriation of them for public fer- 
 vice, but which were plainly fo intended. 
 
 (f) " An enquiry into the legality of the penfions on 
 the Irifh establishment, by Alexander M'Auley, Efq ; one 
 of the King's Council, &c. 
 
io4 LETTER X. 
 
 Of thefe branches of the revenue, the 
 crown is only a truftee for the public. They 
 are unalienable ; they are inapplicable to 
 any other purpofes, but thofe for which 
 they were eftabli (lied; and therefore are not 
 legally chargeable with penfions. 
 
 There is another kind of revenue, which 
 is a private revenue. This is not limited to 
 any public ufes ; but the crown has the fame 
 property in it, that any perfon has in his 
 eftate. This does not amount at the moft 
 to fifteen thoufand pounds a year, probably 
 not to feven ; and it is the only revenue that 
 can legally be charged with penfions. If mini- 
 fters were accuftomed to regard the rights 
 or happinefs of the people, the penfions in 
 Ireland would not exceed the fum jufi: menti- 
 oned : but long fince have they exceeded 
 that limit, and in December, 1765, a moti- 
 on was made in the Houfe of Commons in 
 that kingdom, to addrefs his Majefiy, on 
 the great increafe of penfions on the Irifh 
 eftablifhment, amounting to the fum of 
 ^.158,685 in the lafl two years. 
 
 Attempts have been made to glofs over 
 thefe grofs incroachments, by this fpecious 
 argument, — "That expending a competent 
 " part of the public revenue in penfions, 
 " from a principle of charity or generofity, 
 " adds to the dignity of the crown, and is, 
 " therefore, ufeful to the public." To give 
 this argument any weight, it muft appear 
 that the penfions proceed from "charity 
 
LETTER X. 105 
 
 " or generofity " only — And that it " adds 
 " to the dignity of the crown " to act di- 
 rectly contrary to law. 
 
 From this conduit towards Ireland, in 
 open violation of law, we may eafily fore- 
 fee what we may expect, when a minifter 
 will have the whole revenue of America, 
 in his own hands, to be difpofed of at his 
 own pleafure. For all the monies raifed by 
 the late act are to be " applied, by virtue 
 " of warrants under the fign manual, coun- 
 " terfigned by the high treafurer, or any 
 " three of the commiffioners of the trea- 
 " fury." The " reiidue " indeed, is to be 
 paid " into the receipt of the exchequer, 
 " and to be difpofed of by parliament." 
 So that a minifter will have nothing to do 
 but to take care that there (hall be no " re- 
 " fidue," and he is fuperior to all controul. 
 
 Beiides the burden of peniions in Ireland, 
 which have enormoufly encreafed within 
 theie few years, almoft all the offices, in 
 that poor kingdom, have, lince the com- 
 mencement of the prefent century, and now 
 are beftowed upon ftrangers. For though 
 the merit of thofe born there juftly raifes 
 them to places of high truft, when they go 
 abroad, as all Europe can witnefs, yet he 
 is an uncommonly lucky Irifhman, who can 
 get a good poft in his native country. 
 
 O 
 
106 LETTER X . 
 
 When I confider the d manner in which 
 that iiland has been uniformly deprelfed for lb 
 many years pall, with this pernicious parti- 
 
 (d) In Charles II's time, the Houfe of Commons, in- 
 fluenced by fome factious demagogues, were refolved to 
 prohibit the importation of Irifh cattle into England. 
 Among other arguments in favour of Ireland, it was in- 
 filled " That by cutting off" almoft entirely the trade 
 between the kingdoms, all the natural bands of union 
 were diflblved, and nothing remained to keep the Irifh 
 in their duty, but force and violence. 
 
 " The King (fays Mr. Hume in his Hiftory of England) 
 " was fo convinced of the juftice of thefe reafons, that 
 " he ufed all his intereft to oppofe the bill, and he o- 
 M penly declared, that he could not give his aflent to it 
 " with a fafe confcience. But the Commons were refo- 
 " lute in their purpofe. And the fpirit of tyranny, of 
 " which nations are as fufceptible as individuals, had 
 " animated the Englifh extremely to exert their fuperi- 
 " ority over their dependant ftate. No affair could be 
 " conducted with greater violence that this, by the 
 " Commons. They even went fo far in the preamble 
 " of the bill, as to declare the importation of Irifh cat- 
 " tie to be a nuifance. By this expreflion they gave 
 " fcope to their paflion, and at the fame time, barred 
 " the King's prerogative, by which he might think him- 
 " felf intitled to dilpenfe with a law fo full of injuftice 
 " and bad policy. The lords expunged the word, but 
 " as the King was fenfible that no fupply would be giv- 
 " en by the Commons, unlefs they were gratified in all 
 " their prejudices, he was obliged both to employ his 
 " intereft with the Peers to make the bill pafs, and to 
 " give the Royal aflent to it. He could not however for- 
 " bear exprefling his difpleafure, at the jealoufy enter- 
 " tained againft him, and at the intention which the 
 " Commons difcovered of retrenching his prerogative." 
 
 This law brought great diftrefs for fometime upon Ire- 
 land, but it occafioned their applying with great induf- 
 try to manufactures, and has proved, in the ifTue, bene- 
 ficial to that kingdom. 
 
 Perhaps the fame reafon occafioned the " barring the 
 " King's prerogative " in the late adt. fufpending the le- 
 giflation of New- York. 
 
LETTER X. 107 
 
 cularity of their parliament continuing c as 
 long as the crown pleafes, I am aftonifhed 
 to obferve fuch a love of liberty Mill animat- 
 ing that loyal and generous nation ; and 
 nothing can raife higher my idea of the 
 integrity and public fpirit of the people f 
 
 This we may be allured of, that we are as dear to his 
 Majefly, as the people of Great-Britain are. We are his 
 fubjedls as well as they, and as faithful fubje&s ; and 
 his Majefty has given too many, too conftant proofs of his 
 piety and virtue, for any man, to think it poffible, that 
 fuch a Prince can make any unjuft diftin£tion between 
 fuch fubje£ts. It makes no difference to his Majefty, 
 whether fupplies are raifed in Great-Britain, or Ameri- 
 ca : but it makes fome difference, to the Commons of 
 that kingdom. 
 
 To fpeak plainly as becomes an honeft man on fuch 
 important occafions, all our misfortunes are owing to a 
 luft of power in men of abilities and influence. This 
 prompts them to feek popularity, by expedients profita- 
 ble to themfelves, though ever fo deftructive to their 
 country. 
 
 Such is the accurfed nature of lawlefs ambition, and 
 yet — what heart but melts at the thought ? — Such falfe 
 deteftable patriots in every nation have led their blind 
 confiding country, fhouting their applaufes, into the 
 jaws of fhame and ruin. May the wifdom and goodnefs 
 of the people of Great-Britain, fave them from the ufu- 
 al fate of nations. 
 
 (e) The laft Irifh parliament continued thirty-three 
 years, that is during all the late reign. The prefent 
 parliament there, has continued from the beginning of 
 this reign ; and probably will continue to the end. 
 
 (_/") I am informed, that within thefe few years, a pe- 
 tition was prefented to the Houfe of Commons in Great- 
 Britain, fetting forth, " that herrings were imported 
 " into Ireland, from fome foreign parts of the north fo 
 " cheap, as to difcourage the Britifh herring fifhery, 
 " and therefore praying, that fome remedy might be 
 " applied in that behalf by parliament " — " That, upon 
 " this petition, the Houfe refolved to impofe a duty of 
 " two (hillings fterling on every barrel of foreign her- 
 
108 LETTER X . 
 
 who have preferved the facred fire of free- 
 dom from being extinguished though the 
 altar, on which it burned, has been thrown 
 down. 
 
 In the fame manner (hall we unqueftion- 
 ably be treated, as foon as the late taxes, 
 laid upon us, (hall make pofts in the " go- 
 " vernment," and the " administration of 
 "juflice, here, worth the attention of per- 
 fons of influence in Great Britain. We know 
 enough already to satisfy us of this truth. 
 But this will not be the worft part of our 
 cafe. 
 
 The principals in all great offices will re- 
 fide in England, make fome paltry allowance 
 to deputies for doing the bufinefs here. 
 Let any man confider what an exhaufting 
 drain this mud be upon us, when minifters 
 are poflefied of the power of affixing what 
 
 " rings imported into Ireland, but afterwards dropt the 
 " affair, for fear of engaging in a difpute with Ireland 
 " about the right of taxing her." 
 
 So much higher was the opinion, which the Houfe 
 entertained of the fpirit of Ireland, than of that of thefe 
 colonies. 
 
 I find in the laft Engliih papers, that the refolution 
 and firmnefs with which the people of that kingdom 
 have lately afTerted their freedom, have been fo alarm- 
 ing in Great-Britain, that the Lord Lieutenant in his 
 fpeech on the 20th of laft October, " recommended " to 
 the parliament, " that fuch provifion may be made for 
 " fecuring the judges in the enjoyment of their offices 
 " and appointments during their good behaviour, as 
 " (hall be thought moft expedient." 
 
 What an important conceflion is thus obtained by 
 making demands becoming freemen, with a courage 
 and perfeverance becoming freemen. 
 
LETTER X. 109 
 
 falaries they pleafe to polls, and he mull be 
 convinced how deftructive the late adt mull 
 be. The injured kingdom, lately mention- 
 ed, can tell us the mifchiefs of abfentees ; 
 and we may perceive already the fame dif- 
 polition taking place with us. The govern- 
 ment of New York has been exercifed by 
 a deputy. That of Virginia is now held 
 fo ; and we know of a number of fecre- 
 taryfhips, colledlorships, and other offices 
 held in the fame manner. 
 
 True it is, that if the people of Great- 
 Britain were not too much blinded by the 
 paffions, that have been artfully excited in 
 their brealls, againll their dutiful children, 
 the coloniils, thefe confiderations would be 
 nearly as alarming to them as to us. The 
 influence of the crown was thought, by wife 
 men many years ago, too great, by reafon 
 of the multitude of penfions and places be- 
 llowed by it ; thefe have vailly increafed 
 iince g and perhaps it would be no difficult 
 
 (g) One of the reafons urged by that great and ho- 
 neft ftatesman, Sir William Temple, to Charles II. in 
 his famous remonftrance to difluade him from aiming at 
 arbitrary power, was, the " King had few offices to be- 
 « ftow." Hume's Hift. of England. 
 
 " Though the wings of prerogative have been dipt, 
 " the influence of the crown is greater than ever it was 
 " in any period of our hiftory. For when we confider 
 " in how many burroughs the government has the voters 
 " at command, when we confider the vaft body of per- 
 " fons employed in the collection of the revenue in e- 
 " very part of the kingdom, the inconceivable num- 
 " ber of placemen, and candidates for places in the 
 
no L ETT E R X . 
 
 matter to prove that the people have de- 
 creafed. 
 
 Surely, therefore, thofe who wifh the wel- 
 fare of their country, ought feriously to re- 
 flect what may be the confequence of fuch a 
 new creation of offices, in the difpofal of the 
 crown. The army, the adminiflxation of 
 juftice, and the civil government here, with 
 fuch falaries as the crown mall pleafe to an- 
 nex, will extend minifterial influence, as 
 much beyond its former bounds, as the late 
 war did the Britiih dominions. 
 
 But whatever the people of Great-Britain 
 may think on this occalion, I hope the peo- 
 ple of thefe colonies will unanimoufly join in 
 this fentiment, that the late act of parlia- 
 ment is injurious to their liberty ; and that 
 this fentiment will unite them in a firm op- 
 
 " cuftoms, in the excife, in the poft-office, in the 
 " dock-yards, in the ordnance, in the falt-office, in 
 " the ftamps, in the navy and victualling offices, 
 " and in a variety of other departments ; when we 
 " confider again the extenfive influence of the mo- 
 " ney corporations, fubfcription jobbers, and contractors: 
 " the endlefs dependance created by the obligations 
 " conferred on the bulk of the gentlemen's families 
 " throughout the kingdom, who have relations preferred 
 " in our navy and numerous (landing army ; when, I 
 " fay, we confider how wide, how binding, a depen- 
 " dance on the crown is created by the above enume- 
 " rated particulars ; and the great, the enormous 
 " weight and influence which the crown derives from 
 " this extenfive dependance upon its favour and power ; 
 " any lord in waiting, any lord of the bedchamber, a- 
 " ny man may be appointed minifter." 
 
 " A doctrine to this effeft is faid to have been the ad- 
 " vice of L H " Late News papers. 
 
LETTER X. in 
 
 pofition to it, in the fame manner as the 
 dread of the Stamp-ail did. 
 
 Some perfons may imagine the fums to be 
 raifed by it, are but fmall, and therefore 
 may be inclined to acquiefce under it. A 
 conduct more dangerous to freedom, as be- 
 fore has been obferved, can never be adopt- 
 ed. Nothing is wanted at home but a pre- 
 cedent, the force of which fhall be eftabliuh- 
 ed, by the tacit fubmiffion of the colonies. 
 With what zeal was the ftatute erecting the 
 port-office, and another relating to the reco- 
 very of debts in America, urged and tortur- 
 ed, as precedents in thefupport of the Stamp- 
 adl, though wholly inapplicable. If the par- 
 liament fucceeds in this attempt, other fla- 
 tutes will impofe other duties. Inftead of 
 taxing ourfeives as we have been accuftomed 
 to do from the firft fettlement of thefe pro- 
 vinces ; all our ufeful taxes will be convert- 
 ed into parliamentary taxes on our importa- 
 tions ; and thus the parliament will levy up- 
 on us fuch fums of money as they chufe to 
 take, without any other limitation than their 
 pleafure. 
 
 We know how much labour and care 
 have been beftowed by thefe colonies, in lay- 
 ing taxes in fuch a manner, that they mould 
 be molt eafy to the people, by being laid on 
 the proper articles ; mod equal, by being 
 proportioned to every man's circumstances ; 
 and cheapeft by the method directed for 
 collecting them. 
 
ii2 LETTER X. 
 
 But parliamentary taxes will be laid on us 
 without any coniideration, whether there is 
 any easlier mode. The only point regarded 
 will be, the certainty of levying the taxes, 
 and not the convenience of the people, on 
 whom they are to be levied, and therefore 
 all ftatutes on this head will be fuch as will 
 be moft likely, according to the favourite 
 phrafe, "to execute themfelves." 
 
 Taxes in every free ftate have been, and 
 ought to be as exactly proportioned, as is 
 poffible, to the abilities of thofe who are to 
 pay them. They cannot otherwife be juft. 
 Even a Hottentot could comprehend the un- 
 reafonablenefs, of making a poor man pay as 
 much for defending the property of a rich 
 man, as the rich man pays himfelf. 
 
 Let any perfon look into the late acT: of 
 parliament, and he will immediately perceive, 
 that the immenfe eftates of Lord Fairfax, 
 Lord Baltimore, 11 and our proprietors, which 
 are amongft: " his Majefty's other domini- 
 " ons " to be " defended, protected and fe- 
 " cured " by that acl: will not pay a (ingle 
 farthing of the duties thereby impofed, ex- 
 cept Lord Fairfax wants fome of his win- 
 dows glazed. Lord Baltimore, and our pro- 
 
 (h) The people of Maryland and Pennfylvania have 
 been engaged in the warmeft difputes, in order to ob- 
 tain an equal and juft taxation of their proprietors e- 
 ftates ; but the late aft does more for thefe proprietors 
 than they themfelves would venture to demand. It to- 
 tally exempts them from taxation. 
 
LETTER X. 113 
 
 prietors are quite fecure, as they live in 
 England. 
 
 I mention thefe particular cafes as fink- 
 ing instances, how far the late aft is a devi- 
 ation from that principle of juftice, which has 
 fo constantly diftinguifhed our own laws on 
 this continent. 
 
 The third confideration with our conti- 
 nental aifemblies in laying taxes has been 
 the method of collecting them. This has 
 been done by a few officers under the infpec- 
 tion of the refpeftive aifemblies, with mode- 
 rate allowances. No more was raifed from 
 the fubjeft, than was ufed for the intended 
 purpofes. But by the late aft, a minifler 
 may appoint as many officers as he pleafes 
 for collecting the taxes; may affign them 
 what falaries he thinks "adequate " and 
 they are to be fubjeft to no infpeftion but 
 his own. 
 
 In fhort, if the late act of parliament 
 takes effect, thefe colonies rnufr. dwindle down 
 into " common corporations," as their e- 
 nemies in the debates concerning the repeal 
 of the Stamp-aft, ffrenuously iniifted they 
 were : and it is not improbable, that fome 
 future hiftorians will thus record our fall. 
 
 " The eighth year of this reign was dif- 
 tinguifhed by a very memorable event, the 
 American colonies then Submitting for the 
 firft time, to be taxed by the Britifh parlia- 
 ment. An attempt of this kind had been 
 made two years before, but was defeated by 
 
 P 
 
ii 4 LETTER X. 
 
 the vigorous exertions ofthefeveral provinces 
 in defence of their liberties. Their behavi- 
 our on that occafion rendered their name 
 very celebrated for a fhort time all over Eu- 
 rope ; all ftates being extremely attentive 
 to a difpute between Great-Britain and fo 
 considerable a part of her dominions. For 
 as fhe was thought to be grown too power- 
 ful by the fuccefsful conclulion of the late 
 war fhe had been engaged in, it was hoped 
 by many, that as it had happened before to 
 other kingdoms, civil difcords would afford 
 opportunities of revenging all the injuries 
 fuppofed to be received from her. How- 
 ever the caufe of diffention was removed by 
 a repeal of the ftatute, that had given of- 
 fenfe. This affair rendered the fubmiffive 
 conduit of the colonies fo foon after, the 
 more extraordinary ; there being no differ- 
 ence between the modes of taxation which 
 they oppofed, and that to which they fub- 
 mitted, but this, that by the firft, they were 
 to be continually reminded that they were 
 taxed, by certain marks ftampt on every 
 piece of paper or parchment, they ufed. 
 The authors of that ftatute triumphed 
 greatly on this conduct of the colonies, and 
 inlifted that if the people of Great-Britain, 
 had perfifted in enforcing it, the Americans 
 would have been in a few months fo fatigued 
 with the efforts of patriotifm, that they 
 would quickly have yielded obedience. 
 
LETTE R X. 115 
 
 " Certain it is, that though they had be- 
 fore their eyes fo many illuftrious examples 
 in their mother country, of the conftant fuc- 
 cefs attending firmnefs and perfeverance in 
 oppoiition to dangerous encroachments on 
 liberty, yet they quietly gave up a point of 
 the lafl importance. From thence the de- 
 cline of their freedom began, and its decay 
 was extremely rapid ; for as money was al- 
 ways raifed upon them by the parliament, 
 their alfemblies grew immediately ufelefs and 
 in a fhort time contemptible; and in lefs 
 than one hundred years, the people funk 
 down into that tamenefs and fupinenefs of 
 fpirit by which they fUll continue to be dif- 
 tinguiihed." 
 
 Et majores vejiros et pojleros cogitate. 
 
 Remember your ancestors and your posterity. 
 
 A FARMER. 
 
LETTER XI. 
 
 Beloved Countrymen, 
 
 I HAVE feveral times, in the courfe of 
 thefe letters, mentioned the late acl of 
 parliament, as being the foundation of fu- 
 ture meafures injurious to thefe colonies ; 
 and the belief of this truth I wifh to pre- 
 vail, becaufe I think it neceffary to our 
 fafety. 
 
 A perpetual jealoufy refpecling liberty, \ 
 is abfolutely requiiite in all free Hates. ' 
 The very texture of their constitution, in 
 mixt governments, demands it. For the 
 cautions with which power is distributed a- 
 mong the feveral orders, imply, that each 
 has that mare which is proper for the gene- 
 al welfare, and therefore, that any further 
 impofition mull: be pernicious. a Machiavel 
 employs a whole chapter in his difcourfes, 
 to prove that a ftate, to be long lived, mull 
 be frequently corrected, and reduced to its 
 firft. principles. But of all dates that have 
 exifted, there never was any, in which this 
 jealoufy could be more proper than in thefe 
 colonies. For the government here is not 
 only mixt, but dependant, which circum- 
 
 (a) Machiavel's difcourfes. Book 3, chap. 1. 
 
n8 LETTER XI . 
 
 fiance occaiions a peculiarity in its form, of 
 a very delicate nature. 
 
 Two reafons induce me to defire, that 
 this fpirit of apprehenlion may be always 
 kept up among us, in its utmoft vigilance. 
 The firft is this, that as the happinefs of thefe 
 provinces indubitably conlifts in their con- 
 nection with Great-Britain, any feparation 
 between them is lefs likely to be occalioned 
 by civil difcords, if every difgufting mea- 
 fure is oppofed fingly, and while it is new : 
 for in this manner of proceeding, every fuch 
 meafure is mofl likely to be rectified. On 
 the other hand, oppremons and dilfatisfac- 
 tions being permitted to accumulate — if 
 ever the governed throw off the load, they 
 will do more. A people does not reform 
 with moderation. The rights of the fub- 
 jecl therefore cannot be too often consider- 
 ed, explained, or aiferted : and whoever 
 attempts to do this, (hews himfelf, what- 
 ever may be the ram and peevifh reflections 
 of pretended wifdom, and pretended duty, 
 a friend to thofe who injudicioufly exercife 
 their power, as well as to them, over whom 
 it is fo exercifed. 
 
 Had all the points of prerogative claimed 
 by Charles I. been feparately contefted and 
 fettled in preceding reigns, his fate would 
 in all probability have been very different, 
 and the people would have been content with 
 that liberty which is compatible with regal 
 
LETTER XI. 119 
 
 authority. But b he thought, it would be as 
 dangerous for him to give up the powers 
 which at any time had been by ufurpation ex- 
 ercifed by the crown, as thofe that were 
 legally verted in it. This produced an equal 
 excefs on the part of the people. For when 
 their paflions were excited by multiplied 
 grievances, they thought it would be as 
 dangerous for them, to allow the powers 
 that were legally vetted in the crown, as 
 thofe which at any time had been by ufur- 
 pation exercifed by it. Acts, that might 
 by themfelves have been upon many con- 
 siderations excufed or extenuated, derived a 
 contagious malignancy and odium from 
 other acts, with which they were connected. 
 They were not regarded according to the 
 iimple force of each, but as parts of a 
 fyftem of oppreflion. Every one therefore, 
 however fmall in itfelf, being alarming, as 
 an additional evidence of tyrannical deligns. 
 It was in vain for prudent and moderate 
 men to iniift, that there was no neceffity to 
 abolifh royalty. Nothing lefs than the utter 
 
 (£) The author is fenfible that this is putting the 
 gentleft conftru£tion on Charles' conduit ; and that is 
 one reafon why he chufes it. Allowance ought to be 
 made for the errors of thofe men, who are acknow- 
 ledged to have been poflefled of many virtues. The e- 
 ducation of that unhappy Prince, and his confidence in 
 men not fo good and wife as himfelf, had probably fill- 
 ed him with miftaken notions of his own authority, and 
 of the confequences that would attend conceflions of a- 
 ny kind to a people, who were reprefented to him as 
 aiming at too much power. 
 
120 LETTER XI. 
 
 destruction of monarchy, could fatisfy thofe 
 who had fuffered, and thought they had rea- 
 fon to believe, they always Should Suffer un- 
 der it. 
 
 The confequences of thefe mutual dif- 
 trufts are well known : But there is no other 
 people mentioned in hiStory, that I recollect, 
 who have been fo constantly watchful of 
 their liberty, and fo fuccefsful in their Strug- 
 gles for it, as the Engliih. This considera- 
 tion leads me to the fecond reafon, why I 
 " delire that the fpirit of apprehenlion may 
 be always kept up among us in its utmoft 
 vigilance." 
 
 The first principles of government are to 
 be looked for in human nature. Some of 
 the beSt writers have aSTerted, and it feems 
 with good reafon, that " government is 
 founded on c opinion." 
 
 CuStom undoubtedly has a mighty force 
 in producing opinion, and reigns in nothing 
 
 (c) " Opinion is of two kinds, viz. opinion of inte- 
 reft, and opinion of right. By opinion of intereft, I 
 chiefly underftand, the fenfe of public advantage which 
 is reaped from government ; together with the perfuafi- 
 on, that the particular government which is eftablished, 
 is equally advantageous with any other, that could be 
 eafily fettled." 
 
 " Right is of two kinds, right to power, and right 
 to property. What prevalence opinion of the firft kind 
 has over mankind may eafily be understood, by obferving 
 the attachment which all nations have to their ancient 
 government, and even to thofe names which have had 
 the fanction of antiquity. Antiquity always begets the 
 opinion of right." " It is fufficiently understood, that 
 the opinion of right to property, is of the greateft mo- 
 ment in all matters of government." Hume's Effays. 
 
LETTER XI . 121 
 
 more arbitrarily than in public affairs. It 
 gradually reconciles us to objecls even of 
 dread and deteftation ; and I cannot but 
 think thefe lines of Mr. Pope, as applicable 
 to vice in politics, as to vice in ethics. 
 ' Vice is a monfter of fo horrid mien, 
 ' As to be hated, needs but to be feen ; 
 ' Yet feen too oft, familiar with her face, 
 ' We firft endure, then pity, then embrace.' 
 
 When an acl injurious to freedom has been 
 once done, and the people bear it, the re- 
 petition of it is moft likely to meet with 
 fubmimon. For as the mifchief of the one 
 was found to be tolerable, they will hope 
 that of the fecond will prove fo too ; and 
 they will not regard the infamy of the laft, 
 becaufe they are ftained with that of the 
 firft. 
 
 Indeed, nations in general, are not apt 
 to think until they feel; and therefore na- 
 tions in general have loft their liberty : For 
 as violations of the rights of the governed, 
 are commonly not only fpecious, d but fmall 
 at the beginning, they fpread over the mul- 
 titude in fuch a manner, as to touch indivi- 
 duals but nightly. Thus they are difre- 
 garded. e The power or profit that arifes 
 
 o. 
 
 («/) Omnia mala exampla ex bonis initiis orta funt. 
 
 Salluft. Bell. Cat. S. 50. 
 
 (e) The Republic is always attacked with greater vi- 
 gour than it is defended, for the audacious and profligate, 
 prompted by their natural enmity to it, are eafily im- 
 pelled to acl upon the leaft nod of their leaders ; where- 
 
122 LETTER XI. 
 
 from thefe violations, centering in few per- 
 fons, is to them confiderable. For this rea- 
 fon the governors having in view their par- 
 ticular purpofes, fuccemvely preferve an 
 uniformity of conduct for attaining them. 
 They regularly increafe and multiply the 
 firft injuries, till at length the inattentive 
 people are compelled to perceive the heavi- 
 nefs of their burdens. — They begin to com- 
 plain and enquire — but too late. — They find 
 their oppreiTors fo ftrengthened by fuccefs, 
 and themfelves fo entangled in examples of 
 exprefs authority on the part of their rulers, 
 and of tacit recognition on their own part, 
 that they are quite confounded : For millions 
 entertain no other idea of the legality of 
 power, than that it is founded on the exer- 
 cife of power. They voluntarily fatten 
 their chains, by adopting a puiillanimous 
 opinion, " that there will be too much dan- 
 ger in attempting a remedy," or another 
 opinion no lefs fatal, " that the govern- 
 ment has a right to treat them as it does." 
 
 as the honeft, I know not why, are generally flow and 
 unwilling to ftir ; and neglecting always the beginnings 
 of things, are never roufed to exert themfelves, but by 
 the laft necefllty ; fo that through irrefolution and de- 
 lay, when they would be glad to compound at laft for 
 their quiet, at the expence even of their honour, they 
 commonly lofe them both." 
 
 Cicero's Orat. for Sextius. 
 Such were the fentiments of this great and excellent 
 man whofe vaft abilities, and the calamities of the time 
 in which he lived, enabled him, by mournful experience, 
 to form a juft judgement on the conduit of the friends 
 and enemies of liberty. 
 
LETTER XI . 123 
 
 They then leek a wretched relief for their 
 minds, by perfuading themfelves, that to 
 yield their obedience is to difcharge their 
 duty. The deplorable poverty of fpirit, 
 that proftrates all the dignity beftowed by 
 divine providence on our nature — of courfe 
 fucceeds. 
 
 From thefe reflections I conclude, that 
 every free ftate fhould inceflantly watch, and 
 inftantly take alarm on any condition being 
 made to the power exercifed over them, in- 
 numerable inftances might be produced to 
 fhew, from what flight beginnings the moft 
 extenlive confequences have flowed : but I 
 (hall feleft two only from the hiftory of 
 England. 
 
 Henry the feventh was the firft monarch 
 of that kingdom, who eftablished a flanding 
 body of armed men. This was a band of 
 50 archers, called yeomen of the guard : 
 And this inftitution, notwithstanding the 
 fmallnefs of the number, was, to prevent 
 difcontent, f " difguifed under the pretence 
 of majefly and grandeur." In 1684, the 
 flanding forces were fo much augmented, 
 that Rapin fays — " The King, in order to 
 make his people fully fenfible of their new 
 flavery, aflecled to mufter his troops, which 
 amounted to 4000 well armed and disciplined 
 men." I think our army, at this time, 
 confifts of more than feventy regiments. 
 
 (_/") Rapin's History of England. 
 
124 LETTER XI. 
 
 The method of taxing by excife was firft 
 introduced amidff the convulfions of civil 
 wars. Extreme necemty was pretended, 
 and its fhort continuance promifed. After 
 the reftoration, an excife upon beer, ale and 
 other liquors, was granted to the g King, 
 one half in fee, the other for life, as an e- 
 quivalent for the court of wards. Upon 
 James the fecond's accemon, the parlia- 
 ment h gave him the firfl excife, with an ad- 
 ditional duty on wine, tobacco, and fome 
 other things. Since the revolution it has 
 been extended to fait, candles, leather, hides, 
 hops, foap, paper, pafte-board, mill-boards, 
 fcaleboards, vellum, parchment, ftarch, filks, 
 calicoes, linens, fluffs, printed, ftained, &c. 
 wire, wrought plate, coffee, tea, chocolate, 
 &c. 
 
 Thus a ffanding army and excife have, 
 from the firfl flender origins, tho' always 
 hated, always feared, always oppofed, at 
 length fwelled up to their vaft prefent bulk. 
 
 Thefe facls are furficient to fupport what 
 I have faid. 'Tis true that all the mifchiefs 
 apprehended by our anceftors from a ftand- 
 ing army and excife, have not yet happen- 
 ed : but it does not follow from thence, 
 that they will not happen. The infide of a 
 houfe may catch fire, and the mofr. valuable 
 apartments be ruined, before the flames 
 
 (g) 12 Car. II. Chap. 23, and 24. 
 (b) James II. Chap. I. and 4. 
 
LETTER XI. 125 
 
 burft out. The queftion in thefe cafes is 
 not, what evil has actually attended parti- 
 cular meafures — but what evil, in the nature 
 of things, is likely to attend them. Cer- 
 tain circumftances may for fome time delay 
 effects, that were reafonably expected, and 
 that mufl enfue. There was a long period, 
 after the Romans had prorogued the com- 
 mand to ' Q^. Publilius Philo, before that 
 example deftroyed their liberty. All our 
 kings, from the revolution to the prefent 
 reign have been foreigners. Their minifters 
 generally continued but a fhort time in au- 
 thority ; k and they themfelves were mild 
 and virtuous princes. 
 
 A bold, ambitious Prince, polfelfed of 
 great abilities, firmly fixed in the throne by 
 defcent, ferved by minifters like himfelf, and 
 rendered either venerable or terrible by the 
 glory of his fucceifes, may execute what his 
 
 (/) In the year of the city 428, " Duo fingularia hac 
 ei viro primum contigere ; prorogatio imperii non ame in ullo 
 fuSlo et aSio honore triumpbus." Liv. B. 8. Chap. 23. 26. 
 
 " Had the reft of the Roman citizens imitated the 
 example of L. Quintus, who refufed to have his conful- 
 (hip continued to him, they had never admitted that 
 cuftom of proroguing magiftrates, and then the prolon- 
 gation of their commands, the army had never been 
 introduced, which very thing was at length the ruin 
 of that commonwealth." 
 
 Machiavel's difcourfes, B. 3. Chap. 24. 
 
 (/f) I don't know but it may be faid with a good deal 
 of reafon, that a quick rotation of minifters is very de- 
 firable in Great-Britain. A minifter there has a vaft 
 ftore of materials to work with. Long adminiftrations 
 are rather favourable to the reputation of a people a- 
 broad, than to their liberty. 
 
126 LETTER XI. 
 
 predeceflbrs did not dare to attempt. Henry 
 IV. tottered in his feat during his whole 
 reign. Henry V. drew the ftrength of the 
 kingdom into France, to carry on his wars 
 there, and left the Commons at home, pro- 
 tefting, " that the people were not bound 
 " to ferve out of the realm." 
 
 It is true, that a ftrong fpirit of liberty 
 fublifts at prefent in Great-Britain, but what 
 reliance is to be placed in the temper of a 
 people, when the prince is pofleffed of an un- 
 conftitutional power, our own hiftory can fuf- 
 ficiently inform us. When Charles II. had 
 ftrengthened himfelf by the return of the 
 garrifon of Tangier, " England (fays Rapin) 
 faw on a fudden an amazing revolution ; faw 
 herfelf stripped of all her rights and privi- 
 leges, excepting fuch as the King Ihould 
 vouchfafe to grant her ; and what is more 
 aftonifhing, the Engliih themfelves delivered 
 up thefe very rights and privileges to Char- 
 les II. which they had fo paffionately, and, 
 if I may fay it, furiously defended againft. the 
 defigns of Charles I." This happened only 
 thirty-fix years after this lafi: prince had been 
 beheaded. 
 
 Some perfons are of opinion, that liberty 
 is not violated, but by fuch open adls of 
 force ; but they feem to be greatly mifta- 
 ken. I could mention a period within thefe 
 forty years, when almoft as great a change 
 of difpofition was produced by the fecret 
 meafures of a long adminiftration, as by 
 
LETTER XI. 127 
 
 Charles's violence. Liberty, perhaps, is ne- 
 ver expofed to fo much danger, as when the 
 people believe there is the leaft ; for it may 
 be fubverted, and yet they not think fo. 
 
 Public-difgufting acls are feldom pradtifed 
 by the ambitious, at the beginning of their 
 defigns. Such conducl filences and difcou- 
 rages the weak, and the wicked, who would 
 otherways have been their advocates or ac- 
 complices. It is of great confequence, to 
 allow thofe, who, upon any account, are in- 
 clined to favour them, fomething fpecious to 
 fay in their defence. The power may be 
 fully eftablifhed, though it would not be fafe 
 for them to do whatever they pleafe. For 
 there are things, which, at fome times, even 
 ilaves will not bear. Julius Ca?sar and Oli- 
 ver Cromwell did not dare to alfume the 
 title of King. The grand Seignior dares not 
 lay a new tax. The King of France dares 
 not be a protectant. Certain popular points 
 may be left untouched, and yet freedom be 
 extinguished. The commonality of Venice i- 
 magine themfelves free, becaufe they are 
 permitted to do, what they ought not. But 
 I quit a fubject, that would lead me too far 
 from my purpofe. 
 
 By the late acl of parliament, taxes are to 
 be levied upon us, for " defraying the charge 
 of the adminiftration of juftice, thefupport of 
 civil government — and the expences of de- 
 fending his Majefty's dominions in America." 
 
128 LETTER XI. 
 
 If any man doubts what ought to be the 
 conduct of thefe colonies on this occafion, I 
 would afk them thefe queftions. 
 
 Has not the parliament exprefsly avowed 
 their intention of railing money from us for 
 certain purpofes? Is not this fcheme popu- 
 lar in Great-Britain ? Will the taxes, impof- 
 ed by the late act, anfwer thofe purpofes ? 
 If it will, mult it not take an immenfe fum 
 from us ? If it will not, is it to be expected, 
 that the parliament will not fully execute 
 their intention, when it is pleafing at home, 
 and not oppofed here ? Muff not this be done 
 by impoiing new taxes? Will not every ad- 
 dition, thus made to our taxes, be an addition 
 to the power of the Britifh legislature, by 
 increafing the number of officers employ- 
 ed in the collection ? Will not every additi- 
 onal tax therefore render it more diffi- 
 cult to abrogate any of them ? When a 
 branch of revenue is once established, does 
 it not appear to many people invidious and 
 undutiful, to attempt to abolifh it ? If tax- 
 es, Sufficient to accomplish the intention of 
 the Parliament, are impofed by the Parlia- 
 ment, what taxes will remain to be impofed 
 by our alfemblies ? If no material taxes re- 
 main to be impofed by them, what muft be- 
 come of them, and the people they repre- 
 fent? 
 
 1 " If any perfon confiders, thefe things, 
 
 (/) Demofthenes's 2d Philippic. 
 
LETTER XI. 129 
 
 and yet not thinks our liberties are in dan- 
 ger, I wonder at that perfon's fecurity." 
 
 One other argument is to be added, 
 which, by itfelf, I hope, will be fufficient 
 to convince the morl incredulous man on this 
 continent, that the late act of Parliament is 
 only defigned to be a precedent, whereon 
 the future vaffalage of thefe colonies may be 
 eftablifhed. 
 
 Every duty thereby laid on articles of 
 Britifli manufacture, is laid on fome com- 
 modity upon the exportation of which from 
 Great-Britain, a drawback is payable. Thofe 
 drawbacks in moft of the articles, are ex- 
 actly double to the duties given by the late 
 acl. The Parliament therefore might in half 
 a dozen lines have raifed much more money 
 only by flopping the drawbacks in the hands 
 of the officers at home, on exportation to 
 thefe colonies, than by this folemn impofi- 
 tion of taxes upon us, to be collected here. 
 Probably, the artful contrivers of this act 
 formed it in this manner, in order to referve 
 to themfelves, in cafe of any objections be- 
 ing made to it, this fpecious pretence — 
 " That the drawbacks are gifts to the co- 
 " lonies; and that the acl: only lefTens thofe 
 " gifts." But the truth is, that the draw- 
 backs are intended for the encourage- 
 ment and promotion of Britilh manufactures 
 and commerce, and are allowed on exporta- 
 tion to any foreign parts, as well as on ex- 
 portation to thefe provinces. Belides, care 
 
 R 
 
130 LETTER XI . 
 
 has been taken to Aide into the ad: m fome ar- 
 ticles on which there are no drawbacks. 
 However, the whole duties laid by the late 
 adt on all the articles therein fpecified, are 
 fo frnall, that they will not amount to as 
 much as the drawbacks which are allowed 
 on part of them only. If, therefore, the 
 fum to be obtained by the late acl had been 
 the fole object in forming it, there would 
 not have been any occafion for the " Com- 
 " mons of Great-Britain to give and grant 
 " to his Majefty, rates and duties for railing 
 " a revenue in his Majefty's dominions in 
 " America, for making a more certain and 
 " adequate proviiion for defraying the 
 " charge of the adminiftration of juftice, 
 " the fupport of civil government, and the 
 " expences of defending the faid domini- 
 
 " ons " Nor would there have been any 
 
 occafion for an n expenfive board of commif- 
 
 (m) Though duties by the late act are laid on fome ar- 
 ticles, on which no drawbacks are allowed, yet the du- 
 ties impofed by the adt, are fo Imall, in comparifon 
 with the drawbacks that are allowed, that all the duties 
 together will not amount to fo much as the drawbacks. 
 
 (n) The expence of this board, I am informed, is be- 
 tween four and five thoufand pounds fterling a year. 
 The eftablishment of officers, for collecting the revenue 
 of America, amounted before to feven thoufand fix hun- 
 dred pounds per annum : and yet, fays the author of 
 " The regulation of the colonies," the whole remittance 
 from all the taxes in the colonies, at an average of thir- 
 ty years, has not amounted to one thoufand nine hun- 
 dred pounds a year, and in that time, feven or eight 
 hundred pounds per annum only, have been remitted 
 from North-America. 
 
LETTER XI . 131 
 
 fioners, and all the other new charges to 
 which we are made liable. 
 
 Upon the whole, for my part, I regard 
 the late a6t as an experiment made of our 
 difpofition. It is a bird fent over the wa- 
 ters, to difcover, whether the waves, that 
 lately agitated this part of the world with 
 fuch violence, are yet fublided. If this ad- 
 venturer gets footing here, we fhall quickly 
 be convinced, that it is not a phenix ; for 
 we fhall foon fee it followed by others of the 
 fame kind. We fhall find it rather to be of 
 the ° breed defcribed by the poet — 
 
 " Infelix vates." 
 A direful foreteller of future calamities. 
 
 A FARMER. 
 
 The fmallnefs of the revenue arifing from the duties 
 in America, demonftrated that they were intended only 
 as regulations of trade ; and can any perfon be fo blind 
 to truth, fo dull of apprehenfion in a matter of un- 
 fpeakable importance to his country, as to imagine, that 
 the board of commiffioners lately eftablifhed at fuch a 
 charge, is inftituted to affift in collecting one thoufand 
 nine hundred pounds a year, or the trifling duties im- 
 pofed by the late a£t ? Surely every man on this conti- 
 nent mull perceive, that they are eftablifhed for the 
 care of a new fyftem of revenue, which is but now 
 begun. 
 
 (0) " Dira calano" Virgil, ./Eneid 2. 
 
LETTER XII. 
 
 Beloved Countrymen, 
 
 SOME ftates have loft their liberty by 
 particular accidents ; but this calamity 
 is generally owing to the decay of virtue. 
 A people is travelling faft to deftruclion, 
 when individuals confider their interefts as 
 diftincl: from thofe of the public. Such no- 
 tions are fatal to their country, and to them- 
 felves. Yet how many are there (o weak 
 and fordid as to think they perform all the 
 offices of life, if they earneftly endeavour 
 to increafe their own wealth, power, and 
 credit, without the leaft regard for the foci- 
 ety, under the protection of which they live; 
 who, if they can make an immediate pro- 
 fit to themfelves, by lending their alfiftance 
 to thofe, whofe projects plainly tend to the 
 injury of their country, rejoice in their dex- 
 terity, and believe themfelves intitled to 
 the character of able politicians. Miferable 
 men ! of whom it is hard to fay, whether 
 they ought to be molt the objecls of pity or 
 contempt, but whofe opinions are certainly 
 as deteftable as their practices are deftrucf ive. 
 Though I always reflect with a high plea- 
 fure on the integrity and underftanding of 
 
i 3 4 LETTER XII. 
 
 my countrymen, which, joined with a pure 
 and humble devotion to the great and gra- 
 cious author of every bleffing they enjoy, 
 will, I hope, enfure to them, and their poi- 
 terity, all temporal and eternal happinefs ; 
 yet when I coniider, that in every age and 
 country there have been bad men, my heart, 
 at this threatening period, is fo full of ap- 
 prehenfion, as not to permit me to believe, 
 but that there may be fome on this conti- 
 nent, againft whom you ought to be upon 
 your guard. Men, who either a hold or ex- 
 
 (a) It is not intended by thefe words to throw any re- 
 flection upon gentlemen, becaufe they are poflefTed of 
 offices ; for many of them are certainly men of vir- 
 tue, and lovers of their country. But fuppofed obliga- 
 tions of gratitude and honour may induce them to be 
 filent. Whether thefe obligations ought to be regarded 
 or not, is not fo much to be confidered by others, in the 
 judgment they form of thefe gentlemen, as whether 
 they think they ought to be regarded. Perhaps, there- 
 fore we {hall a£t in the propereft manner towards them, 
 if we neither reproach nor imitate them. The perfons 
 meant in this letter, are the bafe-fpirited wretches, who 
 may endeavor to diftinguish themfelves, by their fordid 
 zeal, in defending and promoting meafures, which they 
 know, beyond all queftion, to be deftrudtive to the juft 
 rights and true interefts of their country. It is fcarce- 
 ly poffible, to fpeak of thefe men with any degree of 
 patience. It is fcarcely poffible to fpeak of them with 
 any degree of propriety. For no words can truly de- 
 fcribe their guilt, and meannefs. But every honeft man, 
 on their being mentioned, will feel what cannot be ex- 
 preffed. If their wickednefs did not blind them, they 
 might perceive, along the coaft of thefe colonies, many 
 fkeletons of wretched ambition ; who after diftinguifh- 
 ing themfelves, in fupport of the Stamp-acl, by a cou- 
 ragious contempt of their country, and of juftice, 
 have been left to linger out their miferable exiftence, 
 
LETTER XII. 135 
 
 pec~l to hold certain advantages by fetting 
 examples of fervility to their countrymen — ' 
 Men who trained to the employment, or 
 felf-taught by a natural verfatility of geni- 
 us, ferve as decoys for drawing the innocent 
 and unwary into fnares. It is not to be 
 
 without a government, colledtorfhip, fecretaryfhip, or 
 any other commiflion to confole them, as well as it could 
 for lofs of virtue and reputation — while numberlefs of- 
 fices have been beftowed in thefe colonies, on people 
 from Great- Britain, and new ones are continually in- 
 vented to be thus beftowed. As a few great prizes are 
 put into a lottery to tempt multitudes to lofe, fo here 
 and there an American has been raifed to a good poft — 
 " Apparent rari nantes in gurgite vajio." 
 Mr. Grenville, indeed, in order to recommend the 
 Stamp-a£t, had the unequalled generosity, to pour 
 down a golden lhower of offices upon Americans ; and 
 yet thefe ungrateful colonies did not thank Mr. Gren- 
 ville for (hewing his kindnefs to their countrymen, nor 
 them for accepting it. How muft that great ftatefman 
 have been furprifed to find, that the unpolifhed colonifts 
 could not be reconciled to infamy, by treachery ? Such 
 a bountiful difpofition towards us never appeared in a- 
 ny minifter before him, and probably never will appear 
 again. For it is evident that fuch a fyftem of policy is 
 to be eftablifhed on this continent, as, in a ftiort time, is 
 to render it utterly unneceflary to ufe the leaft art in 
 order to conciliate our approbation of any meafures. 
 Some of our countrymen may be employed to fix chains 
 upon us ; but they will never be permitted to hold them 
 afterwards. So that the utmoft that any of them can 
 expeft, is only a temporary provifion, that may expire 
 in their own time ; but which, they may be allured, 
 will preclude their children from having any confidera- 
 tion paid to them. The natives of America, will fink 
 into total negledt and contempt, the moment that their 
 country lofes the conftitutional powers {he now poflef- 
 fes. Moft fincerely do I wifh and pray, that every one 
 of us may be convinced of this great truth, that induf- 
 try and integrity are the " paths of pleafantnefs, which 
 lead to happinefs." 
 
136 LETTER XII. 
 
 doubted but that fuch men will diligently 
 beftir themfelves, on this and every like oc- 
 calion, to fpread the infection of their mean- 
 nefs as far as they can. On the plans they 
 have adopted, this is their courfe. This is 
 the method to recommend themfelves to 
 their patrons. 
 
 They adf coniiftently, in a bad caufe. 
 
 They run well in a mean race. 
 
 From them we mail learn, how pleafant 
 and profitable a thing it is, to be, for our 
 fubmiiTive behaviour, well fpoken of in St. 
 James's, or St. Stephen's ; at Guildhall, or 
 the Royal Exchange. Specious fallacies 
 will be dreft up with all the arts of delu- 
 fion, to perfuade one colony to diftinguifh 
 herfelf from another, by unbecoming conde- 
 fcenfions, which will ferve the ambitious 
 purpofe of great men at home, and there- 
 fore will bethought by them, to entitle their 
 affiflants in obtaining them, to considerable 
 rewards. 
 
 Our fears will be excited ; our hopes will 
 be awakened. It will be infinuated to us 
 with a plaufible affectation of wifdom and 
 concern, how prudent it is to pleafe the 
 powerful — how dangerous to provoke them 
 — and then comes in the perpetual incanta- 
 tion, that freezes up every generous purpofe 
 of the foul, in cold — inactive — expectation 
 " that if there is any requefl to be made, 
 " compliance will obtain a favourable atten- 
 " tion." 
 
LETTER XII. 137 
 
 Our vigilance and our union are fuccefs 
 and fafety. Our negligence and our divi- 
 lion are diftrefs and death. They are worfe 
 — they are fhame and llavery. 
 
 Let us equally fhun the benumbing ftill- 
 nefs of overweening floth, and the feverilh 
 activity of that ill-informed zeal, which bu- 
 ries itfelf in maintaining little, mean, and 
 narrow opinions. Let us, with a truly 
 wife generoiity and charity, banirti and dil- 
 courage all illiberal diftinctions, which may 
 arife from differences in iituation, forms of 
 government, or modes of religion. Let 
 us confider ourfelves as men — Freemen — 
 Chriftian men — feparated from the reft of 
 the world, and firmly bound together by 
 the fame rights, interefts, and dangers. 
 Let thefe keep our attention inflexibly fixed 
 on the great objects, which we mull con- 
 tinually regard, in order to preferve thofe 
 rights, to promote thofe interefts, and to 
 avert thofe dangers. 
 
 Let thefe truths be indelibly impreffed on 
 our minds — that we cannot be happy with- 
 out being free — that we cannot be free with- 
 out being fecure in our property — that we 
 cannot be fecure in our property, if, with- 
 out our confent, others may, as by right, 
 take it away — that taxes impofed on us by 
 parliament, do thus take it away — that du- 
 ties laid for the fole purpofes of railing mo- 
 ney, are taxes — that attempts to lay fuch 
 
 S 
 
138 LETTER XII. 
 
 duties fhould be inftantly and firmly oppof- 
 ed — that this oppoiition can never be effec- 
 tual, unlefs it is the united effort of thefe 
 provinces — that, therefore, benevolence of 
 temper toward each other, and unanimity 
 of counfels are effential to the welfare of 
 the whole — and laftly, that, for this reafon, 
 every man amongft us, who, in any manner, 
 would encourage either diffention, diffidence, 
 or indifference between thefe colonies, is an 
 enemy to himfelf and to his country. 
 
 The belief of thefe truths, I verily think, 
 my countrymen, is indifpenfably neceffary 
 to your happinefs. I befeech you, there- 
 fore, b " Teach them diligently unto your 
 " children, and talk, of them when you fit 
 " in your houfes, and when you walk by 
 " the way, and when you lie down, and 
 " when you rife up." 
 
 What have thefe colonies to afk, while 
 they continue free? Or what have they to 
 dread, but infidious attempts to fubvert 
 their freedom ? Their profperity does not 
 depend on minifterial favours doled out to 
 particular provinces. They form one poli- 
 tical body, of which each colony is a mem- 
 ber. Their happinefs is founded on their 
 conftitution ; and is to be promoted by 
 preferving that conftitution in unabated vi- 
 gour throughout every part. A fpot, a 
 fpeck of decay, however fmall the limb on 
 
 (£) Deut. vi. 7. 
 
LETTER XII. 139 
 
 which it appears, and however remote it 
 may feem from the vitals, mould be alarm- 
 ing. We have all the rights requilite for 
 our profperity. The legal authority of 
 Great-Britain may indeed lay hard reftricli- 
 ons upon us ; but, like the fpear of Tele- 
 phus, it will cure as well as wound. Her 
 unkindnefs will inftruct and compel us, af- 
 ter fome time, to difcover, in our induftry 
 and frugality, furpriling remedies — if our 
 rights continue inviolated. For as long as 
 the produces of our labours and the rewards 
 of our care, can properly be called our own, 
 fo long will it be worth our while to be in- 
 duftrious and frugal. But if when we plow — 
 fow — reap — gather — and threih, we find, 
 that we plow — fow — reap — gather — and 
 threih for others, whofe pleafure is to be the 
 fole limitation, how much they fhall take, 
 and how much they mall leave, why mould 
 we repeat the unprofitable toil ? Horfes and 
 oxen are content with that portion of the 
 fruits of their work, which their owners af- 
 fign to them, in order to keep them ftrong 
 enough to raife fuccefiive crops ; but even 
 thefe hearts will not fubmit to draw for their 
 mafters, until they are fubdued with whips 
 and goads. Let us take care of our rights, 
 and we therein take care of our property. 
 " Slavery is ever preceded by fleep." c In- 
 dividuals may be dependant on minifters, if 
 
 (c) Montefquieu's Spirit of Laws, B. 14. C. 13. 
 S 2 
 
i 4 o LETTER XII. 
 
 they pleafe. States mould fcorn it And, 
 
 if you are not wanting to yourfelves, you 
 will have a proper regard paid you by thofe, 
 to whom if you are not refpeclable, you will 
 infallibly be contemptible. But if we have 
 already forgot the reafons that urged us, 
 with unexampled unanimity, to exert our- 
 felves two years ago ; if our zeal for the pub- 
 lic good is worn out before the homefpun 
 cloaths which it caufed us to have made — 
 if our refolutions are fo faint, as by our 
 prefent conduct to condemn our own late 
 
 fuccefsful example if we are not affected 
 
 by any reverence for the memory of our an- 
 ceftors, who tranfmitted to us that freedom 
 
 in which they had been bleft if we are 
 
 not animated by any regard for posterity, 
 to whom, by the moll: facred obligations, 
 we are bound to deliver down the inva- 
 luable inheritance — Then, indeed, any mi- 
 nifter — or any tool of a minifter — or any 
 creature of a tool of a minifter — or any 
 lower d instrument of adminilf ration, if low- 
 
 (d) " Inftrumenta regni." Tacitus An. b. 12. f. 66. 
 
 If any perfon fhall imagine that he difcovers in thefe 
 letters the leaft difaffeclion towards our moft excellent 
 Sovereign, and the parliament of Great-Britain ; or the 
 leaft diflike to the dependance of thefe colonies on that 
 kingdom, I beg that fuch perfon will not form any judg- 
 ment on particular expreflions, but will confider the te- 
 nour of all the letters taken together. In that cafe, I 
 flatter myfelf that every unprejudiced reader will be 
 convinced, that the true interefts of Great-Britain are as 
 dear to me as they ought to be to every good fubje£t. 
 
 If I am an Enthufiaft in anything, it is in my zeal for 
 the perpetual dependance of thefe colonies on their mo- 
 
LETTER XII. 141 
 
 er there may be, is a perfonage, whom it 
 may be dangerous to offend. 
 
 I ihall be extremely forry if any man mif- 
 takes my meaning in any thing I have faid. 
 Officers employed by the crown, are, while 
 according to the laws they condudl them- 
 
 ther-country. — A dependance founded on mutual bene- 
 fits, the continuance of which can be fecured only by 
 mutual affections. Therefore it is, that with extreme 
 apprehenfion I view the fmalleft feeds of difcontent, 
 which are unwarily fcattered abroad. Fifty or fixty 
 years will make aftonifhing alterations in thefe colonies ; 
 and this confideration fhould render it the bufinefs of 
 Great Britain more and more to cultivate our good dif- 
 pofitions towards her : but the misfortune is, that thofe 
 great men, who are wreftling for power at home, think 
 themfelves very flightly interefted in the profperity of 
 their country fifty or fixty years hence ; but are deeply 
 concerned in blowing up a popular clamour for fuppofed 
 immediate advantages. 
 
 For my part, I regard Great-Britain as a bulwark happi- 
 ly fixed between thefe colonies and the powerful nations 
 of Europe. That kingdom is our advanced poft or fortifica- 
 tion, which remaining fafe, we under its protection enjoy- 
 ing peace, may diffufe the bleflings of religion, fcience, 
 and liberty, thro' remote wildernefses. It is, therefore, in- 
 conteftibly our duty and our intereff , to fupport the ftrength 
 of Great Britain. When, confiding in that ftrength, fhe 
 begins to forget from whence it arofe, it will be an eafy 
 thing to fhew the fource. She may readily be reminded 
 of the loud alarm fpread among her merchants and tradef- 
 men, by the univerfal affbciation of thefe colonies, at the 
 time of the Stamp-aft, not to import any of her manufac- 
 tures. In the year 1 7 1 8, the Ruffians and Swedes, en- 
 tered into an agreement, not to fuffer Great-Britain to ex- 
 port any naval ftores from their dominions, but in Ruffian 
 or Swedifh fhips, and at their own prices. Great-Britain 
 was diftresfed. Pitch and tar rofe to three pounds a barrel. 
 At length fhe thought of getting thefe articles from the 
 colonies ; and the attempt fucceeding, they fell down to 
 fifteen {hillings. In the year i756,Great Britain wasthreat- 
 
142 LETTER XII. 
 
 felves, entitled to legal obedience and fincere 
 refpect. Thefe it is a duty to render them, 
 and thefe no good or prudent perfon will 
 withhold. But when thefe officers, thro' 
 rafhnefs or defign, endeavour to enlarge 
 their authority beyond its due limits, and ex- 
 ped: improper conceffions to be made to 
 them, from regard for the employments they 
 bear, their attempts mould be conlidered as 
 equal injuries to the crown and people, and 
 mould be courageouily and constantly op- 
 pofed. To fuffer our ideas to be confound- 
 ed by names, on fuch occafions, would cer- 
 tainly be an inexcufable weaknefs, and pro- 
 bably, an irremediable error. 
 
 We have reafon to believe, that feveral 
 of his Majefty's prefent minifters are good 
 men, and friends to our country ; and it 
 feems not unlikely, that by a particular con- 
 currence of events, we have been treated 
 a little more feverely than they wiihed we 
 
 ened with an invafion. An eafterly wind blowing for fix 
 weeks, (he could not man her fleet, and the whole na- 
 tion was thrown into the utmoft consternation. The 
 wind changed. The American mips arrived. The 
 fleet failed in ten or fifteen days. There are fome other 
 reflections on this fubjeft worthy of the moft deliberate 
 attention of the Britifh parliament ; but they are of fuch 
 a nature, I do not chufe to mention them publicly. I 
 thought I difcharged my duty to my country, taking 
 the liberty, in the year I 765, while the Stamp-Acl: was in 
 fufpense, of writing my fentiments to a man of the 
 greateft influence at home, who afterwards diftinguifhed 
 himfelf by efpoufing our caufe, in the debates concerning 
 the repeal of that adt. 
 
LETTER XII. 143 
 
 fhould be. They might not think it pru- 
 dent to ftem a torrent. But what is the 
 difference to us, whether arbitrary acts 
 take their rife from minifters, or are per- 
 mitted by them ? Ought any point to be 
 allowed to a good e minifter, that fhould 
 be denied to a bad one ? The mortality of 
 minifters is a very frail mortality. A * * * 
 may fucceed a Shelburne — a * * * may fuc- 
 ceed a Conway. 
 
 We find a new kind of minifter lately fpo- 
 
 ken of at home " The minifter of the 
 
 " houfe of Commons." The term feems 
 to have particular propriety when referred 
 to thefe colonies, with a different meaning 
 annexed to it, from that in which it is ta- 
 ken there. By the word " minifter " we 
 may underftand not only a fervant of the 
 crown, but a man of influence among the 
 Commons, who regard themfelves as having 
 a fhare of the fovereignty over us. The mi- 
 nifter of the houfe may, in a point refpecl:- 
 ing the colonies, be fo ftrong, that the mini- 
 fter of the crown in the houfe, if he is a dif- 
 tindt perfon, may not chufe, even where his 
 fentiments are favourable to us, to come to 
 a pitched battle upon our account. For tho' 
 I have the higheft opinion of the deference 
 of the houfe for the King's minifter ; yet he 
 
 (*■) " Ubi imperium ad ignaros aut minus bonos per- 
 venit ; novum illud exemplum, ad dignis et idoneis, ad 
 indignos et non idoneos transfertur." 
 
 Sail. Bed. Cat. f. 50. 
 
i 4 4 LETTER XII. 
 
 may be fo good natured as not to put it to the 
 teft, except it be for the mere and immedi- 
 ate profit of his mafter or himfelf. 
 
 But whatever kind of minifter he is, that 
 attempts to innovate a fingle iota in the pri- 
 vileges of thefe colonies, him I hope you will 
 undauntedly oppofe, and that you will never 
 fuffer yourfelves to be either cheated or 
 frightened into any unworthy obfequioufnefs. 
 On fuch emergencies you may furely with- 
 out prefumption believe that ALMIGHTY 
 GOD himfelf will look down upon your 
 righteous conteft with gracious approbation. 
 You will be a " Band of brother's" cement- 
 ed by the deareft ties — and ftrengthened with 
 inconceivable fupplies of force and conftancy, 
 by that fympathetic ardour which animates 
 good men, confederated in a good caufe. 
 Your honour and welfare will be, as they 
 now are, mod intimately concerned ; and 
 befides you are afiigned by Divine Provi- 
 dence, in the appointed order of things, the 
 proteclors of unborn ages, whofe fate de- 
 pends upon your virtue. Whether they mall 
 arife the noble and indifputable heirs of the 
 richeft patrimonies, or the daftardly and he- 
 reditary drudges of imperious tafk-mafters, 
 you mull determine. 
 
 Todifcharge this double duty to yourfelves 
 and to your pofterity ; you have nothing to 
 do, but to call forth into ufe the good fenfe 
 and fpirit, of which you are porTeffed. You 
 have nothing to do, but to condudt your 
 
LETTER XII. 145 
 
 affairs peaceably prudently firm- 
 ly -jointly. By thefe means you will 
 
 fupport the character of freemen, without 
 loling that of faithful fubjecls — a good cha- 
 racter in any government — one of the beft 
 under a Britifh government. You will prove 
 that Americans have that true magnanimity 
 of foul, that can refent injuries without falling 
 into rage ; and that tho' your devotion to 
 Great-Britain is the mofl: affectionate, yet 
 you can make proper diftinctions, and know 
 what you owe to yourfelves as well as to her 
 you will, at the fame time that you ad- 
 vance your interefts, advance your reputati- 
 on — you will convince the world of the juf- 
 tice of your demands, and the purity of your 
 intentions — while all mankind muff with un- 
 ceaiing applaufes confefs, that you indeed 
 deferve liberty, who fo well underftand it, 
 fo paflionately love it, fo temperately enjoy 
 it, and fo wifely, bravely, and virtuoufly, af- 
 fert, maintain, and defend it. 
 
 " Certe ego libertatem quce mihi a parente 
 " meo tradita ejl, expert ar, verum id fruf- 
 " tra, an ob rem faciam, in lejira tnanu 
 " Jitum eji, quirites." 
 
 " For my part, I am refolved ftrenuoufly 
 to contend for the liberty delivered down to 
 me from my ancestors ; but whether I mall 
 do this effedually or not, depends on you, 
 my countrymen." 
 
 T 
 
146 LETTER XII. 
 
 How little foever one is able to write, yet, 
 when the liberties of one's country are threat- 
 ened, it is ftill more difficult to be filent. 
 
 A FARMER. 
 
 Is there not the greatejl reafon to hope, if 
 the univerfal fenfe of the colofiies is immedi- 
 ately exprejl, by refohes of the ajfemblies, in 
 Jupport of their rights; by injlruclions to their 
 agents on the fubjefl ; and by petitions to the 
 crown and parliament for redrefs ; that thofe 
 meafures will have the fame fuccefs now that 
 they had in the time of the Stamp-act. 
 
To the ingenious Author of 
 certain patriotic Letters, fub- 
 fcribed A FARMER. 
 
 Much Respected Sir, 
 
 WHEN the rights and liberties of the 
 numerous and loyal inhabitants of this 
 extenfive continent are in imminent danger, 
 — when the inveterate enemies of thefe colo- 
 nies are not more amduous to forge fetters 
 for them, than diligent to delude the people, 
 and zealous to perfuade them to an indolent 
 acquielcence: At this alarming period, when 
 to reluct is deemed a revolt, and to oppofe 
 fuch meafures as are injudicious and destruc- 
 tive, is conftrued as a formal attempt to Sub- 
 vert order and government ; when to reafon 
 is to rebel ; and a ready fubmiffion to the 
 rod of power, is follicited by the tenders of 
 place and patronage, or urged by the me- 
 nace of danger and difgrace : 'Tis to YOU, 
 worthy Sir, that America is obliged, for 
 a moft feafonable, fenfible, loyal, and vigo- 
 rous vindication of her invaded rights and 
 liberties: 'Tis to YOU, the diftinguifhed ho- 
 nour is due ; that when many of the friends 
 of liberty were ready to fear its utter fubver- 
 fion : Armed with truth, fupported by the 
 immutable laws of nature, the common in- 
 heritance of man, and leaning on the pillars 
 of the British conftitution; you feafonably 
 brought your aid, oppofed impending ruin, 
 awakened the moft indolent and inactive, to 
 a fenfe of danger, re-animated the hopes of 
 thofe, who had before exerted themfelves 
 
in the caufe of freedom, and inftructed Ame- 
 rica in the bell: means to obtain redrefs. 
 
 Nor is this weltern world alone indebted 
 to your wifdom, fortitude, and patrio- 
 tifm : Great-Britain alfo may be con- 
 firmed by you, that to be truly great 
 and fuccefsful, (he muft be juft : That to 
 opprefs America, is to violate her own 
 honours, defeat her brighter!: profpects, and 
 contract: her fpreading empire. 
 
 To fuch eminent worth and virtue, the 
 inhabitants of the town of Boston, the 
 capital of the province of the Massachu- 
 setts-Bay, in full town meeting aflembled, 
 exprefs their earliell gratitude. Actuated 
 themfelves by the fame generous principles, 
 which appear with fo much luftre in your 
 ufeful labours, they will not fail warmly to 
 recommend, and induftrioufly to promote 
 that union among the feveral colonies, which 
 is fo indifpenfably necelfary for the fecurity 
 of the whole. 
 
 Tho' fuch fuperior merit mull aiTuredly, 
 in the clofeft recefs, enjoy the divine fatif- 
 faclion of having ferved, and pollibly faved 
 this people ; tho' veiled from our view, 
 you modeftly fhun the deferved applaufe of 
 millions ; permit us to intrude upon your 
 retirement, and falute The FARMER, as 
 the Friend of Americans, and the 
 common benefactor of mankind. 
 
 Bo/ion, March 22, 1768. 
 The above letter was read, and unanimously accepted 
 by the town, and ordered to be publifhed in the feveral 
 news-papers. Atteji. William Cooper, Town-Clerk. 
 
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