ii-~^ / 
 
 BONAPARTE, 
 
 AND 
 
 THE FRENCH PEOPLE 
 
BONAPARTE, 
 
 AND 
 
 THE FRENCH PEOPLE 
 
 UNDER HIS CONSULATE. 
 
 TRANSLATED FROM THE GERMAM 
 
 TERIfAS ODIUM PARIT. 
 THE FIRST AMERICAN EDITION. 
 
 PRINTED BY ISAAC COLLINS AND SON, 
 FOR THEMSELVES, AND FOR SAMUEL STANSBURT. 
 
 1804. 
 
 M 
 
JjCi03 
 
 8v TransfST 
 AUG 12 1327 
 
ADVERTISEMENT. 
 
 The circumstances attending the publication of 
 the present work excite pecuhar interest. It ap- 
 peared in Germany a short time since : its sale was 
 uncommonly rapid; but no sooner did it reach the 
 First Consul,, than he exerted his influence with the 
 Continental Powers^ and every where succeeded in 
 obtaining its suppression. 
 
 Bonaparte has hitherto been but imperfectl3' 
 known ; and as his influence is not likely to cause 
 its interdiction here, the world may yet have an 
 opportunity of" forming an estimate of the man, 
 whose political successes have so materially con- 
 tributed to agitate Europe. 
 
 It may be necessary to observe^ that several quo- 
 tations from public orators, as well as extracts from 
 some French pamphlets, which were interspersed 
 in the original, are here given as an appendix. 
 
 London, June 8, J 804. 
 
PREFACE 
 BY THE AUTHOR. 
 
 A German, of no party, not unacquainted 
 with the former flate of France, a near ob- 
 ferver of the French revolution, fometimes 
 abfent, fometimes prefent, and of late its in- 
 habitant, does not think it an unwelcome 
 fervice to his countrymen, if he faithfully 
 relate to them what he has found moft re- 
 markable and interefling during his flay at 
 Paris. He does not aim at the honor of being 
 ranked either among the detra£lers or the apo- 
 logifts of the prefent conftitution and govern- 
 ment, but will rather abftain, as much as pof- 
 lible, from all opprobrious terms and enthufi- 
 aftic praifes, with which foreign and French 
 writers too often abound. His chief objeft 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 is, to unravel the condu6l of the French go- 
 vernment to his readers, as far as he is able to 
 comprehend it. 
 
 Every occurrence in new-modelled France, 
 deriving its fource from that extraordinary- 
 man, who gave to it its prefent form, a view 
 of his life, which may ferve to eflablifh the 
 truth of former accounts, to corre6l others, 
 and to bring fome new fafts to light, appear- 
 ed to him the moft unobje£lionable way. 
 Thofe readers who may delire to be informed 
 of his military achievements, or his political 
 tranfa£lions, will find much fatisfaQion in a 
 number of great and fmall French publica- 
 tions ; in feveral journals publifhed in Ger- 
 many, by Archenholz, Huber, Botticher; in 
 the political annals of Poffett, and in ano- 
 ther journal, appearing under the general title 
 " France." 
 
 Paris, in the 1 \th Year of the Reimblic, 
 
BONAPARTE 
 
 AND THE 
 
 FRENCH PEOPLE. 
 
 Napoleon Bonaparte was bom the 
 15th of Auguft, 1769, at Ajaccio, a fmall 
 town on the weftern fide of Corfica : he was 
 the eldeft fon of a lawyer, who poffeffed fome 
 land near that place. 
 
 General Marboeuf, whb had juft finifhed 
 the conqueft of Corfica for France, and re- 
 mained there as governor of the ifland, foon 
 -became an intimate friend of the family of 
 Bonaparte, and fhewed a fatherly concern for 
 the education of young Napoleon, whom he 
 caufed to be admitted into the royal mili- 
 tary college at Brienne, in that province of 
 France, formerly called Champagne, to which 
 B 
 
2 BONAPARTE 
 
 he was removed in the year 1779, being then 
 ten years of age. As he was of a weakly con- 
 llitution, and naturally inclined to folitude, 
 and a ftoical rigour in life, he gained but little 
 in bodily ftrength, cheerfulnefs of mind, or 
 focial virtue, by confinement, and anxious re- 
 ftridions to which the Monks, the guardians 
 of this military cloifter, thought proper to 
 bind their pupils. 
 
 The regular hours of fchool excepted, he 
 lived at firfl almoft exclufively in his gloomy 
 cell, where, provided with the fpare furniture 
 of a hammock, an earthen jug, and a wafh- 
 ing-bafon, he was locked up every night like 
 other pupils, and clofely watched by an in- 
 fpeftor, patrolling all night up and down the 
 corridor. Afterwards he ufed to retire to 
 his ftudies to a fmall folitary garden, for 
 which he had contrived to obtain fome ad- 
 ditional ground from his fchoolfellows : this 
 he had endeavoured to feparate as much as 
 poflible from their polTeflions, and to ex- 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 3 
 
 elude every one by planting pallifadoes and 
 ftimbs around it. One day, when his fchool- 
 fellows, after unfuccefsfully attempting to 
 let ofF fome fire-works, and many of them 
 being feverely fcorched, in their confufion 
 broke through this fence to efcape, he drove 
 them back with his garden implements. He 
 never joined in their parties and youthful 
 fports. He was dubbed the Spartan, and re- 
 tained this nickname as long as he remained 
 in the college. 
 
 The deliverance of his native land from 
 the French yoke was his favourite theme; 
 and his expreffions, in that refpe6l, often be- 
 trayed in him a belief of its being his def- 
 tiny happily to accomplilh the plans, in which 
 Paoli, who was then the idol of his heart, 
 had proved unfuccefsful. His fchoolfellows 
 could not provoke his anger more, than by 
 calling him a vaffal of France. He had 
 fworn eternal hatred to the Genoefe, by whom 
 Corfica was fold to that power. One day, 
 
4 BONAPARTE 
 
 when a young Corfican, newly arrived, was 
 prefented to him as a Genoefe, he inflantly 
 feized him by the hair, and would have killed 
 him, if fome ftronger boys had not parted 
 them. For feveral weeks after, his rage al- 
 ways rekindled, when by chance he met this 
 young iludent. 
 
 He likewife fignalized himfelf from his 
 fchoolfellows, by a religious caft of mind, to 
 the great fatisfa6lion of his fpiritual teachers. 
 
 The mode of inftru6tion in this college 
 being chiefly calculated for improvement in 
 military art, coincided bell with his inclina- 
 tion. Bonaparte did not profit much by the 
 general inftru6lions at the beginning, but 
 foon devoted himfelf exclufively to the ftudy 
 of mathematics. He cared little about the 
 knowledge of claffic or modern languages, 
 and ftill lefs for an acquaintance with the li- 
 beral arts and fciences ; even the mechanical 
 proficiencies of youth, as writing, riding, 
 &c, were little regarded by him : hence he ftill 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 5 
 
 writes a bad, illegible hand, and is but an indif- 
 ferent horfeman. His greateft delight was in 
 reading Plutarch, and the life of the Marfhal 
 Prince of Saxony, which he chofe as a recre- 
 ation after the regular hours of clofe ftudy in 
 mathematics. 
 
 The firft friend he felefted among his 
 fchoolfellows was Faucelet de Bourienne, 
 like him a ftudent in mathematics, and a 
 youth who by his mild temper and pleafmg 
 bafhfulnefs, had gained the good will of all the 
 other boys. This Bourienne became, and al- 
 ways continued, firft private fecretary to Bo- 
 naparte, till the prefent year. 
 
 His morofenefs, and rough behaviour, to 
 moft of his fchoolfellows, expofed him to 
 continual quarrels and battles, in which he 
 generally fuflFered, being the weakeft ; yet he 
 would never lodge a complaint with his rigid 
 fchoolmafters againft them. He was gene- 
 rally their fpeaker and advocate in their little 
 infurredlions, and was ufually lingled out 
 
6 BONAPARTE 
 
 and puniflied as the leader, when the other 
 
 boys would cringe for fear of being flogged; 
 
 yet the moft fevere chaftifement could not 
 
 draw a fingle complaint from his lips. 
 
 He even feemed to be quite indifferent at 
 
 a military difgrace he once met with. The 
 pupils were divided into companies, forming 
 a battalion ; the officers were chofen among 
 themfelves, and bore the uniform of the 
 
 French regulars : Bonaparte enjoyed the rank 
 of captain. By a court martial, fummoned on 
 the occafion, and proceeding with all due 
 form and folemnity, he was declared un- 
 worthy of the command over his comrades, 
 and condemned to be reduced to the ranks. 
 He heard this fentence read to him, and fufl^ered 
 himfelf quietly to be ftripped of his infignia, 
 as an officer, without ever betraying the leafl 
 fymptom of forrow. 
 
 From that period he began to join in the 
 fports of the younger boys, where they 
 fhewed him an uncommon partiality. He in- 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. r 
 
 jfl;ru6led them in a kind of game, modelled 
 after the Olympic and Roman contentions in 
 the circus ; but thefe fports foon ended in 
 real fights and bloody nofes. The leader was 
 chaftifed, and this new fort of diverlion abo- 
 liflied. 
 
 Bonaparte then relapfed into his former 
 morofe and folitary life, when in the hard 
 winter of the year 1783, his natural propen- 
 fity to trials in fortification, roufed in him 
 the idea of building a fmall fort with fnow. 
 With the common garden utenfils, affifted by 
 his moft zealous comrades, he completed a re- 
 gular fquare, with four baflions on its corners, 
 furrounded by a wall, three feet fix inches 
 high, of which the remains, hardened by the 
 froft, were flill difcernible in the month of 
 May. 
 
 After a flay of five years at this fchool, 
 and having undergone the annual examina- 
 tion of the royal infpeftor, the latter found 
 him fo well verfed in the art of fortification. 
 
8 BONAPARTE 
 
 that he thought fit to fend him to the great 
 miUtary college at Paris, where he arrived on 
 the 17th of Odober, 1784. 
 
 There he continued in his wonted aufte- 
 rity, and in the exclufive application to 
 the ftudy of mathematics. By the inftruc- 
 tions of the celebrated Monges, he profited in 
 fuch a manner, as to be promoted into the 
 corps of artillery after his firft examination- 
 Among 300 pupils then at the college, he 
 chofe for his more intimate friends, Laurifton, 
 who was of a phlegmatic temper, and Dupont, 
 an audacious youth. He generally fpent his 
 leifure hours in one of the baflions of a fmall 
 fort, called " Lieu brune," and built for the 
 ufe of the pupils at the top of their ufual 
 walk. There, leaning on the parapet, with 
 the works of Vauban, Cohorn, and Folard, 
 by his fide, he drew plans for the attack and 
 defence of this fmall fort. He entered the 
 regiment of artillery called " la 'Fere," garri- 
 foned at Auxone, as lieutenant, in July, 1785, 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 9 
 
 and there ufually paffed the greater part of 
 the day in the precinfts of the fortification, 
 and half the night in reading military books. 
 His predile6lion for republican liberty brought 
 him into many difputes and troubles : one 
 of his comrades challenged him once on that 
 account ; but the matter was amicably fettled 
 through the interference of friends. Another 
 time, whilft walking by the fide of a river 
 with his fellow officers, he declared himfelf 
 an enemy to the king, and provoked their 
 anger to fuch a degree, that they were on the 
 point of throwing him in, which he very 
 narrowly efcaped. 
 
 By the death of General Marboeuf, in the 
 year 1786, he loft that fupport and prote6lion, 
 which alone could render his ft ay at the regi- 
 ment agreeable and advantageous, he there- 
 fore returned to his mother in Corfica. 
 
 In the year 1790, when a revolution broke 
 out in Corfica, he was made commander of 
 a battalion of national guards, at Ajaccio. 
 
10 BONAPARTE 
 
 Paoii looking on him as a dangerous enemy to 
 his felfiih plans, drove him with his family 
 back to France, where they arrived in the 
 year 1793. 
 
 Bonaparte re-entered the corps of artillery. 
 At the liege of Toulon, whilft ferving a field- 
 piece, with nothing but dead bodies lying 
 around him, he was efpied by the reprefenta- 
 tives Barras and Freron, who inftantly com- 
 mitted to him the defence of a redoubt of im- 
 portance. 
 
 Barras, an experienced commander, foon 
 found fault with the pointing of the guns in 
 this battery ; but Bonaparte bade him mind his 
 own affairs, as reprefentative of the people, and 
 leave the care of this redoubt to him. 
 
 After the taking of Toulon, he was pro- 
 moted to the rank of brigadier-general, and 
 fent to Nizza ; but Aubry, the deputy, dif- 
 placed him foon after, and fent him into 
 prifon as a terrorift. 
 
 Being releafed, it was intended to give him 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 1 1 
 
 a comtnifjQon in the infantry, but he hallened 
 to Paris to lodge his complaints. Finding no 
 redrefs, he demanded his difcharge, and leave 
 to go to Conftantinople, but was refufed both. 
 On the infurreftion of the Parifians, on the 
 bloody and ever memorable days of the 4th 
 and 5th of 06lober, 1795, he headed the 
 troops as fecond in command under Barras : 
 tranquillity being reftored, the command 
 of the army of the interior was entrufted to 
 him. 
 
 Soon after he married the chere amie of 
 Barras, the widow of General Beauharnois, 
 who died under the guillotine. By this mar- 
 riage he obtained a fortune of 500,000 
 livres, and the chief command of the Italian 
 army. He found it in a moft deplorable 
 ftate, but by cunning and fuccefsful enter- 
 prifes, he reftored difcipline, and fupplied 
 the wants of the troops. At the battle of Lodi 
 he betrayed, for the firft time, that military 
 ftubbornnefs, which does not fcruple about 
 
13 BONAPARTE 
 
 the facrifice of human blood. He conquered 
 Lombard^. The Venetians provoked his an- 
 ger by an unqualified fapport of the Aullrians. 
 He marched againfl Rome and Naples ; fliew- 
 ing outwardly refpe6l and moderation towards 
 the Pope, he granted an armiftice ; and the 
 moft precious monuments of art, the choiceft 
 treafures of the libraries in the Vatican, and 
 cabinets of the princes, were delivered up to 
 France for ever. 
 
 Near Caftiglione he is defeated for the firfl 
 time ; but this reverfe only increafes his bold- 
 nefs in the attack of Lonado, which is followed 
 by another victory near Roveredo. At Areola 
 he and Augereau experience the firft refiflance 
 of French troops to obey their commands ; 
 they refufe to pafs the bridge as they had 
 done at Lodi, feeing certain death before their 
 eyes. He alters the plan of attack, and fights 
 the bloody battles near Areola and Rivoli, with 
 ftill greater fury. Mantua furrenders on the 
 sd of February, 1797. Bonaparte proceeds 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 13 
 
 to the frontiers of Tyrol, and after the fur- 
 render of the fortrefs Klagenfi^rt marches on 
 towards Vienna. His light troops approach 
 at the diftance of twenty leagues, but the Ve- 
 netians fall upon the fmall garrifons and the 
 wounded who were left behind. His wrath 
 rekindles at this treachery. 
 
 The emperor fued for peace : Preliminaries 
 were fignedat Leoben, in 1797 ; and the Ve- 
 netians, the oldeft republicans of Europe, 
 were delivered over to him. 
 
 Bonaparte returned to Paris, and was re- 
 ceived like a Saviour ; he was named plenipo- 
 tentiary to the congrefs of Radftadt ; but he 
 difcovered on both fides a defire to prolong 
 the negociations for peace, and haflened back 
 to Paris, where new honors and the higheft 
 praifes were profufely bellowed upon him. He 
 was promoted to the chief command of an ex- 
 pedition, feemingly direfted againft England. 
 He pretended to employ his time in fcientific 
 purfuits, yet in fa6l he planned the conqueft of 
 
U BONAPARTE 
 
 Egypt : the weak direftory, fearing his popu- 
 larity, moft readily entered into this meafure. 
 Spurred on by jealoufy, they employed all 
 pofTible means to prepare a grand expedition, 
 at once fcientific and military. The treafury 
 of the city of Bern, being fuppofed to be far 
 richer than fubfequent experience proved, 
 was intended to defray the expences of the 
 enterprife. This mis-calculation decided the 
 fate of the poor Swifs, who had given offence 
 to the uncontrolled warrior, by their anxioufly 
 endeavouring to prevent the marching of his 
 troops througTi their territories. 
 
 In the month of May, 1798, a fleet of one 
 hundred and ninety-four fail, with 40,000 of 
 the bell French troops, under the command of 
 their ableft generals (many learned men, ar- 
 tifls, and mechanics accompanying them,) fet 
 out from Toulon. Bonaparte had a moft mi- 
 raculous efcape from the Englifh fleet : he 
 pofTelTed himfelf of Malta by his artfulnefs 
 and force, left it on the 20th of June for 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. IS 
 
 Egypt, and again efcaped the vigilance of 
 Nelfon's fquadron, then only a few leagues 
 off. 
 
 Before landing, he ilTued a proclamation, 
 recommending to his troops a refpe6lful beha- 
 viour towards the Mahomedans and the fe- 
 male fex. He laid Alexandria under contri- 
 bution, and marched on to Cairo without de- 
 lay ; but met with an unexpe6led reliftance 
 from the well-mounted and warlike Mame- 
 lukes. By an expert manoeuvre, he made a 
 dreadful havoc, and difperfed them. Cairo 
 was taken, and the foldiers gained an immenfe 
 booty, chiefly by pofTeffing themfelves of the 
 property of the Mamelukes. Bonaparte pur- 
 fued Ibrahim Bey into Syria, converfed like a 
 Turk near the grand pyramid " des chops" 
 with the Turkilh chiefs, and declared himfelf 
 a friend and adorer of Mahomed. Whilft he 
 was fuccefsfully attacking Murad Bey in fe- 
 veral battles, though not without lofs, the 
 extortions and cruelties with which the con-« 
 
16 BONAPARTE 
 
 tributions were levied, caufed an infurreftion 
 of the inhabitants of Cairo, many of whom 
 were butchered ; Bonaparte reftored order, 
 and afterwards framed a new conftitution 
 for Egypt. 
 
 He proceeded to Syria, took Jaffa by florm, 
 befieged the fortrefs of Saint Jean d'Acre, 
 defended by the Enghfh and Turks. After 
 a bombardment of fixty days — after many 
 battles, and repeated unfuccefsful affaults, 
 he was compelled to retreat with his reduced 
 army to Cairo. He re-poffeffed himfelf of 
 the fort Aboukir, and prepared clandeflinely 
 to leave Egypt. 
 
 Lucien Bonaparte had found means to keep 
 up a correfpondence with his brother, by the 
 way of England ; he had acquainted him 
 with the miferable ftate of the interior of 
 France, and with the diforganization of the 
 armies, every where defeated. The jealous 
 direftory, far from fending him any intelli- 
 gence, endeavoured as much as they could to 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 17 
 
 keep him in the moft profound ignorance of 
 the political ftate of Europe. 
 
 The Englifh knew probably of his defign 
 to quit Egypt, but fufFered him to do fo, fully 
 perfuaded, that with the departure of the con- 
 triver of this expedition, the whole would in- 
 evitably fail. With a fquadron of two frigates 
 and two fmaller veffels, he fet fail in light of 
 the Englifti fleet, on the 23d of Auguft, 1799, 
 after having appointed, by a fealed order, 
 Kleber to the chief command, and Deffaix 
 to the command in Upper Egypt. He met 
 but one Englifh frigate at fea, and landed at 
 Ajaccio, his native place, on the 30th of Sep- 
 tember ; after quelling an infurreftion there, 
 he haftened to Frejus, and thence to Paris. 
 His journey refembled a triumph. 
 
 Bonaparte found France in a moft deplo- 
 rable ftate, under her impotent and difunited 
 direftory : flie was perhaps approaching her 
 total dilTolution : her broken finances could 
 no longer be held up by legal extortions and 
 
 D 
 
18 BONAPARTE 
 
 forced loans. The armies wanted every 
 
 thing, and were every where defeated. 
 
 The two direftors, Barras and Sieyes, 
 thought to avail themfelves of his courage, 
 enterprifing genius, and good fortune, in or- 
 der to promote their diflFerent private views ; 
 but the two brothers, more cunning and dex- 
 terous in the purfuit of their obje6t, knew 
 how to make the authority of the two for- 
 mer fubfervient to their defign. 
 
 Bonaparte feemed willing to wait till the 
 firft enthufiafm of the people had fubfided ; 
 and not at all anxious to avail himfelf of it, 
 he was in faft prying into the fecret ftate of 
 affairs, and the true charafter of the direc- 
 tors and leading members of the two legifla- 
 tive councils. He was alfo forced to delay 
 the execution of his plan, till his brother Lu- 
 cien could be made prefident of the Council 
 of Five Hundred. 
 
 Sieyes had exerted himfelf in forming a 
 kind of provifionary government, which he 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 19 
 
 meant to truft into the hands of feveral per- 
 fons on whom he could depend ; for he nei- 
 ther thought himfelf, Barras, nor any of the 
 five direftors, fully capable of being fole dic- 
 tator. He relied on the audacity and refolute 
 mind of Bonaparte, who was to be fent to 
 Italy to reap new laurels, after having realifed 
 his plan. Rcederer and Talleyrand ferved as 
 meffengers between Sieyes and Bonaparte. 
 Only a few of the council of the ancients, 
 and of the five hundred, were in the fecret. 
 
 On the 8th of November, at the early hour 
 of fix in the morning, every member of the 
 council of the ancients, on whom dependance 
 could be placed, received a card of invitation ; 
 and at eight o'clock they affembled in the pa- 
 lace of the Thuilleries, where they decreed, 
 " That the legiflative bodies fhould remove to 
 St. Cloud, and meet there the following morn- 
 ing." General Bonaparte was charged with 
 the execution of this decree by the council of 
 ancients, and intrufled with the command of 
 
20 BONAPARTE 
 
 the guards of the legiflative body, with the 
 
 17th divifion of regulars. 
 
 A few hours after, two addreffes from Bo- 
 naparte, the one to the inhabitants of Paris, 
 the other to the foldiery, were ftuck up at 
 every corner of the ftreets. The whole tenor 
 of them betrayed the hurry in which they were 
 drawn up. In the addrefs dire6led to the fol- 
 diers, Bonaparte already ventured to ufe the 
 following terms : " For the two la ft years the 
 aflpairs of the republic have been badly ma- 
 naged. You were in hopes that my return 
 would put a flop to many evils." In the 
 council of ancients he exclaimed, in the pre- 
 fence of the dire6lors Sieyesand Roger Ducos, 
 '• We demand a republic, founded on the 
 principles of liberty, equality, and national re- 
 prefentation." Of the exifting conftitution, 
 to which all had fworn, no mention was made. 
 A fmall pamphlet was defignedly written, and 
 diftributed gratis, to eafe the minds of the 
 Parifians from a fear of Bonaparte's intending 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 21 
 
 to aft the part of Caefar or Cromwell. The 
 council of five hundred affcmbled about noon 
 at their wonted place ; but being informed of 
 the removal of their fittings to St. Cloud, 
 and dire6led to affemble there on the fol- 
 lowing morning, they were advifed to depart; 
 to which they fubmitted, the 103d article of 
 the conftitution authorifing fuch a removal. 
 
 The five hundred affembled the next morn- 
 ing at St. Cloud, almoft without the excep- 
 tion of a fingle member. There they com- 
 menced an unexpefted and violent oppofi- 
 tion, by taking an oath for the maintenance 
 of the conftitution. Lucien Bonaparte, their 
 prefident, was moft grofsly infulted, and 
 commanded to outlaw his brother : he fhew- 
 ed great felf-command, and difplayed much 
 eloquence, till the fit moment of refigning 
 his prefidency arrived. 
 
 Napoleon Bonaparte, after having previous- 
 ly made every preparation for military fup- 
 port, entered the council of the ancients; but 
 
32 BONAPARTE 
 
 he did not find there fo many votes in his fa- 
 vour as he expe6led. However, giving them 
 to underftandj that the God of war and his 
 good fortune would ftill protedt him, he re- 
 tired; yet, after his departure, it was moved, 
 that a new oath fliould be taken for the main- 
 tenance of the conflitution. 
 
 Lucien Bonaparte had demanded in the af- 
 fembly of ihe five hundred, that his brother 
 might be heard ; the latter now entered, but 
 was loaded with abufe and reproaches and de- 
 fired to withdraw. Many ocular witneffes 
 deny that daggers were drawn. The multi- 
 tude preffed forward, bitterly inveighing 
 againft his behaviour ; his friends fiirrounded 
 him, and covered his retreat. Bonaparte then 
 addrelling the troops before the palace, bade 
 them difperfe the mad affembly by force ; Ge- 
 neral Murat, brother in law to Bonaparte, 
 rufhed into the affembly at the head of the 
 grenadiers. Lucien had juft laid down the 
 infignia of the prefident, and refigned. The 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. srs 
 
 firfl; care-of the grenadiers was to fecure him ; 
 which being accompHfhed, they ordered the 
 aflembly to difperfe ; they were not however 
 over-awed immediately. Many of the mem- 
 bers addreffing the foldiers, conjured them in 
 the name of liberty not to follow their leaders, 
 who aimed at the defi;ru6lion of the republic. 
 General Murat ordered the drums to beat, 
 drowning thus at once their voices and cla- 
 mours : tired with their obftinacy he encircled 
 the affembly on the right and left by an artful 
 manoeuvre, and the grenadiers drove them 
 with the bayonet through all the avenues^ 
 windows, and doors of the halL 
 
 Bonaparte in the mean time was bufily em- 
 ployed. By marches and counter-marches he 
 adroitly kept the troops in continual motion^ 
 in order to avoid their being corrupted. He 
 was prefent every where, and fpared neither 
 flatteries, obliging words, nor fpecious pro- 
 mifes, which made but too favourable an im- 
 preffion, on the foldiers^ ill provided and 
 
34 BONAPARTE 
 
 naked as they were. " Vive Bonaparte !" was 
 the general cry, when their beloved leader 
 had finiftied his harangue. 
 
 Neverthelefs the unexpefled and violent 
 refinance of the five hundred, had greatly 
 fhaken him ; he loft his temper ; and con- 
 trary to his former cuftom he broke forth in- 
 to the moft violent exclamations and threats. 
 A captain of the guards, having entered the 
 council, oflPered to execute a decree, by which 
 it was declared, that the grenadiers were not 
 under the command of Bonaparte ; he inftant- 
 ly broke him. 
 
 Lucien Bonaparte, who feemed hitherto to 
 have kept his temper, now powerfully urged 
 his brother to avail himfelf of the triumph 
 of the moment, whilft he was going into the 
 council of ancients to refute the charges made 
 againft them. 
 
 At night both the legiflative bodies, who 
 had been prevented from leaving St. Cloud, 
 affembled again, but of the five hundred, 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 25 
 
 fcarcely two thirds were prefent. The latter 
 decreed at laft " that the direftory had ceafed 
 to exift," that the provifional government of 
 the ftate ftiould be committed to Sieyes, Roger 
 Ducos, and General Bonaparte : " that the 
 latter Ihall bear the title of conful," that 
 twenty five members, chofen from the two 
 iegiflative bodies before their adjournment, be 
 added to them as a fubordinate council of ftate. 
 
 The new confuls took the ufual oath of 
 liberty, and equality, in the affembly of five 
 hundred. The fame decree met with op- 
 pofition in the council of ancients, but was 
 carried at laft, and the new confuls were 
 fworn in. Two proclamations, the one from 
 Bonaparte, the other from the minifter of 
 police, Fouche, informed the people on the 
 next morning of thefe events, and the new 
 government entered into their fun6lions with- 
 out further refiftance. 
 
 Bonaparte had now reached the plenitude 
 of power ; thirty millions of his fellow-crea- 
 E 
 
as BONAPARTE 
 
 tures obeyed him : he was uncontrolled and 
 fecurej all parties prelTed forward to join 
 him ; tired with their long, continued ftrifes 
 and numberlefs diforders, all looked up to 
 him, in the hopes of fecurity and happinefs; 
 all confided in the republican hero, who had 
 even attempted to diffeminate knowledge and 
 freedom through the deferts of Africa. It 
 was a happy moment : no hero, no legiflator, 
 in ancient or modern hiftory, had ever been 
 fo fuccefsful. All was prepared ; the mate- 
 rials of a glorious conilitution for mankind 
 were at hand — ready at the difpofal of a truly 
 great man, who, forgetful of his own in- 
 tereft, only ftudied the good of mankind : but 
 Bonaparte was not this great man — his was 
 not this noble aim. Whether he was a6lu- 
 ated by that thirft of power, by which men 
 of ftrong minds and uncontrollable a6livity 
 are ufually impelled; or by his conviction 
 of the French being incapable of freedom ; 
 Bonaparte was only courageous ; having no 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 27 
 
 other view than to eftablilh himfelf fole 
 ruler. 
 
 A new conftitution, as it was called, by 
 which all public funftions were to be fub- 
 ordinate to him, was introduced on the 
 15th of December; by it all authority was 
 veiled in the hands of one fingle man. 
 And this fame conftitution was but a tool, 
 which he might lay afide whenever he chofe: 
 a legiflative body, without the power of im- 
 poling laws : a tribunate, with full powers to 
 make complaints, which the government had 
 a right to difregard : a fenate, incapable of en- 
 forcing its decrees — thefe were the bulwarks 
 againft the defpotifm of a man, in whofe 
 hands all executive power was lodged, who 
 could propofe laws, and even annihilate at 
 once the conftitution altogether. 
 
 Sieyes becoming importunate with his ma- 
 ny new propofals and fpeculations, was fpeed- 
 ily filenced, and politically killed by the 
 weight of national property; by the acceptance 
 
28 BONAPARTE 
 
 and enjoyment of which he has loft the confi- 
 dence of all thole who formerly efteemed him 
 as a dilinterefted patriot of incorruptible 
 morals. 
 
 Bonaparte might have chofen the title, by 
 which he alone was to take the helm of go- 
 vernment, but he preferred the appearance 
 of republicanifm, and plurality of rulers. 
 Tw^o confuls, pliable men, expert in fome 
 branches of political ceconomy, of which the 
 Firft Conful was totally ignorant — Camba- 
 ceres, an experienced lawyer, and Lebrun, a 
 well known financier, were felefted to be his 
 coadjutors. 
 
 For his minifters and counfellors of ftate, 
 he chofe, along with his two brothers, many 
 generals who had (ignalized themfelves chiefly 
 in the war under his command ; the moft dif- 
 tinguiflied of the writers and leaders of par- 
 ties, and even fome profeffional and learned 
 men, on whofe political principles and entire 
 fubmiflion he could rely. Many lucrative 
 places were given to noblemen w^ho had remain- 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 29 
 
 ed in France, even to emigrants, great numbers 
 of whom were foon after allowed to return. 
 
 Thus he hoped to have fatisfied all parties, 
 and this plan anfwered the purpofe at firft. 
 Every one bufy with his new place, or with 
 comfortable arrangements for the future, loft 
 light of the'proceedings of government. Fo- 
 reigners, who were not forced to declare for 
 any man, or any party, and thus efcaped the 
 general rage, could alone make their obferva- 
 tions, with coolnefs and impartiality; and dur- 
 ing the whole French revolution, they faw 
 plainly, to the difgrace of France, that it was 
 the fhuttle-cock of contending parties. The 
 whole nation was fometimes led away by 
 crafty and felf-interefted politicians, and its 
 attention fixed on objefts that had no con- 
 nexion with the real plan of the latter. They 
 went on with fecurity, whilft the multitude 
 were zealoufly contending for trifles. They 
 were now, however, all difgufted and exhaufted. 
 After having tried every experiment, after 
 
30 BONAPARTE 
 
 many vain flruggles for the attainment of 
 their grand point, comfort and tranquillity, 
 they all panted for repofe, they anxioufly 
 looked for the man who would fecure it to 
 them. A man, fail of energy, who had 
 , puflied himfelf forward in fpite of all parties 
 and impediments, by his unexampled auda- 
 city : whofe fole aim, as it feemed, was to 
 prpmote the real happinefs of all, could not 
 be trufted v^ith too much power, as he might 
 the better fatisfy their delires. They therefore 
 granted him every thing. 
 
 Some public writers certainly raifed their 
 voices, to put a flop to this blind confidence 
 in one man, and to roufe the deluded multi- 
 tude. Lacratelle, the elder, tried to warn the 
 new diftator. Caefar, faid he, made himfelf 
 di6lator, and under this title, annihilated the 
 Roman republic. Sylla had before him availed 
 himfelf of a fimilar power, to chaftife the un- 
 bridled populace, and to reftore the majefty 
 of the fenate. The former fell a facrifice to 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 51 
 
 his ambition during hi« diftatorfliip ; the 
 latter refigned, and lived in peace among 
 thofe inhabitants who had been the witneffes 
 of his cruelties. Many other French v^-riters 
 followed, but their eflrorts were fruitlefs ; their 
 voices were not heard. 
 
 Flufhed by his good fortune : proud of his 
 new dignity, Bonaparte thought fit to write 
 perfonally, on the 26th of December, to the 
 King of England, and the Emperor of Ger- 
 many, without obferving the ufual forms. He 
 received no anfwer. The minifter for foreign 
 a,ffairs, Talleyrand, fent a note to Lord Gren- 
 ville, in which, after taking a retrofpeQ;ive 
 view of paft events, preliminaries of peace 
 were offered. Lord Grenville anfwered it, 
 though by no means in fuch a manner as to 
 give fatisfa6lion. He noticed the aggreHion 
 of France — the unfettled ftate of religion — the 
 neceflity of a government in which confidence 
 might be placed ; this language was highly 
 difpleafing, and war therefore was refolved on. 
 
32 BONAPARTE 
 
 Bonaparte, in order to be able to aft with 
 more energy againft his foreign enemies, tried 
 all the arts of cunning, force, mildnefs, and ri- 
 gour, to tranquilife the party in La Vendee, 
 and to get rid of a domeftic enemy, who had 
 always been an unconquerable and formidable 
 opponent. General Bernadotte, who had al- 
 ready fhewn himfelf a friend, by keeping his 
 troops ina6live on the 3d and 4th of Oftober, 
 now efFedually aflilled Bonaparte, and they 
 fucceeded. ' 
 
 Maffena was equally fuccefsful in the exe- 
 cution of his plans againft the Auftrians and 
 Ruffians in Switzerland. He marched for- 
 ward into Italy, but thought it prudent to 
 avoid attacking an enemy fuperior in force, 
 and fhut himfelf up in Genoa. Moreau 
 was more fuccefsful ; he penetrated into the 
 heart of Auftria, forced his opponents to 
 abandon their plans, and take fuch pofitions 
 as he chofe to affign them ; and thus prepared 
 for Bonaparte the decifive moment in which 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 33 
 
 he might, by a bold ftroke, bring the whole 
 to a final conclufion. 
 
 An army of referve of 30,000 confcripts 
 having been aflembled on the y\^ of March, 
 iiear Dijon, and having increafed to 50,000 
 by the return of the Vendean army, and many 
 volunteers, Bonaparte led them on in perfon, 
 and paffed mount St. Bernard. This paffage 
 through the Alps, though not to be compared 
 with Hannibal's famous entei'prife, ftill will it 
 ever be recorded in modern hi (lory as equally 
 remarkable. Whether we confiderthe habits 
 of life in men, their manner of warfare, and 
 the times in which thefe great events feyerally 
 took place, they are both alike extraordinary. 
 The paffages of the Simplon and mount St. 
 Gotthard, were eflPe6led at the fame time. The 
 pafTage of the Po was forced by feveral bodies 
 of troops : an engagement took place near 
 Montobello; and Tortona was befieged in 
 confequence. " It v/as the good fortune of 
 Bonaparte that brought General DefTaix from 
 
 F 
 
34 BONAPARTE 
 
 Egypt into his camp. At this moment the 
 pofition and manoeuvres of the enemy on the 
 morning of the 14th of June, 1800, pointed 
 out MarengOj a village between Tortona and 
 Alexandria, as the fpot that was to decide a bat- 
 tle for which Bonaparte was not at all prepared. 
 The Auftrians had retreated the day before, 
 and feemed willing to avoid an engagement •, 
 but General Melas faw the French army, un- 
 der Maffena, approaching very faR upon him ; 
 from another fide, he was in danger of being 
 between two fires ; he therefore inftantly chang- 
 ed his refolution, and drew a mafterly plan 
 of battle. At firll, the defeat of the whole 
 French army feemed inevitable : they thought 
 themfelves already vanquifhed, and General 
 Berthier had given orders to found the re- 
 treat. It was then that Bonaparte threw 
 himfelf amidft the fugitives : he infpired the 
 officers and foldiers with new courage, and 
 ordered them to clofe in with the corps of 
 referve juft moving forward, under the com- 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 35 
 
 mand of General DefTaix. Convinced that 
 every thing dear to him depended on the 
 iffue of this battle, he expofed his life to the 
 moft imminent danger, amidft the thunder of 
 the enemy's cannon ; animating the foldiers 
 by his example. The artillery of the Auflrians 
 and their cavalry, were much fuperior to thofe 
 of the French : the latter had only thirteen 
 field-pieces with them, ten of which they had 
 loft during the battle. The body of referve, 
 with General Deffaix at their head, marched 
 forward with their bayonets fixed, prote6^ed 
 hy the three remaining field-pieces. In a 
 ftiort time they had repoffeffed themfelves of 
 fix field-pieces. Whilft in the a6]fc of retak- 
 ing a feventh, General Deffaix fell mortally 
 wounded. " Cachez ma mort aux foldats" 
 faid he to his aides-de-camp ; and foon after, 
 as he was expiring, he added, "Go, tell the 
 Firft Conful, that I die with regret for not 
 having fignalized myfelf fufficiently to hand 
 down my name to pofterity." Thus the great 
 
36 BONAPARTE 
 
 prefence of mind of this heroic warrior, with 
 the perfonal bravery of Bonaparte, and the 
 undaunted firmnefs of the confular guard, 
 which flood immovable Hke a rock, in the 
 mid ft of the field of battle, turned the fcale, 
 and the advantage remained on the fide of the 
 French, till night put an end to the flaughter. 
 Still vi61:ory did not feem to be decided: 
 Bonaparte looked forward to a new attack 
 on the next morning as certain. His fur- 
 prife and aftonifhment were the greater, 
 when the Auftrian general offered terms, and 
 fhewed himfelf anxious for a convention even 
 on the moft difadvantageous terms ; by which 
 an armiftice was certainly fettled ; but all for- 
 tified places between the Po, Oglio, and 
 Chiefa, were ceded to the French. Genoa, Pied- 
 mont, and Lombardy were again fet free. Bona- 
 parte haftened to Milan, where his vi61;orious 
 entry afforded great fatisfaftion to the friend* 
 of Jacobinifm, to whoni his defeat had al- 
 ready been announced. A grand Te Deum 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 37 
 
 was celebrated to his honour in the cathedral 
 ef Milan. His ftafF accompanied him. When 
 the priells aflced him in what manner he chofe 
 to be received, he replied inftantly, come 
 i'imperatore, (like the emperor). 
 
 Bonaparte appointed a provifional govern- 
 ment for the Cifalpine republic on the fpot, 
 and returned through Lyons, where he com- 
 manded the ftreets and fquares to be rebuilt 
 which had been reduced to alhes, during the 
 reign of terrorifm. He himfelf laid the firft 
 ftone of the new buildings of the fquare Bel- 
 lecour, which name was changed into that of 
 Bonaparte. He arrived at Paris two days be- 
 fore he was expefted, and thus avoided the 
 ceremonies of a triumphal entry, which had 
 been decreed him. 
 
 On the following day he received the con- 
 gratulatory addrelTes of the conftituted autho- 
 rities, of the national inflitute, and the fe- 
 veral adminiftrations. All the houfes at Paris 
 were illuminated five nights fucceflively. 
 
as BONAPARTE 
 
 •Plaj^^s and other amufements in celebration of 
 this great viiSlory were given in all the theatres 
 of Paris. The exultation was general, and all 
 were in great hopes for the future. The fplen- 
 did vi6lories which were obtained by Moreau 
 in Germany, ftill more increafed the hopes of 
 a general peace. On the 14th of July, the an- 
 niverfary of the revolution, all feemed enrap- 
 tured with their viftory and viftorious leader. 
 The revolution and its obje6l were entirely 
 forgotten. Grand proceffions, Entertainments, 
 prize-fighting, running matches, &c. attra6led 
 the attention of the Parifian multitude. Bona- 
 parte and his whole family were among the 
 fpeftators. The firft flone of a national monu- 
 ment, in remembrance of the mofl important 
 occurrences, during the revolution, was laid on 
 this day, as was likewife that of a monument 
 in memory of the brave General DeiTaix, to 
 whom Bonaparte chiefly owed that fuccefs 
 which filled them ail with rapture. 
 
AND THE FRE>fCH PEOPLE. 39 
 
 The republican writers availed themfelves 
 of this opportunity to remind the Conful 
 of his duties. Many of them fpoke boldly, 
 knowing how far the enthuiiafm of gratitude 
 can lead a noble heart, and fearing, left he 
 fjiould give way to the luft of power which 
 too foon dazzles triumphant heroes, they 
 particularly demanded the liberty of the prefs. 
 They warned Bonaparte not to liften to thofe 
 who fhould endeavour to infpire him with pre- 
 judices fatal to the friends of republicanifm. 
 Daunau, Jean de Brie, Conftant, Rioufte, 
 Ginguenet, joined in thefe remonflrances. 
 Bonaparte and his partifans ufed the means to 
 ftifle the public voice ; th^y had already pro- 
 hibited all patriotic newspapers : by their or- 
 der many of the publifhers and printers of 
 them werefent to prifon, after having feen their 
 offices deftroyed, and their printing machines 
 taken away. A fmall number of the former 
 political journals ftill exifted ; yet they were 
 clofely watched by the police. Some public 
 
40 BONAPARTE 
 
 papers, in the pay of government, fefc up 
 againft them. They recalled the old conllitu- 
 tion, by which they underftood nothing lefs 
 than the introdu6lion of all the terrors of for- 
 mer defpotifm, and of all former intolerance in 
 matters of opinion. The priefts and emigrants 
 now returning in numbers, anxious to re-efta- 
 blifh their wonted afcendancy and their prero- 
 gatives, joined thefe hirelings. They began 
 with inveighing againft Voltaire, Rouffeau, 
 Raynal, Montefquieu, Mably and other wri- 
 ters, who had dared to expofe the follies and 
 abufes of former times. They ftyled them 
 indifcriminately, atheifts, blafphemers, diftur- 
 bers of the public tranquillity. The family 
 of Bonaparte was highly pleafed, to fee thefe 
 old experienced knights ftand forward as 
 champions in their caufe, they gave them full 
 fcope, being fure to come in for the harveft 
 before them. 
 
 Surrounded by a fufficient number of new 
 hirelings, Bonaparte felt himfelf confident that 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 4i 
 
 he was able to fend thetn out of the way, or 
 to annihilate them, if they dared to be too loud 
 and bufy. Many of the old nobility, that had 
 remained in France, during the revolution, and 
 had merited well of the country, were appoint- 
 ed to profitable places under the new admi- 
 niftration. The latter took great care at the 
 fame time to occupy a number of the returned 
 emigrants, by providing them with honoura- 
 ble employments in the provinces. 
 
 The new created dignities of prefers, in 
 the feveral departments, who were to be one 
 hundred in number, befides four hundred un- 
 derprefetb, afforded him the opportunity of 
 doing fo. The new adminiftration was in 
 hopes to find thefe unfortunate exiles faithful 
 and fubmiflive fervants, who, after having been 
 worn out with continual fatigue abroad, owed 
 their fecurity and comfort to its kindnefs ; 
 fuch were Lameth, Mounier, Rabaut, Pomier, 
 Duclos, and men of a fimilar charafter. 
 
 Yet the number of emigrants, chiefly noble- 
 
 G 
 
42 BONAPARTE 
 
 men and piiefts, who had ventured to refcurn 
 fince the folemn promife of government, to 
 clofe the lifts of profcription, and to erafe all 
 names of innocent perfons, was unexpeftedly 
 great. Many of them looked forward to no- 
 thing lefs than the complete recovery of their 
 eftates, and former dignities, and became ac* 
 cording to French cuftom, rather too iioify 
 when government feemed unmindful of them. 
 Some of the old nobility, who were known to 
 have carried arms againft their native country, 
 and therefore excluded from the general am- 
 nefty, by a particular provifion, inlifted often 
 with great violence on the erafure of their 
 names from the lift. Others went ftill farther; 
 without even applying for the erafure of 
 their names, they inftantly went about to re- 
 cover their former eftates by artful means, and 
 fometimes even by force. The returned priefts 
 had already begun publicly to condemn all 
 thofe who had purchafed fuch national pro- 
 perty ; and the fears of its prefent poffeflbrs 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 4S 
 
 were thus raifed to a high degree. The ad- 
 miniftration now thought it time to inter- 
 fere, and to eftablifh a fpecial committee 
 to decide on the merits of all claims of pro- 
 perty made by emigrants, and revife the lifts 
 of profcription, which flill contained 100,000 
 names. 
 
 An honefl member (Lafalle), feeing the . 
 confufed and illegal manner in which it pro- 
 ceeded, found it expedient to refign • he laid 
 his reafons for fo doing before the public, 
 who were informed, by thefe means, of the 
 procedures of this committee. Its aim to fpin 
 but this matter to a great length, and to per- 
 plex it, became evident : 24,000 different 
 claims were already lodged with their com-' 
 mittee; but it was ftill thought proper to in- 
 creafe this number, by bringing in the claims 
 of the poor peafants from the Rhine, who had 
 been driven away by the horrors of war; 800Q 
 of whom had already petitioned for their pro- 
 perty, which was left to the decifion of this com- 
 
44 BONAPARTE 
 
 mittee, of which the prefe6ls of the depart- 
 ments of the Rhine were certainly much better 
 judges, being acquainted with all the local 
 eircumftances. 
 
 The report made by the religning member, 
 lL>afalle, on this head, contains the following 
 remarkable paffages : " The longer this com- 
 mittee lafls, and the more its members may 
 increafe in number, the lefs power will it have 
 to refift machination and intrigue. Bona- 
 parte may be able to conquer, and reftore 
 peace, but from the prefent decline of all 
 public morality — from the fhameful illibe- 
 rality that pervades all ranks, and from our na- 
 tional prejudices, Bonaparte will find it a hard 
 tafk to feleft thirty men capable of executing 
 this important charge in a dignified manner." 
 He folemnly aflcs the difcontinuance of the 
 committee, and the putting a flop to all emi- 
 grant claims. " The tardinefs," he added, 
 " obferved in all thefe procedures, and their 
 very nature muft prove baneful to fociety, Ci- 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 45 
 
 tizens, hitherto honell men, grow accu Homed 
 to atteft fads upon oath, the falfehood of 
 which is well knbwn to them. Public officers 
 get the habit of allowing fuch fcandalous 
 tranfaCtions. According to a late decree of 
 the confuls, no pofTeffions or eftates, already- 
 become national property, can be reflored to 
 emigrants erafed from the lifts : but that emi- 
 grant who is moft guilty in the eye of the 
 law, for having carried arms againft his own 
 country, muft be looked upon as the moft; 
 dangerous by all politicians, for he will not 
 brook the feizure of his property. He finks 
 into the clafs of thofe who have nothing to 
 
 o 
 
 lofe, and grows the more dangerous as he is 
 fpurred on by revenge : his relations, his 
 creditors, and all thofe who claim a joint pof- 
 feflion of his eftates, or a fucceflion to them, 
 will naturally form one party with him. 
 
 It will be feen hereafter that this honeft 
 man was right in his predidions. By the 
 laft decree of the adminiftration refpe6ling 
 
4S BONAPARTE 
 
 thefe claims, it was finally determined that 
 all perfons, who had been leaders of French 
 troops, fighting againft their own country ; 
 who had accepted of any military degree in 
 the armies of the enemy ; who had continued 
 in the private fervices of French princes dur- 
 ing the revolution ; who had been the authors 
 and promoters of civil and foreign war ; who, 
 being reprefentatives of the people, had been 
 found guilty of high treafon ; and, laftly, all 
 archbilhops and bilhops, who would not fub- 
 mit to the terms offered, fhould be excluded 
 from the benefits of the general amnefly, and 
 be prohibited the territory of the republic, 
 under pain of death or deportation. 
 
 The republican inhabitants were furprifed 
 in another way, namely, by fpecial orders, 
 which feemed to announce greater attempts : 
 the reftoring the religious obfervance of the 
 Sunday ; though, by a particular law, the 
 officers of government were ftill obliged to 
 keep the decades only : — the permiffion to 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 47 
 
 celebrate marriages on any day of the week, 
 and no longer on the day of the decade ex- 
 clulively : — the feveral regulations concerning 
 the duties and funftions of the prefefts of 
 police, with refpe6l to their fuperintendance 
 of gambling houfes, brothels, and other places 
 of infamy, which according to law ftiould 
 not be fuffered at all : — the new regulations 
 about public fchools, and the printing and 
 publifliing of books, by which the liberty of 
 the prefs was annihilated: all thefe en- 
 croachments on former eflablifhments and 
 principles, raifed f'ufpicion and miftruft 
 among the true republicans ; nor were thev 
 much pleafed when they faw, that the re- 
 mains of the Marfhal Turenne were to be de- 
 pofited with great folemnity in the temple of 
 Mars, at Paris, on the very day when Bona- 
 parte was to lay the firft ftone of a monument 
 to the memory of the late generals, Deffaix and 
 Kleber, who died on the fame day, and at the 
 fame hour. It v/as certainly fome confolation 
 
48 BONAPARTE 
 
 to thefe republicans to find, that the play of 
 TartufFe, from Moliere, had been chofen for a 
 free night by the managers of the theatre, in 
 fpite of the priefts ; for they were in hopes 
 that the Firft Conful, who was prefent, would 
 take the hint in future, and become more cir- 
 eumfpeflt towards the Roman Catholic clergy. 
 They relied on it with confidence as it was his 
 favorite play : the Cid of Corneille was repre- 
 fented at the fame time. The crowd at the 
 theatre was prodigious ; every corner and en- 
 trance of the houfe were filled, and many 
 tvere in danger of being ftifled by the multi- 
 tude continually preffing on. This caufed 
 many humane and patriotic citizens to ereft a 
 temporary building, like the amphitheatres of 
 old, where a lading impreffion might be made 
 on the public mind, by grand national repre- 
 fentations, breathing the fpirit of patriotifm and 
 liberty. The views of Bonaparte, however, were 
 very different ; and the reader will foon learn in 
 what manner thefe republican fea lis were re^^ 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 49 
 
 duced by him to chat kind of amufement, which 
 the old court of France formerly ufed to pre- 
 pare for the populace. For the prefent, they 
 all rejoiced in harmlefs fecurity ; and the 
 more fo, as the figning of the preliminaries 
 of peace with Auftria was publicly announ- 
 ced, by order of government, on that very 
 evening, and the articles read to the public 
 by the light of torches. Government itfelf 
 feemed without fear after witneffing the ge- 
 neral fatisfaftion of the people. Soon after, 
 . when the difcovery of a plot againft the life 
 of the Firft Conful was faid to have been 
 made, only Corficans, or Italians, were im- 
 plicated. The brother of a man of the name 
 of Arena, who had been fufpefted before of 
 intending to murder the Firfl Conful, on the 
 i8th ^rumaire (fourth of November,) was 
 taken up with Cerachi, Topino, Dermerville, 
 Diana, and others, and all fent to the Temple. 
 Many people doubted indeed the reality of 
 
 fuch a plot, and were of opinion that the in- 
 H 
 
^0 BONAPARTE 
 
 tended murder of Bonaparte on the i8th of 
 Vendemiaire (tenth of 06iober,) at the Opera- 
 houfe, was nothing but an invention, in order 
 to get rid of fome troublefome and fufpefted 
 foreignei-s ; but the affair of the infernal ma- 
 chine proved the exiftence of a plot againfl 
 the life of Bonaparte. He, with the gene- 
 ral and adjutants in his coach, efcaped death 
 by a kind of miracle. He owed the prefer- 
 vation of his life to the drunken courage of 
 his coachman, who drove in full gallop 
 through the narrow ftreet, when it was block- 
 ed up by the cart containing the infernal 
 machine, and when there feemed to be no 
 poflibility of pafling : the coach had fcarcely 
 paffed by, when the machine blew up. By 
 the explofion, the houfes near the fpot were 
 much damaged; and by the contents of it, chief- 
 ly confining of lead and iron, many innocent 
 perfons were killed or wounded in the ftreet. 
 The Corficans and Italians imprifoned in the 
 Temple, and their partifans, were again fuC- 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 51 
 
 pefted as the authors of this plot. They were 
 now tried on their firfl accufation ; and a 
 court which was declared illegal and inad- 
 miffible by the prifoners and their counfels, 
 paffed fentence of death on Arena, Tapino, 
 Lebrund, and Dermerville. 
 
 The adminillration took advantage of this 
 opportunity to introduce a law, by which 
 it was fully authorifed to order and eflablifh 
 fpecial tribunals in the departments, when- 
 ever they chofe. 
 
 Thefe tribunals were to be compofed of 
 judges and military perfons ; but the Firft 
 Conful had the choice and appointment of 
 them. They were to decide on all mifde- 
 meanors and crimes [crimes -et dilits) for which 
 any difhonorable bodily chaflifement might 
 be infli£led : — they were to try all perfons 
 accufed of theft, burglary, and violence, if 
 committed with the affiftance of one or more 
 perfons : — they were to take cognizance of 
 murder, coining, threats uttered againft the 
 
52 BONAPARTE 
 
 purchafers of national property, of exceffes 
 and affaults committed on them, and of in- 
 cendiaries ; and they were to proceed againfl 
 all perfons accufed of fecretly engaging 
 troops, or of bribing and endeavouring to cor- 
 rupt the foldiers and confcripts, or excite them 
 to revolt: they were to inquire into all tu- 
 mults, and to proceed againfl all perfons taken 
 up in the a6t of rioting ; laftly, they were au- 
 thorifed to try all thofe perfons who were al- 
 ready in prifon on fuch charges. This new 
 law, by which government was empowered to 
 deprive the accufed citizens of that proteftion 
 which the glorious inflitution of juries affords 
 to the innocent — by which it was permitted to 
 fubjeft them to an abominable court, wholly 
 dependent on the arbitrary will of government, 
 yet fully authorifed to take cognizance of al- 
 mofl every crime ; met with fome refift- 
 ance from the tribunate, whofe duty it was to 
 guard againfl all arbitrary proceedings, by 
 which the fafety of the people might be en- 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 53 
 
 dangered. Thirteen orators fpoke againft it, 
 forty-one oppofed it by their vote, and it was 
 carried only by a majority of eight. 
 
 A counfellor of ftate, in the pay of govern- 
 ment and its zealous defender, wrote a pam- 
 phlet againft the oppofing members of the 
 tribunate, who had dared to check govern- 
 ment in its defpotic attempts : he inveighed 
 againft them, in the moft outrageous and in- 
 decent manner — he expofed them as known 
 difturbers of public peace and tranquillitj^, 
 and publiftied their names ; but thofe very 
 names bore witnefs againft him. 
 
 Bonaparte exprefTed himfelf with acrimony 
 on this firft oppofition to his rafli attempts, and 
 became fufpefted of having a fhare in thefe 
 perfonal indecent attacks. His very exiftence 
 had been fhaken by the terrible explofion of the 
 inferiial machine : he became quite another 
 man, in his public life, Cnce that dreadful 
 day : he feemed now to give way to his true 
 natural difpofition : his miftruft of the 
 
54 BONAPARTE 
 
 French nation, whofe charaQ:er is quite the 
 reverfe of his own, which he formerly ufed to 
 conceal with great care; his early imbibed 
 averlion to Frenchmen, which had been 
 ftrengthened during the revolution, was in ma- 
 ny inflances too glaring. In all his public a61;s, 
 he betrayed nothing but a deep knowledge, 
 and a careful calculation of the folly and de- 
 pravity of this equally unthinking and cruel 
 people. His moderation in the fittings of 
 council, on which the newfpaper writers, in the 
 pay of government, and the fenators of his 
 party, never ceafed to pafs their fervile eulo- 
 gium, now deferted him intirely. Hitherto he 
 had ftudied his men ;. he began now to an- 
 nounce his will like a mailer, and to enforce 
 obedience. His whole condutl to thofe about 
 him was wholly changed; he ufed formerly to 
 behave, if not in a popular, at leaft in a friend- 
 ly manner, towards military men and artifts ; 
 and all thofe who had, at any time, fignalized 
 themfelves by their learning. Many of the lat- 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 55 
 
 ter had free accefs to him, and were often in- 
 vited to dinner. Towards foreigners he had 
 been generally civil and hofpitable : there was 
 no great formality required for them to be in- 
 troduced, and they were often invited into his 
 company. The good people took thefe things 
 as proofs of a liberal and enlightened mind, 
 and of a noble inclination to promote know- 
 ledge and morality. 
 
 The depraved charaQer of thofe who fur- 
 rounded him, though generally known, was not 
 fuflicient to deflroy the good opinion enter- 
 tained of him ; on the contrary, when the 
 people faw that he promoted the ableft and 
 moft honeft men of all ranks and parties, to 
 places of importance and truft, they began to 
 look on him as a great ftatefman, whofe fupe- 
 rior genius led him to avail himfelf of every 
 talent, and fo counterbalance the mod immoral 
 and diflblute with the virtuous, that they 
 were compelled to promote the general good. 
 All men hoped for the reconciliation and union 
 
56 BONAPARTE 
 
 of parties, in order to fecure a free and happy 
 conftitution for France; but Bonaparte was 
 perhaps endeavouring all along to unhinge 
 them, and to refcind all poffibility of effec- 
 tual refiftance, by thus intermixing the moft 
 incongruous charafters in one body. 
 
 The author of an hiftorical defcription of 
 Paris, made on that occafion fome juft re- 
 marks. After having noticed fome fcanda- 
 lous anecdotes, to the difgrace of many mem- 
 bers of adminiflration, which the newfpaper^s 
 and journals paffed over in filence, he adds 
 the following remarkable words concerning 
 Bonaparte : " He that would blame the Firft 
 Conful for giving his confidence to fuch men, 
 muft certainly be unacquainted with that pitch 
 of immorality to which the nation is driven ; 
 he muft be ignorant of the impoffibility of 
 finding only a fmall number of men, who 
 unite an unblemilhed moral chara6i;er with 
 great and fuperior talents. This union is 
 rarely to be found : and if one of the two can 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 57 
 
 ever be fpared, it is certainly not the poffefTion 
 of fuperior talents in thofe who are to rule a 
 great empire." 
 
 Bonaparte made it his particular ftudy from 
 the beginning, to gain the good opinion of 
 all men of genius, certain, that by fecuring 
 their voice, he would have the fuffrage of all. 
 Being himfelf one of the moft extraordinary 
 men, the darling of good fortune, at the head 
 of a people, ever prone toexcefs in adulation, 
 and proud of their rulers, it was no wonder 
 that fulfome praifes and exultations refounded 
 from all quarters. Foreigners, taking th© 
 newfpapers and journals as the general in- 
 terpreters of public opiniori, were often led to 
 think the enthufiafm for Bonaparte was uni- 
 verfal ; but a ftiort refidence at Paris, and 
 the vifiting public places of refort, or mixed 
 focieties, would foon convince them of then- 
 error. Bonaparte is by no means popular. — 
 He is cold and referved — ^he knows not how- 
 to infpire affeaion ; a formal, carefully regu^ 
 I 
 
58 BONAPARTE 
 
 lated deference and refpe£t are ftiewn him : 
 and he ftands the more firm on that very ac- 
 count. He is not one of thofe idols raifed by 
 the voice of the people, commonly trampled 
 upon with as little and as unexpected ceremo- 
 ny, as when firft raifed to unlimited power : he 
 owes his rife to himfelf alone, and appears, for 
 that very reafon, to the multitude, as a fupe- 
 rior being. The exceflive authority of which he 
 is poffefled, banilhes all familiarity even from 
 thofe who are next to him in power. He has 
 few enemies, an immenfe number of partizans, 
 and hardly a lingle friend. There is no caufe 
 at prefent by which the enthufiafm of the 
 people can poffibly be raifed. None of the 
 prrties can be faid to rule; none of them are 
 fuppreffed : they are mixed one with another 
 in fuch a manner, that it is difficult to decide 
 which of them enjoys the greatefl influence ; 
 he therefore does not confider himfelf de- 
 pendent on their will. The principal leaders 
 of the jacobin party have received a bribe 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 59 
 
 from government, and have deferted their 
 flock : their generals have changed lides — 
 General Jourdan, in Piedmont, Fouche, the 
 Minifter of Police at Paris, and Dubois, arc 
 living proofs of this aflertion. The whole 
 party is torn afunder, and will fcarcely ever 
 be able to re-eftablifli itfelf. Many of the 
 royalifts have degraded themfelves by accept- 
 ing offices under the prefent government, 
 though in their heart they defpife the Cor- 
 fican. Without any preteniions to nobility, he 
 has dared to appropriate to himfelf the honors 
 appertaining to noble defcent only, and now 
 gives himfelf the airs of a monarch on a 
 throne, which could only be filled in a digni- 
 fied manner by the defcendants of royal an- 
 cellors. They conceal their inward convic- 
 tion ; and incurable of their vain hopes, they 
 look upon every thing, and every proceeding, 
 as a preparatory ftep to realife a grand general 
 plan, drawn up and fecretly purfued by Bona- 
 parte himfelf, in order that he may one day 
 
6© BONAPARTE 
 
 be able to reftore France to her lawful fove- 
 reign, and to reinftate every thing, and parti- 
 cularly the nobility into their former dignities. 
 The fmall party of the republicans have at laft 
 been cured of their illufory hope of infpiring 
 the nation with a true republican fpirit; 
 they relax more and more in their demands 
 from their government, and judge with in- 
 dulgence, without being much offended at the 
 re-introdu61;ion of court etiquette, the cring- 
 ing fubmiffion of the new made courtiers to 
 their mailers, and their infolence to others. 
 The group of thofe who look in general on 
 all conftitutions with indifference, and only 
 judge of events by their refults, comparativot. 
 ly find no great matter of complaint, and en- 
 joy a tranquillity unknown to them for a long 
 feries of years. The inftitution of prefe6ls in 
 the departments, was of great benefit at firlij 
 the members of the executive power through- 
 out the republic, fhewed an unanimous zeal to 
 promote the general quiet. The prefers and 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 61 
 
 under-prefe6ls of feveral departments vied 
 with each other in the ftrid performance of 
 their duty. The taxes were regularly paid, 
 and fome departments were even able to dif- 
 charge their arrears. It would be folly to de- 
 clare the finances of France to have been 
 in a profperous flate, but it mufl be owned 
 that a temporary Hop was put to their fur- 
 ther decline. 
 
 They were at this period fo flourifhing, 
 fchat the expences of the republic could be 
 defrayed without a loan : they even begun to 
 difcharge the arrears in penlions and pay- 
 ment of the troops. The army, efpecially 
 that of Moreau, was well provided; the pro- 
 feffion of a foldier was again looked upon as 
 honorable; defertionsin the interior of France 
 were lefs frequent,*^ and the railing of recruits 
 and confcripts more eafily elFe6led. Such 
 was the flate of France. Bonaparte now felt 
 himfelf fecure ; he had no further need of 
 that air of moderation and generofity, which, 
 
fi2 BONAPARTE 
 
 contrary to his natural charafter, he had hi- 
 therto affefted. One x'iolent meafure, flriking 
 the minds of all, and filling them with terror, 
 by which the ftate was about to be freed of 
 feveral monfters, the notorious inllruments of 
 all the crimes perpetrated during the revo- 
 lution, whole exiftence was incompatible 
 with the public peace and fecurity of go- 
 vernment, appeared at this time expedient 
 to be adopted by Bonaparte. 
 
 In fpite of the oppofition which his propo- 
 fal for a general deportation of all doubtful 
 perfons in France, met with in the Senate, 
 five and twenty votes being againft the mea- 
 fure, it was decreed at once to deport one 
 hundred and thirty French citizens who were 
 thought dangerous. The confervative Senate, 
 where Sieyes very zealoufly ftrove to promote 
 this defpotic refolution, declared it by a fpe- 
 cial vote, to be a confervative meafure of the 
 conftitution, (une mefure confervative de H 
 conftitution.) 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 63 
 
 A tranquil obferver of the French revolu- 
 tion, made at that period the following re- 
 mark on this arbitrary proceeding : *• It is 
 ever (faid he) a great misfortune when a 
 government is compelled to depart from ef- 
 tablifhed forms of adminiftering juftice, in 
 order to bring fome of the citizens to punifli- 
 ment. It may be urged, that they are but 
 forms, which ought to be reforted to for the 
 fake of public peace, yet the, obfervance of 
 them, Hands in fo clofe a connexion 
 with the poffibility of adminiftering impartial 
 juflice, that government, whenever it may 
 find it necelTary to depart from them, ought 
 mOil; fcrupuloufly to limit the new arbitrary 
 mode, and thus Ihew refpeft for eftablifhed 
 laws." 
 
 In this view, many very reafonable ob- 
 je6lions might be made againft the decree of 
 deportation, particularly againft the applica- 
 tion of it to individuals, on the ground of , 
 notoriety alone. This decree does not fpecify 
 
64 BONAPARTE 
 
 the crimes of which every one of the pro- 
 fcribed citizens has been guilty. There are 
 thoufands of Frenchmen, who have committed 
 many follies in the time of revolutionary mad- 
 nefs ; but as long as no clear definition of that 
 crime is given, of which deportation is to be 
 the punifhment, none of all thefe men can 
 think themfelves fafe. The mofl confummate 
 villain is no more liable to it than the citizen, 
 to whofe charge nothing elfe but unguarded 
 expreffions can be laid ; and who knows not 
 whether his name has been put on the lift by 
 a fecret enemy, or by perfons infefted with 
 party fpirit, who cannot be confidered as fair 
 judges of human aftions. If no common 
 jury or court of juftice fhould decide on thefe 
 matters — if no formal procefs could previoufly 
 be inftituted, a fpecial jury, compofed at leaft 
 of members of the confervative fenate, might 
 perhaps have been appointed, in order to afcer- 
 tain the exiftence of the crime, inftead of pafs- 
 ing fentence without inquiry on the ground of 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 6s 
 
 notoriety alone. Thus would the fears of the 
 well meaning have been removed, and govern- 
 ment have been abfolved of cruelty and in- 
 juftice. 
 
 In the mean time, in order to ftrengthen 
 the impreffion, two Frenchmen, convicted of 
 having been the makers of the infernal 
 machine, were publicly executed. Bonaparte 
 now adopted feveral meafures, which betrayed 
 anxious fear for his perfonal fecurity. His 
 confular guard, which had been eftablifhed 
 from the beginning of his confulate, and all 
 military guards, under whofe proteftion he 
 ufed to appear in public. His caufing him^ 
 felf to be furrounded in fuch a manner, that 
 the moft undaunted, who might hazard their 
 own lives to rid the world of this ufurper, 
 fliould find it impoffible to approach him, de- 
 generated into a perfe6l manoeuvre and became 
 a new branch of military art. He has never 
 fmce appeared abroad, without thefe additional 
 precautions of fecurity. This dreadful cataf- 
 K 
 
66 BONAPARTE 
 
 trophe, furnifhed him with a pretext for 
 changing his mode of living, which had 
 formerly been more liberal. Though difagree- 
 able to him, he chiefly confined himfelf within 
 the circle of his family, attended by his guards. 
 Malmaifon, a fmall country feat, belonging to 
 his wife, but wholly ifolated, and, on that 
 account, the more eafily defended, had often 
 been the place of his refidence ; he alfo 
 occafionally refided at the palace of the 
 Thuilleries, which he had entered with great 
 folemnity, foon after his being made conful ; 
 every corner being filled with his confuiar 
 guards. For fome time paft he had lived 
 almoft exclufively at Malmaifon, where he 
 introduced a fl:ri6l court etiquette, which 
 rendered him abfolutely invifible to all perfons 
 whom he did not know to be entirely devoted 
 to him. Very few of thofe learned men and 
 artifts, formerly admitted in great numbers 
 into his prefence and family, were now per- 
 mitted to approach him : the only perfons to 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 67 
 
 whom this favour was continued, were grovel- 
 ing creatures, on whofe flavifh fubmiffion he 
 could depend ; and they were foon thrown 
 back into the proper diftance between maf- 
 ter and fervants. 
 
 This new mode of living, feemed to pleafe 
 the foreign powers more than the former, 
 which was approved, and better liked by the 
 people. Some ambaffadors, enemies to the 
 French republic, endeavoured at leaft to make 
 Bonaparte and his family, who aimed at roy- 
 al authority, believe fo ; and they took great 
 pains to convince him, that the reftoration 
 of the magnificence and fplendour of the 
 ancient court, would greatly contribute to 
 the re-eftablilhment of a friendly connexion 
 between their matters and the Firft Conful. 
 
 The fplendid vidlories of Moreau at that 
 period, were, indeed, the real caufe of the 
 friendly difpolition, by which almoft all the 
 courts of Europe furprifed him fo unex- 
 peftedly. 
 
68 BONAPARTE 
 
 The negotiations with Auflria, which had 
 been broken off, were now renewed, and the 
 treaty of peace fo advantageous for France, 
 was figned at Luneville, at the expence of 
 the German empire, on the 19th of Febru- 
 ary, 1801, by the Count Cobentzel and 
 Jofeph Bonaparte. 
 
 This peace was proclaimed in the principal 
 fquares and public places, without any fplen- 
 did preparation. It was received by the people 
 with an unexpefted coolnefs and indifference; 
 no joyful exclamations of " Vive la repu- 
 blique !" or " Vive Bonaparte," were heard. 
 Roederer, the pliant counfellor of ftate, in 
 his flattering account of the occurrences, 
 during the fecond year of Bonaparte's con- 
 fulate, notices this coolnefs of the people in 
 the following words : 
 
 *' When France received the news of the 
 peace, ftie calmly manifefted her joy^ which 
 did her more honor than noify and tumultu- 
 ous exultation; which, with its impotence, 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 69 
 
 and want of decency in outward form, is the 
 joy of favages — the joy of the rabble in ci- 
 viHzed ftates, when either an unexpected feaft 
 is given, fome imminent danger removed, or 
 an end is put to hardlhips long endured. Every 
 impartial obferver, who has witnejBTed the be- 
 haviour of the inhabitants of Paris, and of all 
 France, at public places and national folemni- 
 ties, for the two lafl years, muft acknowledge 
 that the French are no longer a rabble, but a 
 rational people. No longer is the army com- 
 pofed of a brutal foldiery, but orderly, mili- 
 tary men. This is one of the happy efFefIs of 
 equality, as by it every Frenchman is entitled 
 to be admitted to all public places of amufe- 
 ment, which he finds no inftigation to difturb. 
 Every perfon may entertain the hope of being 
 raifed to the higheft dignities, he therefore 
 values himfelf too much to be guilty of any 
 excefs. France had nothing to fear from the 
 continuation of the war, which was carried on 
 under the command of the moft experienced 
 
70 BONAPARTE 
 
 generals : confident of her being able to make 
 peace, whenever it might be conliftent with 
 honor, fhe had therefore no reafon to wonder. 
 The great news of peace cannot be received 
 with a tumultuous joy by a nation which 
 knows its own ftrength : the plealing intelli- 
 gence is expefted, and is therefore received 
 with inward fatisfaclion alone. Such was the 
 fenfation when the treaty of Luneville was 
 announced," 
 
 The bell anfwer to this artful and unfaii: 
 conflru6lion is, thafc the people behaving in 
 this manner were neither Dutchmen nor 
 Americans, but the very fame who, at the 
 return of Bonaparte fix months before^ had 
 proved themfelves true Frenchmen. It was 
 too clearly feen, that the explofion of the 
 infernal machine, by which the mighty ruler 
 had been frightened back into the innermoft 
 of his palace, had alfo ftruck the people with 
 panic ; and while the malk of the one now 
 fell, the illufion of the latter ceafed likewife. 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 71 
 
 Other treaties of peace with Naples, Por- 
 tugal, and feveral German princes, to whom 
 the Emperor had left the talk to treat for 
 themfelves, followed. 
 
 Lucien Bonaparte negotiated the peace 
 with Portugal, in Spain ; though he did not 
 entirely realize the views of the Firft Conful, 
 he certainly fliewed great dexterity in confult- 
 ing his own intereft. He returned with a 
 capital of thirteen millions of livres, the price 
 of his having made a Spanifh prince King of 
 Etruria, and of having forced the Grand Duke 
 of Tufcany to cede his rich Florentine poffef- 
 fion to the new king. Jofeph Bonaparte alfo 
 took good care of himfelf, hy exafting from 
 fome of the princ.es of Germany, a certain 
 fum, for the partition of their territory : his 
 brother added a prefent to it. 
 
 Bonaparte had in the former year figned 
 on his part a convention with the Americans, 
 from which, other powers might, if they pleaf- 
 ed, have learned this leflbn — that the firm. 
 
72 BONAPARTE 
 
 noble, and decent condu£l of a nation, feeling 
 
 rtfelf independent, would make a better im- 
 
 preffion on a chara6ler like Bonaparte, than 
 
 the fubmiffive, cringing behaviour of their 
 
 ambafladors. 
 
 On the 14th of July, the very day which 
 had been hailed for twelve years as a day of 
 liberty, and of the defl;ru6lion of the Baftile, 
 peace was celebrated ; not in the extenfive 
 champ de mars, where all republican feafts had 
 been given fince the grand anniverfary of the 
 confederation, but in the elyfian fields, where 
 the people had been often entertained in the 
 times of royal France. 
 
 The whole management of this feftival of 
 peace bore a ftriking refemblance to the 
 feafts given by the old court to the Parifians. 
 In the room of the lofty temple of liberty in 
 the field of mars, where religious, judiciary, 
 and military folemnities made an awful im- 
 preffion on the mind, there was to be feen a 
 pretty, glittering, little kind of illuminated 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 7$ 
 
 rotunda, built of wood, in which a number of 
 fiddlers were fcraping away, exaftly as in the 
 days of the old court, on the anniverfary of 
 St. Louis. Inftead of prize-fighting, grand 
 races, and combats in the Roman ftyle, in 
 which every republican of note or property 
 formerly ufed to take a fhare, there were to 
 be feen, as in the good old times, a number of 
 little fcaffolds for tumblers, ropedancers, har- 
 lequins, pantaloons, fcaramouchers, &c. Fran-^ 
 coni, with his troop, had alfo places ailigned, 
 for feats of horfemanfliip and pantomimes. 
 Garnerin rofe with his balloon ; and a mat de 
 I'ocagne was erefled, greafed all over, intends 
 ed to be climbed on, and hung with hams and 
 faufages for the greedy rabble. Places for 
 dancing were likewife appointed ; in Ihort, 
 there was every thing to amufe an idle people, 
 fond of merriment ; and yet the people did 
 not dance much. They were neither noify 
 nor much difpofed for mirth ; it was, indeed, 
 a very compofed and decent rejoicing. 
 
 L 
 
74 BONAPARTEi 
 
 Bonaparte and his family did not take any 
 notice of thefe little amufements : but he 
 went the night before to the Theatre Fran- 
 9ois, in his grand confular drefs, furrounded 
 by a numerous and fplendid military guard. 
 The people were admitted gratis to fee the 
 play. All the other theatres in Paris were like- 
 wife open, to which every one had free admif- 
 fion; but none of them thought proper to 
 reprefent a play, or to give an entertainment, 
 in allufion to the peace, or the maker of it, 
 though they had all been very bufy to that 
 effefl;, after his return from Marengo. Mr. 
 Roederer mis[ht have difcovered here additional 
 proof of the dijcretion, the delicacy, and the 
 improved charaBer of the French, and their ra- 
 pid ftrides towards cofmopolitic perfeflion. 
 
 Bonaparte fet little value upon thefe new 
 principles ; and he manifeiled it beyond a 
 doubt, by his new treaties with the Algerines 
 and Tunis-law pirates. He had the dexterity 
 to appeafe the Emperor Paul, who was then 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 75 
 
 arming againft him, by a ftudied mark of at- 
 tention. He fent him feven thoufand Ruffian 
 prifoners of war, who had already been recon- 
 ciled with their lituation in France, new 
 clothed, and completely armed, without any 
 rari'fom; and Paul figned the peace with 
 France on the 8th of 06lober, 1801. 
 
 Great Britain having been refilled in its 
 claims by the armed neutrality of the northern 
 powers, found itfelf now ifolated, and turned 
 its thoughts to peace. The French alTented 
 to the evacuation of Egypt ; and England, 
 preffed by interior diffatisfaftion and fears, 
 fubmitted to very difadvantageous terms. 
 
 A formal treaty of peace with the Turks 
 was alfo ligned about this time. 
 
 After having fettled the external aflPairs in 
 this manner, it was thought expedient to pro- 
 ceed farther. The prefe6ls, under-prefe6i:s, 
 and juftices of peace, the latter having been 
 reduced from fix thoufand to three thoufand, 
 were- aftively employed in re-eflablifhing 
 
rs • BONAPARTE 
 
 public order, affifted by new organized corps 
 at Gensdarmes, who were deftined to do the 
 tluty of the ancient marichavjjk, under the 
 authority of the new fpecial tribunals. But 
 fome journalifts and newfpaper-writers, with 
 their partisans, under the pay and prote6lion 
 of government, endeavoured principally to 
 prepare the minds of the people to the reftora- 
 tion of the Roman Catholic religion. A very 
 clever, but ill-famed abbe, named GeofFroy, 
 had the dire6lion of the journal called Jour- 
 nal des dibats ; of which an immoife number 
 of copies were printed, and circulated all over 
 France. By an artful, well-devifed, and mali- 
 cious vein of witticifm, he fucceeded in 
 rendering all the attempts to improve man- 
 kind fufpicious and contemptible, which the 
 greatefl geniufes of France had made during 
 the latter part of the laft century. He main- 
 tained that the objefts which thefe men had 
 defignedly, and knowingly purfued, had ef- 
 fe6led nothing but the fubverfion and anniHila^^- 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 77 
 
 tion of all good morality, of all religion, of 
 all refpe£t towards government, and the de- 
 llru6lion of all the ties of fociety. His viru- 
 lence was chiefly directed againft Voltaire 
 and RouJQTeau. Thefe two men, who never 
 ceafed to attack each other ; of whom it may 
 be faid, that they never agreed in any fmgle 
 point ; were portrayed by him- as two equally 
 wicked traitors, animated hy the fame defign 
 — namely, the overthrow and deftru6lion of 
 the French nation ; and were damned to all 
 eternity. He betrayed too foon, that he had 
 only taken up arms through bigotry, and in 
 defence of defpotifm; to which thefe two 
 men had never been very friendly. La Harpe, 
 after having outlived himfelf too foon ; after 
 having been, in former times, and to the laft 
 year of the revolution, the moil zealous de- 
 fender, and moft enthufiaftic eulogift of his 
 teacher and friend, Voltaire, now joined the 
 pious band of royal pious Roman catholic 
 dealers in damnation, and unmercifully con- 
 
7B BONAPARTE 
 
 demned the old witty and arch firmer to 
 eternal flames. Though he moil probably did 
 not fucceed in bis charitable wifhes, he gained, 
 however, forae new readers of his fallen mercu- 
 ry at France, and made it fell a little better. 
 
 Beurrier, and fome other of his caft, 
 preached and publilhed fermons, to the 
 edification and converfion of all poor 
 fouls, infe6led by the doftrines of what was 
 termed philofophy ; and the lives of the faints, 
 abounding with popifh and prieftly exhorta- 
 tions, fupplanted the well-written memoirs 
 and biographies of ftatesmen, heroes, and 
 philofophers, who had merited well of their 
 country. One cannot help fmiling, at the 
 fame time one truly pities thefe hypocritical 
 fanatics, in obferving what they pretend to 
 call philofophers and philofophy. 
 
 They do not mean a Defcartes, a Male- 
 branche, a Bayle, and fuch great men, when 
 they declare war againft their philofophers; 
 they mean, on they contrary, all thofe eloquent 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 79 
 
 and clever writers, who were men of letters 
 and men of the world, who at the fame tima 
 had courage enough to expofe to the deceived 
 multitude the folly and abfurdities of their 
 leaders, and to caution them againfl: deceitful 
 glitterings and dark lanterns, by which they 
 were dazzled : they mean all thofe men who 
 thought mankind capable of improvement, 
 and deferving a better fate, and who were in 
 hopes to find out the right path that leads to 
 facred truth ; who wifhed to raife the looks of 
 mankind to heaven, and fublime objedls, in- 
 ftead of fettering them down to the earth, 
 and yoking them like beafts of burden. In 
 fliort, every man of good fenfe, of real fellow- 
 feeling and of humanity, who raifed his voice 
 againft the crafty and political tyranny of 
 priefthood, was called by them a philofopher; 
 and they hoped to brand his name with infamy, 
 by fuch an appellation-poor miferable beings ! 
 Chateaubriand's genius borrowed fome new 
 ornaments and gaudy drapery from the Eaft, 
 
so BONAPARTE 
 
 to enliven Chriftianity, after its long death-like 
 flumber. He went fo far as to fuppofe the 
 Chriftian religion, endued with an innate 
 perfe6libility, capable of attaining the higher 
 requifites of art and claffical beauty ; fanatics 
 devoid of mind, and hypocrites, followed his 
 example. One cannot help pitying the mife- 
 rable produ61;ions advertifed in all the French 
 journals and literary catalogues — books long 
 ago rejefted and treated with contempt by 
 enlightened Europe. 
 
 The political ceconomift, Roederer, has alfo 
 fome concern in this bufinefs, and does the 
 Chriftian religion and the holy city of Rome a 
 great honor, by reprefenting it as a mere fup- 
 plement to paternal authority and public legif- 
 lation. He dwells befides on the many ad- 
 vantages which Rome, ftill in his opinion, the 
 queen of the world, may procure for Roman 
 catholic nations, towards whom fhe is favour- 
 ably inclined ; he notices the great mifchiefs 
 which they may do to refra61;ory ftates ; he in- 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. SI 
 
 fifts on the averfion which foreign powers 
 will always feel from a people without priefts 
 and without altars, in order to make them 
 bend under the Popifh yoke. 
 
 All thefe apologifts, though they conti- 
 nually and unanimoully praife the French, as 
 the moft amiable, moft civilized, moft enlight- 
 ened, moft tender, and moft refpe£table 
 people, treat them, at the fame time, like the 
 moft abje£l rabble, whom the whip and the 
 gallows can fcarcely keep in order ; from this 
 they urge the neceflity of maintaining the 
 only faving catholic faith. They unanimoully 
 affert, that the French had no other defire for 
 the laft ten years, than to have their priefts 
 reftored to them, though every one knows 
 that they drove them out of the country as 
 foon as they had broken their chains afunder, 
 and either butchered or drowned fuch as would 
 not fly ; neverthelefs, they fo often repeat this, 
 that the French themfelves muft at laft believe 
 
 it : fome of their neighbours certainly will not 
 M 
 
83 BONAPARTE n 
 
 doubt it. But impartial men, and the friends 
 of truth, will fee and fpeak otherwife : — This 
 has been the cafe with la Vendee, which in- 
 cluded provinces diftinguifhed for feveral 
 centuries paft from the reft of France, by their 
 manner of thinking and the cuftoms of theh' 
 inhabitants. The royalifts (that is of la Vendee, 
 a term applied only to noblemen and poffef- 
 fors of eftates) were fully fatisfied with the 
 antient government: and when the hateful 
 innovation of the revolution was attempted to 
 be introduced, they had the prudence inftantly 
 to draw the lower clafs of people into their in- 
 tereft, and to transform their refiftance into a 
 religious war ; but this was not the cafe v^ith 
 the reft of France. Hypocrites and fanatics, 
 anxious to prove the general defire of the 
 people, and the neceffity of reftoring the 
 Roman catholic religion, had recourfe for a 
 precedent tp the hiftory of La Vendee, where 
 they certainly found fomething in their favor ; 
 yet La Vendee would not, moft probably, have 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 85 
 
 been tranquilifed fo foon, if the emiflaries of 
 Bonaparte had not made them the fame pro- 
 mifes of a final reftoration of their king, as 
 they did about the re-eflabHfhment of the 
 Roman catholic religion. The Vendeans 
 would not have remained fo quiet, if Bonaparte 
 and his generals had not taken more powerful 
 and uniform meafures to keep that part of La 
 Vendee under control, which had not been 
 included in the treaty of peace. Like their 
 predeceffors, who generally made peace in 
 order to gain time, and to gather ftrength, 
 they would have broken it. 
 
 The French government, if it really in- 
 tended to eftablifli that religion, which the 
 people moft wanted and demanded, as it was 
 pretended, ought to have tolerated alike all 
 different profeffions of faith, in order to give 
 the citizens the opportunity of a fair trial. 
 They fliould have begun with the general re- 
 form of public inftruQ;ion, and, after having 
 attended to its effefts, or rather its firft im- 
 
S4 BONAPARTE 
 
 preflions, operating in favor of religion and 
 morality, under the attentive vigilance of 
 10,000 mayors, 3000 juftices of peace, 100 
 prefe6ls, 400 under-prefefts, with their coun- 
 fellors, and a corps of well-organifed genf- 
 d'armes, belides numberlefs fpecial tribunals : 
 they might afterwards have propofed to re-ef- 
 tablifh the Roman Catholic faith. But Bona- 
 parte, being a true Italian, full of deep and 
 darkdefigns, always confulting his own inter- 
 eft, and fecretly purfuing his end, preferred 
 the policy of the ancient defpotifm : and in- 
 troduced, with other new regulations for his 
 ownperfonal fecurity, this fpiritualone; con- 
 vinced that the whole hoft of monks and priefts 
 and the many Roman Catholic courts, and 
 fpecial tribunals, inftituted for the benefit of 
 poor Chriftian fouls, would as ufual readily 
 concur in promoting his views. 
 
 A national fynod was convened, under the 
 aufpices of government, to difcufs the means ^ 
 of reftoring the Galiican church, which had 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 85 
 
 often given great ofFence to the Papal chair. 
 ' Bonaparte negotiated with the Pope, who had 
 not been a little terrified by him. The con- 
 fequence of this negociation was the famous 
 concordat, by which, in fa6l, no party was 
 fatisfied. The Pope declared in a conclave, 
 after having created four French cardinals 
 from mere gratitude, that much had been pro- 
 mifed him by the Firft Conful, and that the 
 creation of the four French cardinals would 
 undoubtedly contribute greatly to promote 
 the Catholic perfuafion in France, and pacify 
 his Roman friends. 
 
 Though Portalis and Rosderer took great 
 pains to prove the equality of right to all re- 
 ligious opinions, it cannot be denied that the 
 concordat, as far as it has been made public, 
 paves the way for the exclufive exercife of 
 the Roman Catholic faith. The Firft Conful 
 muft of neceffity be one of its followers. 
 The very numerous Roman clergy is fupported 
 and penfionedby government, without e:Ecep- 
 
86 BONAPARTE 
 
 tion, whilft the Proteftant clergy are left un- 
 provided for; their fuperior only receiving a 
 fmall ftipend from the ftate. Indeed the pen- 
 iions of the clergy have not yet been paid, 
 even for the firfl year; yet the Catholic priefts 
 an the departments have already begun to fpeak 
 in the high ftrain of former times ; they ty- 
 rannize over the common people, and parti- 
 cularly influence the minds of the purchafers 
 of national property; they afTert that every 
 Gouple married by a conftitutional prieft, and 
 every child ehriflened by any of them, muft 
 be married and chriftened anew ; they con- 
 fecrate all churches again that have been pro- 
 faned, as they term it, by conftitutional priefls : 
 this point once fettled, Bonaparte may perhaps 
 difcover with whom he has to deal. If their 
 payments fhould be kept back, which, on ac- 
 count of the expences of the prefent war with 
 England, is but too likely, Bonaparte may 
 learn, that the very inftruments he meant to 
 ufe againfl the people, may alfo be employed 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 87 
 
 againft himfelf. If the famous fpiritual ruler, 
 and earthly prince, who has undoubtedly kept 
 an account of the laft fourteen years, has once 
 fettled all his fpiritual and temporal friends in 
 the land of promife, there may happily ftill re- 
 main one unfortunate anointed head to be pro- 
 vided for, whom all thofe friends will undoubt- 
 edly be ready to ferve and aflift, in preference 
 to the fortunate foldier. Bonaparte may then, 
 too late, be convinced of his error. He may at- 
 tempt to redrefs it, and retrieve his folly; but 
 he mull recollect, that very few men can. 
 fafely retreat after having daringly advanced ; 
 at leaft, there is no probability that he will 
 make an exception, as he has forcibly feized 
 the helm, and with undaunted boldnefs fleered 
 the courfe of 30 millions of individuals. 
 
 The affertion of a general wifh of the na- 
 tion for the re-eflabiifhment of the Catholic 
 religion and its abfolute necellity, was re- 
 peated at the fame time as that regarding the 
 public inftruftion of youth. Chaptal, the 
 
88 ' BONAPARTE 
 
 minifter, who is confidered in foreign coun- 
 tries as a man of a liberal and enlightened 
 mind, begins his circular letter to the depart- 
 ments and their prefe£ls, in the following 
 words, of whom he requires a correal return 
 of the number and nature of public fchools : 
 *' Depuis dix ans on reclame de toutes parts 
 le retabliffement de ces colleges oii une jeu- 
 neffe nombreufe trouvait une inflru6lion fa- 
 cile et fuffifante." * 
 
 Jinguenet makes a pointed reply to this in 
 his Decadp Philofophique : " I know nothing 
 of a general wifh for the re-eftablifhmentof the 
 old fchools, (fays he,) but I know that the 
 mode of inftru6lion in thofe fchools has been 
 neither eafy nor fufficient." 
 
 " Eight or nine years were fpent, teaching 
 latin onjy ; neither hiftory, geography, na- 
 tural philofophy, drawing, nor any other ufe- 
 
 * For thefe ten years paft, the re-eftabliftment of thofe colleges 
 has been loudly called for on all fides, in which a great number of 
 young men have eafily acquired a fuflBcient degree of knowledge. 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 89 
 
 ful ftudy, made a part of public inflruflion. 
 Of two years affigned afterwards to the ftudy 
 of philofophy, the one was loft in the dry 
 purfuit of a fatiguing and moft confufed fyf- 
 tem of metaphylics — the other in a courfe of 
 mathematical leftures, by no means fufficient. 
 The education and inftru6tion of youth were 
 in the hands of monks and priefts, who took 
 great pains to make them monks, abbes, and 
 devotees ; but never thought of rendering 
 them brilliant or ufeful members of fociety," 
 This applied with great truth to the former 
 fchools ; and much might be (aid on this head. 
 The ignorance of the whole French nation, as 
 to their fundamental laws, concerning the ad- 
 miniftration of juftice, their rights and pub- 
 lic duties, their fcanty knowledge of the geo- 
 graphy and hiftory of their own and other 
 countries, was the refult of fuch innovations 
 under fuch teachers: even the revolution may 
 be partly attributed to this. The ftupidity, the 
 
 immorality, and the arrogance of the monks 
 
 N 
 
; 
 
 90 BONAPARTE 
 
 and priefts, to whom the public education was 
 confided, had filled the French with difguft 
 and contempt for their teachers ; they natural- 
 ly looked out for better inftru£tors. To fuch 
 a degree was a very effential part of their edu- 
 cation negle6ted, that, with the exception of 
 the higher claffes, and the mercantile part of 
 the nation, fcarcely a Frenchman could be 
 found who could write a good hand, or knew 
 any thing of figures; this volatile people, 
 devoid of all the powers of cool and found 
 judgment, thronged under the banners of 
 mad, or infidious, cunning leaders, in hopes 
 of bettering their fate ; and afcribed to their 
 inftigators all the crimes and horrors which 
 have fo fhamefully difgraced the French re- 
 volution. The recalling and reinftating of 
 thefe teachers can therefore be of no benefit 
 whatever; it will certainly lead back to the 
 former flate of ignorance ; but as experience 
 has taught us, it will not prevent the attempts 
 of a new revolution. 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 91 
 
 Bruim, of Strafburg, a man of claflical eru- 
 dition, and of the beft intentions, urged the 
 neceflity of a liberal plan of inllru61:ion for 
 youth. He particularly inveighed againft the 
 infinuations of all the friends of ignorance ; 
 but he flood alone. All thofe who lived 
 near court, who could fee with their own eyes, 
 and form a right judgment of Bonaparte and 
 his miniflers, without needing the praifes of 
 hired, lying, or frightened newspaper writers 
 and journalifts, had loft the courage to tell 
 the truth. They were fenfible that Bonaparte 
 had received his education from priefts, and 
 had been taught nothing but latin and ma- 
 thematics : they knew him to be an enemy to 
 all liberal plans of inftruflion ; they were 
 not ignorant, that all the high-founding pro- 
 clamations of government, and all the new 
 eftabliftied focieties for the improvement of 
 public education, were nothing elfe but a fhow 
 and a juggle to impofe upon the filly French 
 people, who are eafily duped by pompous 
 
92 BONAPARTE 
 
 words, fair promifes, or grand extenlive pre- 
 parations ; and in their joy, generally lofe 
 light of the real obje£t in view. 
 
 The mofl worthy men of France, amongft 
 whom Cluvier may rank the firft, had long 
 fince turned their thoughts to the drawing up 
 a plan of education worthy of the 19th cen- 
 tury ; but as it will be feen hereafter, one 
 lingle ftroke of the pen of Bonaparte annihi- 
 lated it altogether. 
 
 Diftant northern countries, whofe inhabi- 
 tants are looked upon as barbarians, by all 
 children of ignorance, know better how to 
 profit by the liberal hints given by men to 
 whom France owed its fame in learning. The 
 bright fun of erudition no longer rifes exclu- 
 fively in the Eaft, nor fets in the Weft. Bo- 
 naparte, who might have fhone in the annals 
 of hiftory, like another Eaftern Alexander, 
 may perhaps be doomed by impartial pofte- 
 rity, and the records of truth, to nightly 
 fliade and total darknefs ; when the Northern 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. >3 
 
 Alexander ftands high in the regions of meri- 
 dian fplendor and true greatnefs. 
 
 The dehberations on the new code of laws, 
 offered a frefh opportunity of unravelling the 
 chara6ler and views of Bonaparte. It had 
 been made public, and met with approbation, 
 having been drawn up by the mod efteemed 
 legiflators. Some of the firft lawyers of France 
 had added notes to it ; the courts of appella- 
 tion and the tribunal of caflation had alfo 
 examined it, and made fome additions. Every 
 thing was prepared for its introduftion : it was 
 fubmitted to the decifion of the council of 
 ftate, where a difcuflion took place ; the re- 
 port of which was printed for the ufe of the 
 public, and the council of flate at laft drew 
 up thefe laws, which were afterwards to be 
 difcuffed in the legiflative body and the tri- 
 bunate. Thefe two bodies were now daring 
 enough to oppofe, in the prefence of the con- 
 feils, fome of the^e laws as inexpedient, ob- 
 fcure, and prejuc cial to the fafety of the 
 
941 ' BONAPARTE 
 
 citizens. Government, much hurt at this op- 
 polition, withdrew in confequence the newly 
 propofed laws, in flrange and rather angry- 
 terms. A fpecial meflage plainly announced 
 to them that government faw itfelf compelled 
 to withdraw them, though they had been de- 
 manded and anxioufly expefted by the 
 people, obferving that the time for quiet de- 
 liberation and harmony had not yet arrived. 
 
 Bonaparte took a very fimple meafure to 
 prevent any oppofition in future, or rather to 
 avoid all llrong difcuffion : he, without any 
 ceremony, propofed to the fenate to turn out 
 all members from thefe two bodies, who had 
 fignalized themfelves by ufing too much 
 liberty in their fpeeches, as foon as the 
 time for the annual going out of one-fifth 
 Ihould arrive. A fpecial lift of all mem- 
 bers oflPenfive to government was made out, 
 and the cleanfing of the two ftate bodies, 
 as they called it, took place according to the 
 fupreme will and pleafure of government. 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 95 
 
 Twenty members of the tribunate, and fixty 
 members of the legiflative body were eje6ted 
 and replaced by other men more pleafing 
 to the Firfl Conful. By the conftitution ic 
 was certainly ordered, that all members indif- 
 criminately fhould draw lifts at the going out 
 of one-fifth part, but this law was fet alide 
 for weighty reafons no doubt. 
 
 Roederer, the counfellor of ftate, thought 
 proper in his Journal of Paris, to call their laft 
 oppofition indecent, unreafonahle, fufpicious, 
 and untimely. He declared every oppofi- 
 tion inadmiflible, but that which was out- 
 voted by a conftant majority of minifterial 
 members : fenfible and impartial men, to their 
 great aftonifhment, now learned for the firfl 
 time, that an oppofition fhould partly exift in 
 France : yet the auk ward and unfair manner 
 in which this fervile hireling contrafted thefe 
 difcuffions of the tribunate and legiflative 
 body, with the oppofitions in the Britifh par- 
 liament, ihewed clearly, that he did not, or 
 
96 BONAPARTE 
 
 rather would not underftand the true fenfe 
 
 of the term. 
 
 An acute writer made fome notes to Roede- 
 rer's pamphlet, and proved that no real oppo- 
 fition could exift at all in France. The pro- 
 pofing of new laws, (fays he) is according to 
 the prefent conftitution, the exclulive right of 
 government; the council of ftate in which the 
 Firfl; Conful, or one of his colleagues prefides, 
 which is appointed by the Firfl Conful himfelf, 
 and refponfible to him, is charged to deliberate 
 on the means of the execution of the laws, 
 . and only on the propriety of new ones. But 
 the tribunate, free from all influence, is bound 
 to watch over the rights of the people, to ex- 
 pofe all abufes, and to decide on the merits 
 or demerits of all laws propofed. The legif- 
 lative body is the final refort, and its vote is 
 decifive. But why thefe two lafl bodies, if 
 none of the members Ihall have the power to 
 withhold their^ aflent to the meafures of go- 
 vernment as Mr. Roederer defires ? Why a 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 97 
 
 tribunate at all ? Rosderer thinks they may 
 flill fpeak, in order to inform government 
 of Ihe voice and wifhes of the people. 
 He fuppofes that men will take the trou- 
 ble of finding out and making obje£lions, 
 which nobody cares for, becaufe he is not 
 compelled to anfwer them : he alfo ima- 
 gines that the public prints will indeed faith- 
 fully detail thefe fpeeches. If Bonaparte 
 will grant, to newspaper writers, the privilege 
 of publifhing obje6lions made to the meafures 
 of government, he has no need of a clafs of 
 men in the tribunate, who may certainly fpeak . 
 if they chufe, but who dare not oppofe. The 
 publilhers of newspapers will find oppofition 
 matter for themfelves : and the public may 
 fave 1,200,000 livres, ^hich are annually 
 paid to the members of the tribunate. Why 
 the farce of a fpecial orator for each of the 
 legiflative bodies, as they are in the beft un- 
 derftanding, and in perfe6l harmony with go- 
 vernment, always praifing and extolling it to 
 
 the Ikies? Why this legiflative body itfelf, 
 o 
 
98 BONAPARTE 
 
 if they intend hereafter to make it an afylum 
 for all the poor unhappy wretches, whom 
 Abbe Sicard* could not by any means 
 enable to gain their daily bread by ufeful la- 
 bour? It is all very well ; for the deaf and 
 dumb are here in their proper places, as they 
 have nothing elfe to do than to affemble at a 
 certain hour at a certain day, in order to throw 
 a few little balls in the little balloting machine, 
 when a certain fign is made. It is almofl; im- 
 poffible for any man to think otherwife, if he 
 have ever been prefent at the fittings of the 
 legiflative body, and feen its members filent- 
 ly perform that facred and important duty of 
 throwing a black or white ball into a certain 
 pot, as it pleafes their matter. 
 
 The French people care not about the fit- 
 tings of the legiflative body. The greateft 
 part of thofe who go there out of curiofity, 
 are foreigners, who wifli to fee the fine faloon, 
 
 * Sicard, a celebrated leader of the deaf and dumb, in Park 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 99 
 
 which has been fitted up for the legillative 
 body, in the palace of the Prince Conti; 
 and they may fee it when the fittings are over. 
 Countrymen, or inhabitants of fmall bo- 
 roughs, who are anxious to fee their coufins 
 and friends, in their embroidered coftly drefs, 
 and broad tri-coloured fcarf, fometimes go 
 there; and they form indeed a ftrange con- 
 traft with the foreign rninifters, who fome- 
 tinges attend in their full drefs, with their ftars 
 and ribbands, and have a feparate gallery 
 affigned them. 
 
 The French citizens would take more inte^ 
 reft in the fittings of the tribunate, where the 
 new laws are difcuffed: but this legiflative 
 body affemble in a fmall faloon, of the palais 
 royal, which, on that account, is now called 
 Palais du Tribunat. There is only room 
 for a few fpeftators ; but even thefe few arc 
 feldom to be met with. 
 
 A more, interefting objeft to all Parifians 
 was, the beholding the hereditary prince of 
 
100 BONAPARTE 
 
 Parma, whom Bonaparte made king of Etruria. 
 They had not feen a king for the laft ten years. 
 He, that now appeared among them was a 
 young prince of twenty-one years of age, well 
 made, a Louis of the houfe of Bourbon, dreffed * 
 in the fplendid uniform of the Spanifti guards. 
 Bonaparte behaved civilly towards him : he 
 came to tov\^n from Malmaifon more frequent- 
 ly than ufual ; but the air and tone of a man 
 that can make and unmake kings, was always 
 kept up towards the young prince, who be- 
 haved almoft with too much civility and gra- 
 titude to the Firft Conful. The moft expen- 
 five and moft fplendid feafts were gwen iii 
 honor of the young king, but not by Bona- 
 parte himfelf ; he ordered his minifters to do 
 fo. Millions of livres were expended, and 
 never iince the days of Louis XIV. had fuch 
 a number of grand feftivals been given at 
 Paris. Flattering illufions to the illuftrious 
 vifitor were made at the theatres. Diftinguilh- 
 ing marks of refpedl; were bellowed upon him 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. " 101 
 every whete. Many an hon eft-hearted Pari- 
 fian was inclined to believe, that the kingdom 
 of Etruria was only meant as the firft ftep, or 
 preparatory fchool for this Louis of Bourbon, 
 and that Bonaparte hereafter intended to make 
 him king^of France. But the public prints 
 announced his departure fooner than he him- 
 felf might have been led to expeft. Not 
 long after he fet out, taking with him a 
 letter written by Bonaparte to the Duke of 
 Parma, his father, in which he recommended 
 ftrongly the receiving of his fon like a king, 
 and the paying him all due honors and re- 
 fpeft. 5^But there was no need of this; the 
 duke would not have offended his fifter, the 
 Queen of Spain, who had been inftrumental in 
 procuring fuch a boon for her nephew, or ra^ 
 ther for her daughter, his confort. Never did 
 the fon of a petty prince obtain more ealily 
 fo valuable a gift. Tufcany is the fineft and 
 moft fruitful part of Italy, near the Mediter- 
 ranean, with 1,500,000 inhabitants, yielding 
 
102 BONAPARTE 
 
 a revenue of three millions of dollars. But 
 why the neceffity of railing it into a king- 
 dom, as the grand dukes had always been 
 very refpedlable, few could guefs. They 
 were as much aftoniftied as when he annihi- 
 lated Venice. Some fuppofed, that mere re- 
 venge had fpurred him in one inftance, and 
 that an over-ruling pride had guided him in 
 the other. But Bonaparte knows the French, 
 and underftands pretty well how to prepare 
 them gradually for thofe fteps, which he 
 means to take hereafter. 
 
 The indemnification of the Grand Duke of 
 Tufcany, was not thought of: he was compel- 
 led to give up his country, becaufe Bonaparte 
 would not fufFer an Auftrian prince in the 
 neighbourhood of his Italian republic, and 
 fo near the Mediterranean. He was to be in- 
 demnified, both in Germany and Italy ; and 
 yet of all European princes he had been the 
 firit in acknowledging the French republic. 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 103 
 
 The King of Sardinia, who had been robbed 
 of Piedmont and Savoy, was not treated with 
 more indulgence. His ambaflador was even 
 ordered to leave Paris, becaufe he thoughe 
 proper to treat without the concurrence of 
 Ruffia and Pruflia ; nor would he fubmit to 
 the impertinence of the minifter of police, 
 who peremptorily required, that he fhould 
 perfonally wait upon him, in order to fhew 
 his credentials. 
 
 The pretty and fplendid feafts, and all the . 
 fine fports during the flay of the King of 
 Etruria, had neverthelefs fome good eflFe£ls. 
 The Parifians, who like children, eafily for- 
 get paft injuries, were put in good humour 
 again, and heartily difpofed to rejoice at the 
 peace with England; and they did fo, without 
 troubling themfelves whether Roederer would 
 call them favages^or rabble. There was no 
 end to their noify mirth : the official congra- 
 tulations took up feveral days, and the en- 
 virons of the Thuilleries were continually 
 
W4 BONAPARTE 
 
 crowded, where the eyes were dazzled with the 
 uncommon brilliancy of the furrounding ob- 
 jefts on the great public parade. The cry 
 of " Vive Bonaparte," was once more heard; 
 but the populace rulhed on with fuch impe- 
 tuofity to fee the great pacificator, in fpite of 
 all his guards, that he was compelled to leave 
 the parade fooner than ufual, and rather in a 
 precipitate manner. 
 
 Bonaparte availed himfelf of this joyful dif- 
 pofition of the people, to introduce the day of 
 his counter-revolution as a feftival : peace and 
 this event were therefore celebrated at one and 
 the fame time. Very great and expenfive pre- 
 parations were made ; but the whole of this 
 feaft was far from being in the republican, but 
 rather in the old court ftyle. Not the exten- 
 five field of Mars, nor the Elyfian fields, but 
 the moil confined part of the Thuilleries was 
 the fpot chofen. The populace were forced 
 to remain at a diftance in the dirty llreets, 
 and neighbouring places, during the rain. 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 105 
 
 There was certainly mattfer enough to be 
 looked at. Air-balloons, fire-works, water- 
 works, and a fort of military pantomime, in 
 which all nations were reprefented, with whom 
 France had been at war. The Parifians, na- 
 turally fond of ihow, were not to be kept at 
 home. In fpite of the unfavorablenefs of 
 the weather, they remained there in crowds 
 from morning till night, to enjoy all thefe ra- 
 rities ; and at noon, when it began to clear 
 up a little, and Bonaparte fhewed himfelf at 
 the window of his palace, they repeatedly 
 cheered and faluted him with the cry of 
 *' Vive Bonaparte." In the interior of the 
 palace there was alfo great rejoicing. Bona- 
 parte wore, for the firft time, at the hilt of 
 his fword, the precious diamond, once the 
 ornament of the crown. 
 
 To the quiet obferver, who is not folely 
 intent on outward glitter, and who had;, 
 perhaps, retired to France, in order to efcape 
 the tyranny of his defpot at home, this 
 
106 BONAPARTE 
 
 highly celebrated peace with the powers, and 
 particularly with Ruffia, muft be a matter of 
 regret, and a Handing teftiraony of the humi- 
 liation of mankind. 
 
 The Firfl; Conful, an upftart, who, by the 
 will of the French people, or rather by their 
 paflive fubmiffion, and his own cunning, had 
 become their abfolute mafter ; and a prince 
 born, the unlimited emperor of a defpotic coun- 
 try, mutually engage to take care of their own 
 perfonal fecurity, and of that of their coun- 
 try. Thefe two, who, according to the 
 affertions of their flatterers and flaves, fland 
 oppolite to one another, like the good and 
 the fallen angel, ofFer their hands and hearts, 
 and promife cordially to co-operate in put- 
 ting every perfon out of the prote6lion of 
 the law, who ftiall fall under the fufpicion of 
 inimical defigns to either,* 
 
 * The remarkable article in the treaty of peace between France 
 and Ruffia, to which this refers, contains the following words :— 
 
AND -THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 107 
 
 Poor Paul had made the painful experience 
 too foon, that they were no travelling French- 
 men who oppofed him. He died too early for 
 the northern coalition, and its defigns. The 
 companionate friend of mankind can only 
 mourn for the brave Danes, who ftied their 
 blood for their country, and flood forward 
 with true patriotic courage, to defend it againft 
 Britifh fuperiority. Worthy of praife, and of 
 lading glory, are all thofe, who gallantly rife 
 in the deciding moment of common danger, 
 and bravely ft and, without looking back to 
 
 " Les deux parties contradlantes voulant, autant qu'il eft en 
 leur pouvoir, contribuer a la tranquillite des gpuvernements ref- 
 pedlifs, fe promettent mutuellement de ne pas fouffrir, qu'aueun 
 de leurs fujecs fe permette d'entretenir une correfpondance quel- 
 conque, foit dire(Se foit indirecSe, avec les ennemis interieursdu 
 gouvernement adtuel de? deux etats, d'y propager des principes 
 contralres a leurs conftitutions refpeitives, ou d'y fomenter des 
 troubles ; et par une fuite de ce concert, tout fujet de I'une des 
 deux puiflances, qui, en fejournant dans les etats de I'autre atten- 
 terait a fa furete, fera de fuite eloigne du dit pays et tranfportc 
 hors des frontieres, fans pouvoir en aucun cas fe reclamer de la 
 prote(Sion de fon gouvernement." 
 
108 BONAPARTE 
 
 perfonal intereft and fafety. So did the 
 Danes; and this noble deed has certainly 
 proved the worth of that nation to its neigh- 
 bours, and to all Europe. 
 
 Bonaparte had, indeed, great caufe to re- 
 joice at his new connexion with Paul, which 
 was fo foon and fo unexpe6i;edly followed by 
 the very advantageous peace with England ; 
 for though Alexander kept the peace, once 
 concluded, he certainly would not have made 
 it, nor would he ever have done any thing to 
 promote a treaty fo very difadvantageous to 
 Great Britain. A treaty of peace between 
 Alexander and Bonaparte would not have in- 
 cluded the former article. Whilfl; Bonaparte 
 ftrives to annihilate all civil and political li- 
 berty in France, Alexander prepares for his 
 extenfive empire that reafonable freedom, by 
 which the happy and contented exiftence of 
 a monarch, and the comfort and welfare of 
 the people are equally fecured, and which 
 attaches the latter to their kind ruler, hy 
 the blefled tie of gratitude. 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. t09 
 
 But Bonaparte is an utter ftranger to fenti- 
 ments of humanity. Even the prefent confti- 
 tution, which fprings from his own arbitrary- 
 will, began to difpleafe him; for he thought 
 himfelf ftill too much conflrained by it. 
 With the affiftance of his trufty fervants, he 
 now fet about framing another, from which he 
 might have full power to do what he pleafed. 
 The law was to place him, for the future, above 
 all contradidion or refiftance. Still, how- 
 ever, previous to any other confideration, he 
 thought proper to give his new created Cifal- 
 pine Republic a conftitution that fhould ferve 
 as an introduftory ftep for his new one, in 
 regard to France. He ftri61;ly adhered to his 
 former policy, of progreflively difpofmg the 
 light-headed French to every injurious inno- 
 vation. He would give them an inftru6tive 
 example in the new Italian Republic, where 
 no refiftance was probable, and where public 
 liberty is a thing quite unknown. 
 
 A national deputation of 450 inhabitants of 
 
UO BONAPARTE 
 
 the Cifalpine Republic, from the nobility, the 
 clergy, the commons, the military corps, the 
 learned, and the eminent citizens of all claffes, 
 had been ordered by Bonaparte to proceed to 
 Lyons, in order to fettle with him the new 
 conftitution, and had already been there fe- 
 veral weeks waiting for his arrival. The mi- 
 nifter of foreign affairs had alfo left Paris 
 fome weeks before, to proceed to Lyons ; but 
 Bonaparte was retained by fears for his life 
 and the fafety of his family. The molt hete- 
 rogeneous reports, of cxtenlive and dangerous 
 plots were whifpered into his ears ; the moil 
 extraordinary meafures were adopted for his 
 fecurity ; a great number were taken up ; the 
 prifons of Paris were filled with fufpefted per- 
 fons ; the moft renowned generals were fen£ 
 away from the capital ; and either exiled to 
 their country feats, or to diflant departments; 
 many of the mofl; celebrated ftatefmen, Barras, 
 Rewbel, Tallien, and many citizens of lefs 
 note, received the fame complime^d t they 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. l It 
 
 were alfo fent into the provinces, and placed 
 under the fpecial infpedion of the police; 
 many of the returned emigrants, of both 
 fexes, met with the fame fate ; even old La 
 Harpe had the honor of being reckoned 
 among the number of thefe unjuftly perfe- 
 cuted vi£lims of foul fufpicion ; and was 
 accordingly banilhed. 
 
 Foreign powers were requefled to take up 
 all emigrants living in their dominions, and 
 fubjeft them to a ftri6l examination. 
 
 The family of the Firft Conful were cele- 
 brating in the mean time the marriage of his 
 third brother, Louis Bonaparte, with Made- 
 moifelle Beauharnois, his wife's daughter by a 
 former marriage. A houfe, lately inhabited 
 hy the Firfl Conful himfeif, had been moft 
 fuperbly fitted up for the new married couple. 
 A fmall chapel had been likewife prepared in 
 this houfe, where the Cardinal Caprara was to 
 join this noble pair. General Murat, brother- 
 in-law to the Firft Conful, alfo thought it 
 proper to have the ceremony of his marriage 
 
112 BONAPARTE 
 
 performed again by this mofl holy man ; and 
 thus, perhaps, gave the fignal for endlefs 
 commotions with the priefts. Bonaparte faid 
 to the cardinal, when he privately united his 
 dearly beloved daughter-in-law, That thefe fo- 
 lemn a6ls in his family ihould not always be 
 performed fecretly, but that he hoped foon 
 to be able to make them more fplendid. Bo- 
 naparte was abfolutely inacceffible during that 
 period. Meafures of fafety were deliberated 
 on at night by the council of itate, and none 
 but the mofl trufty members were invited to 
 it. Even the two other Confuls were not al- 
 ways prefent. The police received inftru6lions 
 to execute them with the utmoft fecrecy, and 
 the newspapers were ftriftly forbidden to make 
 the leaft mention of them. Even the minifter 
 of police, Fouche, fell under fufpicion, and 
 was clofely watched. After having taken 
 every precaution, to fecure his perfonal fafety 
 during the journey to Lyons, Bonaparte at laft 
 fet out in the night, accompanied by his wife, 
 fome generals in his confidence, and his 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. US 
 
 guards. The whole road, from Paris to Ly- 
 ons, was filled with detachments of troops of 
 the line and genfdarmes, who alternately took 
 charge of the Firfl Conful, and delivered him 
 to each other like a prifoner. 
 
 In Lyons itfelf fimilar meafures were ta- 
 ken ; and they went fo far as to order, by a 
 public decree, that the people fhould not press 
 upon the Firft Conful, nor affemble in the 
 ftreets through which he had to pafs. The 
 guard of honor, chofen from the fons of the 
 moll refpeftable merchants and inhabitants of 
 Lyons, was not admitted clofe to his perfon ; 
 his own body-guard always furrounded him. 
 
 Many Ligurian deputies, who had travelled 
 to Lyons to be prefented to the Firft Conful, 
 had a few conferences with Talleyrand, and 
 were fent back, without having feen him. 
 They had not been called, nor had they alk- 
 ed leave to go thither. 
 
 The Firft Conful treated only with a com- 
 mittee of the Cifalpine deputies about their 
 
114 BONAPARTE 
 
 new conftitution, by which they were to have 
 a prefident and a vice-prefident. He at laft 
 notified his will in a general affembly, and told 
 them plainly, that he did not find among 
 the 450 deputies, whom the Moniteur had 
 mentioned as the moft enlightened and de- 
 ferving, one fingle man worthy of being made 
 their prefident : and that he, therefore, had 
 taken upon him the charge of this new dig- 
 nity. The Italian affembly applauded this 
 part of his fpeech, with great eagernefs, as 
 often as he flopped to take breath. 
 
 This new conftitution does not admit of a 
 free reprefentation of the people, nor does it 
 feparate the legiOative from the executive 
 power. All the numerous expenfive courts 
 which it ordains, are nothing but mere tools 
 in the hands of the prefident. It was, never- 
 thelefs, highly extolled by a fet of fervile 
 French writers and politicians. Rosdererpaffed 
 great eulogies on the 87th article of this con- 
 ftitution, by which it was decreed, that a fpe- 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 115 
 
 dal committee fliould be appointed, who were 
 privately to deliberate on the new laws with 
 the council of ftate. He recommended a 
 fimilar one to France. 
 
 Weary of feafts, flatteries, and cringing, 
 he returned, a fortnight after, fole regent of 
 a new republic, in downright contradiftion to 
 the provifions of the French conftitutional 
 law : the fame military meafures were adopt- 
 ed for the fafety of his return. The mayor 
 of Lyons received a fcarf of honour as a re- 
 ward of his afliduity and fubmiflion. 
 
 The orders fent to all publifbers of newf- 
 papers, by which they were prohibited to 
 notice any innovation and meafure of fafety, 
 had given birth to a written bulletin, which 
 was diftributed at Paris, and frequently fent 
 abroad. The minifter of police, Fouche, 
 difcovered at laft the author to be one Fouil- 
 haux ; he had him taken up, and fentenced 
 him to deportation. The Conful was much 
 vexed at finding, after his return, that this 
 
116 BONAPARTE 
 
 very fame bulletin was still continued by the 
 Courier de Londres, publillied in London. 
 Offended in the higheft degree at thefe public 
 expofures of his charafter, and foolifhly ima- 
 gining that he could ftifle the public voice 
 abroad, with the fame facility as he had done 
 in France, he ordered De Montlofier, a 
 French emigrant, formerly the publifher of a 
 royalift journal, " Les A61:es des Apotres," 
 and of late returned from London, to fet up 
 a new Courier de Londres, containing a kind 
 of ofiScial bulletin, which frequently made 
 war againft the Englifh newfpapers. The 
 editor of the genuine Courier de Londres be- 
 came more daring after that time, and Bona- 
 parte often demanded his puniftiment from 
 the Englifh miniflry. A formal process was 
 at lafl inflituted at London againfl Peltier, 
 which ended in his triumph. His journal, 
 together with all Englifh newfpapers, were 
 prohibited at Paris, and the police watches 
 againfl their importation with incredible but 
 fully efifedlual afliduity. 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 1 17 
 
 The official, and demi-official papers, the 
 " Moniteur, "and the " Dcfenfeur de la Patrie," 
 publifhed by Bourienne, Bonaparte's private 
 fecretary ; " the Bulletin de Paris, " under the 
 direftion of the counfellor of Hate, Regnaud 
 St. Jean d'Angely ; the '' Journal of Paris," 
 under the dire6lion of Roederer, were all fully 
 employed in contradi6ling and refuting the 
 reports which had h^tu. fpread during the con- 
 cealment and abfence of Bonaparte. The 
 Britifh parliament was not fpared in the leaft, 
 though the negotiations of peace had already 
 commenced at Amiens. The Moniteur 
 thought the Britifh reprefentatives of the peo- 
 ple a Jet of Tartars, and found in their fpeech- 
 es nothing but childifti difcuffions. He often 
 taxed them with ftupidity, abfurdity, ridicule, 
 &c. All the underling papers eagerly copi- 
 ed thtie judicious remarks from the Moniteur. 
 A certain paper, called La Clef du Cabinet, 
 which had attempted to take the airs of an 
 oppofition paper, began to notice thefe abfurd 
 
118 BONAPARTE 
 
 proceedings ; but he was ordered to keep 
 filence. A journal called Decade Philofo- 
 phique, which ufed to infert an article under 
 the title " Les Affaires de I'lnterieur" was 
 commanded to omit it in future. A mufical 
 entertainment called, " La partie de chafle 
 de Heniy IV/' that had been got up with 
 great expence, received the Confular Inter- 
 dict, on account of fome verfes in honour of 
 their moft beloved Henry, and his defcend- 
 ants. M. Texier, taking advantage of this 
 prohibition, announced it for his public read- 
 ings : but was commanded to leave out the 
 offenfive verfes. M. Panou went fo far, as 
 to offer fome general advice in his journal 
 " Mentor a Corinthe," which greatly militat- 
 ed againfl Bonaparte's projects. He, the 
 publifher, and the printer were all taken up : 
 the printer had his preffes feized, and formal- 
 ly confifcated by the police. The publifher 
 loft all the copies of this truly harmlefs pro- 
 .du6lion, without receiving any equivalent. 
 The author was deported to Cayenne. 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 119 
 
 A young and merry poet, M. Dupaty, nar- 
 rowly efcaped a fimilar fate. In a fatyrical 
 play written by him, he had made a little too 
 free with the awkwardnefs and arrogance of the 
 new ruler, and his trufly fervants. He was 
 fent to Brefl in confequence of an exprefs or- 
 der from the Firfl; Conful, who was already 
 incenfed againfl him, on account of his being 
 the jovial companion of his brother Lucien, 
 then in difgrace. He was to be tranfported 
 to St. Domingo, on board the firfl fhip, to 
 fhew his bravery againfl negroes and mulat- 
 toes. Happily for him the two brothers were 
 reconciled before fuch a vefTel failed ; and he 
 was pardoned after a few months' imprifon- 
 ment. Thus every one was flruck with fear 
 and terror, and all Paris refounded with 
 praifes and bleflings on the Firfl Conful. 
 
 The definitive treaty of peace with Eng- 
 land, fo eagerly defired, on account of the 
 grand St. Domingo fleet, was at Lift conclud- 
 ed. But the news of it was received at Paris 
 
120 BONAPARTE 
 
 with incredible coolnefs. It made no favour- 
 able impieffion on the public funds. The 
 cparfe abufive language of the newfpapers to- 
 wards the Englifh, was changed into malicious 
 fneers. Their mutual animofities did not 
 ceafe. Bonaparte finding himfelf fully con- 
 firmed in his power, now brought his projedls 
 to light : the tribunate, which had remained 
 ina6iive fince the famous cleanfing of its ftalls, 
 voted the prolongation of the confulate to ten 
 years, as a mark of national gratitude towards 
 the Firft Conful. Sieyes was the only man 
 who declared that the people alone could de- 
 cide on this meafure : it was however adopt- 
 ed, and the refolution laid before the Chief 
 Conful for his approbation. Bonaparte very 
 dexteroufly availed himfelf of this fingle dif- 
 fentient vote of Sieyes : he refufed his affent, 
 pretending that the people alone could vote 
 him fuch a mark of confidence. The two 
 other confuls now iffued a proclamation, by 
 which the preparing of lifts was ordered, in 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 121 
 
 which every Frenchman might give his vote 
 either for or againfl: a confulate for life. The 
 prefects of the departments were commanded 
 to open fpecial lifts, and colleft the votes ; 
 within the fhort fpace of three weeks, all lifts 
 muft be clofed and fent in ; and every French- 
 man, not voting at all, ftiould be looked up- 
 on as having affented. The tribunate, the le- 
 giflative body, and the department of the 
 Seine, inftantly voted the confulate for life. 
 The legiflative body ordered the prefentation 
 of their decree by a grand deputation, and 
 thus clofed their pitiful fittings. 
 
 The propofal for the creation of a new mi- 
 litary nobility, or legion of honour, met with 
 fome oppolition. The will of the mafter was 
 carried only by a majority of 56 votes againfl 
 38. The re-introduClion of flavery found lefs 
 refiftance with thefe fage legiflators of a free 
 people. The votes were 211 againft 65, and 
 the nohle affembly was honoured with the 
 thanks of government for its amiable difpofi- 
 tion. 
 
122 BONAPARTE 
 
 Books, for the lovers oi Jlourijhing, were 
 opened in the mean time. Several military 
 and judicial manoeuvres were ufed to entrap 
 votes. This colle6ling of the voice of the 
 people by infcriptions on lifts, is, indeed, a 
 genuine invention : every body may iign 
 them, when he pleafes, where he pleafes, as 
 often as he pleafes, and under any name he 
 pleafes. The lifts are clofed, and no one can 
 find out when, where, and how. The only 
 thing which muft aftonifli, is the incredible 
 difpatch with which the true contents of an 
 amazing number of different fpecial lifts are 
 brought to public knowledge. 
 
 The people were wrought upon in all the 
 newfpapers, whilft thofe lifts continued open. 
 The public officers at Paris figned them of 
 courfe, but the citizens were rather backward, 
 and even doubtful. The minifter of the police, 
 Fouche, and the commandant of the troops 
 in Paris, iffued circular letters : the latter 
 complains of difaffeded perfons, who wanted 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 123 
 
 to fow diftruft among the people, and endea- 
 voured to prevent them from giving their af- 
 fent : he calls upon the chiefs of battalions to 
 aflift him in the purfuit of thefe disafFe£led 
 perfons, who wifti to difturb the public peace. 
 The other folemnly affures the departments, 
 that every thing is tranquil at Paris ; that its 
 peace could not be difturbed, and that no plot 
 exifted againft the life of the Firfl Conful. 
 A great many lifts, full of names, had already 
 been fent in from the departments, before looo 
 votes had been collected at Paris. The priefts 
 ufed all their influence upon the common 
 people in favor of their new proteftor ; and 
 if any body had felt inclined to give his ne- 
 gative, it would have been of no avail, as all 
 thofe, who did not vote at all, were looked 
 upon as having affented. 
 
 Bonaparte delayed, for fome time, the pub- 
 lication of thefe votes. The minifter of the 
 interior fent it at laft to the fenate, accompa- 
 nied by a letter from the Second Conful, 
 
124 BONAPARTE 
 
 requefting them to take fuch fteps, as, in their 
 wifdom, they might think beft. Ofthetranf- 
 a6lions in the fenate, nothing was known : but 
 the fovereign will of the Firft Conful was ex- 
 ecuted in the following lingular manner. On 
 the 3d of Auguft, when the foreign ambaffa- 
 dors were all affembled at the levee of Bona- 
 parte in the Thuilleries, a number of people 
 entered making a great noife in the palace 
 court. It was the whole fenate. Every fe- 
 nator was in a chariot by himfelf, each of them 
 accompanied by two guards of honor, befides 
 a numerous efcort of cavalry, attending the 
 whole. The levee was interrupted; the cir^ 
 cle of the ambaffadors opened ; and in came 
 the fenate, with poor Barthelemy, their preli- 
 dent, at their head. This good man began an 
 emphatic address, in which the unfpeakable 
 fervices, rendered by Bonaparte to France, 
 were highly praifed. Barthelemy told him 
 that the French nation wifhed for no greater 
 happinefs, than to live under his controuj. 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 125 
 
 during his life ; that they entrufted the firft 
 magiftracy into his hands for ever ; that by 
 this folemn aft of gratitude, they committed 
 to him this facred charge, in order to render 
 their fittings more durable, to difpel their 
 fears, and to deliver them from all future cala- 
 mity. After having mightily extolled the 
 greatnefs oithe hero and the regent, in war and 
 peace, he alTured him that the fenat conferva- 
 teur fubfcribed to all thefe noble fentiments ; 
 and concluded a pretty long fpeech, with the 
 reading of the Senatus Confultu7n, by which 
 Bonaparte was appointed Conful for life, in 
 the name of the people ; proclaimed as fuch 
 by the fenate ; and a monument was ordered 
 to be erefted in commemoration of the peace. 
 Bonaparte, who has by no means the gift 
 of fpeech, whatever his flatterers may have 
 faid on that fubje6l, drew a written paper from 
 his pocket, and read the following anfwer to 
 this addrefs of the fenate, who, certainly took 
 him by furprife : ^^ To the life of a citizen, his 
 
126 BONAPARTE 
 
 country has a jujl claim. The French people 
 demand, that IJfiall devote viyjelf to their Jer- 
 vice ; I obey their will. In giving me now this 
 pledge of their conjidence, they impofe upon me 
 thefacred duty to ejlablijh the fyjlem of their 
 laws on principles of wifdom, liberty, equality ; 
 and the welfare of France will befecured againfl 
 all future viciffitudes." Many praifes on the 
 French people, thanks to the fenate, and a 
 compliment to their worthy prefident, con- 
 cluded this memorable fpeech. The fenate 
 took leave, and a volley of congratulations 
 followed atlaft. A council of ftate was held 
 on the very fame evening, in which the new 
 power of " difpelling fears, and removing 
 evil," was eagerly feized and executed. The 
 fenatus confultum was fent on the following 
 day to the confervative fenate for their infor- 
 mation. It is a monftrous thing ; it entirely 
 fubverts the conflitution, and renders the 
 Firft; Conful more abfolute than any of the 
 princes throughout Europe. It could not 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 127 
 
 convey any power to Bonaparte, as it had not 
 previoufly palTed into a law. All neW laws 
 muft be fubmitted to the difcuffion of the tri- 
 bunate ; but this fenatus confultum was nei- 
 ther laid before the tribunate, nor was it pro- 
 pofed to the legillative body for affent, as the 
 conftitutional law enafts. It has, therefore, 
 according to the exi fling conftitution, no le- 
 gality at all. The a6ling upon this fenatus 
 confultum is the greateft ufurpation pollible ; 
 it is an open violation of the conftitution, and 
 the whole French nation ought to have re- 
 volted at it ; but they had loft all power of 
 refiftance. The contents of this fenatus con- 
 fultum are ftill more provoking ; by it all true 
 reprefentation of the people is annihilated. 
 The reprefentatives are in future to be chofen 
 by general alTemblies, whofe members are 
 previoufly ele6led by fpecial ones. In each 
 of thefe a prefident fuperintends, who may 
 avail himfelf of the aid of the military to curb 
 the refra£lory members. Government may 
 
128 BONAPARTE 
 
 convoke thefe affemblies, or fufFer the good 
 people to remain at home, if there be any 
 probability of oppolition. The members of 
 the elefting affembly are alfo generally mem- 
 bers of the legion of honor, or military cha- 
 rafters, and have a penfion for life from go- 
 vernment, in order that they may be quite in- 
 dependent, and have no inducement to pleafe 
 the people. The prelidents of both affem- 
 blies are appointed by government at every 
 ele6lion. If they condu£l themfelves proper- 
 ly, they may be re-ele£led. The right of elec- 
 tion is, therefore, taken from the people. 
 
 The Firft Conful is alfo fecured by it againd 
 all legal refiftance or contradiftion in future. 
 The adminiftration of juftice, and the crimi- 
 nal jurifdi61:ion are at his difpofal. The 55th 
 article of the fenatus confultum is a mafter- 
 piece in this refpe61;; it is a final verdi6l ; it 
 runs thus : " 1 . The fenate has the power to 
 fufpend the funftions of juries, in all the dif- 
 ferent departments, for five years, whenever 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 129 
 
 it fliall think fuch a meafure neceffary. 2. The 
 fenate may declare whole departments out of 
 the benefit of the conllitutionj whenever cir- 
 cumftances fhall require it. 3. The fenate is 
 to determine at what time all prifoners Ihall 
 be brought to trial, if it cannot take place 
 within the prefcribed ten days after their a'rreft. 
 4. The fenate may annul the judgments of the 
 civil and criminal courts of juflice, if the 
 fafety of the ftate is found to be endangered 
 by them ; the fenate fhall diffolve the legifla- 
 tive body and the tribunate, and appoint 
 the confuls." 
 
 The tribunate and the legiflative body, 
 hitherto propofed, in concurrence with the 
 Firft Conful, the candidate to fill up the va- 
 cancies in the fenate. This is no more the 
 cafe ; the Firft Conful has now taken this 
 triple charge upon himfelf alone, to prevent 
 any difappointment in future. 
 
 The former law, which ordained, " that no 
 one fhould be chofen fenator before his 40th 
 
130 BONAPARTE 
 
 year, and tlici^t no fenator fliould accept of any 
 other public office, has been aboliflied, in 
 order to unfetter the hands of the Firfl Con- 
 ful, who is very well difpofed towards his 
 younger brothers, and his favorites amorig 
 the counfellors of flate. 
 
 The tribunate is reduced to half the num- 
 ber of the former members, that it may be 
 more eafy to overrule them ; but if they fliould 
 happen to be troublefome, the fenate may dif- 
 folve them as well as the legiflative body. 
 
 The fenate refufed, for fome time, to turn 
 out fome of its members, who had difpleafed 
 the Firft Conful by their oppofition : and 
 whofe eje6lion the latter demanded. They 
 had not, by their confultum, fo readily agreed 
 to the propofal of a conful for life ; but only 
 granted ten years. The other two confuls, 
 who never before a6led by themfelves, were 
 then inftruded to come forth with their pro- 
 pofal of a confulate for life, which was not at 
 all fan6lioned by the fenatus confultum. The 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLi:. 131 
 
 grateful and generous Firft Conful could not 
 let this fcrvicc pafs unrequited ; he could do 
 nothing lefs than confirm them confuls fof 
 life ; and he did fo, without afking any body. 
 
 The fenate has, in future, no prefident of 
 its own choice; but one of the confuls always 
 prefides there ; nor dare they pafs any fenatus 
 confultum, unlefs a propofal have been madp 
 by government to that efFeft. 
 
 All royal prerogatives, as for inftance, the 
 power of concluding treaties, of declaring 
 war, of granting pardon to criminals, of ap- 
 pointing judges, &c. were alfo granted to the 
 Firfl Conful. 
 
 A cotemporary writer has powerfully urged 
 thefe innovations, and concludes his notes in 
 the following terms : " Thus every thing has 
 returned, after an unfortunate roundabout 
 way, to the very point from which it fet out ; 
 yet with this dilFerence, that in former times 
 an oppofition of the independent ftates and 
 bodies, might be fhc wn to the royal pleafure; 
 
132 BONAPARTE 
 
 * Tel efi notre bon plaifir,' whereas now every 
 
 body mud bow in lilence under the confular 
 
 majefty." 
 
 The Moniteur announced this arbitrary 
 fubverfion of all rights of the people, and of 
 all former laws, as a bleffed Hep towards every 
 good that could be wifhed for. Other news- 
 papers afferted, that the equality of right and 
 fovereignty of the people had been moft won- 
 derfully fecured by thefe new provilions. 
 Fouche, the minifler of police, joined in the 
 chorus, and fweetly chaunted the praifes of 
 this reftoration of all the difiFerent ancient 
 privileges of the people. 
 
 All his compliance with government, all 
 his zeal in fpying out, in arrefting, and in de- 
 porting his fellow-citizens, who had rendered 
 themfelves obnoxious or difagreeable to the 
 Firfl Conful, at the time of the voting for the 
 confulate for life ; all was not fufficient to 
 maintain him in his place. He had been de- 
 nounced to the Firll Conful, and had fallen 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 133 
 
 under his fufpicion ; the place of minifter of 
 police was therefore abolifhed, and its func- 
 tions were confided to the prefe£l of police, 
 who rQ.s under the dire6lion of the prefent 
 grand judge, and minifter of juftice, Reig- 
 nier. No one of all the minifters is fo gene- 
 rally hated and defpifed as this Reignier ; and 
 Bonaparte probably thought him, on that ac- 
 count, the very perfon upon whom he might 
 moft efFe6lually rely for his fecurity. Fouche 
 went over into the council of ftate, with feve- 
 ral other perfons, and now fits there, tied up, 
 clofe under the eye of the defpot. He has 
 gained no other benefit from this tranfplanta- 
 tion, than the fecure enjoyment of his ef- 
 ftates, which he purchafed to the amount of 
 feveral millions, in the neighbourhood of 
 Paris, whilft he was minifter of police. 
 
 The newspapers and journals in the pay of 
 Bonaparte, who of late had made it their duty 
 to ridicule the ignorance and political per- 
 verfenefs of fome antidefpotic critics, and to 
 
134 BONAPARTE 
 
 infe6t the public with their venal do6lrine 
 ^bout the wifdom of the meafures of govern- 
 ment, found it expedient to ufe the fame arti- 
 fice with regard to the abolifhed miniftry of 
 police. It evidently appears from their para- 
 graphs on this head, that there are three diffe- 
 rent branches of police in France, the joint 
 care of which might be too dangerous if trufted 
 to the hands of one minifler alone. Of thefe 
 three different branches, the one is called 
 police locale, which is confided to the com- 
 miffaries of the police, who have it in charge 
 to watch over the cleanlinefs, falubrity, and 
 peaceful order of the city. The other is 
 .called police judiciaire, which is to be in future 
 under the fole direflion of the grand judge or 
 minifler of juftice ; its duty is to trace, watch, 
 and imprifon not only thofe fufpe6led perfons 
 whom the law cannot take hold of, but even 
 thofe who had been fet at liberty for want of 
 fatisfa6lory proof, after having been taken up 
 by government, and who are ftill looked 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 135 
 
 upon as dangerous. This branch was in 
 former times committed to the lieutenant of 
 police, who was the natural prefident of that 
 court " Prefident ne au chatelet." The third 
 branch is called, " haute pdice, or, police ge- 
 nerate " It extends over all parts of the re- 
 public indifcriminately ; it may feize any one 
 fufpefted of being concerned in a plot; it may 
 lay hold of any troublefome perfon: it has an 
 immenfe number of agents and emilTaries 
 prowling all over France, who may call on 
 the military for affiftance whenever they chufe; 
 they are unknown to the public, and are al- 
 ways acting incognito ; have a general centre 
 to which they repair; have the exorbitant 
 power of feizing any body, though no com- 
 plaint be alleged again ft him ; and of punifh- 
 ing even on bare fufpicion. Such a power 
 might have been too dangerous in the hands 
 of a man like Fouche. The grand judge may 
 be better depended upon. 
 
 Imprifonments and deportations became 
 
136 BONAPARTE 
 
 more and more frequent, under this new direc- 
 tion of the police ; yet they were carried on 
 with greater fecrecy. The temple was fo full, 
 that it could hold no more : the ftate prifon 
 at Vincennes was accordingly repaired and 
 enlarged. About 60 perfons of all ranks and 
 claffes were deported in the month of Auguft 
 alone. The exiling into diftant departments 
 every one who freely and publicly ventured 
 to give his opinion, had no end. This was 
 moft frequently the fate of emigrant noblemen 
 who had returned to France, and were again 
 driven away by the extremely equivocal and 
 contradiflory condu6l of Bonaparte and his 
 minifters. It often happened, that fuch emi- 
 grants, after obtaining warrants from govern- 
 ment, by which the reftoration of their former 
 eftates was moft ftriftly and formally com- 
 manded ; and, after proceeding to the fpot to 
 take poffeflion, were fent back, in confor- 
 mity to fecret letters from the minifters, to 
 the prefers in the departments, by which 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. I5t 
 
 they were prohibited from executing thefe 
 warrants. 
 
 Thefe unfortunate noblemen, who frequent- 
 ly were not pofTefTed of fufficient money, or, 
 perhaps, not having cunning enough to effe£l 
 the recal of thefe fecret prohibitions in the 
 fame way in which they generally obtained 
 the former warrants, could not always brook 
 in filence thefe violations of juftice. They 
 grew rather loud ; but there wanted only a 
 little hint to the police, to put in force the 
 provifion of that law, by which all returned 
 emigrants were placed, for the firft ten years, 
 under its immediate infpedlion. They were 
 exiled to any place which the police affigned 
 them, and compelled to fubmit without being 
 permitted to appeal. 
 
 Talleyrand's uncle, the baron d'Archam- 
 beau, and a returned emigrant, fufpe£ted of a 
 fecret correfpondence with England, were in 
 the number of thofe fo taken up and exiled. 
 
 Many of the generals, then living in Paris, 
 
138 BONAPARTE 
 
 viz. Maffena, Delmas, Augereau, and feveral 
 others, were exiled from court to their eftates ; 
 and thofe, who were not pofleffed of eftates 
 at a diftance from Paris, were fent to the re- 
 moteft parts of France. 
 
 Even foreigners were treated in the fame 
 manner, if they could not give an account of 
 the letters or packets direfted to perfons 
 abroad, that had been ftopped at the poft-office 
 and confifcated there. Several perfons of note, 
 who were looked upon as dangerous, either 
 on account of their connexions, their way of 
 thinking, or their talents, received orders to 
 leave the republic. The famous Mad. de 
 Stael, the daughter of M. Necker, a lady of 
 real genius, and pofleffed of conliderable pro- 
 perty, who had attrafted the particular notice 
 of Bonaparte, by the freedom which ftie took 
 in her writings, was fent away from France ; 
 and Benjamin Conftant, a Swifs, of found un- 
 derftanding, and a good writer, fhared the 
 fame fate, Madame de Stael, perhaps, owed 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 139 
 
 this treatment to a late work of her father's, 
 publifhed under the title of " Dernieres vues 
 de politique," which defervedly cenfures the 
 mixture of a monarchical and republican go- 
 vernment, introduced by Bonaparte, in order 
 to blind the French, and to cover his defigns. 
 Whilfl Bonaparte was thus clearing his 
 way, a journal was fet on foot, to combat all 
 former principles of liberty, equality, &c. It 
 was the vile produ£lion of the infamous Bar- 
 rere, who dire6led its bafe attacks chiefly 
 againll Condorcet and Camille Jourdan, It 
 bore the title of " Journal des defenfeurs de 
 la patrie," and flood under the fpecial fuper- 
 intendance of Fouche, then minifter of police. 
 This execrable Barrere, this cringing fyco- 
 phant, the villainous fpeaking trumpet of all 
 tyrants and raving monfters, who difhonored 
 the French revolution, is ftill in the fervice of 
 government, and is the nioft aftive member of 
 an inquifitorial court, inftituted againft men 
 of letters and learning. He ferved all parties 
 
140 BONAPARTE 
 
 alike ; but, when the decifive moment arrived, 
 he always turned ; and, by this fhameful ver- 
 fatility and grofs infamy, he has efcaped all 
 fentences of deportation paffed againft him. 
 Who knows, whether he has not two different 
 fpeeches quite ready in his delk, teeming both 
 with curfes or bleflings on Bonaparte, as was 
 the cafe in the time of Robefpierre ; but I 
 fear the prefent defpot will hardly give him 
 an opportunity; for, whatever Bonaparte 
 may do, and how pliant foever the French 
 may appear, he will never think himfelf fo 
 far fecure, as to relax an inftant in his moft 
 anxious cares for his perfonal fafety. 
 
 This attention of his was too vifible on 
 the 2 ill of Auguft, at the fittings of the fe- 
 nate, where Bonaparte prelided for the firft 
 time. The governor of the palace, the com- 
 manding general of the confular guard, the 
 general infpe^lors of the genfdarmes, of the 
 artillery and engineers, were ready to pre- 
 vent any accident to his perfon. The whole 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. Ul 
 
 of the confular horfe-guards and mamelukes 
 clofely furrounded him : the foot-guards, and 
 all the regular troops in and about Paris, were 
 marched up, and formed a double hedge with- 
 in which Bonaparte might fafely pafs. In 
 his fuite followed the two other confuls, the 
 minifters, many of the counfellors of ftate, 
 the fecretary of ftate, and the prefeft of the 
 police. Some of the fenators met him at the 
 bottom of the ftairs leading to the palace, and 
 conduced him to the affembly room, which 
 had been filled with guards. His brothers, 
 Lucien and Jofeph, who, by the by, are alfo 
 members of the council of adminiftration and 
 of the legion of honor, though the conftitu- 
 tion does not permit it, took the oath of alle- 
 giance firft, and the reft of the fenators fol- 
 lowed. This oath did not contain the mock 
 terms of liberty and equality : it was unne- 
 cefTary here, as there was no populace to be 
 impofed upon. Some counfellors of ftate 
 and orators of government now propofed very 
 
U2 BONAPARTE 
 
 weighty matters for the fenatus confuUum, 
 which were of courfe inftantly agreed to, and 
 claim particular attention. The fittings of 
 the fenate, and the ceremonies to be obferved, 
 were regulated by the firft fenatus confultum. 
 The eleftion of the members of the legiflative 
 bodies, and their going out of office every 
 year, is fettled by the fecond. The third re- 
 gulates the form of proceedings in cafe Bona- 
 parte ftiould like to diffolve the tribunate and 
 the legiflative body altogether. The fourth 
 names the twenty-four cities, whofe mayors 
 mull be prefent at the adminiftration of the 
 oath, which that citizen, whom the conful 
 might fix on for his fucceflbr, is obliged to 
 take. The terms equality and liberty are left 
 out in this oath of the fucceflbr likewife. It 
 Hands thus : "I fwear to preferve the con- 
 ftitution ; to honor the liberty of confcience ; 
 to refifl: the introduftion of feudal regulations ; 
 never to carry on war except for the defence 
 and honor of the republic i and to ufe the 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 143 
 
 power intrufted to me for the benefit of the 
 people alone, from whom and for whom I 
 have received it." 
 
 The poor man, who has to take this oath, if 
 he wifhed to be fomething more than the fuc- 
 cefTor apparent during Bonaparte's life, ought 
 to take an oath, that he would be another 
 Bonaparte to keep up his conftitution, if that 
 could be of any benefit to him. But I fear 
 that alone will not do it : and if Bonaparte will 
 only be guided in the choice of his fucceffor 
 by fear and anxiety for his life and fafety, as 
 it is probable, he will fare like the fon of 
 Cromwell, if not worfe. Many think that 
 Bonaparte intends to name his brother Jofeph 
 his fucceffor, but that he will only do fo ia 
 his laft will, and not name him whilft he is 
 alive. Such a will might probably fhare no 
 better fate than that of Louis XIV. 
 
 Bonaparte, after having gone through all 
 thefe grand ceremonies and proceffions, on 
 which the ignorant gaping rabble greeted him, 
 
144 BONAPARTE 
 
 as ufual, with loud huzzas, was now met by his 
 wife with greater exultation than ever the late 
 unfortunate queen of France felt in meeting 
 her good Louis. Both could now fully and 
 fecurely fatisfy their proud defire of royal 
 pomp and magnificence : their prodigality 
 knew no bounds. Several millions of livres 
 had already been wafted to fit up their palaces 
 in the Thuilleries, at Malmaifon and St. Cloud: 
 ftill this was not fufficient : St. Cloud was to 
 be made more fplendid than it ever had been, 
 and unlimited orders were given to that effeft. 
 The parks adjoining feveral country feats of the 
 late king were enlarged and ftocked with deer. 
 Hounds and hunters were bought, and fome 
 even fetched from England, though Bona- 
 parte is not at all fond of the chafe. To the 
 menial fervants of their houfehold, who were 
 already very numerous, a great many more 
 were added. All kinds of officers eftablilhed 
 at any of the European courts, were intro- 
 duced : thofe who had held fuch offices be- 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 145 
 
 fore, were eagerly fought, and intrulled with 
 thefe important charges ; great falaries were 
 appointed them. A play-houfe, in imitation 
 of that which the former royal court had afc 
 Verfailles, was built at St. Cloud. A nume- 
 rous band of mulicians was provided. Bona- 
 parte appointed four prefefts of the police; in 
 imitation of the former gentils hommes du roi, 
 who were to attend his perfon alone, and to 
 fuperintend the theatre, the performance, and 
 the performers. This latter duty is rigidly ob~ 
 ferved by them ; and they are not fufFered to 
 turn their backs upon the box of the Firfl: 
 Conful, not even when it is empty. The poor 
 performers dare not obey their author ; when 
 he orders them to fay any thing alide, they 
 muft look forward. Madame Bonaparte has 
 four ladies of the bed-chamber affitrned to her, 
 who are provided with every thing, and have 
 befides 8000 livres for pin money. 
 
 Bonaparte had already laid hold of the pre- 
 cious crown diamond, which now glitters at 
 the hilt of his flate fword, and is hung up 
 U 
 
146 BONAPARTE 
 
 with other trophies at his bed-fide. Madame 
 Bonaparte would not be behind hand : fhe 
 feized upon the golden toilet of the late unfor- ' . 
 tunate queen, which had hitherto efcaped all 
 thofe fhamelefs thieves that fprung up during 
 the revolution. Madame Bonaparte is bow- 
 ever daily growing more ugly fince ftie look- 
 ed into the mirror of the late beautiful An- 
 toinette ; it certainly was not the tendernefs of 
 her confcience, which caufed fuch a fad alter- 
 ation. In order to introduce into their new 
 court a princely magnificence, they want- 
 ed that which neither influence nor wealth 
 could procure, viz. a numerous retinue of 
 nobility. Whatever Bonaparte may have 
 achieved, and how far he may flatter him- 
 felf with having fucceeded ; however affi- 
 duous and fubmiflive Madame Bonaparte 
 may have been towards Madame Monteffan, 
 (the foi difant wife of the late infamous 
 Duke of Orleans' father) at whofe houfe the 
 moll ancient noblefle ufed to aflemble,- fhe 
 could obtain no other favour for herfelf and 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 147 
 
 family than the admiflion to fome of their 
 fmall parties, where ftie has occafionally 
 the honour to be feated between dukes, 
 marquifes, counts, and barons, and to hear ' 
 thefe fine titles tingling in her ears ; but to 
 draw only difew members, and even the moft 
 unworthy from this holy circle, in order to 
 place them in her own retinue, was utterly 
 impoffible. 
 
 Segur, the ex-minifter, being newly appoint- 
 ed to a high office in adminiflration, indulged 
 his youngeft fon fo far, as to allow him to 
 accept the place of a vice prefeQ: of the pa- 
 lace. The noble league inftantly rofe againft 
 him in a body, as he was reckoned among the 
 high and ancient nobility, on account of one 
 of his anceftors having been a marechal de 
 France. All the citizens with " de" before 
 their furname, who figured at the new court 
 in the liveries of prefers, vice prefects, &c. 
 were looked upon by the rigorijls as the fer- 
 vile and lefTer nobility of former times. 
 
148 BONAPARTE 
 
 But fortune will not always fmile; her 
 greateft favorites will one time or other meet 
 with fome impediment in their way ; fome 
 obflacle to their defires. He who rode tri- 
 umphant over Mount St.Gothard, and through 
 the fandy deferts of Syria : he who gives lavy^ 
 to the greateft part of Europe ; and difpofes 
 at his will of the fineft countries : this mighty 
 chief, at the head of fo populous an empire, 
 feels delires that he cannot fatisfy. Cafting 
 his longing eye around, he fixes it by chance 
 upon the faloon of Madame de Monteffan. 
 It happened at that moment to be crowded 
 with perfons of the firft rank — " Thofe nobles 
 fhail be my attendants," he cries ; and imme- 
 diately difpatches his devoted daemons with 
 invitations, offers, and promifes. But pro- 
 mifes, offers, and invitations are inefFeftual ; 
 the meffenger returns difappointed and cha- 
 grined ; he tells him that all his efforts have 
 been fruitlefs; that their demands were far 
 beyond what he would accede to. 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 149 
 
 The angry fearful man is thus compelled to 
 ftand alone on the pinnacle of his newly- 
 acquired dignity ; watching night and day 
 thefe rebels to his will. Their words, their 
 a6lions, their looks, are equally objefts of his 
 fufpicion ; not even a gefture is fuffered to 
 efcape him. Alarmed by continual fears, when 
 they affemble in great numbers, he immedi- 
 ately difperfes them. If they flee back to the 
 coaft, they are driven- to the mountains; if 
 they take refuge among the rocks, they are 
 hunted to the fea. 
 
 His flaves obey the hint, purfue them, 
 and, panting for breath, return to catch the 
 defpot's new orders, and find their pale-faced 
 matter leaning on his ftill more pale-faced 
 daemon ; both turning their faint and envious 
 looks towards the faloon of Madame de Mon- 
 tefTan, the refort of this difobedient and ob- 
 ftinate noblelTe. 
 
 But to return : thefe noble fufFerers are the 
 only perfons who dare ftand in oppofition to 
 
ISO BONAPARTE 
 
 the Firft Conful. They live in their own 
 country as in a flrange land ; they take no 
 notice of the new c@urt, its feftivities, or bril- 
 liant affcmblies. They only did not adopt 
 the new fafhions introduced by the new comers. 
 Even thofe among them, who have fayed 
 great eftates, or flili poffefs fufficient pro- 
 perty to live in a fumptuous ftyle, do not 
 make any public difplay. Their fmall focial 
 afiemblies contain alone, what may be called 
 la bonne compagnie ; and as moft of them are 
 men of refined manners, and many of them 
 well-informed, and of great fame ; feveral of 
 them the moft diftinguifhed literati iu royal 
 France, they keep within their own circle. 
 All foreigners of education, naturally difguft- 
 ed with the aukward behaviour, and the tafte- 
 lefs luxury, of the prefent court, endeavour to 
 be admitted into their fociety ; an honor by no 
 means eafily obtained ; ftill, it muft be owned, 
 that the fine Paris of old, which had fo much 
 attra6lion for every man of tafte, of educa- 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 151 
 
 tion, and good breeding, can only be met 
 with in thefe fele£t focieties. I will not 
 blame Madame Bonaparte, who lived as maid 
 of honour to the late queen, for lighing after 
 the only refpeftable fociety at Paris ; but fhe 
 mull renounce the happinefs of feeing thefe 
 perfons in her fuite at court. Many in- 
 ducements have certainly been given them ; 
 but they all feem to fay ; reftore us the old 
 court, with all its appendages ; that will -be 
 well : but we Ihall never be brought to ac- 
 knowledge thefe upftarts for its rightful 
 owners. 
 
 The very caufe which renders Mad. Bona- 
 parte fo delirous to affociate with the old no- 
 bleffe, muft induce the latter to keep at a 
 diftance. There is nothing of that politenefs, 
 cafe, vivacity and grace, which lignalifed the 
 focieties at the royal court. Every body flares 
 with a flavifli gaze at the Firfl Conful, who 
 treats them indifcriminately in a dry, cold, 
 gnd harlh manner. He fometimes attempts 
 
152 BONAPARTE 
 
 to be polite or witty, but his politenefs is a 
 proud condefcenfion, and his wit is fatire. 
 There is always fomething rough or low in his 
 way of expreffing himfelf. He frequently 
 makes ufe of terms, only to be found in the 
 mouth of the upftart foldier, and profcribed 
 by all good company. He is capable of uling 
 the moft abufive language with the greateft in- 
 difference. The tone of his voice is deep and 
 hoarfe, and what he fays is often accompanied 
 with fuch a difagreeable laugh, that nobody 
 can feel eafy with him, even when he attempts 
 to fay the molt agreeable things. 
 
 The highefl officers of ftate muft fometimes 
 hear themfelves addreffed by epithets, which 
 certainly never efcaped the lips of a fovereign. 
 If he think he has caught one of his minifters 
 or privy counfellors in fomething contradic- 
 tory, he frequently fays, " vous etes tin homme 
 de mauvaife foi ;" or — " vous me trompez." — 
 (You are a man not to be trufted — you cheat 
 me.) 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. \si 
 
 He ufes no reftraint in this refpe6l with his 
 own wife. He can publicly addrefs her in the 
 feverell manner, if, by chance, he do not 
 approve of her drefs and deportment, as being 
 too free, too improper, or unbecoming. The 
 beautiful Mad. Tallien, the intimate friend of 
 Mad. Bonaparte, when once, after a fomewhat 
 long abfence of her hufband, fhe appeared in 
 a vilible ftate of pregnancy in her faloon, 
 which was full of company, Ihe was afked 
 by him, quite loud and fternly, how ihe could 
 dare to appear in this ftate before his wife ! 
 and he then ordered her inftantly to leave the 
 room. 
 
 'the prefent wife of M. Talleyrand, who is 
 reported not always to have a£led the part of 
 a rigid prude, when Madame Grand, was 
 complimented by him, at her firft introduction 
 into the circle of Mad. Bonaparte, in the fol- 
 lowing manner : — " ^'efpere, que Mad, Tal- 
 leyrand, /era ouhlier Madame Grand." The 
 poor woman is faid to have anfwered in the 
 
154 BONAPARTE 
 
 greateft confufion — " that fhe would always 
 be proud to follow the example of Mad. Bona- 
 parte." — If Mad. Talleyrand had been looked 
 upon as a lady of parts, her anfwer might 
 have been thought a witty one. 
 
 When the principal fingers at the opera, 
 who had performed Haydn's oratorio of the 
 Creation, on the evening after the explofion of 
 the infernal machine, went to him in a body, 
 to exprefs their joy on his efcape, he faid 
 to them — " vous avez chant e comme des co- 
 chons." 
 
 At the diffolution of the national inftitute, 
 when it was again divided into the four old 
 academies, and the latter refufed to receive 
 among them as members thofe muficians and 
 players who had been admitted to the inftitute, 
 Bonaparte faid to one of them — " les mathe- 
 7naticiens vous jeiteront le pot de chambre fur 
 la tite, Us ne veulent plus devous." 
 
 Even the foreign ambaffadors, who are re-> 
 fpe6led in all civilized courts as the reprefen- 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 155 
 
 tatives of their fovereign's perfon, can never 
 think themfelves fecure againft his ofFenfive 
 and injurious language, neither at the levee, 
 nor at Mad. Bonaparte's galas. 
 
 The Britilh and Swredifh ambalTadors have 
 frequently experienced his rudenefs and ill 
 humor during laft winter ; and, if he even 
 cbofe to fay any thing agreeable, it was ge- 
 nerally dire6led to another, Handing near, to 
 whom he owed a grudge. 
 
 His air and deportment are indeed more 
 dignified than could be expeded from fuch a 
 little meagre body, with an unmeaning yellow 
 face; yet even there, the fixed charafter of 
 the inward man, is difcoverable. He Ihews 
 by no means that humane difpofition and fen- 
 fibility which, added to a noble deportment, 
 attract and enchant every beholder. This 
 will hardly ever be his happy lot ; and of all 
 the weak and cringing attendants, who appear 
 trembling and terrified before this high and 
 mighty chieftain, few will be found with a 
 
156 BONAPARTE 
 
 feeling attachment to him. They will, per- 
 haps, appear fatisfied, when they have had 
 the good fortune to come oflFunofFended, and 
 more fo, if by chance they have caught a 
 friendly nod from him ; but, furely, they 
 muft watch him eagerly, if they wilh for fuch 
 an honor ; for his flifF neck bends but flightly 
 either to a prince or at the fhrine of female 
 beauty. 
 
 At the grand public levees, and on the gala 
 days, which are regularly kept every month, 
 this noble pair have all the afFeftation and for- 
 mality of the moft ancient courts of Europe ; 
 the bending of the knee is the only ceremony 
 not yet introduced. Every body is compelled 
 to appear in a courtly drefs. The Firft Conful 
 does not put on a military uniform on thofe 
 days ; but, with the exception of the bag, he is 
 in complete court drefs, yet always of the fame 
 cut and colour. He wears his richly embroi- 
 dered confular robes over it. The two other 
 Confuls are dreffed in the fame manner ; and 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 157 
 
 his minifters appear in their ftate uniforms. 
 The uniform of the counfellors of ftate has 
 been worn by him on a few occalions. His 
 military guard and his retinue are, on every 
 fuch day, very numerous and fplendid. 
 
 From the Second Conful down to the lowefl 
 private of the guards at the gate, every one 
 has his fixed place affigned him, which he 
 dares not leave for a lingle moment, and where 
 he remains immovable, flaring at his neigh- 
 bour, who is alfo fattened to the ground, 
 without fpeaking a fingle word. Bonaparte 
 alone goes the rounds in the circle formed only 
 by the ambaffadors and foreigners of diftinc- 
 tion. The minifter of foreign affairs, now 
 M. Talleyrand, can only enter this circle, 
 when a new ambaffador is to be prefented. 
 
 Bonaparte fliould always have this piece of 
 ftufF at his fide as a foil. It is impoflible to 
 fee a more lifelefs, ill-fhaped machine, hung 
 out with a wide glittering ftate uniform, than 
 this Talleyrand. The greateft relaxation of 
 
158 BONAPARTE 
 
 the body, with hollow cheeks, and a death- 
 like eye, announce the profligate, broken- 
 down and enervated fenfualift. His worn- 
 out carcafe is moved on ilowly in fhort, un- 
 certain fteps by a pair of club feet. His tardy, 
 loathfome utterance fhew the fatiated, dis- 
 dainful ftate of his mind ; he muft, indeed, 
 be a great phyfiognomifl, who could difcover 
 the fine, cunning, ex-bifhop and flatefman, 
 who dupes France and Europe, hy this dif- 
 gufting lifelefs cover, by the fmall remains 
 of fire Hill vifible in his eyes, and by the in- 
 fipid fallow hue of his complexion. 
 
 No Frenchman, fince Mirabeau, was ever 
 fo generally and fo decidedly ftamped with 
 the double charafter of the utmoft moral de- 
 pravity and the greateft fuperiority in the fa- 
 culties of the mind. Mirabeau, though he 
 fianalized himfelf during the revolution as a 
 flatefman and orator, though in full polTeffion 
 of popular favor, ftill fhewed great energy 
 and art to eftablifh a conftitutional monarchy. 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 159 
 
 for he would have nothing elfe ; he deftroyed 
 himfelf by his extravagancies and profligacy, 
 which foon brought him to the grave, and 
 only the fame of his moral turpitude has out- 
 lived him. 
 
 This fenfual pliant bifhop of Autun, was 
 from the beginning of the revolution the friend 
 and companion of Mirabeau, in all his de- 
 baucheries. He, Talleyrand Perigord, de- 
 fcended from one of the moft ancient families 
 of France, was the firft who refigned his cle- 
 rical dignity, and polluted his noble defcenfc 
 to fide with the Tiers etat, when they de- 
 manded in the national affembly the equilifa- 
 tion of all orders, under the direction of Sieyes 
 and Mirabeau. He formed the fecret com- 
 mittee with Sieyes and eight other members, 
 who drew up the plan of the firft conftitu- 
 tion. He was in conjunQion with Mirabeau 
 and Sieyes, the firft founder of the jacobin 
 club, and afterwards of the new club of ja- 
 cobins in 1789. He was the firft who pro- 
 
160 BONAPARTE 
 
 pofed the general fale of all clerical property. 
 He maintained that the clergy had not the 
 right of fecular proprietors, and that it was 
 in the power of government to apply their re- 
 venues deftined to defray the expences of 
 public worfhip to other purpofes. He flood 
 up as a champion againil the clergy and no- 
 blemen of France, who demanded the Roman 
 Catholic religion, the fole reignins one in 
 France. He endeavoured to obtain for 
 Mirabeau, Voltaire, and RoulTeau, the ho- 
 nor of being depofited in the Pantheon, 
 formerly the church of St. Genevieve. He 
 celebrated mafs on the altar of liberty, 
 in the field of Mars, at the grand fef- 
 tival of the federation. He confecrated the 
 colors of the departments, and called them 
 the facred banners of liberty. But, as foon 
 as the conftitutional party found itfelf em- 
 barraffed, and in a precarious ftate, he was the 
 firft to defert it, and had the art to obtain 
 from the minifter a fecret miffion to England. 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 1«I 
 
 When he was fent out of that country, he 
 fought an afylum, with feveral other emigrants 
 in America. When his name was difcovered 
 in thofe private papers of the king, which 
 were taken from a fecret defk, and on which 
 the chief accufations againft the unfortunate 
 good monarch were founded, he was put on 
 the lift of emigrants by the national conven- 
 tion. He availed himfelf of a favourable mo- 
 ment, and induced the very fame convention 
 that had figned his profcription, to erafe his 
 name'^from the lift, and to reinftate him in 
 all his property. He then returned to France, 
 and was appointed minifter by the direflory, 
 which fuperfeded this convention. Sieyes, 
 who too well knew the episcopal renegado, 
 came into the directory, and Talleyrand 
 thought proper to retire, loaded with immenfe 
 riches. An unfortunate honeft German was 
 fubftituted by him to weather the ftorm, 
 which arofe during the dreadful epoch of a 
 
 dire6lorial commiflion. He knew how to 
 
 y 
 
162 BONAPARTE 
 
 fupplanfc this man, as foon as it was fate to 
 
 re-enter the miniilry. 
 
 In conjunflion with Lucien Bonaparte, his 
 confidant and companion in his debaucheries, 
 he had, in the mean time, by fecret intrigues, 
 plotted the return of Napoleon Bonaparte 
 from Egypt ; he, v/ith the latter, prepared the 
 blow which was to be levelled againfl Barras, 
 the firft promoter of Bonaparte's exaltation, 
 and Sieyes, the old rival of this ex-bifhop : 
 they fucceeded. Bonaparte flood at the head 
 as Firfl Conful, and Talleyrand as principal 
 minifter, hy his fide ; what he has done for 
 the laft four years, whilft in this important 
 office, is fufficiently notorious ; but it is, 
 perhaps, lefs known, that by his example 
 the mod infamous bribery has been intro- 
 duced into all public offices in JFrance. Bri- 
 bery was always more frequent there, than in 
 any other country ; but fome forms and de- 
 cency were ftill obferved. It was neceffary 
 at leaft to find out lome pretext, if any body 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 163 
 
 wiflied to move the heart of the minifter and 
 his underlings, by the grand and univerfal 
 foftener of feelings. At prefent there is no 
 need of it. The minifter and his commiffary 
 fay exaftly like the French general and 
 his quarter-mafter in an enemy's country, 
 '^ II me faut tant," — (I muft have fo much.) 
 If you r&fufe me, you ftiall have nothing, 
 whatever your right or claim may be. 
 
 It may alfo not be fo well known abroad as 
 it is at Paris, that it was Talleyrand who 
 chiefly effefted the recal of the noblemen and 
 clergy. This man, who formerly ordered the 
 feizure of their property, and thereby- pre- 
 pared their profcription ; who violently op- 
 pofed them when they wanted the reftoration 
 of the catholic faith, the only one tolerated in 
 France, now labours to the fame purpofe. He 
 applied even to the pope for a difpenfation to 
 marry a woman with whom he had long coha- 
 bited, and whom he might have married be- 
 fore, like his other brothers in iniquity. We, 
 
164 BONAPARTE 
 
 the trumpeting advocate of the rights of man : 
 the moft ardent combatant againft lotteries, 
 and all kind of gambling : he is now the chief 
 inftriiment of a government, that tramples 
 upon all rights of men indifcriminately, and 
 draws a very great income from lotteries and 
 licences for public gambling-houfes of all 
 kinds. He, the worfhipper of Mirabeau, Vol- 
 taire, and Rouffeau, is now the handle of 
 a defpot, a fworn enemy to thefe men, who 
 hates freedom of opinion ; who llrives to an- 
 nihilate all liberal inftruftion. He may fay 
 again, as he did in his late defence, " I am 
 minifter for foreign affairs, and have nothing 
 to do with the home department :" but every 
 one who has watched him, knows very well 
 what he chiefly aims at. Even by the moft 
 expenfive and fumptuous ftyle in which he 
 lives, he cannot fpend his income. He looks 
 upon himfelf therefore with the moft purfe- 
 proud complacency ; and treats every body 
 who has tp deal with him in the moft arrq- 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 1C5 
 
 gant and contemptuous manner. Foreigners 
 of the highefl; rank, nay, even foreign ladies 
 of diftin6lion, muft be prefented to him in the 
 fame manner as to Bonaparte ; and he fcaroe- 
 ly condefcends to fpeak to them, difpatching 
 them fometimes with a hum or a nod. His 
 powder over the chief conful increafes daily, 
 and muft increafe, as he is the only one who 
 is thoroughly verfed in a thoufand things, 
 which Bonaparte and his neareft attendants 
 know nothing of. 
 
 Another pompous ecclefiaftic, clumfy as 
 he may appear, is Cardinal Caprara, who has 
 a greater influence over Bonaparte than per- 
 haps may be fuppofed : the power of thefe 
 two has been the fubje61; of a very good cari- 
 cature in Paris. It reprefents the miferable 
 figure of Talleyrand with his club feet, feizing 
 both hands of Bonaparte, and making him 
 dance, whiift the fmiling and fimpering car- 
 dinal is playing the fiddle. This print, which 
 no one will dare perhaps to expofe, originated 
 
166 BONAPARTE 
 
 with Bonaparte himfelf. He ventured one 
 evening, when only a fmall party affembled 
 at Madame Bonaparte's, to dance with his 
 dear ftep-daughter, Madame Lucien : he per- 
 formed rather awkwardly, as this was his firft 
 attempt of the kind— fo moft likely will it be 
 the laft. Even on this merry occafion, he 
 found an opportunity of fhewing his defpotic 
 and unfeeling, heart. When it came into his 
 head to dance, he took off his fword and 
 offered it to the next bye-ftander, without 
 looking at him. This bye-ftander happened 
 unfortunately to be an officer of rank, who 
 thought it againft the point of honor to ac- 
 cept it, and therefore ftepped back to wait till 
 one of the fervants might come and take it. 
 Bonaparte then looked at this officer fternly, 
 and faid, in a terrible hoarfe kind of voice, 
 " Mais oui ! je me fuis bun ti'ompc." He 
 then made a iign to a general, on whofe rea- 
 dinefs he could depend, and gave him the 
 fword, which he fnatched with great eager- 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 167 
 
 nefs. When the too punctilious officer re- 
 turned home, he aheady found an order, by 
 which he was diredled to depart on the next 
 day for St. Domingo. A young officer is 
 reported to have fhared the very fame fate, 
 on account of his being too merry, and im- 
 prudently jumping upon the Firft Conful's 
 foot. 
 
 The re-ellablilliment of the Roman Catho- 
 lic religion occalioned another caricature, in 
 which Bonaparte is reprefented as falling from 
 the arms of the goddefs of Vi6lory on his 
 nofe, againft the holy water pot. It is a pity- 
 that no caricaturift from England was prefent 
 at this time, to obferVe the awkwardnefs which 
 the novice fhewed on every occafion. Many 
 public ceremonies might have furnifhed rich 
 matter, as, for inftance, the manner in which 
 the perfonal fafety of Bonaparte was to be fe- 
 cured on Eafter-day, the grand feftival of the 
 re-introdu6lion of the Roman Catholic reli- 
 gion. They had ere£led in the church of 
 
168 BONAPARTE 
 
 Notre Dame (which is a mafter-piece of 
 Gothic archite6lure,) a fmall chapel with 
 wooden, painted columns in the choir, clofe 
 before the grand altar. Bonaparte, with 
 his fervants, was ftiut up and entirely fepa- 
 rated from the reft of the congregation, in 
 order that he might be fecure againft any at- 
 tempt on his life. But this unlightly build- 
 ing did not only ftiut up the paffage to 
 the choir, it entirely prevented the people 
 aflembled in this fpacious church from fee- 
 ing the altar, on which high mafs was 
 celebrated. 
 
 The more than royal pomp obferved on this 
 OGcafion ; the affemblage of all the orders of 
 ftate, civil and military ; the rich liveries of 
 the fervants of the Cojiful and his miniflers ; 
 the foreign ambaffadors, who were ordered to 
 appear in their coaches and four ; the many 
 coftly trappings which adorned the family, 
 from the crown-diamond at Bonaparte's fword 
 down to the laces and rob^s of mother, wife. 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE* 169 
 
 fifters, and fifters-in-law ; all this prefented a 
 moll remarkable, republican light. 
 
 Our hero was met by the high clergy at the 
 entrance of the church, while the guns were 
 firing a falute in honor of this reformed, 
 chriftian king, who bent the knee at the high 
 mafs, celebrated by the Cardinal Legate, and 
 in return, received the oath from the bifhops. 
 All thefe fine things and perfons, in contrail 
 with all thefe grand, political and fpiritual 
 peace-makers, the honeft Mamelukes clofe 
 by their fearful mailer, on the ivatch for the 
 prefer vation of his facred life ; this, indeed, 
 was a curious fpe6lacle. 
 
 The Parifiian populace was delighted ; they 
 vociferated their applaufes and loud huzzas 
 around the ftiewmen ; but they betrayed not 
 that fpirit which was formerly exhibited at 
 the grand feftival of the federation. The 
 police ordered the houfes of fome ftreets to 
 be lighted up, and this illumination conclud- 
 ed the day. 
 
iro BONAPARTE 
 
 It is reported that the letters of indulgence 
 which the Cardinal Legate offered for fale on 
 this, and thirty fucceflive days, did not 
 find many purchafers, though they contained 
 a full abfolution and fpiritual pardon for every 
 fin committed during the laft ten years, and 
 for every one who would go to confeffion, 
 and devoutly receive the facred hoft. The 
 common people even went fo far as to laugh 
 and pafs their jokes upon it. 
 
 The official papers, and chiefly the Moniteur, 
 exulted in the pretended harmony of the Roman 
 and Proteftant churches, and the reconciliation 
 of all fe6ls and parties, under the banners of 
 republicanifm, as they were pleafed to call it. 
 They rejoiced at the defeat of fophiftry, and 
 at the grand union of the Gallican church 
 with the Papal chair. Some of the adverfa- 
 ries of the concordat certainly fpoke another 
 language. The conftitutional bilhop of An- 
 gouleme, de Combe, and the fenator ex- 
 bifliop, Gregoire, publiflied fome letters to 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 171 
 
 fliew how far a union of the Gallican church 
 with the Papal chair might be carried ; what 
 degree of refpefl; was due to the legate, and 
 in what light the concordat ought to be looked 
 upon. They were very impertinent in their 
 affertions, and maintained that they had no 
 need of pardon, but that they, on the con- 
 trary, had the right to pardon others. The 
 legate demanded a recantation, which they 
 refufed. The forgivenefs he offered was re- 
 je6led with contempt. He is ftill every 
 where expofed to the witticifm of the philo- 
 fophers, and to the accufations of the molt 
 contemptible among the conftitutional priefts. 
 With the naturalifts and theophilanthropifts, 
 Mr. Legate will fare ftill worfe, when they 
 learn that he has now obtained from the 
 Conful the fuppreffion of ail their public 
 meetings. 
 
 The cardinal writes, indeed, in rather too 
 common a ftyle for a refined Frenchman. He 
 begins his grand annunciation of indulgence 
 
172 BONAPARTE 
 
 in thefe words : " War is at laft ended, and 
 all Frenchmen rejoice at it ; but they rejoice 
 Hill more on account of the re-introdu6lion 
 of the Roman Catholic religion, and the re- 
 covery of their old liberty." After many low 
 and hackneyed expreffions in honour of the 
 Firfl Conful and the Pope, he calls upon the 
 French to free themfelves from the bondage 
 of the devil by the water of penitence, and 
 promifes to every one the ample forgivenefs 
 and remiffion of all their fms, if they will go 
 and confefs to any prieft they chufe. 
 
 For the common clafs of the nation he has 
 again been too ready in following the econo- 
 mical ideas of the Firfl: Conful, and abolifii- 
 ing all holy days, only leaving them four, 
 namely, Chriftmas, Afcenfion, the AfTumption 
 of the BlelTed Virgin, and All Saints. They 
 certainly are not kept too much from their 
 labor, nor too frequently reftrained from 
 going to mafs ; but as the Proteftants have 
 now more holy days than the Catholics in 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 173 
 
 France, and as the common people are rather 
 inclined that way, their difpofition to turn 
 Proteftants may ftill be increafed by this cir- 
 cumftance. In the Prytaneum and other Pa- 
 rilian fchools, fuch a difpofition has frequently 
 manifelted itfelf among the pupils, and their 
 parents have not always refafed their confent ; 
 yet government has prohibited it. 
 
 This inclination has ftiewn itfelf ftill more 
 in the departments, where whole families have 
 turned Proteftants to efcape the hateful ty^ 
 ranny of priefts over their confciences. Among 
 the inhabitants of feveral towns, at Amiens 
 for inftance, and at Aries, more Proteftants 
 are to be found than one fliould imagine. Go- 
 vernment is very attentive to this ; and it has 
 more than once been reported, that it was in- 
 tended to obtain a brevet from the holy Fa- 
 ther, by which every one ftiould be prohibit- 
 ed from changing his religion, unlefs particu= 
 larly licenfed by government. 
 
i74> BONAPARTE 
 
 It muft revolt every impartial obferver, 
 to hear that all thofe men who are now placed 
 in the higheft offices, make ufe of the appel- 
 lations, Proteftant,Encyclopediaft, Illuminati, 
 Democrat, Jacobin, Terrorift, Man of Blood, 
 (homme de fang,) as denoting one and the 
 fame thing. A Mr, Fievee, who lately pub- 
 liflied a fmall book againft the philofophers 
 of the eighteenth century and the Englilh, 
 very properly, and with great naivete, defines 
 this philofophy in tlie following manner : 
 " Pour moi lorfque je dis philofophie du xviii. 
 Siecle j'entends tout ce qui ejl faux en morale, 
 en legijlation et en politique.* 
 
 It is., indeed, as if men were only capable 
 of impartial and found judgment, as long as 
 they ftand below, and inftantly miftake every 
 
 * As for me, by the philofophy of the eighteenth century, I ur- 
 ierfland whatever is falfe in legiflation, morality, and politics. 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 175 
 
 thing as foon as they have climbed up the hill ; 
 or, is it only, when placed on high, that men 
 can difcov€r the littlenefs of the world below, 
 and the folly or wickednefs of thofe who try 
 to, foar above their fellows ? If the latter be 
 the. cafe, who will blame the tyrant, if fur- 
 rounded by bafe, felfilh, fliamelefs flatterers, 
 and hungry flaves — if greeted by the abje6l 
 rabble — if dreaded and belied by all, as 
 far as his eye can reach ; I fay, who will 
 blame him, if he then defpife mankind, and 
 think them incapable and unworthy of ge- 
 nuine liberty and true wifdom, which muft 
 go hand in hand in the road that leads 
 to happinefs. Who will blame him, if he 
 yield to this painful thought, after having 
 feen a whole talkative nation, overlooking his 
 public violence, and the clandeftine manoeu- 
 vres, by which he and his helpmates raifed 
 themfelves ; exhaufling itfelf in all the terms 
 and expreffions of flattery towards him ; if 
 after being publicly extolled like a god by his 
 
ire BONAPARTE 
 
 execrable and fawning ex-bifhop : after feeing 
 every one worfhipping the new deity, who 
 will blame him, if fatiated, and loathing 
 fulfome endlefs praifes, he defcries a mean 
 orator before him, beginning his fpeech with 
 expreflions of hypocritical forrow to his maf- 
 ter, who endowed with godlike indulgence, 
 is ftill too rigorous in not allowing the 
 high praifes which gratitude is anxious to 
 beftow; who profanely fays, that heaven, un- 
 willing to grant all celeftial gifts to man, had 
 only refufed Bonaparte the courage to hear 
 his well-deferved panegyric publicly pro- 
 nounced. Who then can blame the tyrant, 
 if he trample upon fuch mean and truly con- 
 temptible beings.* 
 
 By fuch homages offered to him on all 
 fides, and not interrupted hy one fingle found 
 
 * The above were the very words by which Dutheil, the tranfla- 
 tor of Plutarch's effay on the means to diftinguifli a flatterer from 
 / a friend, addrefled the Firft Conful, congratalating him on the ref- 
 
 toration of peace, in the name of the national inftitute. 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 177 
 
 of reproach or juft remonftrance, the intoxi- 
 cated conqueror muft forget himfelf, and that 
 he has ftifled the voice of truth; the moll 
 refokite among the cunning will now bend 
 their knee to the tyrant, whofe fury infli6ls 
 an equal punilhment on the man who fpoke 
 freely, and on the bravado who drew his 
 dagger; but with eager and revengeful looks 
 will he watch the moment, when he can 
 plunge the weapon into his breaft. If the 
 daring, and hitherto fortunate ufurper, be 
 not the moll artful, not the moft watch- 
 ful among the infidious, not the quick- 
 eft to punilhment among the revengeful ; 
 he will not be fecured againft the em- 
 brace of a treacherous Judas, who may give 
 the lignal for his defl;ru6lion. Nay, be he 
 ever fo obfervant, Hill he may, in the pre- 
 tended embrace, meet his doom. — Dreadful 
 exillence ! 
 
 Bonaparte, difgufted at all the flatteries 
 
 which the Parifians lavilhed upon him, now 
 A A 
 
178 BONAPARTE 
 
 in expe6lation of the Englifh ambaffador, 
 who delayed his arrival till the month of 
 November, went to Rouen, Havre, and the 
 weftern coaft, to put every thing in a better 
 ftate of defence, and to receive the homage 
 of the provinces. The public offices and mu- 
 nicipalities of thefe towns were not backward 
 in their compliments ; they vied with each 
 other, and poured in vollies of congratulations 
 upon the Firfl Conful and his lady, and thefe 
 were moft gracioufly received by the noble 
 couple. The municipalities, the clergy, the 
 citizens, and their daughters, always dire£led 
 their fpeeches, accompanied with prefents, to 
 each of them feparately. A clergyman in his 
 fpeech called Bonaparte " L'homme de la 
 droite du tres haut, qui commande le refpeB 
 et I' etonnement a tout I'univers." The inno- 
 cent girls at Beauvais, who under the protec- 
 tion of the fpeech-maker, might have drawn 
 the traits of their hero with all the livelittefs of 
 their imagination, called him, " Le herculc 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 179 
 
 fran^ois ; to whom they offered their liba- 
 tion and gifts (facrifices et libations.) They 
 muft have been thunderftruck with the un- 
 expe6ted little, meagre, yellow figure, under 
 which their hero appeared. But hired orators 
 are not fo over-nice in thefe matters, for they 
 fpoke even of " graces touks puijfantes," 
 of " vertus" and of " inepuifable honte ce- 
 kjle dont voits etes la plus feduifante image"' 
 When they addreffed Madame Bonaparte, the 
 popular air beginning with the words, " Oit 
 pent on etre mieux qu'au fein de fa famille," 
 which had been written in honor of Louis 
 XVI. and his beautiful queen, was publicly 
 fung, and applied to Bonaparte and his wife, 
 at Havre ; but as a proof how far the French 
 had loft all fenfe of propriety, they com- 
 plimented the Englifh ambaffador juft ar- 
 rived at Calais, with the fame air, and al- 
 moft at the fame time. 
 
 People abroad could not find out the reafon 
 why Madame Bonaparte always accompanied 
 
180 BONAPARTE 
 
 her hufband on thefe excurfions, and why 
 fuch a train of fervants and military always 
 followed them at the expence of the public. 
 The conftant proximity of Madame Bonaparte 
 at table, and at night (for the Conful never 
 dines without her, and always fleeps in the 
 fame bed with her.) is nothing elfe than a 
 well calculated manoeuvre for his perfonal 
 fafety. A thoufand little things, tending in 
 appearance only to their comfort, which are 
 carefully obferved every night, and in every 
 houfe where they chance to fleep, would ap- 
 pear to Frenchmen, as very defpicable little 
 meafures for his perfonal fafety alone. Ma- 
 dame Bonaparte alfo knows, like the reft of 
 the family, how to infure fome benefit and 
 profit for herfelf from thefe pretty excurfions; 
 why then ftiould he rob her of the opportu- 
 nity ? — There never was perhaps a princefs, or 
 a favourite miftrefs of a fovereign, who was 
 fo eager for every thing, that the country 
 and the inhabitants can aflFord, than this wo- 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 181 
 
 man. If this be contrafled with the unheard 
 of prodigality, by which Bonaparte enriches 
 all his brothers : it can be explained either: by 
 fuppoflng all the French and Italian members 
 of the family, infefted with the meanefl and 
 moft infatiable avarice, or by imagining in 
 them a due fenfe of their precarious ftate, 
 and a defign to be fomewhat prepared for the 
 worfl. 
 
 The roads which Bonaparte had to pafs, 
 were guarded by numerous detachments of 
 troops, who followed him, whilft he was al- 
 ways clofely furrounded by his own guards. 
 He had there an opportunity of perceiving 
 that he was no longer the darling and the firft 
 hero of the army. The troops who fliortly 
 before exprelTed on feveral occafions their 
 zeal and enthufiafm for Moreau, behaved 
 with great coolnefs, and were quite iilent 
 whilft he was near. He was more than once 
 compelled to hear the complaints of the army, 
 as to their being abfolutely negleded. 
 
182 BONAPARTE 
 
 Though the price of provifions has rifcn to 
 the double and treble of former times, the 
 common French foldier has ftill no more than 
 the old daily pay of five French fous, and 
 a pound and a half of bread : the infantry and 
 cavalry have the fame fcanty allowance. The 
 grenadiers, who are picked from the battalion, 
 have only fix fous. Of this money, which is 
 paid every fifth day, very little goes into the 
 hand of the foldier. The corporal, with whom 
 ten or twelve are generally compelled to board, 
 receives their pay, and, after indemnifying him- 
 felf, divides the remainder. The foldier is ftill 
 worfe ofF at prefent, as all common and public 
 labor on the road or in the fields is prohibit- 
 ed. If he be brought up a mechanic, he 
 may pra6life his bufinefs at home ; ftill he 
 muft have the leave of his commander to 
 do fo. 
 
 It is not the infufficient pay alone which 
 renders the foldier difcontented; his being in- 
 differently cloathed, and badly mounted, adds 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 183 
 
 to it. The army had been promifed new and 
 better uniform lince the peace. The infantry- 
 were to have been drefTed in white, inftead of 
 their prefent blue coats ; and the feveral corps 
 were to be diftinguifhed by facings of a different 
 color. A few regiments have received their 
 new cloaths, but none are yet dreffed in white. 
 The old blue uniforms are, fince the laft war, 
 grown very ragged ; and the foldier is more 
 fenfible of this negle6l, as he daily hears of 
 the increaling magnificence at the court of 
 the conful, his former general, and often 
 fees that many of his commanders now live 
 fumptuoufly on their large eftates in the pro- 
 vinces. The common foldier will always be 
 offended at fuch negle61;, as he does not un- 
 derhand how much is required to clothe an 
 army, amounting to half a million of men, 
 and to provide horfes for the cavalry. The 
 paying of the arrears to the army, which had 
 been due to fome regiments even for two years, 
 has been effeded with great pains : though all 
 
184 BONAPARTE 
 
 the army is now paid up, but the navy is ftill 
 in arrears. 
 
 The foldier alfo complains of the wretched 
 ftate of the miUtary hofpitals, eflablifhed in 
 the greater cities of France : more than one 
 invalid, nay even the dead and the living 
 often lie together in one bed. The fick fol- 
 dier is reported to be kept very indiflFerently, 
 though two-thirds are deduced from his pay, 
 as long as he Hays at the hofpital. Of the 
 other feparate military hofpitals for venereal 
 patients, amounting to about ten or twelve, 
 ftill greater complaint is made, though their 
 pay ceafes as long as they remain there. 
 
 The purchafe of the horfes wanted for the 
 cavalry has, fince the peace, been left to the 
 care of the commanders of the regiments, who 
 fadiy negle6l this part of their duty. The fum 
 allotted by government for that purpofe, which 
 has not always been paid in full, is by far too 
 fmall even to purchafe tolerable ones. Many 
 regiments, who dare not accept of the Nor- 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 185 
 
 man, Limofin, and Auvergne horfes, on 
 account of their being too fmall, muft bring 
 them from Holfatia at a great expence ; and 
 it may be faid with truth, that the half of the 
 French cavalry is not mounted at all, and the 
 other half very ill.* The cavalry is, there- 
 fore, compelled to ferve difmounted, and 
 is not a little offended at it. 
 
 The confular guard, which is provided with 
 every thing, and of the beft materials, ex- 
 cites the jealoufy and the difcontent of the 
 t^ops of the line ftill more. It confifts of 
 8000 men, and is continually increafing : 
 they are well paid, very comfortably cloathed, 
 and well mounted. The privates have 25 fols 
 a day, and the officers have a proportionate 
 
 * The horfes of the French cavalry are poorly kept, and have 
 no ftrength. A great deal of hay and ilraw is given them, but 
 very little oats. The daily allowance amounts to ten pounds 
 of hay, ten of ftraw, and hardly five of oats. During winter 
 when they are little exercifed, this allowance is leflened, parti- 
 cularly ftraw. 
 
 B B 
 
186 BONAPARTE 
 
 addition. They are equipped and mounted 
 by government. The confular guard, in the 
 eleventh year of the republic (1803,) ^^^" 
 lifted of two battalions of grenadiers, and 
 two battalions of chaffeurs on foot (4000,) 
 of fix fquadrons of grenadiers, and fix fqua- 
 drons of chafleurs, mounted (2600.) All 
 thefe men are picked from the troops of the 
 line, and thofe only chofen who bear a good 
 charader as to condu6t and bravery. The 
 confialar horfe guards are quartered in bar- 
 racks clofe by the Thuilleries, Malmaifon, Sec. 
 His foot guards have their quarters in the 
 buildings of the military fchool, and in other 
 parts of the town. 
 
 A company of horfe artillery, provided 
 with eight guns, is attached to them. They 
 are alfo quartered at the military fchool, and 
 have every thing ready to march at a mo- 
 ment's notice. At the grand military parade 
 this company muft be prefent, and it paffes in 
 review before the Firft Conful, always ia full 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 187 
 
 trot; probably to ftrike the Parifian popu- 
 lace with greater awe. 
 
 The Conful alfo keeps a corps of Mame- 
 lukes, amounting to 400 men, for his private 
 fervice. It is compofed of Greeks, Copts, 
 Turks, and Frenchmen, who have lived forae 
 time at the Levant. They are dreffed, armed, 
 equipped and mounted in the Egyptian ftyle, 
 and are commanded hy officers who have been 
 in Egypt. The privates of this corps receive 
 fifty fous daily. 
 
 The Firft Conful has befides a corps of 
 cavalry always at hand, called gendarmerie 
 d'elite," which amounts to 800 men felefted 
 from all the brigades of the genfdarmes of the 
 interior. A troop of difmounted cavalry, 
 containing 600 men, is attached to it. The 
 privates of the horfe guards receive a daily- 
 pay of five French livres ; the privates in the 
 difmounted troops three livres, but they muft 
 provide their horfes, uniforms, and other ne- 
 ceffaries at their own expence. They are 
 
188 BONAPARTE 
 
 quartered in barracks near the arfenal, and 
 are employed to execute the orders of the 
 general police, called haute police. 
 
 The other corps of genfdarmes are difperfed 
 all over France, and have the fame fervices to 
 perform, which were formerly intrufted to the 
 Marechauffee. They are to affiil the police, 
 to purfue and feize criminal or fufpefted per- 
 fons. They are all mounted, and have three, 
 livres per day. The troops of the line defpife 
 them as well as the confular guards ; and 
 quarrels generally enfue when they meet. If 
 any revolutionary trouble Ihould take place, 
 they would certainly fight again ft each other. 
 
 The troops of the line amounted, at the 
 beginning of the 12th year of the republic 
 (1803,) to one hundred half brigades of re- 
 gular infantry [infanterie de hataille,) each 
 confifting of three battalions, and each of the 
 latter containing looo men of thirty-two half 
 brigades of light infantry, compofed of the 
 fame number ; of two regiments of carabi- 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 189 
 
 neers, and twenty of heavy horfe, compofed of 
 four fquadrons, containing 160 horfes each. 
 Of the latter heavy horfe, eight regiments 
 fhould wear cuiraffes, but only two do fo. Of 
 twenty regiments of dragoons, and twenty- 
 three regiments of huflars, and chalTeur a. 
 cheval; each compofed of four fquadrons, 
 containing 200 men. The artillery confills 
 of eight regiments of infantry, each amount- 
 ing to 1000 rank and file ; of eight regiments 
 of horfe artillery, each amounting to 600 rank 
 and file; of four battalions oi fappeurs ; as 
 many miners ; and two of pioneers ; amount- 
 ing in the whole to between five and fix thou- 
 fand men. The total of the French army 
 was, at that period, more than half a million 
 rank and file, befides the corps of invalids, and 
 the feveral corps of veterans, compofed of old 
 foldiers unable to do duty, and now gar- 
 rifoned in fortrelfes, forts, and towns; re- 
 ceiving the fame pay as the troops of the 
 line. 
 
190 BONAPARTE 
 
 The army was, by no means, complete at 
 the clofe of the laft war ; and ftrong and fevere 
 meafures became neceffary to recruit it. Thefe 
 often occafioned refiftance and bloodfhed. 
 
 The levies of confcripts, on a large fcale, be- 
 came neceffary, as many young men, who had 
 been forced into the army, demanded their 
 difcharge at their return, which had been 
 promifed them at the conclufion of peace. 
 There is an order or law, by which it is 
 enafted, that the eighth part of each corps 
 fhall annually be difchargedin rotation— viz. 
 the eldeft in fervice, firft. Thefe were to be 
 replaced by confcripts of the ninth and tenth 
 years. They were young men of all claffes, 
 who had attained their twentieth year in thefe 
 two years of the republic (1801, 1802.) Thofe 
 foldiers whofe turn it came to be difcharged, 
 might have remained in the regiment, and 
 made a compromife with any other who wifhed 
 to leave it ; yet this has been of late refl rained, 
 nor has the firfl regulation been obferved. 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 191 
 
 Indeed, no fixed plan for the recruiting of 
 the army is yet eftablifhed in France, and pro- 
 vifionary means only are adopted. A lift is 
 made out of all the young men, and another 
 of the vacancies in the regiments. The latter 
 have diftri6ts afligned them, where they are to 
 receive their firft complement. 
 
 They fent there for this purpofe com- 
 miflioned and non-commiffioned officers. 
 The confcripts muft affemble at the chief 
 town of the diftrift. The officers of the 
 cavalry have the refufal ; and the remainder 
 is left for the infantry. As all the confcripts 
 have not been wanted to fill up the vacancies 
 in the army, it has been the cuftom of the 
 young men to draw lots twice : once for the 
 regular, and the fecond time for the army of 
 referve. This latter does not exift in reality : 
 but the confcripts on whom the lot falls to enter 
 this imaginary army, are, from that moment, 
 at the difpofal of government, and may be 
 aflfembled in time of need. They are drilled 
 
192 BONAPARTE 
 
 occafionally. It has not been fettled how 
 long a foldier ought to have ferved, to be 
 intitled to his difcharge. 
 
 In the levies of the confcripts many abufes 
 take place. A number of young men gene- 
 rally take to flight, or conceal themfelves : as 
 the recruiting officers muft have their comple- 
 ment, thefe vacancies are inftantly filled up by 
 others; yet the regiments, after they have their 
 full number, flill purfue the deferters with the 
 greateft rigor, and lay hold of them wher- 
 ever they find them ; and thefe poor men are 
 generally taken to the regiment, when they 
 are compelled to ferve, inftead of thofe fol- 
 diers who can pay fomething for their dif- 
 charge. This trade is moftly carried on by 
 the commander of the regiment alone. 
 
 The national, which have degenerated 
 into mere town guards, daily dwindle in 
 number, and Bonaparte is not difpleafed at 
 it. He has left that decree unexecuted, hy 
 which the confuls in the ninth year of the re- 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 193 
 
 public, ordered the raising of two regiments of 
 national guards of cavalry, and two of infan- 
 try, to do garrison duty at Paris. He has left 
 this service to the veterans, and some half 
 brigades, and to a regiment of dragoons, who 
 might be better depended upon. The consu- 
 lar guards do duty only at the palaces of the 
 First Consul, and in their barracks. He has, 
 by a late decree, entirely abolished the national 
 guards at Paris ; and ordered the establishment 
 of a municipal guard, amounting to 2150infan^ 
 try, and to ISOcavahy. It is to consist only of 
 soldiers ^vho have served in the regulars ; and is 
 to be looked upon as a sort of retirement for 
 the troops of the line, as they are reported to 
 be better paid than the army. No officer, or 
 private, is to be accepted, unless he have made, 
 at least, five campaigns ; and their age is to 
 be betw^een thirty and forty-live. The First 
 Consul appoints all the commissioned and 
 non-commissioned officers of this corps. It 
 is under the command of the genr 'ds of 
 the first division, and of the commandant 
 
 o 
 
J94 BONAPARTE 
 
 at Paris. Every thing vvhicii concerns their 
 
 duty and dress, is minutely prescribed. 
 
 The stations assigned to the real national 
 guards near the turnpikes and gates at Paris, 
 &c. are now filled up by substitutes, or rem- 
 plagants, who do the duty instead of the citi- 
 zens, and consist of a miserable assemblage 
 of vagabonds and beggars, without unifonn 
 or discipline. The wretchedness of these sub- 
 stitutes was one day proved, when a mechanic 
 shot his wife and himself in a wooden stall, or 
 shop, which he had shut after him. Of five of 
 these fellows, who had been called first, no one 
 had the courage to open the door ; and as nei- 
 ther of them had any powder or ball with them, 
 they would not enter without, as the report of 
 a gun had been heard inside. 
 
 This shabby, unsoldier-like, motley group, 
 is a satire on the stately national guards, at the 
 beginning of the revolution ; who, in appear- 
 ance and steadiness, even surpassed the present 
 consular guards; who with the greatest bravery 
 and discipline, fought against the best French 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 195 
 
 troops of the line, near Nancy, Lyons, and 
 other places ; and who knew how to restore 
 and maintain order, till they were sent, during 
 the dreadful epochs of the last war, to the fron- 
 tiers, and mostly to La Vendee, where they 
 were sacrificed in the most wanfon manner. 
 The national guards of old, who formed a true 
 and well-disciplined militia of the country, are 
 now all disarmed by a new game law, which 
 prohibits the possession of a single gun, even 
 to proprietors of estates, if they have no 
 special license from the prefect of the de- 
 partment. 
 
 What would Mirabeau say of this degrada- 
 tion and annihilation of the national guards, 
 whom he described in the following words ? " Et 
 que sont ces troupes, sinon les troupes de la li- 
 berie ^ Pourquoi les avon nous instiluees^ 
 sielles nesoutpas iternellementdesthites h con- 
 server ce qu* elles out conquis.^^^ 
 
 * What are those troops but the soldiers of liberty ? 
 
195 BONAPARTE 
 
 The same fate which bcfel the former na- 
 tional guards, this fundamental basis of a 
 free government, has been shared by the ju- 
 ries, who certainly never were what they are 
 in England. They are trampled upon from 
 fill quarters. The calling together of a jury 
 is grown an unpopular measure : it is, in fact, 
 not calling upon citizens and householders, as 
 in England and America. The justice of the 
 peace, who is the only officer chosen by the 
 people, makes out the lists. These are given 
 to the prefects and vice-prefects, intirely de- 
 pendent on government, who may alter them 
 at pleasure. The judges in the public courts, 
 also take great care to prevent the juries from 
 aking questions, or inquiring into the nature 
 of the ci'ime a pnsoner is accused of. The 
 French citizen has, besides, nothing of that 
 zeal for impartial justice, which is the off- 
 spring of a true public spirit, and rational love 
 
 Why were they instituted, if they are not continually 
 destined to preserve what they have conquered ? 
 
 ^r 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 197 
 
 of liberty. They are indifferent about it, and 
 the slavish courtiers and journalists, avail 
 themselves of this supineness, to decry juries 
 as utterly useless, troublesome to the citizens, 
 and detrimental to the administration of jus- 
 tice. — Juries, are in fact, approaching their 
 intire abolition. 
 
 They have already been suspended for the 
 eleventh and twelfth year, in the departments 
 of c'dtes du Nord, Du Morbihafi, De Vau- 
 cluse, Des boiiches du Rhone, du Var, Des 
 Alpes maritimes, Du Lamone, Du «So, De la 
 Doire, De la Sesia, De la Zura, De Mareiigo 
 et du Tanaro. All these departments are now 
 subjected to the jurisdiction of the hated spe- 
 cial tribunal. Thus the few really beneficent 
 institutions which the revolution brousrht forth, 
 are gradually destroyed, and this light-headed 
 careless people, are insensible of the great 
 change. 
 
 Even in such departments, where juries 
 still exist, their powers are greatly limited. 
 
198 BONAPARTE 
 
 That branch of the police, know a under the 
 name of police correctionale, and which con- 
 sists of a judge and several justices of peace, 
 or assessors, has taken from the juries a num- 
 ber of trifling cases, as exclusively appertain- 
 ing to their jurisdiction. All cases of forgery, 
 murder, manslaughter, setting houses on fire, 
 &c. are assigned over to the courts of the 
 special tribunals, whose arbitrary proceedings 
 have already been noticed. 
 
 Thus, by annihilating the militia, by under- 
 mining and abolishing the juries, by destroying 
 all liberty of the press, Bonaparte has broken 
 down the bulwarks of a free constitution j 
 and, instead of a well-regulated monarchical 
 government, founded on law, he has jumbled 
 together a set of regulations, the result of his 
 arbitrary will, wliich may be altered every 
 day at pleasure, which pave the way to the 
 most scandalous bribery throughout all public 
 offices J and thus deprives every body of the 
 legal means of resisting injustice. 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 199 
 
 Violent measures alone will stem the tor- 
 rent of these glaring oppressions, which far 
 exceed every thing, that the most depraved 
 monarchical government ever did : yet Bona- 
 parte, thus overwhelming a nation already the 
 unhappy victim of the horrors of revolution 
 and anarchy, is preparing new commotions ; 
 and he certainly has great reason to fear for 
 his safety, and rules with a rod of iron. 
 
 In spite of all his domestic measures, he 
 will still have a very precarious existence, if 
 he continue, as he has hitherto done, to irritate 
 the people by his boundless partiality for his 
 relations and favorites, which he so impru- 
 dently and inconsiderately manifests . Few will 
 perhaps blame the man in power, when he en- 
 deavours to benefit his family, within the 
 limits of prudence and moder ation ; but to 
 grant a numerous familj^, who are absolute 
 strangers to the country, whatever the most 
 extravagant vanity, and the most greedy ap- 
 petite may crave to give ; not from his own 
 
20cr BONAPARTE 
 
 limited income, but from the public purse, 
 thus forfeitiiig all claim to personal sacrifice 
 and generosity ; to bestow all the most lucra- 
 tive places in administration on swarms of bro- 
 thers, brothers-in-law, uncles, cousins, &c. &c. 
 \vithout any regard to talents or character, to 
 load them with several offices at the same 
 time ; to dub them presidents in all public 
 assemblies ; to trust them with the manage- 
 ment of every thing, by ^vhich a great and 
 immense profit may exclusively be reaped : — 
 All this far exceeds every papal, princely, and 
 ministerial stretch of power, hitherto known in 
 the world. Every thing will in time be forced to 
 yield to this partiality of the consul, and the old 
 Roman imperial despotism will sink under the 
 arrogance and tyranny of the new ruler. 
 
 The several members of the family shew as 
 little restraint and modesty in the public enjoy- 
 ment of all these advantages, as he exhibits in 
 bestowing them. 
 
 Lucien Bonaparte, who at first was minister 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 201 
 of the interior, and afterwards sent as ambas- 
 sador to Spain, has acquired a fortune of thirty 
 millions of livres. He exerts his influ- 
 ence over his brother who is so mightily 
 obliged to him, to obtain the most profitable 
 commissions and contracts, and thus to in- 
 crease his riches. He lives at his splendid 
 country seat (Plessis), and at his princely 
 hotel at Paris, in a style never equalled by the 
 most prodigal and extravagant prince, except 
 the late regent in France, and his associates, 
 who were known at that luxurious period by 
 the nickname of rones. There is some similari- 
 ty of character between Lucien and this famous 
 regent, who seized the government after the 
 decease of Louis XIV. Lucien aims at mag- 
 nificence : he is fond of shew, and indulges in 
 studied sumptuousness. He gives way to the 
 most voluptuous excesses. Like the regent, 
 he is hospitable, generous, a lover and pro- 
 tector of the arts: like him, gains many 
 friends by this single quality. He, of all his 
 
202 BONAPARTE 
 
 family, would indeed be the very man ibr the 
 
 French, at least for the Parisians. 
 
 Jpseph Bonaparte, deep and reserved, like a 
 true Italian, keeps to the society of his family, 
 but lives in great splendor at his countiy seat> 
 at Montfontaine, and at his hotel in Paris. 
 The liberality ofhis brother, at the expence of 
 the public ; his hatred against all men who had 
 grown rich during the revolution, have been 
 made use of by Joseph at the conclusion of 
 peace,, to make a fortune by extorting pre- 
 sents, &c. from strangers. The mission to 
 England, which required great prudence, abi- 
 lity, and application, without promissing much 
 gain, was not go vetted by any of the family y 
 they prudently ceded it to an honest German, 
 a gay, thoughtless youth. 
 
 Louis Bonaparte, without any anxiety to 
 make a fortune, lives nevertheless in the 
 splendid hotel, in which his brother resided 
 before his removal to the Thuilleries. Many 
 things of value, which camiot be trusted to his 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 205 
 
 own hands, are given to his wife, the beloved 
 step-daughter of Bonaparte, and carefully se- 
 cured to her for the future. He may one day, 
 perhaps, owe to her the dukedom of Parmav 
 
 "The sisters of Bonaparte are all, without 
 exception, possessed of great fortunes. The 
 richest of them, is the widow of General Le- 
 <:lerc, to whom the very important expedition 
 to St. Dominngo was intrusted, though per- 
 haps they could not have chosen in all France a 
 man more unfit for such a command. With- 
 out making himself acquainted with the state 
 of affairs at St. Domingo, and the character 
 and influence of the principal negro leaders — 
 without any capacity to avail himself of cir-. 
 cumstances, and contradictory views of the 
 black chiefs, his natural brutality caused them 
 to join in their resistance against France ; and 
 he has, perhaps, lost for ever this most valuable 
 colony. He consulted more his own interest 
 than the public good. During his short stay 
 
 in that island, he remitted immense sums to 
 
204. BONAPARTE 
 
 France, which were laid out in the purchase . 
 of very considerable estates. His widow is 
 looked upon as the richest of the whole family. 
 Since her return she has bought a splendid 
 hotel at Parisj which she has fitted up in a 
 princely style : but she will porbably settle in 
 Italy, where she is to marry a Prince Borg- 
 hesse. 
 
 General Murat, husband to Bonaparte's se- 
 cond sister has accumulated a fortune in Italy, 
 which he daily increases by the savings of his 
 revenues, and fees as governor of Milan . M a- 
 dame Murat is also possessed of a splendid 
 hotel at Paris, where she occasionally resides. 
 Madam Baccioclii, whose husband, aCorsican, 
 is placed in the general staif of Bonaparte, has 
 also a magnificent hotel of her own, the gift of 
 the First Consul, for which the latter has paid 
 the sum of half a million of livres, and wliich 
 he ordered to be fitted up in the most superb 
 manner. A similar present has been made to 
 the mother, who eagerly seizes on every ocqa- 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 20$ 
 sion to make money, and is fond of presents, 
 which are plentifully bestowed upon her by 
 her son and sons-in-law. General Murat 
 made her lately a present of a set of diamonds, 
 estimated at 50,000 livres ; and a service of 
 china of equal value. 
 
 She has obtained for her brother Fere (now 
 called Fesch), the dignity of cardinal ; and this 
 cardinal, uncle to Bonaparte, has made such 
 good use of his time in Italy, that he is now 
 become immensely rich. He has also receiv- 
 ed the very profitable appointment of ambas- 
 sador to Rome. 
 
 Napoleon Bonaparte was reported after his 
 first return from Italy, to be possessed of 
 twenty millions of livres, and on his return 
 from Egypt double that sum. Since the intro- 
 duction of the new financial system, which 
 allows him six millions^ annually, instead of 
 the 500,000 livres, formerly assigned to him 
 as consul : he now disposes of the public purse. 
 
205 B©NAPARTE 
 
 without any control ; yet this was in some 
 degree the case in former times. 
 
 Bonaparte shews the same prediliction to all 
 persons who have served under him in Italy, 
 and neglects the most deserving men, who 
 fought the glorious battles in Germany, under 
 Moreau, who is now so shamefully neglected. 
 His partiality towards those, who were with 
 him in Egypt, is still greater. Not satisfied 
 with making Duroc, who is quite a young 
 man, the governor general of all his palaces 
 (the pleasing manners of the one, and the per- 
 sonal attachment of the other, might excuse 
 this choice) : he has also made him a minis- 
 ter of the cabinet; and through his hands 
 every thing concerning the army must pass. 
 His will and opinion are of such weight, that 
 the war minister never ventures to propose 
 any measure, without having previously con-^ 
 suited Duroc, fully persuaded that neither thq 
 assent of the First Consul, nor even an an- 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 203r 
 svver could be obtained without this favorite's 
 approbation. 
 
 The war minister Berthier, ^ excepting 
 his pleasing manners, has nothing that 
 could entitle him to such an office h\it 
 his haying been with Bonaparte in . Egypt : 
 He is so little fit for it, that it was 
 found necessary immediately to appoint 
 M. Dejean as an assistant. This vice-minis- 
 ter conducts all the important affairs of the war 
 department, under the title of " directeur 
 ministre de V administration de la guerre,^ 
 whilst Berthier simply enjoys the honors of 
 the charge, and draws an immense income 
 from it. 
 
 Even Menou, was appointed general ad- 
 ministrator of Piedmont, when every body 
 believed, that Bonaparte would not only dis- 
 countenance him, but even treat him with the 
 greatest severity. 
 
 Denon, a pleasant writer, and a facetious 
 reporter of all the wondroui> deeds in Egyp^ 
 
20S BONAPARTE 
 
 was created by him director general of all the 
 literary institutes and academies of arts in 
 France. The most celebrated literati,' the 
 most renowned artists were set aside, all 
 foitner presidents of the societies of arts, were 
 jabohshed, and Denon appointed sole dicta- 
 tor over them ; whoever knows the extent and 
 importance of the French museums, of the 
 cabinets of antiquities and medals, of the mint 
 itself, as forming a branch of it, must be 
 equally astonished at the courage of this De- 
 non, who accepted such a place in the face 
 of Visconts and other celebrated men, as he 
 himself must be surprised at the blind partiality 
 and protection of the donor. The grand 
 museum at the Louvre, the museum of the 
 French monuments (musee des monuments 
 Frangois), the museum of the French school 
 at Versailles (le musee de Verole Frangaisc 
 ^ Versailles), all the galleries of pictures in the 
 palaces of government, the mint of medals, the 
 chalcographic institutions of the Mosaic, and 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 209 
 
 of the cabinets of engravings, the purchase 
 and the removing of all mo'numents of art 
 and other things of less importance, are placed 
 imder the sole and immediate direction and 
 superintendance of this new governor geiieral. 
 
 Fran, a young surgeon, was nominated by 
 Bonaparte to the most important dignity in 
 his profession, and made " Chirurgien en chef 
 de V hotel des invalides,^^ an appointment which 
 had been promised to the surgeon general of 
 Moreau's army, and on which condition alone 
 he fjllowed the latter in his last campaign. 
 Bonaparte said of this Fran — He may yet learn 
 what is necessary, he is young. 
 
 Marcel, who set up a small printing office 
 in Egypt, though he never had before the 
 management of one, of any consequence, 
 was promoted to the place of a director ge- 
 neral of the printing offices of the republic 
 (directeur de V imprimerie de la repiiblique), 
 which yields an income of 60,000 livres. 
 Though all the most renowned printers and 
 Q 
 
210 BONAPARTE 
 
 proprietors of similar institutions had offered 
 themselves, 300 in number; though all the 
 votes of the counsellors of state, and of the 
 tu'o other consuls, v\ ere unanimously in fa- 
 vor of Pierre. Bonaparte said when they 
 proposed the latter, " If Marcel had not offer- 
 ed himself, I should have given the place to 
 Pierre," and wrote Marcel's name on the war- 
 rant, to the astonishment of every one present. 
 The partiality and confidence to men, who 
 willingly trusted themselves to a hazardous 
 enterprise, under the guidance of a successful 
 soldier, who, blindly confiding in his lucky 
 star, followed him to distant regions, is very- 
 natural to one, who has great reason to lay 
 hold of all means to secure himself in his 
 place ; it is even prudent to attach such men 
 still more: but if this cannot be effected, 
 without greatly offending others, is it also 
 prudent to render them bitter enemies, and 
 thus to create throughout all classes and de- 
 partments a general discontent, which will 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 211 
 sooner or later break out with the greatest 
 violence, the longer it is forcibly suppressed? 
 
 If we reflect on these circumstances, we 
 must either doubt Bonaparte's prudence and 
 moderation, or conclude that all penetration, 
 all talent, and superiority, will be of little avail 
 to the man who has raised himself above all, 
 and now stands alone, or is surrounded by 
 hungry and malicious slaves. Still, everj^ 
 ruler, who has not that command over himself 
 which he ought to have, is in a much more 
 dangerous situation than merely standing by 
 himself as he is encircled by the slaves of 
 rapine and malice, ready to instil into his 
 mind sentiments even worse than his own. 
 The man of noble mind disdains to approach 
 a being so infinitely inferior to himself. Hy- 
 pocrisy, and cunning submission, are his 
 principal attendants ; but these with a word 
 may be laid in silence at his feet. He will no 
 longer see or hear, but with their ears and 
 eyes, trusting to all their wickedness may sug- 
 
212 BONAPARTE 
 
 gest ; at the same time proudly thinking it 
 the result of his own wisdom and activity : 
 that it is liis penetrating eye that has foreseen, 
 every thing. He beUeves himself superior to 
 all those by whom he is surrounded, when he 
 is only a mere machine in the hands of these 
 miscreants. 
 
 It has been asserted in private societies, and 
 in public journals, that this is the character 
 of Bonaparte J and the measures wliich are 
 always taken before he appears in public, 
 render this very probable. If he is to visit 
 an exhibition of any kind, every one who is 
 not absolutely wanted there is previously sent 
 away. The favorites of Bonaparte, and the 
 minister to whose department the object in 
 question may belong, and who have always 
 seen it before, to give their opinion of it to 
 the consul, who have perhaps instructed the 
 ambitious or interested proprietor what he is 
 to say, in order to attain his end : they al- 
 ways accompany Bonaparte, and prevent any 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 213 
 
 thing disagreeable reaching his ear. Besides, 
 if we except military objects, he is no compe- 
 tent judge of any thing. 
 
 If this has been the case in the capital for 
 the two last years, how much more must it be 
 in the provinces' — ignorant as he is of local 
 circumstances, of the persons appointed there, 
 and the inhabitants, none of whom are ever 
 admitted into his presence. 
 
 The greatest precaution for his security 
 is visible on these excursions. He never 
 takes that road which has been previous- 
 ly announced. His guards are always sent 
 in several directions to wait for him, but are 
 never certain which way he is to come. He 
 never stays at a place so long as was at first 
 expected. He always sets out suddenly and 
 imperceived, and generally arrives unobserved 
 in the night, at St. Cloud, or Malmaison. A 
 salute from the guns announce on the next 
 morning his return : messengers and cou- 
 riers are riding in all directions, to inform the 
 
214 BONAPARTE 
 
 foreign Ambassadors and the constituted au- 
 thorities, that the great master is ready to 
 accept at a certain hour their congratulations 
 on his arrival. 
 
 If Bonaparte think to strike the French 
 with greater awe, by these manifold prepara- 
 tions, and outward shew of greatness and mag- 
 nificence ', and thus, to make up what is de- 
 nied him from the people, in attachment and 
 love y if he hope to make them forget the 
 stranger who was artful enough prudently to 
 avail himself of the weakness and folly of the 
 nation, he greatly errs. He only throws a 
 greater light on his usurpation, increases jea- 
 lousy, exasperates the disaffected, and pro- 
 vokes the national pride to fury and revenge, 
 which will be the more destructive as it is in 
 the character of that nation to bear every 
 thing in humble silence, and carefully to con- 
 ceal their rage and thirst for revenge, till they 
 can seize a favorable opportunity to shake off 
 the galling yoke. Bold enterprises, splendid 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 215 
 
 and uncommon successes, triumphs which give 
 a lustre to that vain and ambitious nation — 
 these, while they exalt the proud ruler, are 
 the only means by which the usurped autho- 
 rity can ever be preserved. 
 
 If we closely examine Bonaparte's conduct 
 towards the English ambassador, Lord Whit- 
 worth, whom he found at Paris, on his return 
 from the sea coast, we shall have occasion to 
 remark that the chief object of his absence was 
 nothing else than to fortify the northern and 
 western coasts of France j and that all the new 
 regulations were directed to the pre-concerted 
 project of an invasion. It is more than pro- 
 bable, that he thought this would soon open 
 to him a new career of glory ; and thus keep 
 the people in humour and properly employed. 
 He was certainly not earnest in his 4esire of a 
 lasting peace. He received and treated the 
 English ambassador, after having delayed his 
 first audience for three weeks, with the most 
 striking coolness. At the public audiences 
 
216 BONAPARTE 
 
 and in the circles of Mad. Bonaparte^ he often 
 made to him the rudest observations. Per- 
 haps, the substance of his addresses might 
 not have given somuch offence as the haughty 
 and commanding tone in which he spoke ; it 
 was however highly improper. His favorite 
 term, " Je le veiix,'' (I will it) which he 
 generally uses with the other consuls, and with 
 his ministers, were one day addressed quite 
 aloud to the ambassador of a power who had 
 formerly spoken in this manner itself. 
 
 As Bonaparte is supposed not to be abso- 
 lutely ignorant of the English character, or 
 forgetftd of himself, it must be inferred from 
 this conduct that his mind was already bent 
 on great enterprises against that country, even 
 during peace, and that his pride alone made 
 him forget the necessary caution in concealing 
 his intentions. He certainly did not wish so 
 soon to come to a rupture with England ; this 
 has been clearly seen by his endeavors, at least 
 for a time, towards an amicable understand- 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 217 
 
 ing : but the patience of the English was now 
 worn out, and they declared themselves sooner 
 than he expected. He thought England, per- 
 haps, far more distracted by factions, and the 
 danger in Ireland far greater than it now really 
 appears. He may have believed the proud 
 islanders sufficiently humbled by the disadvan- 
 tageous and dishonorable terms of the treaty, 
 which he had compelled them to accede to, 
 and favored as he had been by so many unex- 
 pected circumstances, he imagined that he 
 might shew to their ambassador and to them, 
 his contempt and hatred. He thought that 
 he had reduced them to the necessity of sub- 
 mitting in silence, whilst he shewed the great- 
 est activity to restore the French navy, to for- 
 tify the coasts, and to prepare a flotilla which 
 might supply the want of large ships. He 
 supposed them unable to resist, whilst he, by 
 opening an intercourse with the Netherlands, 
 should secure to himself and to France, a great 
 revenue, and the annihilation of trade to Eng- 
 land. 
 
218 BONAPARTE 
 
 But these humbled islanders, to whom no- 
 thing perhaps is so sacred, which they would 
 not willingly sacrifice for their country, their 
 national security, for their prosperity and for 
 their honor, resumed their courage, and said, 
 "A war with this haughty Corsican is una- 
 voidable ; we must indemnify ourselves for 
 the disadvantageous peace which we have con- 
 cluded : and for fear of the worst, we had bet- 
 ter decide on it now, than ten jears hence, 
 when perhaps the enemy may have accom- 
 plished all his hostile preparations, so openly 
 carried on : better now, than when the nation 
 is betrayed into false security, and dangerous 
 slumber, by deceitful promises, and treacher- 
 ous allurements. We are still possessed of 
 that rock, on which he in future may rest, with 
 his face towards Asia, and Africa, musing on 
 his grand projects against us, and all Europe. 
 Let the proud boaster try, wiiether treachery 
 and violence, will now meet with their wonted 
 success." 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 219 
 
 The antigallican orators in the British par- 
 liament, and the public papers in England, 
 continued to wound the pride and the vanity 
 of the hostile conqueror. He shewed himself 
 by far too much hurt at their philippics. He 
 demanded the prosecution and punishment of 
 such boldness. He thought, perhaps, the 
 English government should prohibit the mem- 
 bers of parliament from uttering such lan- 
 guage against him. The French official papers 
 were filled with the coarsest and most malici- 
 ous attacks on the English nation and its 
 government, though the British ambassador 
 was present. The other French papers and 
 journals re-echoed these invectives, and others 
 made bitter and malicious additions of their 
 own. Never did there exist between two 
 great nations, then at peace, such an unbe- 
 coming rancour. 
 
 An English newspaper, established by go- 
 vernment, under the title of, " The Argus," 
 published by a Jew, who had been driven away 
 
220 BONAPARTE 
 
 from England, was filled with the greatest 
 scurriility, and the most infcimous aspersions 
 on the English people and government ; it was 
 daily distributed among the English, who 
 came in crowds to visit Paris. All the French 
 papers correctly translated these scandalous ar- 
 ticles, and spread them all over the countrj''. 
 No English newspaper was publicly allowed, 
 but one called the Weekly Messenger ; which 
 was evidently in the pay of the French go- 
 vernment, and always in contradiction with 
 the spirit of other English papers. The French 
 translated from this latter such paragraphs 
 only as contained the intelligence of dreadful 
 murders, robberies, adulteries, bestial fights, 
 boxing matches, and other traits and trans- 
 actions not very honorable to the English 
 character. 
 
 The Parisian papers, sometimes gave them- 
 selves an air of deep concern and regret in feel- 
 ing it to be their duty to report to their French 
 readers, what those insolent islanders had dared 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 221 
 to say publicly against their great and magna- 
 nimous consul ; but they curtailed every thing 
 which might be too severely felt by the grand 
 hero : they substituted other and milder ex- 
 pressions ; and if there were any thing inserted 
 which could not be softened down so far as to 
 render it palatable to their kind master, they 
 left it out entirely. 
 
 If a public official paper degrade itself to 
 such a raean pitiful Jesuitic artifice, it must 
 lose that credit which it no longer deserves. 
 It would even be preferable to continue in 
 these mutual invectives, and, like the Moni- 
 teur, to spetik of " Imagination direglce, 
 deiire, crime, politique, infernale, Tunisiens, 
 Algtriens, passions, haineuses et jalouses, 
 per fides instigations:'^ Or, like the publiciste, 
 of hommes atrocss, qui ont soldc tous les 
 crimes, qui sont voues au mepris de V Europe, 
 fumes du vin de Porto qui les penetre d'un 
 saint enthusiasme pour la liberie: or, like the 
 open hearted rough Englishman, of fraud, rob- 
 
222 BONAPARTE 
 
 bery, and breach of faith ; for every one knows 
 then at least, that they are in a passion, and 
 judges of them accordingly. 
 
 The English ambassador, who fomid little 
 to praise in Paris, saw nothing at St. Cloud or 
 Malmaison, that could give him more favour- 
 able impressions. The attention of the family 
 of Bonaparte was entirely taken up with the 
 new titular promotion ; and it was only de- 
 bated, whether Napoleon Bonaparte should 
 be invested with the imperial or consular dig- 
 nity. When the imperial crown was at last 
 proposed in the senate for discussion, one pert 
 orator rose ; but touching the strings that 
 might rather jingle too much in the ears of 
 the people, he spoke with such boldness and 
 force, that vanity became frightened, and he 
 withdrew, for that time, the proposal of ma- 
 jesty. Several ministerial papers had, how- 
 ever, the meanness to attack the daring ora- 
 tor ; but, in reality, they only betrayed, in a 
 very clumsy manner, their great chagrin on 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 223 
 the discomfiture of a proposal, which it was 
 thought would meet with less resistance than 
 any former. The ministers of Bonaparte reap- 
 ed, however, some nominal benefit from this 
 manoeuvre ; the title of Excellency, which 
 had previously been added to their names in 
 the court calender, no doubt to save the trou- 
 ble of its being inserted in due time, was given 
 • and decreed them in form. 
 
 An object which filled the family of Bona- 
 parte with great concern and anxiety, was the 
 miserable state of affairs at St. Domingo, and 
 the necessity they were in of recalling their 
 stupid and rapacious brother-in-law, and of 
 commiting this important and profitable com- 
 mand to a stranger, one not belonging to the 
 family. The death of General Leclerc in some 
 respect solved the difficulty, and the affairs at 
 St. Domingo began to wear a better aspect, 
 as soon as the helm was taken from .such un- 
 skilful hands ; but more favorable accounts now 
 arrivir.g;^ they were kept veiy secret, and the 
 
224 BONAPARTE 
 
 former bad ones suffered to continue in circu- 
 lation, in order to conceal from the public the 
 striking proofs of the inaptitude of the broth- 
 er : and the public were not to know that their 
 most valuable island was on the point of being 
 lost by family protection. 
 
 The people were to be amused, and their 
 attention diverted, by exhibitions of fine rib- 
 bons, and models of stars, for a new order, 
 which the family chose to substitute for the 
 old noble one of the Holy Ghost. It should 
 be as similar to the latter as possible. The 
 blue ribbon of the same breadth, had only a 
 small red line in the middle, and a small white 
 edge. The few remains of the republican tri- 
 color on this ribbon, very emblematically ex- 
 pressed the nature of the present mock com- 
 monwealth. The star was to represent a sun, 
 and the Holy Ghost was to be changed into 
 an eagle soaring within its beams. Yet its 
 introduction was also laid aside, with the 
 proposed imperial majesty, for a time 5 perhaps 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 225 
 
 until the legion of honor, and the senatorian 
 order could be introduced. 
 
 This also was the offspring of that period 
 of vanity. It will, perhaps, procure the means 
 to silence all senators, who might be apt to 
 speak, if not well paid for their taciturnity : and 
 it will be, at the same time, a channel from 
 which new honors^, and considerable reve- 
 nues, may be drawn for brothers and sisters. 
 A very great part of the unsold and un- 
 claimed national property, which was repeat- 
 edly promised to the army, as a reward of their 
 bravery, has been allotted to the senators. 
 Yet this new invention of family fondness 
 must exasperate the army still more, as the 
 late execution of the project for a legion of 
 honor is still delayed ; and as even attempts 
 have been made to extend it also to civil, as 
 well as military persons, contrary to its origi- 
 nal intent, which was, that it should only 
 ^consist of military men, who had received 
 swords of honor as a reward of their crallantrv. 
 
226 BONAPARTE 
 
 It was to be divided into troops or cohorts j 
 and to each of these latter should be assigned 
 an old castle, abbey, or other public building, , 
 where every member, not possessed of a house 
 of his own, might have apartments, and a 
 pension allowed him. Yet several persons fill- 
 ing the most important places in administra- 
 tion, have already been appointed as officers 
 and directors of the legion of honor, and 
 now sit in the high councils or committees of 
 the corps. Here again means have been 
 found to favor the family of Bonaparte, 
 and their minions. That there never should 
 have been the least idea to offer Moreau, the 
 first and most worthy hero of France, a place 
 in the legion of honor, raises, perhaps, a 
 greater indignation in Germany, where this 
 general, even when an enemy, knew how to 
 command esteem and respect, more than in 
 frivolous France. 
 
 Whilst attempts were making to introduce 
 these new orders, that bear a great similarity 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE 22r 
 
 with that of Ciiicinnatus projected in America, 
 great care was also taken not to mention a 
 work of Mirabeau on this order, in which he 
 explains the dangerous tendency of such in- 
 stitutions towards despotism and oligarchy. 
 Mirabeau particularly inveighs against the 
 incautious introduction of nobility ; a mea- 
 sure which he deprecates in the following 
 words : — " Tout ce qui est signe, et qui pent 
 tout a coup server de ralliemeiit a un grand 
 no mhre d'hommes, qui peut former un esprit 
 particuiier dans Vesprit general qui peut 
 s^parer certain nombre de citoyens du corps des 
 citoyens est been plus redoutable par ses effets 
 dans unerepublique^qiiedansunemonarchie, S[c, 
 Dans la monarchic tout tend d. V elevation j 
 dans la republique tout doit tendre d, Vegaliie. 
 Dans la pre7ni^re il faut desrangs ; dans la se- 
 conde \lfaut des vertus. Les signes exterieurs de 
 distinctions sont naturliscs dans la monarchic, 
 etpar cela mime leur injluence est moins dan- 
 gereuse. Mais tous ces signes, qui distinguent 
 
228 BONAPARTE 
 
 sont etrarigers au gouvernement et ct V esprit 
 
 repuhlicain : et si le corps solitaire, qui ose 
 
 ainsi se distinguer est un corps, de guerriers 
 
 alors tout est perdu. La liberte ne resterapas 
 
 long terns, dans des climate, que de pareilles 
 
 distinctions outragait."^ 
 
 ' This work was written four years previous 
 
 to the French revolution, for the benefit of 
 
 the Americans, who had then introduced the 
 
 * " Whatever is a sign and may serve as a rallying 
 post to a great number of men ; — whatever may form a 
 particular, in a general spirit ; — whatever can separate 
 a certain number of citizens from the whole body, is 
 much more formidable by its effects in a republic than 
 in a monarchy : in the latter, every thing tends to ele- 
 vation ; in the former, every thing ought to produce 
 equality : in the former, distinctions are wanted ; in the 
 latter, virtues. — The outward signs of these distinctions 
 are naturalised in a monarchy, and by that circum- 
 stance, their influence is less dangerous ; but all distin- 
 guishing characteristics are foreign to the republican 
 spirit, as veil as to its government; and if that solitary 
 body, which thus aspires to pre-eminence, be composed 
 of warriors, all is lost : — liberty will not long remain 
 in climes infected by such distinctions." 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 229 
 
 order of Cincinnatus, already consisting of 
 10,000 members. The effect of this work 
 was the immediate and careful hmitation of 
 the order ; and America has preserved her 
 liberty. The French, on whom all good ad- 
 vice, all instructive examples are lost -, who 
 never look farther than to the present moment ; 
 who proudly boast that they also have had a 
 revolution, no doubt wish for a better consti- 
 tution than the Americans ; and they now 
 reckon as many of them as revolutionary 
 years, while they are always committing the 
 same faults without profiting by experience. 
 
 The miscarried imperial dignity had also 
 caused a project for a new coin, with the head 
 of Bonaparte ; but they could not agree about 
 the titles and inscriptions. A day was ap- 
 pointed in March, 1803, when the First Con- 
 sul was to go to the mint to decide upon it. 
 The minister of finances informed the master 
 only two days before of his intended visit, 
 and insisted that his bead must be stamped 
 
230 BONAPARTE 
 
 upon the coin in his presence, in order to sur- 
 prise him agreeably. The director general of 
 the medals, a great artist, maintained the im- 
 possibility even of producing an indifferent 
 one in so short a space, and insisted en Bo- 
 naparte sitting to him, in order that it might 
 be worthy of the First Consul and the nation, 
 as to superior excellence, in the execution. 
 When the minister still insisted, a young man 
 in the mint, who had previously executed a 
 head of Bonaparte, and had privately offered 
 to realize the plan of the ministerial flatterer, 
 finished the medal tolerably well, and the like- 
 ness was striking. Bonaparte was very much 
 pleased with the young artist, desired that he 
 might be presented to him ; and, without ask- 
 ing whether he was a director of the medals or 
 not, made a contract with him for the whole 
 coinage of the new crowns that were to bear 
 his impression. 
 
 It appeared on this occasion how little Bo- 
 naparte thought of opposition in the senate, 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 231 
 
 and how well he could depend on their acqui- 
 escence. He asked theyoung man, how much 
 time it would require to finish the stamp for the 
 new dollars. He answered, fourteen days. 
 Bonaparte then replied : " Yes, in ten days, 
 the law will have passed and have been pro- 
 claimed : that will do." And by these few 
 words this young man was appointed, against 
 which no one of the present ministers, nor the 
 general director of the mint, nor any other di- 
 rector, dared to make the least objection, 
 though they knew the master of the mint must 
 feel very much hurt -, and this inexperienced 
 youth must be sensible both of the affront and 
 of the loss, which the innocent man must suf- 
 fer, if such a considerable commission were 
 taken from him. 
 
 Nevertheless, experience too soon proved 
 to the Consul, that such rash decisions may 
 be a reward for an assiduous, submissive flat- 
 terer, but cannot give the talents required. 
 The new crowns were ready at the appointed 
 time, but when they were issued they proved 
 
2S3 BONAPARTE 
 
 not only indifferent in workmanship, but also 
 quite inadmissible. The artist had forgotten 
 that they were to be current, and had there- 
 fore made the head and inscriptions too pro- 
 jecting, so that the new crowns would not lie 
 one upon another, and also required too much 
 room in the chests of bankers and merchants : 
 they were therefore called in^ and new ones 
 coined. The new stamp is a little better than 
 the former, but the head of Bonaparte had 
 none of those marked traits which peculiarly 
 characterise his countenance. 
 
 Many other such blunders and awkward 
 attempts, which betrayed the novices of this 
 mushroom court, very often happened in the 
 Thuilleries, and must have surprised the lady 
 of the English ambassador, who had accom- 
 panied the late Duke of Dorset to France, 
 and had seen the court of the unfortunate 
 queen.* Tlie proud Englishman must also be 
 
 *The author has been misinformed : her Grace the 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE 2^3 
 
 offended, as other anibassadors were, at the 
 several demands and importunities of this 
 new court. Tiiere was, for instance, a formal 
 court -mourning ordered, on the death of 
 ■General le Clerc i an audience of condolence 
 was announced to the English and other am- 
 bassadors, which they were compelled to ob- 
 serve, and pay visits to the whole family. 
 He w^as forced at such consular audiences to 
 wait, like other ambassadors, for whole 
 hours, in the confined anti-chambers, till the 
 Consul was pleased to make his appearance. 
 Several circumstances, which could only be 
 ascribed to the greatest inexperience, or inat- 
 tention, if not to a petulant pride, rendered 
 these delays highly disagreeable, if not dan- 
 gerous. This was particularly the case on 
 the third of April, the day appointed for the 
 
 Dutchess of Dorset was not m France with the Duke 
 when ambassador ; she was married to him after his 
 return from that embassy. 
 
254 BONAPARTE - 
 
 grand parade, which usually precedes the au- 
 diences of the foreign ambassa,dors. This pa- 
 rade degenerated into a sort of special review 
 of all the troops garrisoned in Paris. Even 
 the conscripts appeared dressed in their white 
 frocks, and the soldiers with their knapsacks, 
 and every thing necessary to take the field at 
 a minute's notice. The principal gates leading 
 to the Thuilleries were shut, and Bonaparte, 
 who usually passes the ranks on horseback, 
 went this time on foot. He opened several 
 knapsacks, ordered shoes, which he found of 
 bad workmanship, to be thrown away. He 
 commanded a soldier to pull off his coat, 
 which he tore in two, as a warning to the con- 
 tractors. He questioned them, and severely 
 reprimanded some of the field-officers present. 
 He asked the conscripts respecting the quali- 
 ty of the soups which they received, nothing 
 else having been provided fur them. 
 
 By these proceedings he hoped, perhaps, to 
 persuade the soldier who thinks himself dis- 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 235 
 
 reo-arded, and who is dissatisfied, that he is 
 not unmindful of them ; and probably meant 
 this as a hint to the English ambassador, that 
 he was ready to march, if the answer from 
 England did not prove satisfactory ; similar 
 hints had been already thrown' out in several 
 audiences. 
 
 This grand parade now lasted five hours, 
 instead of an hour and a half, its usual time. 
 The ambassadors, who had received no notice, 
 arrived at the wonted hour, accompained by 
 many foreigners, whom they wished to present 
 to the Consul 3 but they found the gates of 
 the Thuilieries shut. After waiting at the 
 outside, just before the iron rails, where the 
 review took place, they w^ere at last informed, 
 that they might walk up to a side gate, which 
 should be opened to them. They were com- 
 pelled to submit, and went, in full dress, 
 through a part of the garden to enter the pa- 
 lace ; but they also found the gate leading to 
 it closed, and were again forced to wait, every 
 
236 BONAPARTE 
 
 where surrounded by a rabble, who had 
 been suffered to pass through an opposite 
 door. This was, indeed, a disagreeable situa- 
 tion for the English ambassador in particular, 
 as the common people looked upon this special 
 review as a warlike preparation against Eng- 
 land. He was still more exposed to the un- 
 pleasant curiosity of the common people, on 
 account of his grand, stately appearance, his^ 
 richly embroidered coat, and his star and 
 ribbon, which continually attracted the eyes 
 ©f the populace. After having walked a con- 
 siderable time, and after much knocking at the- 
 door, it was opened, and the ambassadors 
 found at last an asylum in the narrow anti- 
 chamber, where they were still compelled to 
 wait several hours, till it grew almost dark„ 
 before they were admitted. 
 
 If the European powers do not especially 
 and strictly command their ambassadors to 
 resist such haughtincbs, which surpasses eveiX' 
 that of the old Romans towards the envoys o€ 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 23r 
 
 subjected nations, it will increase every year, 
 and these foreign powers will become con- 
 temptible in the eyes of the people, in propor- 
 tion as Bonaparte gains respect. Every no- 
 ble-minded subject of such sovereigns, who 
 are represented by their ambassadors at Parisi^ 
 must be deeply hurt by the pride and arro- 
 gance of the consular court. It is probable 
 that the First Consul does not encourage this 
 insolence ; that he is ignorant of many offen- 
 sive occurrences, or perhaps not sensible of 
 them, being naturally of an unfeeling and se- 
 vere disposition, which was far from being- 
 softened or refined by the education he re^ 
 ceived. His followers visibly delight in this 
 humiliating treatment of others, and will cer- 
 tainly continue it, till the attention of the 
 First Consul be roused by repeated and earn- 
 est remonstrances. 
 
 The English ambassador, who had reason to 
 be disgusted at the Thuilleries, found as little 
 in Palis and in all France, to recoacile him, op 
 
238 BONAPARTE 
 
 to gain his esteem, for he saw a degraded peo- 
 ple, bearing, in slavish abjection, the tyranny 
 of a despotic ruler. 
 
 Some consular decrees, respecting the future 
 public instruction and administration, appeared 
 about that time. A stranger to the history of 
 Europe, might have inferred, from the tenor of 
 many new-made regulations, that the present 
 master of the French had it in view, to raise a 
 savage nation from a state of barbarity, to the 
 first degree of civilization. For to the eye of 
 an European observer, his laws, and ordinan- 
 ces, certainly had thistendency, viz. to impress 
 the French with a strong military character. 
 
 But the short-sighted Frenchmen, were not 
 struck by them : perhaps they never gave them 
 a thought. They were amused with pompous 
 panegyrics, on the grand and pretended hu- 
 mane views of government, to promote know- 
 ledge, and to procure to the people the bles- 
 sings of liberty. They iiad been deceived and 
 led astray, in former times, by the declamations 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 239 
 
 of their constitution makers, on equality ^ now 
 they were blinded, and overrawed by loud en- 
 comiums on the greatness of their ruler, and 
 the high fame of the conqueror. 
 
 French pride aimed at singularity from the 
 beginning of the revolution. They would 
 have no system, of ancient or modern 
 times, as a model. No ! the great and en- 
 lightened nation would go on its own way, and 
 would give itself a constitution, which might 
 serve as a pattern to future ages : not such an 
 one as the Enghsh boasted so much of; it was 
 too imperfect in their eyes, it had too much of 
 the barbarous usages of feudal times. The 
 Americans had only adapted their's to an in- 
 considerable people, just beginning to form 
 itself, and living dispersed over a wide plain ; 
 for them, a federal system might be useful. 
 Perfection in every thing was the hue and 
 cry in France ; yet, this people, so eager to 
 bring every thing to perfection, forgot and 
 overlooked the only means by which it might 
 
S40 BONAPARTE 
 
 be attained, namely, the improvement of 
 public instruction. During the first ten years 
 of the revolution, they never cast a look on 
 this great object, they never thought of re- 
 forming the public schools, the great and sole 
 basis of general improvement. 
 
 The champions, and authors of the French 
 revolution, were certainly ready to grant sup- 
 port and assistance to great, splendid, and 
 striking enterprises, in order to add to the 
 glory of France : but the less shining, though 
 peaceful and necessary instructions to secure 
 the true happiness of citizens, were neglected. 
 All former establishments of celebrity were> 
 therefore, enlarged, and rendered still more 
 splendid ; but for the extension of general 
 knowledge, nothing was done. The botanic 
 garden, already greatly renowned, was highly 
 improved. Botanic museums were erected; 
 lectures on chemistry^ on natural history, and 
 on every branch of science, distantly connected 
 with botany, were established. The celebratec^ 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 241 
 
 four academies were changed into a grand 
 national institution, including all arts and 
 sciences, and by its constitution, the respec^ 
 tability, and the laudable efforts of its mem- 
 bers, surpassed every thing of the kind in 
 Europe. The former great royal colleges, for 
 students, were changed into a general aca- 
 demy, called Ecole Poly technique, where all 
 arts and sciences were publicly taught ; yet, 
 for the common schools in the provinces, and 
 in the country, very little was done 3 and where 
 any improvement had been made, it was gene-* 
 rally owing to the private endeavours of the 
 masters in central academies. Little as this 
 was, it is now absolutely destroyed, by the 
 new regulations for the Lyceums, published 
 by the consuls. 
 
 These regulations for the Lyceums, substi- 
 tuted for central schools, can serve as a model 
 for all military and despotic states. 
 
 The first article evidently shews, that the 
 former contemptible French schools have been 
 
242 BONAPARTE 
 
 taken as a pattern for the new ones : It is 
 worded in the following manner : On enseig- 
 nera essentiellement dans les lycess le latin, et 
 les mathematiques : and the last article proves, 
 that the bigotry of former schools was to be 
 preserved ; for it says : II y aura un aumonier 
 dans chaque lycee. (Each lyceum shall have 
 a chaplain.) 
 
 The masters of latin and mathematics, at 
 these lyceums, are also to teach geography, 
 mythology, ancient history, and arithmetic. 
 No mention at all is made of ancient or mo- 
 dern languages, moral philosophy, poetry, 
 &c. but military exercises are chiefly insisted 
 on. 
 
 The nineteenth article contains the fol- 
 lowing order : " Un qfficier, instructeiir sera- 
 charge d'apprendre, Vexercice aux eleves qui 
 aiiront plus de doiize ; il enseignera a ceux, 
 qui auront atteint cet age, le maniement des 
 armes et Vcole du peloton j il sera oblige de sc 
 trouver, a toutes les heures pour commander 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 243 
 
 les marches des eleves dans leur different 
 mGUvement de la jour nee' ''^ 
 
 The whole internal constitution of these ly- 
 ceums is truly military, and the schools, for 
 the sons of French citizens, will be, in future, 
 nothing else but martial estabhshments. The 
 boys are divided into companies : have their 
 Serjeants, serjeant-majors, and corporals, as- 
 signed them, and if they are led out, they 
 must march in a body, and always have a cen- 
 sor, a quartermaster, an officer, and a drilling 
 Serjeant at their head. 
 
 The twenty-third article of the new regula- 
 tion deserves a place here. It says : Tout ce ■ 
 qui est relatif aux repas, aiix recreations , anx 
 promenades, au sommeil, sefera par compag- 
 
 * A military instructor shall have the charge of 
 teaching the manual exercise to those pupils who 
 shall be more than t>velve years of age ; all such 
 shall be taught the military and platoon exercises : 
 the master shall be obliged to assist, at stated times, 
 in directing them to perform the various evolu- 
 tions. 
 
244 BONAPARTE 
 
 nie. All the punishments of the boys are just 
 the same as in the French army, namely, 
 la prison et les arrSts ; la table de penitence 
 ©nly has been added. Yet, in the schools, or 
 Lyceums, already established at Paris, the boys 
 are dreadfully flogged and beaten ; and the 
 incredible filth of the school-rooms renders it 
 almost impossible, to a friend of cleanliness, 
 to remain there for any length of time. The 
 insides of these schools, resemble the barracks 
 of the worst description, with this exception, 
 that thelatter are generally kept much cleaner. 
 
 The most curious of all the articles in this 
 new consular regulation, are the eleventh and 
 the twenty-seventh. They are thus worded. 
 
 JCI. II sera nomme deux eommissions, 
 Vune pour le latin, V autre pour les mathema- 
 tiques. Elks dresseront une instruction, qui 
 determinera d'ttne maniere precise les parties, 
 qtCon doit enseigner dans chaque classe, et les 
 cours quon doit suiure. Elles traceront avec 
 soin Vordre a itablir entre les cours qui seront 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. ^5 
 
 suivis simulet tanement tt la duree de chaqiie 
 dasse ; elks s' occuperont de la THmpression 
 des auteurs classiques et la disposeront de 
 maniere, qu^ily ait aidant de volumes, qiCily 
 a de classes, en reunissant dans un seid et 
 meme volume tout ce que doit montrer le pro^ 
 fesseur pour une classe de latin, ainsi que tout 
 ce qui appartient a une classe de mathima- 
 tiques. Onpourra diviser les volumes, selon les 
 parties d' enseignement pour tusage des eleves. 
 Leprofesseur nepourra, sous quelque pretexte 
 qui ce soil, enseigner d^autress oucrages* 
 
 * Two committees shall be appointed, one for the 
 Latin, and the other for mathernatiGS ; they are to 
 plan a mode of instruction, that shall determine in a 
 precise manner the branches that are to be taught in. 
 each class, and the different studies to be pursued ; 
 they are carefully to devise the order that shall be es- 
 tablished, and the duration of each particular pursuit ; 
 they shall superintend the re-printing of the classic 
 authors, which they shall dispose in such a manner, as 
 to make as many volumes as there are forms ; taking^ 
 care to compress in one volume, what the professor 
 is to teach to the Latin form, and, likewise, to those 
 who learn mathematics. They may divide the vo- 
 lumes according to the several modes of instruc- 
 
246 BONAPARTE 
 
 XXVII. II y aura dans chaque lyde une 
 hibliothcque de 1500 tomes ; tonics les bib- 
 liotheques seront composees des mimes oiivra- 
 ges i aucun autre ouvrage ne pourra y etre 
 place sans V antorisation du ministre de Vinte- 
 ricur. Les ouvrage s seront pritis aux eleves. 
 pour qiL Us puis sent lire dans Icur recreation 
 les jours de fetes, et de vacances* 
 
 For the French seminaries, and their in- 
 structors, no printing offices will be necessary 
 in future. The treasures of learning, which 
 we possess from ancient times, amounting to 
 many hundred volumes, will be compressed 
 
 tion, for the use of the pupils ; and it shall not be 
 lawful for the teacher, under any pretence whatever, 
 to make use of any other author. 
 
 * Each lyceum shall contain a library, consisting of 
 1500 volumes ; every library shall be composed of 
 the same works, and no other shall be introduced with- 
 out the authority of the minister of the interior ; the 
 pupils shall have free access to those books, for their 
 private reading, in the days of festivals and holidays. 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 247 
 
 into six for the boys and for the youth of 
 France, conformably to the will and pleasure 
 of the consular majesty j for there are only six 
 Latin forms, and every form shall have only 
 one single volume for the whole year. The 
 library, which is to contain 1500 books, and 
 no more, will be filled with the historical and 
 mathematical works of the Jesuits, which, by 
 the bye, are very voluminous : and thus the 
 youth of the nineteenth century will have 
 every possible instruction, and more than suf- 
 ficient means to become as enlightened and 
 accomplished as the First Consul, who cer- 
 tainly did not receive a better education. As 
 to the makers and reviev/ers of the six volumes 
 for the use of these lyceums, as they enter 
 but half way in his plans, we shall have 
 a pretty fair scale, and a curious monument 
 of future French culture in the present 
 age. 
 
 The hatred of the First Consul to all repub- 
 lican forms extends itself equally to all insti- 
 
248 BONAPARTE 
 
 tutions of arts and sciences, which owe their 
 origin to the revolution. From the grand na- 
 tional institute, renowned and celebrated as it 
 was throughout all Europe, down to the 
 school for trumpeters at Versailles, we meet 
 with nothing new. There was a separate class 
 in the national institute, for natural philoso- 
 phy, ethics, politics and legislation, on ac- 
 count of their being so closely connected. 
 Richelieu, the old despotic minister of France, 
 would not have suffered such a dangerous 
 union in his four ancient academies ; nor will 
 Bonaparte allow it. The national institute is, 
 therefore, dissolved, and branched out again 
 into ihe four old royal academies, where dan- 
 gerous questions are not to be discussed in fu- 
 ture, nor any thing be said that was allowed 
 even under the government of Louis XIV^ 
 XV. and XVI. 
 
 The degenerated child of the revolution now 
 atands uppermost,, and higher perhaps than 
 former monarchs. The light which the latter 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 249 
 
 feared, will be therefore equally hateful and 
 dangerous to him. In several central schools, 
 which really deserved the name of schools, 
 some thinking men had already begun to give 
 lectures on ethics, history, and statical know- 
 ledge — sciences which the French never heard 
 of before. Though every thing was still im- 
 perfect, the path was at least opened ; yet it 
 was thought too dangerous. The conqueror 
 only wanted a warlike nation 5 any knowledge 
 unnecessary for a soldier, who is implicitly to 
 obey, might be spared in public instruction. 
 The Jesuits formerly taught Latin and mathe- 
 matics ^ the same should be adhered to at pre- 
 sent. " Tj^ois maitres de mathimatiques et 
 trois de la langue Latine, ca sujfit." Thus 
 wrote the First Consul, with his own hand, at 
 the bottom of the plan for public instruction, 
 presented by the learned Cuvier and Fourcroy, 
 after striking it through from the beginning to 
 the end. That these worthy men have no 
 share in the drawing up of the new consular 
 
250 BONAPARTE 
 
 regulations, is too evident, by their whole ten- 
 or and by the rules : nay, even by the wording 
 of them. 
 
 How contemptuous and disgraceful an opi- 
 nion must Bonaparte have of the French, by 
 thus driving them back into the state of igno- 
 rance and barbarism ofpajst centuries: and 
 how well does the nation justify his mean opi- 
 nion, by basely submitting in silence to this 
 degradation. A nation who had to boast of a 
 Descartes, a Malebranche, a Bayle, a Pascal, 
 a Montesquieu, a Hopital, a Daynesseau, a 
 Colbert, a Mabh% a d'Alembert, a Voltaire, 
 a Rousseau, a Diderot, a Helvetius, a Raynal, 
 a Thomas, a Mirabeau, &c. &c. A nation 
 who heard with enthusiasm, and loudly ap- 
 plauded the bold language of liberty in the 
 ■\vorks of Corneille, of Voltaire, and others. 
 A nation, who twelve years ago found no 
 liberty, no information, no scientific institu- 
 ticn, too splendid, too great, or too extensive, 
 jaow suffers a stranger, who owes to her all 
 
And the FRENCH PEOPLE. 251 
 his instruction and power, to rob her of her 
 liberty, and of every hberal information. 
 
 To tlieir shame be it spoken, they are still 
 the very same people they have been described 
 by their ovi'n and foreign writers. Gregoire 
 de Tours, their famous historian, represented 
 the Francs, under their first kings, at the com- 
 mencement of the Christian sera, as a feroci- 
 ous and savage nation, only softened or over- 
 awed by the terrors of Christianity, whose 
 kings were a set of unjust and cruel ruffians. 
 He paints them as a nation by no means of- 
 fended at the atrocities and murders commit- 
 ted by their kings, because they were them- 
 selves robbers and unjust ; as a nation cer- 
 tainly possessed of an established law, but who 
 suffered their kings to render that law useless, 
 by arbitrary written orders to the judges, 
 commanding the disuse of it ; \i'ho permitted 
 their kings to abolish these laws, and to put 
 any one to death without the form of a trial ; 
 to authorise marriages which were prohibited j 
 
252 BONAPARTE 
 
 to permit nuns to marry ; to withdraw inheri- 
 tances from lawful heirs ; and to execute, at 
 pleasure, their tyrannous and arbitrary will, 
 by a total suppression of all laws. 
 
 Let us now compare these ancient ferocious 
 Francs Avith the modern French, as depicted 
 by Mably ; " Les FrangoiSy* says he, (Obser- 
 vations sur I'Histoire de France, torn. 1. p. 
 123.. oeuvres completes de I'Abbe Mably*) 
 
 * Observations on the history of France, from the 
 works of the Abbe Mably, vol. 1. page 123. 
 
 The French, says he, abandoned themselves- to 
 their passions, and were guided by them ; and con- 
 founding licentiousness with liberty, E^ndthe powers of 
 tlie law with tyranny, without any rule or principle, 
 they were familiarised in a state of anarchy, with all 
 those disorders which they knew not how to remedy. 
 The interest of the strongest seemed to prevail over 
 that of the public. 
 
 Ever disunited, ferocious, savage, and violent, 
 treating each other like enemies, regardless of their 
 common origin — confounding the most unbounded 
 licentiousness with liberty — of an insatiable avidity 
 — they foresaw nothing — inconsideration ever was 
 the fundamental vice of the nation — they carried im- 
 prttdence to an enormous excess — this eternal in- 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 253 
 
 " continuerent de se laisser condidre augre de 
 leiirs passions et des evhiemens i et confondant 
 
 consideration of the French was joined to the most 
 profound ignorance of their antiquity. 
 
 They were plunged into the most profound igno- 
 vdnce — into the most barbarous ignorance. 
 
 They were an ignorant and savage pe©ple. 
 
 They were more vain than ambitious. 
 
 Of a misconceived pride. 
 
 They made it a point of honour to be arbitrary. 
 
 From their love of independence arose pride and 
 revolt. 
 
 The most inconsiderate nation in the universe, and 
 the most easily deceived. 
 
 Ati'ocious Brigands. 
 
 Of a mercenary disposition. 
 
 They suffered themselves to be intimidated and cor- 
 rupted; and lost to all shanae, they made use of the 
 influence which their situation gave them, to encrease 
 their private fortune : violating themselves those laws 
 of which they were to be the guardians and protectors - 
 
 Have we not witnessed, in the course of our histo- 
 ry, that the French, ever altering and corrupting cus- 
 toms, which they thought they were only following, 
 had contracted the habit of having no fixed character ; 
 they acknowledged no other right but the contradic- 
 tory examples of the caprices of their ancestors. 
 
 There is no nation that abandons itself more rashly 
 to hope than the French ; but in displaying the great- 
 
254 BONAPARTE 
 
 la licence avec la liber ti, le poiivoir cles loix avec 
 la tyrannic, ne formerent qiC une societi sans 
 reale et principe. Its se familiariserent dans 
 Vanaixhie avec les desordres aux quels ils 
 n'avaient pas Vart de remtdier ; V inter et du 
 plus fort semble toujoiirs decider de Vinleret 
 public" 
 
 This patriotic historian declares to have 
 found his nation daring a thousandyears, " tou~ 
 jours desunis„ fervces, hrutaux et emportes, 
 se traitant en cnnemis, sans egard pour leur 
 origine commune, (vol. 1, p. 152). Confon- 
 dant la liceiice la plus extreme avec la liberie 
 (vol. 1, p. 157), d'une avidite insatiable (vol. 
 1, p. 143). He says of them : " Ils ne pre- 
 virent rien, Vinconsideration fut toujour s le 
 
 est courage, no people is more apt to fall into the last 
 state of despair. Examine the character of the Freach, 
 and then judge how fit they are to resist any govern- 
 ment. The vices they have coutracted since the reign 
 of Louis XIII. through their effeminacy, avarice, 
 luxury, and a servile ambition, have so far degraded 
 their soul, that though they have still reason enough 
 to fear despotism, they no longer have courage to love 
 liberty. 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE 255 
 
 vicefondamejital denotre nation (vol. 1, p. 171) 
 Us ctaient d'une imprudence cnorme (vol. 2, p. 
 43). n inconsideratiou cternelle des Francois 
 etoit jointe a V ignorance la plus prof onde de 
 leur antiquite vol. 1, p. 318) Us ctaient 
 plongcs dans la plus prof onde ignorance (vol. 
 % p. 112 — vol. S, p. 34), dans V Ignorance la 
 plus harhare (vol. % p. 162!) un peuple igno- 
 rajifi brutal (vol. 2, p. 261), plus vain qu 
 ambiiieux (vol. S, p. 166) d\me v unite, mat 
 entendue (vol. 2, p. 46.) On s'yfaisoit un 
 point dUionneur de se conduire arbitrairement 
 (vol. 2, p. 13) de Vindependance, Jierti, re- 
 volte (vol. 2, p. 14), la nation de Vunivers la 
 plusinconsidiree etla plusaisee d. tromper (vol. 
 3, p. 11), d^un brigandage atroce (vol. 2, 
 p. 53), d^un esprit mercenaire (vol. 2, 27-5), 
 Apres s'etre laisses intimider, Us se laisserent 
 corrompre ; et prqfiiant enfin sans pudeur du 
 credit, que leur donnoit leur emploi pour ac- 
 croitre leur fortune domestique, Us viollrent 
 eux mhnes les lois, dont Us devaient Hre les 
 gardiens el les protecteurs (vol. 2, p. 202). 
 
256 BONAPARTE 
 
 N'at on pas vu dans tout le cours de notre 
 histoire, que les Frangois alterant, changeanty 
 de naturant sans cesse les coutumes aiixquelles 
 Us croyoient obeij\ avoient contracte lliabi- 
 tude de n! avoir aucune tenue dans le carac- 
 tere, et ne connoissoient d' autre droit pub- 
 lic, que les exemples opposes des caprices et 
 des passions de leurs phres (vol. 2, p. 115.) 
 // n^y a point de peuple qui se livre plus 
 temirairement d, Vesperance que les Fran- 
 gois ; mais en montrant le plus grand cou- 
 rage, aucun peuple aussi iiHest plus propre 
 a tomber dans le dernier decouragement. Ex- 
 aminez le caract^re de la nation Frangoise 
 et jugez de la resistance qiCil pent appor- 
 ter au gouvernement. Les vicesque la moU 
 lesse le luxe, V avarice, et une ambition ser- 
 vile ontfait contracter aux Frangois depuisle 
 regne de Louis XIII. ont tellement affaisse 
 leur dme, qu'ayant encore assez de raison pour 
 eraindre le despotisme Us n'ont plus assez de 
 courage pour aimer la liberie.^' 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 257 
 
 Who could ever think, that this was the 
 picture of modem France ? Who could have 
 thought, that all the enormous subversions 
 which accompanied the revolution ; that all 
 the zeal and wisdom of the first national as- 
 sembly ; all the undaunted cunning of the 
 second ; all the horrors and abominations of 
 the convention ; all the pedantry, and talka- 
 tive insipidity of the directory ; nay, still 
 more, who could have imagined, that a vic- 
 torious war of ten years against all Europe, 
 could make no imprest>ion on the depraved 
 national character ? Who could have thought, 
 that, after such revolutions j after so many 
 wars and victories, not a Frenchman, but a 
 stranger, who fought and conquered by their 
 means, could only be found endued with the 
 power to chain them down, as Charles Mar- 
 tel did a thousand years ago, or as Richelieu, 
 in the last century. 
 
 Mably has pointed out the key to solve this 
 enigma; it is their utter want of respect to 
 
 Y 
 
258 BONAPARTE 
 
 the established law. Of what use are a thou- 
 sand and ten thousand institutions, devised 
 and planned by the most enlightened and re- 
 flecting men, if they are to be for ever altered 
 by the arrogance and self-conceit of vain le- 
 gislators ; often acknowledged by all national 
 assemblies, and afterwards rejected, repeated- 
 ly published, and again annulled. Of what use 
 are they, if the tyranny of selfishness and sen- 
 suality over the hearts of men, prevent and 
 annihilate their effect. Mirabeau said, with 
 sfreat truth, " Ce sont sur tout les bonnes 
 moeiirs, sans lesqnelles les meilleures loix ne 
 seraient qiCiin frein impuissant. II est un 
 despotisme du vice, celui-la sci^oit-il leseul, que 
 la ville de Pai^is n auroit pas pu venverser f'^ 
 Mirabeau had certainly an opportunity to 
 know, from his own experience, how diilicult 
 it is to root out this tyranny from the mind, 
 even of those who excel all others by their 
 mental faculties, talents and energies. Can 
 such a conquest be expected from a depraved 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 259 
 
 and light headed people ? They may level 
 bastiles to the ground, and sul^vert thrones. 
 — There will always be some miscreants 
 among them j but they will fmd very few 
 who will teach them how to conquer their 
 own sensuality, their passions, and lustful de- 
 sires. All those who pretend to be zealous for 
 the general good, but in reality only think of 
 their own intercut, know too well how to 
 avail themselves of these vices : Bonaparte 
 understood this much better than Charles 
 Martcl, or Richelieu. 
 
 There is a most striking similarity between 
 them. The character of Charles Martel is 
 drawn by Mably in the following words : 
 ** Celoil un homme qui avoit, iouies les qualitcs 
 de I' esprit clans le dsgre le plus eminent ; son 
 ambition brillanteyaudacieusc ct sans homes ne 
 craignait aucun peril. Aussi dur et inflexible 
 envers ses eneviis, que gmereux et prodigue 
 pour ses amis, il forga tout le monde a recher- 
 cher s a protection. Charles Martel ne voulut 
 mcriter que Vamitie de ses soldatSy et se fit 
 
260 BONAPARTE 
 
 craindre de tout le reste. II traita les Fran- 
 gois avec une extreme dureii ; ilfii plus, il les 
 meprisa. Ne trouvant partout que des loix 
 oublices on violees, il mit a leur place sa VO' 
 lonte. Siir d^etre le maitre, taut qiiil aurait 
 une armie affectionnie a son service, il Ven- 
 richit sans scrupule des depouilles du clergi. 
 Charles Martel toujours victorieux et siir de 
 la^fideliti de son armee, regarda les capitaines 
 qui le suivoient comme le corps entier de la 
 nation''* 
 
 * He was a man possessed, in the highest degree, 
 of all mental endowments. His brilliant, daving, and 
 boundless ambition, dreaded no danger. Hard and 
 inflexible towards his enemies, he was equally gene- 
 rous and prodigal to his friends. He forced all the 
 world to court his protection. Charles Martel sought 
 only to merit the love of his soldiers : he was an object 
 of terror to all others. He ruled the French, with a 
 rod of iron : he did more — 'he despised them. Find- 
 ing on all sides the laws slighted, or violated, he sub- 
 stituted his will in their stead. Sure ©f being master 
 as long as he could depend on the attachment of his 
 soldiers, he enriched them, without any scruple, from 
 the spoils of the clergy. The ever victoi'ious Charles 
 Martel, confiding in the fidelity of his army, looked 
 on the captains who followed him, as the whole body 
 of the nation* 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 26t 
 
 The same author also draws the character of 
 Richelieu, in the following Avords : " Dans le 
 moment que la foible sse du governement r en- 
 doit tout possible, il parut dans le conseil du 
 roi un homme, qui s'eii ctoit ouvert Ventreipar 
 la ruse, la fraude et Vartijice, mais fait pour 
 dominer par d\autres voies, quand son credit 
 seroit qffermi. Richelieu nc avec la passion 
 la plus immoderie pour gouverner, n'avoit au- 
 <:une des verius, ni mime des lumilres, qiCon 
 doit disirer dans ceux, qui sont d. la iHe des 
 affaires d^un grand royaume ; il avoit cette 
 hauteur et cette infiexibilite, de caractlre, qui 
 subjuguent les ames communes, et qui etonnent 
 et lassent ceux, quin^ont qu' une prudence et 
 wi courage ordinaires. II employoit les mimes 
 moyens, dont les rois s'etoient servis pour dis- 
 traire la nation du soin de ses affaires domes- 
 tiques, et lafagonner cL la docilitemonarchique : 
 Il avilissoit les esprits, en les occupant de ce 
 que les arts, les sciences, les letters et le com-r 
 merce out de plus inutile et de plus attrayant. 
 Son luxe contagieux Jit connoitre de nouveaux 
 
262 BONAPARTK 
 
 besoins qui ruinoient les grands ; forces de 
 viendier des faveurs pour etaler tin vainfaste, 
 lis se preparolent d. la servitude. La conta- 
 gion fuf portee dans tons les ordrcs de Velat i 
 des hommes obscurs ^fireni aux depens dii pen- 
 pie des fortunes scandaleuscs J on les eiivia, ct 
 V amour de Varsient ne laissa subsisier aucune 
 elevation dans les dines. Capendant Richelieu 
 en avilissant la nation an dedans, la Jaisoit 
 respecter au dehors. Plus les entr-cprises du 
 
 ministre itoient grandes et difficileSy plus it 
 avoit des pretextes pour ne se soumeftre d au- 
 cune regie et gouverner avec un sceptre defer : 
 le besoin de Vetat et la necessile lui servoient 
 d' excuse auprt^s des Francois, quiloppriinoit,. 
 On 7ie fut point innocent, quand on fut soup" 
 pnne de pouvoir dcsobeir d ce ministre impi- 
 rieux. Repandant d'une ??iain les bienfaits et 
 de V autre les disgraces, ilparut plus support- 
 able d'etre son csclave que son ennemi. En 
 s'emparant de la Justice par I' etablisseme?it des 
 appels, les ?^ois s'etoient rendus legislateurs ; 
 enfaisant un usage arbitraire de r adniinistra- 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 263 
 
 fioii de cetLe justice, liichdku jugea qu *it se 
 rendroit d(',spolique. II inlervertit Cordre de 
 tons ks tribimaiix, it cut des magistrals tou- 
 joiu'.i prcts a scrvir scs passions. Ce que 
 Machiavel conscille an tyran qu ^il instruit, 
 Richelieu Vextcuta. La cour, pleiiie d^espions 
 el de delateurs par lesquels Richelieu voit tout, 
 entend tout, est present partojit, scmble tombee 
 dans la Stupidite. On sent le danger de for- 
 mer des cabales j tant la degradation des eS" 
 prils est grande, et le poids de la servitude ac- 
 cablant, ce nest plus que par un assassinat 
 qiion songe a suriir de Coppression^* 
 
 * At the moment when the weakness of government 
 rendered every attempt possible, there appeared in the 
 King's council a man who found his way there by craft, 
 fmud, and artifice ; but capable of distinguishing him- 
 self by different qualities, as soon as his power should 
 be confirmed : This was no other than Richelieu. He 
 was born with a most immoderate love of money. He 
 was possessed of none of the virtues, nor even the 
 qualities desirable in those at the head of a mighty 
 empire : he had that haughtiness and inflexibility of 
 character which overcome common souls j and which 
 astonish and weary those who have but an ordinary 
 
264 bonapart:^ 
 
 Tlie similarity of character between Bona- 
 parte and Richelieu is most striking ; but it 
 
 share of pi'iidence and courage. He used the same 
 arts practised by the kings, to divert the nation from 
 their attention to domestic affairs, and to fashion 
 them to monarchical docility. He kept the minds 
 of the French in a state of degradation, in fixing themi 
 on what is most useless, but most attractive, in the 
 arts, sciences, letters, and commerce. His contagi^- 
 ous luxury gave birth to new wants, which ruiaed the 
 great ; who, forced to crave favors, in order to dis- 
 play empty pageantry, were preparing for them* 
 selves the shackles of slavery. This baneful pesti- 
 lence pervaded all the orders of the state. Men born 
 in ebscurity scandalously enriched themselves at the 
 expense of the people : they were envied, and the 
 love of money smothered every generous impulse. 
 But, whilst Richelieu suffered the nation to degrade 
 itself at home, he caused it to be universally respect- 
 ed abroad. The more the enterprises ef the minis- 
 ter were splendid and difficult, the greater was his 
 pi'etext for shaking ofi" all restraint, and governing 
 the nation with a sceptre of iron. Necessity and the 
 wants of the state were his excuse in the eyes of the 
 French, whom he thus continually oppressed : to be 
 suspected of disobedience was, in the opinion of this 
 minister, to be guilty. Diffusing benefits with one 
 hand, and disgraces with the other, it was more de- 
 sirable to be his slave than his enemy. In fettering 
 justice by tiie establishment of appeals, kings were- 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 265 
 
 is not the only one. The French at these 
 different periods are in their disposition and 
 situation equally alike. All their writers of 
 the last century, from Montesquieu to Mira- 
 beau, nay, even to the latest, as Necker, 
 Riouffe, Mounier, Chenier, represent their 
 own nation so sadly neglected and depraved, 
 both in a political and moral point of view, 
 that neither a good constitution, nor its ob- 
 servance ; nor a lasting and consequent re- 
 sistance to a bad one forced upon them ; nay, 
 not even the sufficient publicity of sound and 
 
 become legislators ; and Richelieu, in the arbitrary 
 administration of that justice, aimed at becoming des- 
 potic< He subverted the order of all the tribunals, 
 and the magistrates were ever found subservient to 
 his will. What Machiavel advises to the tyrant 
 whom he instructed, Richelieu executed. The court 
 which was full of spies and informers, by whose dili- 
 gence Richelieu saw and heard every thing, seemed 
 falling into stupidity. They fell the danger of form- 
 ing cabals. So degraded was the genius of the 
 French, so oppressive was the weight of slavery, that 
 assassination only left them the hope of freeing them- 
 selves from bondage. 
 
 Z 
 
266 BONAPARTE 
 
 fiober judgment may be expected from them. 
 Such being the want of penetration of cha- 
 racter, of yocial and moral virtue in French- 
 men, it is only surprising, that, during the fif- 
 teen years of the revolutionary commotions, 
 not one man has risen possessed of sufficient 
 military and political talents, of sufficient ar- 
 rogance, courage, energy, and perseverance, 
 to make himself their sole master. The man 
 who can accomphsh this great end, must not 
 even be a Frenchman. It is as if the old na- 
 tional vices had so far poisoned and enervated 
 every individual, that the whole country will 
 never be able to produce one single man en- 
 dowed with the talents requisite to attain the 
 supreme dignity j and yet such an one sud- 
 denly sprang up from a small, inconsiderable 
 nation, whose character is the very reverse 
 of the French. This man, during his short 
 stay among them, saw them undergo all the 
 vicissitudes and changes to which a great 
 nation may ever be exposed. He watched 
 them during all these times of commotion^ 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 267 
 
 and found them to be the same uninformed, 
 faithless, light headed, cruel nation, without 
 cliaracter, as both ancient and modern history 
 depicts them. He profited by this experience, 
 Ca3sar and Machiavel, whom he constantly 
 studied, taught him that this people might 
 have courage enough to make a furious attack, 
 but that they had neither energy nor patience 
 to endure v/ith fortitude a continued opposi- 
 tion., or unavoidable misfortunes. He was 
 possessed of both ; and had, moreover, that 
 daring com'age, by which every thing may 
 be obtained from this vi'eak and fickle people. 
 He placed himself boldly at their head j he 
 incessantly led them to attacks and victories j 
 he threw out baits and allurements to their 
 interested views and sensual appetites. Ea- 
 gerly catching and swallowing them, they 
 did not perceive how this man, confiding in 
 the army, now gradually seized upon every 
 civil power. If by chance they looked up 
 to him j if they appeared to listen, then he 
 
268 BONAPARTE 
 
 flattered their vanity witli specious, hypocri- 
 tical cant, made the fairest promises, which 
 he never intended to perform, and gave them 
 hopes where none remained. This satisfied 
 the eager multitude : this pleased the vanity 
 of those, who are ever on the wing to catch 
 at more than they have either sense to keep or 
 make use of. Whatever they may have for- 
 merly acquired, they must now surrender it, 
 for the preservation of his power and security. 
 He understands how to represent these fan- 
 tises to them as resignations, which their na- 
 tional honor and safety fully demand. Thus 
 he leads them on, in a continual giddy round 
 of vain expectations ; and like a poor, but 
 clever dancing-master, when his children ask 
 for bread, he bids them dance. He is watch- 
 ful and cunning enough to satisfy their desire 
 for plunder on every occasion, and his con- 
 duct towards England will shew this most 
 clearly ; but first, it may be necessary to say 
 a few words on his treatment of Switzer- 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 269 
 land. The fate of this devoted country was de- 
 cided during the disputes between England 
 and France. He had ordered fifty-six depu- 
 ties from the Swiss senate, towns, and can- 
 tons, to Paris, where they had already been 
 several months, without being admitted to 
 his presence, to deliberate with him. The 
 four senators, Barthelemy, Roederer, Fouche, 
 and Demeunier, were commissioned b}^ Bo- 
 naparte to treat v/ith them, to hear' their pro- 
 posals, and, if possible, to bring them to a 
 final decision. Yet the difference of opinions 
 continued always the same : Many of the 
 honest Swiss deputies stood firm against all 
 the arts and persuasions of Roederer and 
 Fouche. 
 
 Bonaparte therefore ordered ten deputies 
 to be chosen from a select committee, who 
 might personally confer with him on the in- 
 terest of Switzerland. He expressly com- 
 manded that five democratic and five aristo- 
 cratic deputies should be chosen. The depu- 
 
270 BONAPARTE 
 
 ties were not a little embarrassed by this 
 command. Nobody could wish to be looked 
 upon as either of the two j their own senti- 
 ments and their instructions stood often in 
 contradiction with such an appellation. Many 
 deputies of former democratic states, accord- 
 ing to their instruction and their own private 
 sentiments, wished for several aristocratic mea- 
 sures for their own canton : with other depu- 
 ties it was the reverse. Bonaparte, hke a good 
 soldier, insisted on a plain, unequivocal an- 
 swer J and he was not to be denied. Many 
 of the most courageous and eloquent depu- 
 ties, who were not easily influenced or fright- 
 ened into submission, were excluded by the 
 manoeuvre of this committee. 
 
 A conference between Bonaparte and the 
 select committee took place. The active se- 
 nators wrote down the pretended resolutions, 
 made a constitution for all the Swiss cantons, 
 and he delivered it on the nineteenth of Fe- 
 bruary to the ten deputies, commanding them 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 271 
 to comply with it. He was so modest as to 
 call this bestowing of a blessed constitution 
 on the Swiss, only an act of mediation. The 
 several and distinct forms of government 
 which Bonaparte gave to the different Swiss 
 cantons ; the act of federation, by which they 
 were to be united in one body. The special 
 usages, customs, and forms to be observed j 
 the liquidation of all debts contracted by the 
 Swiss during the revolution, and the appli-? 
 cation of the national property, were likewise 
 settled by this act of mediation. 
 
 Bonaparte, who has done greater harm to 
 the honest Swiss than any manj who has. 
 brought them to the brink of the precipice ; 
 who has rendered them, for centuries, unable 
 to preserve and defend themselves by their 
 own means ; had the impudence to address 
 them, in the preface of his act of mediation, 
 in the following terms > — " U Helvetia, en 
 proie aux dissensions etoit mmacie de disso- 
 lution J elle ne pouvoit trouver en elle mime 
 les moyens de se reconstiCuer. Uancienne 
 
272 BONAPARTE 
 
 affection de la nation Francoise pour ce peu- 
 pie recommandable, qiC elle a recemment de- 
 fendu par ses armes, etfait reconnoitre com- 
 me puissance, par ses traitis ; Vintiret de la 
 France et de la republique Italienne, dont la 
 Suisse couvre les frontieres j la demande du 
 shiat, celle des cantons dcmocratiques, le voeu 
 du peuple entier, nous out fait un devoir d^n- 
 terposer notre mediation entre les parties, qui 
 le divisent, STc* 
 
 He named also, by this act, the canton 
 which was to have the directorial power for 
 the year 1803 ; and fixed upon Freburg, 
 
 * Helvetia, a prey to dissensions, was menaced with 
 approaching dissolution. It did not possess in itself 
 the means of renovation. The ancient affection of 
 France for that respectable people whom she has late- 
 ly defended with her arms, and caused to be acknow- 
 ledged by her treaties, as an independent state ; the 
 interest of the French and the Italian republics, whose 
 frontiers are limited by Switzerland ; the request of 
 the senate and the democratic cantons, and the voice 
 of the whole nation have imposed on us the duty of 
 mediating between the parties by which it is divided. 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 273 
 where he appointed the Count d'Affry as 
 Landaman. This is the same man who for- 
 merly served in France, where he had the 
 command of the royal Swiss guards. On the 
 tenth of August, when these brave and loyal 
 men defended their unfortunate master and 
 the royal palace against the fury of the po- 
 pulace, and were mortally massacred, he did 
 not command them. He went afterwards 
 before the convention, and to save his own 
 life, declared that he did not head the Swiss 
 on that day, though the queen had very much 
 pressed him to do so the day before, to pro- 
 tect the king and the royal family against the 
 furious Parisian populace. The savage mon- 
 sters in the convention were rejoiced at this 
 deposition, as they found some ground on 
 which they might build the accusation of the 
 queen, whose death they had vowed. They 
 pardoned the hoary traitor. He seems to 
 make a very good use of his fortunate escape 
 for the benefit of his pious countrymen. He 
 
 A S 
 
274> BONAPARTE 
 
 lately supplicated the Pope in a very devout 
 letter, to extend the blessings of his protection 
 to the Swiss. His Holiness never shuts his 
 ears against the earnest prayers of true be- 
 lievers i he has therefore bestowed his paternal 
 blessings and protection on the humble Swiss -, 
 and nuns, and monk^, and brevets and bulls 
 out of number have been issued to prevent 
 the circulation of dangerous heretical books, 
 and to promote chastity : such have been the 
 precious tokens of papal benignity. 
 
 To save . all further trouble to the Swiss, 
 \\ho certainly were unable to help themselves, 
 the presidents of all the nineteen committees 
 who were to introduce the new constitution 
 into their respective cantons, and provisionally 
 to govern, were appointed also by the equally 
 benign Bonaparte. Nobody will be surprised 
 that not one single individual, of those Swiss, 
 who had distinguished themselves, in the lat- 
 ter years, as zealous and patriotic defenders 
 of their ancient liberty, w^as included in thft 
 number. 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 27S 
 
 The consular regulation concerning the 
 debts which the Swiss had contracted, begins 
 also with an order by which the restitution of 
 all estates, formerly belonging to convents, is 
 strictly commanded. 
 
 A solemn promise was made at the same 
 time, that all French troops should evacuate 
 Switzerland, as soon as the new constitution 
 could be introduced and settled. A year has 
 now elapsed since this has been done, and the 
 French troops are still there. It is a qtiestion, 
 whether their removal be desirable for most cf 
 the cantons. No good has resulted from the 
 new constitution, which many were in hopes 
 would in some measure restore tranquillity. 
 None had reason to be so satisfied, as to think 
 the country much benefited. The discontent 
 and fermentation are greater than ever ; and 
 the poor, honest, though passionate Swiss, who 
 probably do not penetrate the final views of 
 Bonaparte, are every moment exposed to the 
 .sad alternative of either inconsiderately flying 
 
srs BONAPARTE 
 
 to arms, or running the risk of falling into 
 the snare laid for them, even sooner than Bo- 
 naparte himself may expect. Switzerland, 
 thus shackled, degraded, and oppressed, be- 
 comes, for an attentive observer of Bonaparte's 
 usurpation and rigid aggrandizement, an ob- 
 ject of serious reflection ; as those unjustifiable 
 measures may be the forerunners of similar 
 attempts in future. 
 
 Having finished with the Swiss, he now 
 tried his strength on the English ambassador. 
 Private interviews, amicable jests, airs of fa- 
 miliarity, confidential insinuations — all his arts 
 were employed : but after some private con- 
 ferences with Lord Whitworth, regularly pre- 
 ceded by private consultations between the 
 latter and the R ussian, Prussian, and other am- 
 bassadors with Talleyrand ; after having in 
 vain exhausted all his powers, and at last all 
 his insolence, with the immovable Englishman, 
 the First Consul must have been convinced 
 that England wished for war ; as she really was 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. ZTT 
 
 ashamed of the disadvantageous peace she had 
 concluded. Her object was to put a stop to Bo- 
 naparte's hostile preparations, and thwart his 
 too incautious plans of aggrandizement. Me- 
 diations could certainly be of no avail, and yet 
 he very anxiously wished for the interference 
 of the Russian and Prussian courts. He sent 
 his favorite Duroc to Berlin, with proposals, 
 which had nothing less in view, than the total 
 destruction of England — his last and principal 
 opponent in Europe. If Duroc succeeded in 
 disposing the Prussian court in favor of Bona- 
 parte's designs, as far as he should think it 
 proper to acquaint the Prussian cabinet with 
 them — if he could prevail upon the King of 
 Prussia to take an active part in the war 
 against England, he was then to proceed to 
 Petersburgh, in order to accomplish his mis- 
 sion : but General Duroc soon returned from 
 Berlin. The Prussian court looked upon the 
 present dispute as a matter which concerned 
 England and France alone; as the English 
 
.2f8 BONAPARTE 
 
 ambassador had often justly complained of the 
 little gbservance of some articles in the treaty 
 on the part of France, and her eagerness for 
 conquest. This, also, was most probably 
 mentioned to the favorite emissary, though he 
 was dismissed with the most obliging assur- 
 ances of friendship towards the First Consul, 
 after having himself experienced the most po- 
 lite treatment and personal respect. 
 
 Bonaparte now seeing himself involved in a 
 war with England, sooner than he had first 
 intended, would willingly have induced all 
 Europe, if possible, to share in the contest : 
 but the prudent and moderate answers of the 
 two northern courts soon convinced him that 
 he had not with foreign powers that influence 
 he perhaps imagined. He must also perceive 
 that other nations had by no means that 
 contemptible opinion of England and its in- 
 ternal state, which he had too clearly mani- 
 fested, by his contemptuous behaviour since 
 the disadvantageous treaty of peace, which he 
 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 279 
 
 had so easily obtained. He must also find, 
 that their opinion of England and his were 
 widely dilFerent : they did not think that she 
 was unable henceforth to meddle with the 
 affairs of the continent, or too far humbled 
 ever to cherish such a presumption. On the 
 contrary, these courts must have become a lit- 
 tle more cautious by his own conduct towards 
 England ; and much more so by his insidious 
 proposals, his unbounded arrogance, and im- 
 moderate ambition ; however fair and polite 
 his words and promises were, by which he 
 thought rulers might be flattered and ensnared. 
 His overbearing deportment towards England, 
 by which he very imprudently roused her na- 
 tional pride, proved highly offensive to those 
 sovereigns who thought themselves connected 
 and allied with the English court, by different 
 ties from those of the First Consul, splendid' 
 as his successes may have been. 
 
 When Bonaparte now saw that the Englisfe 
 were 'n% earnest, he left uothiog untried to re-' 
 
280 BONAPARTE 
 
 tain the English ambassador at Paris 3 and af- 
 ter having failed in his attempts, he still con- 
 tinued to apply for the mediation of these 
 courts, to avert if possible the renewal of hos- 
 tilities. 
 
 The Russian Ambassador was at this time 
 suspected of not having sufficiently exerted 
 liimself, before the departure of Lord Whit- 
 worth, in executing the instructions of his 
 master in the offer of his mediation. Its 
 failure drew upon him the rudeness and arro- 
 gance of Bonaparte j but the Emperor justly 
 resenting such insolence, immediately recalled 
 his ambassador, who on taking leave, with no- 
 ble firmness said to the Chief Consul, That his 
 sole ambition was to obtain the approbatioi^ 
 of his emperor, and that he gloried in saying 
 that he had succeeded. He did not express a 
 wish for his approbation, nor did he manifest 
 the least fear of his displeasure. Many am- 
 bassadors at Paris would not have dared to 
 display such magnanimity. 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 281 
 Whilst Bonaparte was craving the media- 
 tion of Russia, he obtained the promise from 
 the Prussian court, that it would not interfere 
 in the protection of the Hanoverian dominions; 
 in return, he guaranteed the security of the 
 Prussian dominions ; this surely could be of 
 little use to a power, that has more than 
 200,000 excellent troops> ready to march at 
 a moment's notice. He availed himself of 
 these modest and peacefiil sentiments, to the 
 benefit of his army, anq the replenishing of 
 his treasury. 
 
 He immediately sent about 20,000 men, 
 the half of whom were scarcely clothed and 
 mounted. The general, at their head, must 
 have been very sure not to meet with any 
 resistance, as most of his troops who first 
 reached the Hanoverian dominions, were en- 
 tirely unprovided with artillery and ammuni- 
 tion. To the astonishment of all Germany, 
 to the no less great surprise of the French 
 soldiers themselves, who, also, knew the bra- 
 b2 
 
282 BONAPARTE 
 
 veiy of the Hanoverian troops, who, with their 
 own eyes, saw the excellent state of their dis- 
 cipline ; the whole Hanoverian army ; all the 
 Hanoverian artillery and ordnance ; all their 
 rich stores ; all the royal property was de- 
 livered up, without striking a single blow. 
 The French troops were new clothed, from 
 Hanoverian manufactures, and were mounted 
 by their horses. A number of the best, out 
 of the royal stud, and in the country, were 
 sent to Bonaparte, (for his family and consular 
 guards ; and as if the poor Hanoverian inha^ 
 bitants, who had nothing to do with the 
 quarrels and disputes between England and 
 France, the innocent spectators of all these 
 troubles, as if they were not sufficiently op- 
 pressed by the French, were compelled to 
 catch a number of stags alive, and to carry 
 them in large waggons, with six horses, to 
 Paris, for the park of Madame Bonaparte. 
 
 The Hanoverian ordnance was forwarded 
 with such rapidity to France, that the guns. 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 283 
 
 too heavy to be transported, were literally 
 sawed through, and dispatched in pieces, to 
 be re-founded there. 
 
 Though the public proclamations, and the 
 official Parisian newspapers asserted, that this 
 country and its army had been only taken in 
 trust, in order to withdraw from the enemy 
 a reinforcement of troops, and an addition 
 to his revenue ; though this country had been 
 spontaneously given up by its states, to se- 
 cure it against the treatment usual in such 
 cases, it was, nevertheless, treated with the 
 accustomed rapaciousness, and is now obliged 
 to raise increased pay for the enemy's troops ; 
 yet, the soldier only receives a third part of 
 it, and the officers nothing at all. The sur- 
 plus, as well as all ready money arising from 
 other exactions, goes into the treasury of 
 France, independently of which, officers and 
 soldiers must be found in board, lodging, 
 and every other necessary, by the citizens 
 
284 BONAPARTE 
 
 and peasants. All movable articles, of any 
 
 use to tlie French, were carried off. 
 
 The troops are continually exchanged. Af- 
 ter having been clothed and mounted, they 
 are sent home, and other troops replace them, 
 who are to be clothed, and mounted also. 
 This will certainly last as long as Hanover 
 can continue to provide them with clothes, 
 leather, horses, &c. As it is, however, unable 
 any longer to raise the money required, by 
 the French, the Hanoverian dominions are 
 already offered in pledge, to contract loans, 
 and the neighbouring imperial towns are in- 
 sulted with proposals to that effect. 
 . The French generals, and commissaries, 
 have taken possession of the royal palaces, and 
 the houses of the fugitive fathers of the coun- 
 try 3 they lead there a most luxurious and 
 prodigal life, and all -at the expence of the 
 unfortunate inhabitants. They celebrate their 
 republican and despotic anniversaries alter- 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 285 
 nately, and with the most petulant ostenta- 
 tion ; treating the poor Hanoverians with 
 marked contempt. They sent for their wives, 
 mistresses, children, &c. &c. in order to have 
 them fattened, and enriched on this devoted 
 soil. 
 
 This happy destiny, for one part of the 
 French troops, has had the effect of tranquil- 
 lising the whole army. The soldiers, in gene- 
 ral, are so sparingly kept, in their garrisons, 
 that they would inevitably starve, if their 
 chiefs did not discover ways and means, by 
 obtaining for them small parcels of land, to 
 cultivate potatoes and turnips. The soldiery- 
 view these depredations on the domains of the 
 king of England, in, Germany, as the prelude 
 to that long promised, grand, and famous 
 achievement, viz. the invasion and plunder 
 of Great Britain. This reconciles them to the 
 hard fare which they extort from the Dutch 
 and Low-countrymen, who are already over- 
 whelmed by their burthen, and see their 
 
28& BONAPARTE 
 
 own countrymen starve on the coast, whilst 
 they are compelled to give up every thing to 
 strangers. Another, equally numerous, divi- 
 sion of the French army, which was intended 
 for the happier elimes of Asia, and Egypt, 
 make shift, for the present, with what the 
 Neapolitans are able to afford 3 and wait there 
 the grand future events, which may, perhaps, 
 end in the final expulsion of the Turks from 
 Europe and Egypt. 
 
 The Hanoverians, though they may greatly 
 lose in property, in health, and in long life, 
 fmd, at least, an opportunity of becoming bet- 
 ter informed of the real French character, and 
 its despotic chief. A Frenchman is an incon- 
 siderate, often times, a wellmeaning and pas- 
 sionate talker, and it will ease him greatly ifj 
 after three years silence, he can speak his 
 mind. What the soldiers now loudly, and with- 
 out exception, express on their situation, on 
 the doubts and fears, with which they marched 
 against the respectable, well provided, Hano-* 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 287 
 verian troops ; on the robberies and imposLi 
 tions of their leaders, commissaries, and place- 
 men 3 on the despotism of their consul, who 
 is guarded like the grand Sultan j on the ar- 
 rogance and haughtiness of his ministers, and 
 council; all this will give the inhabitants a 
 much better idea of this country, of the state 
 of the French army, and its government, than 
 they, perhaps, had, when like other. individu- 
 als, who were disgusted at the oppression of 
 their government, they, by no means, looked 
 with displeasure upon the approach of French 
 troops. 
 
 There is not, perhaps, one Hanoverian to 
 be found at present, who would not look upon 
 the departure of the French, and the restora- 
 tion of his government, as the greatest bless- 
 ing ; though before he might not have been so 
 veiy anxious for the persons who formed the 
 regency. There is hardly any one amongst 
 them who would not expose his life, rather 
 than see his native land gradually perish by 
 
288 BONAPARTE 
 
 this slow mode of execution. Probably thej 
 would have met with timely aid from the 
 neighbouring countries, if they had followed 
 their first impulse, and made a noble stand 
 against the troops who were collecting in the 
 neighbourhood, and undoubtedly for some- 
 thing better than the mere amusement of the 
 regent. The anger of some neighbours on the 
 awkward undignified conduct of the Hano- 
 verian regency, for which an ungenerous re- 
 venge is certainly taken on the innocent peo- 
 ple, would have cooled : their own interest 
 would have induced them to consider what 
 might be the consequences if a neighbouring 
 state, which had to claim the protection of 
 the German empire, meanly yielded, and be- 
 came a sacrifice to the superior power of a 
 cruel and rapacious enemy. These neighbours 
 must now see already to their sorrow, that the 
 conduct of the French government does not 
 answer their ill-placed confidence. God for- 
 bid that Bonaparte should give them still 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 289 
 
 greater causes of dissatisfaction ; but of all the 
 attempts that ever entered the mind of adespot 
 none appear too great for this consul. He is of 
 a restless disposition and ever inclined to grasp 
 at more. His heroic and encroaching charac- 
 ter will make him pursue what other men be- 
 fore him, only wished to obtain. He will hardly 
 follow the steps of^Charlemagne, who always 
 kept up his constitution at home, and would 
 never infringe the rights and government of 
 other countries, though he was always most 
 successful in his enterprises. He will rather 
 imitate Charles V. or Louis XIV ; with the 
 exception of his military qualities, he very 
 much resembles the former. Charles the fifth 
 was ho hero. The picture which has been 
 drawn of this monarch, by one of the greatest 
 historians, exactly suits Bonaparte. " This em- 
 *' peror, ever on the watch, was more active than 
 " could be expected from his weak constitu- 
 " tion ; as he possessed more of the statesman 
 " than of the hero, he was always the more cau- 
 ci2 
 
290 BONAPARTE 
 
 " tious the more doubtful his object ; as he was 
 " himself an adept in dissimulation, he did not 
 " trust others ; his combinations were just as. 
 " long aslie kept himself cool ; he was simple 
 ** in his manner of living, and not without 
 " affability in his outward deportment." He 
 made the welfare of the roman catholic church 
 apretence to pursue his private plans against the 
 protestants — Charles betrayed hischaracter.— 
 Contempt of mankind is the true criterion of 
 despots. They abound in words , pride and 
 arrogance, defiance and scorn are the means by 
 which they endeavour to command esteem. 
 Charles shewed too early his disdain for the 
 states of Germany. — Though America was 
 plundered duringhis reign, he oftenfelt the want 
 of money. His armies exacted their pay from 
 foes, extorted it from friends. The suppression 
 of genius, and compulsion in all its dreary forms 
 were his continual aim. Craftiness was his 
 Qhief quality. His countenance never betrayed 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 291 
 the sentiments of his heart, and soft persuasion 
 ever flowed from his smooth tongue- 
 
 If this second Charles, this active, cautious, 
 mistrusting, well-combining, simple, popular, 
 despotic, haughty, proud, scornful, and deceit- 
 ful tyrant, who is versed in dissimulation, who 
 deals in fair words, who favours the roman catho- 
 lics, who makes both friends and foes pay for his 
 troops, though Europe and Africa have been 
 plundered by him, who makes suppression of 
 genius, and compulsion in all forms, his study, 
 whose chief trait is duplicity, in whose coun- 
 tenance nothing speaks, but his tongue softly 
 vibrates on the ear. 
 
 If this modern Charles, who possesses the 
 lustre of a hero, which the other wanted ; if he 
 should now come forth against Germany, with 
 his plan of an universal monarchy — will there 
 he found a second Maurice of Saxony to sub- 
 vert it ? 
 
 The right moment of resistance had been 
 suffered to escape in those ancient times : Yet 
 
292 BONAPARTE 
 
 the consolatory truth, that superiority of power 
 and cunning will wreck on the rock of flaming 
 patriotism, and the manly energies of a people 
 struggling for their liberty, remains. The 
 Smaikaldian bond was signed, and its objects 
 were carried with patriotic zeal. 
 
 If Bonaparte, like Louis XIV. should have 
 it in view to possess a state of the German em- 
 pire, why should it be thought impossible, as the 
 king of England has had one for the last centu- 
 ry .? — If he project this, and purpose drawing 
 all the smaller states into his interest, to take 
 them under his protection, and thus to weaken 
 the whole body, and to govern in Germany as 
 he does in Italy — will there be another Philip 
 of MentZjto rise and join all the princes of Ger- 
 many into one general defensive alliance ? — 
 Will he be able to unite the jarring interests of 
 such jealous neighbours ? When this noble and 
 patriotic elector planned the grand confede- 
 racy, two ministers of important powers made 
 quite contradictory remonstrances. Many of 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 29S 
 
 the princes of the empire were already in the 
 habit of looking only for their security to 
 France. Even at that period, not one of the 
 powers in Germany could singly resist Louis, 
 who was master of the finest empire ; who 
 called forth all his energies to render himself 
 the legislator for kings and republics , yet the 
 general alliance was carried. 
 
 Germany has oftenbeen saved by the power- 
 ful union of its princes, against Spain, Austria, 
 and France ; but there never was a time, when 
 the empire wanted a general alliance of its 
 princes more than at the present conjuncture, 
 if France should not weaken itself by its spirit 
 of revenge on England, and its projects of con- 
 quests in Asia and Africa. To prepare this al- 
 liance, it is the duty of all protestant northern 
 states to insist upon the evacuation of the Ha- 
 noverian territory, whose seizure the states of 
 the German empire should never have permit- 
 ted. If the emperor Alexander succeed in his 
 
294 BONAPARTE 
 
 mediation, then Germany, and particularly 
 the protestant part, will owe him greater 
 thanks, than even the king of Great Britain ; 
 and the former may rejoice for the first time 
 in having obtained the support of Russia. 
 
 A great weight would be given to a general 
 alliance of all the northern German Sovereigns, 
 by the accession of the noble-minded Alexan- 
 der.-^Bonoparte has done much to render such 
 an alliance more powerful, by imprudently de- 
 stroying all the ecclesiastical states, and ag- 
 grandizing the Protestant electors. German 
 princes will certainly not be so lost to them- 
 selves, and to their country, as to believe that 
 they are bound so tosacrifice their own and their 
 subjects' welfare, as to become the vassals of 
 France, or to neglect the interest of the whole 
 Germanic Empire and their northern aihes, to 
 please the arbitrary robber, and by increasing 
 their territory, cause them to be listless spec- 
 tators of the ruin of their neighbours. 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. s§S 
 
 If they were, may the example of the great 
 model for all German Princes, may th6 ef- 
 forts of the great Frederic of Prussia serve 
 them as a guide. His active zeal in crea;ting 
 the last union, which was too soon dissolved, is 
 before their eyes. If, before his penetrating 
 looks, it could have ever come to this, he, the 
 great, disinterested, and resolute Prince, would 
 now undoubtedly resign every quiet and per- 
 sonal enjoyment for the sake of public safety. 
 He would call upon all German Princes, with 
 patriotic enthusiasm, to stand forward in their 
 own defence. 
 
 " Malheureux ! vous creusez des gouffres 
 sous vos pas ; 
 
 " Vous leur payerez cher leur funeste assis- 
 tance ; 
 
 " Ces superbes tyrans intrus dans vos etats, 
 
 " Vous comptent asservir sous leur obeis- 
 sance. 
 
296 BONAPARTE 
 
 " Que leurs dangereux essaims, 
 " Vous feront verser de larmes ! 
 " Vos mains aiguisent les armes 
 " De ces periides voisins.* 
 
 The example of this great promoter of gen- 
 nine civil liberty, and of the only possible 
 equality, namely the equality of law j this 
 friend to moral light, is still looked uponandfol- 
 lowed as a pattern by his nephew, with the best 
 and purest zeal . Shall this great and generous 
 resolution, to support the independence, and the 
 rights of Germany, in which his great ancestor 
 has given so glorious an example, shall it not be 
 imitated by this noble successor ? Yes ! he can- 
 not suffer, that the light which beneficially shone 
 on his countrymen, should be taken from them 
 
 * Unhappy victims ! you are running headlong to 
 destruction. Those proud tyrants, once in your ter- 
 ritories, will make you groan under their yoke ; you 
 will rue their fatal assistance. What tears will their 
 barbarous hordes cause you to shed. Your bands are 
 sharpening the weapons of those perfidious neighbours. 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 297 
 
 by their despotic neighbour. He, the great 
 friend of learning, and the careful reformer of 
 public schools in his dominions, will not suffer 
 that the declared enemy of knowledge and 
 truth, who orders only one book throughout 
 his vast empire, for all the schools, should 
 now spread desolation and barbarity over the 
 German soil, where learning and sciences, 
 deserted from France, have now found an 
 asylum. 
 
 The assertion of the inferiority of the French 
 to the Germans, in knowledge, learning, and 
 judgment, may perhaps, surprise those, who 
 know the French only from the works of their 
 most celebrated writers 3 but it will not astonish 
 those, who have lived for some time in France. 
 It cannot have escaped the latter, that the 
 seemingly better informed people there exhibit 
 only a cultivation and refinement in luxury, 
 and are not nossessed of that sound and sober 
 judgment, nor that well informed mind, which 
 is the touchstone of genuine knowledge. It 
 D2t 
 
298 BONAPARTE 
 
 well applies to them, what our countrymaa 
 Moser said, sixteen years ago, when the rage 
 of French governors and governesses, for the 
 education of children in Germany, had spread 
 far and wide, and the sentimental romances 
 of France were looked upon as the best sources 
 of every accomplishment. 
 
 " This new method of education," says Mo- 
 ser, " will teach them perhaps to cut out 
 frills and fringes, but it is the most ridiculous 
 folly to prefer mere vain parade to real use. 
 Where luxury is founded upon affluence, it is 
 proper, and can be of service to the state ; but 
 where it is sought, even when the necessaries 
 of life are wanting, where the mind, being 
 a stranger to the most essential rudiments, 
 will fly upwards, and partake of the nourish- 
 ment fit for superior wisdom only, it is nothing 
 but splendid misery, and the consequences are 
 dreadful. By thus prematurely climbing up 
 into regions adapted only to the highest intel- 
 lectual capacities j the soul unlearns the good 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 299 
 
 and honest virtues of common sense, the boast- 
 ed endowment of our good mothers ; when 
 dressed in their velvet caps, the heart sickens 
 at the common domestic duties , it is deceived 
 into hopes and desires, which even a romantic 
 writer is unable to realise. After having tickled 
 our palate in this manner by continual luxu- 
 ries, we must at last have recourse to strono- 
 liquors and highly-seasoned viands, to excite a 
 relish for common food ; so the soul must take 
 her flight into the wild regions of ecstasies, to 
 drive away the tedious hours, and solace the 
 vacant heart." 
 
 The more cultivated part of the French have 
 drawn their instructions from the witty and 
 sarcastic writers of the last century alone ; 
 and it being a kind of national disease to hunt 
 after them, every one profited by the agreeable 
 lessons of their agreeable teachers j valets and 
 chambermaids soon learnt to satirise and sneer 
 as much at the most important and sacred sub- 
 jects, as Voltaire and Rousseau themselves. 
 
300 BONAPARTE 
 
 though they had not the least conception of 
 the nature of th6 subject. How false, imper- 
 fect and impracticable were the fundamental 
 principles of these leaders ! How unfit w^as 
 Rousseau to be a judge of constitutions, as he 
 tries them only by the touchstone of' his ima- 
 gination, or metaphysical theories, \rithout re- 
 curring to history, or to circumstances, as a 
 monitor; yet his pohtical and philosophical 
 speculations were the foundations on which 
 the wise men in France attempted to erect 
 their new buildings of egg shells. 
 
 The greatest part of the nation, and all who 
 have not lived in the principal towns, or their 
 neighbourhood, are wholly uncultivated, and 
 uninformed of their constitution, their rights, 
 and nobler duties ; they are only fit for me- 
 chanical employments. This want of all moral 
 information frustrated all the endeavours of 
 the most enlightened men in France, who, at 
 the beginning of the revolution, only wanted to 
 found a reasonably limited monarchy. It has 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 301 
 
 been the cause of all the horrors of anarchy, 
 and the wild delirium of demagogues. It has 
 made the re-establishment of the most arbitra- 
 ry despotism probable, which is now so well 
 organized, that it has rendered the prevention 
 almost impossible. 
 
 The first national assembly w^as undoubtedly 
 composed of the flower of all classes and or- 
 ders, but it wanted firmness, character, and 
 perseverance, to fix the basis of the well- 
 planned edifice ; and to secure it so firmly, that 
 any improvement and ornament might be 
 added without danger. They went on con- 
 structing ; and when doubts and fears after- 
 wards arose, they gave it up to the second as- 
 sembly to complete, after having left it in such 
 a tottering state, that the first storm- could 
 blow it down. In their folly, or instigated by 
 their jealousy of each other, they debarred 
 themselves from assisting and directing the 
 new journeymen, by enacting, that no mem-^ 
 ber of the first, should accept the place of a mi- 
 nister, nor be chosen a member of the second 
 
S02 BONAPARTE 
 
 assembly. Therefore the way into the minis- 
 try and the legislative body stood open only 
 to an ignorant uncultivated multitude. 
 
 That this multitude seized upon ministry 
 and legislation appeared too clearly, even at 
 its first sittings. The former could be furious, 
 and sometimes uncivil, but it never sunk into 
 senseless vulgarity. It was now, as if another 
 nation had taken possession of the seat of go- 
 vernment. Even the better description of its 
 members, who formed the party of the Gironde, 
 were but indifferent or partial substitutes 
 for the chief persons in the former assembly, 
 such as Mirabeau, Sieyes, La Rochefoucault, 
 Cazales, Rabaut, Lameth, and others. Their 
 exertions were too impotent and fearful, to be 
 able to withstand the fury of the rough and 
 stout children of ignorance ; they were subdu- 
 ed, and the men of the most violent disposi- 
 tions, and of the most uncultivated minds, re- 
 cruited themselves from others of the same 
 stamp, and a genuine representation of the 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 303 
 
 dross and rabble of the nation was to be found 
 as law-givers to this populous country. The 
 care of learning, and the arts, the sacred zeal 
 for liberty of conscience, and liberty of the 
 press i the blessed respect of the rights of pro- 
 perty, and of the laws vanished ; and in their 
 stead arose contempt of letters, persecution, 
 and annihilation of all liberty. Scorn of the 
 established law, and a desolating rapacity 
 began to prevail. The great and profound ig- 
 norance of the multitude was perceived in 
 these times of desolation, by the nation itself, 
 and still more by their neighbours. In their 
 armies, by which ruin was spread to adjoining 
 countries, and in the public offices of France, 
 insane and boisterous as they might be, there 
 was still some sort of regularity and responsi- 
 bility to be observed. Accounts and lists 
 were found necessary, though there was no de- 
 pendence upon their accuracy. A greater 
 number of men were required, who understood 
 %iires, and wrote a legible handj than fornner- 
 
504 BONAPARTE 
 
 Ij, when the whole was trusted into the 
 hands of a few despoilers, or fermiers ge- 
 niraux. But excepting those, who were 
 brought up to mercantile business, there was 
 such a want of men who were acquainted with 
 the first rudiments of learning, that they were 
 compelled to place the most nefarious rogues 
 in the offices of the exchequer, of the arms, 
 and in the financial departments, because 
 they orily were possessed of that little know- 
 ledge which the middle and lower classes of 
 the people absolutely wanted. Many foreign- 
 ers, chiefly Germans, from the banks of the 
 Rhine, soon made their fortunes by their abi- 
 lities j and if the minds of the better instruct- 
 ed German youth had not been dazzled by 
 the splendor of a military life, they might have 
 found employment by thousands, in the offices 
 and bureaux of the war department and trea- 
 sury. Many have, however, availed them- 
 selves of the opportunity. 
 
 It is also worthy of remark, that the enligh- 
 tened members of the first assembly were al- 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 305 
 ways the principal objects of persecution to tiie 
 subsequent national assemblies, whilst the pre- 
 sent government, which is in want of able and 
 well-informed men, now carefully look out for 
 all those, who have escaped assassination, and 
 the guillotine, to intrust them with the most 
 important places in administration ; Talley- 
 rand, Sieyes, Rosderer, Regnault, St. Jean 
 D'Angely, Mounier, Lameth, and several 
 others, are striking instances ; yet this is an ad- 
 ditional proof of the want of ability in France. 
 
 Very few Frenchmen are able to account to 
 themselves why the revolution began ; and for 
 what object they have undergone all the trou- 
 bles and horrors of the last fifteen years. 
 
 This unacquaintance with their own mind, 
 this absolute ignorance of their real wants, this 
 turbulent eagerness for change, render them 
 dissatisfied. Their government must tranquil- 
 lize them either by deceitful promises and trans- 
 actions, o]" keep them down by arbitrary mea- 
 sures of despotism. The government must de- 
 e2 
 
306 BONAPARTE 
 
 press a nation, which can only be led by art or 
 compulsion. The people always finding them- 
 selves outwitted or overpowered, must natu- 
 rally hate the government. If the ruler be a 
 haughty despoiler, a conceited man, whose an- 
 ger is roused by any contradiction and resist- 
 ance j if the nation be passionate, inconsider- 
 ate, vain and dissolute, then the contempt of 
 the one, and the hatred of the other, will rise 
 to such, a pitch of acrimony, that all feelings 
 of gratitude for past services must cease, and 
 all mutual good-will be annihilated for ever. 
 
 This is, indeed, the state of the public mind 
 in France. Bonaparte despises the French na- 
 tion in the same degree as it hates him. This 
 abhorrence is so universal, that hardly a person 
 is to be found, who will do justice to the First 
 Consul, even in his military capacity ; and ex- 
 press that high esteem of his talents as a warrior, 
 which has been hitherto admired through all 
 Europe, perhaps with too great an enthusiasm. 
 Even the army does not feel that regard and at- 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPtE. 307 
 
 tachment to him of which Moreau is so highly 
 possessed. He certainly gives great cause for 
 it, and provokes a considerable part of the 
 army by his bitterness, jealousy, and ingra- 
 titude towards him, who, conscious of his own 
 moral worth, and its value as a general, dis- 
 dains to take revenge on the injustice which Bo- 
 naparte commits against him. Instigated by 
 feai* and envy, Bonaparte even developes his 
 illiberal mind to the brave Moreau ; though 
 the latter would never enter into any device 
 calculated to ensnare himself, and be the means 
 of his deportation ; the consequence of that 
 greater want of prudence which some generals 
 have evinced. His injustice extends to all who 
 have served their native countiy under this ex- 
 cellent commander. Many of the officers who 
 were promoted by Moreau in the last glorious 
 campaign, have not yet received their brevets 
 from government. The ministers and public 
 officers enter into these sentiments of the First 
 Consul with the greatest zeal. It is notorious 
 
SOS . BONAPARTE 
 
 that it is no recommendation with them for any 
 person to apply for a benefice or promotion, 
 to allege his iiaving served under him ^ on the 
 contrary, it militates against him, and fre- 
 qpently exposes the applicant to rude and illi- 
 beral treatment : — Y/hereas the good fortune 
 of having served under Bonaparte, either in 
 Italy or in Egypt, is a sure passport to every 
 distinction and emolument. Yet, by far the 
 greatest officers and soldiers have served under 
 Moreau, and consider the neglect of their ge- 
 neral, under whom they have fought with so 
 much glory, as a dishonour to themselves, 
 w4iich they ought to resent, and the more, as 
 they share in the same neglect. If Moreau 
 were an ambitious and aspiring man, like Mas- 
 sena for instance, he might soon become a 
 very dangerous enemy to Bonaparte ; but he 
 finds too great happiness in the circle of his 
 family and friends, to disturb and imbitter his 
 repose by hateful passions, by intrigues, or 
 daring enterprises. Bonaparte who has no con- 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 309 
 ception of domestic happiness, does not credit 
 this, but looky upon him as a dangerous rival, 
 who might become a second Monk ; he has 
 him beset by spies wherever he goes, though 
 he assumes a careless air, as if" he took no no- 
 tice of him. Tiiis behaviour manifests little 
 command of his passions, and no conscious- 
 ness of his own worth : he shews that he is un* 
 able to value military talents ; he lowers him- 
 self, and injures his own consequence, by thus 
 degrading Moreau. Many of the genei'als of 
 the Chief Consul's party, and favored by him 
 particularly, are too proud of their own glory 
 and military fame, to shew any contempt of 
 this celebrated soldier. Not a word of disres- 
 pect is ever uttered by them ; they, on the con- 
 trary, often speak of him most highly. Of Bo- 
 naparte nothing is heard beyond the circle of 
 his favorites ; they are utterly silent respecting 
 him when they enter mixed society. His arro- 
 gance, his arbitrary disposal of favors, frequent- 
 ly wound even his satellites ^ and the groans of 
 
810 BONAPARTE 
 
 the oppressed will burst forth, after having 
 
 been for a long time forcibly suppressed. 
 
 Every one is strictly cautious how he utters 
 his sentiments. Bonaparte, who, when once 
 irritated, sets no bounds to his vengeance, has 
 silenced reproach and criticisms ; and his rigor 
 is therefore less resented by the French in 
 their present oppressed state. 
 
 That a people, who were formerly and design- 
 edly permitted to speak and to abuse, if they 
 only paid, and were obedient — ^who were chat- 
 terers and reasonersby nature — who made wit- 
 ticisms, vaudevilles, and epigrams, on every oc- 
 casion 3 that they should now bridle sprightli- 
 ness and wit so far, as not to allow themselves, 
 during three years, to write an epigram nor 
 ballad on the consular government and Bo- 
 naparte, though several may be circulated in 
 private, is certainly worthy of remark. It 
 proves that he, who severely punished every 
 pasquinade on the spot, has chosen the proper 
 method to restrain this inclination. It proves 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. Sll 
 
 that the spirit of the nation, whicli would give 
 vent in former times to their vivacity and hu- 
 mor, in spite of the bastile and the " lettres 
 de cachets," is entirely broken down by fear. 
 By selfishness, and love of pleasure, they have 
 lost all courage, firmness, and resolution. This 
 want of energy has displayed itself throughout 
 the whole revolution : For instance, has there 
 ever been a single man, among all those, who 
 drew a thousand plans, who made a thousand 
 attempts to sav e and to disengage the royal 
 family, on whose welfare and life the whole ex- 
 istence of the nobility and of the whole army 
 seemed to depend — Has there ever been one, 
 who has had courage and resolution to hazard 
 his life in the defence of the unhappy family ? 
 From Lafayette and Bouilie, down to the lieu- 
 tenant who commanded the dragoons at the inn 
 near the frontiers, where the royal sufferers 
 were detained ; nay, even down to Santerre, 
 who forced himself upon them as a protector, 
 tliey all shrunk at the decisive moment, instead 
 
S12 BONAPARTE 
 
 of displaying that manly firmness, and ventur- 
 ing their Me, to strike the minds of the people 
 with some heroic deed, and animating them 
 with zeal for their monarch by their glorious ex- 
 ample. By far the greatest part of the national 
 assembly was against the death of their Sove- 
 reion. Some threatening; manoeuvres of the 
 daring party in the palace, and the populace, 
 which had surrounded it on the outside, shortly 
 before the nominal appeal, effected a majority 
 of five votes for the death of the monarch. A 
 million of inhabitants, who pitied their king, 
 who shed tears at his fate, who were armed for 
 defence and attack, basely and cowardly suf- 
 fered themselves to be confined within their 
 houses by a handful of hired savages ; they 
 tamely suiiered their beloved king to be exe- 
 cuted, witiiout any attempt to preserve him. 
 _ Such proofs of pusillanimity stamp them with 
 ignominy 5 yet it is most surprizing, that the 
 very same nation, thus far degraded and cor- 
 rupted, still exhibits tiie old inborn militarv ar- 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. SIS 
 dor, and national love of glory of former , 
 times. Many thousands who quietly suffered 
 themselves to be guillotined, for fear of losing 
 an arm or a leg, would have marched undaunt- 
 edly against an enemy, who had irritated them 
 — they would, if their leader could have made 
 it a point of honor, have climbed up batteries 
 without hesitation — they would have borne the 
 greatest hardships with incredible patience. 
 
 This trait in their character, shews what 
 energy this nation possesses, what they might 
 be brought to effect, if they had built upon the 
 foundation, v/hich Charles the Great laid for 
 their happiness. He gave them a constitutioa 
 most suited to their habits. If in public in- 
 struction they had made it their great object to 
 endear it to the citizens ; and to shew its value, 
 the latter would have made anv sacrifice for the 
 public good, and cheerfully fulfilled their so- 
 cial duties. If they had followed the exam- 
 ple, which this great monarch set to his people, 
 in the simplicity of his manners, and in the 
 f2 
 
314 BONAPARTE 
 
 practice of social virtues, they would not have 
 mistaken the way to domestic happiness, nor 
 would they have lost all rehsh for it. Secure 
 in their native land, peaceful and happy in the 
 bosom of their families, they might have select- 
 ed, for their rational amusement, aPetrarch^ 
 a Tasso, a Raphael, a Buonaretti, but would 
 never have sent into Italy for a Medicis, a 
 Mazarin, or a Bonaparte. 
 ^ There are, however, some men of highly 
 cultivated minds, and of profound erudition in 
 France, who have saved their lives, and their 
 learning, from the wrecks of the revolution. 
 The present government has been compelled 
 to avail itself of their ability. May they ne- 
 ver forget, that they owe their present good 
 fortune, not to Bonaparte, but to the diffusion 
 of knowledge — may they never cease to be its 
 advocates and supporters. 
 
 The indifference with which the people in 
 general look upon every measure of the First 
 Consul to keep them in ignorance, is astonish- 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 315 
 ing. They are extremely indifferent about 
 state affairs, and a foreigner must make parti- 
 cular and earnest inquiries, if he would obtain 
 any information. The opulent part of the na- 
 tion seek, with insatiable eagerness, after sen- 
 sual gratifications, and pleasures of all kinds. 
 The luxury of the table is brought to the high- 
 iest pitch, and every thing which concerns the 
 important articles of eating and drinking treat- 
 ed as the most momentous affair. The great- 
 est variety and plenty, the highest refinement 
 prevail at the tables of the wealthy. The same 
 attention is paid to wines. The richest families, 
 the greatest princes, were formerly satisfied 
 with those of the country ; foreign wines were 
 seldom, and but sparingly produced. But now 
 it is quite the reverse , and whoever wishes to 
 be in the fashion, must provide the greatest 
 variety from Portugal, Spain, Hungary, and 
 Germany. The greatest sobriety was formerly 
 observed, perhaps more so than in any other 
 country. Wine was usually mixed with water. 
 
816 BONAPARTE 
 
 The present generation are not so abstemious ; 
 they will indulge themselves, and sometimes 
 drink to an unreasonable excess. The plea- 
 sures of the table now take up the greatest 
 part of the day, and even of the night. The 
 play-houses, and other places of rational a-^ 
 musement, suffer by such long repasts ; a fash* 
 ion that begins to prevail. Very few prepara- 
 tions were necessary in former times for din- 
 ner parties : People met at an early hour, spent 
 some time in chatting, laughing, and good hu- 
 mour, over a cheerful glass, and afterwards 
 went to the play, or other similar places : But 
 now, the' greatest number of people, which a 
 saloon can possibly hold, are asoembled toge- 
 ther, for no other purpose, than to be most 
 completely fed and filled for the day ; and the 
 variety of things set out to please and satisfy 
 the coarser senses, are the sole subjects on 
 which the conversation turns. 
 
 This immense luxury and prodigality of opu- 
 lent individuals is the more disgusting, as the 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 517 
 greatest part of them are men without good 
 breeding, or engaging manners, devoid of taste, 
 and of that ease, hj which these luxmious 
 feasts can only be rendered any ways accepta- 
 ble. The greatest misery, and the most wretch- 
 ed beggary, astonish and aitiict the stranger : 
 And he who is neither rich nor poor, runs in 
 most eager pursuit after gain, and does not al- 
 low himself time for a decent or moderate en- 
 joyment, in order the sooner to join the socie- 
 ty of tliese sons cf prodigality. It is not com" 
 fort they seek ; the greatest luxury and afflu- 
 ence is their chief aim. That happy class of 
 men, who, in humble content, live on a mode- 
 rate income, and pass their life i?. ezzQ, without 
 craving the superfluities of others, and their 
 empty show, is seldom to be found here. They 
 generally seem anxious and eager to spend the 
 day in the highest luxury, as if the following 
 would not leave them a single moment for 
 enjoyment 5 they are driven in a continual 
 round of voluptuous delights : and if they be 
 not soon ruined m a worldly point of view, they 
 
918 BONAPARTE 
 
 certainly are so in a moral. Yet their finances 
 are often exhausted first ; and the number of 
 great houses which have failed the two last 
 years, greatly exceed those who have sprung 
 iip in the mean time. The ambition, to be 
 looked upon as " un homme comme il fauty* 
 makes them guilty of all sorts of extravagan- 
 cies ; and as they can only acquire this title 
 by enormous expenses, these have no bounds. 
 Thoughtless spendthrifts, merchants whose in- 
 comes are uncertain, contractors who cannot 
 successfully go on without a great capital, al- 
 ways ready to meet a demand ; these, by ex- 
 pending their ready money in luxuries, and in 
 venturesome speculations, involve themselves, 
 in hopes of future gain ; difficulties and bank- 
 ruptcies ensue. This profusion has enhanced 
 the price of all the necessaries of hfe : They set 
 a bad example to their inferiors, who will no 
 longer lead their former sober life, when they 
 see their masters continually outrunning the 
 bounds of decency and moderation. 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 819 
 
 This indescribable prodigality of the men is 
 still exceeded by the exorbitant luxury of the 
 women. The daily change in the fashions of 
 their most costly dresses, and in the furniture 
 of their rooms, is beyond conception. The 
 most expensive Indian and English muslins, 
 in the greatest variety, and the most precious 
 stuffs of France, are their daily wear. The 
 continual alterations in the setting of diamonds, 
 which they use in great profusion, render these 
 very unnecessary ornaments still more expen- 
 sive. All sorts of precious stones, cameos, and 
 intaglios, are become indispensible additions 
 to a lady's attire. Their expenses in furniture 
 have so much increased, that the state-bed 
 alone of a lady of fashion, now costs as much 
 as the whole furniture of au elegant apartment 
 would, in former times. 
 
 The taste and character of these prodigals 
 do not appear to great advantage, if we consi^ 
 der the object for which they spend their money. 
 They never thought of availing themselves of 
 
320 BONAPARTE 
 
 the favorable opportunit}^ of purchasing mas- 
 ter-pieces of art from Italy, and valuable pic- 
 *t1ares from the Low Countries. There is no 
 demand for the best works of their own ar- 
 tists. Portraits of insignificant individuals, 
 and busts, are the only things which are sought 
 after. This certainly proves that the wealth 
 is by no means in proper hands at present. 
 
 Bonaparte sets the example in this depraved 
 taste. He only employs the artists for his own 
 portrait. David, the painter, had often been 
 ordered to copy that strange picture, a fine 
 carriccio, which represents Bonaparte going 
 full gallop over Mount Sl Gothard, on a 
 spotted horse ; whilst his masterly picture of 
 the Horatii, his Junius Brutus, and the Rape 
 of the Sabines, remain unsold. The best pic- 
 ture of Gerrard, his Belisarius, is sold to a 
 Dutchman ; and this great artist paints scarce- 
 ly any thing but portraits. It is the same 
 with several others. 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 321 
 Bonaparte, and many of his family, together 
 with other very opulent citizens of Paris, are 
 infatuated with the rage of building ; yet, noth- 
 ing has been brought forth, which may be 
 looked upon as a monument of architecture. 
 They have laid out immense sums for the fit- 
 ting up of the inside of their palaces, and a 
 thousand superfluous additions and alterations, 
 which their fancy and caprice suggested. 
 
 This false taste has extended itself even to 
 the stage, glittering and motley colors consti- 
 tute the character of almost all the scenes 
 painted of late. True grandeur, founded on 
 the simplicity and coherence of all parts to one 
 great point, is seldom observed. The better 
 taste is still preserved on the great stages, in 
 the costume of ancient dresses, which are be- 
 yond the reach of fashionable vicissitude. 
 Yet their love of glitter and shew manifests 
 itself even here, by the profusion of gold lace 
 on the clothes of the French heroes and he- 
 roines of the buskin. A vulgar taste has ob- 
 9 2t 
 
322 BONAPARTE 
 
 tained on the little theatres, and nature is re- 
 presented in its disgusting nakedness. The 
 characters of thief-catchers, goalers, and ex- 
 iles, are copied and represented in a most 
 disagreeable and loathsome manner, as to 
 dress and gestures. 
 
 The dancers, both men and women, observe 
 no costume ; they have laid aside all kind of 
 dress, and the whole of it is nothing but a 
 slight imitation of the paradisiacal fig-leaf. 
 As many of the female dancers are fine and 
 stately figures, the eye would not be so much 
 disgusted with this state of nature, if their art 
 still bore in pantomimes the character of gran- 
 deur and boldness ; but it is degenerated into 
 mere jumping, and their feats are nothing but 
 variations on the old method of tumbling and 
 leaping. The females have certainly some 
 grace, but not of that chaste, noble and digni- 
 fied kind, which touches the heart, and not 
 the senses : it is light, nimble, lascivious, and 
 calculated only to rouse desires. If. it were 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 323 
 
 not for some attitudes of Mesdames Clotilde 
 and Saunier, one might say of the grand ballets 
 of the Parisian opera, that Terpsichore is be- 
 come the prettiest and most enchanting petite 
 maitressc, that ever granted her favors, and 
 offered her charms to the jovial and giddy ter- 
 restrial gods. The multitude run eagerly after 
 the favorite actresses, and are highly pleased 
 with their exertions. Government ever atten- 
 tive to give employment to the sense, and to 
 encourage the people in their mirth, allow them 
 an annual income of half a million of livres. 
 
 The high tragedy, to which the First Consul 
 seems very partial, is neither awhole,nor apart, 
 neither cold nor warm. They have deserted the 
 former tragic manner, which was peculiar to 
 the French, and which did not suffer any mix- 
 ture of foreign art with nature. French tra- 
 gedy stands therefore below that of England 
 and Germany, though they possess a great ac- 
 quisition in Talma, and promising abilities are 
 discernible in several young actresses. 
 
524 BONAPARTE 
 
 They are not better off in their high comic 
 art. The intermixture of the Italian taste has 
 done the same harm in this respect, as the 
 EngHsh has produced in tragedies. The na- 
 tional, and truly original French comedian 
 of former times is almost entirely degenerated 
 into an Italian buffoon, yet they are still un- 
 rivalled in what is called polite comedy avd 
 naivete i many excellent performers of this 
 kind are still to be met with, on the greater 
 stages. The little theatres have made it their 
 chief study, since the revolution, to excel in 
 low comic and grotesque acting. Nature cari- 
 catured is often exhibited there in great per- 
 fection, and with that ease which is peculiar to 
 the French only. These little theatres are 
 chiefly visited by the merry and profligate 
 part of the community, and therefore always 
 crowded, in whatever part of the town they 
 may be situated. The multitude of the higher 
 and lower classes are never tired with them. 
 Some of the most wealthy families in Paris have 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 325 
 private boxes at the greater theatres, for - 
 M'hich they annually pay considerable sums -, 
 yet, by far the greatest part, is so much taken 
 up by eating and drinking, that they have no 
 time to go to the play ; or if they do, it is 
 mostly in pursuit of little love intrigues. 
 
 All Frenchmen, possessed of any property, 
 are most extravagant in one particular thing, 
 namely, in gambling. Tlie inconsiderate, pas- 
 sionate, and interested character of the French, 
 powerfully draws them into this vice. Their 
 government turns it to some profit ; it favors, 
 in the highest degree, all sorts of games of 
 chance. A great general society, or company 
 cf gamblers, pay the sum of six millions of 
 livres to government, for the sole exclusive 
 privilege of opening as many gambling houses 
 at Paris as they think proper. They have 
 opened in the first year of their existence, or 
 union, ten grand tables in the most frequented 
 hotels, and spare neither art nor temptation, to 
 attract the lovers of gain, who night and day 
 
536 BONAPARTE 
 
 assemble in crowds at these places, men and 
 women promiscuously. 
 
 The French government have also thought 
 fit to establish lotteries all over France, which, 
 in former times only existed at Paris. The 
 drawing of the lotteries, which are now estab- 
 lished in all the chief towns, occur so fre- 
 quently, that the adventui-er may speculate in 
 them every day of the year. The annual 
 sum of thirty millions of livres falls into the 
 coffers of government by this financial ma- 
 noeuvre. 
 
 The family of Bonaparte know also how to 
 benefit themselves, and their partisans, by the 
 granting of such licenses. The above society 
 has been compelled to grant, besides their sti- 
 pulated licence money, annual pensions to 
 some of them, and their favorites. The name 
 of Madame Bonaparte is reported to stand 
 first on this pension list, with fifty Louis 
 d'or for daily card money, affixed to it. The 
 names of courtiers, performers at the play- 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 32/ 
 
 Ijoiises, and female dancers, swell ihese lists, 
 with inferior sums. The last on this list is a 
 singer, who has fifty Louis d'or annually as- 
 signed to him. The whole of the pensions is 
 reported to amount to one million of livres. 
 
 The French government thus avail them- 
 selves of all the vices and extravagancies of 
 the people, to increase their revenues ; or, 
 as they chuse to call it, to " improve the 
 finances." Whether they have chosen the 
 right method to place the finances on a solid 
 foundation, it will easily be seen, from some 
 particulars, in their administration of the re- 
 venues. 
 
 There is no system in the whole of it. No- 
 thing but separate and temporary operations, 
 to ask from the people the most money thejr 
 can spare, to collect it with the greatest se- 
 verity, and afterwards to conceal from them 
 by tricks and art, the amount of the whole of 
 what they are to pay. 
 
328 BONAPARTE 
 
 None of those who are to pay taxes to the 
 municipahty of their district, can learn the sum 
 already received by government, and w^hether 
 the amount required from any particular dis- 
 trict have not been already collected. 
 
 The persons authorised to assess the inhabi- 
 tants, who are also collectors, have nothing to 
 do with appeals against the assessment. Com- 
 missioners are appointed to hear them, but the 
 complainant must first have obtained a receipt 
 for the payment of the first three months of his 
 Tate 5 and even then meets with no redress, if 
 the Court do not chuse to take his case into 
 consideration. Should his rate be lessened, his 
 fellow-citizens must pay for the deficit, and 
 every householder is liable to be charged a 
 higher rate during the year, which must be 
 paid without any hesitation, or the least resist- 
 ance. Every one therefore must wish that his. 
 neighbour should readily subscribe his quota, 
 ivhatever it may be j as the assessor, who is also 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 329 
 
 collector, receives the thirtieth part of the 
 amount, it is his interest to exceed the mark, 
 and the government is never much inclined to 
 return what it has received over and above the 
 sums required from the people s they therefore 
 wink at these extortions. 
 
 The philosopher M. Mercier once attempt- 
 ed to prove, that as man's happiness consists 
 in hope, lotteries must render a nation truly 
 happy ; no doubt he will also be able to prove, 
 that government, by asking but a little, and 
 taking a great deal, will certainly render them 
 most completely happy. 
 
 The returned emigrants have indeed great 
 doubts about the present financial system in 
 France, but it is now brought to the highest 
 perfection. The citizens, counsellors of state, 
 . are not only acquainted before-hand, what the 
 people are willing and able to pay, and that 
 every thing, like the miraculous loaves and 
 fishes in the gospel, will multiply in the gather- 
 ing ; they also perfectly well understand how 
 h2 
 
330 BONAPARTE 
 
 to pay the creditors of the state free of any ex- 
 pense, and contract debts, without any need 
 of white balls from their most humbly devoted 
 legislators. 
 
 This is the most easy thing for the Direc- 
 teiir general du grand livrs et de la liquidation 
 de la dettc puhlique. Any body who enjoys 
 the protection of the court, and has a demand 
 on the French government, is paid either by an 
 order on foreign or inland debtors, by the 
 assignment of national property, or by enter- 
 ing his name in the great book of pensioners, 
 which no legislative body can ever peep into, as 
 it is always carefully locked up. The court fa- 
 vorite, who is indebted to government, here 
 finds the fairest opportunity to enrich himself, 
 by this mode of payment ; he purchases for 
 a trifle, where he can, all the demands on go- 
 vernment, from such as despair of being paid ; 
 he sets them off against the demands of the 
 state, and becomes a rich man. This transac- 
 tion is not carried on secretly ^ no ! the brokers 
 
 .-:^x 
 
 \ 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 331 
 
 go round the Exchange, and inquire who has 
 any demands en government to sell. The old 
 state creditors, whose debts were formerly an- 
 nulled, are reimbursed in this way, if they are 
 fortunate enough to obtain protection ^ but woe 
 to him who has no interest at court. It will 
 be impossible for him to satisfy the endless de- 
 mands of securities, accounts, and bonds, to 
 establish his claim in the scrutinising eye of the 
 judges ; and if, after several years' application, 
 he should succeed, he has not yet safely steered 
 his vessel into port. A question on the vali- 
 dity of some bond, testimony, or witness, may 
 be started ; payment is suspended for the pre- 
 sent 3 and the poor creditor is threatened by 
 the state inquisition, or by the special tribu' 
 nals, with being indicted for forgery. 
 
 It may be asked — If this be the nefarious 
 conduct of government, where will the man be 
 found willing to contract for the victualling, or 
 clothing of the army, or supplying them with 
 stores } They are actuated by the same base 
 
332 BONAPARTE 
 
 principles as promoters of lotteries, and high- 
 way robbers. A thirst of gain, and a confi- 
 dence of being able to out-wit, even the 
 shrewdest amongst the cunning, prevail over 
 the many melancholy examples of those who 
 have been ruined, or have forfeited their lives 
 by such iniquitous enterprises. 
 
 It is a mournful proof of the wretched state 
 of a nation, when the public offices are looked 
 upon as the chief branch of national industry ; 
 yet this is really the case. Considerable as the 
 salaries, attached to any office or place, may be,, 
 the holder of it regards every perquisite, he is 
 legally entitled to, as the smallest part of his in^ 
 come. — Mais les Affaires — ^for so they call all 
 matters of protection, which bring good round 
 sums to fill the pockets of every one, from the 
 highest (k)wn to the lowest, who has any influ- 
 ence with the chief of the department, either by 
 the means of his valet, or his chere amie — these 
 extra fees make a small amends for their trifling 
 salaries ; this is the universal cry. 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 33S 
 A remarkable occurence of thiskinddeseiTes 
 notice. A demand On government for several 
 millions, due to some gentlemen near the 
 Rhine, for pro\'isions and stores delivered to the 
 army, had been made, and applied for through 
 all the customary legal channels without suc- 
 cess. The case was at last brought before Lu- 
 cien Bonaparte. His opinion was asked, whe- 
 ther the payment might be obtained without, 
 further delay, as in that case the creditors were 
 willing to submit to some deductions. Lucieny 
 after a full investigation of the subject, pro- 
 nounced the demand to be a just one, and said 
 to the supplicant, " Je TrCen charge, a cinquante 
 pour centy dans trois mois vous toucherez.'"* 
 The debt was discharged, and Lucien, who 
 had settled this payment with, the First Consul 
 and his ministers, was a few millions the richer. 
 The appointments of a senator, and a legisla- 
 tor are certainly not to be compared with such 
 pretty bargains. 
 
 » You shall be paid in three months, Fifty per cent, 
 (meaning Discount). 
 
334 BONAPARTE 
 
 Embezzlements and frauds must be continu- 
 ally committed by the contractors, to repay 
 themselves for the immense sums, which they 
 must lay out, previously to their obtaining the 
 contracts from government, to make good the 
 deductions, they must always submit to, in or- 
 der to get their money : nevertheless, they gain 
 by these contracts, the immense sum of 20, nay 
 30 millions of livres : this was the case with 
 Collot the contractor for the army of Italy, and 
 the navy, (who is supposed to be worth as much) 
 when the present war broke out, this Collot 
 almost forced government, to let him have the 
 contract for the navy stores, by pretending an 
 embarrassment of his affairs shortly before, and 
 threatening a bankruptcy, if not supported and 
 kept up by them. The government is very at- 
 tentive to those who have amassed immense 
 wealth in a short time during the war ; perhaps 
 they granted the contract, to drain him a little. 
 It is also reported, that Joseph Bonaparte has 
 <lrawn a small sum from this Collot, when the 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 335 
 
 former was concluding the peace at Luneville. 
 The day previously to its being signed, when 
 Joseph was sure of its taking place, he dispatch- 
 ed a courier, acquainting him privately with 
 the ratification of the peace, and ordering him 
 at the same time, to purchase 1,800,000 livres 
 in the stocks on his account. Immediately af- 
 ter the final conclusion he sent him another 
 note with this information, and reminded him 
 of the purchase — Collot had already executed 
 the order, and Joseph returned to Paris. 
 
 The state bonds for these 1 ,800,000 livres 
 were sent by Collot to the noble pacificator, 
 accompanied with a very polite letter, inclos- 
 ing his two former notes, and assuring him 
 that he could by no means think of keeping 
 the notes, of the grand pacificator of the 
 greatest nation in the world, amongst his mer- 
 cantile papers. He therefore begged master 
 Joseph to send an order for the amount j to this 
 there was no answer. Eight days after, Collot 
 hin^self waits upon him. — He was invisible.— 
 
336 BONAPARTE 
 
 He now sees plainly how it was meant. The 
 pacificator would also have his share in the 
 profit, which CoUot could make by this timely 
 notice. He was silent, and of the 1,800,000 
 livres nothing afterwards was said. Such little 
 sacrifices must be made up by contracts with 
 government, and CoUot must occasionally be 
 indulged with them. 
 
 Haller, who was the uncontrolled agent of 
 the finances in Italy, is reported to be still 
 richer than Collot. He is the man for the 
 Chief Consul. 
 
 HengerloOjCerf Bahr. Gobert, and Co, (who 
 began with selling cattle for the army) Vurras, 
 Larus, and Bezar, are all possessed of several 
 millions ; but they live in such an expensive^ ^ 
 style, and with such boundless prodigality, that, 
 they are ever eager after immoderate gain. 
 
 Hengerloo indeed made an arrangement with 
 his creditors,but many believed that itwasonly 
 a trick to escape the contracts for the army, 
 -which were afterwards forced upon Collot. 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. S37 
 
 Among the generals who commanded in the 
 last war, and who generally agreed with the 
 -contractors and commissaires GrdonnatcurSy 
 and thus had an opportunity to enrich them- 
 selves, by cheating government, and ruining 
 foreign countries, by levying contributions, 
 Leclerc, Massena, and Murat, are reported 
 to have acquired immense riches : Moreau 
 has not taken such good care of himself. 
 
 Talleyrand is richer than any other of 
 the ministers. Nothing can be obtained but 
 through their influence. An instance of this 
 occurred in the 10th year of the Republic. The 
 great water-works of Marly, on which many 
 millions had been expended, hyd been so far 
 injured, that all repairs seemed useless. Bona- 
 parte having always been desirous of inhabiting 
 the former royal residence at Versailles, the ne- 
 cessity of this machine became the more pres- 
 sing, as this place can procure no supply of 
 water without it. Government offered to 
 eontract for it, and a society of wealthy per- 
 12 
 
338 BONAPARTE 
 
 sons, with M. Montgolfier, the celebrated me- 
 chanist, at their head, offered to build a new 
 one, which should convey more water than the 
 former. They demanded no advances in mo- 
 ney, but offered to submit the work to connois- 
 seurs i and, if they approved it, they would re- 
 quire nothing more than the materials of the 
 old machine. This very simple proposal they 
 conceived would ensure the job, consequently 
 they had not thought it necessary to purchase 
 protectors, but they were refused. The repair- 
 ing'^ibe old machine was resolved on, and the 
 contract given to some friends. 
 
 The public prints frequently pass high enco- 
 miums on the great care of the French govern- 
 mentin restoring the manufactures to the flour- 
 ishing state of former times, and to incite na- 
 tional industry, but these eulogiums are not 
 merited. The abolition of all private, in favor 
 of one single state-bank, which monopolizes 
 the v/hoie, clogs industry by confining the 
 money to one spot. The further to promote 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 339 
 this object, new laws have been framed to pre- 
 vent the importation of foreign, and chiefly 
 English merchandise ; and it is enacted, that 
 the French manufacturies established near the 
 frontiers, shall be removed into the interior 
 whenever suspected bf introducing contraband 
 goods as their own. The wise financiers forgot, 
 that all those that are well established, are 
 calculated upon local circumstances, with'out 
 which they must come to ruin. 
 
 The new regulation with respect to the sale of 
 wood, for building, &c. on national property, 
 must also prove destructrve to many manu- 
 facturers. Formerly it was the custom for the 
 owners, when they had occasion for wood from 
 the royal domains, to join with others, and con- 
 tract for a certain quantity, which was to be cut 
 down, as it was wanted, in five, six, or seven 
 years, and paid for on delivery. Thus they were 
 sure to be provided without the necessity of 
 making any advances. The present govern- 
 ment, however, only think of getting the mo- 
 
540 BONAPARTE 
 
 ney, without considering how far it may em- 
 barrass or distress individuals. All wood from 
 the national domains is now sold to the hioh- 
 est bidder, must be paid for instantly, and car- 
 ried off without delay. By this regulation it 
 is only in the power of the wealthy manufac- 
 turer to purchase. He speculates besides, in 
 conjunction with other monied men, on what 
 the less opulent may want : He makes large 
 contracts in advance, and sells at his own 
 price. Industrious men, and young beginners, 
 are thus dependent on avaricious and unfeel- 
 ing jobbers, who generally succeed in effect- 
 ing their ruin. 
 
 The interest of money is also too high to ad- 
 mit of small loans. The great capitalist can, 
 at any time, make 12 and 15 per cent, without 
 much trouble ; and can also gain considerably 
 by contracting with government, by the course 
 of exchange, or by gambling in the funds. He 
 can likewise employ it to great profit in the pur- 
 chase of national property and estates : In fact. 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 341 
 
 there are many advantageousmeaiis open, with- 
 out endangering his capital, in new manufac- 
 tures, or other uncertain establishments. Both 
 the cultivation of the country, and the country- 
 men have been benefited by the revolution. The 
 freedom of inheritance of copyhold, without 
 paying a fee to the lord of the manor, the abo- 
 lition of all feudal services, the liberty of sell- 
 ing their property and land, and the partition 
 of large farms and estates into smaller ones j all 
 these alterations, W'hich the peasants owe to 
 the revolution, have been very beneficial. The 
 farmer is grown richer ; his encreased capital 
 has been employed in the improvement of his 
 land, and in the purchase of cattle ; the coun- 
 try is not only better cultivated, but more land 
 is under tillage than before. With respect to 
 all other branches of industry, very little can 
 be said of their flourishing state. The only 
 thing which may benefit commerce, is, the re- 
 moval of that prejudice which formerly forbade 
 noblemen to engage in commercial specula- 
 
S4^ BONAPARTE 
 
 tions. Madame de Turene has articled her son 
 to a great mercantile house, and several of the 
 nobility have followed her example. Some no- 
 blemen have laid out their money in manufac- 
 tures, which yield but little profit ^ for the 
 French have by no means that exactness and 
 regularity, nor that experience and solid know- 
 ledge of business, so absolutely necessary for 
 the management of these concerns. They are 
 all enterprising, but very deficient in just cal- 
 culations. They generally enter into a part- 
 nership with other wealthy men. Their na- 
 tional vanity, and love of show, lead them to 
 begin with fine large- buildings ; whilst the 
 prudent Englishman, uncertain of success, 
 usually commences with a small wooden 
 house. The spirit of gambling, which per- 
 vades the French, also induces them to spe- 
 culate deeply, to encrease the chance of con- 
 siderable profit. The luxury and extravagance 
 of these proprietors while they dwindle their 
 capital, infect their clerks and servants, and 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 343 
 prove baneful to their morals. The first who 
 establish a manufacture, generally lessen 
 their property by building and show : The 
 second, who take it up, by want of caution 
 and too great enterprise : The third, by want 
 of regularity and exactness : The fourth, how- 
 ever, generally begin to gain a little. Yet they 
 have still to combat the English as rivals, who 
 are possessed of all the means which continual 
 industry, the perseverance of a whole century, 
 and a public spirit, which supports every thing- 
 great, can invent. They have also to struggle 
 with the excise officers, whose depravity of 
 character is commensurate with that of the 
 nation : Very few of these men have accepted 
 their places for the sake of the salary attached 
 to them, but solely on account of the oppor- 
 tunity it aifords them of acquiring a fortune^ 
 by trading in contraband goods, which have 
 a great sale in France. 
 
 There is hardly a person in France, who does 
 not wear some- produce of English manufac- 
 
144 BONAPARTE 
 
 ture; from the wife of the Chief Consul down 
 to the daughter of a common shoopkeeper, 
 nothing but English muslins are worn. Ma- 
 dame Bonaparte countenances this fashion, 
 and sometimes grants to her favorites the pri- 
 vilege of importing small quantities of prohi- 
 bited goods for themselves. The wretched 
 state of the French manufactures may be easily 
 conceived ; if it be remembered, that they al- 
 most all live near the frontiers, and import 
 foreign articles, which t;hey pass as their own 
 by putting their mark upon them. 
 
 One of the additional hindrances of industry 
 is the unequal administration of justice. — Man- 
 dats de depot, or warrants of arrest, are granted 
 on the least pretence ; the man, whose seizure 
 the warrant authorises, is taken up, and j'<fczzr€'^, 
 as they call it, to distinguish it from imprison- 
 ment. He is, nevertheless, confined in a worse 
 and more wretched place, than the public pri- 
 sons for criminals. Whilst he remains there, 
 witnesses are called before the tribunals, and 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. S45 
 
 the judges examine them privately ; they allow 
 no counsel to the accused, they sometimes 
 threaten to treat them as accomplices, if they 
 will not confess, or say, what the judges wish 
 ^they should — The great art of these worthy 
 judges in the special tribunal is to find out 
 contradictions in the depositions, and they are 
 very expert in drawing out, what they call, 
 these JaiLV rationals. 
 
 The more ignorant and fearful the witnesses 
 are, the better they succeed. After having ex- 
 amined them sufficiently, an order to commit 
 them, a mandat d'arrit is issued, and is gene- 
 rally considered by the prisoner as a verdict of 
 guilty. 
 
 The law, which enacted, that prisoners should 
 not be kept confined longer than 48 hours, with- 
 out being heard, was thus eluded by the judges, 
 who do not consider the securing* of a man, in 
 virtue of a mandat de depot as imprisonment 
 or arrest, though he may have been in the de- 
 pot for several months. Now this subterfuge is 
 k2 
 
346 BONAPARTE 
 
 no longer wanted to infringe the law. Tlie 
 First Consul has arrogated to himself the sole 
 right of deciding as he pleases in all these cases, 
 as it has been observed. 
 
 The prisoner after having received amandate 
 of arrestation, is examined by the judges and 
 has a counsellor assigned him ; but the judge 
 may command him to keep silence, whenever 
 he chuses, on the pretext, that by his defence 
 he enters too much into political questions, 
 or interH d'etat. If this counsellor attempt 
 to go on, he is laid under an interdict for two 
 or even six months, by the judge, during which 
 time he is not allowed to appear as counsel in 
 any court of justice. 
 
 There is also a kind of torture introduced for 
 obstinate prisoners, who will not confess ac- 
 cording to the desire of the judge. It is an in- 
 vention worthy of a Nero. The present prefect 
 of the police, Dubois, who executes the will and 
 orders of Bonaparte with more readiness than 
 Fouche did, has established a new kind of 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 347 
 goal, so low and small, that the prisoner can 
 neither stand, sit, nor lie down. He is thrown 
 into these holes, and asked every quarter of an 
 hour, whether he will confess. 
 
 A passionate Frenchman, naturally furious 
 and lightheaded, will certainly confess anything 
 to inculpate another man, on whom the govern- 
 ment wishes to lay hold. It is no wonder then 
 that this true Neronian invention finds advo- 
 cates among the base hirelings of government j 
 but that a tribune, a lawyer, and a pliilosophi- 
 cal writer, should defend it as a necessary re- 
 medy to bring the guilty to a confession, as it 
 lately appeared, is indeed astonishing. 
 
 Liberal as the special tribunals may be with 
 these arrests they iind it sometimes expedient, 
 to be equally liberal with the discharge of pri- 
 soners, in the course of the process against 
 them, if the prisoner should happen to obtain 
 the protection of men in power. 
 
 A manufacturer of earthen ware, aM. Four- 
 my, living in the Rue de la Pepiniere, at Paris, 
 
348 BONAPARTE 
 
 was imprisoned and discharged in this manner: 
 He had bought the house which he inhabited j 
 but one of the judges in the special tribunals 
 at Paris, who had lent a sum of money to the 
 vender on the security of the house, wished 
 to purchase it also. The notary who had 
 made the contract, had named several persons 
 who might have a claim upon it, and whose 
 Consent was therefore required, or who must 
 first be satisfied, but he had not mentioned 
 them all. The incensed judge looked upon 
 this as a " falsum," or cheat, and ordered 
 the vender to be taken up. Some months af- 
 ter, when the witnesses had been properly ex- 
 amined, the judge flew in a passion, because 
 the purchaser had not been imprisoned, and 
 had him seized likewise. Fortunately for the 
 two prisoners, M. Fourmy knew the minister 
 Chaptal, and Fourcroy the counsellors of 
 state, who esteemed him on account of his 
 knowledge in chemistry. M. Fourmy ap- 
 plied to them, and both vender and pur- 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. $4^ 
 
 chaser were set at liberty without farther- 
 trouble. 
 
 A young merchant, a native of Germany, 
 whose name is omitted on account of his fa- 
 mily, connected himself with one of the thou-^ 
 sand swindling and gambling families, in whicH 
 Paris so much abounds : they persuaded him to 
 embark with them into a great enterprise, and 
 he borrowed money from his friends and rela- 
 tives so to do. As soon as these swindlers had 
 obtained all he was worth, and all that he 
 could raise from others, they tempted him to 
 commit a little irregularity, and accused him 
 as guilty of an intent to defraud them. These 
 gentlemen, with the judge, instantly laid hold 
 of all the property which the young man had 
 still left in the house, which was jointly inha- 
 bited by him and the swindlers ; he was sent 
 into prison. After having been a whole year 
 in a most dreadful place, and having suffered 
 beyond description, from the utter want of 
 cloaths, he was condemned to imprisonment 
 
«^0 BONAPARTE 
 
 for life, upon the only ground, as the sentence 
 especially mentioned, that he, being a beggar, 
 was still suspected of a fraud on their family, 
 who lived in affluence. After having passed 
 another year, amidst the most horrid wretches, 
 and in a prison of criminals, it luckily happen- 
 ed, that the infamous family who had ruined 
 him, fell into the snares of more cninning 
 rogues ; they were all transported to the 
 islands, as robbers, thieves, and swindlers. 
 An old compassionate man, among the judges 
 of this unfortunate youth, who remembered 
 how often and how solemnly he had always 
 declared his innocence, now recollected him, 
 and ordered his release without further pro- 
 ceedings. The young man, since his libera- 
 tion, has used all possible means to have a new 
 trial and reparation, but in vain, as he had 
 nothing but words and innocence in his favor. 
 It was not so easy to provide money again, 
 as the swindlers had absolutely ruined his cha- 
 racter , and he was told, that he must make 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 351 
 a deposit of a certain sum, before they could 
 enter into a new trial. 
 
 These monstrous proceedings are even ex- 
 tended to foreigners, over whom the tribunals 
 have no jurisdiction. The secretary of the 
 Cisalpine minister, a Signer Accerbi, was ar- 
 rested last year, and shut up in the depot of 
 the police, on account of his having spoken 
 too freely of the King of Sweden, in one of 
 his publications. 
 
 Nothing is more surprising than the care- 
 lessness of the French about all these horrors 5 
 it is, as if they had lost all feeling of justice 
 and equity. If this really be the case, it is no 
 wonder, that they bend so willingly under the 
 galling yoke of their present tyrant. 
 
 The history of the French people during 
 their melancholy revolution, may be compared 
 -to that of an uninformed inconsiderate young 
 man, who is defeated in spite of his courage, 
 boldness and natural strength, and remains 
 entangled in the snares of the insiduous. T4ie 
 
352 BONAPARTE 
 
 wilder and the more furious his struggles to 
 extricate himself", the more tame and exhaust- 
 ed will he lie down afterwards, and resign him- 
 jself to his fate. 
 
 In this forlorn and wretched state he will feel 
 some relief, if even one of the accomplices will 
 look with compassionupon him — will hasten to 
 the spot to protect him against the more. furi- 
 ous attacks of his desperate companions, who 
 would deprive him even of his existence. 
 
 If this new protector is cunning enough to 
 avail himself of his moral weakness, and treat 
 him with some indulgence, this poor entrapped 
 young man will even feel gratitude, and will 
 be most strongly secured. The fear of falling 
 a victim to his implacable enemies, his expe- 
 rience of former times, which has- taught him 
 that all resistance would be fruitless against the 
 cool calculation of these robbers, will enhance ' 
 the tranquillity and ease which he comparative- 
 ly enjoys. Unwilling to hazard any future ef- 
 forts 3 no longer fostering the pleasing hope of 
 
 * 
 
AND THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 353 
 release, he will sink down in a perfect consci- 
 ousness of his exhausted state, anxious to 
 cherish the little comfort within his reach. 
 
 It cannot be denied, that the French peo- 
 ple owe their political existence to Bonaparte 
 alone. Without his resolute character and 
 energy, every thing would have gone to ruin. 
 He animated with new life those who had lost 
 all hopes, and inspired the fugitive with cou- 
 rage. The French republic was so near its 
 entire dissolution, under the last Directory, 
 that Bonaparte would have returned from E- 
 gypt too late, if an equally resolute mind had 
 characterized any of the European sovereigns. 
 
 The nation, prone to enthusiasm, when it 
 saw itself saved, could not escape the danger 
 of a boundless gratitude to the man, to whom 
 they owed their preservation. Many trusted 
 too much in his high and noble character, to 
 fear in him a tyrant. The hope that he would 
 also be a wise legislator, and the founder of 
 genuine liberty, as he had been their Sa- 
 l2 
 
 ,» 
 
354 BONAPARTE, &c. 
 
 viour, animated them, and tranquillized their 
 
 fears. 
 
 Has not Bonaparte the will to render the 
 French free and happy ? Is he ignorant of the 
 best means to promote their fehcity, and to 
 establish a rational hberty ? Does he look upon 
 himselfj as the only man worthy to rule this 
 great empire ? — Does he consider the French 
 as incapable of any freedom at all ? Is it his 
 persuasion, that they must be governed by 
 force and despotism, and not by reason ? Does 
 -this induce him to deny them even the benefit 
 of a liberal education ? His future conduct 
 will throw hght upon these questions. We 
 shall follow him with our eyes, and his actions 
 shall be recorded with faithfulness and impar- 
 tiality. 
 
ssss 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 m,i' rt;^ tjim 
 
 A Quotation from Lacratelle' s Pamphlet on the 
 Dictatorship of Bonaparte. — Vide page 3 1 . 
 
 L 
 
 iACRATELLE in his latest publication, enti- 
 tled, " Sieyes and Bonaparte," said, " All our insti- 
 " tutions are crumbled into dust, but the powers of 
 *' the soul rise again. Be always firm, never stray 
 *' from that justice, which the present moment de- 
 *' mands — ^never abuse the noble and beneficial indul- 
 *' gence our laws owe to all, and which we have aright 
 *' to expect. — Be always firm in honorably respecting 
 *' the public opinion, which has been awakened by 
 " you, in order that truth may perfect your wisdom, 
 '' and teach you to defend your glory." He also says, 
 " You have entered into a conspiracy, for what ? to 
 *' alter every thing which existed. Your conspiracy 
 " tended to what ? to an entire revolution. — From a 
 " senate instituted to maintain the constitution, you 
 " have asked ; what ? the means of overturning this 
 " constitution. You have asked from the state bodies, 
 " who represented the people ; what ? that they should 
 " give in their resignation — into whose hands? into 
 
356 APPENDIX. 
 
 " yours ; — At a moment when a foreign war was still 
 *' carried on with acrimony ; when a civil war had 
 " broken out, amidst all sorts of misery ; during a war 
 " of all passions, in presence of all factions ; before 
 *' all Europe you have established — ^what ? a dicta- 
 *' torship !" He then addresses his fellow citizens. 
 " The dictatorship is the consequence of commotions, 
 *' of convulsions in the state body. It is brought forth 
 *' by circumstances, it ceases with them. It is either 
 *' given, or taken by force. It falls into the hands of 
 " a corporate body, or in those of a single man. It 
 *' exists by the laws, or against the laws ; it maintains 
 " them, or it annihilates them. It saves nations ; it 
 *' oppresses them. It prolongs its existence ; it ceases, 
 " when it should. — It has more or less power as it was 
 *' contended it should, all according to the character 
 *' and temper of those, in whose hands it is, or ac- 
 *' cording to the character of the people by whom it 
 " is established, all according to the parties, the tem- 
 " per, the passions, the inclinations, the opinions 
 " which may prevail there. Let us well ponder the 
 " circumstances, before we establish a dictatorship, 
 *' or before we reject it ; let us try the character of 
 " those to whom we trust or deny it. — Let us grant 
 *' every thing, if it incline to the good — and deny all, 
 " if its tendency be bad. Let us take care, that it 
 *' may be as little necessary as possible, let us watch 
 " when it dispenses favours, lay open its errors, and 
 *' if it must be, let us show ourselves terrible against 
 " fatal encroachments j — ^let us be without fear, and 
 
APPENDIX. 357 
 
 ** without enthusiasm ; — ^let us enjoy the ease which 
 " it prepares, but always, look upon its actions, either 
 " with gratitude or mistrust ; here with admiration 
 " — ^there with reproach." He says of Bonaparte, 
 " I was inclined to think well of Bonaparte. He must 
 '*^have the natural magnanimity of a young heart, 
 " though his head is wonderfully ripened already. If 
 *' any thing can make him giddy, it must be the hope 
 *' of becoming more than a protector, greater than a 
 '* King ; to be the restorer of blessings we thought we 
 *' had for ever lost. ; to be the founder of a great and 
 *' glorious republic. Yet the seduction of power may 
 *' determine him, who had only erred because he 
 *' thought himself too sure." He says at last, " At 
 '' the end of the 18th century nothing happens which 
 *' could have happened at the end of the l/th." 
 
 Laeratelle lastly dwells designedly on the conjunc- 
 tion of two men, " Sieyes and Bonaparte," which ap-, 
 peared so important to all genuine patriots. He says, 
 " The dictatorship was not exclusively destined for 
 *' the warrior, nor the philosopher, it was reserved for 
 *' him, who united wisdom with strength. Would 
 *' these men, the last hope of a frantic people, sink- 
 " ing under a load of crimes and sufferings, — would 
 ** they not forfeit all public esteem, exhibit themselves 
 " as cool calculators of their own dangers, and betray 
 " an hateful ambition, who found their interest on 
 "• the ruin of the state, if they had not accepted of the 
 *•• power to perform all possible good, — ^that power, 
 " of which they are to give an account, which would 
 
^58 APPENDIX. 
 
 " have been granted to them as the gift of despair, 
 " when the evil had reached its highest pitch. — These 
 *' remarks, perhaps, accelerate the resolution of Bo- 
 *' naparte, to get rid of this troublesome associate." 
 
 This bold publication had scarcely made its appear- 
 ance, when Sieves was also put aside. 
 
 Quotationfrom Cabanis on a genuine Represen- 
 tation, S(c. — Vide page 3 1 . 
 
 Cabanis in vain notices in his speech on the 25th 
 Frimaire, in the legislative commission of the council 
 of five hundred, the chief requisites of a genuine re- 
 presentative system, and the functions of the legisla- 
 tive bodv, and of the tribunate. He exclaims with 
 anxious fear, " The existence of this magistracy of 
 " the people, connected with the liberty of the press, 
 *' which must always be unlimited under a strong go- 
 " vernment, is one of the principal guarantees of pub- 
 *' lie liberty : For whatever may be attempted, there 
 *' is no real and solid security, if it be not founded 
 *' upon public opinion." The same anxious presen- 
 timent of the future, draws the following words from 
 the orator : " Our situation may render it necessary, 
 " that certain members of the executive power place 
 *' themselves at the head of the armies, or that nu- 
 " merous military corps in the neighbourhood of the 
 " grand community, where they reside, remain un- 
 " der orders. But all this must only be looked upon 
 " as a provisional measure, and we must not delay, 
 " recurring to the fundamental principles, as soon as 
 " tranquillity is restored at home and abroad. 
 
APPENDIX. 359 
 
 *' In vain does Chenier exclaim in his speech at the 
 " sitting at the tribunate, on 23 Germinal, wherein he 
 " wisely demanded, that it should be held twice in a 
 " month, during the future vacancies of the legislative 
 " body, for 8 months, in order to deliberate on every 
 " subject which might appear to them expedient for 
 " the benefit of the administration, and to communi- 
 " cate it as the wish of the tribunate. In vain, ex- 
 " claims he, like Lacratelle and Cabanis, the rest- 
 " less enemies of reason, the self interested slander- 
 " ers of learning, hoped to break down the building 
 " of the French revolution. They flatter themselves 
 " in vain, to lead us back to fanaticism, to feudal 
 " prejudices : their mode of reasoning in favor of its 
 " possibility is so easily refuted, that it is now look- 
 " ed upon as common-place argument. 
 
 " They will be unable to check the career of human 
 " understanding ; like the inquisitors, who could not 
 *' stop the rotation of the earth by throwing Galeleo 
 " into a dungeon ; like the persecutors of Faust and 
 " Guttemburgh, who could not check the progress of 
 " the art of printing, which threatened destruction 
 " to all tyrants, and changed the face of the whole 
 " earth." 
 
 Observations y by the Author , on Lord Gren- 
 villes Note. — Vide page 3{. 
 
 The answer of Lord Grenville contained nothing 
 but a denial of the most incontrovertible facts, eva- 
 sions, and pretences to continue the war. It appears 
 
3©D APPENDIX. 
 
 at the same time, from the speech of this noble Lord, 
 in the house, that he was not inclined to negociate. 
 The reasons alleged by him, and his partisans, to 
 justify this want of good will, are remarkable. They 
 say the French had been the aggressors ; strange 
 enough, that no negotiation is to be entered into on 
 that account ! Then every war must be a war of ex- 
 termination. The worst of it was, that the English 
 had themselves been the aggressors, but the French 
 knew how to retort the charge upon the English. 
 Again they say, " They could not treat with the 
 f' French, as France had been continually ruled by 
 *' republican principles since the war. Yet had they 
 " not attempted to negociate with Dumourier, even 
 " in the first year of the republic ! shortly after the 
 *' sending away of the ambassadors ? Had they not 
 *' sent an agent with proposals to the committee of 
 *' public safety, (comite du saliit public) in the second 
 " year of the republic ? Had they not offered in the 
 *' fourth year, to treat with the directory ? Did they 
 *' not repeat the attempts again with this same direc- 
 " tory, both before and after the 18 Fructidor? 
 
 " Did they not declare, when the negociations were 
 " broken off, that they were ready to renew them, if 
 " the revolutionary government of the republic shew- 
 " ed itself inclined to peace ? Why would they not 
 " now treat with. Bonaparte ? The blunt answer to 
 " this question v/ill, perhaps, explain the whole con- 
 " duct of the English ministry, during the French 
 " revolution. 
 
APPENDIX. 361 
 
 ^' Bonaparte was looked upon as a man, who might 
 " have the high and noble ambition, as well as the 
 " power, to give that free constitution to France, 
 " which it had frequently attempted to establish, by 
 *' several means, but always in vain. It was imagined 
 " that he could accomplish the grand work, which 
 " England, or rather the ministry, dreaded since the 
 *' revolution ; conscious of their having attempted to 
 " degrade the people, and undermine the English 
 ** constitution. 
 
 ^' If the French, strangers to all true republican 
 *' virtues, could succeed in any way to obtain this 
 " great end ; how much easier would it have been to 
 " the English citizens, for centuries past, who have 
 " been bred up to liberty, who possess the two grand 
 *' requisites of free citizens, in a high degree, name- " 
 *' ly, a disposition to find out the beneficial law, by 
 " a fair and general discussion, and a sacred respect 
 " towards established customs." 
 
 Finally, The ministers said, " That the French 
 " government could not offer any guarantee, and that 
 " time only could decide, what degree of confidence 
 ** it deserved. As if it were the custom to make the 
 *' past, and not the present nor the future, the basis 
 " of negociations ; as if after any change of govern- 
 " ment in France, the new one would always make 
 " war, and conjure up a new coalition. 
 
 *' After many confused and contradictory recrimi- 
 *' nations, the minister gives it as his opinion, that 
 *' the restoration of the old dinasty, suspended by the 
 M 2! 
 
362 APPENDIX. 
 
 " revolution, would be the best security of govfern- 
 *■'' merit ; it would ensure to France the undisputed 
 " possession of their former territorj^, or rather, it 
 *' would prevent any impression on the English peo- 
 " pie disadvantageous to the ministry. The speech 
 " of Mr. Pitt in the House of Commons, repeats 
 " in plain terms, these evasive reprobations." 
 
 Bonaparte was treated there, and in the upper 
 house, like a faithless robber and assassin. The sword 
 was therefore to decide, and peace must be conquered. 
 
 Quotation from the speeches of DaunoUy Jean 
 de Brie, and Berijamin Constant, after 
 Bonaparte* s return from Marengo. — Vide 
 page 39. 
 
 The friends of liberty availed themselves of every 
 opportunity, to remind their victorious chief of his 
 duty, whilst the nation in enthusiastic strains, loudly 
 sang his praises. In the sitting of the tribunate on 
 the 3d Messidor, which took place in consequence of 
 the news respecting the victory at Marengo, and in 
 order to deliberate on the most proper celebration of 
 the same, some patriotic orators did not fail, after 
 many just eulogiums to express their fears and wishes 
 concerning their leader, who was returning crowned 
 with glory. Daunou says, " The battle of Marengo, 
 *' glorious as it is in itself, is still more glorious on 
 " account of the consequences, which you are entitled 
 " to expect. It consolidates the power of the republic, 
 
APPENDIX. 368 
 
 " gives additional lustre to its government, and se- 
 *' curity to freedom. It dispels the fears of future 
 " institutions incompatible with the genius of the 
 " republic. It adds to the joy of the people, the 
 " national festival, (the festival day of the republic) 
 " which all are to celebrate, and they can now indulge 
 *' the noblest feelings of the human heart, in the bo- 
 " som of universal harmony, without the bitter pang 
 " of mournful recollections. No ! this liberty, the fruit 
 " of so many sacrifices, the price of so many triumphs, 
 *' never can again be taken av/ay from us." 
 
 Jean de Brie endeavours to compare this remarka- 
 ble victory, (which appeared to strengthen anew the 
 pillars of the republic) and the heroic fall of the 
 noble Dessaix, with the conquest and death of Leoni- 
 das and Epaminondas. He adds, " Who will prevent 
 " us, from manifesting our feelings, and by every en- 
 " couragement exciting a noble display of generous 
 *' sentiments in republicans, by shewing to them, that 
 " the memory of virtuous citizens is engraven on the 
 " hearts of their magistrates." 
 
 Benjarnin Constajit^ praises in his speech, all the 
 Italian patriots, who were released in consequence of 
 the treaty, after the battle of Marengo. He looks 
 upon it, as a happy foreboding for those who suffered 
 for the cause of liberty in Ireland. He exclaims, 
 " Honor to all republican proclamations, which sound 
 " the language of liberty, of equality, of sovereignty 
 *' of the people ; this language is worthy of heroes ; 
 " some contemptible voices would fain silence, by 
 
S64 Appendix.' 
 
 " empty declamation. Hail ! and a joyful welcome 
 " to the highly honoured sacrifices in the glorious 
 *' cause, and to the brave out-laws, whom the fate of 
 *' the republic calls from subterranean dungeons. 
 *' May we follow their example !" 
 
 He extols the peace, which he prophecies as a ne- 
 cessary consequence of the victory of Marengo, and 
 exclaims with the utmost animation, and patriotic 
 feeling, " Peace secures the rights of the individual, 
 *' the rights of a whole nation, and the representative 
 " system to futurity. Peace will restore to us the 
 *' indispensable liberty of the press, will restore to 
 " reason its innate power, and open to the enltghten- 
 *' ed mind, a view to be useful to mankind, and to 
 *' promote the noble independence of thought." 
 
 RioufF then exclaims, with republican enthusiasm, 
 *' The soldiers of liberty exhibit themselves, as they 
 " have never ceased to do for the last ten years, as 
 *' models of patience, and submission, as the bulwark 
 *' and pride of their native land. What are the hopes 
 *' left to the enemies of the republicans ? What are 
 *' the proofs, their policy can demand ? Superior to 
 *' the griping pressure of want, and to the temptations 
 " of affluence, on the barren Alps, and in the fruitful 
 *' fields of Campania, in misfortunes and success, they 
 " are animated but by one desire, — that of shedding 
 " the last drop of their blood, for this gi'and object ; 
 *' — liberty and equality. Surrounded by raging fac- 
 " tions, dispersed or united, in dungeons or in the 
 
APPENDIX, 3G5 
 
 " curulean seats, their legislators still resound in 
 "•their ears, liberty and equality. 
 
 ** The revolutionary tempest rages in vain, it can- 
 *' not obliterate the sentiment of liberty, of personal 
 " liberty, so deeply rooted in the hearts of men." 
 The republican writers manifested, like Guinguenet, 
 their fears more openly. " The genuine friends of 
 " liberty," said he, " are not without fears ; they see 
 " how a party, declaring against all parties, endea- 
 " vours to reign alone ; how it attempts to reintro- 
 *' duce all ancient institutions, even those that had 
 *' been acknowledged deficient "during the monarchy. 
 *' They are uneasy, as they cannot see where an end 
 *' of the retrogression to those abuses will be, which 
 " crept in with the revolution. — As the men, who 
 *' stand at the head of that party, whose existence can 
 ** no more be denied, are notorious for their hatred 
 *' of every form of republican government, for their 
 " ambition and talents. 
 
 " But the government, which openly declared, that 
 " it would have no party, whose interest it is, not to 
 *' throw themselves imprudently into the arms of 
 ^' those who cajole them first, to stifle them after- 
 " wards : it will shield the republic against the new 
 *' danger with which it is threatened. These dan- 
 " gerous men only desired quiet in former times, only 
 -* the permission to live unobserved ; but now all will 
 " seize on the first places, will realise their plans and 
 " systems, will subvert all that was before, to restore 
 *'' it again. Family of Bonapai'te ! the republicans 
 
366 APPENDIX. 
 
 *' place their hopes in you ; — You will repel the clan- 
 " destine enemies who flatter you now, but do not 
 *' pardon it to have been the supports and even the 
 " founders of our present governnaent." Thus spoke 
 Ginguenet^ when the news of the victory of Marengo 
 arrived ; and soon after, when many foreigners, see- 
 ing the universal enthusiasm, feared for the destruc- 
 tion of liberty, he exclaimed, " Ten years of firm- 
 *' ness, of energy, and of heroism, should have estab- 
 *' lished the opposite opinion. Every interest centres 
 *' in the desire of maintaining the revolutions, and 
 " establishments. The majority of Frenchmen have 
 *' taken too active a pert to recede. Why should 
 *' they now alter their opinion as they see an end to 
 *' all the evils of revolutions — for where disturbances 
 " take place, vices will manifest themselves, as they 
 " have arrived to a firm, quiet and happy order of 
 " things, as genius and victory protect them." 
 
 Quotatiofi from Jean d\4ngelys, " Bulletiii 
 de Parish — Vide page 10?. 
 
 St. Jean d' Angely, offered in his Bulletin of Paris, 
 an essay on usui-pers. After having quoted a passage 
 from a publication, entitled the " central lodge of 
 genuine freemasons," to prove that Arminius had not 
 been an usurper, and that the greatest princes had been 
 proud to rank him among their ancestors, though he 
 did not descend from a Cheruskian Monarch, he adds, 
 ^> It would be improper to attempt to prove that all 
 
APPENDIX. 367 
 
 ." governments originally bear the stain of usurpation ; 
 " we must therefore acknowledge the humiliating 
 " truth, that nothing exists in nature, which had not 
 *' its origin in a previous dissolution." He also shews, 
 *' That most of those, to whom history applies the 
 " title of usurpers, were such extraordinary characters 
 " as nature only produces at great intervals, to rescue 
 . *' civil society from overgrown evils." Yet what are 
 the arguments, of which this shameless counsellor of 
 state, openly avails himself in the face of a republican 
 people ? Hear him ! " Who has ever dared to ques- 
 ." tion the fame of a Deioces. The Medes, his coun- 
 " trymen, living under a repvibiican government, 
 *' found themselves assailed by the murderous and fu- 
 " rious attacks of democracy. Deioces, who had led 
 " them to victory, subjects them to laws replete with 
 " wisdom. Rousing them from the dangerous illu- 
 *' sions of freedom, which they had never known ; 
 " bold and successful, he allows them to proclaim him 
 " the first King of the Medes. He assembles a splen- 
 *' did court around his person, and only shews him- 
 *' self to his subjects in royal splendor, whilst he 
 .*'• unites strength arid magnificence in his government, 
 *' and becomes the founder of the greatest empire ia 
 ♦' Asia." 
 
 The wise King Hiero, at whose feet the Syracusi- 
 ans laid their tumultuous freedom, is also held out 
 as a glorious example. This counsellor very distinct- 
 ly explains himself at last. He says, " Never were 
 " there so many assentient voices upon one political 
 
36S APPENDIX. 
 
 ^^ question, collected in Paris, as that of the consulate 
 " for life. You desire a lasting political establish- 
 " ment. — One party begins to think, that a dynasty is 
 *' not always of divine origin, that the family of Hugo 
 " Capet, ascending the throne of the Carolovingians 
 " by a revolution, had no other right to it, than that 
 *' of possession. Rights of this sort must naturally 
 *' cease, when a new order of things is introduced.— 
 *' An opposite system would eternize the confusion 
 " in political affairs. The claims of Stanislaus Xavier 
 " are not to be compared with those which the car- 
 *^ dinal of York possessed to the throne of England. 
 *^ The commitment of the British government to a 
 *^ Dutch general in the year 1688, (how cunning, to 
 *' call the Prince William of Orange, only a Dutch 
 *' general) is a true rebellion still, if the consequen- 
 *' ces from certain principles, exclusively applied to 
 *' France were also applied to England (how malici- 
 *' ous towards England, after the negociations for 
 *' peace had just begun)." 
 
 The counsellor prophecies lastly the results of this. 
 He says, " The accession of Bonaparte to a consulate 
 *' for life, will be a grand event. — As the best insti- 
 *' tutions are those, which proceed from circumstan- 
 " ces ; 'as the most lasting constitution is that, which 
 " has been sanctioned by time ; it is to be hoped, 
 " that the constitution, roughly drawn on the 18th 
 " Brumaire, will attain its final perfection, and present 
 *' to France, a guarantee, eagerly wished for, by all 
 *' friends of tranquillity, and domestic happiness." 
 
APPENDIX. S69 
 
 Criticismipassed by the Author ^ on M. Necker, 
 Condor cet, and Cajniltie Jour dan s last pub- 
 lications. — Vide page 139. 
 
 The work of M. Necker is written with modera- 
 tion ; yet had he lived in Paris, he would have neither 
 composed nor published it there : — after the example 
 of Voltaire, who would not have written at Paris 
 what he sent into the world from Femey ; the man 
 of power and the philosopher must not stand too near 
 each other. Nay, the honest author must not keep the 
 daily company of fortune-hunters, nor draw his plea- 
 sures from the same source which is contaminated by 
 effeminate men. Every feeling, every thought is 
 questioned and ridiculed by them : it is thus they en- 
 deavour to elude the shafts of his reproof. Of what 
 use can he be to the friend of reading, and to posterity. 
 
 Necker must absolutely have lived by himself to 
 be able to write in this manner ; but to be a politician, 
 he ought to have lived with the world. He is evidently 
 unacquainted with the present age, else he would have 
 acknowledged the only good in it, namely, the dispo- 
 sition in man, to compare his own necessities, with the 
 constant wants of mankind. Necker is possessed of 
 sufficient penetration, to point out the present faults, 
 and to propose better institutions. Yet his eye is fixed 
 on the present alone, and in vain would a young read- 
 er ask, why should this love of liberty be the inces- 
 
S70 APPENDIX. 
 
 sant mover of men ? In vain would the experienced 
 reader inquire, whence may the forms of government 
 proposed by the author, derive soHdity ? For that 
 pohtician, who is unable to quote some fundamental 
 institutions of society, on which the public offices and 
 their mutual relations may securely rest, will only 
 complete a building of paper. 
 
 This essential point has not been better explained 
 by him, than by all the late bungling constitution- 
 makers of revolutionary states. Where civil liberty 
 existed before, vv'here its enjoyment has produced 
 its perfect knowledge, and an attachment to it, there 
 may the building be completed with ease. 
 
 But this good fortune did not fall to the lot of 
 France, and that it might not enjoy it, their archi- 
 tects, instead of laying a solid foundation, pleased 
 themselves in ornamenting the rooms. We know 
 pretty well, whether it be comfortable living in them ; 
 but have we examined, whether the convenience of 
 the rooms depend on the antiquity or novelty of the 
 building. Have we examined what must be done 
 first, before we can erect the edifice ? Such inquiiy 
 may be avoided, by the introduction of a power, 
 which can master all human passion, and in this case, 
 Necker very properly says, 
 
 " La Science des legislateurs est inutile dans des 
 " pays ou I'on demande, que tout soit soumis a la vo- 
 " lonte d'un seul : il n'y a plus alors, c|ue des conseils 
 *' a donner a Pautorite Supieme." — Unlimited mon- 
 archs have felt, notwithstanding that all institutions 
 
APPENDIX. 371 
 
 should be the offspring of necessity only. Frederic 
 the Great asks in his " Epitre a son esprit," 
 
 " Mais da pouvoir des rois connoissons I'origine ; 
 " Pensez-vous, qu' Aleves par une main divine, 
 " Leur peuple, leur etat, leur ait ete commis 
 " Comme un troupeau stupide a leurs ordres soumis. 
 
 Does he not solve the riddle ? 
 
 " Les crimes effrontes, I'artifice des traitres 
 *' Forcerent les humains a se donner des maltres. 
 *' Themis arma leur bras de son glaive vengeur 
 " Pour inspirer au vice une utile frayeur. 
 
 He also adds — 
 
 " D'autres en usurpant un bien illegitime, 
 
 " Devinrent souverains — en prodiguant le crime. 
 
 With the work of M. Necker, another publication 
 may be read, to become perfectly acquainted v/ith na- 
 tional improvement, namely, Condorcet's progres de 
 Pesprit humain. Both publications have their merit ; 
 both authors have a penetrating eye, and wish for the 
 public good. But the basest hireling of a marketing 
 bookseller in Germany, would not have dared to pass 
 by the fundamental principle in ethics v.ithout noticing 
 it, like Condorcet. He would have deduced, in the 
 first work, all rights and duties from human nature, to 
 shew, that no society of civilized men can renounce 
 them, from mere prudence, and unqualified submis- 
 sion. As indifferent as the German execution expe- 
 riment might have turned out, it would have had a 
 solid basis at least, and the nation would not have 
 
573 APPENDIX. 
 
 sviflfered any body to force upon them a meaner one. 
 It is not so with our more cultivated neighbours, who 
 excel us in many respects. Solidity is not always 
 their chief care, and if men determine too rashly, 
 they will often be disgusted. Yet, as long as we re- 
 main undetermined, we are in danger of erring, when 
 we think ourselves most in the right. 
 
 Thus M. Necker, for instance, refutes the known 
 aristocratical saying, " Rien par, et tout pour le peu- 
 " pie," (nothing by the means of the people, but all 
 for the people,) by the manifest impossibility of its 
 execution ; yet of this maxim, (supposing the possibi- 
 lity of following it,) he says, " C'est a marveille." It 
 is, as if good fortune and right, accidental enjoy- 
 ments, and well earned property, were one and the 
 same thing. As if it were enough for a people to be 
 well governed only. As if it were unnecessary for the 
 people to take any share in government. A comfort-, 
 able situation ought to be made to mankind, but why 
 enlighten the people ? The latter privilege may re* 
 main the prerogative of a few favorites of nature in 
 its most limited state, limited as it always will be. 
 The philanthropic Necker would certainly not main- 
 tain such a doctrine ; yet does he not ? 
 
 The liberal cultivation of the human mind for li- 
 berty, and its permanence, by a republican govern- 
 ment, secured against all despotic infringement, has 
 been defended by a coteniporary writer, Camille 
 Jourdan, in his pamphlet on the true sense with 
 which the nation has given its voice on the consulate 
 
APPENDIX. £f5 
 
 for life. His arguments are weak, yet the pamphlet 
 has the merit of having made its appearance at a 
 time, when all France was silent, though the grand 
 majority of the nation were against the measure. — 
 Camille published it soon after the closing of the lists ; 
 not to prevent the First Consul from receiving this 
 great proof of national gratitude, but to remind him 
 of what he owed the nation for their gift, and what 
 the nation, or rather he and his equals, expected from 
 Bonaparte. He supposed, perhaps, to find the ambi- 
 tion of a prudent state minister in the proud despot, 
 and to tickle his vanity in the French style. He was 
 childish enough to believe, that his words would not 
 be lost with the First Consul, and therefore noticed 
 every thing which the Constitution of the 18th Bru- 
 jnaire still wanted ; to render and secure that liberty 
 to the French, for which they had so long struggled 
 and suffered, and which they anxiously desired. And 
 this is nothing less than the complete personal secu- 
 rity of citizens, which puts a stop to all former arbi- 
 trary imprisonments, and deportations ; the full en-? 
 joyment of liberty ; the responsibility of ministers and 
 officers of state ; the independence of judicial pro- 
 ceedings ; a well constitutioned municipality, chosen 
 by the communities ; the genuine freedom of speech, 
 and liberty of the press ; regular, uninfluenced elec- 
 tions ; two houses of parliament, carefully and wise^? 
 ly constituted ; reduction of the army to its proper 
 bounds ; a genuine militia, as the bulwark of property 
 and liberty ; a legal regulation, respecting the succes- 
 
$T4t APPENDIX, 
 
 sion to the highest magistracy, in case of death, and 
 no family heir. 
 
 This man, who had the good of the RepubHc at 
 heart, has here stated before hand, not only the very 
 objects which Bonaparte never has aimed at, since his 
 accession to the consulate for life, but also those salu- 
 tary regulations, which he has annihilated by his se- 
 natus consultum. The good republican has thus in- 
 formed the proud despot of every thing, which might 
 prepare an obstacle to his designs, and must therefore 
 be removed. 
 
 Smooth and respectful as his expressions were, they 
 did not perhaps stop the bold usurper in his rash ca- 
 reer. Master and servants made a jest of his publica- 
 tion ; they prohibited its circulation, but did not con- 
 fiscate the copies ; and it was doubtful, whether the 
 author had obtained this prohibition, in order to in- 
 crease the sale of it, or whether government meant it 
 really so. All official prints abused it with greater ma- 
 lice than that of M. Necker. 
 
 ^ quotation from M. Talleyrand^ s earlier pub- 
 lication on Lotteries, vide page 164. 
 
 He says, " Certes, lorsque les yeux de 1' assemblee 
 " nationale se porteront sur les loteries, elle apper- 
 *' cevra dans un insT.ant, que cette invention execra- 
 *' ble, destinee a choquer tous les principes de la mo- 
 " rale au meme degre, ou elle viole toutes les propor- 
 *' tions de I'arithmetique honnete, frappc le peuple. 
 
APPENDIX, 375 
 
 *' dont les moeurs et la substance sont incessamment 
 " menacees, detruit le gout du travail, introduit la 
 " fraude et I'infidelite, engendre les vols, les assassi* 
 " nats, les forfaits ; et chose horrible ! EUe offre le 
 *' hideux spectale d'un gouvernement exer9ant le plus 
 " vil des escamotages ; et mettant I'innocence, le 
 " bien cere des hommes au miserable prix de quelques 
 " millions. 
 
 Quotations from Miraheaiis translation of a 
 zvorki that appeared in England many years 
 backy under the title, " Essay on the Order 
 of Cincinnalusr 
 
 " L'institution de I'ordre de C'lncinnatusestla crea- 
 " tion d'un veritable patriciat, et d'une noblesse mili- 
 " taire, qui ne tardera point a devenir une noblesse 
 *' civile et une aristocratie d'autant plus dangereuse, 
 " qu' etant hereditaire, elle s' acroitra sans cesse par 
 " le terns, et se fortifieramemepar les prejages,qu'elle 
 '' fera naltre ; qu' etant nee hors de la constitution 
 " et des loix, les loix n'ontpas pourvu aux raoyens de 
 " la repi'imer, et qu'elle pesera sans cesse sur la con- 
 " stitution dont elle ne fait point partie ; jusqu'a ce 
 " que par des attaques tantot sourdes et tantot ouver- 
 " tes, elie y soit melee en s'y incorporant, ou qu' apres 
 " I'avoir long terns minee, elle I'ebranle a la fin et la 
 " detruise. 
 
 " Les families patriciennes (a Rome) ayant reuni 
 *' dans leurs mains la puissance du monarque et P in- 
 
3f6 APPENDIX. 
 
 " fluence de la noblesse, chaque patriclen devint Un 
 " Tarquin ; et Rome n'eut pas plus qu' auparavant 
 " sa liberie politique ; avec cette difference, que la 
 " tyrannie resida desormais dans un corps : et mille 
 *' tyrants sont un fleau mille fois plus horrible et plus 
 *' redoubtable qu' un seul tyran, &;c." 
 
 He also explcmis the origin of modern Nobility 
 in Europe. 
 
 *' La noblesse modem de I'Europe, qu' etoit elle 
 " dans son origine ? Des chefs de guerriers feroces, 
 " qui joignoient la barbarie de la victorie a celle des 
 " moeurs, dont les premiers titres furent I'usurpation 
 *' et le brigandage, et qui ne fonderent leur preemi- 
 " nence au-dessus de leur nation, que sur le droit de 
 " commander, qu' ils exer9oient dans leurs combats. 
 *' C'est de la qu'est sortie cette foule de Comtes, de 
 " Dues, de Marquis, qui ont inonde et ravage I'Eu- 
 " rope. Tous ces titres de la vanite humaine n'etoi- 
 " ent dans les premiers tems que des titres militaires, 
 *' qui marquoient les differens degres de commande- 
 " ment ; mais ces niemes titres sont devenus bientot 
 *' des distinctions et des privileges eclatant dans 1' or- 
 *' dre civil. Bientot ils ont fonde cette feodalite bar- 
 " bare, qui, pendant des siecles, a avili le genre hu- 
 " main." 
 
APPENDIX. 377 
 
 He shews the ridiculous^ lozv, and superstitious 
 origin of Orders and their Insignia. 
 
 " Le inepris mSine, qui devoit s'attacher a leur ori- 
 " gine n'a pu empcoher I'orgueil et la miserable va- 
 " nite de I'homme, de les embrasser avidement. lis 
 " sont devenus un nouveau signe d'inegalite ; vine 
 " nouvelle marque qui, au gre du caprice, t^tablit en- 
 *' core des rangs et des barricres dans les etats, ou la 
 " classe ordinaire des citoyens est deja surchargee, et 
 " fletrie de tant de distinctions civiles. lis ont crce 
 " des rangs jusques dans la noblesse, fonde un nou- 
 " veau patriciat dans le patriciat, un nouvel orgeuil 
 " dans I'orgueil, et de nonveaux moyens d'oppression, 
 " dans I'oppression. Une partie de ces patriciens si 
 " fiers, de ces descendans de guerriers et d'anciens 
 *' tyrans du peuple, est devenue elle meme une esfece 
 *' de peuple, par rapport a ceux de leur ordre que la 
 *' faveur du prince, le hazard, le bonheur de plaire, 
 *' ou une obeissance servile aux caprices des cours, 
 *' ont decor es de ces signes imposans." 
 
 Quotation from M. Thomas Molly's Speech^ 
 " Eloge de Marc-Aurel." 
 
 M. Thomas exclaimed, with enthusiasm, " La li. 
 " berte est le premier droit de Hiomme, le droit de 
 " n'obeir qu' aux loix et de ne craindre qu' elles. Mal- 
 *' heur a T esclave qui craindroit de prononcer sou 
 " nom ! Malheur au pays ou le prononcer seroit un 
 02 
 
S7B APPENDIX. 
 
 *' crime ! — L'homme, n6 libre, mais avec le besoin 
 *' d'etre gouvern^, s'etoit soumis a des loix, jamais 
 " aux caprices d'un mr itre ; nul homme n'a le droit 
 " de commander arbitrairement a un autre ; qui usurpe 
 " ce pouvoir, debniit son pouvoir irciiie. — La loi est 
 *' tout : la constitution des etats pent changer ; les 
 *' droits du citoyen sont toujours les memes. lis sont 
 *' independants et de I'ambitieux qui usurpe, et du 
 *' laohe qui se vend ; fondes sur la nature, ils sont in- 
 " alterables comme elle." 
 
 JIfler the Jufho?''s reasonitig on the Papers 
 Bulls in Switzerland. 
 
 A different fate would have awaited Switzerland, if 
 it had paid attention to the patriotic appeals of one of 
 its noblest and most enlightened fellow citizens twenty 
 years ago. S. Muller, in his history of that countn^, 
 made the follov/ing remark : " Every nation, however 
 " just and peaceful it may be, in the course of the 
 " multifarious political changes, may unexpectedly 
 " be called upon to exhibit its value to the world. — 
 " But how when it sleeps ! The great views of policy 
 " are lost sight of during a long continued peace ; 
 *•■ the foundations of constitutions begin to decay : 
 *■' The wisdom of our ancestors degenerates into pre- 
 *' judices, and disturbances of some consequences ex- 
 " cite but little alarm. Jealous of each other, the 
 *' different Cantons lose sight of the general good, 
 *' and are guided by the pitiful motives of self-inter-. 
 *^ est : Thus monarchies fall into decay.— ^A state. 
 
 7!t|Miii9 
 
APPENDIX. 579 
 
 " which raised itself to that dignity, by extraordinary 
 *' virtues alone, dares not forget itself. It is incalcu- 
 *' lable what men can accomplish, and to what height 
 " they may raise themselves, if they feel unshack- 
 *' led. The spirit of your forefathers, whose seats 
 *' you now fill, demand from your wisdom a consoli- 
 *' dation of our mutual bonds, by an unceasing war 
 *' against selfishness and unpatriotic designs ; he calls 
 " upon the first and wisest among you to set the glo- 
 ** rious example. Nothing great nor good can be ob- 
 " tained without it ; but it cannot be accomplished 
 *' unless you abstain from preventing the dissemina- 
 *' tion of knowledge, (which is hateful) ; tmless you 
 " abstain from attempts to suppress it, (which would 
 *' be unavailing) -, unless you guide it with superior 
 " wisdom. If it be true, (and who will doubt it) that 
 ** our morals depend on our ideas j that on the former, 
 *' on our oath, on industry and self-denial, the exist- 
 " ence of our Republic alone depends. What would 
 ** the world say and think, if it observed, that the 
 ** mode of our public instructions were not freed from 
 " all former catholic, scholastic, and controversial 
 " stains ; if no instruction of the history of other Re- 
 " publics, no national spirit, no national peculiarity 
 " were to be found among ourselves, during a period, 
 " when it cannot be secure for a moment, Mdthout 
 " the highest patriotic zeal : — The world would say, 
 *' we desire the object, but not the means." 
 
 F J A" I S. 
 
JUL 
 
 24 B^ 
 
 **<