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Cambridge Antiquarian Society. Octavo Publications. No. XXXI.
THE PEIOEY
OF
SAINT EADEaUND
CAMBEIDGE
BY
AETHUR GRAY, M.A.
FELLOW OP JESUS COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE.
ODamtritrgB :
PRINTED FOB THE CAMBRIDGE ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY.
SOLD BY DEIGHTON, BELL & CO. ; and MACMILLAN & BOWES.
LONDON, GEOEGB BELL AND SONS.
1898
Price Five Shillings.
/■(A3
THE PEIOEY
OF
SAINT EADEGUND
OAMBEIDGE
THE PRIORY
OF
SAINT RADEGUND
CAMBEIDaE
BY
ARTHUR GRAY, M.A.
FELLOW OF JESUS COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE.
OTambrfijge :
PRINTED FOR THE CAMBRIDGE ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY.
30LD BY DEIGHTON, BELL & CO. ; and MACMILLAN & BOWES.
LONDON, GEORGE BELL AND SONS.
1898
1^
^*&1
PBINTED BY J. AND C. F. CLAY,
AT THE TTNIVEESITY PRESS.
24Ap'03
^
PREFACE.
When this publication was first projected I had hopes that
the portion of it relating to the buildings of the Nunnery
would have been, wholly or in part, furnished by my friend,
Mr T, D. Atkinson. Though Mr Atkinson's engagements have
prevented him from taking so large a part in the work as
was originally contemplated, I gratefully acknowledge the
assistance he has throughout given me both in exploration
of sites and buildings and in placing at my disposal his notes
and suggestions.
The extent of my indebtedness to the Architectural History
is, I hope, apparent in the section dealing with the Nunnery
buildings. But my principal obligation to the Registrary is
not of the kind that can be acknowledged in a footnote.
Without his suggestion this work would never have been
written; without the advantage of his counsel and knowledge
it would have been much more imperfect than it is.
Among other friends who have given me valuable help
are Prof. Maitland, Prof. Skeat, the Rev. J. H. Crosby, Minor
Canon of Ely, and the Rev. O. Fisher, Honorary Fellow of
Jesus College and Rector of Harlton.
The Catalogue of Charters here printed includes only such
as relate to property situated in the town and fields of
Cambridge. I have not deemed it worth while to give
abstracts of those which are concerned with the scattered
holdings of the Nuns in other places. The Catalogue remark-
ably supplements the very detailed information about medieval
Cambridge which is supplied by the Hundred Rolls. Com-
biningf what is to be learnt from each source it would be no
VI PREFACE.
difficult task to make a very complete directory of the town in
the last quarter of the 13th century. The witnesses to the
Charters in most cases were the mayor and four bailiffs with
two or three occupants of property adjoining the tenement
in question. I have generally given the name of the first
witness only.
Extracts of some length from the Account Rolls were given
in the First Report of the Historical MSS. Commissioners:
the accounts in full are here printed for the first time. They
furnish some interesting materials for illustrating life in an
English Nunnery at the close of the middle ages. In the
earlier and more prosperous years to which they introduce
us, it is a life wholly untinged by the influences of the
University. The Nuns were drawn from the families of the
better class burgesses and lesser gentry of the county, and
their habits and education were those of their class. The
town and its religious houses still occupied in their outlook
a far larger space than the University. The ' good friendship '
of the Chancellor — in a matter, perhaps, of arbitration with a
College — was appropriately recompensed in the year 1449 —
1450 with a present of a crane, value twelve pence; it is
set in quaint juxtaposition with the Christmas box to the
Mayor's waits, who receive the magnificent sum of 2s. Sd. The
proportion of the two sums is possibly an indication of the
relative consequence in the Nuns' thoughts of the academic
and municipal corporations, both of which, it may be observed,
had an origin long subsequent to that of their own establish-
ment.
On the debated subject of the date of the first emergence
of a University at Cambridge the S. Radegund's charters
throw no light. Among the variety of tenants mentioned in
the deeds of the 12th and loth centuries there is no individual
or corporation whose name or description suggests connection
with an organized community of scholars. The surnames of
the tenants previous to 1300 indicate that they were almosi
exclusively from the neighbourhood of Cambridge. Of migrants
from Oxford or scholars from over sea there is no hint ; the
PREFACE. Vll
Jews were the only strangers to Cambridge with whom the
Nuns had acquaintance in those early days. A solitary
' Scolemayster ' (Charters 157, 158), who dwelt hard by the
site on which Peterhouse afterwards rose, represents the
learning of Cambridge in the first years of the 13th century.
Possibly he was connected with a monastic school.
Before taking leave of my subject I should not forget to
mention two members of my College who have worked in the
same field in generations by-gone. John Sherman's History
of Jesus College (written about the year 1666) is introduced
by a sketch of the History of the Nunnery which he entitles
Reliquiae Sanctae Radegundis sive Fragmenta quaedam His-
toriae Prioratus. Sherman had made a faithful study of the
Nunnery muniments. He is generally accurate and, as he may
have had before him documents which are not now discoverable,
it is possible that he is right in some matters about which
I have supposed him to be mistaken. But I do not think
that since his time there has been any noteworthy subtraction
from the Jesus muniments. Well protected from damp, dust
and insects, they have probably profited by the neglect in
which they have generally lain for 200 years. About the middle
of last century their repose was disturbed by the careful hands
of Dr Lynford Caryl, who was Master of Jesus, 1758 — 1780,
and Registrary of the University from 1751 to 1758. He
arranged and catalogued them in a very exact and methodical
manner. Among his merits not the least was that of writing
in a very clear and beautiful hand. I have discovered some
fifty charters of Nunnery date which escaped his notice, but
none of them are of much importance. When the present
Treasury was built in 1875 and the documents were transferred
to it, some of them were misplaced, and for a time I supposed
them to be lost. But gradually all, or nearly all, those
mentioned in Dr Caryl's catalogue have found their way back
to their places.
ARTHUR GRAY.
Jesus College,
October, 1898.
Fig. I. Sf:AL OF THE Pkioky.
ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY.
§ 1. Foundation and connection with the See of Ely.
The establishment, near Cambridge, of the cell of Bene-
dictine nnns which was later known as the Priory of S. Mary
and S. Radegund seems to date from the earliest years of the
reign of King Stephen. There is no evidence to fix the precise
year of its institution but it is fairly certain that it falls within
the episcopate of Nigellus, who succeeded the first bishop,
Hervey, in the see of Ely in 1133,
The Priory seems to have had no charter of foundation, nor
is there any extant record of its first endowment. Such pro-
perty as it possessed in early days was acquired gradually and
in comparatively small parcels. Even the endowments which
it derived from royal benefactors such as the Countess Con-
stance and Malcolm of Scotland were not so important as to
entitle the donors to be regarded in any sense as founders or
patrons.
It is true that in the letters patent of Henry VII for the
dissolution of the Nunnery and the erection of the College in
its room it is asserted — evidently on the representation of
Bishop Alcock — that S. Radegund's Priory was ' of the founda-
tion and patronage of the Bishop, as in right of his cathedral
church of Ely.' This was, I believe, the first and only occasion
on which such a claim was advanced by a bishop of Ely, and,
having regard to the circumstances under which it was made,
I do not think that much importance should be attached to it.
In the charter which the Lady Margaret obtained, a few years
C. A. S. Octavo Seriea. 1
2 ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY.
later, from Henry VII for the conversion of S. John's Hospital
into the College of S. John it is similarly stated that the
House or Priory of religious brethren of S. John the Evangelist
in Cambridge was ' of the foundation and patronage of James
(Stanley), Bishop of Ely, as in right of his cathedral church.'
In this latter case the statement is historically inaccurate, for
the founder of the Hospital was unquestionably Henry Frost,
burgess of Cambridge, though Bishop Nigellus had been a
liberal benefactor to it and the Hundred Rolls show that, as
early as the reign of Henry III, Bishop Hugh de Norwold
claimed, as patron, the right of nominating the master. As
regards the Nunnery the full details supplied by the Ely
Episcopal Registers show that in the election of their Prioress
the Nuns exercised a free choice, unfettered by reference to
the wishes of a patron and subject only to the approval of the
Bishop of Ely as diocesan. The motive which prompted the
Bishops to assert their questionable claim to the patronage of
either establishment was perhaps a double one — to make it
clear to the King and to the Pope that no private rights of
patronage were invaded by the dissolution of an ancient
religious house, and to acquire for the Bishops of Ely, as
visitors of the new foundations, a guiding influence in the
development of the University.
Though the Nunnery was not perhaps, in strictness,
founded by a bishop of Ely it is clear that its origin and early
growth was intimately connected with the see and particularly
with Bishop Nigellus (1133-1169). It was he who endowed it
with a portion of the site on which the Nuns' original 'cell'
was raised ; of the principal benefactions to the newly estab-
lished house three were protected by his charters and it seems
likely that they were procured by his influence. Geoffrey
Ridel, who succeeded Nigellus in the bishopric in 1174, appro-
priated to the Nuns the rectory of All Saints in the Jewry,
Cambridge, and the connection with the see of Ely was main-
tained by Bishop Eustace (1197-1220), who gave the Nuns
additional lands adjoining the Priory and bestowed on them
the rectory of S. Clement's.
ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY. 3
§ 2. Early charters. Grant of Bishop Nigellus.
The earliest in date of the Nuns' charters now extant in
the treasury of Jesus College is probably that of Bishop
Nigellus, addressed ' to all barons and men of S. Etheldrytha,
cleric or lay, French or English,' in which for a rent of twelve
pence he grants 'to the Nuns of the cell lately established
without the vill of Cantebruge' certain land adjoining land
belonging to the same cell (Charters, 1), The position of
the land given by the Bishop is not specified in the charter,
but it is safe to assume that it adjoined the cell and was
identical with the four acres which, according to the statement
of the Hundred Rolls (Vol. 2, p. 358), were given to the Nuns
by Nigellus and were next the ten acres given them by King
Malcolm as a site for their church. It is likely that the rent
reserved by the Bishop represented the full letting- value of
the land, since for the adjoining ten acres Malcolm stipulated
in his first charter for a rent of two shillings. At some later
date, Nigellus, like Malcolm, acquitted the Nuns of payment
of rent, for the Hundred Rolls state that the Bishop gave them
the land in pure and perpetual alms and show that they paid
no rent for any of the land which they occupied in the Priory
precincts.
There is nothing in this charter of Nigellus which would
warrant any definite conclusions as to its date. As the Bishop
did not die until 1169 it is of course possible that it is of later
date than Malcolm's grant, and that the land mentioned by the
Bishop as adjoining that which he gave to the Nuns and as
already in their tenure was in fact no other than Malcolm's ten
acre plot. The evidence of the Hundred Rolls might be held
to countenance this view, for they mention Malcolm's grant
before that of Nigellus and in such a way as seems to imply
that the jurors supposed the King's grant to be the earlier in
date '. On the other hand the vagueness of the description of
1 H. R. Vol. ri. p. 358. ' Item predicte Priorissa et Moniales tenent qnatuor
acras terre iacentes iuxta terram predictam (i.e. the ten acres given by King
1—2
4 ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY.
the Nunnery as a ' cell lately instituted ' is more consistent
with the view that the establishment was in an inchoate stage
and had received no distinctive title or dedication. In the
charters in which he confirms the endowments given by
William le Moyne and Stephen de Scalers Nigellus gives the
Nunnery the style, which after Malcolm's gift was the usual
one, of ' the Church and Nuns of S. Mary and S. Radegund.'
§ 3. Oi^ant of William le Moyne and Confirmation
by King Stephen.
The earliest of the Nuns' charters which can be dated with
any precision is one given them by King Stephen confirming
to 'the Church and Nuns of S. Mary of Cantebr. the grant
made to them by William Monachus, aurifaher, of two virgates
of land and six acres of meadow with four cottars (cotariis)
with their holding in Shelford, in alms, for the soul of King
Henry and for the faithful in God ' (Charters, 2a). This
charter is tested by William Martel, the King's dapifer, who
played so prominent a part on the King's side in the struggle
with the Empress, and by Reginald de Warenne. It is un-
dated, but the circumstance that it was given ' apud Mapertes
halam in obsidione ' enables us pretty definitely to assign it to
the month of January 1138 and brings to light a historical
fact, unnoticed by chroniclers, to which attention was first
drawn by Mr Hewlett in his edition of the Gesta Stephani for
the Rolls Series {Chronicles of the Reigns of Stephen &c. Vol. 3).
Mapertes hala is Meppershall, near Shefford, in Bedfordshire.
King Stephen, as the anonymous writer of the Gesta Stephani
records, kept the Christmas feast of 1137 at Dunstable, and
then ' emensis festivis diebus Dominicae festivitatis ' attacked
Malcolm) quam quidem terram habent de dono Nigelli Elyensis Episcopi qui
quidem Nigellus dedit eisdem in pura et perpetua elemosina. B. quondam
Prior Elyensis et Conventus Elyensis Ecelesie dictam donacionem eisdem moni-
alibus factam concesserunt et confirmaverunt.' The initial B. is apparently a
mistake : Bentham's list in his History of Ely, i^p. 215 foil., mentions no Prior
of Ely before the date of the H. R. whose name began with B.
ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY. 5
Bedford Castle, held by Milo de Beauchamp, who had refused
the King's summons to surrender it. Milo's obstinate resist-
ance compelled the King to turn the siege into a blockade, but
the castle was surrendered apparently about the middle of
January 1138, for by Feb. 2 the King had reached Northum-
berland, whither he had been called by an invasion of the
Scotch. ' The chronicles mention no such event as a siege at
Meppershall ; but there exists at the present day, close to the
church of this small Bedfordshire village, a high mound with a
double line of outer ramparts answering in the clearest way to
the type of the hastily-built, stockaded "castles" of this reign.
Stephen, it thus appears, had to capture this outpost, perhaps
during the siege of Bedford in 1138 \'
The grant of William Monachus which is confirmed by
Stephen's charter may have been made a year or two before
1138. King Henry I, whose soul it was designed to benefit,
died Dec. 1135. The land to which the charter refers is
situated in Great Shelford parish ; it is still in the possession of
Jesus College and known as ' the Nuns' lands.' The Domesday
Survey of Cambridgeshire shows that it formed a portion of a
larger estate consisting of three hides and valued at £5 annual
rent. In the Confessor's time it had belonged to ' Herald
Comes,' afterwards King Harold. After the Conquest it passed
into the hands of King William, of whom, at the time of the
Domesday Survey, it was held ad firmam by Peter de Valongies^
who was apparently a kinsman of William Monachus, or le
Moyne, as his family was otherwise known ^. From a charter
1 The Meppershall earthworks are marked in the Ordnance Map as ' The
Hills.' Mr Seebohm, who gives a small plan of them in The English Village
Community, p. 426, supposes them to be of Saxon origin, possibly a ' toot-hill.'
Mr Hewlett compares this charter of King Stephen with another, dated 1138,
' apud Goldintonam in obsidione Bedeford,' Goldington being a village a few
miles from Bedford.
" This Peter de Valongies, or Valoines, is said to have been a nephew of the
Conqueror, and was founder, circa 1104, of Biuham Priory, Norfolk. A Peter
de Selford was Prior of Binham in 1244.
'^ H. R. Vol. II. p. 545, 'Dicunt quod dominus Johannes le Moyne, ante-
cessor dicte Agnetis de Walene' dedit in puram et perpetuam elemosinam
6 ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY.
of Nicolas, son of William le Moyne, we gather that the
Shelford land came to his father by free gift of King Henry I.
Apparently it was bestowed on him in recognition of his
services and skill as an aurifaher, for he held it by goldsmith's
serjeanty, and at the date of the Hundred Rolls Inquisition
the lady Agnes de Valence retained a large portion of the
same estate by the singular service of making up and repairing
the King's crown when required \
From the designation of the Nuns' establishment in
Stephen's charter as ' Ecclesia et Sanctimoniales Sancte Marie
de Cantebr.' it would seem that the original church which
was served by the Nunnery during the first twenty years of its
existence and either made way for or was incorporated in the
building which rose on the site given by King Malcolm was
dedicated to S. Mary only. After the foundation of the new
church the charters use the fuller style of ' Nuns of S. Mary
and S. Radegund.' But the church in strictness seems to have
kept the older single dedication even after Malcolm's time, for,
as late as 1285, a tenement in Radegund {i.e. Jesus) Lane is
described in a deed as lying ' in the parish of the Blessed Mary
of the Priory of S. Radegund.' The Priory apparently took its
name from a chapel of S. Radegund which is mentioned in an
early undated deed and which seems to have been in the
portion of the church reserved to the use of the Nuns.
Gradually the original dedication came to be forgotten, and in
Monialibus Sancte Eadegundis Ix acras terre ad sustinendum j noneam im-
perpetuum.' Antecessor here perhaps means no more than ' predecessor in
the title.' At the time of the Hundred Rolls Inquisition another John le Moyne,
distinguished by the local agnomen, Atteasse (i.e. at the Ash), was a free tenant
of the lady Agnes de Valence at Great Shelford.
^ Red Booh of the Exchequer (Rolls Series), Vol. ii. p. 530, 'Willelmus
Monachus, iij hidas in Selforde per serjanteriam aurifabriae.' H. R. Vol. ii.
p. 545, ' Domina Agnes de Walaunc' tenet j messuagium cum gardino conti-
nente iij acras et viij"'' acras terre et de prato vj acras et tenet de domino Rege
in capite per sergantiam et non est geldabilis non debet sectam neque auxilium
Vicecomiti nichil aliud reddit set erit ultra (?) Coronam domini Regis quando
debet confici vel reparari et habebit totidem ij'' ad vadia sua,' &c. Domesday
affords several instances of royal grants of land to goldsmiths : see Freeman's
Norman Conquest, Vol. iv. pp. 41, 85, on the subject.
ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY. 7
later times both parish and Nunnery were commonly called
S. Radegund's, Evidence of the earlier dedication is to be
seen in the fact recorded in the Hundred Rolls that King
Stephen granted by charter to the Nuns a fair lasting for two
days, viz. the vigil and the feast of the Assumption of the
Blessed Mary. Fairs, as is well known, originated in most
cases in the gatherings of worshippers or pilgrims about sacred
places, and especially in the neighbourhood of religious houses,
and were held on the feast-day of the saint to whom the church
or shrine was dedicated.
The grant of William Monachus was confirmed to the Nuns
by Nigellus, but as the Bishop's charter (Charters, 2b) desig-
nates the Nunnery as dedicated to S. Mary and S. Radegund
it would seem that it was not given until many years after the
original grant. The long interval is accounted for by the
outbreak of the civil war in 1139. Nigellus, from his active
partizanship in the cause of the Empress, had little time to
attend to the affairs of his diocese, from which he was absent
with only brief intervals until his reconciliation with Stephen
in 1144, and until the accession of Henry II he is said to have
lived in retirement. His charter cannot be of much later date
than 1160, in or about which year died William (of Laventon),
the first archdeacon of Ely, whose name is among the witnesses,
and it can scarcely be so early as 1157, the earliest date to
which it is possible to assign Malcolm's first charter.
All the facts which are ascertainable about William
Monachus show that his relations with the Bishop were of an
intimate kind and point to the probability that the Bishop's
influence contributed to procure his benefaction to the Nuns.
The Historia Eliensis ^ reveals him to us as one of a group of
men, lay and cleric, who formed a Bishop's party in opposition
to the Ely monks, who favoured Stephen's side in the war and
had special grounds for complaint against the Bishop for
appropriating the funds of the convent and the treasures of
S. Etheldreda's shrine to defray the expenses entailed by his
1 This portion of the Historia Eliensis is printed (with abridgment) in
Wharton's Anglia Sacra, Vol. i. p. 615 foil.
8 Ai^NALS OF THE NUNNERY.
opposition to the King. Richard of Ely, the writer of this
portion of the Historia Eliensis, took the monastic side of the
quarrel and dwells with particular satisfaction on the exemplary
afflictions which overtook the Bishop and his confederates in
the spoliation. But William Monachus, we are told, lived to
make some amends for the sacrilege which is laid to his charge,
and the picture of his end is touched with a kindlier hand.
' With axes, hammers and every implement of masonry he
profanely assailed the shrine and with his own hand robbed it
of its metal. But he lived to repent it bitterly. He, who had
once been extraordinarily rich and had lacked for nothing, was
reduced to such an extreme of poverty as not even to have the
necessaries of life. At last, when he had lost all and knew
not whither to turn himself, by urgent entreaty he prevailed
on the Ely brethren to receive him into their order, and there
with unceasing lamentation, tears, vigils and prayers deploring
his guilt, he ended his days in a sincere penitence.' He was
alive in 1153-4 when, along with Nigellus, he witnessed the
charter of the Countess Constance.
In the lifetime of William Monachus, and at his request,
his son Nicolas re-granted to the Nuns the land given them
by his father, which in the deed is stated to consist of
55 acres, together with 1\ acre of meadow and one acre
whereon to build barns and cattle-sheds ; and he further
promised five acres, for which they had petitioned, as soon as
he could get them. The Nuns however seem not to have
acquired undisputed possession of their property until Henry
III, 31, when John le Moyne, in consequence of an assize
trial at Cambridge, assigned to them in perpetual alms a
portion of the estate consisting of 50 acres. The Hundred
Rolls state that the Nuns' estate at Shelford consisted of 60
acres and was given to them by John le Moyne to maintain
one nun for ever. In this statement from the facts above
given it would appear that there is an error either in the
Christian name of the donor or in the number of the acres
given. Nor do I know how it is to be reconciled with a
deed of Edward I, 29, in which Agnes de Valence, lady of
ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY. 9
Offaley and BailluelS renounced the claim to place two nuns
in the Priory, which she exercised in right of lauds held of
her by the Nuns in Great Shelford. Beyond ten acres held
by annual service to the Bishops of Ely the only land at
Shelford in the occupation of the Nuns was that derived
originally from William Monachus.
§ 4. Grant of the Countess Constance.
The next in order of time of the Nunnery charters is that
of the Countess Constance, widow of King Stephen's only son,
Eustace of Boulogne. It grants to the Nuns in perpetual alms
exemption from hagable and langable for all their lands within
and without the Borough, whether already acquired or here-
after to be acquired, and also gives them all the fishing right
and water belonging to the Borough as freely as they had been
held by her husband and herself. The grant of the Countess
is for the souls of her husband, Eustace, and Stephen's Queen,
Maud, and for the good estate of King Stephen. Queen Maud
died in May, 1152, Eustace in August, 1153, King Stephen in
October, 1154. The charter therefore belongs to the period
between the last two dates. Two undated charters confirm
that of the Countess — the first given by King Stephen ' apud
Cantebrig,' the other by Bishop Nigellus. In all three charters
the Nuns are styled ' Sanctimoniales de Cantebrig,' without
dedication.
Independently of their relation to the history of the Nun-
nery these charters have a special interest in connection with
the subject of the firma hurgi of Cambridge. Hagable, i.e.
haga-gafol, a payment for a haiu or messuage in a town, and
langable, i.e. land-gafol, payment for land occupied by a
burgess in the common fields, formed an important part of the
customs {consuetudines) of the town. At the time of the
1 Philip of Valognes, Chamberlain of Scotland, had a grand-daughter, Lora,
who married Henry de Balliol, a cousin of King John Balliol. Offaley is OiHey,
near Hitchin, a manor which once belonged to the Balliols of Barnard Castle.
Bailleul, near Lille, was a fief of the same family.
10 ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY.
Domesday Survey the town of Cambridge formed part of the
royal demesne and its customs were farmed of the King by the
sheriff. It is doubtfully asserted by Cooper^ that the farm of
the borough was granted to the burgesses, as the King's
tenants in capite, by Henry I, they paying to him the same
sum as the sheriff had been accustomed to render. If such a
grant was actually made it seems to have terminated with the
life of that King, and the concession of immunity from hagable
and langable which Constance made to the Nuns clearly implies
that in Stephen's reign the fee-farm belonged to her husband
and herself. The alienation in perpetuity to the Nuns of a
portion of the customs shows that the fee-farm had been
granted to the heirs of Eustace and Constance as well as to
themselves. There were however no children of the marriage,
and in the early years of Henry II the borough was again in
the King's possession and farmed by the sheriff. In 1185 it
was granted to the burgesses at farm by Henry II and con-
tinued to be farmed by them in the reign of Richard I^. When
the fee-farm of the borough was granted to the burgesses in
perpetuity by King John in 1207 the rights acquired by the
Nuns from Constance seem to have suffered some curtailment.
The immunity from hagable for lands ' hereafter to be acquired '
could hardly extend to property acquired subsequently to the
transfer of the hagable rental to the burgesses, and it is there-
fore not surprising to find from the Great Inquisition of
Edward I in 1278 and the Nuns' accounts in 1449-50 and
1481-2 that they were then charged with certain hagable
rents. Moreover King John's charter expressly included among
the appurtenances of the Burgus ' mills, pools and waters ^,'
and it is certain that at the date of the Hundred Rolls Inquisi-
tion the Nuns had no exclusive rights in the river waters, for
the jurors affirmed that the burgesses then had a common
piscaria in the common waters belonging to the vill of
Cambridge. Nevertheless the charter of Constance was not
inoperative, for it is rehearsed and confirmed in a charter of
1 Cooper, Annals, Vol. i. p. 22.
2 Ibid. pp. 28, 29. 3 ma. p. 33.
ANNALS OP THE NUNNERY. 11
Edward II, dated in the seventh year of his reign (Charters, 8).
The fishing rights claimed by the Nuns seem however to have
been limited to a certain portion of the river, beyond the
limits of the old borough, which as late as 1505 was known
as Nunneslake. A sixteenth century list of the Nuns' muni-
ments describes the charter of Edward II, above mentioned,
as 'a grant of y® fishinge alonge by Jesus Gieene.' In 1505
it was decided that the fishing in Nunneslake belonged to the
town.
It is probable that the fee-farm of Cambridge was held by
Constance in right of dower. Cambridge was among the towns
usually assigned in dower to the Queens of England and other
ladies of the royal family \ Queen Catharine, consort of
Charles II, was the last English Queen who held the fee-farm
of Cambridge. Except in the case of Constance the settlement
seems always to have been for life. King Stephen had en-
deavoured to get his son Eustace crowned in 1152, and, though
he failed in this purpose, Constance is said in after times to
have borne the title of Queen I The title Venerahilis given to
her in the charter of Nigellus is probably a quasi-recognition
of her claim to be regarded as Queen. It was applied to
French kings (v. Ducange, s.v.) and more especially (with the
variant Veneranda) to queens of the Norman period : e.g.
Sarum Charters (Rolls Series) p. 17, 'Adelizae venerandae et
illustris Angliae reginae cancellarius.'
I 5. First Charter of King Malcolm IV. The Greneci^oft
site.
The first charter of King Malcolm IV, which is the next in
order of date, is addressed " to all his men cleric and lay of the
Honour of Huntedon" and gives to the Nuns of Grantebrige ten
acres of land next Grenecroft in alms and to found (ad fun-
dendam) thereon their church ; it reserves to the King a rent
^ See Cooper's Annals under the years 1235, 1353, 1465, 1495.
2 Stubbs, Const. Hist. Vol. i. p. 341.
12 ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY.
of two shillings, which his minister is directed to offer at the
altar of the same church. The charter is dated ' apud Hunted '
and still has attached to it in white wax the royal seal bearing
on the obverse side the figure of a king enthroned, on the
reverse a mounted warrior. The Honour, or earldom, of
Huntingdon which included the county of Cambridge was
conferred on Malcolm in the latter half of 1157. Among the
witnesses is Herbert, Bishop of Glasgow, who died 1164.
Sherman in his MS. HistorHa Gollegii Jesu (written tevip.
Charles II) states that among the College archives he had
seen a charter of Theobald, Archbishop of Canterbury, con-
firming Malcolm's grant. No such charter is now extant nor
is it included in the oldest registers of the Nunnery deeds,
though as these early registers (written temp. Queen Elizabeth)
are by no means complete the fact that it is not contained in
them must not be taken as conclusive that it did not then
exist. Sherman possibly had in mind an inspeximus of Arch-
bishop Stephen Langton (Charters, 4at here parisches were pore sith J>e pestilence time.
2 From the Bursars' accounts of Henry VIII, 26 — 27, it appears that the
ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY. 29
§ 11. Advowson of Reymerston.
The advowson of E.eymerstoii Church, co. Norfolk, was con-
veyed by fine to Letitia, Prioress of S. Radegund's in Henry
III, 2, by John de Reymerston. A list of the rectors presented
by the Prioress is given in Blomfield's History of Norfolk, Vol.
10, pp. 241 — 2 (ed. Parkyn). The last presented, in 1401, was
Mr Robert Braunch, LL.Lic, apparently the same who in 1384
became Master of Trinity Hall.
The names of several of the Nuns, Craneswick, Harling,
Cressingham, are taken from villages in the neighbourhood of
Reymerston and appear to indicate that the connection with
this quarter of Norfolk was maintained after the Nuns parted
with the advowson. From the same district probably came
John de Pykenham (now Pickenham), whose tombstone, in the
vicar of S. Clement's was allowed an annual sum of 6s. Sd. for rent of a
dwelling house ' eo quod non est aliqua domus sive mansio dicto vicario
pertinens.' A few years later the payment disappears from the Bursars' rolls
and the vicar, who was a fellow of the College, is stated to be the tenant of a
chamber in College. The Eev. E. G. de Sails Wood, vicar of S. Clement's,
informs me that the house traditionally called ' the Vicarage ' is that now
numbered 8, Portugal Place, which is still the property of Jesus College.
Leases of the reign of Elizabeth describe it as abutting on its southern side
on ' the backe side of a place sometime called S' Clement's hostelL' A deed
of Edward III, 47 (1373) shows that it was then leased to Sir Eichard Milde,
vicar of S. Clement's, jointly with John de Kelesseye, cooper, and Avisia his
wife. Another deed of 1377 (Charters, 250 h) gives minute details of the
rooms which it then contained. In 1616 the southern half of the house was
used as a stable by the Master of Jesus College. A letter of the Master,
Dr Duport, in that year refers to a dispute between the College and Alderman
Ventris with respect to the northern portion of the house, which the latter
claimed, asserting that it had anciently been a banqueting house and did not
form a part of the College tenement. Ventris also claimed a house called the
Chantry-house, situated outside the churchyard on its N.E. side. Dr Duport
alleges that this house is not the old Chantry-house, nor on the site of it, but
is an encroachment on Jesus College land and has been erected within the last
50 years ; in evidence of which he observes that it is built of sound heart of
oak which apparently was brought ft-om the steeple of the church, which about
the time of the erection of the house was much decayed and vanished quite
away.
30 ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY.
S.W. angle of the south transept of the Nuns' church, bears
the inscription,
Hie jacet frater Johannes de Pykenham magister sacre theologie prior
hujus loci cujus anime propicietur Deus.
He was perhaps either capellanus or confessor to the Nuns.
The office of prior, warden or magister monialium is one
frequently found in nunneries ; e.g. at Grimsby, Stanfeld
(Lines.), Stamford, Catesby.
§ 12. List of Prioresses.
The following is as complete a list of the Prioresses of
S. Radegund as it is possible to make out. Unless otherwise
stated the dates given are those of the earliest and latest deeds
in which the name occurs. The deeds of the 12th and early
13th century give neither dates nor names of Prioresses.
Letitia was Prioress at the time of Bishop Eustace's compo-
sition respecting All Saints' Church and S. John's Hospital,
which was not later than 1213 : she occurs in Pedes Finium,
1228.
Milisentia is mentioned in Pedes Finium 1246 and 1249.
Dera occurs in 1258.
Agnes Burgeylun, or Burgeillo, in 1274 (in the new Monasti-
con wrongly set down aiino 1301).
Constantia and
Amitia de Driffeld occur in undated deeds temp. Edward I,
the former in the mayoralty of Roger de Wykes.
Alicia le Chaumberlain was Prioress about 1278; she was
daughter of Sir Walter le Chamberlayne, purchaser of the
manor of Landbeach. (Clay's History of Landheach.)
Elena occurs in 1284 and in 1299.
Christiana de Br ay br ok in 1311.
Cecilia de Cressingham, in 1315 and 1316,
Mabilia Martin in 1330 and 1332.
Alicia in 1347.
ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY. 31
Eva Wasteneys in 1359 ; a person of the same name was
Prioress of the Benedictine house of Swaffham in 1378.
Margaret Glanyle in 1363: she resigned Feb. 1, 1378 (Ely
Registers).
Alice Pilet was elected Feb. 20, 1378; occurs in 1398.
Isabella Sudbury in 1402.
Margaret Harlyng was sub-prioress in 1407 ; succeeded as
Prioress in the same year and occurs in 1408.
Agnes Seyntelowe, or Senclowe, first occurs in 1415; she died
Sept. 8, 1457.
Joan Lancastre was elected Sept. 27, 1457 ; last occurs in
1466.
Isabella in 1468.
Elizabeth Walton occurs in 1468 and 1479 : she had been
succentrix in 1457.
Joan Cambridge was administering the effects of the
Nunnery in 1482-3, apparently in a vacancy of the Priorate ;
she was Prioress in 1483 and died 1487 \
Joan Fulburn was appointed Oct. 12, 1487 ; her name
occurs for the last time in 1487.
§ 13. Finances of the Nunnery.
At the time of the election of Joan Lancastre in 1457 there
were eleven nuns who had the jus eligendi. There are no data
for determining their number at an earlier period, but as most
religious houses suffered a decline in numbers during the 15th
century it is not unlikely that they had once been more
numerous. There seems little reason to doubt that at no time
during the existence of the Nunnery were its endowments
adequate for the maintenance of its inmates or the repairs of
the fabric. As early as 1277 their penury 'baud paucis inno-
tescit'; in 1340 their poverty was pleaded as an excuse for
1 In a fragmentary Computus of Margaret Eatclyff, Prioress of Swaffham,
Edw. IV, 22, occurs an entry ' de iiij" de quatuor busellis (mixtilionis) venditis
pr. monial. de Cambrige...de domina Johanna Camhrige cui erat commissa
administratio bonorum prioratus predict!.'
32 ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY.
exemption from the charges of procuration ; and the evidence
of Archbishop Wittlesey's visitor in 1373 shows the Nunnery
in deep embarrassment, its buildings dilapidated, and its services
neglected for want of funds. The flow of benefactions which
was maintained up to the end of Edward I's reign was arrested
about the end of the 13th century, probably because gifts to
pious uses began to be diverted to the various mendicant
orders which had established themselves in Cambridge during
the preceding half century. As already stated, after the great
pestilence in 1349 the Nuns received few fresh endowments,
and those of inconsiderable value. One important source of
endowment entirely dried up about that time, viz. the grants
of lands and rents made by the relations of a nun when she
took the veil. The nuns of the earlier time seem largely to
have been drawn from families of wealth and social standing
in the town and shire. Among those who brought with
them endowments to the Nunnery were Sibil, sister of Fulk
Crocheman, whose family held a considerable amount of
property in and near the Jewry in All Saints' parish temp.
Henry III ; Elizabeth and Isabel, daughters of Sir Thomas de
Cambridge, who died 1361 ; Roda, sister of Hervey Dunning,
already mentioned; Margaret, daughter of Hervey de Trumpi-
tune ; Sabina, daughter of Half Person of Chesterton, temp.
Henry III; Sibil, daughter of Stephen de Scalariis of Wratting;
and Margaret, sister of Philip de Cestertune, about 1200. The
accounts of the Treasuress, Agnes Banastre, for the two years
1449-50 and 1450-51 probably represent the normal income
and expenditure of the Nunnery in the middle of the 15th
century. They are written on skin in a neat and minute hand,
which is perhaps that of one of the clergy attached to the
house. On the outer surface are written the accounts of the
Grangeress, Joan Lancastre. Also on the outer side of the
earlier roll are copied in a bold but careless handwriting of
late 15th century character three Latin prayers addressed to
S. Etheldreda, to which in another hand have been added two
benedictions of the Name of Jesus. The prayers to S. Ethel-
dreda were clearly intended for use at her shrine at Ely.
£
s.
d.
32
12
2
12
14
7i
8
16
2
6
13
4
3
6
8
9
19
10
74
2
9i
ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY. . 33
These accounts are kept in an exact and orderly way and
show that at the time the Nuns were fairly paying their
way. In the earlier year the receipts were £77. 85. Q^d. and
the expenditure £72. 65. 4f d ; in the later the suras were
respectively £74. 2s. 9^d. and £78. 6s. Od.\ The heads of the
receipts were in the later year :
Rents in Cambridge
Rents agricultural .
Miscellaneous : tolls of fair, re-
ceipts from guests, &c.
Tithes
Pension .....
Sale of corn, hay, &c.
Total
§ 14. Incidents in the Annals of the Nunnery.
There is little in the history of the Nunnery between the
time of King Malcolm and that of the dissolution which calls
for particular mention. Such facts as are recoverable from the
Nuns' own records it is unnecessary here to detail ; an outline
of them may be found in the Catalogue of Charters. I will set
down here only a few particulars which I have gleaned from
such external sources of information as the Hare MSS and the
Registers of Ely and Canterbury.
Among the Hare MSS (Vol. i. p. 27) is a writ of
Henry III tested at Ely, March 30, in the 35*^ year of his
reign {i.e. 1250), directed to the bailiffs of the town of
Cambridge, requiring them not to distrain the Prioress of
S. Radegund and her tenants for an encroachment (pro
preprestiira) and for other matters of which inquisition has
1 Sherman gives the total of receipts in these two years as £24. Is. lO^d.
and £32. 10s. 2d., figures which correspond to no totals in the rolls. He also
refers to a third roll of date Henry VI, 39, in which the receipts are stated as
£74. 2s. 4d. ; this is no longer extant. He does not mention the roll of
Edward IV, 21—22.
C. A. S. Octavo Series. 3
34 ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY.
been made by William de Axmuth and William Brito at
Cambridge. This writ is clearly connected with the same
King's license to the Nuns, tested at Westminster on April 17
in the same year, to enclose and keep enclosed for ever a croft
belonging to them and lying between their church and the
fossatmii of Cambridge. (This license is cited in full in King
Edward II's confirmation, Charters, 8.) From the circum-
stance that the writ was addressed to the town bailiffs it would
appear that the purpresture of the Nuns consisted of an en-
croachment on the common lands of the town, i.e. on Grene-
croft. The writ stays the distraint until the quindena of
Easter, by which time, or at least before April 17, an
arrangement seems to have been arrived at by which the
town relinquished its rights in the land annexed. But as
the ownership of the soil of the common land belonged not
to the burgesses but to the King (such at least would be the
King's view) his sanction was necessary to enable the Nuns
to acquire and permanently enclose the croft\ The dispute
between the Nuns and the burgesses seems to have been
the outcome of proceedings for encroachment taken by the
King against the burgesses : for by a writ, mentioned by
Cooper^ and dated March 5 in this year, the King re-
quired the sheriff to restore the cattle of the burgesses and
not further to distrain them for a trespass, they having paid
at the royal wardrobe 20 marks. The encroachment for
which the burgesses thus made satisfaction was no doubt
committed on the soil of the fossatum. At the time of the
Hundred Bolls it was one of the complaints of the towns-
men that the soil of the fossatum remained void to their
great loss, and several individuals are reported to have made
encroachments on it by planting trees and otherwise.
1 Pollock and Maitland (History of English Law, Vol. i. p. 635), speaking of
the Firma Burcji, ' It may be much doubted whether the walls, ditches, streets
and open spaces of the borough were held by the burgesses. They were still
the king's walls, ditches and streets, and he who encroached upon them
committed a purpresture against the king. Nor is it by any means certain
that the king parted with the soil over which the burgesses exercised the right
of pasture.' 2 ji^nals, Vol. i. p. 46.
ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY. 35
The Register of Archbishop Wittlesey (fo. 153), at Lambeth
Palace, gives a full and curious account of a visitation of the
Nunnery in the year 1378, made by mandate of the Archbishop
during a vacancy of the See of Ely. The visitor was Thomas
de Wormenhale, who about the same time visited other religious
houses in the diocese, viz. Ely, Chatteris, Anglesey, Swaffham,
Thorney, Barnwell and the Hospital of S. John, Cambridge.
The Nunnery of S. Radegund was visited on the Saturday next
following the feast of S. James the Apostle. The Prioress and
sisters were separately and privately examined, and the report
of the visitor exhibited the following comperta.
First, it was alleged that the Prioress made the officiariae
of the Nunnery discharge payments beyond what was required
by the custom of their offices, and without assigning reason
for such payments. The Prioress denied this article, but was
nevertheless cautioned in future to explain to her officials the
reasons for all expenditure required of them.
Item, that the Prioress did not, as she was bound to do,
find priests to celebrate for various benefactors of the Nunnery.
The Prioress made reply that the means of the Nuns were not
sufficient to sustain the said burdens. She was cautioned to
discharge the obligations of the Nunnery in this respect as
soon as the fortunes of the household would enable her to do so.
Item, that the Prioress suffered the Refectory to remain
without cover, so that in rainy weather the sisters were not
able to take their meals there in common, as by rule they were
bound to do. The Prioress answered that the Nunnery was so
burdened with debts, subsidies and contributions in these
times that so far she had been unable to carry out repairs, but
that she would do so as soon as possible.
Item, that the Prioress did not correct dame Elizabeth de
Cambridge for withdrawing herself from divine service, and
allowed friars of different orders, as well as scholars, to visit
her at inopportune times and to converse with her, to the
scandal of religion. The Prioress replied that she had frequently
corrected her. She was charged in future strictly to correct
and chastise her for the faults alleged.
3—2
36 ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY,
Item, that the Prioress was too easily induced to give
permission to the Nuns to go outside the cloister. She was
cautioned not to do so in future.
Item, that dame Elizabeth de Cambridge provoked discord
among the sisters and often murmured against correction, and
that she did not trouble to get up {non curat surgere) to
attend matins, as she was bound to do. She denied the
fact, and added that, supposing she had so done, she had been
corrected by her Prioress. She was warned to cease from
murmuring and provoking discord, and to get up for matins,
whenever she coidd {cum potei'it), under pain of excommunica-
tion.
The Prioress mentioned in this report was Margaret Clanyle.
She resigned her office in 1878. Bishop Arundel's Register at
Ely (fo. 25) contains the following documents relating to this
event.
The Bishop's mandate to his Official, Richard le Scrop, to
receive the resignation of domina Margaret Clanyle, and to
certify to the Bishop what he has done. Downham, Jan. 29,
1378.
Scrop's certification to the Bishop that he has admitted,
approved and authorized the resignation. Cambridge, Feb. 1.
The Bishop's license to the sub-prioress, Johanna de Ely,
and the convent to elect a successor. Downham, Feb. 6.
Process of election : ' assumptis sibi quibusdam personis
secularibus, vidlt. magistris Thoma de Glocestr' et Johanne de
Newton, juris peritis, d"° Willelmo Rolf, vicario ecclesie Omnium
Sanctorum in Judaismo et magistro Roberto de Foxton, notario
publico, pro saniori consilio in hac parte habendo,' domina Alice
Pylet is unanimously elected. Feb. 17.
The election is confirmed by the Bishop, Feb. 20, and
publication of it made ' ad januam manerii de Downham et in
capella dicti manerii.'
On Dec. 10, 1389, Bishop Fordham of Ely granted indulgence
of 40 days to all who should help to repair the Nuns' church
and cloister and contribute to their maintenance and relief.
(Fordhams' Register, fo. 10.)
ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY. 37
In the Register of Archbishop Courtenay (fo. 143), under
date 1389, is a letter addressed to the same Bishop of Ely, in
which the Archbishop reports that in his recent metropolitical
visitation of the diocese of Lincoln he found there ' a sheep
wandering from the fold among thorns,' to wit, one Margaret
Cailly, a professed nun of S. Radegund's monastery, who had
cast off the garb of religion and in secular habit was leading a
dissolute life. ' That her blood be not required at our hands '
the Archbishop sends her with the bearer of the letter to the
Bishop, with an injunction that she should be restored to the
Nunnery and kept there in safe custody. The Bishop in a
letter to the Prioress (Reg. Fordham, fo. 11) directs that the
apostate nun be committed to the eventus^, there to be kept in
close confinement until she shows signs of penitence and con-
trition for her 'excesses,' as the rules of her house and order
require. And the Bishop further enjoins that when the said
Margaret first enters the chapter-house she shall humbly ask
pardon of the Prioress and all her sisters for her offences, and
that she shall undergo salutary penances for her excesses, the
Bishop having privately absolved her from the penalty of
excommunication on the ground of her apostasy.
On Sept. 19, 1401, the Priory was visited by the commis-
sioners of the Archbishop of Canterbury, Thomas Arundel.
The sisters were privately and separately questioned but the
substance of their answers is not recorded in the Register.
(Arundels' Register, fo. 492.)
The Register of Bishop Fordham of Ely (Jan. 26, 1407)
contains a license to the sub-prioress, Margery Harlyng, for a
private oratory or chapel within the Priory.
On March 18, 1457, Bishop Gray of Ely issued letters, dated
from Downham, granting 40 days' indulgence to all who should
lend a helping hand (' manus porrexerint adjutrices ') for the
repair of the bell-tower of the Nuns' conventual church and
^ Possibly this was the conventual prison, which in some monasteries was
in the gate-house, in others adjoined the Necessarium. The word is not in
Ducange.
38 ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY.
for the maintenance of books, vestments and other church
ornaments (Register, fo. 21).
The Ely Registers (Bp. Gray, fo. 140) supply a full account
of the election of a Prioress in 1457 in place of Agnes
Seyntelowe, who died on Sept. 8 in that year. The process of
election was per for mam compromissi, and the description, in
outline, is as follows. Maud Sudbury, as sub-prioress and
president, informs the Bishop of the vacancy and obtains his
license for the election of a successor. In the Nuns' petition
to the Bishop for leave to elect it is stated that by the canons
a church regular must not be vacant beyond three months ' ne
pro defectu regiminis invadat gregem dominicam lupus rapax.'
On Sept. 23 they elect Joan Lancastre to be sacrist, and then
adjourn to Sept. 27. On that day, after mass de Sancto
Spiritu, those who have jus eligendi meet and decant the
'ympn,' Veni Creator, with versicles and collects. Elizabeth
Walton, succentrix, proclaims notice of the election at the door
of the Priory and at the door of the chapter-house. Master
Roger Ratcliffe, LL.D., Robert Bredon, notary public. Master
Thomas Willis, LL.B., Ds Richard Sampson and Ds Henry
Whitrate, chaplain, are called in as consilia7'ii and testes. The
sisters elect as compromissarii Joan Lancastre, Eliz. Walton
and Katherine Seyntelowe, cellarer, who retire to the east end
of the chapterhouse with the witnesses aforesaid. E. W. and
K. S. call upon J. L. to nominate; she nominates E. W.;
J. L. and K. S. call upon E. W, to nominate ; she nominates
J. L. E. W. and J. L. call upon K. S. to nominate ; she
nominates J. L. Without any interval the compromissarii
return and call upon the sisters to nominate, beginning with
Maud Sudbury; she nominates J. L., as do Margaret Metham,
Elena Craneswik, Emma Hore and Joan Kay. Emma Denton
is nominated by Agnes Daveys, Katherine Seyntelowe by
Emma Denton, Agnes Daveys by Alice Graunfeld. Eliz.
Walton counts up the votes and declares that Joan Lancastre
is elected. After this all the sisters, devoutly chanting Te
Deum, conducted Joan Lancastre, ' renitentem licet ' to the
high altar of the conventual church and there placed her,
ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY. 39
prostrate on the ground before the altar. The bell was then
rung and proclamation of the election was made to the public
in the vulgar tongue before noon. All the sisters then con-
ducted the Prioress elect to the vestibulum of the church and
let her depart. At a meeting in the chapter-house in the
afternoon it was agreed that Eliz. Walton and Katherine
Seyntelowe should obtain the assent of Joan Lancastre to the
process of election. She at first asked to be allowed to consider
the matter ; ' tandem vero precibus devicta et post multas
excusationes,' she consented to take the oath required of a
Prioress. Next follows, Sept. 29, the Bishop's commission to
Master Robert Thwait, S. T. P., to confirm the election, with
mandate to the Bishop's apparitors to summon all persons
objecting or otherwise concerned. In the Bishop's court
Master Edmund Kunnesburgh, decretorum doctor, appears as
the Nuns' counsel and claims that all has been done legally
and canonically. Against whom Roger Ratclyffe and others
alleged objections to the form of election. Then Master
Kunnesburgh on the part of the Nuns ' exhibuit quandam
peticionem summariam,' begging the Bishop's official to proceed
summarily and confirm the election, which he does, affirming
that nothing has been proved affecting the validity of the
election.
§ 15. Decay and Dissolution of the Nunnery.
Doubts have sometimes been suggested as to the truth of
the representations made by Bishop Alcock concerning the
lapsed condition, moral and material, of the Priory when he
petitioned King Henry VII for license to convert it into a
College; and the fact that the royal license to suppress the
Hospital of S. John describes the decay of that house in
terms which are almost literally repeated from Alcock's
account of S. Radegund's Nunnery is perhaps calculated to
throw suspicion on the credibility of both accounts. As
regards Bishop Alcock's statements there is not the slightest
foundation for such a suspicion. The alleged improvidence of
40 ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY.
the Nuns is established in the clearest manner on their own
evidence, and if for the charge of moral shortcomings there is
little evidence except the Bishop's it must be allowed that he
made the charge in the first instance to them directly and
many years before he made up his mind to dissolve their
house. All the testimony of his contemporaries and im-
mediate successors gives him the character of an exceptionally
single-minded and devout prelate, and he had given pointed
proof a few years previously that in dealing with the abuses
of a religious house he was disposed to act in a spirit of for-
bearance and conservatism. In 1480, when he was Bishop of
Worcester, he personally visited the Benedictine Priory of
Little Malvern, the brethren of which were reported to have
dissipated their revenues and to be living 'vagabond' and like
laymen. The Bishop ordered the Prior to be removed and sent
to the Abbey of Battle, where he had been first professed, and
the four monks, who were all that remained in the house, to be
transferred to Gloucester Abbey until their Priory should be
reconstituted. Alcock then proceeded to refound the convent;
he rebuilt the church, altering its dedication from S. Giles to
S. John the Evangelist and S. Giles, repaired the monks' lodg-
ing and discharged their debts. In 1482 the brethren were
allowed to return and the Priory continued to exist more or
less prosperously until the general dissolution, at which time it
contained seven brethren besides the Prior. After this refor-
mation of the Priory Bishop Alcock was regarded as its patron
and founder ; its common seal bore his arms, and his figure was
portrayed in the windows of the conventual church.
In the absence of direct testimony an entry in the Register
of Bishop Gray of Ely in the year 1461 suggests that symptoms
of moral depravation began to show themselves very soon after
the election of the Prioress Joan Lancastre. In that year
Elizabeth Butlier, aged about 16, not having completed four
years in the Nunnery and finding that she cannot serve God
there with as much devotion as she wishes, obtains leave from
the Bishop to transfer herself to the Nunnery of S. Helen's,
London. (Register, fo. 157.)
ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY. 41
The first evidence of the financial collapse of the Nuns'
household appears to be the following indenture of the Prioress
Elizabeth Walton, dated March 13, 1478 ; but if we are to
believe the account given by the Prioress the responsibility for
some part of their indebtedness belonged to her predecessors in
office :
'Whereas we and our predecessors, Prioresse and Nunnes of
the saide house at dyvers tymes tofore passed whan we ware
destitute of money for our pore lyffing had flessche of Richerd
Wodecok of Cambrigge, boucher, into the value of the summe
of xxj'' of lawful money of Englond, which he for our ease
many day hath forborn. And now he of his special favour and
elmesse for hym and his executours hath granted unto us
license for to paie unto him yeerly xix^ to tyme the said summe
be fully paied and content, as right and conscience requyre. We
therefore considering his benevolence and good wylle anendst
us in this behalve wol and by this our presen t writyng endented
graunt and have graunted unto the said Richerd Wodecok and
to his executors to have and to receyve of us and our succes-
sours by his awne hands yearly xix® to be taken of thissues and
profites and ferme of a tenement sett and lyeng in the parissh of
Seynt Andrewe in the Prechour Strete of Cambrygge abuttyng
upon the Kyngs Dyche and of j other tenement lyeng in Seynt
Edwards parisshe of Cambrigge abuttyng upon the Chauncell
of the same chirche. Which tenements the said Richerd
Wodecok hath and holdeth of us to ferme by endenture for the
terme of yeeres as by severall endentures therof by us unto the
same Richerd his executours and assignes made hit appareth
more at large To have and to hold the said proufets issues and
ferme to the value of xix'^ yeerly unto the time that the foresaid
Richerd by his awne hands be satisfied and content of the said
xxj^V etc.
This and another indenture of the following year are the
latest of the Nuns' documents which bear the large seal of
the convent figured opposite p. 1. At some time between
1479 and 1485 the matrix of this seal was apparently lost or
sold, for to a deed of the latter year (Joan Cambrygg, Prioress)
42 ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY.
is attached the impression of a very small and poorly executed
seal, representing S. Radegund crowned and standing with both
arras uplifted between two upright palm branches, which in
the deed is said to be the common seal of the Nunnery.
More direct evidence of the pecuniary straits to which the
convent was reduced in the last quarter of the 15th century is
to be found in the accounts of Joan Key, who was treasurer in
1481 — 2. Her account roll, written on paper, alike in hand-
writing, arithmetic and Latinity is a performance which con-
trasts very unfavourably with that of her predecessor, 80 years
before. The details moreover which it gives are very scant.
But one thing is patent enough, viz. that the income of the
Nuns had dropped from £74 odd at the earlier date to some-
thing over £31 at the later. It is true that the accounts of
Joan Key for some reason extend over three-quarters of the
year only, but it is an awkward circumstance that in those
nine months her disbursements exceeded her receipts by more
than £25. Ominous too is the fact that the sale of farm
produce had practically ceased to be a source of income and
that the Nuns were driven to purchase barley, oats, malt, etc.
A small trifle is obtained from the sale of hay, and there are a
few receipts for ' commons ' of perhendinantes, boarders in the
guest-house, two of them being daughters of the Nuns' benevo-
lent creditor, Richard Wodecok. There is one new source of
income, the charitable gifts of individuals, cleric and lay.
Bishop Alcock was translated to the see of Ely early in
1486. The death of the Prioress in the following year gave
him an opportunity for decisive interference in the affairs of
the Nunnery. He has left a record of his proceedings there
in his Register (fo. 153) from which the following extracts are
translated.
"On the twelfth day of October, A.D. 1487, the Bishop
visited the house or monastery of the Nuns of S. Mary and S.
Radegund, then destitute of a Prioress and vacant by the
death of the late Prioress, Mistress Joan Cambrigge . . . and
sitting in the chapter-house of the foresaid monastery, on the
tribunal, delivered his decree as follows.
ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY. 43
"In the name of God Amen. We, John, by divine per-
mission Bishop of Ely, on the 12th day of October, visiting in
our right as ordinary (jure ordinario) the nunnery of S. Mary
and S. Radegund, Cambridge, destitute of the solace of a
Prioress, for certain, true, just, notorious and manifest causes
find all and singular the Nuns unfit and disqualified to elect
their future Prioress and therefore decree that in such manner
of election they are justly deprived of voice. Wherefore we
take upon ourselves the task of providing from some other like
religious place a fit person for the vacancy in the said
Nunnery, the right of electing and providing for the same
Nunnery having devolved canonically upon us, and having
the fear of God before our eyes we thus proceed.
"And you. Mistress Joan Fulborne, duly and lawfully pro-
fessed of the order of S. Benedict and long time laudably
conversant in the same, for your good religion and integrity^
sincere virginity and other merits of prudence and holy con-
versation credibly reported to us we appoint and provide to
be Prioress of the same house..,
" And consequently, by mandate of the Bishop, the
reverend Master William Robynson, bachelor in either law,
conducted the same Joan Fulborne to the High Altar, while
the Nuns, with others, solemnly chanted Te Deuni, and
assigned to her the stall in the choir and the place in the
chapter anciently and of custom appointed to the Prioress,
and canonically inducted her into the same with all its
rights and appurtenances."
The history of the Nunnery from this year onwards to its
dissolution is almost a blank. The accounts of the town
treasurer for the year ending the Nativity of the Virgin, 1491,
contain an entry, " In reward given the Lady Prioress of
S. Radegund of Cambridge for keeping the common bull in
the winter time this year, 16^^" The Prioress in question was
the Joan Fulborne above-mentioned, whose name occurs in
several indentures of the Nunnery, the latest of which is dated
^ Cooper's Annals, Vol. i. p. 240.
44 ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY.
Aug. 6, 1493. Whether she died or retired from the Priory
before the dissolution or was one of the two sisters who were
the sole occupants of the Nuns' house at the time of Bishop
Alcock's second visit does not appear \ It is certain that she
was altogether unsuccessful in rehabilitating the character of
the household committed to her charge.
The Proctors in their accounts for the year 1496 mention a
sum of 16*^ expended " for wine given the Bishop of Ely at the
Nuns' house." The letters patent of Henry VIT. for the
foundation of Jesus College, dated June 12 in the eleventh
year of his reign, i.e. 1496 ^ reveal the condition of affairs
reported by the Bishop to the King at the time, it would
seem, of this visit. It is therein stated that the King, as
well by the report of the Bishop as by public fame, is in-
formed that the House or Priory of S. Radegund of the
foundation and patronage of the Bishop, as in right of his
church of Ely, together with all its lands, tenements, rents,
possessions and buildings, and moreover the properties, goods,
jewels and other ecclesiastical ornaments anciently of piety
and charity given and granted to the same House or Priory,
by the neglect, improvidence, extravagance and incontinence
of the Prioresses and women of the said House, by reason
of their proximity to the University of Cambridge, have
been dilapidated, destroyed, wasted, alienated, diminished and
subtracted ; in consequence of which the Nuns are reduced
1 Archbishop Parker, in the History of the University which is appended to
his Antiquitates Ecclesiae Britannicae, states that Bishop Alcock ' Alexandre
sexto papae retulit abbatissam sanctimonialium Eadegondae, ordinis Sancti
Benedict!, baud pie casteque vixisse ; eaque decedente abbatiam ad ruinam
paratam et a virginibus ordinem deserentibus desolatam fuisse, anno Domini
1496.' Apart from the error in the title of abbess Parker's whole account of
the Nunnery is so inaccurate that no reliance can be placed on his evidence.
2 In Rymer's Foedera the date is given as 1497 ; the same date is given in
Documents relating to the University and Toion of Cambridge (where the
document is printed in full), in Caley's Monasticon, and by Cooper and most
modern authorities. But the original in the College Treasury, with royal seal
appended, reads beyond question ' anno regni nostri undecimo,^ i.e. 1495 — 6.
This accords with Sherman's statement that Alcock began to rebuild the fabric,
' instaurare f abricam coepit, ' in the eleventh year of Henry VII.
ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY. 45
to such want and poverty that they are unable to maintain
and support divine services, hospitality and other such works
of mercy and piety as by the primary foundation and ordin-
ance of their founders are required ; that they are reduced in
number to two only, of whom one is elsewhere professed, the
other is of ill-fame ^ and that they can in no way provide for
their own sustenance and relief, insomuch that they are fain to
abandon their House and leave it in a manner desolate,
John Mair, or Major, as his name was Latinized, who was
resident at Christ's College for a few months in the early part
of the 15th century, when the facts connected with the disso-
lution were within living recollection, says that the suggestion
of converting the Nunnery into a College originated with
Dr Stubs. The person indicated was no doubt William
Chubbes, S. T. P., the first Master of the College, whose name
occurs with a variety of spellings in the earliest deeds of the
College.
Sherman, in his Latin History of the College, makes the
statement, which has since been copied in other books about
Cambridge, that by direction of the Founder the College was
dedicated to the Blessed Virgin Mary, S. John the Evangelist
and the glorious S. Radegund, and took its popular name
of Jesus College from the conventual church which was
dedicated to the Name of Jesus. For the latter part of
this assertion there is not the slightest evidence. The
testimony of the Nuns' muniments shows conclusively that
the Nunnery, the parish and the lane were as late as the
beginning of Henry VII's reign known simply by their old
title of S. Hadegund's, nor is there any ground for supposing
that the church itself received a fresh dedication so long as
the Nunnery existed. In the preamble to the Statutes which
1 It is scarcely worth while correcting the many errors in Fuller's account
of the Nunnery, hut it deserves to be mentioned that his jest, " Tradition saith
that of the two [nuns] remaining one was tvith child, the other but a child,"
is based on the misreading of infmnis in the letters patent as infans. Godwin
had made the same mistake before Fuller, and infans is the reading wrongly
given in Documents relating to the University and Colleges of Cambridge.
46 ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY.
Bishop Stanley of Ely gave to the College in 1514 it is stated
that the church of the College is consecrated to the Name
of Jesus, and that the College is erected and founded in
honour of the Blessed Virgin Mary, S. John the Evangelist
and S. Radegund, but that it shall be called Jesus College and
the Fellows and Scholars shall be called Scholares Jesu^.
A Compotus roll for the year Henry VII, 13 — 14, i.e.
1497 — 8, apparently the first of the newly founded College,
exists in the College Treasury. It throws an interesting light
on the financial situation inherited by the College from the
Nuns, though unfortunately it gives no information as to the
condition of the conventual buildings. The Nunnery indeed
is not once alluded to in it, nor is there any express acknow-
ledgement of the fact that the Nuns' property had passed into
new hands. The computant has no arrears to account for;
in the margin, opposite the heading, 'Collegium Jhu' occupies
the place of ' Prioratus See Radegundis ' ; otherwise there is
no recognition of the changes which had just occurred. The
collector is one William Pykerell, who was a Fellow of the
College soon after its foundation, but against many of the
1 There seems to have been some uncertainty at first as to the formal title
of the College. In the King's letters patent it is described as ' Collegium
Beatissime Marie Virginis, Sancti Johannis Evangeliste et Gloriose Virginis
Sancte Eadegundis.' But in an address of the Master, William Chubbes, and
Fellows to the King, of which there is a transcript in the Ely Episcopal
Registers (Alcock, fol. 125), belonging apparently to the year 1497, it is called
' Collegium Jesu, Beate Marie Virginis et Sancti Johannis Evangeliste.'
Popularly the College seems from the first to have been known only as Jesus
College. The name Jesus Lane occurs in the town accounts of 1497 : Jesus
church and Jesus parish are mentioned in documents of the early years of the
16th century, though, inconsistently enough, there is mention of the parish
church of S. Eadegund in cap. 19 of Bishop Stanley's Statutes. The original
College seal, of which an impression exists in the College Treasury attached
to a deed temp. Henry VIII. , bears the legend, sigillvm collegii ihv : maeie
ET lOHis : EVAG. CANTEBE. In its Upper portion are represented under canopies
the Virgin and S. John standing on either side of the Saviour, and the base
displays a shield bearing the Five Wounds. Archbishop Eotherham's foundation
of Jesus College, Eotherham, dates from 1498. Eotherham was Lord
Chancellor conjointly with Alcock, and appointed him executor of his wiU.
He was also provost of the collegiate church of Beverley, Alcock's native town.
ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY. 47
entries of receipts is set the name or initial of Griggeson, one
of the original Fellows, who evidently helped in rent-collecting.
Beyond payment of quit-rents, fifteenths, &c. and a few inci-
dental expenses of collection there are no disbursements.
There is however mention of certain sums of money, amounting
in all to £9. 6s. 8d., paid to Henry Lecheman, who was another
of the original Fellows. The purpose of these payments is not
stated. They may have been connected with the building
of the College, but the absence of fabric charges seems
to show that the costs of adapting the conventual buildings
to College uses were borne mainly by the Founder or his
friends. There are no payments to College officials; neither
Griggeson nor Lecheman is described as Fellow, and William
Chubbes, who is mentioned, is not styled Master. A sum of
£43. 8s. 8d. is advanced to John Ware of Fulburn for farm
stock. An indenture of the same year (Henry VII, 14) shows
that in consideration of this advance Ware released to the
College a farm of 21 acres at Fulburn, of which the College
gave him a lease for 8 years. The remaining balance, amount-
ing to £25. 17s. lOfd, is retained in the hands of Pykerell and
Griggeson. The entries under the head of rent receipts show
that the College receivers found the Nuns' affairs in a
singularly chaotic state which they had not as yet succeeded
in reducing to order. There is a long list of tenements whose
rent is held over for the time owing to an uncertainty as to the
sum, ' eo quod feodum ignoratum est.' Nine tenements in
Jesus Lane return no rent, as being vacant. The former
occupants seem to have been servants employed by the Nuns.
As late as the year 1511 among the inmates of the
Benedictine Nunnery of Davington, Kent, at the time of
its visitation by Archbishop Warham, was one Elizabeth
Awdeley, who had been professed at Cambridge. As she had
been resident at Davington for 20 years she must have been
one of the sisters who abandoned S. Radesfund's before its
dissolution ^
1 Visitation of Archbishop Warham, by Miss M. Bateson in English Historical
Review, Vol. vi. p. 27.
48 ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY.
§ 16. Radegund Manor. Oarlick Fair. Radegund Tithes.
The name and memory of the Nuns' house were still
perpetuated at the beginning of the present century in the
manor of S. Radegund and the Radegund tithes, and with
the former was still associated another survival of Nunnery
days, the fair on the festival of the Assumption. The manor
and the fair have long since passed away : the tithe, attenuated
into a formal payment of insignificant amount, still exists.
All three institutions in their origin were rooted in the
beginnings of the Nunnery, and I have thought it on that
account worth while to put together here the few noteworthy
facts concerning them which I have been able to discover.
The manor of S. Radegund consisted of the old demesne
lands of the Nuns, and generally its boundaries coincided with
those of S. Radegund parish, but it did not include the
dwelling-houses in Jesus Lane. As the Nuns did not let it
to tenants it was not styled a manor in their time, nor was
there on it any dwelling of the nature of a manor-house. The
old manor-house of S. Radegund, which stood nearly on the
site of the present All Saints' vicarage, was destroyed in 1831.
Its last tenant was the Rev. Isaac Leathes, a former Fellow of
the College, who parted with the remainder of his lease of the
manor to the College in Dec. 1830. To his descendant, the
Rev. Prof. Stanley Leathes, now an Honorary Fellow of Jesus
College, I am indebted for the loan of a water-colour sketch of the
house, taken from the north, of which the engraving opposite
is a reproduction. An aged servant of the College, recently
deceased, who well remembered the old manor-house, de-
scribed it to me as being, just before its demolition, in a
dilapidated state, and the garden as a wilderness. Near the
end of the grounds where Manor Street has since been built
the same authority told me that there was a handsome
fountain. The two projecting wings of the house are shown in
the sketch to be red brick ; the central portion was apparently
stuccoed.
c-«^ ,/,;:
~-h
M,-
-iV^ i^rr-,, .ssrgffl j :«*:!*
^^, .b":i l;^:i ;^^^
J
ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY. 49
In the first College lease book there is a transcript of
a lease of the manor, dated 1555, in which -it is stated that
the manor-house had then been newly built by Mr Edmund
Perpoynte, Master of the College, at his own charge, amounting
to £400\ It took the place of an older house which recently
had been 'utterly burnt by casualtie of fire.' All the
dominical lands were included in this lease with these ex-
ceptions — the ground enclosed within mud walls, commonly
called the churchyard, all woods and underwoods, the inner
court, the Master's and Fellows' gardens, and the close at the
west side of the school house, i.e. the western part of the
present Fellows' garden. As the ground occupied by the
entrance court of the College was not excepted it is probable
that the farm buildings in the Nuns' curia were still standing
and in use, or others in their place. Except the gatehouse
and school adjoining it no College buildings stood there.
The fair on the festival of the Assumption of the Virgin
Mary was granted to the Nuns by charter of King Stephen.
This charter is not now extant, but the fact is recorded in the
Hundred Rolls I The circumstance that the fair was held on
the vigil and feast of the Assumption, i.e. August 14 and 15,
seems to indicate, as already stated, that the Nunnery church
was originally dedicated to S. Mary, but it is to be noted that
Aug. 14 was also the day on which S. Radegund was com-
memorated. A third day was added to the duration of the
fair by charter of Henry VI., dated the sixteenth year of his
reign (Charters, 9).
The name Garlick Fair, by which it was generally known in
its last days, occurs first in an entry in the Bursar's accounts for
1577-8.
1 Bentham, History of Ely, Appendix, p. 46, mentions that in a window of
the manor-house, in the year 1744, were blazoned the arms of Bishop Goodrich
of Ely. Goodrich was Fellow of Jesus in 1510, and Bishop of Ely 1534 — 1554.
2 H. R. II. p. 359, 'Item predicte Priorissa et Moniales habent quan-
dam feriam ad festum Asnmpcionis Beate Marie Virginis duraturam per duos
dies, sc. in vigilia Asumpcionis Beate Marie cum die sequent! quam quidem
feriam habent ex concessioue Stephani quondam Eegis Anglie per cartam quam
habent de Rege predicto.'
C. A. S. Octavo Series. 4
50 ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY.
" for ledding ij payns in the sowth wyndowe there {i.e. in the chapel)
next to the garUcke fayre closse, &c., iijs. vjo?."
The close here referred to and otherwise known as ' the
churchyard ' occupied the position of the eastern portion of
what is now the Master's garden, on the southern side of the
chapel. It was entered by gates opening on Jesus Lane. In
the Nuns' accounts for 1449-50 there is a charge of 12d. for a
lock and key for these gates ('pro portis vocatis feyregates').
They stood on the site of the still existing wooden door on the
western side of the iron gates through which the new approach
from Jesus Lane to the Chapel Court is entered. As late as
1803 this gate was described by the then Bursar as ' Garlic
Fair Gate.' The churchyard was enclosed with mud walls
dividing it on one side from the Master's garden, on the other
from the 'Master's close,' or 'pond yard.' Probably the fair
had been held there from the first, but after the inclusion of
the site in the Master's garden it seems to have been trans-
ferred to the western margin of the College close, adjoining the
King's Ditch, where it gave its name to Garlic Fair Lane, now
Park Street.
As a trade mart the fair seems never to have had any
importance. Though the Nuns and, after them, the College in
its earlier days were considerable buyers at both Midsummer
and Sturbridge fairs, and on occasions even resorted to
S. Audrey's fair at Ely, they seem never to have marketed at
the fair which was held in their own grounds. The tolls
received by the Nuns in 1449-50 amounted only to 5s. 2<^.,
and in the following year to 55. In the earlier year the toll
collectors received 6d as wage ; a cook hired to help in the
kitchen at the fair time also received 3d In the 16th and
earlier part of the l7th century the profits of the fair, including
' waifFs and stray thes,' were regularly included in the lease
of the manor. After 1635 there appears in the accounts an
annual entry of £1 received as profits of the fair, which, with
not unfrequent omissions in the later years, continues until
1709, after which it ceases \ But until 1838, when the manor-
1 In the College Eegister, July 16, 1642, occurs an entry, ' Eogerus Har-
ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY. 51
house was destroyed and the close thenceforth let on an annual
tenancy, in every lease of the manor there was a covenant that
the College 'shall have liberty to keep a fair within and over
the close, or such part thereof as hath been used for that
purpose, on the feast day of the Assumption of the Blessed
Virgin Mary yearly, or at such other time or times as it may
keep the same.' The fair seems to have been still in existence
at the beginning of the present century, about which time
Bowtell writes (MSS. pp. 205—11), ' On the 14th, 15th and 16th
August this Fair is still constantly observed by the Inhabitants
of Jesus Lane, who claim it as a Privilege belonging peculiarly
to their Situation and invite Strangers to partake of their
Festivity in strong ale and cheerless (sic) Frumenty. But
these Meetings are now attended with far less Rejoicings than
they were formerly, when Minstrels and Musicians were
engaged to heighten the celebration,' &c. The New Cambridge
Guide, published in 1809, speaks ambiguously of its existence
at that date. ' There was formerly another festival, called
Oarlick Fair, celebrated here; which was granted by Henry VI.
to the Nuns of St Radegund, and held in Jesus Lane, on the
14th of August and two following days ; but this is now nearly
abolished.'
The Radegund tithes were commonly leased by the College
to the tenant of the manor. Like the tithes of all the
Cambridge churches they were drawn from the common fields
of the town. These fields, tilled by the possessors on the open
field system, extended on all sides round the town as far as the
borough limits. The fields on the north and west sides of the
town were collectively known as Cambridge fields, and on their
inner side were bounded by a watercourse extending from
Queens' Green to the Bin Brook, and from thence by the Bin
Brook to its junction with the river. The fields on the south
and east sides of the town were anciently known as Barnwell
fields ; their inner boundary coincided generally with the
course of the King's Ditch from the point where it leaves the
rison constitutus est Ballivus noster pro Garlicke faire hoc anno 1642.' No
other appointment by the College of a bailiff for the fair is recorded.
4—2
52 ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY.
river at the King's Mill to the place where it rejoins it at the
angle of Jesus Green. The Cambridge and the Barnwell
fields were to the last cultivated as distinct, and separate Acts
of Parliament were required for their enclosure, the former
in 1802, the latter in 1807. Both Acts contained provisions
for making allotments in lieu of tithes, but the great tithes
belonging to Jesus College in the Barnwell fields were specially
retained in the Act of 1807, and, as ' Radegund tithes,' exist
at the present day. The tithes of Cambridge fields were
known as the tithes of S. Giles and the tithes of S. Rade-
gund, the former apparently including the parishes of S.
Giles, S. Peter and All Saints next the Castle, the churches
of which were appropriated to S. Giles' Priory, Barnwell,
while the latter would represent the tithes of S. Clement's,
which belonged to the almoner of S. Radegund's Priory. The
tithes of Barnwell fields on the other hand belonged exclusively
to the southern parishes. The old tithe books show that they
belonged to the churches of S. Andrew the Great, S. Mary next
the Market, S. Mary the Less, S. Bene't and the Holy Trinity,
to the almoner of Barnwell Priory, as impropriator of S. Ed-
ward's, S. Sepulchre's, S. John's and S. Botolph's, and to
S. Radegund's Nunnery, in right, no doubt, of All Saints' Church
in Jewry. In a printed report of an action (Anderson v.
Broadbelt) which took place in 1816, with respect to the right
of Jesus College to the Radegund tithe in Barnwell fields, it is
stated that 'the Inhabitants of All Saints' parish in perambu-
lating their boundaries had uniformly included the fields of
Barnwell in consequence of their right to the Rates on those
Tithes.'
ENTRANCE
COURT
A.
Lutriiia.
K.
Camera of Prioress.
B.
Well.
L.
'The Entry'.
C.
? Novices' Dortev on up]
jer
floor.
M.
? Cheker of Cellaress.
D.
'The Cloister end'.
N.
'The Cook's Chamber'.
E.
Dark Entry.
0.
Finceriia.
F.
? Calefactory.
V.
Kitchen.
G.
? Vestry.
Q-
? Guest Hall of Prioress
H.
Sacristan's chamber.
B.
Outer Gates.
J.
Vestibule.
S.
? Almonry.
mtmm
Existing
Walls
and Foundations.
V/M//mA
H
IJotnetical.
Fig. III. Plan of the Nunneky Buildings.
To face iHuje o3.
BUILDINGS OF THE NUNNERY. 53
THE BUILDINGS OF THE NUNNERY.
The scope of the Arcliitectaral History in the chapters
dealing with Jesus College, except in the case of the Chapel,
does not include any detailed account of the Nunnery build-
ings. Though such an account was outside the plan adopted
by the authors in the case of other colleges it is matter for
much regret that Professor Willis left no notes for the treat-
ment of this subject, on which he could have written with the
authority of a master.
In the preamble to the Statutes of Nicholas West, Bishop
of Ely 1515-1533, the statement is made that the College was
' paene ab ipsis fundamentis noviter aedificatura et construc-
tum ' by the Founder himself Apparently the construction to
be put upon the words ' noviter aedificatum ' is that from the
ground-floor upwards Alcock reconstructed the Nuns' buildings
in such a way as to give them the appearance of being new ;
unless the expression is inaccurate it cannot mean that a new
fabric was raised on the old foundations. The former, at least,
is the only interpretation which can be reconciled with what
is known of Alcock's operations in the case of the Chapel; it
corresponds equally with the facts brought to light b}^ recent
discoveries connected with the domestic buildings occupying
Nunnery sites. It is probable enough, though the fact is
not stated in the royal letters patent, that the Nuns left
their dwellings in such a state of disrepair as to be scarcely
habitable; that was an incident common to college as well
as monastic buildings, and as late as the reign of Edward VI.
the Bursars' accounts show that a considerable number of
chambers were unoccupied 'per defectum reparacionis.' But
the poverty and neglect of a quarter of a century which,
no doubt, had made havock of thatched roofs and stud-par-
titions could have had little effect on the outward walls of
54 BUILDINGS OF THE NUNNERY.
solid clunch, which, under a facing of later brick, still testify
to the durability of the work of the Nunnery builders, and
Alcock had too much practical skill to destroy buildings
which could easily be adapted to the needs of a college, and
harmonized to 15th century fashions in architecture. In the
Refectory, in the whole of the ranges occupying the eastern
and western sides of the cloister, and in their prolongations
northwards into the third or kitchen court the walls of the
Nunnery still rise to their original height. Alcock, or the
builders who succeeded him, cased them with brick, and, as a
third storey was added to the two in which the Nunnery for
the most part was contained, it was necessary to heighten the
whole structure with a few feet of brickwork. A fiat roof
having been substituted on the chapel for one of high pitch the
opportunity was taken of bringing the roofs of all the build-
ings which surround the cloister to a uniform level. In interior
arrangement Alcock worked with a somewhat freer hand, but
with some help from documentary evidence it is not difficult
beneath his alterations and those of later times to trace the
plan of the Nunnery and to locate its principal parts.
The documents which serve this purpose are :
(1) The accounts of the Nunnery Treasuresses, printed on
pp. 145-178.
(2) The statutes of Bishop Stanley (circa 1514), which
contain some interesting details as to the chambers assigned to
the various inmates of the College.
(3) The College Bursars' accounts.
The earliest volume of the Bursars' accounts dates from
1557, from which year they are continued in uninterrupted
succession to the present time. The authors of the Archi-
tectural History have largely availed themselves of the
materials contained in these volumes. They do not appear
to have been acquainted with the existence of a series of
Bursars' Computus rolls, some on vellum, others on paper,
beginning with the year 1534-1535, and continuing thence
to 1548-1549. Unlike the later accounts these rolls are
BUILDINGS OF THE NUNNERY. 55
written in Latin and contain no details of expenditure on
repairs and building. But for our purpose they have a special
importance in that they contain a complete "Rental of the
chambers in the College, specifying their locality and mention-
ing, besides the camerae of the Fellows and students, the
offices of the College which were not subject to rent. The
apartments which they enumerate are those occupying the
four sides of the cloister-court, together with those contained in
the building which continues the eastern cloister range at the
east end of the Hall and into the third court, and the Kitchen
range at the west end of the Hall. The chambers allotted to
the Master are not stated in detail, and there is no mention
of any buildings in the entrance court, except on its eastern
side.
It is unfortunate that the Nunnery accounts give us hardly
any information which will help us to realise the appearance,
or determine the situation, of the various monastic offices.
Besides the church the only buildings mentioned in them are
the Refectory, the Aula (i.e. the Guest or Cellarer's Hall), the
chamber over the outer gates, the Hospicium (a general term
for all the buildings external to the cloister — brewing and
candle-making were carried on there), the Latrina, the Kitchen,
the Cow-house, the Malt-kiln, the Garner (Orreum) and the
Barn (Granatorium). The Infirmary and Chapter-house are
referred to in several deeds. Of the Dorter, the Parlour, the
Warming-house, the Sacristy and the Lodging of the Prioress
the Nunnery documents make no mention.
Before proceeding to the buildings grouped about the
cloister we may in few words say all that is known of the outer
yard or curia of the Nunnery. With the authors of the
Architectural History we may fairly certainly assume that it
occupied the position of the entrance court of the College. The
accounts for the year 1449-50 mention certain ' magnas portas
exteriores' with a building (domus) adjoining them, which in
that year was thatched with sedge. In the following year's
accounts is an item for reeds for the repair of the chamber
* desuper portas exteriores huius monasterii.' As there seems
56 BUILDINGS OF THE NUNNERY.
to have been only a single chamber above these gates it would
appear that the entrance was not marked by any tower, and
resembled the gateways of the older colleges, such as Pembroke
and Corpus'. The Gatehouse no doubt occupied the position
of the present Gate-tower, and was approached from the road
by the passage which is now known as 'the Chimney^.' This
passage served also as an approach to the door at the west end
of the Nave, which was the entrance to the Church for the
parishioners. On its east side was the churchyard.
On the west side of the gate in the earliest College days
existed a small building of two storeys (plan, S) which was the
grammar-school, founded by the Lady Katherine, widow of Sir
Reginald Bray. Sherman states that the school-house was
built by the latter ; but as the deeds relating to the foundation
do not state the fact it must be regarded as to some extent
doubtful. Possibly Sir Reginald Bray merely adapted one of
the Nunnery buildings, perhaps the Almonry, for the purpose.
On the east side of the Gate Tower is a wing of the Lodge,
containing the dining-room on the ground floor (plan, Q).
The Statutes of Bishop Stanley show that this wing was
occupied by the Master in the first years of the existence of
the College. During alterations to the Lodge which were
carried out in the course of the year 1886 two window arches
were discovered on the inner side of the northern wall of the
dining-room (plan, k, k'). They were narrow and lofty, the
crown reaching two or three feet above the ceiling. Unfor-
tunately they were covered before any notes or drawings were
made of them, but it is sufficiently clear that they must have
been blocked early in the 16th century, as three windows of
that date have been inserted in the wall. The loftiness of the
apartment which they lighted shows that it must have been
one of some dignity, and its contiguity to the Lodging of the
Prioress suggests that it may have been the Guest Hall of the
1 See Arch. Hist. Vol. in. p. 283.
2 If there were any evidence for the antiquity of the name it might be
conjectured that it was descended from the L.-L. chiminum, a road; but it
does not occur in the Bm'sars' books before last century.
BUILDINGS OF THE NUNNERY. 57
Prioress. At the N.W. corner of this room is a blocked
doorway opening on the passage under the Gate-tower. In
the Statutes of Bishop West (chap. 10) it is provided that the
Master's servant shall act as exceptor or janitor. A correspond-
ing arrangement may have existed in the Nunnery : it is at
least noteworthy that Jesus is the only Cambridge College in
which the Lodge adjoins the Gate.
The Bursars' Rentals already mentioned always begin their
enumeration of the College chambers with those which are
described as being in 'le North Corner Claustri desuper le
Coolehouse.' Next follow those at the east end of the Hall
and on the east side of the cloister-court, and then successively
those on the south side of the cloister, ' next the west end of
the Church,' and those on its west and north sides. There is
no mention of staircases, but the rooms are distinguished in
the order ' lower,' ' middle ' and ' upper.' Each chamber may
be readily localized, as there has been practically little altera-
tion of the internal arrangement of this part of the College
since the first half of the 16th century.
The ' North Corner ' of the cloister mentioned in the
Bursars' Rolls is manifestly that portion of the range on the E.
side of the cloister which is continued on the N. side of the
Hall, and is now known as staircase K. At the extremity of
this range, next the modern (1822) building which continues
it northwards, there is a low wooden door on the ground-level,
which opens on a flight of steps descending about 4 ft. 6 in.
below the present ground-surface outside. Descending these
steps we find ourselves in what resembles a narrow passage
(plan, A), flanked on either side by clunch walls about 4 ft.
apart and closed at its further end by the E. wall of the range.
The floor of the adjoining rooms on the first floor of staircase
K is carried across the passage, so that those rooms are larger
than those below them by the space contained between the
walls. The wall opposite the door of entrance is pierced by a
very small aperture at the height of 12 ft. from the ground on
the inner side. From the parallel walls spring the remains of
■ ancient brick arches which have formerly spanned the vault.
58 BUILDINGS OF THE NUNNERY.
In this hardly altered relic of the Nunnery it is easy to
recognise the conventual latrina mentioned in the accounts of
1450-1451. It continued to be used for the same purpose at
least as late as 1567-8. In the accounts of that year it is
distinguished as ' the olde privye ' from a new ' howse of
office ' which was then being built in the same quarter of the
College \
The floor of the latrina consists of natural gravel, almost
undisturbed. The channel of which it was the bed was con-
ducted from the fons often mentioned in the Nuns' accounts.
This fo7is, which furnished the water supply of the Nunnery,
is still represented by a disused pump on the N. side of the
Hall (plan, B), which gave its name to the ' Pump Court,' as
the third court of the College was till recently called. From
this fons, which perhaps was an open trough or cistern, an
open channel, called in the accounts of 1572-3 'y® kytching
sinke ditche,' or 'the Bog-house ditch' (1650-1), traversed the
court in the direction of the latrina. In the accounts for
1708-9 are charges for 'covering in y® drayn from y^ kitchen
and pump.' Beyond the latrina the ditch passed into a 'pit'
or ' pond.'
As the latrina in monasteries adjoined the Dorter it is
fairly certain that the latter was contained in the range of
which the latrina and the N. transept of the Church are
the extremities. Like all monastic dormitories it was on the
upper floor, and was probably divided in the manner described
in the Rites of Durham by transverse partitions of wainscote
into a double row of chambers, each lighted by a window
in the wall adjoining. In the staircase in the N.E. angle of
the cloister may be seen a wall recess which appears to mark
the position of one of these windows, consisting of a single
narrow light (plan, a).
1 As there were two distinct sets of shafts descending to the ditch from the
closets above, one set in front of the other, Kke those found in medieval
buildings of more than two storeys, it would appear that there were two upper
storeys of closets, and that consequently the E. range of the cloister to which
these closets formed the termination was, in this part at least, arranged in
three storeys. The clunch wall at the N. is carried up to the present roof.
BUILDINGS OF THE NUNNERY. 59
The Dorter seems to have extended over the Chapter-house,
but not so far as to the gable-wall of the N. transept. The
surmise of the authors of the Architectural History that the
Nuns had an access from the Dorter to the transept by the
circular staircase, or ' vice,' in the N.E. angle of the latter is
devoid of foundation. The unaltered wall on the Dorter side
of this ' vice ' shows no trace of a doorway, and the narrow
and dark stair would be a most inconvenient means of entei'-
ing the church. There is indeed in the N.W. angle of the
transept a door, now blocked (plan, b), which may very likely
have admitted the Nuns from the Dorter without the neces-
sity of passing through the cloister. But, as at first designed,
the Dorter clearly did not abut on the transept. The cills
of the triplet of Norman windows in this wall are at such a
height as to make it clear that there was no building next
it on the level of the upper floor. As moreover the ' vice '
has a narrow aperture in the same wall, above the first floor
level, designed to light the stairs, it can only have had a
ground-floor building next it on the N. side. This building
(plan, G) probably contained a staircase descending from the
Dorter to the transept door\
At its N. end the Nuns' Dorter must have been closed
by the wall which extends the line of the N. wall of the
Hall. This is now the only transverse wall of solid masonry
in the range, and unquestionably is of Nunnery date. But it
is only on the ground floor that it appears as a continuous
wall of clunch. On the upper floors the portion of it nearest
the Hall, 10 feet in breadth, is merely a stud-partition with a
thin clunch wall on the ground floor below ; in the eastern
portion the thicker clunch continues to the full height of
the Dorter. Here the Nunnery arrangement seems to be
practically unaltered. The space next to the E. wall of the
1 The clunch wall of the cloister between the Chapter House and the N.
transept was stripped of its plaster in 1894, and was seen to consist of rough
materials of all kinds, including a half-worked Norman capital. It bore no
trace of either door or window. But there was nothing to show that the exposed
face was more than a refacing of post-Nunnery date.
60 BUILDINGS OF THE NUNNERY.
Refectory, having no windows to light it, was perhaps not used
for sleeping chambers, and served as a passage to the latrina
and the room next the Dorter on its N. side (plan, C). This
room, if the usual monastic arrangement was followed, may
have been the Dorter of the Novices. Above it, as already
shown, there was a room on the second floor.
The arrangement indicated above remained very little
altered in the 16th century, as is shown by documentary
evidence of that date. I shall not apologise for quoting this
evidence, as in interesting details it illustrates the continuity
of collegiate with monastic life which was, perhaps is, a feature
distinguishing Jesus from other Cambridge colleges.
The existence of a chamber of more than ordinary im-
portance, next to the latrina, is indicated by cap. 28 of
Bishop Stanley's Statutes. This statute, which gives par-
ticular directions as to the assignment of chambers in the
College, contains the following clause :
"Omnes camerae (exceptis tribus de principalioribus, camera videlicet
ex parte boreali summi Altaris, camera ad occidentalem partem Aulae
quam modo M"^ Fitzherbert iuhabitat et camera proxima communem
latrinam quam modo M^' Ogle tenet quas volumus pro venerabilioribus
personis ad Collegium nostrum praedictum confluentibus custodiri) nisi
alias magistro placuerit, praefatis sociis, perhendinantibus et scholaribus
per praefatum magistrum distribuantur."
As regards the last of the chambers indicated, that,
namely, which adjoined the latrina, the directions of tlie
statute seem generally to have been observed in the 16th
century. During the years 1544-1550 it was occupied by
a certain Mr Badcocke, who is probably to be identified with
John Badcocke, the last prior of Barnwell, who surrendered
his house to the crown in 1538 and was subsequently incum-
bent of S. Andrew's the Less, Barnwell^ In 1572 it was
occupied by Lord Wharton, and in 1576-9 by Bancroft, after-
wards Archbishop of Canterbury, who, though distinguished as
a tutor, and, as a continuator of Sherman's Historia observes,
^ Cooper, Athenae Cantab., Vol. i. p. 219.
BUILDINGS OF THE NUNNERY. 61
' potestate plane magistrali pollens/ was never a Fellow of the
College. The Bursars' Rentals of 1535-1550 show certain
circumstances connected with this guest-chanaber which dis-
tinguish it from other rooms in the College. As a matter of
fact it consisted of two chambers, on the middle and upper
floor respectively, and the tenant also sometimes rented the
coal-house below them. Each of the chambers is called a
' half-chamber ' {medietas camerae), but, as the tenant paid
for each the same rent as other tenants on the same floors,
it would seem that the half-chambers were not inferior in
size to ordinary College chambers. The explanation of the
designation ' half-chamber ' seems to lie in the fact that a
portion of the middle and upper floor-space was required for
the passage connecting this quarter of the College with the
rooms in the upper floors of the eastern cloister-range. This
passage, here about 8 feet wide, is still to be distinguished
in the gyp-rooms of the four upper chambers at the N. end
of the range, which, unlike those on the lower floor, are of
substantial masonry. The passage on the second floor was
entered from the chamber, now a lumber-room, at the E.
end of the Hall through a wooden doorcase, of 16th century
design, set in the stud-wall already mentioned as continuing
the N. wall of the Hall. This stud-wall apparently did not
exist in the Nunnery or early College days, for in the angle
next the oriel of the Hall there was formerly, on each of the
upper floors a window, the upper one of smaller size, so
splayed as to light the dark portion of the passage extend-
ing along the E. wall of the HalP. At the end of this
passage, on the top floor and over the latrina, there is a very
small chamber, approached through a stone door-case and
lighted from the third court by a diminutive window. Its
1 These windows now exist only as cupboard recesses on the inner side of
the wall. But externally they may be recognized by the brick which has been
used for blocking them being of a diiferent colour from the rest of the wall.
In the highest storey of the building next the W. end of the Hall there is still
a passage which leads from the N. wall of the range, over the kitchen as far as
the N.W. angle of the cloister-court, and in the N. and S. ends of the gable
wall of the Hall there are small windows splayed in the manner above described.
62 BUILDINGS OF THE NUNNERY.
position and dimensions sufficiently prove it to have been a
necessarium.
Apart from the convenience of a covered approach to the
latrina, the passage was rendered necessary by the fact that
the gate leading from the Nuns' cloister to the third court
was always locked at night. The frequent mention in the
Bursars' accounts of purchases of keys and repairs to the lock
of the " cloisters gate " seems to show that in the earlier
College period no egress was permitted at night beyond the
cloister-court.
The description in the Bursars' Rolls of this quarter of
the College as the ' North Corner Claustri ' is an indication
of the fact, otherwise established by entries in the Audit
books, that a cloister-walk existed here in the 16th century,
as, no doubt, had been the case in Nunnery times. The
Audit books call this 'the cloister end,' and it adjoined 'the
vvoodyard*,' It was otherwise described as a 'lane' or!
' gallery V both of which words were once used to denote a
cloister- walk I This external cloister was an extension of
the eastern walk of the cloister-quadrangle, with which it
communicated by a passage under the dais of the Hall (i.e.
the Refectory), an arrangement common in monasteries. This
passage remained in use at least as late as 1648-9, when
it was known as the ' Dark Entry^,' the name which was
1 Accounts 1572-3 : ' To Barraker slatinge in the woodyarde over the
cloister ende going up to my lord Wharton's chamber... mending the foundations-
of the cloisters on the outside towards the inner corte and mending the founda-
tion of the wall in the entrie going up to my lord Wharton's chamber,' &c.
2 Accounts 1567-8: 'Barnes bill for...underpinninge the walles of the
lane going to the house of office and for tiling,' &c. Same year: 'Imprimis
vij dales before Whitsondaie when Thomas Gallant wrought pulling down the
slate of the gallerie and the walle goinge to the walle of the olde howse of
office,' &c. In 1576-7 mention occurs of 'y" Layne going down to y® Bo-
cardes.' ' Bocardo,' 'the Bocardes,' a euphemistic Italianization of the
vernacular 'bogard,' occurs often in the accounts. Dr Murray's Dictionary
does not recognize the word ' Bocardo ' except in the more familiar sense of
'prison.' But the last passage quoted s. i\ in Halliwell and Nare's Glossary
makes the other meaning plain.
^ See Architectural History, Vol. iii. p. 338.
■* Accounts 1648 — 9 : ' For two lattises for y" window in y'= dark entry, 6^'
BUILDINGS OF THE NUNNERY. 63
given at Canterbury to the covered way which led under the
Dorter from the Great Cloister to the Infirmary. It was
entered from the cloister quadrangle through a door-case
which now gives access to the staircase in the N.E. angle
of the court. This staircase is called in the Bursars' accounts
of last century ' the Parlour staircase ' from the circumstance
that it then gave access to the Combination Room through a
door, now blocked, on the first floor. It is generally known
in College as ' Cow Lane.' The latter name was given to a
passage next the Porter's lodge in the Old Court of King's
College. Perhaps it was originally applied to the Dark Entry,
which was entered from the cloister through the same door-
way as the staircase, 'lane' being, as already stated, one of
the names by which the passage to the 'house of ofiice' was
known. A more modern door under the oriel of the Hall
marks the exit of the Dark Entry on the outer side. The
clunch walls flanking the passage still remain in the Buttery
beneath the Hall, though the central portion of each has been
removed in order to give uninterrupted communication with
the cellar beyond, and the passage has been blocked by recent
walls at either end.
The room on the E. side of the Dark Entry (plan, F), now
a cellar, was entered from it by a door of which traces remain
in the clunch wall. In the early part of the 16th century this
room, as well as the Combination Room and garret above it,
was occupied as an ordinary college-chamber. The present
floor of the cellar is three feet lower than the pavement of the
cloister walk, but its original level was higher, as is shown by
the position in the E. wall of a window, now blocked, and in
the N. wall of a fireplace. The latter has a nearly flat arch
plainly chamfered in the clunch : on its eastern side is a small
locker. We may conjecture that this room was the Nuns'
Common House or Calefactory.
On the inner side of the E. wall of the cloister, directly
facing the northern walk, there may be seen a wide and
plainly chamfered arch of stone (plan, c). Its crown has been
cut away to make the window looking into the cloister. If
64 BUILDINGS OF THE NUNNERY.
the S. wall of the room which we conjecture to have been
the Common House was in line with the S. wall of the
Refectory, there can only have been space between it and
the Chapter House for a passage. It seems probable, there-
fore, that this archway was the entrance to the passage from
the cloister to the Garden and the Cemetery. The burial-
ground of the Nuns was pretty certainly at the N.E. end of
the Church, that of the parish at the S.E. end; human remains
were dug up on the former site in 1884, and on the latter in
the years 1848-50.
The circumstances which led to the remarkable discovery
in April 1893 of the beautiful arcade which was the cloister-
front of the Chapter House need not here be detailed. Sub-
sequent excavations carried on in July 1894 brought to light
the lower courses of the walls of the eastern portion of the
Chapter House projecting into the Chapel Court. These ex-
cavations showed that the Chapter House measured 37 feet
by 25 feet. At the N.E. and S.E. angles there was a pair of
buttresses of slight projection which showed that the building
was of early 13th century date. Running along the eastern
wall on its inner side was a stone bench. The whole of the
west end was occupied by three arches, the middle one forming
a doorway, and those at the sides containing each a window
of two lights with a quatrefoil above. The arches and tracery
spring from rich clusters of detached shafts, most of the capi-
tals of which are carved with foliage, while a few are moulded.
Two capitals in the northernmost pier are remarkable. They
themselves are finished, but their design would seem to have
been suggested by an unfinished carved capital. One of the
annulets which divide the longer shafts broke at some time,
and a continuous shaft was substituted for the two lengths.
It will be noticed that there was no door in the entrance,
and no shutters or glass in the windows. During the exca-
vations at the east end there were found a number of frag-
ments of lancet windows divided by small shafts. These are
of the same period as the other remains of the Chapter House,
and it is probable that they are parts of the eastern window.
BUILDINGS OF THE NUNNERY. 65
They are now preserved on the floor within the entrance. A
low stone bench (plan, d) extends along the cloister wall
from the Chapter House towards the north transept. A
tombstone with floriated cross, possibly not in its original
position, lies before the entrance ; the partial excavation of the
site brought to light no tombstones within the Chapter House.
The existing portions of the conventual church have been
so fully described by Professor Willis^ that it is sufficient here to
record the few facts which have been discovered since he wrote.
The statute of Bishop Stanley quoted on p. 60 mentions a
chamber on the northern side of the High Altar which was
set apart for the use of distinguished guests of the College. In
the summer of 1894 the foundations of a small building were
discovered on the north side of the presbytery (plan, H). This
building was of the same width as the adjoining choir-aisle and
in length extended from the east end of the latter to the east
end of the presbytery. Whether it communicated with the
aisle or not it is impossible to say, for the old aisle was de-
stroyed by Alcock : but it seems to have been entered from
the presbytery by a door now blocked (plan, e). The building
was clearly of two storeys, for there is a small loop-hole or
squint high up in the presbytery wall, which was so directed
that the light before the High Altar could be seen from the
upper storey (plan, /). Probably this upper room was the
Sacristan's chamber. It must obviously have blocked up the
lower parts of the lancet windows in the north wall of the
presbytery I
The discovery of a Norman arcade on the western wall of
the north transept in the summer of 1882 is briefly alluded to
in the Appendix to the second volume of the Architectural
History and is more fully detailed in a communication to the
Antiquarian Society by Mr W. M. Fawcett, M.A.'
1 Architectural History, ii. pp. 122 — 141.
2 It may here be mentioned that previously to 1828 only four lancet
windows were open on the north side of the presbytery, corresponding to the
four in the opposite wall. The fifth lancet on the north side, and the blind half-
arch next it, were discovered in that year by the Eev. G. Green, M.A., Dean.
'^ Communications, xxv. p. Ixxxvi.
G. A. S. Octavo Series. 5
66 BUILDINGS OF THE NUNNERY,
There is good reason for believing that the choir of the
Nuns' church extended into the nave, and even that the
present west wall of the Chapel stands in the position, if it be
not the actual structure, of the wall which divided the conven-
tual from the parochial part of the church. An early deed
(Charters, 220 c) grants a rent of eight shillings 'for mainte-
nance of a lamp in the choir of the nuns, wheresoever their
choir shall be,' words which imply that the ritual choir was not
limited to the chancel. Alcock's screen, on the other hand, if
we may judge from the mention in the Audit accounts for
1560 — 1 of a 'barre at the chansell dore,' would seem to have
occupied the position of the present one. The view that the
Nuns' choir-screen was near the western end of the Chapel
perhaps derives some support from the fact that in digging for
the supports of the new organ gallery in 1888 a large earthen-
ware vessel, 13 inches in height, was discovered a few inches
below the pavement. It was empty and may have served as a
'resonator,' such as in the middle ages were sometimes placed
under organs and stalls, e.g. at Fountains Abbey.
The hope expressed by the authors of the Architectural
History (vol. II, p. 128) that a fine western door might at some
time be discovered in the western wall of the old nave received
a fulfilment, unfortunately only partial, in the year 1886, when
the lower portion of the northern jamb of this door was dis-
covered during alterations to the Master's Lodge. The remains
disclosed showed that the jambs had been filled with clusters
of detached shafts of the 13th century, like those in the
entrance to the Chapter House. At the same time remains of
some of the northern piers of the nave were found embedded
in a wall of Alcock's work^
Inspection of the plan will show that the westernmost
pier (plan, g) of the northern arcade of the nave is not, like the
corresponding one on the opposite side, placed against the
western wall of the church, but slightly advanced to the east.
1 Mr J. W. Clark has kindly furnished me with a plan (made in 1886)
showing these discoveries and the arrangement of the west end of the church.
This I have employed in drawing the plan opposite p. 53,
BUILDINGS OF THE NUNNERY. 67
Between this pier (g) and the western wall there seems to have
been a doorway. Previous to the alterations which took place
in this part of the Master's Lodge in 1886 the wall at the N.W.
angle of the old nave was pierced on the ground-floor by a
door which opened on a rectangular area (plan, J) containing a
staircase which ascended to the first-floor rooms. The walls
enclosing this area were of solid character and were carried to
the full height of the building. That on its north side is a
prolongation of the north aisle wall ; that on the west is
similarly an extension of the exterior wall of the western
cloister-range and is parallel in direction with the western
front of the church. Now the buildings which surround the
cloister are all disposed in an exactly rectangular fashion ; but
the angle which the west cloister range makes with the south
range of the entrance-court is not a right angle. It seems not
improbable that the Nuns' gate-house was originally detached
from the cloister-range. The hypothesis that the range con-
necting them was erected at a later date accounts for the
unsymmetrical plan of the dining-room of the Lodge (plan, Q)
the east and west walls of which are not parallel. The east
wall of the dining-room was, on this supposition, once the
external wall of a small tower-like structure projecting from
the church at its N.W. angle. Loggan's view of the S. front
shows just such a projection from the wing which contained
the old nave. Like that wing it contained three storeys,
whereas the wing between it and the gateway has only two.
Further proof of the original connection of this quasi-tower
with the church is seen in the fact that the battlements over
the present nave and the part of the old nave now converted
into domestic buildings, as shown by Loggan, are continued
round the south and west sides of this projection. These
battlements, we know, were the work of Sir John Rysley, who
died in 1511 \ Between 1718 and 1720 the wing of the Lodge
next the gate was heightened by the addition of another storey,
1 Commemoration Book : " Sir John Eysley covered the Cloisters with
timber and lead and completed the Eoof and Battlements at the West End
of the Church."
5—2
68 BUILDINGS OF THE NUNNERY.
whereby the turret was completely smothered in external
appearance, and, no doubt, at the same time the battlement
above it was removed.
The ground floor of the structure above described (plan, /)
obviously served as a vestibule to the church, to which the
Prioress had access from her lodging in the western cloister-
range by the entrance at the N.W. angle of the nave. From
the account of the ceremonies attending the installation of a
Prioress, given on pp. 38-9, we learn that after the publication
of the election ' coram populo congregate,' i.e. probably in the
parochial part of the nave, ' omnes sorores predictam Joannam
electam duxerunt ad vestibulum ejusdem ecclesie ibideraque
dimiserunt,' i.e. they conducted her to this vestibule and left
her at the door of the lodging which she was to occupy as
Prioress. The door was probably the still existing one (plan, h)
by which the Hall of the Lodge is entered. On the first floor
immediately above this door, and communicating with the room
above this Hall, is another ancient door which, no doubt, was
reached by a staircase ascending from the vestibule.
A common arrangement in monasteries of which the Head
did not reside in a detached building was to place the Lodge
of the Prior in the west side of the cloister next the Church.
On the ground floor was placed his camera, or private chamber,
above it his solar with an oratory adjoining. At Jesus the
rooms in this quarter of the College, as shown by the Bursars'
Rentals, were allotted from a very early period to the Master,
and they lend themselves so exactly to the uses above-mentioned
that it is highly probable that Alcock assigned to the Master
of the College the dwelling which had formerly belonged to the
Prioress. The large room on the ground floor next the vesti-
bule (plan, K) is called in the Bursars' Rentals the camera
Magistri. Since the publication of the Architectural History
it has been restored very much to the dimensions and appear-
ance which belonged to it in Alcock's time. The wooden
partitions which divided it before the alterations of 1886 have
been removed, the ceiling taken down and the joists of the
floor above it exposed. These joists are coloured with ver-
BUILDINGS OF THE NUNNERY. 69
milion and adorned with repetitions of the monogram IHS.
On its north side this room is bounded by the passage (plan, L)
which until last century was the approach from the entrance
court to the cloister \ In the Bursars' Rentals this passage is
simply called 'le Entre.' The handsome wainscoted room above
the Master's chamber goes by various names in the Audit
Books — the Conference Chamber, the Audit Room, the coena-
culitni Magistri and the Founder's Chamber. Probably the
last name indicates that Alcock designed it for the use of
himself and his successors in the see of Ely. It was probably
the Solar or Guest Chamber of the Prioress. Next to it on the
north side is a narrow chamber contained within the walls
which flank the ' Entry ' below, and approached by a door at
the east end of the Conference Chamber. Though it is only
eight feet in width this room is lighted by a large eastern
window of three lights. This was clearly the Oratory of the
Prioress. Sherman tells us in his Historia that Dr Reston,
who was Master 1546 — 1549, converted this chamber into his
private Oratory, and it continued to be used as the Mastei-'s
Oratory as late as 1635^ In another passage Sherman informs
us that the ' insignia ' (? arms painted on glass) of Sir Reginald
Bray (d. 1503) were in his time still to be seen in this
Oratory.
The rest of the ground-floor of the western cloister-range
is stated in the Bursars' Rentals to be occupied by two chambers
let to students of the College, and a room beyond them to the
north which was occupied by the Cook. The purposes which
the two former chambers served in the Nunnery it is not easy
to determine. One of them may perhaps have been the Parlour
{Locutorium) where the Nuns were allowed to converse with
visitors, or with servants and tradesmen on the business of the
Nunnery ; the other was not improbably the Cheker, or office
of the Cellaress. The room in which the College Cook lived
(plan, N) from the fact that there was no chamber over it —
the space being occupied, as it still is, by the Library staircase —
1 See Architectural History, ii. p. 122.
2 See the extract quoted in Architectural History, ii. p. 169, note.
70 BUILDINGS OF THE NUNNERY.
is easily identified with tlie passage by which at the present
day the cloister is entered from the first court.
An interesting feature in this chamber is a low aperture
(plan, j) in its north wall, opening into the room marked in
the plan and now serving as the Kitchen Office, but in early
College days used as the pincerna or Buttery. This aperture
is 16 in. wide and its apex is not more than 4 feet above the
pavement of the passage, but the floor of the Buttery cellar
on which it opens is 2 ft. lower than this pavement, though
formerly, no doubt, level with it. On the side next the passage
it is widely splayed, and a single hinge exists on which a
shutter seems to have been hung. It is quite evident that
this opening was not a window looking into an external court,
for the walls of the old Buttery are of massive clunch and
evidently Nuns' work of an early date. Moreover on the side
of the cellar the aperture is flush with the wall surface, and
shows no kind of recess nor any window jambs. West of the
opening on this cellar side the wall has been plugged with lead
as though for fixing some object of wood or iron.
In this singular opening we may recognise a contrivance
like the Rota or Turn, which is thus described in Prof.
Willis' History of the Monastery of Christ Church, Canterbury,
(p. 39, note).
" The Turn or Rota is a contrivance employed in Nunneries, Foundling
Hospitals, and elsewhere, and consists of an upright cylindrical box
turning on an upright axis, and having an opening on one side only.
It is fixed within or in front of an opening in a partition wall, so that
a person on one side placing an object in the Turn can, by twisting
the box half round, bring the object within the grasp of a second
person on the other side, without either party seeing the other."
Prof. Willis gives a description of a cellar wall-hole of this
kind at Christ Church Monastery, which, with a few differences,
might be applied to that in the Cook's Chamber. The Cellarer,
he says,
"was lodged at the end of the Refectory buildings, and in contact
with the court of the Guesten-hall....Two doors in the western alley [of the
cloister] lead to his territory, the one at the north end, opposite to the
BUILDINGS OF THE NUNNERY. 71
northern alley, the other near the south end. The first is remarkable for
having at the left side a singular octagonal opening of sixteen inches
diameter through the thickness of the wall, in the form of a horizontal
spout, the middle of which is about four feet from the ground. It pierces
the wall, narrowing to a circular form a foot in diameter at the back, where
it appears to have opened into one of the Cellarer's offices.
" Milner, describing the remains of the conventual buildings at Win-
chester, mentions a small ornamented arch in a wall, which communicated
with the buttery and the cellarage, and remarks, ' It is not improbable that
here was what is called a Turn, by which the brethren who were exhausted
with fatigue and thirst, might, with the leave of their superior, at certain
times call for a cup of beer of the cellarer.' Our spout may have been a
contrivance to carry out this indulgence. The opening from the cellarage
at the back being contrived at right angles with the present opening, it is
plain that the cup would be placed by the Cellarer's man within reach of
the applicant and returned without mutual recognition. But at present
there are no traces of the form of its termination inwards," &c.
The room called in the Bursars' Rentals the ' pincerna '
(plan, 0) served as the Buttery until the year 1579-1580
when a ' new buttrye ' was constructed, apparently under the
Hall. The accounts of 1563-1564 mention 'a doore betwene
y^ butleres chamber and y® kechine.'
In the upper floors of the part of the western cloister-range
which extends from the Oratory to the wall between the Cook's
chamber and the pincerna there are no partitions of solid
masonry. The whole of the highest floor is now occupied by
the Library. In its upper portion this room is probably
Alcock's work, as seems to be shown by the use of brick in
its lateral walls. But there is reason to believe that in this
quarter of the Nunner}^ there was a large room occupying on
the first floor the space which the Library now occupies on the
floor above it. The usual monastic arrangement would place
here the Guest House, or Lodging of the Cellaress.
In the Nuns' accounts for 1449-50 reference is made in
the same item to repairs in the Aula (i.e. Hall of the Cellaress)
and in the Kitchen, and for practical reasons there can be little
doubt that these two departments were in close communication.
The Aula then most likely occupied the space above the Nuns'
Buttery. In its N. wall is contained the flue of the Kitchen
72 BUILDINGS OF THE NUNNERY.
range and in its N.W. corner, where the clunch of this wall
ends and a wooden party wall closes the room, there was most
likely a wooden staircase descending inside the Kitchen. The
Kitchen, which, except for alterations by Alcock in the door
and windows, is substantially the Kitchen of the Nuns, has
always occupied the height of two storeys.
The means of access from the entrance- court to the Hall
and Lodging of the Cellaress have now to be considered.
The Nunnery accounts for the year 1450-1451 mention a
' Poorche ' or ' Portecus prope Aulam.' The only side of the
Aula detached from other buildings was the west : on the
other sides there could not have been any door requiring the
shelter of a porch. If the Lodging of the Cellaress reached,
as we must suppose, to the N. wall of the present cloister
entry, its door must have opened directly into the Guest Hall
without any interposed staircase and landing. The staircase to
the Guest Hall was therefore external to the building. We
note that the same workman was engaged in 1450-1451 in
mendino^ with tiles and ' sclate ' the ' Porch ' and the cloister.
Probably the so-called Porch was of the nature of a pentise,
ascending by a covered stair to the first floor. The splendid
Norman staircase of the New Hall at Canterbury is a familiar
example of such an arrangement.
The chamber at the west end of the Hall, occupying the
position of the old Guest Hall, it may be remembered, was one
of the three principal chambers which by the statutes of Bishop
Stanley were allotted to distinguished visitors to the College.
The passage from the cloister to the Kitchen was, in the
Nunnery, as now, under the vestibule of the Refectory or Hall.
The Kitchen door (hostium coquine) must have stood where
Alcock's door now stands, and was nearl}' opposite a newel
staircase which opened above on the platform outside the
screen^ Above the entrance from the cloister was the small
room which until 1875 was the College muniment" "room and
in the Bursars' Rentals is called the Treasury (occupatur cum
1 A plan of the west eud of the Hall, previous to the alterations of 1875,
which includes this staircase, is given in the Architectural History, ii. p. 163.
BUILDINGS OF THE NUNNERY. 73
Thesauro Ecclesie). It may have served the same purpose in
the Nunnery.
The Bursars' Rentals mention two rooms under the Hall.
The first had one door opening S. into the cloister and another
N. next to the well. It was used for the storage of fuel (focalia).
The other had a door opening E. in the 'entre' {i.e. the Dark
Entry) and was ' le Storehowse.' The word staurus was more
particularly applied to salted or dry fish. After the rooms
under the Hall were converted into the ' new buttrye ' we hear
of a ' new fish-house/ which was in the Kitchen. It was placed
over the ' leads,' i.e. the kitchen coppers, and hence was called
'y^ house in y^ leads.' It was between the outer wall of clunch
on the N. side of the Kitchen and an inner parallel one of brick,
the enclosed space being about six feet wide. The fish was
piled on layers of sedge in a high stack, and to get at it there
was a door in the brick wall now visible only on the side
interior to the two walls. This door is at about the first floor
level, and was reached from the Kitchen by ' a new ladder for
y® fish house' (1584-1585). The Nuns appear to have stacked
their fish in a similar fashion, if we may judge from the fact
that several of them travelled by water to Lynn in 1450-1451
in order to buy salt fish and at the same time purchased a
'piece of timber called " a Maste" required for making a ladder.'
The Founder's skilful treatment of the Nuns' Refectory has
given the Hall completely the appearance of a late loth
century building ; but in no part of the College is it clearer
that he left the fabric of the Nuns' building entire, inserting
only new windows, heightening the walls and constructing a
new roof. The extent to which he raised the walls is best seen
in the garret over the Combination Room, where the clunch of
the Refectory gable is surmounted by a brick addition four or
five feet high at its middle part. The entrance to the Hall
from the cloister was until 1875 through a door-arch of
Alcock's time which opened into the space between the west
gable of the Hall and the screen \ A flight of steps led thence
to the vestibule of the Hall.
1 Architectural History, ii. p. 162.
CHARTERS OF THE PRIORY.
Royal and Episcopal Charters.
1 Charter of Nigellus, second bishop of Ely (1133 — 1169).
N. Dei gratia Eliensis Ecclesie Episcopus universis baroni-
bus et hominibus Sancte Etheldrythe tarn clericis quam
]aicis tam Francis quam Anglis salutem. Notum sit
vobis omnibus tam presentibus quam futuris me conces-
sisse et dedisse et carta mea confirmasse quandam terram
sanctimonialibus cellule extra villam Cantebruge noviter
institute prope terram eiusdem cellule iacentem quietam
et liberam absque omni consuetudine reddendo per
singulos annos xij*^. Presentibus testibus istis Rad. Olaf,
Petro clerico, Gileberto capellano de Hornungesheia.
Valete.
2 a Charter of King Stephen confirming a grant of William
Monachus or le Moyne.
S. Rex Anglie Episcopo de Eli et Justiciariis et Vice-
comitibus et Baronibus et Administris et omnibus
fidelibus suis de Cantebr. scira salutem. Sciatis me
confirmasse et concessisse Ecclesie et Sanctimonialibus
Sancte Marie de Cantebrugia donacionem illam quam
Wills Monachus aurifaber eis fecit de ij virgatis terre
et de vj acris de prato et de iiij cotariis cum teneura
sua in Schelforda in elemosina pro anima Regis Henrici
et pro Dei fidelibus. Quare volo et precipio quod
Ecclesia ilia et Sanctimoniales terram predictam et
pratum et cotarios cum teneura sua bene et in pace et
libere et quiete et in elemosina teneant solutam et
CHARTERS OF THE PRIOEY. 75
quietam omni secular! exactione et servicio sicut idem
Wills illam eis dedit et concessit. T., W. Martell et
Rain, de Warenna. Apud Mapertes halam in obsidione.
b Charter of Bishop Nigellus confirming the same grant.
Witnessed by 'Willo Archid., Eic. de Sancto Paulo, Eic. de
Pontecardon, Eic. filio Ilberti, Magistro Ernulfo, Johe de Sancto
Albano, Gileberto clerico, Eadulfo Dapifero, Alexandre Pincerna,
Henrico Peregrino.'
3 a Charter of the Countess Constance.
Constantia Comitissa N. Eliensi Episcopo et omni clero
et omnibus Baronibus Cantebrigscir et Burgensibus de
Cantebrig tam futuris quam presentibus salutem. Sciatis
me dedisse et concessisse Sanctimonialibus de Cantebrig
totam terram earum infra Burgum et extra tam possi-
dendam quam possessam quietam de hagabulo et de
langabulo et totam piscaturam et aquam que Burgo
pertinet ita libere et quiete et honorifice sicut maritus
meus Eustacius et ego liberius et honorificentius ha-
buimus pro anima mariti mei Comitis Eustacii et pro
anima Matilde Regine et Autecessorum meorum necnon
pro salute Regis Stephani in perpetuam elemosinam.
His testibus : N. Eliensi Episcopo [ ] cum
Rodberto fratre suo, Radulfo Vicecomite, Alexandro
pincerna, Eustacio de Bans, Will. Monaco de Selford,
Rodberto Grim, Gisleberto filio Dunning, Hereberto,
Herveo filio Warin.
An ancient exemplification of the above charter of Nunnery
date gives the names of the missing witnesses, viz G. de Waltervill,
Eogero le Equaham. The copy is endorsed ' Haygabil.'
b Confirmation of the above charter by King Stephen.
Stephanus Rex Anglie Episcopo de Eli et Justiciariis et
Vicecomitibus et Baronibus et Ministris et omnibus
fidelibus suis de Cantebrigscir salutem. Sciatis me
concessisse et confirmasse donacionem illam quam
Comitissa Constantia uxor Comitis Eustachii filii mei
fecit Sanctimonialibus de Cantebrig^ in elemosinam de
76 CHARTERS OF THE PRIORY,
tota piscatura et aqua que Burgo Cantebr. pertinet et de
quietancia totius terre sue. Quare volo et precipio quod
Sanctimoniales ille totam terram suam et piscaturam et
aquam bene et in pace et libere et quiete teneant solutam
et quietam ab omni secular! exactione et servicio sicut
predicta Comitissa Constantia illis dedit et concessit et
carta sua confirmavit. T., Fulc. de Oilli et Rob. fil. Unfr.,
et Ric. de Bada, et Henr. de Novo Mercato. Apud Cante-
brug.
c Confirmation of the same charter by Bishop Nigellus,
4 a First charter of King Malcolm IV. of Scotland, Earl of
Huntingdon.
M, Rex Scotie omnibus hominibus suis tam clericis quam
laicis de honore Hunted, salutem. Sciatis me concessisse
et dedisse Deo et monialibus de Grantebrige x acres {sic)
terre iuxta Grenecroft in elemosinam et ad fundendam
{sic) ecclesiam suam in ea per duos solidos reddendos et
precipio quod minister meus cum eos reciperit {sic) ad
altare eiusdem ecclesie ofiferat eos. T., Herberto Epis-
copo de Glasgu, Walt. Cancellario, Hugone de Morevill,
Fulc. de Lusures, Dd. Olifat, Walt, de Lind. Apud
Hunted.
Royal seal appended ; see p. 12.
h Second charter of King Malcolm.
M. Rex Scott, omnibus probis hominibus suis et amicis de
honore Huntendunie et Cantebrugie salutem. Sciant
clerici et laici presentes et posteri me in perpetuam
elemosinam dedisse et concessisse et hac mea carta con-
firmasse Deo et Ecclesie Sancte Marie et Sancte Rade-
ffundis de Cantebruff. et Sanctimonialibus ibidem Deo
servieutibus decem acras terre iuxta Grenecroft. Quare
volo et firmiter precipio ut predicte Sanctimoniales illas
decem acras habeant et possideant liberas et quietas ab
omni servicio et consuetudine et ab omni redditu et ab
omni seculari exactione et nominatim eas precipio fore
quietas de illis duobus solidis quos predicte Sanctimoni-
CHARTERS OF THE PRIORY. 77
ales inde mihi annuatim reddere solebant. T., Engelr.
Cancellario, Nicol. Camerario, Willo. Burdet, Hug. Ridel.
Apud Huntend.
c Confirmation of King Malcolm's grant by Archbishop
Becket.
Thom. Dei gratia Cant. Ecclesie minister hu mills omnibus
Sancte Matris Ecclesie filiis salutem. Noverit universitas
vestra nos sigilli nostri atestatione corroborasse et con-
firmasse Sanctimonialibus de Cantebrug. ibi Deo servi-
entibus omnes terras et tenuras suas eis rationabiliter
datas et cartis donatorum confirmatas et nominatim
decem acras terre in Cantebr. quas Rex Scocie eisdem
Sanctimonialibus dedit et carta sua confirmavit. Qua-
propter volumus et firmiter precipimus quatenus memo-
rate Sanctimoniales omnes terras et tenuras suas cum
pertinenciis suis in liberam elemosinam teneant et possi-
deant sicut carte donatorum eis testantur. Teste Rob.
Archid. Oxineford, Magistro Philippo de Caun, Magistro
Herberto de Boseham, Rob. capell. et Willmo capell. et
Willo de Leigrecest.
d Confirmation by Stephen Langton, Archbishop of Canter-
bury, of previous charters of Archbishops Theobald and
Becket and of Bishop Nigellus.
Confirmation by Bishop Nigellus of a grant of 80 acres of
land in Wratting made to the Nuns by Stephen and
Juliana de Scalariis, along with their daughter, Sibil.
Witnessed by Will., archdeacon of Ely, Augustus, Adam and
Walter, monks, Roger, chaplain, John and Paian, clerks, Martin,
Ralf and Ric, deacons, Ralf, dapifer, Alex., pincerna, Stephen and
Geoffrey de Scalariis, &c.
Bull of Pope Innocent IV. directed to the Prior of Linton
respecting a dispute between the Nuns and the Vicar of
St Clement's.
For the subject see p. 27.
Dated ' Lugdun., 18 Kal. Mali nostri [blmik space] anno sexto,'
i.e. 1248-9, Bulla appended.
78 CHARTEES OF THE PRIORY.
7 a Charter of John de Fontibus, Bp of Ely (1220—1225).
Confirms a charter of Bp E[ustace] of Ely, granting to the
Nuns all the land which Bp E. had between the monastery and
Grenecroft. No date.
b Charter of Hugh Northwold, Bp of Ely (1229—1254).
Confirms the charters of Bishops Eustace and John de Fontibus.
No date.
8 Inspeximus charter of Edward II.
Dated 'apud Westm. quintodecimo die Octobr. Anno regni
nostri septimo. Per ipsum regeni. Examinatum per A[dam] de
Brom.' Seal attached. It recites and confirms the charters of
King Stephen, 2 (a) and 3 (h) ; also the following charter of
Henry III. 'Henricus Dei gratia, &c. Sciatis quod concessimus
pro nobis et heredibus nostris priorisse et monialibus Sancte
Radegundis quod claudere possint et clausam tenere imperpetuum
quamdam croftam suam quae iacet inter ecclesiam ipsarum
priorisse et monialium et fossatum de Cantebr. ex parte occidentali
salvo nobis in omnibus et per omnia fossato nostro. In cuius rei
testimonium has literas nostras fieri fecimus patentes. Teste me
ipso apud Westm. decimo septimo die April, anno regni nostri
tricesimo quinto.' It also confirms the charter of the Countess
Constance, 3 (a), various grants of land principally at West
Wratting, and a confirmation by Ely convent of the first charter of
Bp Nigellus.
9 Charter of King Henry VI.
Dated ' Apud Dertford quintodecimo die Marcii Anno regni
nostri sextodecimo.' Seal attached. Grants to the Nuns 'quod
ipse et successores sue imperpetuum habeant singulis annis unam
feriam in villa predicta per tres dies duraturam videlt. in vigilia in
die et in crastino Assumptionis Beate Marie cum omnibus libertati-
bus et liberis consuetudinibus ad huiusmodi feriam pertinentibus.'
It also grants the Nuns exemption from tenths or other quotas on
their spiritual and ecclesiastical possessions.
10 License of Mortmain of Henry VI.
Dated Westminster, Dec. 5, in 27th regnal year. Seal attached.
Generally empowers the Nuns to acquire lands, &c., to the value of
£5 ; also exempts them from the requisitions of provisores, emptores
and captores victualium for the King and Queen and their successors
and others their Magnates.
CHARTERS OF THE PRIORY. 79
Indulgences. Briefs.
(These are printed in full in the Architectui'al History, vol. ii,
pp. 183—186.)
11 Walter de Suffield, Bp of Norwich, grants relaxation of
penance for 25 days to persons contributing to the aid of
the Nuns. Dated Can tebrig.,. Ides of August, 1254.
12 Letter from Ric. de Gravesend, Bp of Lincoln, to the Arch-
deacons of , Northampton and Huntingdon orderino-
collections to be made in the churches of their Archidia-
conates in behalf of the Nuns. Dated Huntino-don, 12
Kal. Junii, 10th year of pontificate (1268).
13 Letter of Roger de Skerning, Bp of Norwich, orderino-
collections to be made in his diocese for the repair of the
Church of S. Rad., injured by the fall of the Bell-tower.
Dated Hoxne, 5 Kal. Mali, 1277.
14 Letter of the Official of the Archdeacon of Ely to the
parochial clergy of the diocese recommending the Nuns
to them as objects of charity, having lost their house and
all their substance by fire. Dated Herdwyk, 4 Kal.
Sept. 1313.
15 John de Ketone, Bp of Ely, confirms certain grants of in-
dulgence made by his brother Bps in favour of persons
contributing to the relief of the Nuns and the rebuildino-
of their house destroyed by fire. Dated Hatfeld, 4 Kal.
July, 1314.
16 Thomas Arundel, Bp of Ely, grants indulgence of 40 days
to all who contribute to the relief of the Nuns on the
occasion of the destruction of their dwellings by fire.
Dated Dodyngton, 2 April, 1376.
17 William Courtenay, Archbp of Canterbury, grants indul-
gence of 40 days to persons contributing to the relief of
the Nuns whose buildings have been ruined by violent
storms. Dated Croydon, 6 April, 1390,
80 CHARTERS OF THE PRIORY.
Miscellaneous Deeds and Documents.
18 Ric. Wastinel grants to Nuns a rent of 2 pence (nummos)
of the service of Everad de Batford.
19 Will, fitz Rob. fitz Walter gives to Nuns a rent of half a
mark. Witn. Seher de Quinci, Gilbert fitz Dunning &c.
20 Acquittance of Simon Blakeboane, sergeant at arms, to the
Prioress, Agnes Seyntelowe, and Ric. Broune, vicar of All
Saints'. Henry V. 7.
21 Acquittance of the Nuns to Ric. Pyghttesley for a year's
rent of Tylydhostelle, viz. 2^ 3^ 1437.
Arch. Hist, ii., 426.
22 Walter fitz Walter de Scalariis confirms his father's grant
of 20® per arm. for the maintenance of three lamps in the
ch. of S. Rad. Witn. Will, de Abington, miles.
23 Simon de Turre gives to Nuns one acre of meadow land in
Hunimade and ^ an acre in Chabligwelle. Witn., Roger
de Caudecote.
24 Simon, Camerarius of E[ustace], Bp of Ely, gives to Nuns a
rent of 2'' paid by Hervey fitz Eustace of Cantebrige.
Witn. Hugh de Bodegesham, official.
25 Ric. de Histon, capellanus, holds of the Nuns (Pr. Letitia)
a portion of their land in Tornechroft ; rent two shillings
and two capons. Witn. Hervey fitz Eustace.
26 Walt, fitz Segar, capellanus, holds of the Nuns (Pr. Letitia)
land formerly held by his father: rent l-i** and two
capons.
27 a Bond of Will. Spaldyng for £10. Jan. 6, Henry VI. 10.
'The condycion of this obligacion is y* mastyr William
Spaldyng, clerk, of Cambrigge, with inne wretyn shall not entre in
hese owyn persone the several crofts and closures of the Prioresse
and y'= convent of seint Kadegundis in y^ toune of Cambrigge
adiugnant to y* said Priorie ne destroye ne soyle corne gresse
arboris ne closures of y^ seyd Prioresse and convent growyng or
beyng upon the seyd closures with outyn licens of y^ seyde Prioresse
y" same time beyng.'
CHARTERS OF THE PRIORY, 81
b The Master and Brethren of St John's Hospital grant to
King Henry VI. a close lying within the fossatum of the
Nuns to the W. of the Nunnery, now in the tenure of
Will. Spaldyng, clerk. Thos. Clerk, mayor. Henry VI.
26.
c The King gives the same to Nuns. Dated Westminster,
Henry VI. 26.
28 The Nuns are discharged from payment of procurations
to the Archdeacon. Date 1313. Document imperfect.
29 Will of Roger Mason of S. Rad. parish. July 5, 1392. (In
Latin.)
Body to be buried among Friars Minor ; to said Friars 10^ ; to
high altar of S. Ead. 5^ for was ; cottage in S. Had. lane to be sold
to discharge debts. Kesidue to wife Felice ; she to make disposal
for his soul.
Seal attached (seemingly ad causas seal of Nunnery) : S. Ead.
crowned and veiled, standing in a niche, in right hand a wand :
under trefoiled arch below a nun kneeling prays with upraised
hands : a small crescent L. of the praying figure. Traces of
legend, STE RADEGVNDIS CONV.
30 Will of John Grenelane : dated Feb. 1, 1431, proved in the
Gild Hall, Cambridge, before the Mayor, Thos. Jacob,
and bailiffs, Monday next before S. Barnabas day. Hen.
VI. 10.
Among the items : to the high altar of S. Andrew's ch. where
his body is to be buried before the cross, 10^ ; for his burial there
20^ : for new bells to the same ch. 100^ ; for new leading the bell
tower 20^ : to each priest assisting at his funeral 12 '>
Et in pane, cervisia, carne bovina, porcina, ovina,
vitulina, porcellina, gallina, puUina, ovis, butiro, et piscibus recensibus
et marinis emptis per dietam ad hospicium infra tempus compoti, ut
particulariter in uno libro papiri super hunc compotum examinato plenius
patet, xj'i vijs iiij"! ob.
Et in una vacca empta de Thoma Carrawey ad hospicium, vi^ viij'^.
Summa xiij^^ viij^ viij*^ ob.
Et datum iiij""" preconibus maioris Cantebr. pro eorum oblacione ad
,„ , , festum Nativitatis Domini infra tempus compoti, pro eorum
[Donoj data ^ . .
serviciis domine Priorisse et conventui impensis et im-
posterum impendendis, ij^ iij*^.
Et in aliis donis (iij^), cum iij^ iiij'^ datis Thome Key (xx*^) et Johanne
Granngyer (xx<^), et cum ij^ vj*^ distributis inter pauperes die cene Domini,
necnon cum les ernest penys (iiij*^) diversis personis datis que cum v^ ix'^
certis tenentibus et servientibus domine ad diversa anni tempora per con-
sideracionem domine Priorisse, ut parcellatim in papiro istius computan-
tis annotatur, xiij^ xj'l
Et in uno grue empto et dato Cancellario Universitatis ville Cantebr.
pro bona amicitia sua in diversis materiis domine ad utilitatem con-
ventus, xij'J.
Et datum ii''"^ laborariis pro cariagio turbarum una vice, una cum iiij^i
datis Johanni Nyxon ad tonsuram bidentium suorum et ij"* expenditis
apvid domum Johannis Ansty senioris et cum vj'^ datis Ricardo Baker de
Bernewell et Ricardo West, pandoxatori, pro tolueto colligendo et reci-
piendo tempore nundinarum ibidem, xiiij
Johanne Graungyer (v^) [ ] Brewer, Johanni Eversdon, (iiij'^), Agneti
Marche (ij"^), Roberto Page (j"^), Johanni Knyght (j'^), Johanni Slybre (j^),
Dionisie, yerdwomman, (j"^), Enime Tayllor, nuper malstar, Q^), Johanni
Wyllyamesson, bercario, Ricardo Sexteyn (x''), Avisie Basset (j'^), Ernme
Kyng, cum x'' datis certis pauperibus nuper in gwerris domini Regis
laborantibus, iij*' xj'^.
Et datum Thome Burgoyn ut in precio v caponum emptorum in foro,
xx'i ob.
Et in veste linea empta pro donis erga festum Nativitatis Domini, ij**.
Et datum custodi ecclesie Omnium Sanctorum ad fabricam unius
fenestre vitree, iiij'^.
Et datum Florencie Power et sorori sue (viij"^*), uni carucariorum (ij'^),
aliis certis personis (xvj*^) pro mandato domine et servienti Johannis
Presot (iiij
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