Oo^ o 0' ^ %.^^^■ %_f' \N .0^- \- V ^ * . , o V -:\ .%.' ■7^ \^ . ^ '. ,^, ■/ O. AV' '■• \V .v^- .^' A c>- ,0o. V- h - x^ o^ . ^ f o .5 -;. <-' :^K- %^' -" -r ,-^ >^^ f^ J ^0 o. ;^7%.,' o. k'^ ,0 o. 'A 'O, .^'^■~ ^' '.%HM§5^^ ,0 o. ^^■ ,o §: 3 N ^^ A^^■ n-°" v^o ^"^^ '«'^^- V^' .-w o _ sO O, />. ,/■% \ Cambridge Antiquarian Society. Octavo Publications. No. XXXI. THE PEIOEY OF SAINT EADEaUND CAMBEIDGE BY AETHUR GRAY, M.A. FELLOW OP JESUS COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE. ODamtritrgB : PRINTED FOB THE CAMBRIDGE ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY. SOLD BY DEIGHTON, BELL & CO. ; and MACMILLAN & BOWES. LONDON, GEOEGB BELL AND SONS. 1898 Price Five Shillings. /■(A3 THE PEIOEY OF SAINT EADEGUND OAMBEIDGE THE PRIORY OF SAINT RADEGUND CAMBEIDaE BY ARTHUR GRAY, M.A. FELLOW OF JESUS COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE. OTambrfijge : PRINTED FOR THE CAMBRIDGE ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY. 30LD BY DEIGHTON, BELL & CO. ; and MACMILLAN & BOWES. LONDON, GEORGE BELL AND SONS. 1898 1^ ^*&1 PBINTED BY J. AND C. F. CLAY, AT THE TTNIVEESITY PRESS. 24Ap'03 ^ PREFACE. When this publication was first projected I had hopes that the portion of it relating to the buildings of the Nunnery would have been, wholly or in part, furnished by my friend, Mr T, D. Atkinson. Though Mr Atkinson's engagements have prevented him from taking so large a part in the work as was originally contemplated, I gratefully acknowledge the assistance he has throughout given me both in exploration of sites and buildings and in placing at my disposal his notes and suggestions. The extent of my indebtedness to the Architectural History is, I hope, apparent in the section dealing with the Nunnery buildings. But my principal obligation to the Registrary is not of the kind that can be acknowledged in a footnote. Without his suggestion this work would never have been written; without the advantage of his counsel and knowledge it would have been much more imperfect than it is. Among other friends who have given me valuable help are Prof. Maitland, Prof. Skeat, the Rev. J. H. Crosby, Minor Canon of Ely, and the Rev. O. Fisher, Honorary Fellow of Jesus College and Rector of Harlton. The Catalogue of Charters here printed includes only such as relate to property situated in the town and fields of Cambridge. I have not deemed it worth while to give abstracts of those which are concerned with the scattered holdings of the Nuns in other places. The Catalogue remark- ably supplements the very detailed information about medieval Cambridge which is supplied by the Hundred Rolls. Com- biningf what is to be learnt from each source it would be no VI PREFACE. difficult task to make a very complete directory of the town in the last quarter of the 13th century. The witnesses to the Charters in most cases were the mayor and four bailiffs with two or three occupants of property adjoining the tenement in question. I have generally given the name of the first witness only. Extracts of some length from the Account Rolls were given in the First Report of the Historical MSS. Commissioners: the accounts in full are here printed for the first time. They furnish some interesting materials for illustrating life in an English Nunnery at the close of the middle ages. In the earlier and more prosperous years to which they introduce us, it is a life wholly untinged by the influences of the University. The Nuns were drawn from the families of the better class burgesses and lesser gentry of the county, and their habits and education were those of their class. The town and its religious houses still occupied in their outlook a far larger space than the University. The ' good friendship ' of the Chancellor — in a matter, perhaps, of arbitration with a College — was appropriately recompensed in the year 1449 — 1450 with a present of a crane, value twelve pence; it is set in quaint juxtaposition with the Christmas box to the Mayor's waits, who receive the magnificent sum of 2s. Sd. The proportion of the two sums is possibly an indication of the relative consequence in the Nuns' thoughts of the academic and municipal corporations, both of which, it may be observed, had an origin long subsequent to that of their own establish- ment. On the debated subject of the date of the first emergence of a University at Cambridge the S. Radegund's charters throw no light. Among the variety of tenants mentioned in the deeds of the 12th and loth centuries there is no individual or corporation whose name or description suggests connection with an organized community of scholars. The surnames of the tenants previous to 1300 indicate that they were almosi exclusively from the neighbourhood of Cambridge. Of migrants from Oxford or scholars from over sea there is no hint ; the PREFACE. Vll Jews were the only strangers to Cambridge with whom the Nuns had acquaintance in those early days. A solitary ' Scolemayster ' (Charters 157, 158), who dwelt hard by the site on which Peterhouse afterwards rose, represents the learning of Cambridge in the first years of the 13th century. Possibly he was connected with a monastic school. Before taking leave of my subject I should not forget to mention two members of my College who have worked in the same field in generations by-gone. John Sherman's History of Jesus College (written about the year 1666) is introduced by a sketch of the History of the Nunnery which he entitles Reliquiae Sanctae Radegundis sive Fragmenta quaedam His- toriae Prioratus. Sherman had made a faithful study of the Nunnery muniments. He is generally accurate and, as he may have had before him documents which are not now discoverable, it is possible that he is right in some matters about which I have supposed him to be mistaken. But I do not think that since his time there has been any noteworthy subtraction from the Jesus muniments. Well protected from damp, dust and insects, they have probably profited by the neglect in which they have generally lain for 200 years. About the middle of last century their repose was disturbed by the careful hands of Dr Lynford Caryl, who was Master of Jesus, 1758 — 1780, and Registrary of the University from 1751 to 1758. He arranged and catalogued them in a very exact and methodical manner. Among his merits not the least was that of writing in a very clear and beautiful hand. I have discovered some fifty charters of Nunnery date which escaped his notice, but none of them are of much importance. When the present Treasury was built in 1875 and the documents were transferred to it, some of them were misplaced, and for a time I supposed them to be lost. But gradually all, or nearly all, those mentioned in Dr Caryl's catalogue have found their way back to their places. ARTHUR GRAY. Jesus College, October, 1898. Fig. I. Sf:AL OF THE Pkioky. ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY. § 1. Foundation and connection with the See of Ely. The establishment, near Cambridge, of the cell of Bene- dictine nnns which was later known as the Priory of S. Mary and S. Radegund seems to date from the earliest years of the reign of King Stephen. There is no evidence to fix the precise year of its institution but it is fairly certain that it falls within the episcopate of Nigellus, who succeeded the first bishop, Hervey, in the see of Ely in 1133, The Priory seems to have had no charter of foundation, nor is there any extant record of its first endowment. Such pro- perty as it possessed in early days was acquired gradually and in comparatively small parcels. Even the endowments which it derived from royal benefactors such as the Countess Con- stance and Malcolm of Scotland were not so important as to entitle the donors to be regarded in any sense as founders or patrons. It is true that in the letters patent of Henry VII for the dissolution of the Nunnery and the erection of the College in its room it is asserted — evidently on the representation of Bishop Alcock — that S. Radegund's Priory was ' of the founda- tion and patronage of the Bishop, as in right of his cathedral church of Ely.' This was, I believe, the first and only occasion on which such a claim was advanced by a bishop of Ely, and, having regard to the circumstances under which it was made, I do not think that much importance should be attached to it. In the charter which the Lady Margaret obtained, a few years C. A. S. Octavo Seriea. 1 2 ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY. later, from Henry VII for the conversion of S. John's Hospital into the College of S. John it is similarly stated that the House or Priory of religious brethren of S. John the Evangelist in Cambridge was ' of the foundation and patronage of James (Stanley), Bishop of Ely, as in right of his cathedral church.' In this latter case the statement is historically inaccurate, for the founder of the Hospital was unquestionably Henry Frost, burgess of Cambridge, though Bishop Nigellus had been a liberal benefactor to it and the Hundred Rolls show that, as early as the reign of Henry III, Bishop Hugh de Norwold claimed, as patron, the right of nominating the master. As regards the Nunnery the full details supplied by the Ely Episcopal Registers show that in the election of their Prioress the Nuns exercised a free choice, unfettered by reference to the wishes of a patron and subject only to the approval of the Bishop of Ely as diocesan. The motive which prompted the Bishops to assert their questionable claim to the patronage of either establishment was perhaps a double one — to make it clear to the King and to the Pope that no private rights of patronage were invaded by the dissolution of an ancient religious house, and to acquire for the Bishops of Ely, as visitors of the new foundations, a guiding influence in the development of the University. Though the Nunnery was not perhaps, in strictness, founded by a bishop of Ely it is clear that its origin and early growth was intimately connected with the see and particularly with Bishop Nigellus (1133-1169). It was he who endowed it with a portion of the site on which the Nuns' original 'cell' was raised ; of the principal benefactions to the newly estab- lished house three were protected by his charters and it seems likely that they were procured by his influence. Geoffrey Ridel, who succeeded Nigellus in the bishopric in 1174, appro- priated to the Nuns the rectory of All Saints in the Jewry, Cambridge, and the connection with the see of Ely was main- tained by Bishop Eustace (1197-1220), who gave the Nuns additional lands adjoining the Priory and bestowed on them the rectory of S. Clement's. ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY. 3 § 2. Early charters. Grant of Bishop Nigellus. The earliest in date of the Nuns' charters now extant in the treasury of Jesus College is probably that of Bishop Nigellus, addressed ' to all barons and men of S. Etheldrytha, cleric or lay, French or English,' in which for a rent of twelve pence he grants 'to the Nuns of the cell lately established without the vill of Cantebruge' certain land adjoining land belonging to the same cell (Charters, 1), The position of the land given by the Bishop is not specified in the charter, but it is safe to assume that it adjoined the cell and was identical with the four acres which, according to the statement of the Hundred Rolls (Vol. 2, p. 358), were given to the Nuns by Nigellus and were next the ten acres given them by King Malcolm as a site for their church. It is likely that the rent reserved by the Bishop represented the full letting- value of the land, since for the adjoining ten acres Malcolm stipulated in his first charter for a rent of two shillings. At some later date, Nigellus, like Malcolm, acquitted the Nuns of payment of rent, for the Hundred Rolls state that the Bishop gave them the land in pure and perpetual alms and show that they paid no rent for any of the land which they occupied in the Priory precincts. There is nothing in this charter of Nigellus which would warrant any definite conclusions as to its date. As the Bishop did not die until 1169 it is of course possible that it is of later date than Malcolm's grant, and that the land mentioned by the Bishop as adjoining that which he gave to the Nuns and as already in their tenure was in fact no other than Malcolm's ten acre plot. The evidence of the Hundred Rolls might be held to countenance this view, for they mention Malcolm's grant before that of Nigellus and in such a way as seems to imply that the jurors supposed the King's grant to be the earlier in date '. On the other hand the vagueness of the description of 1 H. R. Vol. ri. p. 358. ' Item predicte Priorissa et Moniales tenent qnatuor acras terre iacentes iuxta terram predictam (i.e. the ten acres given by King 1—2 4 ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY. the Nunnery as a ' cell lately instituted ' is more consistent with the view that the establishment was in an inchoate stage and had received no distinctive title or dedication. In the charters in which he confirms the endowments given by William le Moyne and Stephen de Scalers Nigellus gives the Nunnery the style, which after Malcolm's gift was the usual one, of ' the Church and Nuns of S. Mary and S. Radegund.' § 3. Oi^ant of William le Moyne and Confirmation by King Stephen. The earliest of the Nuns' charters which can be dated with any precision is one given them by King Stephen confirming to 'the Church and Nuns of S. Mary of Cantebr. the grant made to them by William Monachus, aurifaher, of two virgates of land and six acres of meadow with four cottars (cotariis) with their holding in Shelford, in alms, for the soul of King Henry and for the faithful in God ' (Charters, 2a). This charter is tested by William Martel, the King's dapifer, who played so prominent a part on the King's side in the struggle with the Empress, and by Reginald de Warenne. It is un- dated, but the circumstance that it was given ' apud Mapertes halam in obsidione ' enables us pretty definitely to assign it to the month of January 1138 and brings to light a historical fact, unnoticed by chroniclers, to which attention was first drawn by Mr Hewlett in his edition of the Gesta Stephani for the Rolls Series {Chronicles of the Reigns of Stephen &c. Vol. 3). Mapertes hala is Meppershall, near Shefford, in Bedfordshire. King Stephen, as the anonymous writer of the Gesta Stephani records, kept the Christmas feast of 1137 at Dunstable, and then ' emensis festivis diebus Dominicae festivitatis ' attacked Malcolm) quam quidem terram habent de dono Nigelli Elyensis Episcopi qui quidem Nigellus dedit eisdem in pura et perpetua elemosina. B. quondam Prior Elyensis et Conventus Elyensis Ecelesie dictam donacionem eisdem moni- alibus factam concesserunt et confirmaverunt.' The initial B. is apparently a mistake : Bentham's list in his History of Ely, i^p. 215 foil., mentions no Prior of Ely before the date of the H. R. whose name began with B. ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY. 5 Bedford Castle, held by Milo de Beauchamp, who had refused the King's summons to surrender it. Milo's obstinate resist- ance compelled the King to turn the siege into a blockade, but the castle was surrendered apparently about the middle of January 1138, for by Feb. 2 the King had reached Northum- berland, whither he had been called by an invasion of the Scotch. ' The chronicles mention no such event as a siege at Meppershall ; but there exists at the present day, close to the church of this small Bedfordshire village, a high mound with a double line of outer ramparts answering in the clearest way to the type of the hastily-built, stockaded "castles" of this reign. Stephen, it thus appears, had to capture this outpost, perhaps during the siege of Bedford in 1138 \' The grant of William Monachus which is confirmed by Stephen's charter may have been made a year or two before 1138. King Henry I, whose soul it was designed to benefit, died Dec. 1135. The land to which the charter refers is situated in Great Shelford parish ; it is still in the possession of Jesus College and known as ' the Nuns' lands.' The Domesday Survey of Cambridgeshire shows that it formed a portion of a larger estate consisting of three hides and valued at £5 annual rent. In the Confessor's time it had belonged to ' Herald Comes,' afterwards King Harold. After the Conquest it passed into the hands of King William, of whom, at the time of the Domesday Survey, it was held ad firmam by Peter de Valongies^ who was apparently a kinsman of William Monachus, or le Moyne, as his family was otherwise known ^. From a charter 1 The Meppershall earthworks are marked in the Ordnance Map as ' The Hills.' Mr Seebohm, who gives a small plan of them in The English Village Community, p. 426, supposes them to be of Saxon origin, possibly a ' toot-hill.' Mr Hewlett compares this charter of King Stephen with another, dated 1138, ' apud Goldintonam in obsidione Bedeford,' Goldington being a village a few miles from Bedford. " This Peter de Valongies, or Valoines, is said to have been a nephew of the Conqueror, and was founder, circa 1104, of Biuham Priory, Norfolk. A Peter de Selford was Prior of Binham in 1244. '^ H. R. Vol. II. p. 545, 'Dicunt quod dominus Johannes le Moyne, ante- cessor dicte Agnetis de Walene' dedit in puram et perpetuam elemosinam 6 ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY. of Nicolas, son of William le Moyne, we gather that the Shelford land came to his father by free gift of King Henry I. Apparently it was bestowed on him in recognition of his services and skill as an aurifaher, for he held it by goldsmith's serjeanty, and at the date of the Hundred Rolls Inquisition the lady Agnes de Valence retained a large portion of the same estate by the singular service of making up and repairing the King's crown when required \ From the designation of the Nuns' establishment in Stephen's charter as ' Ecclesia et Sanctimoniales Sancte Marie de Cantebr.' it would seem that the original church which was served by the Nunnery during the first twenty years of its existence and either made way for or was incorporated in the building which rose on the site given by King Malcolm was dedicated to S. Mary only. After the foundation of the new church the charters use the fuller style of ' Nuns of S. Mary and S. Radegund.' But the church in strictness seems to have kept the older single dedication even after Malcolm's time, for, as late as 1285, a tenement in Radegund {i.e. Jesus) Lane is described in a deed as lying ' in the parish of the Blessed Mary of the Priory of S. Radegund.' The Priory apparently took its name from a chapel of S. Radegund which is mentioned in an early undated deed and which seems to have been in the portion of the church reserved to the use of the Nuns. Gradually the original dedication came to be forgotten, and in Monialibus Sancte Eadegundis Ix acras terre ad sustinendum j noneam im- perpetuum.' Antecessor here perhaps means no more than ' predecessor in the title.' At the time of the Hundred Rolls Inquisition another John le Moyne, distinguished by the local agnomen, Atteasse (i.e. at the Ash), was a free tenant of the lady Agnes de Valence at Great Shelford. ^ Red Booh of the Exchequer (Rolls Series), Vol. ii. p. 530, 'Willelmus Monachus, iij hidas in Selforde per serjanteriam aurifabriae.' H. R. Vol. ii. p. 545, ' Domina Agnes de Walaunc' tenet j messuagium cum gardino conti- nente iij acras et viij"'' acras terre et de prato vj acras et tenet de domino Rege in capite per sergantiam et non est geldabilis non debet sectam neque auxilium Vicecomiti nichil aliud reddit set erit ultra (?) Coronam domini Regis quando debet confici vel reparari et habebit totidem ij'' ad vadia sua,' &c. Domesday affords several instances of royal grants of land to goldsmiths : see Freeman's Norman Conquest, Vol. iv. pp. 41, 85, on the subject. ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY. 7 later times both parish and Nunnery were commonly called S. Radegund's, Evidence of the earlier dedication is to be seen in the fact recorded in the Hundred Rolls that King Stephen granted by charter to the Nuns a fair lasting for two days, viz. the vigil and the feast of the Assumption of the Blessed Mary. Fairs, as is well known, originated in most cases in the gatherings of worshippers or pilgrims about sacred places, and especially in the neighbourhood of religious houses, and were held on the feast-day of the saint to whom the church or shrine was dedicated. The grant of William Monachus was confirmed to the Nuns by Nigellus, but as the Bishop's charter (Charters, 2b) desig- nates the Nunnery as dedicated to S. Mary and S. Radegund it would seem that it was not given until many years after the original grant. The long interval is accounted for by the outbreak of the civil war in 1139. Nigellus, from his active partizanship in the cause of the Empress, had little time to attend to the affairs of his diocese, from which he was absent with only brief intervals until his reconciliation with Stephen in 1144, and until the accession of Henry II he is said to have lived in retirement. His charter cannot be of much later date than 1160, in or about which year died William (of Laventon), the first archdeacon of Ely, whose name is among the witnesses, and it can scarcely be so early as 1157, the earliest date to which it is possible to assign Malcolm's first charter. All the facts which are ascertainable about William Monachus show that his relations with the Bishop were of an intimate kind and point to the probability that the Bishop's influence contributed to procure his benefaction to the Nuns. The Historia Eliensis ^ reveals him to us as one of a group of men, lay and cleric, who formed a Bishop's party in opposition to the Ely monks, who favoured Stephen's side in the war and had special grounds for complaint against the Bishop for appropriating the funds of the convent and the treasures of S. Etheldreda's shrine to defray the expenses entailed by his 1 This portion of the Historia Eliensis is printed (with abridgment) in Wharton's Anglia Sacra, Vol. i. p. 615 foil. 8 Ai^NALS OF THE NUNNERY. opposition to the King. Richard of Ely, the writer of this portion of the Historia Eliensis, took the monastic side of the quarrel and dwells with particular satisfaction on the exemplary afflictions which overtook the Bishop and his confederates in the spoliation. But William Monachus, we are told, lived to make some amends for the sacrilege which is laid to his charge, and the picture of his end is touched with a kindlier hand. ' With axes, hammers and every implement of masonry he profanely assailed the shrine and with his own hand robbed it of its metal. But he lived to repent it bitterly. He, who had once been extraordinarily rich and had lacked for nothing, was reduced to such an extreme of poverty as not even to have the necessaries of life. At last, when he had lost all and knew not whither to turn himself, by urgent entreaty he prevailed on the Ely brethren to receive him into their order, and there with unceasing lamentation, tears, vigils and prayers deploring his guilt, he ended his days in a sincere penitence.' He was alive in 1153-4 when, along with Nigellus, he witnessed the charter of the Countess Constance. In the lifetime of William Monachus, and at his request, his son Nicolas re-granted to the Nuns the land given them by his father, which in the deed is stated to consist of 55 acres, together with 1\ acre of meadow and one acre whereon to build barns and cattle-sheds ; and he further promised five acres, for which they had petitioned, as soon as he could get them. The Nuns however seem not to have acquired undisputed possession of their property until Henry III, 31, when John le Moyne, in consequence of an assize trial at Cambridge, assigned to them in perpetual alms a portion of the estate consisting of 50 acres. The Hundred Rolls state that the Nuns' estate at Shelford consisted of 60 acres and was given to them by John le Moyne to maintain one nun for ever. In this statement from the facts above given it would appear that there is an error either in the Christian name of the donor or in the number of the acres given. Nor do I know how it is to be reconciled with a deed of Edward I, 29, in which Agnes de Valence, lady of ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY. 9 Offaley and BailluelS renounced the claim to place two nuns in the Priory, which she exercised in right of lauds held of her by the Nuns in Great Shelford. Beyond ten acres held by annual service to the Bishops of Ely the only land at Shelford in the occupation of the Nuns was that derived originally from William Monachus. § 4. Grant of the Countess Constance. The next in order of time of the Nunnery charters is that of the Countess Constance, widow of King Stephen's only son, Eustace of Boulogne. It grants to the Nuns in perpetual alms exemption from hagable and langable for all their lands within and without the Borough, whether already acquired or here- after to be acquired, and also gives them all the fishing right and water belonging to the Borough as freely as they had been held by her husband and herself. The grant of the Countess is for the souls of her husband, Eustace, and Stephen's Queen, Maud, and for the good estate of King Stephen. Queen Maud died in May, 1152, Eustace in August, 1153, King Stephen in October, 1154. The charter therefore belongs to the period between the last two dates. Two undated charters confirm that of the Countess — the first given by King Stephen ' apud Cantebrig,' the other by Bishop Nigellus. In all three charters the Nuns are styled ' Sanctimoniales de Cantebrig,' without dedication. Independently of their relation to the history of the Nun- nery these charters have a special interest in connection with the subject of the firma hurgi of Cambridge. Hagable, i.e. haga-gafol, a payment for a haiu or messuage in a town, and langable, i.e. land-gafol, payment for land occupied by a burgess in the common fields, formed an important part of the customs {consuetudines) of the town. At the time of the 1 Philip of Valognes, Chamberlain of Scotland, had a grand-daughter, Lora, who married Henry de Balliol, a cousin of King John Balliol. Offaley is OiHey, near Hitchin, a manor which once belonged to the Balliols of Barnard Castle. Bailleul, near Lille, was a fief of the same family. 10 ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY. Domesday Survey the town of Cambridge formed part of the royal demesne and its customs were farmed of the King by the sheriff. It is doubtfully asserted by Cooper^ that the farm of the borough was granted to the burgesses, as the King's tenants in capite, by Henry I, they paying to him the same sum as the sheriff had been accustomed to render. If such a grant was actually made it seems to have terminated with the life of that King, and the concession of immunity from hagable and langable which Constance made to the Nuns clearly implies that in Stephen's reign the fee-farm belonged to her husband and herself. The alienation in perpetuity to the Nuns of a portion of the customs shows that the fee-farm had been granted to the heirs of Eustace and Constance as well as to themselves. There were however no children of the marriage, and in the early years of Henry II the borough was again in the King's possession and farmed by the sheriff. In 1185 it was granted to the burgesses at farm by Henry II and con- tinued to be farmed by them in the reign of Richard I^. When the fee-farm of the borough was granted to the burgesses in perpetuity by King John in 1207 the rights acquired by the Nuns from Constance seem to have suffered some curtailment. The immunity from hagable for lands ' hereafter to be acquired ' could hardly extend to property acquired subsequently to the transfer of the hagable rental to the burgesses, and it is there- fore not surprising to find from the Great Inquisition of Edward I in 1278 and the Nuns' accounts in 1449-50 and 1481-2 that they were then charged with certain hagable rents. Moreover King John's charter expressly included among the appurtenances of the Burgus ' mills, pools and waters ^,' and it is certain that at the date of the Hundred Rolls Inquisi- tion the Nuns had no exclusive rights in the river waters, for the jurors affirmed that the burgesses then had a common piscaria in the common waters belonging to the vill of Cambridge. Nevertheless the charter of Constance was not inoperative, for it is rehearsed and confirmed in a charter of 1 Cooper, Annals, Vol. i. p. 22. 2 Ibid. pp. 28, 29. 3 ma. p. 33. ANNALS OP THE NUNNERY. 11 Edward II, dated in the seventh year of his reign (Charters, 8). The fishing rights claimed by the Nuns seem however to have been limited to a certain portion of the river, beyond the limits of the old borough, which as late as 1505 was known as Nunneslake. A sixteenth century list of the Nuns' muni- ments describes the charter of Edward II, above mentioned, as 'a grant of y® fishinge alonge by Jesus Gieene.' In 1505 it was decided that the fishing in Nunneslake belonged to the town. It is probable that the fee-farm of Cambridge was held by Constance in right of dower. Cambridge was among the towns usually assigned in dower to the Queens of England and other ladies of the royal family \ Queen Catharine, consort of Charles II, was the last English Queen who held the fee-farm of Cambridge. Except in the case of Constance the settlement seems always to have been for life. King Stephen had en- deavoured to get his son Eustace crowned in 1152, and, though he failed in this purpose, Constance is said in after times to have borne the title of Queen I The title Venerahilis given to her in the charter of Nigellus is probably a quasi-recognition of her claim to be regarded as Queen. It was applied to French kings (v. Ducange, s.v.) and more especially (with the variant Veneranda) to queens of the Norman period : e.g. Sarum Charters (Rolls Series) p. 17, 'Adelizae venerandae et illustris Angliae reginae cancellarius.' I 5. First Charter of King Malcolm IV. The Greneci^oft site. The first charter of King Malcolm IV, which is the next in order of date, is addressed " to all his men cleric and lay of the Honour of Huntedon" and gives to the Nuns of Grantebrige ten acres of land next Grenecroft in alms and to found (ad fun- dendam) thereon their church ; it reserves to the King a rent ^ See Cooper's Annals under the years 1235, 1353, 1465, 1495. 2 Stubbs, Const. Hist. Vol. i. p. 341. 12 ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY. of two shillings, which his minister is directed to offer at the altar of the same church. The charter is dated ' apud Hunted ' and still has attached to it in white wax the royal seal bearing on the obverse side the figure of a king enthroned, on the reverse a mounted warrior. The Honour, or earldom, of Huntingdon which included the county of Cambridge was conferred on Malcolm in the latter half of 1157. Among the witnesses is Herbert, Bishop of Glasgow, who died 1164. Sherman in his MS. HistorHa Gollegii Jesu (written tevip. Charles II) states that among the College archives he had seen a charter of Theobald, Archbishop of Canterbury, con- firming Malcolm's grant. No such charter is now extant nor is it included in the oldest registers of the Nunnery deeds, though as these early registers (written temp. Queen Elizabeth) are by no means complete the fact that it is not contained in them must not be taken as conclusive that it did not then exist. Sherman possibly had in mind an inspeximus of Arch- bishop Stephen Langton (Charters, 4at here parisches were pore sith J>e pestilence time. 2 From the Bursars' accounts of Henry VIII, 26 — 27, it appears that the ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY. 29 § 11. Advowson of Reymerston. The advowson of E.eymerstoii Church, co. Norfolk, was con- veyed by fine to Letitia, Prioress of S. Radegund's in Henry III, 2, by John de Reymerston. A list of the rectors presented by the Prioress is given in Blomfield's History of Norfolk, Vol. 10, pp. 241 — 2 (ed. Parkyn). The last presented, in 1401, was Mr Robert Braunch, LL.Lic, apparently the same who in 1384 became Master of Trinity Hall. The names of several of the Nuns, Craneswick, Harling, Cressingham, are taken from villages in the neighbourhood of Reymerston and appear to indicate that the connection with this quarter of Norfolk was maintained after the Nuns parted with the advowson. From the same district probably came John de Pykenham (now Pickenham), whose tombstone, in the vicar of S. Clement's was allowed an annual sum of 6s. Sd. for rent of a dwelling house ' eo quod non est aliqua domus sive mansio dicto vicario pertinens.' A few years later the payment disappears from the Bursars' rolls and the vicar, who was a fellow of the College, is stated to be the tenant of a chamber in College. The Eev. E. G. de Sails Wood, vicar of S. Clement's, informs me that the house traditionally called ' the Vicarage ' is that now numbered 8, Portugal Place, which is still the property of Jesus College. Leases of the reign of Elizabeth describe it as abutting on its southern side on ' the backe side of a place sometime called S' Clement's hostelL' A deed of Edward III, 47 (1373) shows that it was then leased to Sir Eichard Milde, vicar of S. Clement's, jointly with John de Kelesseye, cooper, and Avisia his wife. Another deed of 1377 (Charters, 250 h) gives minute details of the rooms which it then contained. In 1616 the southern half of the house was used as a stable by the Master of Jesus College. A letter of the Master, Dr Duport, in that year refers to a dispute between the College and Alderman Ventris with respect to the northern portion of the house, which the latter claimed, asserting that it had anciently been a banqueting house and did not form a part of the College tenement. Ventris also claimed a house called the Chantry-house, situated outside the churchyard on its N.E. side. Dr Duport alleges that this house is not the old Chantry-house, nor on the site of it, but is an encroachment on Jesus College land and has been erected within the last 50 years ; in evidence of which he observes that it is built of sound heart of oak which apparently was brought ft-om the steeple of the church, which about the time of the erection of the house was much decayed and vanished quite away. 30 ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY. S.W. angle of the south transept of the Nuns' church, bears the inscription, Hie jacet frater Johannes de Pykenham magister sacre theologie prior hujus loci cujus anime propicietur Deus. He was perhaps either capellanus or confessor to the Nuns. The office of prior, warden or magister monialium is one frequently found in nunneries ; e.g. at Grimsby, Stanfeld (Lines.), Stamford, Catesby. § 12. List of Prioresses. The following is as complete a list of the Prioresses of S. Radegund as it is possible to make out. Unless otherwise stated the dates given are those of the earliest and latest deeds in which the name occurs. The deeds of the 12th and early 13th century give neither dates nor names of Prioresses. Letitia was Prioress at the time of Bishop Eustace's compo- sition respecting All Saints' Church and S. John's Hospital, which was not later than 1213 : she occurs in Pedes Finium, 1228. Milisentia is mentioned in Pedes Finium 1246 and 1249. Dera occurs in 1258. Agnes Burgeylun, or Burgeillo, in 1274 (in the new Monasti- con wrongly set down aiino 1301). Constantia and Amitia de Driffeld occur in undated deeds temp. Edward I, the former in the mayoralty of Roger de Wykes. Alicia le Chaumberlain was Prioress about 1278; she was daughter of Sir Walter le Chamberlayne, purchaser of the manor of Landbeach. (Clay's History of Landheach.) Elena occurs in 1284 and in 1299. Christiana de Br ay br ok in 1311. Cecilia de Cressingham, in 1315 and 1316, Mabilia Martin in 1330 and 1332. Alicia in 1347. ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY. 31 Eva Wasteneys in 1359 ; a person of the same name was Prioress of the Benedictine house of Swaffham in 1378. Margaret Glanyle in 1363: she resigned Feb. 1, 1378 (Ely Registers). Alice Pilet was elected Feb. 20, 1378; occurs in 1398. Isabella Sudbury in 1402. Margaret Harlyng was sub-prioress in 1407 ; succeeded as Prioress in the same year and occurs in 1408. Agnes Seyntelowe, or Senclowe, first occurs in 1415; she died Sept. 8, 1457. Joan Lancastre was elected Sept. 27, 1457 ; last occurs in 1466. Isabella in 1468. Elizabeth Walton occurs in 1468 and 1479 : she had been succentrix in 1457. Joan Cambridge was administering the effects of the Nunnery in 1482-3, apparently in a vacancy of the Priorate ; she was Prioress in 1483 and died 1487 \ Joan Fulburn was appointed Oct. 12, 1487 ; her name occurs for the last time in 1487. § 13. Finances of the Nunnery. At the time of the election of Joan Lancastre in 1457 there were eleven nuns who had the jus eligendi. There are no data for determining their number at an earlier period, but as most religious houses suffered a decline in numbers during the 15th century it is not unlikely that they had once been more numerous. There seems little reason to doubt that at no time during the existence of the Nunnery were its endowments adequate for the maintenance of its inmates or the repairs of the fabric. As early as 1277 their penury 'baud paucis inno- tescit'; in 1340 their poverty was pleaded as an excuse for 1 In a fragmentary Computus of Margaret Eatclyff, Prioress of Swaffham, Edw. IV, 22, occurs an entry ' de iiij" de quatuor busellis (mixtilionis) venditis pr. monial. de Cambrige...de domina Johanna Camhrige cui erat commissa administratio bonorum prioratus predict!.' 32 ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY. exemption from the charges of procuration ; and the evidence of Archbishop Wittlesey's visitor in 1373 shows the Nunnery in deep embarrassment, its buildings dilapidated, and its services neglected for want of funds. The flow of benefactions which was maintained up to the end of Edward I's reign was arrested about the end of the 13th century, probably because gifts to pious uses began to be diverted to the various mendicant orders which had established themselves in Cambridge during the preceding half century. As already stated, after the great pestilence in 1349 the Nuns received few fresh endowments, and those of inconsiderable value. One important source of endowment entirely dried up about that time, viz. the grants of lands and rents made by the relations of a nun when she took the veil. The nuns of the earlier time seem largely to have been drawn from families of wealth and social standing in the town and shire. Among those who brought with them endowments to the Nunnery were Sibil, sister of Fulk Crocheman, whose family held a considerable amount of property in and near the Jewry in All Saints' parish temp. Henry III ; Elizabeth and Isabel, daughters of Sir Thomas de Cambridge, who died 1361 ; Roda, sister of Hervey Dunning, already mentioned; Margaret, daughter of Hervey de Trumpi- tune ; Sabina, daughter of Half Person of Chesterton, temp. Henry III; Sibil, daughter of Stephen de Scalariis of Wratting; and Margaret, sister of Philip de Cestertune, about 1200. The accounts of the Treasuress, Agnes Banastre, for the two years 1449-50 and 1450-51 probably represent the normal income and expenditure of the Nunnery in the middle of the 15th century. They are written on skin in a neat and minute hand, which is perhaps that of one of the clergy attached to the house. On the outer surface are written the accounts of the Grangeress, Joan Lancastre. Also on the outer side of the earlier roll are copied in a bold but careless handwriting of late 15th century character three Latin prayers addressed to S. Etheldreda, to which in another hand have been added two benedictions of the Name of Jesus. The prayers to S. Ethel- dreda were clearly intended for use at her shrine at Ely. £ s. d. 32 12 2 12 14 7i 8 16 2 6 13 4 3 6 8 9 19 10 74 2 9i ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY. . 33 These accounts are kept in an exact and orderly way and show that at the time the Nuns were fairly paying their way. In the earlier year the receipts were £77. 85. Q^d. and the expenditure £72. 65. 4f d ; in the later the suras were respectively £74. 2s. 9^d. and £78. 6s. Od.\ The heads of the receipts were in the later year : Rents in Cambridge Rents agricultural . Miscellaneous : tolls of fair, re- ceipts from guests, &c. Tithes Pension ..... Sale of corn, hay, &c. Total § 14. Incidents in the Annals of the Nunnery. There is little in the history of the Nunnery between the time of King Malcolm and that of the dissolution which calls for particular mention. Such facts as are recoverable from the Nuns' own records it is unnecessary here to detail ; an outline of them may be found in the Catalogue of Charters. I will set down here only a few particulars which I have gleaned from such external sources of information as the Hare MSS and the Registers of Ely and Canterbury. Among the Hare MSS (Vol. i. p. 27) is a writ of Henry III tested at Ely, March 30, in the 35*^ year of his reign {i.e. 1250), directed to the bailiffs of the town of Cambridge, requiring them not to distrain the Prioress of S. Radegund and her tenants for an encroachment (pro preprestiira) and for other matters of which inquisition has 1 Sherman gives the total of receipts in these two years as £24. Is. lO^d. and £32. 10s. 2d., figures which correspond to no totals in the rolls. He also refers to a third roll of date Henry VI, 39, in which the receipts are stated as £74. 2s. 4d. ; this is no longer extant. He does not mention the roll of Edward IV, 21—22. C. A. S. Octavo Series. 3 34 ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY. been made by William de Axmuth and William Brito at Cambridge. This writ is clearly connected with the same King's license to the Nuns, tested at Westminster on April 17 in the same year, to enclose and keep enclosed for ever a croft belonging to them and lying between their church and the fossatmii of Cambridge. (This license is cited in full in King Edward II's confirmation, Charters, 8.) From the circum- stance that the writ was addressed to the town bailiffs it would appear that the purpresture of the Nuns consisted of an en- croachment on the common lands of the town, i.e. on Grene- croft. The writ stays the distraint until the quindena of Easter, by which time, or at least before April 17, an arrangement seems to have been arrived at by which the town relinquished its rights in the land annexed. But as the ownership of the soil of the common land belonged not to the burgesses but to the King (such at least would be the King's view) his sanction was necessary to enable the Nuns to acquire and permanently enclose the croft\ The dispute between the Nuns and the burgesses seems to have been the outcome of proceedings for encroachment taken by the King against the burgesses : for by a writ, mentioned by Cooper^ and dated March 5 in this year, the King re- quired the sheriff to restore the cattle of the burgesses and not further to distrain them for a trespass, they having paid at the royal wardrobe 20 marks. The encroachment for which the burgesses thus made satisfaction was no doubt committed on the soil of the fossatum. At the time of the Hundred Bolls it was one of the complaints of the towns- men that the soil of the fossatum remained void to their great loss, and several individuals are reported to have made encroachments on it by planting trees and otherwise. 1 Pollock and Maitland (History of English Law, Vol. i. p. 635), speaking of the Firma Burcji, ' It may be much doubted whether the walls, ditches, streets and open spaces of the borough were held by the burgesses. They were still the king's walls, ditches and streets, and he who encroached upon them committed a purpresture against the king. Nor is it by any means certain that the king parted with the soil over which the burgesses exercised the right of pasture.' 2 ji^nals, Vol. i. p. 46. ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY. 35 The Register of Archbishop Wittlesey (fo. 153), at Lambeth Palace, gives a full and curious account of a visitation of the Nunnery in the year 1378, made by mandate of the Archbishop during a vacancy of the See of Ely. The visitor was Thomas de Wormenhale, who about the same time visited other religious houses in the diocese, viz. Ely, Chatteris, Anglesey, Swaffham, Thorney, Barnwell and the Hospital of S. John, Cambridge. The Nunnery of S. Radegund was visited on the Saturday next following the feast of S. James the Apostle. The Prioress and sisters were separately and privately examined, and the report of the visitor exhibited the following comperta. First, it was alleged that the Prioress made the officiariae of the Nunnery discharge payments beyond what was required by the custom of their offices, and without assigning reason for such payments. The Prioress denied this article, but was nevertheless cautioned in future to explain to her officials the reasons for all expenditure required of them. Item, that the Prioress did not, as she was bound to do, find priests to celebrate for various benefactors of the Nunnery. The Prioress made reply that the means of the Nuns were not sufficient to sustain the said burdens. She was cautioned to discharge the obligations of the Nunnery in this respect as soon as the fortunes of the household would enable her to do so. Item, that the Prioress suffered the Refectory to remain without cover, so that in rainy weather the sisters were not able to take their meals there in common, as by rule they were bound to do. The Prioress answered that the Nunnery was so burdened with debts, subsidies and contributions in these times that so far she had been unable to carry out repairs, but that she would do so as soon as possible. Item, that the Prioress did not correct dame Elizabeth de Cambridge for withdrawing herself from divine service, and allowed friars of different orders, as well as scholars, to visit her at inopportune times and to converse with her, to the scandal of religion. The Prioress replied that she had frequently corrected her. She was charged in future strictly to correct and chastise her for the faults alleged. 3—2 36 ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY, Item, that the Prioress was too easily induced to give permission to the Nuns to go outside the cloister. She was cautioned not to do so in future. Item, that dame Elizabeth de Cambridge provoked discord among the sisters and often murmured against correction, and that she did not trouble to get up {non curat surgere) to attend matins, as she was bound to do. She denied the fact, and added that, supposing she had so done, she had been corrected by her Prioress. She was warned to cease from murmuring and provoking discord, and to get up for matins, whenever she coidd {cum potei'it), under pain of excommunica- tion. The Prioress mentioned in this report was Margaret Clanyle. She resigned her office in 1878. Bishop Arundel's Register at Ely (fo. 25) contains the following documents relating to this event. The Bishop's mandate to his Official, Richard le Scrop, to receive the resignation of domina Margaret Clanyle, and to certify to the Bishop what he has done. Downham, Jan. 29, 1378. Scrop's certification to the Bishop that he has admitted, approved and authorized the resignation. Cambridge, Feb. 1. The Bishop's license to the sub-prioress, Johanna de Ely, and the convent to elect a successor. Downham, Feb. 6. Process of election : ' assumptis sibi quibusdam personis secularibus, vidlt. magistris Thoma de Glocestr' et Johanne de Newton, juris peritis, d"° Willelmo Rolf, vicario ecclesie Omnium Sanctorum in Judaismo et magistro Roberto de Foxton, notario publico, pro saniori consilio in hac parte habendo,' domina Alice Pylet is unanimously elected. Feb. 17. The election is confirmed by the Bishop, Feb. 20, and publication of it made ' ad januam manerii de Downham et in capella dicti manerii.' On Dec. 10, 1389, Bishop Fordham of Ely granted indulgence of 40 days to all who should help to repair the Nuns' church and cloister and contribute to their maintenance and relief. (Fordhams' Register, fo. 10.) ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY. 37 In the Register of Archbishop Courtenay (fo. 143), under date 1389, is a letter addressed to the same Bishop of Ely, in which the Archbishop reports that in his recent metropolitical visitation of the diocese of Lincoln he found there ' a sheep wandering from the fold among thorns,' to wit, one Margaret Cailly, a professed nun of S. Radegund's monastery, who had cast off the garb of religion and in secular habit was leading a dissolute life. ' That her blood be not required at our hands ' the Archbishop sends her with the bearer of the letter to the Bishop, with an injunction that she should be restored to the Nunnery and kept there in safe custody. The Bishop in a letter to the Prioress (Reg. Fordham, fo. 11) directs that the apostate nun be committed to the eventus^, there to be kept in close confinement until she shows signs of penitence and con- trition for her 'excesses,' as the rules of her house and order require. And the Bishop further enjoins that when the said Margaret first enters the chapter-house she shall humbly ask pardon of the Prioress and all her sisters for her offences, and that she shall undergo salutary penances for her excesses, the Bishop having privately absolved her from the penalty of excommunication on the ground of her apostasy. On Sept. 19, 1401, the Priory was visited by the commis- sioners of the Archbishop of Canterbury, Thomas Arundel. The sisters were privately and separately questioned but the substance of their answers is not recorded in the Register. (Arundels' Register, fo. 492.) The Register of Bishop Fordham of Ely (Jan. 26, 1407) contains a license to the sub-prioress, Margery Harlyng, for a private oratory or chapel within the Priory. On March 18, 1457, Bishop Gray of Ely issued letters, dated from Downham, granting 40 days' indulgence to all who should lend a helping hand (' manus porrexerint adjutrices ') for the repair of the bell-tower of the Nuns' conventual church and ^ Possibly this was the conventual prison, which in some monasteries was in the gate-house, in others adjoined the Necessarium. The word is not in Ducange. 38 ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY. for the maintenance of books, vestments and other church ornaments (Register, fo. 21). The Ely Registers (Bp. Gray, fo. 140) supply a full account of the election of a Prioress in 1457 in place of Agnes Seyntelowe, who died on Sept. 8 in that year. The process of election was per for mam compromissi, and the description, in outline, is as follows. Maud Sudbury, as sub-prioress and president, informs the Bishop of the vacancy and obtains his license for the election of a successor. In the Nuns' petition to the Bishop for leave to elect it is stated that by the canons a church regular must not be vacant beyond three months ' ne pro defectu regiminis invadat gregem dominicam lupus rapax.' On Sept. 23 they elect Joan Lancastre to be sacrist, and then adjourn to Sept. 27. On that day, after mass de Sancto Spiritu, those who have jus eligendi meet and decant the 'ympn,' Veni Creator, with versicles and collects. Elizabeth Walton, succentrix, proclaims notice of the election at the door of the Priory and at the door of the chapter-house. Master Roger Ratcliffe, LL.D., Robert Bredon, notary public. Master Thomas Willis, LL.B., Ds Richard Sampson and Ds Henry Whitrate, chaplain, are called in as consilia7'ii and testes. The sisters elect as compromissarii Joan Lancastre, Eliz. Walton and Katherine Seyntelowe, cellarer, who retire to the east end of the chapterhouse with the witnesses aforesaid. E. W. and K. S. call upon J. L. to nominate; she nominates E. W.; J. L. and K. S. call upon E. W, to nominate ; she nominates J. L. E. W. and J. L. call upon K. S. to nominate ; she nominates J. L. Without any interval the compromissarii return and call upon the sisters to nominate, beginning with Maud Sudbury; she nominates J. L., as do Margaret Metham, Elena Craneswik, Emma Hore and Joan Kay. Emma Denton is nominated by Agnes Daveys, Katherine Seyntelowe by Emma Denton, Agnes Daveys by Alice Graunfeld. Eliz. Walton counts up the votes and declares that Joan Lancastre is elected. After this all the sisters, devoutly chanting Te Deum, conducted Joan Lancastre, ' renitentem licet ' to the high altar of the conventual church and there placed her, ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY. 39 prostrate on the ground before the altar. The bell was then rung and proclamation of the election was made to the public in the vulgar tongue before noon. All the sisters then con- ducted the Prioress elect to the vestibulum of the church and let her depart. At a meeting in the chapter-house in the afternoon it was agreed that Eliz. Walton and Katherine Seyntelowe should obtain the assent of Joan Lancastre to the process of election. She at first asked to be allowed to consider the matter ; ' tandem vero precibus devicta et post multas excusationes,' she consented to take the oath required of a Prioress. Next follows, Sept. 29, the Bishop's commission to Master Robert Thwait, S. T. P., to confirm the election, with mandate to the Bishop's apparitors to summon all persons objecting or otherwise concerned. In the Bishop's court Master Edmund Kunnesburgh, decretorum doctor, appears as the Nuns' counsel and claims that all has been done legally and canonically. Against whom Roger Ratclyffe and others alleged objections to the form of election. Then Master Kunnesburgh on the part of the Nuns ' exhibuit quandam peticionem summariam,' begging the Bishop's official to proceed summarily and confirm the election, which he does, affirming that nothing has been proved affecting the validity of the election. § 15. Decay and Dissolution of the Nunnery. Doubts have sometimes been suggested as to the truth of the representations made by Bishop Alcock concerning the lapsed condition, moral and material, of the Priory when he petitioned King Henry VII for license to convert it into a College; and the fact that the royal license to suppress the Hospital of S. John describes the decay of that house in terms which are almost literally repeated from Alcock's account of S. Radegund's Nunnery is perhaps calculated to throw suspicion on the credibility of both accounts. As regards Bishop Alcock's statements there is not the slightest foundation for such a suspicion. The alleged improvidence of 40 ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY. the Nuns is established in the clearest manner on their own evidence, and if for the charge of moral shortcomings there is little evidence except the Bishop's it must be allowed that he made the charge in the first instance to them directly and many years before he made up his mind to dissolve their house. All the testimony of his contemporaries and im- mediate successors gives him the character of an exceptionally single-minded and devout prelate, and he had given pointed proof a few years previously that in dealing with the abuses of a religious house he was disposed to act in a spirit of for- bearance and conservatism. In 1480, when he was Bishop of Worcester, he personally visited the Benedictine Priory of Little Malvern, the brethren of which were reported to have dissipated their revenues and to be living 'vagabond' and like laymen. The Bishop ordered the Prior to be removed and sent to the Abbey of Battle, where he had been first professed, and the four monks, who were all that remained in the house, to be transferred to Gloucester Abbey until their Priory should be reconstituted. Alcock then proceeded to refound the convent; he rebuilt the church, altering its dedication from S. Giles to S. John the Evangelist and S. Giles, repaired the monks' lodg- ing and discharged their debts. In 1482 the brethren were allowed to return and the Priory continued to exist more or less prosperously until the general dissolution, at which time it contained seven brethren besides the Prior. After this refor- mation of the Priory Bishop Alcock was regarded as its patron and founder ; its common seal bore his arms, and his figure was portrayed in the windows of the conventual church. In the absence of direct testimony an entry in the Register of Bishop Gray of Ely in the year 1461 suggests that symptoms of moral depravation began to show themselves very soon after the election of the Prioress Joan Lancastre. In that year Elizabeth Butlier, aged about 16, not having completed four years in the Nunnery and finding that she cannot serve God there with as much devotion as she wishes, obtains leave from the Bishop to transfer herself to the Nunnery of S. Helen's, London. (Register, fo. 157.) ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY. 41 The first evidence of the financial collapse of the Nuns' household appears to be the following indenture of the Prioress Elizabeth Walton, dated March 13, 1478 ; but if we are to believe the account given by the Prioress the responsibility for some part of their indebtedness belonged to her predecessors in office : 'Whereas we and our predecessors, Prioresse and Nunnes of the saide house at dyvers tymes tofore passed whan we ware destitute of money for our pore lyffing had flessche of Richerd Wodecok of Cambrigge, boucher, into the value of the summe of xxj'' of lawful money of Englond, which he for our ease many day hath forborn. And now he of his special favour and elmesse for hym and his executours hath granted unto us license for to paie unto him yeerly xix^ to tyme the said summe be fully paied and content, as right and conscience requyre. We therefore considering his benevolence and good wylle anendst us in this behalve wol and by this our presen t writyng endented graunt and have graunted unto the said Richerd Wodecok and to his executors to have and to receyve of us and our succes- sours by his awne hands yearly xix® to be taken of thissues and profites and ferme of a tenement sett and lyeng in the parissh of Seynt Andrewe in the Prechour Strete of Cambrygge abuttyng upon the Kyngs Dyche and of j other tenement lyeng in Seynt Edwards parisshe of Cambrigge abuttyng upon the Chauncell of the same chirche. Which tenements the said Richerd Wodecok hath and holdeth of us to ferme by endenture for the terme of yeeres as by severall endentures therof by us unto the same Richerd his executours and assignes made hit appareth more at large To have and to hold the said proufets issues and ferme to the value of xix'^ yeerly unto the time that the foresaid Richerd by his awne hands be satisfied and content of the said xxj^V etc. This and another indenture of the following year are the latest of the Nuns' documents which bear the large seal of the convent figured opposite p. 1. At some time between 1479 and 1485 the matrix of this seal was apparently lost or sold, for to a deed of the latter year (Joan Cambrygg, Prioress) 42 ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY. is attached the impression of a very small and poorly executed seal, representing S. Radegund crowned and standing with both arras uplifted between two upright palm branches, which in the deed is said to be the common seal of the Nunnery. More direct evidence of the pecuniary straits to which the convent was reduced in the last quarter of the 15th century is to be found in the accounts of Joan Key, who was treasurer in 1481 — 2. Her account roll, written on paper, alike in hand- writing, arithmetic and Latinity is a performance which con- trasts very unfavourably with that of her predecessor, 80 years before. The details moreover which it gives are very scant. But one thing is patent enough, viz. that the income of the Nuns had dropped from £74 odd at the earlier date to some- thing over £31 at the later. It is true that the accounts of Joan Key for some reason extend over three-quarters of the year only, but it is an awkward circumstance that in those nine months her disbursements exceeded her receipts by more than £25. Ominous too is the fact that the sale of farm produce had practically ceased to be a source of income and that the Nuns were driven to purchase barley, oats, malt, etc. A small trifle is obtained from the sale of hay, and there are a few receipts for ' commons ' of perhendinantes, boarders in the guest-house, two of them being daughters of the Nuns' benevo- lent creditor, Richard Wodecok. There is one new source of income, the charitable gifts of individuals, cleric and lay. Bishop Alcock was translated to the see of Ely early in 1486. The death of the Prioress in the following year gave him an opportunity for decisive interference in the affairs of the Nunnery. He has left a record of his proceedings there in his Register (fo. 153) from which the following extracts are translated. "On the twelfth day of October, A.D. 1487, the Bishop visited the house or monastery of the Nuns of S. Mary and S. Radegund, then destitute of a Prioress and vacant by the death of the late Prioress, Mistress Joan Cambrigge . . . and sitting in the chapter-house of the foresaid monastery, on the tribunal, delivered his decree as follows. ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY. 43 "In the name of God Amen. We, John, by divine per- mission Bishop of Ely, on the 12th day of October, visiting in our right as ordinary (jure ordinario) the nunnery of S. Mary and S. Radegund, Cambridge, destitute of the solace of a Prioress, for certain, true, just, notorious and manifest causes find all and singular the Nuns unfit and disqualified to elect their future Prioress and therefore decree that in such manner of election they are justly deprived of voice. Wherefore we take upon ourselves the task of providing from some other like religious place a fit person for the vacancy in the said Nunnery, the right of electing and providing for the same Nunnery having devolved canonically upon us, and having the fear of God before our eyes we thus proceed. "And you. Mistress Joan Fulborne, duly and lawfully pro- fessed of the order of S. Benedict and long time laudably conversant in the same, for your good religion and integrity^ sincere virginity and other merits of prudence and holy con- versation credibly reported to us we appoint and provide to be Prioress of the same house.., " And consequently, by mandate of the Bishop, the reverend Master William Robynson, bachelor in either law, conducted the same Joan Fulborne to the High Altar, while the Nuns, with others, solemnly chanted Te Deuni, and assigned to her the stall in the choir and the place in the chapter anciently and of custom appointed to the Prioress, and canonically inducted her into the same with all its rights and appurtenances." The history of the Nunnery from this year onwards to its dissolution is almost a blank. The accounts of the town treasurer for the year ending the Nativity of the Virgin, 1491, contain an entry, " In reward given the Lady Prioress of S. Radegund of Cambridge for keeping the common bull in the winter time this year, 16^^" The Prioress in question was the Joan Fulborne above-mentioned, whose name occurs in several indentures of the Nunnery, the latest of which is dated ^ Cooper's Annals, Vol. i. p. 240. 44 ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY. Aug. 6, 1493. Whether she died or retired from the Priory before the dissolution or was one of the two sisters who were the sole occupants of the Nuns' house at the time of Bishop Alcock's second visit does not appear \ It is certain that she was altogether unsuccessful in rehabilitating the character of the household committed to her charge. The Proctors in their accounts for the year 1496 mention a sum of 16*^ expended " for wine given the Bishop of Ely at the Nuns' house." The letters patent of Henry VIT. for the foundation of Jesus College, dated June 12 in the eleventh year of his reign, i.e. 1496 ^ reveal the condition of affairs reported by the Bishop to the King at the time, it would seem, of this visit. It is therein stated that the King, as well by the report of the Bishop as by public fame, is in- formed that the House or Priory of S. Radegund of the foundation and patronage of the Bishop, as in right of his church of Ely, together with all its lands, tenements, rents, possessions and buildings, and moreover the properties, goods, jewels and other ecclesiastical ornaments anciently of piety and charity given and granted to the same House or Priory, by the neglect, improvidence, extravagance and incontinence of the Prioresses and women of the said House, by reason of their proximity to the University of Cambridge, have been dilapidated, destroyed, wasted, alienated, diminished and subtracted ; in consequence of which the Nuns are reduced 1 Archbishop Parker, in the History of the University which is appended to his Antiquitates Ecclesiae Britannicae, states that Bishop Alcock ' Alexandre sexto papae retulit abbatissam sanctimonialium Eadegondae, ordinis Sancti Benedict!, baud pie casteque vixisse ; eaque decedente abbatiam ad ruinam paratam et a virginibus ordinem deserentibus desolatam fuisse, anno Domini 1496.' Apart from the error in the title of abbess Parker's whole account of the Nunnery is so inaccurate that no reliance can be placed on his evidence. 2 In Rymer's Foedera the date is given as 1497 ; the same date is given in Documents relating to the University and Toion of Cambridge (where the document is printed in full), in Caley's Monasticon, and by Cooper and most modern authorities. But the original in the College Treasury, with royal seal appended, reads beyond question ' anno regni nostri undecimo,^ i.e. 1495 — 6. This accords with Sherman's statement that Alcock began to rebuild the fabric, ' instaurare f abricam coepit, ' in the eleventh year of Henry VII. ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY. 45 to such want and poverty that they are unable to maintain and support divine services, hospitality and other such works of mercy and piety as by the primary foundation and ordin- ance of their founders are required ; that they are reduced in number to two only, of whom one is elsewhere professed, the other is of ill-fame ^ and that they can in no way provide for their own sustenance and relief, insomuch that they are fain to abandon their House and leave it in a manner desolate, John Mair, or Major, as his name was Latinized, who was resident at Christ's College for a few months in the early part of the 15th century, when the facts connected with the disso- lution were within living recollection, says that the suggestion of converting the Nunnery into a College originated with Dr Stubs. The person indicated was no doubt William Chubbes, S. T. P., the first Master of the College, whose name occurs with a variety of spellings in the earliest deeds of the College. Sherman, in his Latin History of the College, makes the statement, which has since been copied in other books about Cambridge, that by direction of the Founder the College was dedicated to the Blessed Virgin Mary, S. John the Evangelist and the glorious S. Radegund, and took its popular name of Jesus College from the conventual church which was dedicated to the Name of Jesus. For the latter part of this assertion there is not the slightest evidence. The testimony of the Nuns' muniments shows conclusively that the Nunnery, the parish and the lane were as late as the beginning of Henry VII's reign known simply by their old title of S. Hadegund's, nor is there any ground for supposing that the church itself received a fresh dedication so long as the Nunnery existed. In the preamble to the Statutes which 1 It is scarcely worth while correcting the many errors in Fuller's account of the Nunnery, hut it deserves to be mentioned that his jest, " Tradition saith that of the two [nuns] remaining one was tvith child, the other but a child," is based on the misreading of infmnis in the letters patent as infans. Godwin had made the same mistake before Fuller, and infans is the reading wrongly given in Documents relating to the University and Colleges of Cambridge. 46 ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY. Bishop Stanley of Ely gave to the College in 1514 it is stated that the church of the College is consecrated to the Name of Jesus, and that the College is erected and founded in honour of the Blessed Virgin Mary, S. John the Evangelist and S. Radegund, but that it shall be called Jesus College and the Fellows and Scholars shall be called Scholares Jesu^. A Compotus roll for the year Henry VII, 13 — 14, i.e. 1497 — 8, apparently the first of the newly founded College, exists in the College Treasury. It throws an interesting light on the financial situation inherited by the College from the Nuns, though unfortunately it gives no information as to the condition of the conventual buildings. The Nunnery indeed is not once alluded to in it, nor is there any express acknow- ledgement of the fact that the Nuns' property had passed into new hands. The computant has no arrears to account for; in the margin, opposite the heading, 'Collegium Jhu' occupies the place of ' Prioratus See Radegundis ' ; otherwise there is no recognition of the changes which had just occurred. The collector is one William Pykerell, who was a Fellow of the College soon after its foundation, but against many of the 1 There seems to have been some uncertainty at first as to the formal title of the College. In the King's letters patent it is described as ' Collegium Beatissime Marie Virginis, Sancti Johannis Evangeliste et Gloriose Virginis Sancte Eadegundis.' But in an address of the Master, William Chubbes, and Fellows to the King, of which there is a transcript in the Ely Episcopal Registers (Alcock, fol. 125), belonging apparently to the year 1497, it is called ' Collegium Jesu, Beate Marie Virginis et Sancti Johannis Evangeliste.' Popularly the College seems from the first to have been known only as Jesus College. The name Jesus Lane occurs in the town accounts of 1497 : Jesus church and Jesus parish are mentioned in documents of the early years of the 16th century, though, inconsistently enough, there is mention of the parish church of S. Eadegund in cap. 19 of Bishop Stanley's Statutes. The original College seal, of which an impression exists in the College Treasury attached to a deed temp. Henry VIII. , bears the legend, sigillvm collegii ihv : maeie ET lOHis : EVAG. CANTEBE. In its Upper portion are represented under canopies the Virgin and S. John standing on either side of the Saviour, and the base displays a shield bearing the Five Wounds. Archbishop Eotherham's foundation of Jesus College, Eotherham, dates from 1498. Eotherham was Lord Chancellor conjointly with Alcock, and appointed him executor of his wiU. He was also provost of the collegiate church of Beverley, Alcock's native town. ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY. 47 entries of receipts is set the name or initial of Griggeson, one of the original Fellows, who evidently helped in rent-collecting. Beyond payment of quit-rents, fifteenths, &c. and a few inci- dental expenses of collection there are no disbursements. There is however mention of certain sums of money, amounting in all to £9. 6s. 8d., paid to Henry Lecheman, who was another of the original Fellows. The purpose of these payments is not stated. They may have been connected with the building of the College, but the absence of fabric charges seems to show that the costs of adapting the conventual buildings to College uses were borne mainly by the Founder or his friends. There are no payments to College officials; neither Griggeson nor Lecheman is described as Fellow, and William Chubbes, who is mentioned, is not styled Master. A sum of £43. 8s. 8d. is advanced to John Ware of Fulburn for farm stock. An indenture of the same year (Henry VII, 14) shows that in consideration of this advance Ware released to the College a farm of 21 acres at Fulburn, of which the College gave him a lease for 8 years. The remaining balance, amount- ing to £25. 17s. lOfd, is retained in the hands of Pykerell and Griggeson. The entries under the head of rent receipts show that the College receivers found the Nuns' affairs in a singularly chaotic state which they had not as yet succeeded in reducing to order. There is a long list of tenements whose rent is held over for the time owing to an uncertainty as to the sum, ' eo quod feodum ignoratum est.' Nine tenements in Jesus Lane return no rent, as being vacant. The former occupants seem to have been servants employed by the Nuns. As late as the year 1511 among the inmates of the Benedictine Nunnery of Davington, Kent, at the time of its visitation by Archbishop Warham, was one Elizabeth Awdeley, who had been professed at Cambridge. As she had been resident at Davington for 20 years she must have been one of the sisters who abandoned S. Radesfund's before its dissolution ^ 1 Visitation of Archbishop Warham, by Miss M. Bateson in English Historical Review, Vol. vi. p. 27. 48 ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY. § 16. Radegund Manor. Oarlick Fair. Radegund Tithes. The name and memory of the Nuns' house were still perpetuated at the beginning of the present century in the manor of S. Radegund and the Radegund tithes, and with the former was still associated another survival of Nunnery days, the fair on the festival of the Assumption. The manor and the fair have long since passed away : the tithe, attenuated into a formal payment of insignificant amount, still exists. All three institutions in their origin were rooted in the beginnings of the Nunnery, and I have thought it on that account worth while to put together here the few noteworthy facts concerning them which I have been able to discover. The manor of S. Radegund consisted of the old demesne lands of the Nuns, and generally its boundaries coincided with those of S. Radegund parish, but it did not include the dwelling-houses in Jesus Lane. As the Nuns did not let it to tenants it was not styled a manor in their time, nor was there on it any dwelling of the nature of a manor-house. The old manor-house of S. Radegund, which stood nearly on the site of the present All Saints' vicarage, was destroyed in 1831. Its last tenant was the Rev. Isaac Leathes, a former Fellow of the College, who parted with the remainder of his lease of the manor to the College in Dec. 1830. To his descendant, the Rev. Prof. Stanley Leathes, now an Honorary Fellow of Jesus College, I am indebted for the loan of a water-colour sketch of the house, taken from the north, of which the engraving opposite is a reproduction. An aged servant of the College, recently deceased, who well remembered the old manor-house, de- scribed it to me as being, just before its demolition, in a dilapidated state, and the garden as a wilderness. Near the end of the grounds where Manor Street has since been built the same authority told me that there was a handsome fountain. The two projecting wings of the house are shown in the sketch to be red brick ; the central portion was apparently stuccoed. c-«^ ,/,;: ~-h M,- -iV^ i^rr-,, .ssrgffl j :«*:!* ^^, .b":i l;^:i ;^^^ J ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY. 49 In the first College lease book there is a transcript of a lease of the manor, dated 1555, in which -it is stated that the manor-house had then been newly built by Mr Edmund Perpoynte, Master of the College, at his own charge, amounting to £400\ It took the place of an older house which recently had been 'utterly burnt by casualtie of fire.' All the dominical lands were included in this lease with these ex- ceptions — the ground enclosed within mud walls, commonly called the churchyard, all woods and underwoods, the inner court, the Master's and Fellows' gardens, and the close at the west side of the school house, i.e. the western part of the present Fellows' garden. As the ground occupied by the entrance court of the College was not excepted it is probable that the farm buildings in the Nuns' curia were still standing and in use, or others in their place. Except the gatehouse and school adjoining it no College buildings stood there. The fair on the festival of the Assumption of the Virgin Mary was granted to the Nuns by charter of King Stephen. This charter is not now extant, but the fact is recorded in the Hundred Rolls I The circumstance that the fair was held on the vigil and feast of the Assumption, i.e. August 14 and 15, seems to indicate, as already stated, that the Nunnery church was originally dedicated to S. Mary, but it is to be noted that Aug. 14 was also the day on which S. Radegund was com- memorated. A third day was added to the duration of the fair by charter of Henry VI., dated the sixteenth year of his reign (Charters, 9). The name Garlick Fair, by which it was generally known in its last days, occurs first in an entry in the Bursar's accounts for 1577-8. 1 Bentham, History of Ely, Appendix, p. 46, mentions that in a window of the manor-house, in the year 1744, were blazoned the arms of Bishop Goodrich of Ely. Goodrich was Fellow of Jesus in 1510, and Bishop of Ely 1534 — 1554. 2 H. R. II. p. 359, 'Item predicte Priorissa et Moniales habent quan- dam feriam ad festum Asnmpcionis Beate Marie Virginis duraturam per duos dies, sc. in vigilia Asumpcionis Beate Marie cum die sequent! quam quidem feriam habent ex concessioue Stephani quondam Eegis Anglie per cartam quam habent de Rege predicto.' C. A. S. Octavo Series. 4 50 ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY. " for ledding ij payns in the sowth wyndowe there {i.e. in the chapel) next to the garUcke fayre closse, &c., iijs. vjo?." The close here referred to and otherwise known as ' the churchyard ' occupied the position of the eastern portion of what is now the Master's garden, on the southern side of the chapel. It was entered by gates opening on Jesus Lane. In the Nuns' accounts for 1449-50 there is a charge of 12d. for a lock and key for these gates ('pro portis vocatis feyregates'). They stood on the site of the still existing wooden door on the western side of the iron gates through which the new approach from Jesus Lane to the Chapel Court is entered. As late as 1803 this gate was described by the then Bursar as ' Garlic Fair Gate.' The churchyard was enclosed with mud walls dividing it on one side from the Master's garden, on the other from the 'Master's close,' or 'pond yard.' Probably the fair had been held there from the first, but after the inclusion of the site in the Master's garden it seems to have been trans- ferred to the western margin of the College close, adjoining the King's Ditch, where it gave its name to Garlic Fair Lane, now Park Street. As a trade mart the fair seems never to have had any importance. Though the Nuns and, after them, the College in its earlier days were considerable buyers at both Midsummer and Sturbridge fairs, and on occasions even resorted to S. Audrey's fair at Ely, they seem never to have marketed at the fair which was held in their own grounds. The tolls received by the Nuns in 1449-50 amounted only to 5s. 2<^., and in the following year to 55. In the earlier year the toll collectors received 6d as wage ; a cook hired to help in the kitchen at the fair time also received 3d In the 16th and earlier part of the l7th century the profits of the fair, including ' waifFs and stray thes,' were regularly included in the lease of the manor. After 1635 there appears in the accounts an annual entry of £1 received as profits of the fair, which, with not unfrequent omissions in the later years, continues until 1709, after which it ceases \ But until 1838, when the manor- 1 In the College Eegister, July 16, 1642, occurs an entry, ' Eogerus Har- ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY. 51 house was destroyed and the close thenceforth let on an annual tenancy, in every lease of the manor there was a covenant that the College 'shall have liberty to keep a fair within and over the close, or such part thereof as hath been used for that purpose, on the feast day of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary yearly, or at such other time or times as it may keep the same.' The fair seems to have been still in existence at the beginning of the present century, about which time Bowtell writes (MSS. pp. 205—11), ' On the 14th, 15th and 16th August this Fair is still constantly observed by the Inhabitants of Jesus Lane, who claim it as a Privilege belonging peculiarly to their Situation and invite Strangers to partake of their Festivity in strong ale and cheerless (sic) Frumenty. But these Meetings are now attended with far less Rejoicings than they were formerly, when Minstrels and Musicians were engaged to heighten the celebration,' &c. The New Cambridge Guide, published in 1809, speaks ambiguously of its existence at that date. ' There was formerly another festival, called Oarlick Fair, celebrated here; which was granted by Henry VI. to the Nuns of St Radegund, and held in Jesus Lane, on the 14th of August and two following days ; but this is now nearly abolished.' The Radegund tithes were commonly leased by the College to the tenant of the manor. Like the tithes of all the Cambridge churches they were drawn from the common fields of the town. These fields, tilled by the possessors on the open field system, extended on all sides round the town as far as the borough limits. The fields on the north and west sides of the town were collectively known as Cambridge fields, and on their inner side were bounded by a watercourse extending from Queens' Green to the Bin Brook, and from thence by the Bin Brook to its junction with the river. The fields on the south and east sides of the town were anciently known as Barnwell fields ; their inner boundary coincided generally with the course of the King's Ditch from the point where it leaves the rison constitutus est Ballivus noster pro Garlicke faire hoc anno 1642.' No other appointment by the College of a bailiff for the fair is recorded. 4—2 52 ANNALS OF THE NUNNERY. river at the King's Mill to the place where it rejoins it at the angle of Jesus Green. The Cambridge and the Barnwell fields were to the last cultivated as distinct, and separate Acts of Parliament were required for their enclosure, the former in 1802, the latter in 1807. Both Acts contained provisions for making allotments in lieu of tithes, but the great tithes belonging to Jesus College in the Barnwell fields were specially retained in the Act of 1807, and, as ' Radegund tithes,' exist at the present day. The tithes of Cambridge fields were known as the tithes of S. Giles and the tithes of S. Rade- gund, the former apparently including the parishes of S. Giles, S. Peter and All Saints next the Castle, the churches of which were appropriated to S. Giles' Priory, Barnwell, while the latter would represent the tithes of S. Clement's, which belonged to the almoner of S. Radegund's Priory. The tithes of Barnwell fields on the other hand belonged exclusively to the southern parishes. The old tithe books show that they belonged to the churches of S. Andrew the Great, S. Mary next the Market, S. Mary the Less, S. Bene't and the Holy Trinity, to the almoner of Barnwell Priory, as impropriator of S. Ed- ward's, S. Sepulchre's, S. John's and S. Botolph's, and to S. Radegund's Nunnery, in right, no doubt, of All Saints' Church in Jewry. In a printed report of an action (Anderson v. Broadbelt) which took place in 1816, with respect to the right of Jesus College to the Radegund tithe in Barnwell fields, it is stated that 'the Inhabitants of All Saints' parish in perambu- lating their boundaries had uniformly included the fields of Barnwell in consequence of their right to the Rates on those Tithes.' ENTRANCE COURT A. Lutriiia. K. Camera of Prioress. B. Well. L. 'The Entry'. C. ? Novices' Dortev on up] jer floor. M. ? Cheker of Cellaress. D. 'The Cloister end'. N. 'The Cook's Chamber'. E. Dark Entry. 0. Finceriia. F. ? Calefactory. V. Kitchen. G. ? Vestry. Q- ? Guest Hall of Prioress H. Sacristan's chamber. B. Outer Gates. J. Vestibule. S. ? Almonry. mtmm Existing Walls and Foundations. V/M//mA H IJotnetical. Fig. III. Plan of the Nunneky Buildings. To face iHuje o3. BUILDINGS OF THE NUNNERY. 53 THE BUILDINGS OF THE NUNNERY. The scope of the Arcliitectaral History in the chapters dealing with Jesus College, except in the case of the Chapel, does not include any detailed account of the Nunnery build- ings. Though such an account was outside the plan adopted by the authors in the case of other colleges it is matter for much regret that Professor Willis left no notes for the treat- ment of this subject, on which he could have written with the authority of a master. In the preamble to the Statutes of Nicholas West, Bishop of Ely 1515-1533, the statement is made that the College was ' paene ab ipsis fundamentis noviter aedificatura et construc- tum ' by the Founder himself Apparently the construction to be put upon the words ' noviter aedificatum ' is that from the ground-floor upwards Alcock reconstructed the Nuns' buildings in such a way as to give them the appearance of being new ; unless the expression is inaccurate it cannot mean that a new fabric was raised on the old foundations. The former, at least, is the only interpretation which can be reconciled with what is known of Alcock's operations in the case of the Chapel; it corresponds equally with the facts brought to light b}^ recent discoveries connected with the domestic buildings occupying Nunnery sites. It is probable enough, though the fact is not stated in the royal letters patent, that the Nuns left their dwellings in such a state of disrepair as to be scarcely habitable; that was an incident common to college as well as monastic buildings, and as late as the reign of Edward VI. the Bursars' accounts show that a considerable number of chambers were unoccupied 'per defectum reparacionis.' But the poverty and neglect of a quarter of a century which, no doubt, had made havock of thatched roofs and stud-par- titions could have had little effect on the outward walls of 54 BUILDINGS OF THE NUNNERY. solid clunch, which, under a facing of later brick, still testify to the durability of the work of the Nunnery builders, and Alcock had too much practical skill to destroy buildings which could easily be adapted to the needs of a college, and harmonized to 15th century fashions in architecture. In the Refectory, in the whole of the ranges occupying the eastern and western sides of the cloister, and in their prolongations northwards into the third or kitchen court the walls of the Nunnery still rise to their original height. Alcock, or the builders who succeeded him, cased them with brick, and, as a third storey was added to the two in which the Nunnery for the most part was contained, it was necessary to heighten the whole structure with a few feet of brickwork. A fiat roof having been substituted on the chapel for one of high pitch the opportunity was taken of bringing the roofs of all the build- ings which surround the cloister to a uniform level. In interior arrangement Alcock worked with a somewhat freer hand, but with some help from documentary evidence it is not difficult beneath his alterations and those of later times to trace the plan of the Nunnery and to locate its principal parts. The documents which serve this purpose are : (1) The accounts of the Nunnery Treasuresses, printed on pp. 145-178. (2) The statutes of Bishop Stanley (circa 1514), which contain some interesting details as to the chambers assigned to the various inmates of the College. (3) The College Bursars' accounts. The earliest volume of the Bursars' accounts dates from 1557, from which year they are continued in uninterrupted succession to the present time. The authors of the Archi- tectural History have largely availed themselves of the materials contained in these volumes. They do not appear to have been acquainted with the existence of a series of Bursars' Computus rolls, some on vellum, others on paper, beginning with the year 1534-1535, and continuing thence to 1548-1549. Unlike the later accounts these rolls are BUILDINGS OF THE NUNNERY. 55 written in Latin and contain no details of expenditure on repairs and building. But for our purpose they have a special importance in that they contain a complete "Rental of the chambers in the College, specifying their locality and mention- ing, besides the camerae of the Fellows and students, the offices of the College which were not subject to rent. The apartments which they enumerate are those occupying the four sides of the cloister-court, together with those contained in the building which continues the eastern cloister range at the east end of the Hall and into the third court, and the Kitchen range at the west end of the Hall. The chambers allotted to the Master are not stated in detail, and there is no mention of any buildings in the entrance court, except on its eastern side. It is unfortunate that the Nunnery accounts give us hardly any information which will help us to realise the appearance, or determine the situation, of the various monastic offices. Besides the church the only buildings mentioned in them are the Refectory, the Aula (i.e. the Guest or Cellarer's Hall), the chamber over the outer gates, the Hospicium (a general term for all the buildings external to the cloister — brewing and candle-making were carried on there), the Latrina, the Kitchen, the Cow-house, the Malt-kiln, the Garner (Orreum) and the Barn (Granatorium). The Infirmary and Chapter-house are referred to in several deeds. Of the Dorter, the Parlour, the Warming-house, the Sacristy and the Lodging of the Prioress the Nunnery documents make no mention. Before proceeding to the buildings grouped about the cloister we may in few words say all that is known of the outer yard or curia of the Nunnery. With the authors of the Architectural History we may fairly certainly assume that it occupied the position of the entrance court of the College. The accounts for the year 1449-50 mention certain ' magnas portas exteriores' with a building (domus) adjoining them, which in that year was thatched with sedge. In the following year's accounts is an item for reeds for the repair of the chamber * desuper portas exteriores huius monasterii.' As there seems 56 BUILDINGS OF THE NUNNERY. to have been only a single chamber above these gates it would appear that the entrance was not marked by any tower, and resembled the gateways of the older colleges, such as Pembroke and Corpus'. The Gatehouse no doubt occupied the position of the present Gate-tower, and was approached from the road by the passage which is now known as 'the Chimney^.' This passage served also as an approach to the door at the west end of the Nave, which was the entrance to the Church for the parishioners. On its east side was the churchyard. On the west side of the gate in the earliest College days existed a small building of two storeys (plan, S) which was the grammar-school, founded by the Lady Katherine, widow of Sir Reginald Bray. Sherman states that the school-house was built by the latter ; but as the deeds relating to the foundation do not state the fact it must be regarded as to some extent doubtful. Possibly Sir Reginald Bray merely adapted one of the Nunnery buildings, perhaps the Almonry, for the purpose. On the east side of the Gate Tower is a wing of the Lodge, containing the dining-room on the ground floor (plan, Q). The Statutes of Bishop Stanley show that this wing was occupied by the Master in the first years of the existence of the College. During alterations to the Lodge which were carried out in the course of the year 1886 two window arches were discovered on the inner side of the northern wall of the dining-room (plan, k, k'). They were narrow and lofty, the crown reaching two or three feet above the ceiling. Unfor- tunately they were covered before any notes or drawings were made of them, but it is sufficiently clear that they must have been blocked early in the 16th century, as three windows of that date have been inserted in the wall. The loftiness of the apartment which they lighted shows that it must have been one of some dignity, and its contiguity to the Lodging of the Prioress suggests that it may have been the Guest Hall of the 1 See Arch. Hist. Vol. in. p. 283. 2 If there were any evidence for the antiquity of the name it might be conjectured that it was descended from the L.-L. chiminum, a road; but it does not occur in the Bm'sars' books before last century. BUILDINGS OF THE NUNNERY. 57 Prioress. At the N.W. corner of this room is a blocked doorway opening on the passage under the Gate-tower. In the Statutes of Bishop West (chap. 10) it is provided that the Master's servant shall act as exceptor or janitor. A correspond- ing arrangement may have existed in the Nunnery : it is at least noteworthy that Jesus is the only Cambridge College in which the Lodge adjoins the Gate. The Bursars' Rentals already mentioned always begin their enumeration of the College chambers with those which are described as being in 'le North Corner Claustri desuper le Coolehouse.' Next follow those at the east end of the Hall and on the east side of the cloister-court, and then successively those on the south side of the cloister, ' next the west end of the Church,' and those on its west and north sides. There is no mention of staircases, but the rooms are distinguished in the order ' lower,' ' middle ' and ' upper.' Each chamber may be readily localized, as there has been practically little altera- tion of the internal arrangement of this part of the College since the first half of the 16th century. The ' North Corner ' of the cloister mentioned in the Bursars' Rolls is manifestly that portion of the range on the E. side of the cloister which is continued on the N. side of the Hall, and is now known as staircase K. At the extremity of this range, next the modern (1822) building which continues it northwards, there is a low wooden door on the ground-level, which opens on a flight of steps descending about 4 ft. 6 in. below the present ground-surface outside. Descending these steps we find ourselves in what resembles a narrow passage (plan, A), flanked on either side by clunch walls about 4 ft. apart and closed at its further end by the E. wall of the range. The floor of the adjoining rooms on the first floor of staircase K is carried across the passage, so that those rooms are larger than those below them by the space contained between the walls. The wall opposite the door of entrance is pierced by a very small aperture at the height of 12 ft. from the ground on the inner side. From the parallel walls spring the remains of ■ ancient brick arches which have formerly spanned the vault. 58 BUILDINGS OF THE NUNNERY. In this hardly altered relic of the Nunnery it is easy to recognise the conventual latrina mentioned in the accounts of 1450-1451. It continued to be used for the same purpose at least as late as 1567-8. In the accounts of that year it is distinguished as ' the olde privye ' from a new ' howse of office ' which was then being built in the same quarter of the College \ The floor of the latrina consists of natural gravel, almost undisturbed. The channel of which it was the bed was con- ducted from the fons often mentioned in the Nuns' accounts. This fo7is, which furnished the water supply of the Nunnery, is still represented by a disused pump on the N. side of the Hall (plan, B), which gave its name to the ' Pump Court,' as the third court of the College was till recently called. From this fons, which perhaps was an open trough or cistern, an open channel, called in the accounts of 1572-3 'y® kytching sinke ditche,' or 'the Bog-house ditch' (1650-1), traversed the court in the direction of the latrina. In the accounts for 1708-9 are charges for 'covering in y® drayn from y^ kitchen and pump.' Beyond the latrina the ditch passed into a 'pit' or ' pond.' As the latrina in monasteries adjoined the Dorter it is fairly certain that the latter was contained in the range of which the latrina and the N. transept of the Church are the extremities. Like all monastic dormitories it was on the upper floor, and was probably divided in the manner described in the Rites of Durham by transverse partitions of wainscote into a double row of chambers, each lighted by a window in the wall adjoining. In the staircase in the N.E. angle of the cloister may be seen a wall recess which appears to mark the position of one of these windows, consisting of a single narrow light (plan, a). 1 As there were two distinct sets of shafts descending to the ditch from the closets above, one set in front of the other, Kke those found in medieval buildings of more than two storeys, it would appear that there were two upper storeys of closets, and that consequently the E. range of the cloister to which these closets formed the termination was, in this part at least, arranged in three storeys. The clunch wall at the N. is carried up to the present roof. BUILDINGS OF THE NUNNERY. 59 The Dorter seems to have extended over the Chapter-house, but not so far as to the gable-wall of the N. transept. The surmise of the authors of the Architectural History that the Nuns had an access from the Dorter to the transept by the circular staircase, or ' vice,' in the N.E. angle of the latter is devoid of foundation. The unaltered wall on the Dorter side of this ' vice ' shows no trace of a doorway, and the narrow and dark stair would be a most inconvenient means of entei'- ing the church. There is indeed in the N.W. angle of the transept a door, now blocked (plan, b), which may very likely have admitted the Nuns from the Dorter without the neces- sity of passing through the cloister. But, as at first designed, the Dorter clearly did not abut on the transept. The cills of the triplet of Norman windows in this wall are at such a height as to make it clear that there was no building next it on the level of the upper floor. As moreover the ' vice ' has a narrow aperture in the same wall, above the first floor level, designed to light the stairs, it can only have had a ground-floor building next it on the N. side. This building (plan, G) probably contained a staircase descending from the Dorter to the transept door\ At its N. end the Nuns' Dorter must have been closed by the wall which extends the line of the N. wall of the Hall. This is now the only transverse wall of solid masonry in the range, and unquestionably is of Nunnery date. But it is only on the ground floor that it appears as a continuous wall of clunch. On the upper floors the portion of it nearest the Hall, 10 feet in breadth, is merely a stud-partition with a thin clunch wall on the ground floor below ; in the eastern portion the thicker clunch continues to the full height of the Dorter. Here the Nunnery arrangement seems to be practically unaltered. The space next to the E. wall of the 1 The clunch wall of the cloister between the Chapter House and the N. transept was stripped of its plaster in 1894, and was seen to consist of rough materials of all kinds, including a half-worked Norman capital. It bore no trace of either door or window. But there was nothing to show that the exposed face was more than a refacing of post-Nunnery date. 60 BUILDINGS OF THE NUNNERY. Refectory, having no windows to light it, was perhaps not used for sleeping chambers, and served as a passage to the latrina and the room next the Dorter on its N. side (plan, C). This room, if the usual monastic arrangement was followed, may have been the Dorter of the Novices. Above it, as already shown, there was a room on the second floor. The arrangement indicated above remained very little altered in the 16th century, as is shown by documentary evidence of that date. I shall not apologise for quoting this evidence, as in interesting details it illustrates the continuity of collegiate with monastic life which was, perhaps is, a feature distinguishing Jesus from other Cambridge colleges. The existence of a chamber of more than ordinary im- portance, next to the latrina, is indicated by cap. 28 of Bishop Stanley's Statutes. This statute, which gives par- ticular directions as to the assignment of chambers in the College, contains the following clause : "Omnes camerae (exceptis tribus de principalioribus, camera videlicet ex parte boreali summi Altaris, camera ad occidentalem partem Aulae quam modo M"^ Fitzherbert iuhabitat et camera proxima communem latrinam quam modo M^' Ogle tenet quas volumus pro venerabilioribus personis ad Collegium nostrum praedictum confluentibus custodiri) nisi alias magistro placuerit, praefatis sociis, perhendinantibus et scholaribus per praefatum magistrum distribuantur." As regards the last of the chambers indicated, that, namely, which adjoined the latrina, the directions of tlie statute seem generally to have been observed in the 16th century. During the years 1544-1550 it was occupied by a certain Mr Badcocke, who is probably to be identified with John Badcocke, the last prior of Barnwell, who surrendered his house to the crown in 1538 and was subsequently incum- bent of S. Andrew's the Less, Barnwell^ In 1572 it was occupied by Lord Wharton, and in 1576-9 by Bancroft, after- wards Archbishop of Canterbury, who, though distinguished as a tutor, and, as a continuator of Sherman's Historia observes, ^ Cooper, Athenae Cantab., Vol. i. p. 219. BUILDINGS OF THE NUNNERY. 61 ' potestate plane magistrali pollens/ was never a Fellow of the College. The Bursars' Rentals of 1535-1550 show certain circumstances connected with this guest-chanaber which dis- tinguish it from other rooms in the College. As a matter of fact it consisted of two chambers, on the middle and upper floor respectively, and the tenant also sometimes rented the coal-house below them. Each of the chambers is called a ' half-chamber ' {medietas camerae), but, as the tenant paid for each the same rent as other tenants on the same floors, it would seem that the half-chambers were not inferior in size to ordinary College chambers. The explanation of the designation ' half-chamber ' seems to lie in the fact that a portion of the middle and upper floor-space was required for the passage connecting this quarter of the College with the rooms in the upper floors of the eastern cloister-range. This passage, here about 8 feet wide, is still to be distinguished in the gyp-rooms of the four upper chambers at the N. end of the range, which, unlike those on the lower floor, are of substantial masonry. The passage on the second floor was entered from the chamber, now a lumber-room, at the E. end of the Hall through a wooden doorcase, of 16th century design, set in the stud-wall already mentioned as continuing the N. wall of the Hall. This stud-wall apparently did not exist in the Nunnery or early College days, for in the angle next the oriel of the Hall there was formerly, on each of the upper floors a window, the upper one of smaller size, so splayed as to light the dark portion of the passage extend- ing along the E. wall of the HalP. At the end of this passage, on the top floor and over the latrina, there is a very small chamber, approached through a stone door-case and lighted from the third court by a diminutive window. Its 1 These windows now exist only as cupboard recesses on the inner side of the wall. But externally they may be recognized by the brick which has been used for blocking them being of a diiferent colour from the rest of the wall. In the highest storey of the building next the W. end of the Hall there is still a passage which leads from the N. wall of the range, over the kitchen as far as the N.W. angle of the cloister-court, and in the N. and S. ends of the gable wall of the Hall there are small windows splayed in the manner above described. 62 BUILDINGS OF THE NUNNERY. position and dimensions sufficiently prove it to have been a necessarium. Apart from the convenience of a covered approach to the latrina, the passage was rendered necessary by the fact that the gate leading from the Nuns' cloister to the third court was always locked at night. The frequent mention in the Bursars' accounts of purchases of keys and repairs to the lock of the " cloisters gate " seems to show that in the earlier College period no egress was permitted at night beyond the cloister-court. The description in the Bursars' Rolls of this quarter of the College as the ' North Corner Claustri ' is an indication of the fact, otherwise established by entries in the Audit books, that a cloister-walk existed here in the 16th century, as, no doubt, had been the case in Nunnery times. The Audit books call this 'the cloister end,' and it adjoined 'the vvoodyard*,' It was otherwise described as a 'lane' or! ' gallery V both of which words were once used to denote a cloister- walk I This external cloister was an extension of the eastern walk of the cloister-quadrangle, with which it communicated by a passage under the dais of the Hall (i.e. the Refectory), an arrangement common in monasteries. This passage remained in use at least as late as 1648-9, when it was known as the ' Dark Entry^,' the name which was 1 Accounts 1572-3 : ' To Barraker slatinge in the woodyarde over the cloister ende going up to my lord Wharton's chamber... mending the foundations- of the cloisters on the outside towards the inner corte and mending the founda- tion of the wall in the entrie going up to my lord Wharton's chamber,' &c. 2 Accounts 1567-8: 'Barnes bill for...underpinninge the walles of the lane going to the house of office and for tiling,' &c. Same year: 'Imprimis vij dales before Whitsondaie when Thomas Gallant wrought pulling down the slate of the gallerie and the walle goinge to the walle of the olde howse of office,' &c. In 1576-7 mention occurs of 'y" Layne going down to y® Bo- cardes.' ' Bocardo,' 'the Bocardes,' a euphemistic Italianization of the vernacular 'bogard,' occurs often in the accounts. Dr Murray's Dictionary does not recognize the word ' Bocardo ' except in the more familiar sense of 'prison.' But the last passage quoted s. i\ in Halliwell and Nare's Glossary makes the other meaning plain. ^ See Architectural History, Vol. iii. p. 338. ■* Accounts 1648 — 9 : ' For two lattises for y" window in y'= dark entry, 6^' BUILDINGS OF THE NUNNERY. 63 given at Canterbury to the covered way which led under the Dorter from the Great Cloister to the Infirmary. It was entered from the cloister quadrangle through a door-case which now gives access to the staircase in the N.E. angle of the court. This staircase is called in the Bursars' accounts of last century ' the Parlour staircase ' from the circumstance that it then gave access to the Combination Room through a door, now blocked, on the first floor. It is generally known in College as ' Cow Lane.' The latter name was given to a passage next the Porter's lodge in the Old Court of King's College. Perhaps it was originally applied to the Dark Entry, which was entered from the cloister through the same door- way as the staircase, 'lane' being, as already stated, one of the names by which the passage to the 'house of ofiice' was known. A more modern door under the oriel of the Hall marks the exit of the Dark Entry on the outer side. The clunch walls flanking the passage still remain in the Buttery beneath the Hall, though the central portion of each has been removed in order to give uninterrupted communication with the cellar beyond, and the passage has been blocked by recent walls at either end. The room on the E. side of the Dark Entry (plan, F), now a cellar, was entered from it by a door of which traces remain in the clunch wall. In the early part of the 16th century this room, as well as the Combination Room and garret above it, was occupied as an ordinary college-chamber. The present floor of the cellar is three feet lower than the pavement of the cloister walk, but its original level was higher, as is shown by the position in the E. wall of a window, now blocked, and in the N. wall of a fireplace. The latter has a nearly flat arch plainly chamfered in the clunch : on its eastern side is a small locker. We may conjecture that this room was the Nuns' Common House or Calefactory. On the inner side of the E. wall of the cloister, directly facing the northern walk, there may be seen a wide and plainly chamfered arch of stone (plan, c). Its crown has been cut away to make the window looking into the cloister. If 64 BUILDINGS OF THE NUNNERY. the S. wall of the room which we conjecture to have been the Common House was in line with the S. wall of the Refectory, there can only have been space between it and the Chapter House for a passage. It seems probable, there- fore, that this archway was the entrance to the passage from the cloister to the Garden and the Cemetery. The burial- ground of the Nuns was pretty certainly at the N.E. end of the Church, that of the parish at the S.E. end; human remains were dug up on the former site in 1884, and on the latter in the years 1848-50. The circumstances which led to the remarkable discovery in April 1893 of the beautiful arcade which was the cloister- front of the Chapter House need not here be detailed. Sub- sequent excavations carried on in July 1894 brought to light the lower courses of the walls of the eastern portion of the Chapter House projecting into the Chapel Court. These ex- cavations showed that the Chapter House measured 37 feet by 25 feet. At the N.E. and S.E. angles there was a pair of buttresses of slight projection which showed that the building was of early 13th century date. Running along the eastern wall on its inner side was a stone bench. The whole of the west end was occupied by three arches, the middle one forming a doorway, and those at the sides containing each a window of two lights with a quatrefoil above. The arches and tracery spring from rich clusters of detached shafts, most of the capi- tals of which are carved with foliage, while a few are moulded. Two capitals in the northernmost pier are remarkable. They themselves are finished, but their design would seem to have been suggested by an unfinished carved capital. One of the annulets which divide the longer shafts broke at some time, and a continuous shaft was substituted for the two lengths. It will be noticed that there was no door in the entrance, and no shutters or glass in the windows. During the exca- vations at the east end there were found a number of frag- ments of lancet windows divided by small shafts. These are of the same period as the other remains of the Chapter House, and it is probable that they are parts of the eastern window. BUILDINGS OF THE NUNNERY. 65 They are now preserved on the floor within the entrance. A low stone bench (plan, d) extends along the cloister wall from the Chapter House towards the north transept. A tombstone with floriated cross, possibly not in its original position, lies before the entrance ; the partial excavation of the site brought to light no tombstones within the Chapter House. The existing portions of the conventual church have been so fully described by Professor Willis^ that it is sufficient here to record the few facts which have been discovered since he wrote. The statute of Bishop Stanley quoted on p. 60 mentions a chamber on the northern side of the High Altar which was set apart for the use of distinguished guests of the College. In the summer of 1894 the foundations of a small building were discovered on the north side of the presbytery (plan, H). This building was of the same width as the adjoining choir-aisle and in length extended from the east end of the latter to the east end of the presbytery. Whether it communicated with the aisle or not it is impossible to say, for the old aisle was de- stroyed by Alcock : but it seems to have been entered from the presbytery by a door now blocked (plan, e). The building was clearly of two storeys, for there is a small loop-hole or squint high up in the presbytery wall, which was so directed that the light before the High Altar could be seen from the upper storey (plan, /). Probably this upper room was the Sacristan's chamber. It must obviously have blocked up the lower parts of the lancet windows in the north wall of the presbytery I The discovery of a Norman arcade on the western wall of the north transept in the summer of 1882 is briefly alluded to in the Appendix to the second volume of the Architectural History and is more fully detailed in a communication to the Antiquarian Society by Mr W. M. Fawcett, M.A.' 1 Architectural History, ii. pp. 122 — 141. 2 It may here be mentioned that previously to 1828 only four lancet windows were open on the north side of the presbytery, corresponding to the four in the opposite wall. The fifth lancet on the north side, and the blind half- arch next it, were discovered in that year by the Eev. G. Green, M.A., Dean. '^ Communications, xxv. p. Ixxxvi. G. A. S. Octavo Series. 5 66 BUILDINGS OF THE NUNNERY, There is good reason for believing that the choir of the Nuns' church extended into the nave, and even that the present west wall of the Chapel stands in the position, if it be not the actual structure, of the wall which divided the conven- tual from the parochial part of the church. An early deed (Charters, 220 c) grants a rent of eight shillings 'for mainte- nance of a lamp in the choir of the nuns, wheresoever their choir shall be,' words which imply that the ritual choir was not limited to the chancel. Alcock's screen, on the other hand, if we may judge from the mention in the Audit accounts for 1560 — 1 of a 'barre at the chansell dore,' would seem to have occupied the position of the present one. The view that the Nuns' choir-screen was near the western end of the Chapel perhaps derives some support from the fact that in digging for the supports of the new organ gallery in 1888 a large earthen- ware vessel, 13 inches in height, was discovered a few inches below the pavement. It was empty and may have served as a 'resonator,' such as in the middle ages were sometimes placed under organs and stalls, e.g. at Fountains Abbey. The hope expressed by the authors of the Architectural History (vol. II, p. 128) that a fine western door might at some time be discovered in the western wall of the old nave received a fulfilment, unfortunately only partial, in the year 1886, when the lower portion of the northern jamb of this door was dis- covered during alterations to the Master's Lodge. The remains disclosed showed that the jambs had been filled with clusters of detached shafts of the 13th century, like those in the entrance to the Chapter House. At the same time remains of some of the northern piers of the nave were found embedded in a wall of Alcock's work^ Inspection of the plan will show that the westernmost pier (plan, g) of the northern arcade of the nave is not, like the corresponding one on the opposite side, placed against the western wall of the church, but slightly advanced to the east. 1 Mr J. W. Clark has kindly furnished me with a plan (made in 1886) showing these discoveries and the arrangement of the west end of the church. This I have employed in drawing the plan opposite p. 53, BUILDINGS OF THE NUNNERY. 67 Between this pier (g) and the western wall there seems to have been a doorway. Previous to the alterations which took place in this part of the Master's Lodge in 1886 the wall at the N.W. angle of the old nave was pierced on the ground-floor by a door which opened on a rectangular area (plan, J) containing a staircase which ascended to the first-floor rooms. The walls enclosing this area were of solid character and were carried to the full height of the building. That on its north side is a prolongation of the north aisle wall ; that on the west is similarly an extension of the exterior wall of the western cloister-range and is parallel in direction with the western front of the church. Now the buildings which surround the cloister are all disposed in an exactly rectangular fashion ; but the angle which the west cloister range makes with the south range of the entrance-court is not a right angle. It seems not improbable that the Nuns' gate-house was originally detached from the cloister-range. The hypothesis that the range con- necting them was erected at a later date accounts for the unsymmetrical plan of the dining-room of the Lodge (plan, Q) the east and west walls of which are not parallel. The east wall of the dining-room was, on this supposition, once the external wall of a small tower-like structure projecting from the church at its N.W. angle. Loggan's view of the S. front shows just such a projection from the wing which contained the old nave. Like that wing it contained three storeys, whereas the wing between it and the gateway has only two. Further proof of the original connection of this quasi-tower with the church is seen in the fact that the battlements over the present nave and the part of the old nave now converted into domestic buildings, as shown by Loggan, are continued round the south and west sides of this projection. These battlements, we know, were the work of Sir John Rysley, who died in 1511 \ Between 1718 and 1720 the wing of the Lodge next the gate was heightened by the addition of another storey, 1 Commemoration Book : " Sir John Eysley covered the Cloisters with timber and lead and completed the Eoof and Battlements at the West End of the Church." 5—2 68 BUILDINGS OF THE NUNNERY. whereby the turret was completely smothered in external appearance, and, no doubt, at the same time the battlement above it was removed. The ground floor of the structure above described (plan, /) obviously served as a vestibule to the church, to which the Prioress had access from her lodging in the western cloister- range by the entrance at the N.W. angle of the nave. From the account of the ceremonies attending the installation of a Prioress, given on pp. 38-9, we learn that after the publication of the election ' coram populo congregate,' i.e. probably in the parochial part of the nave, ' omnes sorores predictam Joannam electam duxerunt ad vestibulum ejusdem ecclesie ibideraque dimiserunt,' i.e. they conducted her to this vestibule and left her at the door of the lodging which she was to occupy as Prioress. The door was probably the still existing one (plan, h) by which the Hall of the Lodge is entered. On the first floor immediately above this door, and communicating with the room above this Hall, is another ancient door which, no doubt, was reached by a staircase ascending from the vestibule. A common arrangement in monasteries of which the Head did not reside in a detached building was to place the Lodge of the Prior in the west side of the cloister next the Church. On the ground floor was placed his camera, or private chamber, above it his solar with an oratory adjoining. At Jesus the rooms in this quarter of the College, as shown by the Bursars' Rentals, were allotted from a very early period to the Master, and they lend themselves so exactly to the uses above-mentioned that it is highly probable that Alcock assigned to the Master of the College the dwelling which had formerly belonged to the Prioress. The large room on the ground floor next the vesti- bule (plan, K) is called in the Bursars' Rentals the camera Magistri. Since the publication of the Architectural History it has been restored very much to the dimensions and appear- ance which belonged to it in Alcock's time. The wooden partitions which divided it before the alterations of 1886 have been removed, the ceiling taken down and the joists of the floor above it exposed. These joists are coloured with ver- BUILDINGS OF THE NUNNERY. 69 milion and adorned with repetitions of the monogram IHS. On its north side this room is bounded by the passage (plan, L) which until last century was the approach from the entrance court to the cloister \ In the Bursars' Rentals this passage is simply called 'le Entre.' The handsome wainscoted room above the Master's chamber goes by various names in the Audit Books — the Conference Chamber, the Audit Room, the coena- culitni Magistri and the Founder's Chamber. Probably the last name indicates that Alcock designed it for the use of himself and his successors in the see of Ely. It was probably the Solar or Guest Chamber of the Prioress. Next to it on the north side is a narrow chamber contained within the walls which flank the ' Entry ' below, and approached by a door at the east end of the Conference Chamber. Though it is only eight feet in width this room is lighted by a large eastern window of three lights. This was clearly the Oratory of the Prioress. Sherman tells us in his Historia that Dr Reston, who was Master 1546 — 1549, converted this chamber into his private Oratory, and it continued to be used as the Mastei-'s Oratory as late as 1635^ In another passage Sherman informs us that the ' insignia ' (? arms painted on glass) of Sir Reginald Bray (d. 1503) were in his time still to be seen in this Oratory. The rest of the ground-floor of the western cloister-range is stated in the Bursars' Rentals to be occupied by two chambers let to students of the College, and a room beyond them to the north which was occupied by the Cook. The purposes which the two former chambers served in the Nunnery it is not easy to determine. One of them may perhaps have been the Parlour {Locutorium) where the Nuns were allowed to converse with visitors, or with servants and tradesmen on the business of the Nunnery ; the other was not improbably the Cheker, or office of the Cellaress. The room in which the College Cook lived (plan, N) from the fact that there was no chamber over it — the space being occupied, as it still is, by the Library staircase — 1 See Architectural History, ii. p. 122. 2 See the extract quoted in Architectural History, ii. p. 169, note. 70 BUILDINGS OF THE NUNNERY. is easily identified with tlie passage by which at the present day the cloister is entered from the first court. An interesting feature in this chamber is a low aperture (plan, j) in its north wall, opening into the room marked in the plan and now serving as the Kitchen Office, but in early College days used as the pincerna or Buttery. This aperture is 16 in. wide and its apex is not more than 4 feet above the pavement of the passage, but the floor of the Buttery cellar on which it opens is 2 ft. lower than this pavement, though formerly, no doubt, level with it. On the side next the passage it is widely splayed, and a single hinge exists on which a shutter seems to have been hung. It is quite evident that this opening was not a window looking into an external court, for the walls of the old Buttery are of massive clunch and evidently Nuns' work of an early date. Moreover on the side of the cellar the aperture is flush with the wall surface, and shows no kind of recess nor any window jambs. West of the opening on this cellar side the wall has been plugged with lead as though for fixing some object of wood or iron. In this singular opening we may recognise a contrivance like the Rota or Turn, which is thus described in Prof. Willis' History of the Monastery of Christ Church, Canterbury, (p. 39, note). " The Turn or Rota is a contrivance employed in Nunneries, Foundling Hospitals, and elsewhere, and consists of an upright cylindrical box turning on an upright axis, and having an opening on one side only. It is fixed within or in front of an opening in a partition wall, so that a person on one side placing an object in the Turn can, by twisting the box half round, bring the object within the grasp of a second person on the other side, without either party seeing the other." Prof. Willis gives a description of a cellar wall-hole of this kind at Christ Church Monastery, which, with a few differences, might be applied to that in the Cook's Chamber. The Cellarer, he says, "was lodged at the end of the Refectory buildings, and in contact with the court of the Guesten-hall....Two doors in the western alley [of the cloister] lead to his territory, the one at the north end, opposite to the BUILDINGS OF THE NUNNERY. 71 northern alley, the other near the south end. The first is remarkable for having at the left side a singular octagonal opening of sixteen inches diameter through the thickness of the wall, in the form of a horizontal spout, the middle of which is about four feet from the ground. It pierces the wall, narrowing to a circular form a foot in diameter at the back, where it appears to have opened into one of the Cellarer's offices. " Milner, describing the remains of the conventual buildings at Win- chester, mentions a small ornamented arch in a wall, which communicated with the buttery and the cellarage, and remarks, ' It is not improbable that here was what is called a Turn, by which the brethren who were exhausted with fatigue and thirst, might, with the leave of their superior, at certain times call for a cup of beer of the cellarer.' Our spout may have been a contrivance to carry out this indulgence. The opening from the cellarage at the back being contrived at right angles with the present opening, it is plain that the cup would be placed by the Cellarer's man within reach of the applicant and returned without mutual recognition. But at present there are no traces of the form of its termination inwards," &c. The room called in the Bursars' Rentals the ' pincerna ' (plan, 0) served as the Buttery until the year 1579-1580 when a ' new buttrye ' was constructed, apparently under the Hall. The accounts of 1563-1564 mention 'a doore betwene y^ butleres chamber and y® kechine.' In the upper floors of the part of the western cloister-range which extends from the Oratory to the wall between the Cook's chamber and the pincerna there are no partitions of solid masonry. The whole of the highest floor is now occupied by the Library. In its upper portion this room is probably Alcock's work, as seems to be shown by the use of brick in its lateral walls. But there is reason to believe that in this quarter of the Nunner}^ there was a large room occupying on the first floor the space which the Library now occupies on the floor above it. The usual monastic arrangement would place here the Guest House, or Lodging of the Cellaress. In the Nuns' accounts for 1449-50 reference is made in the same item to repairs in the Aula (i.e. Hall of the Cellaress) and in the Kitchen, and for practical reasons there can be little doubt that these two departments were in close communication. The Aula then most likely occupied the space above the Nuns' Buttery. In its N. wall is contained the flue of the Kitchen 72 BUILDINGS OF THE NUNNERY. range and in its N.W. corner, where the clunch of this wall ends and a wooden party wall closes the room, there was most likely a wooden staircase descending inside the Kitchen. The Kitchen, which, except for alterations by Alcock in the door and windows, is substantially the Kitchen of the Nuns, has always occupied the height of two storeys. The means of access from the entrance- court to the Hall and Lodging of the Cellaress have now to be considered. The Nunnery accounts for the year 1450-1451 mention a ' Poorche ' or ' Portecus prope Aulam.' The only side of the Aula detached from other buildings was the west : on the other sides there could not have been any door requiring the shelter of a porch. If the Lodging of the Cellaress reached, as we must suppose, to the N. wall of the present cloister entry, its door must have opened directly into the Guest Hall without any interposed staircase and landing. The staircase to the Guest Hall was therefore external to the building. We note that the same workman was engaged in 1450-1451 in mendino^ with tiles and ' sclate ' the ' Porch ' and the cloister. Probably the so-called Porch was of the nature of a pentise, ascending by a covered stair to the first floor. The splendid Norman staircase of the New Hall at Canterbury is a familiar example of such an arrangement. The chamber at the west end of the Hall, occupying the position of the old Guest Hall, it may be remembered, was one of the three principal chambers which by the statutes of Bishop Stanley were allotted to distinguished visitors to the College. The passage from the cloister to the Kitchen was, in the Nunnery, as now, under the vestibule of the Refectory or Hall. The Kitchen door (hostium coquine) must have stood where Alcock's door now stands, and was nearl}' opposite a newel staircase which opened above on the platform outside the screen^ Above the entrance from the cloister was the small room which until 1875 was the College muniment" "room and in the Bursars' Rentals is called the Treasury (occupatur cum 1 A plan of the west eud of the Hall, previous to the alterations of 1875, which includes this staircase, is given in the Architectural History, ii. p. 163. BUILDINGS OF THE NUNNERY. 73 Thesauro Ecclesie). It may have served the same purpose in the Nunnery. The Bursars' Rentals mention two rooms under the Hall. The first had one door opening S. into the cloister and another N. next to the well. It was used for the storage of fuel (focalia). The other had a door opening E. in the 'entre' {i.e. the Dark Entry) and was ' le Storehowse.' The word staurus was more particularly applied to salted or dry fish. After the rooms under the Hall were converted into the ' new buttrye ' we hear of a ' new fish-house/ which was in the Kitchen. It was placed over the ' leads,' i.e. the kitchen coppers, and hence was called 'y^ house in y^ leads.' It was between the outer wall of clunch on the N. side of the Kitchen and an inner parallel one of brick, the enclosed space being about six feet wide. The fish was piled on layers of sedge in a high stack, and to get at it there was a door in the brick wall now visible only on the side interior to the two walls. This door is at about the first floor level, and was reached from the Kitchen by ' a new ladder for y® fish house' (1584-1585). The Nuns appear to have stacked their fish in a similar fashion, if we may judge from the fact that several of them travelled by water to Lynn in 1450-1451 in order to buy salt fish and at the same time purchased a 'piece of timber called " a Maste" required for making a ladder.' The Founder's skilful treatment of the Nuns' Refectory has given the Hall completely the appearance of a late loth century building ; but in no part of the College is it clearer that he left the fabric of the Nuns' building entire, inserting only new windows, heightening the walls and constructing a new roof. The extent to which he raised the walls is best seen in the garret over the Combination Room, where the clunch of the Refectory gable is surmounted by a brick addition four or five feet high at its middle part. The entrance to the Hall from the cloister was until 1875 through a door-arch of Alcock's time which opened into the space between the west gable of the Hall and the screen \ A flight of steps led thence to the vestibule of the Hall. 1 Architectural History, ii. p. 162. CHARTERS OF THE PRIORY. Royal and Episcopal Charters. 1 Charter of Nigellus, second bishop of Ely (1133 — 1169). N. Dei gratia Eliensis Ecclesie Episcopus universis baroni- bus et hominibus Sancte Etheldrythe tarn clericis quam ]aicis tam Francis quam Anglis salutem. Notum sit vobis omnibus tam presentibus quam futuris me conces- sisse et dedisse et carta mea confirmasse quandam terram sanctimonialibus cellule extra villam Cantebruge noviter institute prope terram eiusdem cellule iacentem quietam et liberam absque omni consuetudine reddendo per singulos annos xij*^. Presentibus testibus istis Rad. Olaf, Petro clerico, Gileberto capellano de Hornungesheia. Valete. 2 a Charter of King Stephen confirming a grant of William Monachus or le Moyne. S. Rex Anglie Episcopo de Eli et Justiciariis et Vice- comitibus et Baronibus et Administris et omnibus fidelibus suis de Cantebr. scira salutem. Sciatis me confirmasse et concessisse Ecclesie et Sanctimonialibus Sancte Marie de Cantebrugia donacionem illam quam Wills Monachus aurifaber eis fecit de ij virgatis terre et de vj acris de prato et de iiij cotariis cum teneura sua in Schelforda in elemosina pro anima Regis Henrici et pro Dei fidelibus. Quare volo et precipio quod Ecclesia ilia et Sanctimoniales terram predictam et pratum et cotarios cum teneura sua bene et in pace et libere et quiete et in elemosina teneant solutam et CHARTERS OF THE PRIOEY. 75 quietam omni secular! exactione et servicio sicut idem Wills illam eis dedit et concessit. T., W. Martell et Rain, de Warenna. Apud Mapertes halam in obsidione. b Charter of Bishop Nigellus confirming the same grant. Witnessed by 'Willo Archid., Eic. de Sancto Paulo, Eic. de Pontecardon, Eic. filio Ilberti, Magistro Ernulfo, Johe de Sancto Albano, Gileberto clerico, Eadulfo Dapifero, Alexandre Pincerna, Henrico Peregrino.' 3 a Charter of the Countess Constance. Constantia Comitissa N. Eliensi Episcopo et omni clero et omnibus Baronibus Cantebrigscir et Burgensibus de Cantebrig tam futuris quam presentibus salutem. Sciatis me dedisse et concessisse Sanctimonialibus de Cantebrig totam terram earum infra Burgum et extra tam possi- dendam quam possessam quietam de hagabulo et de langabulo et totam piscaturam et aquam que Burgo pertinet ita libere et quiete et honorifice sicut maritus meus Eustacius et ego liberius et honorificentius ha- buimus pro anima mariti mei Comitis Eustacii et pro anima Matilde Regine et Autecessorum meorum necnon pro salute Regis Stephani in perpetuam elemosinam. His testibus : N. Eliensi Episcopo [ ] cum Rodberto fratre suo, Radulfo Vicecomite, Alexandro pincerna, Eustacio de Bans, Will. Monaco de Selford, Rodberto Grim, Gisleberto filio Dunning, Hereberto, Herveo filio Warin. An ancient exemplification of the above charter of Nunnery date gives the names of the missing witnesses, viz G. de Waltervill, Eogero le Equaham. The copy is endorsed ' Haygabil.' b Confirmation of the above charter by King Stephen. Stephanus Rex Anglie Episcopo de Eli et Justiciariis et Vicecomitibus et Baronibus et Ministris et omnibus fidelibus suis de Cantebrigscir salutem. Sciatis me concessisse et confirmasse donacionem illam quam Comitissa Constantia uxor Comitis Eustachii filii mei fecit Sanctimonialibus de Cantebrig^ in elemosinam de 76 CHARTERS OF THE PRIORY, tota piscatura et aqua que Burgo Cantebr. pertinet et de quietancia totius terre sue. Quare volo et precipio quod Sanctimoniales ille totam terram suam et piscaturam et aquam bene et in pace et libere et quiete teneant solutam et quietam ab omni secular! exactione et servicio sicut predicta Comitissa Constantia illis dedit et concessit et carta sua confirmavit. T., Fulc. de Oilli et Rob. fil. Unfr., et Ric. de Bada, et Henr. de Novo Mercato. Apud Cante- brug. c Confirmation of the same charter by Bishop Nigellus, 4 a First charter of King Malcolm IV. of Scotland, Earl of Huntingdon. M, Rex Scotie omnibus hominibus suis tam clericis quam laicis de honore Hunted, salutem. Sciatis me concessisse et dedisse Deo et monialibus de Grantebrige x acres {sic) terre iuxta Grenecroft in elemosinam et ad fundendam {sic) ecclesiam suam in ea per duos solidos reddendos et precipio quod minister meus cum eos reciperit {sic) ad altare eiusdem ecclesie ofiferat eos. T., Herberto Epis- copo de Glasgu, Walt. Cancellario, Hugone de Morevill, Fulc. de Lusures, Dd. Olifat, Walt, de Lind. Apud Hunted. Royal seal appended ; see p. 12. h Second charter of King Malcolm. M. Rex Scott, omnibus probis hominibus suis et amicis de honore Huntendunie et Cantebrugie salutem. Sciant clerici et laici presentes et posteri me in perpetuam elemosinam dedisse et concessisse et hac mea carta con- firmasse Deo et Ecclesie Sancte Marie et Sancte Rade- ffundis de Cantebruff. et Sanctimonialibus ibidem Deo servieutibus decem acras terre iuxta Grenecroft. Quare volo et firmiter precipio ut predicte Sanctimoniales illas decem acras habeant et possideant liberas et quietas ab omni servicio et consuetudine et ab omni redditu et ab omni seculari exactione et nominatim eas precipio fore quietas de illis duobus solidis quos predicte Sanctimoni- CHARTERS OF THE PRIORY. 77 ales inde mihi annuatim reddere solebant. T., Engelr. Cancellario, Nicol. Camerario, Willo. Burdet, Hug. Ridel. Apud Huntend. c Confirmation of King Malcolm's grant by Archbishop Becket. Thom. Dei gratia Cant. Ecclesie minister hu mills omnibus Sancte Matris Ecclesie filiis salutem. Noverit universitas vestra nos sigilli nostri atestatione corroborasse et con- firmasse Sanctimonialibus de Cantebrug. ibi Deo servi- entibus omnes terras et tenuras suas eis rationabiliter datas et cartis donatorum confirmatas et nominatim decem acras terre in Cantebr. quas Rex Scocie eisdem Sanctimonialibus dedit et carta sua confirmavit. Qua- propter volumus et firmiter precipimus quatenus memo- rate Sanctimoniales omnes terras et tenuras suas cum pertinenciis suis in liberam elemosinam teneant et possi- deant sicut carte donatorum eis testantur. Teste Rob. Archid. Oxineford, Magistro Philippo de Caun, Magistro Herberto de Boseham, Rob. capell. et Willmo capell. et Willo de Leigrecest. d Confirmation by Stephen Langton, Archbishop of Canter- bury, of previous charters of Archbishops Theobald and Becket and of Bishop Nigellus. Confirmation by Bishop Nigellus of a grant of 80 acres of land in Wratting made to the Nuns by Stephen and Juliana de Scalariis, along with their daughter, Sibil. Witnessed by Will., archdeacon of Ely, Augustus, Adam and Walter, monks, Roger, chaplain, John and Paian, clerks, Martin, Ralf and Ric, deacons, Ralf, dapifer, Alex., pincerna, Stephen and Geoffrey de Scalariis, &c. Bull of Pope Innocent IV. directed to the Prior of Linton respecting a dispute between the Nuns and the Vicar of St Clement's. For the subject see p. 27. Dated ' Lugdun., 18 Kal. Mali nostri [blmik space] anno sexto,' i.e. 1248-9, Bulla appended. 78 CHARTEES OF THE PRIORY. 7 a Charter of John de Fontibus, Bp of Ely (1220—1225). Confirms a charter of Bp E[ustace] of Ely, granting to the Nuns all the land which Bp E. had between the monastery and Grenecroft. No date. b Charter of Hugh Northwold, Bp of Ely (1229—1254). Confirms the charters of Bishops Eustace and John de Fontibus. No date. 8 Inspeximus charter of Edward II. Dated 'apud Westm. quintodecimo die Octobr. Anno regni nostri septimo. Per ipsum regeni. Examinatum per A[dam] de Brom.' Seal attached. It recites and confirms the charters of King Stephen, 2 (a) and 3 (h) ; also the following charter of Henry III. 'Henricus Dei gratia, &c. Sciatis quod concessimus pro nobis et heredibus nostris priorisse et monialibus Sancte Radegundis quod claudere possint et clausam tenere imperpetuum quamdam croftam suam quae iacet inter ecclesiam ipsarum priorisse et monialium et fossatum de Cantebr. ex parte occidentali salvo nobis in omnibus et per omnia fossato nostro. In cuius rei testimonium has literas nostras fieri fecimus patentes. Teste me ipso apud Westm. decimo septimo die April, anno regni nostri tricesimo quinto.' It also confirms the charter of the Countess Constance, 3 (a), various grants of land principally at West Wratting, and a confirmation by Ely convent of the first charter of Bp Nigellus. 9 Charter of King Henry VI. Dated ' Apud Dertford quintodecimo die Marcii Anno regni nostri sextodecimo.' Seal attached. Grants to the Nuns 'quod ipse et successores sue imperpetuum habeant singulis annis unam feriam in villa predicta per tres dies duraturam videlt. in vigilia in die et in crastino Assumptionis Beate Marie cum omnibus libertati- bus et liberis consuetudinibus ad huiusmodi feriam pertinentibus.' It also grants the Nuns exemption from tenths or other quotas on their spiritual and ecclesiastical possessions. 10 License of Mortmain of Henry VI. Dated Westminster, Dec. 5, in 27th regnal year. Seal attached. Generally empowers the Nuns to acquire lands, &c., to the value of £5 ; also exempts them from the requisitions of provisores, emptores and captores victualium for the King and Queen and their successors and others their Magnates. CHARTERS OF THE PRIORY. 79 Indulgences. Briefs. (These are printed in full in the Architectui'al History, vol. ii, pp. 183—186.) 11 Walter de Suffield, Bp of Norwich, grants relaxation of penance for 25 days to persons contributing to the aid of the Nuns. Dated Can tebrig.,. Ides of August, 1254. 12 Letter from Ric. de Gravesend, Bp of Lincoln, to the Arch- deacons of , Northampton and Huntingdon orderino- collections to be made in the churches of their Archidia- conates in behalf of the Nuns. Dated Huntino-don, 12 Kal. Junii, 10th year of pontificate (1268). 13 Letter of Roger de Skerning, Bp of Norwich, orderino- collections to be made in his diocese for the repair of the Church of S. Rad., injured by the fall of the Bell-tower. Dated Hoxne, 5 Kal. Mali, 1277. 14 Letter of the Official of the Archdeacon of Ely to the parochial clergy of the diocese recommending the Nuns to them as objects of charity, having lost their house and all their substance by fire. Dated Herdwyk, 4 Kal. Sept. 1313. 15 John de Ketone, Bp of Ely, confirms certain grants of in- dulgence made by his brother Bps in favour of persons contributing to the relief of the Nuns and the rebuildino- of their house destroyed by fire. Dated Hatfeld, 4 Kal. July, 1314. 16 Thomas Arundel, Bp of Ely, grants indulgence of 40 days to all who contribute to the relief of the Nuns on the occasion of the destruction of their dwellings by fire. Dated Dodyngton, 2 April, 1376. 17 William Courtenay, Archbp of Canterbury, grants indul- gence of 40 days to persons contributing to the relief of the Nuns whose buildings have been ruined by violent storms. Dated Croydon, 6 April, 1390, 80 CHARTERS OF THE PRIORY. Miscellaneous Deeds and Documents. 18 Ric. Wastinel grants to Nuns a rent of 2 pence (nummos) of the service of Everad de Batford. 19 Will, fitz Rob. fitz Walter gives to Nuns a rent of half a mark. Witn. Seher de Quinci, Gilbert fitz Dunning &c. 20 Acquittance of Simon Blakeboane, sergeant at arms, to the Prioress, Agnes Seyntelowe, and Ric. Broune, vicar of All Saints'. Henry V. 7. 21 Acquittance of the Nuns to Ric. Pyghttesley for a year's rent of Tylydhostelle, viz. 2^ 3^ 1437. Arch. Hist, ii., 426. 22 Walter fitz Walter de Scalariis confirms his father's grant of 20® per arm. for the maintenance of three lamps in the ch. of S. Rad. Witn. Will, de Abington, miles. 23 Simon de Turre gives to Nuns one acre of meadow land in Hunimade and ^ an acre in Chabligwelle. Witn., Roger de Caudecote. 24 Simon, Camerarius of E[ustace], Bp of Ely, gives to Nuns a rent of 2'' paid by Hervey fitz Eustace of Cantebrige. Witn. Hugh de Bodegesham, official. 25 Ric. de Histon, capellanus, holds of the Nuns (Pr. Letitia) a portion of their land in Tornechroft ; rent two shillings and two capons. Witn. Hervey fitz Eustace. 26 Walt, fitz Segar, capellanus, holds of the Nuns (Pr. Letitia) land formerly held by his father: rent l-i** and two capons. 27 a Bond of Will. Spaldyng for £10. Jan. 6, Henry VI. 10. 'The condycion of this obligacion is y* mastyr William Spaldyng, clerk, of Cambrigge, with inne wretyn shall not entre in hese owyn persone the several crofts and closures of the Prioresse and y'= convent of seint Kadegundis in y^ toune of Cambrigge adiugnant to y* said Priorie ne destroye ne soyle corne gresse arboris ne closures of y^ seyd Prioresse and convent growyng or beyng upon the seyd closures with outyn licens of y^ seyde Prioresse y" same time beyng.' CHARTERS OF THE PRIORY, 81 b The Master and Brethren of St John's Hospital grant to King Henry VI. a close lying within the fossatum of the Nuns to the W. of the Nunnery, now in the tenure of Will. Spaldyng, clerk. Thos. Clerk, mayor. Henry VI. 26. c The King gives the same to Nuns. Dated Westminster, Henry VI. 26. 28 The Nuns are discharged from payment of procurations to the Archdeacon. Date 1313. Document imperfect. 29 Will of Roger Mason of S. Rad. parish. July 5, 1392. (In Latin.) Body to be buried among Friars Minor ; to said Friars 10^ ; to high altar of S. Ead. 5^ for was ; cottage in S. Had. lane to be sold to discharge debts. Kesidue to wife Felice ; she to make disposal for his soul. Seal attached (seemingly ad causas seal of Nunnery) : S. Ead. crowned and veiled, standing in a niche, in right hand a wand : under trefoiled arch below a nun kneeling prays with upraised hands : a small crescent L. of the praying figure. Traces of legend, STE RADEGVNDIS CONV. 30 Will of John Grenelane : dated Feb. 1, 1431, proved in the Gild Hall, Cambridge, before the Mayor, Thos. Jacob, and bailiffs, Monday next before S. Barnabas day. Hen. VI. 10. Among the items : to the high altar of S. Andrew's ch. where his body is to be buried before the cross, 10^ ; for his burial there 20^ : for new bells to the same ch. 100^ ; for new leading the bell tower 20^ : to each priest assisting at his funeral 12 '> Et in pane, cervisia, carne bovina, porcina, ovina, vitulina, porcellina, gallina, puUina, ovis, butiro, et piscibus recensibus et marinis emptis per dietam ad hospicium infra tempus compoti, ut particulariter in uno libro papiri super hunc compotum examinato plenius patet, xj'i vijs iiij"! ob. Et in una vacca empta de Thoma Carrawey ad hospicium, vi^ viij'^. Summa xiij^^ viij^ viij*^ ob. Et datum iiij""" preconibus maioris Cantebr. pro eorum oblacione ad ,„ , , festum Nativitatis Domini infra tempus compoti, pro eorum [Donoj data ^ . . serviciis domine Priorisse et conventui impensis et im- posterum impendendis, ij^ iij*^. Et in aliis donis (iij^), cum iij^ iiij'^ datis Thome Key (xx*^) et Johanne Granngyer (xx<^), et cum ij^ vj*^ distributis inter pauperes die cene Domini, necnon cum les ernest penys (iiij*^) diversis personis datis que cum v^ ix'^ certis tenentibus et servientibus domine ad diversa anni tempora per con- sideracionem domine Priorisse, ut parcellatim in papiro istius computan- tis annotatur, xiij^ xj'l Et in uno grue empto et dato Cancellario Universitatis ville Cantebr. pro bona amicitia sua in diversis materiis domine ad utilitatem con- ventus, xij'J. Et datum ii''"^ laborariis pro cariagio turbarum una vice, una cum iiij^i datis Johanni Nyxon ad tonsuram bidentium suorum et ij"* expenditis apvid domum Johannis Ansty senioris et cum vj'^ datis Ricardo Baker de Bernewell et Ricardo West, pandoxatori, pro tolueto colligendo et reci- piendo tempore nundinarum ibidem, xiiij Johanne Graungyer (v^) [ ] Brewer, Johanni Eversdon, (iiij'^), Agneti Marche (ij"^), Roberto Page (j"^), Johanni Knyght (j'^), Johanni Slybre (j^), Dionisie, yerdwomman, (j"^), Enime Tayllor, nuper malstar, Q^), Johanni Wyllyamesson, bercario, Ricardo Sexteyn (x''), Avisie Basset (j'^), Ernme Kyng, cum x'' datis certis pauperibus nuper in gwerris domini Regis laborantibus, iij*' xj'^. Et datum Thome Burgoyn ut in precio v caponum emptorum in foro, xx'i ob. Et in veste linea empta pro donis erga festum Nativitatis Domini, ij**. Et datum custodi ecclesie Omnium Sanctorum ad fabricam unius fenestre vitree, iiij'^. Et datum Florencie Power et sorori sue (viij"^*), uni carucariorum (ij'^), aliis certis personis (xvj*^) pro mandato domine et servienti Johannis Presot (iiij 0" OO ,0 o -^^ 4 - <> "o^ ^. ' u , >. -*