70£> blf THE Presidential Favorites A POLITICAL HAND-BOOK, CONTAINING THE PORTRAITS OF THIRTY AMERICAN STATESMEN, Together with their Biographies, and an Epitome of Every National Political Convention ever held in the United States. ALSO THE STATUS OF THE DIFFERENT POLITICAL PARTIES UPON THE QUESTIONS OF THE TARIFF AND SILVER, AND A HISTORY OF THAT METAL AS MONEY. WITH OTHER INFORMATION INDISPENSABLE TO EVERY CITIZEN. By BENJ. F. BABCOCK. -ION 3 <2. WASHINGTON, D. C. : /aT>£ fl PUBLISHED BY / /* A . PUBLISHED BY CAMPAIGN PUBLISHING COMPANY, 1896. COPYRIGHTED, [896, BY R. B. MERCHANT AND B. F. BABCOCK. PROM THE PRESS OF GEORGE l\ LASHER, PRINTER AND BINDER, N <' nth SI . Philadelphia, Pa. -* To the Patriotic Impulse which Prompts the Citizens of Our Country to Acquaint Themselves with the Lives of Our Public Men and Our National Politics, The Author Dedicates this Volume. -*- & <*> INDEX. & & PAGE. Title r I dedication. . . 3 White I Louse 5 Introduction 6 Grover Cleveland 7 Benjamin I [arrison 11 Wiii. C. Whitney 16 Levi P. Morton 21 Adlai E. Stevenson 26 Thomas B. Reed 30 David B. Hill 34 Win. 15, Allison. 36 Jno. G. Carlisle 40 .Matthew S. Quay 44 Win. R. Morrison 50 Wm. McKinley, Jr 52 Claude Matthews 59 C. F. Manderson 63 Daniel W. Voorhees 68 Shelby M. Cullom 71 John W. Daniel .... 74 Russell Alexander Alger 77 1 1. Clay Evans 80 Wm. F. Vilas 84 Cushman K. Davis 87 Win. L. Wilson 89 Henry M. Teller 92 Jno. T. Morgan 94 Stephen 15. Elkins. 96 Wm. M. Stewart 99 Jas. Donald Cameron 103 William V. Allen 106 Wharton Barker 108 W. 0. Bradley 114 Epitome of American Polities, am 1 Sy in >psis of Political Plat- forms, 177.4 to 1896 117 Attitude of Parties, 1896, upon the Tariff and Silver Ques- tions 138 History of Silver as Money.. . 142 Amount of Gold and Silver in the Principal Nations of the World, with Per Capita Amount of Money in Circu- lation. . t 45 Value of Foreign Coins in U. S. Currency I4 6 Electoral Votes for Presidents and Vice-Presidents, 1789 to lS 92 I 47 Popular \ otc for Presidential ididates.from 1*24101892. 150 Candidates for President and Vice-President since the Adoption of the Federal Con- stitution ]r-. PAGE. Electoral Vote by States, 1872- 1892 156 How President is Chosen, and the Law Governing the Counting of the Electoral Vote and Defining the Presi- dential Succession 156 Number of Congressmen from each State since Formation of Constitution 160 Governors of all States, Terms, Salaries, and State Capi- tals 161 Brief Sketches of the Presi- dents of the United States, When Born, Inaugurated, Term of Service, Died, etc ... 162 Vice-Presidents of the United States ... 164 Presidents Pro-tempore of the United States Senate 164 Speakers of the United States House of Representatives.. . 165 Presidential Cabinet Officers.. . 165 Justices of the Supreme Court 168 Signers of Declaration of Inde- pendence, Where Born, Dele- gated from, Died 169 Presidents of the Continental Congress, and Congress of the Confederation 170 Naturalization Laws of the United States 170 Constitution of the United States , . 172 Origin, Settlement and Popula- tion of United States and Territories 1S3 Population of United States, 1790-1890 1S5 White and Negro Population of the South by Decades, 1790-1890 186 Population of the United States according to Nationality 187 Number of Dwellings and Fam- ilies in each of the States. . . iSS Nationality of Inhabitants of Largest Cities, 1890 189 Requirements regarding the Registration of Voters 190 Woman Suffrage 190 The Ballot-box Reform Move- ment 191 o 42 INTRODUCTION. IN writing the within pages, and compiling the sta- tistics in this volume, the author and editor has been actuated by a desire to give only facts. There will not be found any fulsome praise or flattery in the sketches given of our public men. The book is non-partisan, hence the author cannot indicate his choice. He believes the good sense of the American people will, as it has in the past, elevate to the Presidency and Vice-Presidency able and worthy men. There is little doubt but that the names and biographies of the men who will be nominated by the different political parties are here given. May the men win who will best guide the ship of State, and most faithfully serve the interests of the people during the next four years. The book is now launched upon the sea of public favor, and the author trusts it will merit the people's approval. Grover Cleveland. QROVER CLEVELAND. THE present President of the United Stales wis born in the county of Essex, State of New Jersey, March [8th, 1837. His ancestors came from Suffolk County, England, and settled in Massachusetts, early in the 17th century. Richard F., father of the President, was educated for the Presbyterian ministry, and in 1829 married Miss Neal, daughter of a Baltimore merchant, who was born in Ireland. Grover was christened Stephen Grover after the minister who occupied the pulpit at Caldwell, N. J., where the President was born. Grover Cleveland's educational opportunities were rather limited, con- sisting of a chance to attend the common schools and an academy at Clinton, Oneida County, New York, for a brief period. After leaving the academy he became a clerk for a year at one of the eleemosvnary institu- tions of New York City ; then he returned home, determined to go west to seek his fortune, and in May, 1855, with a companion, started for Cleveland, Ohio. Mr. Cleveland says he was attracted to that city because it had his name. On his way there he stopped at Buffalo, to visit an uncle, Mr. Lewis F. Allen, who used his best endeavors to dissuade his nephew from going farther. To make his arguments and entreaties effectual, he offered Grover a clerkship. As work was what young Cleveland desired, he of course wanted to stay, but declined to give positive answer until he consulted his young friend whom he had promised to accompany to Ohio. The young man promptly acceded to Mr. Cleveland's staying, saying he ought not to decline the proffered employment. Having determined upon the law as a profes- sion, it was not long before he made arrangements to become a student in the office of Rogers, Bow-en & Rogers. In 1859 he was admitted to the bar, passing most creditably a rigid examination. He continued with his preceptors four years, which gave him really eight years of thorough study and legal experience. He was then appointed Assistant District Attorney for the county of Erie, by C. C. Torrence, which position he filled for a period of three years. In 1865 he was nominated by the Democratic County Convention for District Attorney, to succeed Mr. Torrence, but was defeated by Hon. Lyrnau K. Bass. Mr. Cleveland formed a law copartnership with the late I. Y. Vander- pool, January 1st, 1866, which was continued until 1869. He then became a member of the firm of Lauing, Cleveland & Folsom. In November, i v ;o, Mr. Cleveland was chosen Sheriff of Erie County, a position he creditably filled. After this service he became a member of the law firm of Bass, Cleveland & Bissell. This was the strongest and brainiest law firm in West- ern New York, and at once commanded a very lucrative practice. In i.s.si , Mr. Cleveland was chosen Mayor of Buffalo, though it was a Republican city, the State ticket of that party carrying the city by an average majority of 1,600 votes. Mr. Cleveland was elected Mayor by a very large majority, his fellow citizens feeling that he was the man needed to successfully stem the tide of ring rule and reckless expenditure. In the position of Mayor he attracted the particular attention, not only of his own constitueucv, but of 9 10 the leading party managers of the State, notably, the late Samuel J. Tilden, and principally because of his vetoes of hasty and corrupt city legislation. Before his term of office expired as Mayor he was nominated for Governor, and elected over so able a man as the Hon. Charles J. Folger, Secretary of the Treasury of the United States, by the unprecedented plurality of nearly 200,000, and a majority over all of 151.742 votes. The day he was elected he wrote his brother that he proposed " To make the matter a business engagement between the people of the State and myself, in which the obligation on my side is to perform the duties assigned me, with an eye single to the interests of my employers." The result of this determination led the rank and file of his party to believe the "coming man " was Grover Cleveland, and hence the National Democratic Convention, which convened at Chicago, July 8th, 1884, nomi- nated him, July nth, for President, and he was. elected, receiving of the popular vote 4,784,986, and a majority of 37 in the Electoral College. In his inaugural he declared his approval of the Monroe Doctrine, for strict economy in national expenditures, and gave recognition of the value of the Civil Service. The oath of office was administered by the late Chief Justice Morrison B. Waite. His Cabinet will be found in another portion of this book. During his Erst term as President, 18S5-89, he vetoed 115 out of a total of 987 bills presented for his signature, 102 being private pension bills. At the National Democratic Convention, in 1888, he was again nominated as President, but was defeated by Benjamin Harrison. At the expiration of his term, March 4th, 1889, he removed to New York City, which he had de- termined to make his home, and resumed the practice of the law, arguing cases only before the United States Supreme Court. While Mr. Cleveland had, because of the very positiveness of his character, excited the enmity of many leading men in his party, he retained a firm hold upon the regard of the masses, who believed that, while sometimes wrong, he was most gen- erally right, and always honest, so that before the nominating days of 1892 it bad become prc-determined that he should again be the Democratic stand- ard bearer. He- was nominated and elected over his old opponent, President 11 irrison. In the nominating convention Mr. Cleveland received 617 out of 908 votes; and in the Electoral College he had a majority of no votes over Harrison, Republican, and Weaver, Populist, and 132 over Harrison. The popular vote was 5,556,918 for Cleveland, 5,176,108 for Harrison, and 1,041,028 for Weaver. His record as our present President is too recent to call for elaboration here. That he has excited the enmity of many of the leaders of his party by his attitude upon the silver question there is no denying ; but that he believes he is right and doing for the best interests of his country no one, Republican or Democrat, denies. He is a man positively firm in the main- tenance of his convictions, having a vast amount of the "by the eternal" of Gen. Jackson in his mental composition. He stands upon the money question i<>t the payment of every dollar of the obligations of the United States in the lust coin, which he believes to be gold. 'mi June 2d, [886, he married Miss Prances Polsom, a daughter of his former law partner, Oscar Folsom, and is the father of three children, all girls ; his wife has contributed in no small measure not only to his happiness, but personal popularity. Benjamin Harrison. BENJAMIN HARRISON. GENERAL BENJAMIN HARRISON, of Indianapolis, was born at North Bend, Ohio, August2ist, 1833, at the house of his grandfather, Presi- dent Harrison, who was a son of Benjamin Harrison, one of the signers of the Declaration of Independence from Virginia. His early education was received at home, from a tutor employed in the family, and at the age of fourteen he was sent to Gary's Academy, near Cincinnati, where he remained abont two years. In the summer of 1850, he suffered the loss of his mother, and in the fall of the same year went to Miami Uni- versity, Oxford, Ohio, then under the presidency of Rev. W. C. Anderson. Here he entered as a junior, and in Jnne, 1S52, graduated fourth in a class of sixteen. After a few months' vacation he commenced the study of law in the office of Storer & Gwyuiie, of Cincinnati, where he remained two years. In October, 1853, he married Miss Carrie L. Scott, daughter of Rev. J. W. Scott, D. D., of Oxford, Ohio. Two children of this marriage survive — Russell B. and Mamie S. Harrison. In March, 1854, Mr Harrison settled in Indianapolis, with a fortune of eight hundred dollars, inherited from the estate of a deceased aunt, Mrs. Gen. Fiudlay, of Cincinnati. Here he first entered the office of John H. Rea, Clerk of the District Court of the United States, and while there was invited by Major Jonathan W. Gordon, to assist in the prosecution of the "Point Lookout" burglary case. This was his first jury trial. Governor, David Wallace represented the defense. When Mr. Harrison sat down, after making his argument, and the Governor pre- pared to reply, he paid the young lawyer a graceful and well-merited com- pliment. Soon afterward he was invited to form a partnership with William Wallace, and accepted. This connection proved very pleasant, and the firm did a prosperous and successful business. Shortly after entering this part- nership, Mr. Harrison was appointed by Judge Major to prosecute a case against a negro who was accused of putting poison in some coffee at the Ray House. He had but one night for preparation and no previous knowledge on the subject of poisons, but he sat up the greater part of the night, and, with the assistance of Dr. Parvin, acquired considerable information on toxi- cology, from several experiments for the detection of arseiiic in the coffee exhibited by the doctor. The result was the conviction of the criminal. In i860, his partner, Mr. Wallace, was elected Clerk of Marion County, and Mr. Harrison formed a law partnership with Mr. W. P. Fishback, which continued until he entered the army. In the fall of i860, Mr. Harrison was elected Reporter of the Supreme Court of Indiana. During his term of office he published two volumes of reports (XV and XVI ), and had nearly completed a third (XVII), when he entered the military service. A notable event in connection with the political canvass was his joint meeting with Governor Hendricks, at Rockville, Parke County, which was quite accidental, but in which the youthful orator acquitted himself in the most creditable manner. The joint debate is still remembered by all who heard it, and showed General Harrison to be an orator second in debate to none in the country. In July, 1862, Mr. Harrison felt it his duty to enter the army. Although a young man, holding a comfortable civil office, just starting in life, with a young wife and two little children, when Governor Mortou in asking 13 14 him to raise a regiment, said some one else could be found to lead it to the field, Mr. Harrison accepted the commission but refused the proposition, saying that if he persuaded a man to go to the field he would be found there with him. lie raised and took the first company (A), of the 70th In- diana Regiment into camp, and in less than thirty days from the date of the first recruiting commission, was in Kentucky with one thousand and ten men. This was the first regiment in the field under that call. Gen- eral Harrison continued in the army until the close of the war, when he was mustered out as a brevet Brigadier-General. His regiment served in Ken- tucky and Tennessee, in the Army of the Cumberland, and was connected with a brigade commanded for a long time by General W. T. Ward, of Ken- tucky. In the Atlanta campaign, the brigade was attached as the First Brigade, to the Third Division of the Twentieth Army Corps, commanded by < '.cneral Joe Hooker. After General Butterfield left the division, Colonel Harrison was assigned to the command of the brigade, and continued in that capacity until after the surrender of Atlanta. Being then temporarily detached for othcrduty, he was, after Sherman's army marched from Atlanta, assigned to command a provisional brigade, and with that took part in the battle of Nashville and the subsequent pursuit of Hood, to Tuscumbia, Ala. Being relieved at his own request, and ordered to join his brigade at Savan- nah, he would have joined them there, but on his way was prostrated by a severe fever, which confined him to his bed for several weeks. Before he was fully recovered he started for Savannah, and the army having moved, was assigned to command a camp in which the recruits and convalescents were gathered. When Sherman reached Raleigh, Colonel Harrison joined his brigade, and accompanied them to Washington. Meanwhile, in the fall of 1S64, he was reelected Reporter of the Supreme Court, and was offered a place in the law firm of Porter & Fishbach, which then became Porter, Harrison & Fishbach. After Mr. Fishbach assumed the editorship of the Journal^ (xeneral Harrison remained with Mr. Porter, in company with Judge Hincs, the firm being Porter, Harrison &Hines. This firm was dissolved, and W. H. H. Miller became a member of the new partnership, under the firm name of Harrison, Hines & Miller, in which the General still continues. In 1876, General Harrison was the unanimous choice of the Republicans of Indiana tor Governor, on the withdrawal of Godlove S. Orth. After a most exciting canvass he was defeated. Prior to the nominating convention he h id declined, but on the withdrawal of Mr. Orth, felt it tube his duty to respond to the imperious call of the people from all parts of the State. In 1880, he was Chairman of the Indiana delegation, at the Republican National Convention, when he cast the entire vote of the State for Garfield. The latter, when elected President, offered Mr. Harrison a seat in his Cabi- net, but he preferred to become United States Senator, to which office he !i id been elected. As a Senator he at once commanded attention, and in nition of his acknowledged ability was selected to serve on the more Important committees. In 1884, he was Delegate-at-I,arge to the Republican National Convention at Chicago, and in 1888, June 19th, was nominated in the same city, on the eighth ballot, for President, by the decisive vote of 544 delegates. The nomination was then made unanimous ; for President, he received 233 elec- toral volts, against [68, cast for Grover Cleveland. 15 Early in his administration trouble arose between this country and Great Britain, over the Bering sea seal fisheries, but which were happily settled by a Board of Arbitration, James G. Blaine, being Secretary of State. Early efforts were also made for the holding of a Congress in Washington of the Central and South American States, and a Pan-American Congress was held in 1889-90, resulting in reciprocal relations as to trade and commerce. During the first two years of his administration, six new stars were added to the American flag, the new States being North Dakota, South Dakota, Washington, Montana, Idaho and Wyoming. Commissioners under the direction of the Secretary of the Interior, successfully purchased a vast amount Of land from Indian tribes, with the result that Oklahoma was thrown open to settlement. In the spring of 1891, a difficulty arose in Louisiana, between the city government and people of New Orleans on one side, and Italian residents < u the other, which resulted in the killing of a number of Italians confined in prison upon the charge of murder. The Italian government promptly made demand for redress and in- demnity, in language peremptory in tone and almost offensive in manner. This demand was met courteously but firmly by the statement, that while the Government earnestly disapproved and denounced the action of the mob it could not recognize a national responsibility' for its results, unless it could be shown that its action was the result of connivance on the part of the pub- lic authorities of New Orleans ; and that the United States did not guarantee or become insurers of the lives of aliens ; that the courts were open to them as well as to citizens. The Italian Minister, Baron La Fava, withdrew, and the American Min- ister at Rome was given indefinite leave of absence. The matter was sub- sequently amicably adjusted. Mr. Harrison did all in his power by suggestion and executive direction to strengthen the United States Navy, and widened and extended the Civil Service. In 1891, he made an extended tour in the South, Southwest and to the Pacific coast. During this trip he made a great many speeches, and in so felicitous and happy a manner they not only pleased his audi- tors, but being reported in all the leading papers of the country, added lustre to his reputation as an exceedingly charming speaker, fertile in thought and expression. During his incumbency of the Presidency his beloved wife died, a victim to the social functions incumbent upon the wife of the Chief Magistrate of the nation. His two children survive, and his daughter, Mrs. McKee, is the mother of grandchildren who hold a very warm place in the ex-President's heart. He has declined to be considered an aspirant for the Presidency again, an act which only prevents his being a very formidable candidate ; for Mr. Harrison is a man of sterling honesty, conscientious in the discharge of duty, and as a legislator, President and citizen, above reproach. For personal and political integrity no man stands higher in the United States, and he is looked to as a natural leader ot the people. He united with the Presbyterian Church at Oxford, Ohio, in 1850, and since i860, has been a member of the First Presbyterian Church of In- dianapolis. WILLIAM COLLINS WHITNEY. THIS gentleman, who was born July 5th, 1841, is a descendant in the eighth generation from John Whitney, one of the leaders of the English Puritans who settled in Watertown, Mass., near Boston, in 1635. His ancestors in the male line were men of exceptionally strong character, of indomitable will, with the courage of their convictions, and of prominence in the communities in which they lived. Among the number was Brigadier-General Josiah Whitney, of Harvard, Mass., who was active in the field during the Revolution, and a member of the convention which framed the Constitution for Massachusetts, as well as that greater assemblage which gave to us the Constitution of the United States. William C. Whitney's father was Brigadier-General James Scolley Whitney, who, in 1S54, was appointed by President Pierce, Superintendent of the United States Armory at Springfield, Mass., and in i860, Collector of the Port of Boston, by President Buchanan. Upon his mother's side his ancestry goes back to William Bradford, Governor of Plymouth Colony. Mr. Whitney was educated at Willistou Seminary, East Hampton, Mass., at Yale College, where he graduated in 1863, and at Harvard Law School, which he left in 1864. Like many another New England lad, he chose to locate in New York City, and there commenced to practice law. A young man to succeed in a great city, inviting as it does men of the keenest intellect, must have not only a well-equipped mind, but determina- tion, sturdy honesty, energy, tact — and the last is far from the least. All this equipment Mr. Whitney possessed, and so it was not very long before he was known as a rising lawyer and safe counsellor. He was a fearless lawyer, and in any case in which he was employed he gave all his time and talents to his clients. Added to this was a charming personality, which made friendships destined to be lasting. In 1871, in a critical period of New York City politics, he came into prominent mention by his activity in the formation of the Young Men's Democratic Club. In 1S72, his schol- arly abilities being recognized, he was made Inspector of Schools, and at the same time he became a recognized leader of the County Democracy. In 1875, be was appointed Corporation Counsel for the City of New York, an office of vast responsibility, and requiring not only knowledge of law but high executive ability. In fact, that department was wofully behind in its business, as over 3,800 suits were pending, involving more than $40,000, 000. lie at once reorganized the department, making four bureaus, and in two more than doubled the annual amount of business disposed of, and at the same time lessened the expenses. II'- resigned in 1882, in order to give proper attention to his personal iving, in fact, retained office as a sense of duty and at great loss to himself. When Grovcr Cleveland, in 1S85, became President, he promptly named Mr. Whitney as Secretary of the Navy, and of all departments of the 16 William Collins Whitney. 19 Government, that was one that demanded new methods and the highesf order of executive ability. Mr. Cleveland evinced the highest wisdom in this selection, for when, four years later, Mr. Whitney gave place to another, he left a monument which will endure for ages, in a new navy created, which is, and always will be the pride of the Nation. He prepared, in his first report to Congress, a plan for the reorganiza- tion of that department of the government business, and it was afterward claimed, and not denied, that by the results which followed its execution, for the first time in the history of the navy, it has been possible to prepare com- plete statements by classes of receipts and expenditures of supplies through- out the entire service, and of the total valuation of supplies on hand for issue at all shore stations. He then proceeded vigorously to build a new navy, with which his name is, and always must be, indissolubly associated. He aimed to restore the prestige of our country as a naval power, and to make it independent of the rest of the world for supplies in case of war. Determined that American labor, ingenuity, capital and skill should furnish the material for our naval establishment, he declined to place contracts abroad forforgings, guns or armor plate, and it was through his entreaties that the Bethlehem Iron Works was induced to expend over four millions of dollars for a plant that would turn out armor and guns equal, if not superior, to those manufactured for any European power. Later, the Carnegie Steel Company erected an- other plant at a cost of four to five millions of dollars, thus making it possi- ble to complete battleships, cruisers and torpedo boats in as short time as any foreign nation, and at relatively the same cost. At the same time he induced private ship yards to undertake the building of naval vessels, with the result that at the present time the ship yards of Philadelphia, Newport News and San Francisco, can build ships that are acknowledged to be superior to those turned out by the great ship yards of Great Britain. European powers have no longer a contempt for our navy ; on the con- trary, they hold it in wholesome respect. In 1SS7 the real construction work of the rehabilitation of the navy was begun, and with such rapidity that in 1889, when Mr. Whitney left office, the vessels of the navy contracted for by him and completed, or in course of completion, consisted of five monitors, double-turreted ; two new armor- clads, the dynamite cruiser Vesuvius, and five unarmored steel cruisers — the Newark, Charleston, Baltimore, Philadelphia and San Francisco. The navy yards at Brooklyn and Norfolk, Va., had been put in shape to build steel war-ships and the navy yard at Washington, enabled tocastcannon of the largest caliber. He also contracted for a torpedo boat, and purchased the Stiletto for use in practice at the United States torpedo station. Senator Preston B. Plumb, of Kansas, a strong Republican, but a shrewd observer of men and methods, said in the United States Senate, in February, 1889 : " I am glad to say, in the closing hours of Mr. Whitney's administra- tion, that the affairs of his department have been well administered. They have not only been well administered in the sense that everything has been honestly and faithfully done, but there has been a stimulus given, s.o far as it could be done by executive direction, to the best types of ships and the high- est form of manufacture, and more than all that, to the encouragement o( the inventive genius of our people and to the performance of all possible 20 work, not in navy yards -where they might be most surely made the instru- ment of political strength, but in private ship yards and manufactories, to the effect that we have got to-day enlisted in this good work of building the American navy, not only the Navy Department backed by Congress, but we have got the keen competition of American manufactories and the inventive genius of all our people, so that we may confidently expect not only the best results but great improvement each year." " I am glad to say that duriug the past four years the Navy Department has been administered in a practical, level-headed, judicious way, and the result is such I am prepared to believe and say that within ten years we shall have the best navy in the world." Returning to New York, Mr. Whitney devoted himself to his private affairs, but being consulted by his fellow-citizens upon all movements for his party or the public good ; and believing the best interests of the country demanded the renomination and election of Mr. Cleveland again to the Presidency, he headed the movement to that end in the Democratic Na- tional Convention in 1892, and proved himself a born leader of men and an expert organizer of political forces. It is generally understood and believed that Mr. Cleveland would have appointed him to any office within his gift, but Mr. Whitney resolutely declined any appointment, declaring that he preferred the honorable distinction of a private citizen. There is little doubt that Mr. Whitney could, if he desired, obtain the Democratic nomination for President, but he has definitely and positively refused to be a candidate, evidently preferring his present high place in the ranks, as the champion of Democratic principles and the highest political ideals, to any official position. He is an ardent believer in the probability of bimetalism being achieved through international agreement, and is giving much time and thought to that end. In iSSS Yale bestowed upon Mr. Whitney the honorary title of LL.D. Levi Parsons Morton. LEVI PARSONS MORTON. THIS gentleman, now occupying the Gubernational chair of the State of New York, was born atShoreham, Vt., May Kith, [824, and hence is in his 72d year. One unacquainted with this fact, looking at him physically and reading the product of his pen, or enjoying his con- versation, would not imagine him to be over 60 years of age. His step is elastic, his eyes bright and his judgment as keen as that of any man of middle age. He is a direct descendant of George Morton, of York, England, who was financial agent of the colonists who came over in the Mayflower. Three years afterward the good ship Anne landed George Morton at Ply- mouth, Mass., from whence he went to Middleboro, Plymouth comity, where some of his descendants still live. John Morton, son of George Morton, was the first delegate to represent his towu in the General Court of Plymouth Colon}'; elected first in 1670, he was again elected in 1672. Levi P. Morton, the subject of this sketch, is the son of Rev. Daniel Oliver Morton and Lucretia Parsons Morton. His mother was a descendant of Cornet, Joseph Parsons, who was father of the first child born at North- ampton, Mass., May 2d, 1655. His English title of Cornet denoted his posi- tion in a cavalry troop, it being the third officer in rank and bearer of the colors. Governor Morton received a public school and academic education ; entered a country store at Enfield, Mass., at 15 years of age and commenced mercantile business as clerk in Concord, N. H., in 1841. From there he went into similar employment at Hanover, N. H., in 1843. He removed to Boston in 1850, and to New York in 1854, and was extensively engaged in mercan- tile business on his own account in both cities until 1S63, when he entered upon his career as a banker, under the firm name of L. P. Morton & Co. So successful was this business, and such high rank in the financial world did his firm take, he not long afterward established a foreign branch under the name of L. P. Morton, Burns & Co. In 1869 these firms were succeeded by Morton, Bliss & Co., New York, and Morton, Rose & Co., London, England. Mr. George Bliss, who had been in the wholesale dry goods trade, and Sir John Rose, who was the Financial Minister of Canada, which position he gave up and went to London to conduct the business of the English branch, became the principal partners. Both of these great houses are still in ex- istence and take rank among the great banking institutions of the world. In 1873 General Grant, then President of the United States, appointed Mr. Morton honorary commissioner to the Paris Exposition, and the Govern- ment made Morton, Rose & Co. financial agents of the United States abroad. In 1878 Mr. Morton was nominated by the Republicans for Congress ; and although it wasa strong Democratic district, and his competitor, B. II. Willis, the sitting member, was popular, he received 14,708 votes to 7,060 cast for Mr. Willis. In iSSohe was again elected by an increased vote over Jas. W. Gerard, Jr. In 1881 President Garfield nominated him as Minister to France, whereupon he resigned his seat in Congress to accept the appointment. 23 24 August ist, 18S1, he presented his credentials to President Jules Grevy, and though the United States has universally been represented at the French court by men of large learning, varied attainments and profound statesmanship, when Mr. Morton resigned after the inauguration of President Cleveland, it was the consensus of opinion in this country and abroad that no one had ever more fitly represented our country. A good business man, a polished gentleman, a student in the best sense of the word, discerning and tactful, he met the diplomats of Europe on an equal footing and gained ad- vantages for his country which had been denied to his predecessors. Duty, to Mr. Morton, meant a watchful care of the political and business interests of the United States. Some of our products had been discriminated against, notably pork ; but Mr. Morton succeeded in having the prohibition removed, the governmental decree being signed November 27th, 18S3. The prohibi- tion was subsequently renewed by the French legislative body. He also secured recognition of American corporations, drove the first rivet in the Bartholdi statue of " Liberty Enlightening the World," and on July 4ih, 1884, accepted the completed work, on behalf of his Government. This statue, probably the largest ever constructed, is erected on Bedlow's island in New York harbor, and is one of the notable sights of the Metropolis and greets the incoming traveler of the sea, with its torch of liberty in its up- lifted arm. Returning to the United States, he devoted himself to his private affairs, until in 18S8 he was nominated for Vice-President by the Republican National Convention assembled at Chicago, receiving 591 votes, against 234 votes for other candidates. In November he was elected to that exalted position, assuming the office March 4th, 1889. As a presiding officer Mr. Morton was preeminently fair and just in his rulings, affable and courteous in his manner toward opponents and friends, and however high ran partisan discussion he did not fail to remember that he presided over Democrats as well as Republicans, and was bound to do justly by each. In this trying position he won the plaudits of all ; and it is no exaggeration to say that no man ever sat in the Vice-President's chair who had wanner friends, or more of them, in the Senate of the United States. ( )n his retirement from the office he was the recipient of a testimonial dinner, tendered on the signed invitation of every member of the Senatg ; this great honor was unprecedented in the history of that illustrious body. Mr. Morton's social life in the Capital was as popular as his official ; and his estimable wife ably seconded every effort to make their entertainments not merely asocial function but a pleasure for every guest. After retiring from the Vice-Presidency, he removed to his beautiful home, Ellerslie, on the Hudson, and probably relinquished all idea of future political honors. In 1893 he went abroad, and while in Europe the senti- ment in New York State in favor of his nomination became so strong it carried the leaders of his party before it, and at the State Convention, held at Saratoga, September 18th, 1894, he was unanimously nominated for Gov- ernor. He accepted the honor, and was elected by the unprecedented majority of over 156, 000 votes over David 15. Hill, United States Senator and Ex-Gov- ernor. Mr. Hill had hitherto been invincible; and with his slogan, "lam tnocrat," had always rallied his party hosts to victory. In Mr. Morton 25 he met his victor; and it is probably not too much i<> say, that the personal popularity of Levi P. Morton greatly aided in securing an overwhelming Republican majority in the legislature and the congressional representation of the State. Say what we will of the American public, we must admit that the man of sterling integrity, free from demagoguery, loyal to party and country, best succeeds in political life ; the people may once in awhile be swept off their feet, so to speak, by passion or prejudice, but the returning wave of reason lands the real patriot and statesman in the position of leader. The people knew they could trust Levi P. Morton ; they nominated him, voted for him, elected him. His term of office will expire on December 31st, 1896, but before that time it is not at all improbable that the mantle of the Presidency will fall upon his shoulders. Mr. Morton is a liberal, broad- minded man and charitable, though unostentatious in his giving. Perhaps the whole story is best told by saying he is respected by rich and poor, politi- cal friend and foe. r - ADLAI EWING STEVENSON. THE present Vice-President of the United States was born in Christian County, Ky., October 23d, 1S35. He received his early education in the schools of the county, and, when qualified, entered Center College, Danville, Ky. When sixteen years of age he removed, with his father's family, to Bloomington, 111., where he studied law and was admitted to the bar. In 1859 he settled at Metamora, 111., where he practiced law, attracting the attention of the people of the county by his assiduity and strict attention to his business. Here he lived ten years, acting as Mastery in Chancery fonr years, and as District Attorney four years. It is only the truth to say that Mr. Stevenson proved himself, while at Metamora, an able lawyer, and had the confidence of all the people. His conspicuous ability as a speaker, and devotion to Democratic prin- ciples, won for him the nomination for Presidential Elector in 1S64, and in the campaign he made speeches in every county in the State, in the interest of (General McClellan, for President. At the expiration of his term as District Attorney, in 1869, he removed to Bloomington and formed a law partnership with J. S. Ewing. The firm soon enjoyed an extensive practice in the Federal and State Courts, and be- came recognized as one of the really great law firms of Central Illinois. In 1S74, he was nominated by the Democrats for Congress; the district had been surely Republican by 3,000 majority, and his opponent was a noted orator and popular man, General McNulta. It seemed like a hopeless race, but Mr. Stevenson won out after an exciting canvass, during which personal antagonisms between the friends of the candidates manifested themselves in a decree unusual in Illinois. When the vote was counted Mr. Stevenson 1 mnd to be elected by 1,200 majority. His term in Congress was during the celebrated Hayes-Tilden contest for the Presidency, Mr. Stevenson be- lieving then, as he believes now, that Mr. Tilden should have been seated. In 1S76 he was renominated, but was defeated. At expiration of his term he returned to Bloomington and resumed his law practice. In 1SS4 lie was a Delegate to the Democratic National Convention in Chicago, and upon the election of Mr. Cleveland to the Presidency, was ap- pointed First Assistant Postmaster-General. In this position he had charge of all appointments, and while, of course, those who were deposed said it was because they were Republicans, Mr. Stevenson and his friends assert that bis removals were for cause, and that he adhered strictly to the civil service law. When Mr. Harrison became President, March 4th, 18S9, Mr. .snu returned to Illinois, taking at his old home an interest in Demo- Lcs, and aiding by his counsel and speeches that cause. In iSc,2 Mr. Stevens, ,n wis a Delegate-at-Large from Illinois to the ic .National Con vent ion, and was there nominated for Vice-President. tbc canvass that followed he made m my speeches, and in November 26 Adlai E. Stevenson. 29 was elected for the term commencing March 4th, 1893, and ending March 4th, 1897. Vice-President Stevenson is a Democrat of Democrats, and does not seek t6 conceal the fact, yet it is generally conceded that he is a fair-minded man, and not enough of a partisan to do an injustice to those who differ with him politically. As a presiding officer he gives satisfaction to Senators upon both sides of the Chamber. He has held one place in life by the grace of a Republican President, having been appointed by President Hayes, a member of the Board to inspect the United States Military Academy at West Point. In 1866 he married a daughter of Rev. Dr. Lewis W. Green, President of Center College, Danville, Kentucky. He has now living three children, one sou and two daughters. Since becoming Vice-President he has suffered the affliction imposed by the loss of a beloved daughter. Mr. Stevenson is a man above reproach in all his dealings with his fellows, and no one can assail his character. He is a good husband, father, frieud — a mau of integrity aud ability ; what more ueed be said. 1 THOMAS BRACKETT REED. A ¥ \UK present Speaker of the United States House of Representatives was born October iSth, 1839, in Portland, Maine. He attended the public schools of his native city until prepared to enter Bowdoin College, from which he graduated in i860, winning first prize for excellence in English composition. During the greater part of the next four years he taught school and studied law. Before he was admitted to the bar, he was appointed Acting Assistant Paymaster, United States Navy , and assigned to duty on a small gunboat, ironically called a " tin clad," named the Sybil, which patroled the Tennessee, Cumberland and Mississippi rivers. The Sybil's career as a war vessel was uneventful, and in 1S65 Mr. Reed was discharged from service, fighting in the West having ceased. He returned to Portland, Maine, and soon thereafter was admitted to the practice of the law. Young lawyers, especially those without influential and rich friends, figuratively speaking, have to do a deal of creeping before they can walk; in other words, have to wait a good while for clients with big fees. Mr. Reed, however, was fairly successful, and built his business upon the sure foundation of knowledge of the law, industry, integrity and devotion to his client's interests. In three years' time he had become so well known he was elected to the State Legislature, and in 1869 was reelected. In 1870, political promotion came in his election to the State Senate, from which position he passed to that of Attorney-General of the State. In 1873 he became So- licitor of the city of Portland, filling the office so successfully as to induce his political friends to nominate and elect him to the Forty-fifth Congress. While Mr. Reed is not given to the making of set speeches, and never talks for "buncombe," he came into prominence in the House and country earh 111 his membership by a speech against the payment of damages arising during the war to William and Mary College of Virginia. He took conspicuous part iu the proceedings of the committee to investigate the election of President Hayes, and more firmly established himself as a sound lawyer and indefatigable worker. That at least his constituents have high regard for his ability is evi- denced by his having been continuously reelected to Congress since 1876, and the further fact that the Fifty -first Congress elected him Speaker, and that no other Republican was mentioned or thought of for Speaker of this, the Fifty-fourth Congress. There is no doubt but that under our form of uncut the office of Speaker of the House of Representatives is the most important, after that of President, iu our country. The President can, e, suggest legislation, and can use the veto power ; but the Speaker u within his power, by the formation of committees and application of te rules, to influence always and generally modify legislation. ccd was one of the members when the question of Congressional 1 National elections was under discussion, who upheld, in a speech, United 30 Thomas B. Reed. 33 States Marshals being appointed to be present at such elections. He has, in deference to his legal abilities, been Chairman of the Judiciary Com- mittee of the House, and was Chairman of the Committee that distributed the balance of the Geneva award. He had become a recognized national leader before the Forty-ninth Congress convened, for in the Republican caucus he received the complimentary vote of his party for Speaker, and again in the Fiftieth Congress. Mr. Reed evoked from the Democrats in the Fifty-first Congress a storm of angry protests because he counted members who were present on the floor and refused to vote as voting. The object in this was to prevent the defeat of legislation by filibustering, and if the rules adopted February 14th, 1890, were rigid and a new departure, they certainly were considered some- what necessary, since in the Fifty-second Congress, which was Democratic, they were but slightly modified. In 1892 Mr. Reed was a delegate to the Republican National Convention, and received four votes for President. He is an avowed candidate for the nomination this year, and at the time. of this writing has secured many delegates. Mr. Reed has achieved considerable celebrity by his writings upon political and economic subjects. His style is free from ambiguity ; his com- mand of language is comprehensive, and he is terse. He prefers cold, solid facts to visionary flights and flowers of rhetoric. He has usually made the higher magazines the vehicles for his essays, notably, the Century, North- American Review, etc. He is a protectionist and against the free coinage of silver, unless it can be done by international agreement. Mr. Reed is a large, heavy-set man, with a big head on good, square shoulders. He wears no beard and is partially bald. He is of commanding presence and dignified in manner, though among his associates he relaxes and enjoys a good joke, which he can give or take as well as any other man. A strict partisan, he has among his particular and warm personal friends a host of Democrats. So far in public life, no breath of public or private scandal has assailed him, and no one doubts his ability or integrity. DAVID BENNETT HILL. THIS gentleman was born in Havana, Chemung County, New York, August 29th, 1843. He received his education in the common schools and academy of his native place, and after leaving school was obliged to hew his own way, not having the advantage of wealthy parents to push him along in the world. It is a rather remarkable fact that most of our eminent men have very early had to depend upon them- selves, and have mapped out their own careers ; so with the talented and senior Senator from the Empire State. He early in life became a clerk in a lawyer's office in Havana, where he made the most of his advantages by storing his mind with legal lore. In 1863, he removed to Elmira, which has since been his home. There he studied law, and, in 1864, was admitted to the bar. The same year he was appointed City Attorney, which got him into politics, where he has been a power ever since. From 1868 on, he was a Delegate to most of the State Conventions, and helped in no small measure to shape the policy of his party. He was chair- man of the conventions of 1877 and 1881 ; a Delegate to the National Con- vention, 1S76 and 1884, at the latter of which Mr. Cleveland, whom Mr. Hill had served with as Lieutenant-Governor, was nominated for the Presidency. It is a rather remarkable fact that both should have been Mayors of cities in the same year, and both been promoted, and practically because of the same manly qualities — fidelity to the people's trust and independence of character. In 1870 and 1871, Mr. Hill was sent to the Legislature ; in 1882 made Mayor, and in the same year elected Lieutenant-Governor. When Mr. Cleveland resigned the Governorship, in consequence of his election as President, Mr. Hill became Governor ; in 1S85, was elected to that high office, and January 21st, 1891, was elected to the United States Senate. As Governor, David B. Hill, made himself the leader of his party in the State, and there is probably no Democrat in New York, who has the masses of his party with him like the present Senator. In 1894, Mr, Hill, much against his own wishes, was nominated for Gov- ernor again, and was defeated by Levi P. Morton. It is unnecessary here to dwell upon the causes of that defeat ; sufficient it is to say that it does not reflect upon Mr. Hill. When the nomination was forced upon him, like a good soldier he obeyed and made a gallant fight. The conditions that existed in 1S94, may never occur again, and the slogan of Mr. Hill, " I am a Democrat," may reverberate among the hills and valleys of New York once more, and be the battle cry of victory. Senator Hill is a fluent and eloquent speaker, and does not hesitate to say what he believes. He commands in his speeches, not only the attention of the Senate, but of the country at large ; " they always have meat," and are the result of careful thought and study. As a Senator, he is upon seven committees. He is a member of the Judiciary Committee, because of his high legal attainments, that he is a good lawyer is evidenced by the fact that he was President of the Bar Association of New York in 1886 and 18S7. He is personally an affable, agreeable man; a man of excellent habits, and one -who keeps himself well informed upon all current topics, as well as politics and statesmanship. 34 David Bennett Hill. WILLIAM BOYD ALLISON WAS born in Perry, Ohio, March 2d, 1829, his father, John Allison, having removed to that place in 1S23, when twenty-five years of age. In the first quarter of this century Ohio was away out West, and most of the people who emigrated to the Western Reserve were no exception to the circumstance of being poor, and went west because land was cheap and fertile and to better their condition. The father of the subject of our sketch, was no exception to the above rule, and so William B., was bred like other country boys to hard work and plenty of it. He was sent to the little district school house at an early age ; but just as soon as he was big enough he was put to work, in the summer in the fields, and in the fall and winter did chores before and after school time. At school he was an apt scholar, especially in spelling and mathematics, and, after all, they are the foundation upon which, later, good scholarship is founded. Young Allison was fortunate in having as a teacher David Kimberly, after- ward a bishop in the Methodist Church. He encouraged the youth, and, better yet, his father, and gave a good deal of personal attention to the boy's studies, outside of the school house, and bespoke for him a future if allowed to employ his talents. So it was that at the age of sixteen, John Allison sent his son to an academy at Wooster, Ohio, where he remained two years, mak- ing the most of his opportunity. Then for one year, through the influence of good friends he had made in Wooster, he attended Allegheny College, Meadville, Pennsylvania ; but, as in those days there were no railroads in Ohio or Western Pennsylvania, he had to make the journey afoot, except at such times as an accommodating man, going his way, gave him a ride. At college he cooked his own meals and so lived very cheaply. When he left college he returned to Wooster, Ohio, and entered the law office of Hemphill & Turner. Here he partly paid his way by outside work, and in two years' time was admitted to the bar and entered upon the prac- tice of his profession. It was not a litigous community, and such clients as he got could not pay big fees ; so he concluded, with Bishop Berkely, that " Westward the star of empire takes its way," and west he would go. It was a wise conclusion, but before going he just as wisely took along a young wife, the daughter of the Hon. Daniel Carter. As a brother of Mr. Allison had settled in Dubuque, he, after stopping a short time in Chicago, then a city of only 50,000 people, went to Dubuque, which has been his home ever since. Before the bluffy city in Iowa, became Mr. Allison's home, he had been in a small way in politics. He was a Whig, and went as a Delegate, in 1855, to the State Convention that nominated Salmon P. Chase for Governor. In he supported the first Republican nominee for President, and before going to Iowa, had run for District Attorney in a Democratic county. "John Sherman, in his ' Recollections,' publishes a facsimile of a letter which Mr. Allison wrote to him, under date of March 23d, 1861, congratulating him on his election to the Senate. In this Mr. Allison referred, facetiously, to his early defeat, as follows : ' Republics are not so ungrateful as I supposed when I was defeated for District Attorney.' 36 William B. Allison. 38 "As soon as he became a resident of Dubuque, he began to interest him- self in Iowa politics. He had known Samuel J. Kirkwood in Ohio, and nat- urally became an adherent of the man since known in Iowa, as the War Governor. Mr. Allison was a Delegate to the State Convention which nom- inated Mr. Kirkwood in 1859. In ^60 he was honored by being sent as a Delegate to the National Republican Convention, the one which nom- inated Abraham Lincoln. He was selected to act as one of the Secreta- ries of that great gathering. His mastery of figures enabled him to play a rather interesting part in that Convention. He was the first to cast up the long column of votes and to announce to the presiding officer, sitting near him, that Lincoln had received the required number of votes and was there- fore the nominee of the Convention. " When Lincoln issued his second call for troops, during the summer of 1861, for 300,000 men, to serve for three years or during the war, Governor Kirkwood thought of the sincere and successful young man whom he had known in Ohio, as well as in Iowa, He placed Mr. Allison on his staff, with the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel, and gave him full authority to raise regi- ments in Northeastern Iowa and to equip them for service in the field. Mr. Allison entered on this work with great zeal. It was not an easy task. There were many difficulties to overcome, not least among which was the hos- tile attitude of those who opposed the war. He raised in all four regiments, two during the summer of 1861, and two during the early part of 1862." Following his services in raising regiments, Mr. Allison suffered from a protracted sickness. He had hardly recovered from that when he received the nomination for Congress from the old Third District. His work in rais- ing the regiments had made him known to the people of the various counties, and he went into the Convention with a good following, four other candidates contesting for the nomination. Up to i860, Iowa was credited with only two Congressmen. The census of 1S60, showed a remarkable increase in popula- tion, following the large foreign immigration to the State, as well as the immigration from the States farther east. By that census, Iowa became entitled to six Congressmen. The war Delegation in Congress from Iowa was one of great strength. Grimes and Harlan were in the Senate, and in the House were James F. Wilson, from the First District, Hiram Price from the Second, William B. Allison from the Third, A. W. Hubbard from the Fourth, J. B. Grinnell from the Fifth and John A. Kasson from the Sixth. They gave the young State immediate standing in the National Councils. Mr. Allison was the first man who saw the importance and the justice of the soldiers in the field being allowed to vote ; and there is no doubt but that their doing so saved a good many Congressmen to the Republican party, in a most critical period. Mr. Allison took his seat in the House on the 3d of December, 1863- James G. Blaine and James A. Garfield took their seats in the same House for the first time. The three men always remained warm personal as well as political friends. He was reelected three times, serving from 1863 to 187 1. He declined a renomination in 1870, because he had contested with Jud^'c Geo. G. Wright, of Des Moines, for a seat in the United States Senate. Though beaten, he had his ambitions centred on that body, and his friends also thought it was his place. Two years later, he defeated James Harlan for the Senate, and has served ever since, being elected five times, an honor 39 almost unprecedented. In his second term in the House of Representatives he was placed on the Committee on Ways and Means, the most important committee of the Congress of the United States. As a member of the Ways and Means Committee, he opposed the Tariff Act of 1S70, wherever it proposed to increase the duties then existing. It being a war tariff, he pro- posed that some of the duties should be lowered instead of raised, and in this he was supported by most of his Republican colleagues. In the follow- ing session the Dawes reduction, of ten per cent., horizontal, was carried through both Houses, thus vindicating Mr. Allison's judgment. Mr. Allison has made a special study of our finances, and is accepted by Congress and the country as eminently sound, wise and conservative. He made two amendments to the Bland Silver Bill, which sought to bring about free and unlimited coinage. The bill had passed the House ; Mr. Allison believed it was fraught with danger ; his amendments completely changed the effects of the bill ; it turned its influence in exactly the opposite direc- tion. The two important features of the amendments were the coinage of silver on Government account, and the committal of the Government to the policy of the use of both gold and silver as coinage metals, looking to an ulti- mate international agreement as to a ratio of coinage. In recognition of his eminent service to finances, Mr. Allison was sent, in 1892, to Brussels as the Chairman of the American Delegates to the International Monetary Confer- ence held in that city. Mr. Allison acquitted himself there with great credit, and maintained ably the American contention for the use of both metals, gaining the respect and the admiration of the Delegates from the other countries. Mr. Allison is not a high protective tariff man ; but he has stood all the time for the idea of protection to American industries and adequate revenue for the economical administration of the Government. In closing a debate on the Tariff Bill of 1883, he said: " If we are to have a fair bill we must have some relation to the people who consume in this country. * * I have acted upon that principle, serving and endeavoring to protect fairly every industry in this country in every vote I have cast." Mr. Allison was a candidate for the Presidency in 1888, but failing to get the nomination his strength was thrown to Mr. Harrison, who was nomi- nated and elected. He has been twice offered a position in the Cabinet, once by Garfield and once by Harrison. James G. Blaine felt that Mr. Allison ought to take the Treasury portfolio, and so wrote to Mr. Garfield. For over thirty years he has been a power in our politics ; in it all he has main- tained a safe, conservative attitude. He is an intellectual man, the peer of any one in the Senate. His temperament, his habits of thought and study, make him a statesman, rather than a brilliant politician. This year he is again an avowed candidate for the Republican nomination ; and if nominated and elected, he will undoubtedly give the country a capable, honest admin- istration. Senator Allison's first wife died in Dubuque, in i860. In 1873 ne re-married, choosing Miss Mary Neally, the step-daughter of ex-Governor and ex-United States Senator, Grimes. She was almost an invalid when he married her, she having contracted the Roman fever abroad and from which she never fully recovered. He has survived her ; and it was because of her sickness, and the duty of devotion to her, that he refused the Secretary-ship of the Treasury, proffered by President Garfield. JOHN GRIFFIN CARLISLE. THE subject of this sketch was born in Kenton county, Ky., September 5th, 1835. His fatherwas a farmer in rather limited circumstances, and had a large family, rendering it necessary that his son John should labor at farming during the working season, limiting his chance for schooling to the winter months. The character of the man was in the boy, however, and he made the most of his opportunities in the public schools of the neighborhood, and at home read with avidity in the evenings such books as came to his hand. After leaving school he was obliged to give himself entirely to farm work during the day ; but such was his thirst for knowledge, tired though he was, he sat up late at night study- ing and reading. From the earliest he was ambitious to get an education ; he wanted to know as much as the great men he read about, and realized that this could not be accomplished except through persistent application to books. With a retentive memory, natural ability and a sound body, he became pro- ficient in knowledge of those subjects to which he could gain access, and judg- ing by the character of his speeches and addresses, he must have had access to some of the English classics, for no man in public life uses purer english, or is less verbose. His sentences are always composed of words which ex- actly convey his meaning. When seventeen years of age, he began to teach school in a small country district. At this time he became ambitious to be a lawyer, and after school hours read law. Just as soon as possible he removed to Covington, Ky., just opposite Cincinnati, Ohio, where he taught school, and afterward entered the law office of Hon. J. W. Stevenson, late United States Senator, and W. B. Kinkead, afterward prominent in law and politics. In 1858, Mr. Carlisle was admitted to the bar. When a short time afterward he made his maiden speech in the Covington Court House, as an attorney, in a case which even his best friends considered hopeless, he sur- prised spectators, judge and jury, by his presentation of it and his mastery of the law affecting it. When he arose to speak he did not exhibit any of the nervousness usual with actors, clergymen and lawyers, when they first face an audience, that they feel will be critical. The confidence born of the knowledge that one knows what he is talking about, Mr. Carlisle had ; and beginning his address in a quiet, digni- : ■ d manner, using plain but well chosen words, he gradually warmed up and surprised every one by his forceful manner, well modulated voice, concise and logical argument. When lie finished, many crowded around and congratulated him ; and even the judge predicted for him a brilliant future in the law. This proved true, for within two years, it is said, he had the largest practice in the county, and the news had floated across the Ohio, to her metropolis, that John G. Carlisle was a safe man to intrust with the most difficult cases in the courts of Kentucky. 40 John G. Carlisle. 42 The distinguishing characteristics of Mr. Carlisle were then, as now, simplicity, earnestness, orderly arrangement of facts, use of language plain and simple, not liable to be mis-construed, for he is never ambiguous, quick comprehension of the facts in a case, and their logical array. He never uses twenty words when five will do as well, and he prefers calm, dispassionate oratory, to rhetorical display or word painting. Mr. Carlisle is always believed when he says a thing is so ; political and legal opponents may differ from him in his conclusions, but never in the honesty of his judg- ment. Besides this, he is always judicially fair, affable and just. As a Speaker of the House of Representatives, he had the sincere friendship and warm admiration of his political foes as well as political friends. The writer, in 1884, at Chicago, was told by a leading Republican mem- ber of Congress that, barring his politics, he would as soon have Mr. Carlisle for Speaker as James G. Blaine, he was so fair in his rulings. His natural ability and charming personality early made him friends in his party who were ready to push him forward, politically, so that before he had practiced law a year, he was elected a member of the Kentucky legisla- ture and served from 1859 to 1861. In 1864 he was nominated for Presidential Elector, but declined to run. In 1867 he was sent to the State Senate, and in 1868 made his first appear- ance in national politics, as Delegate-at-L,arge from Kentucky, to the Dem- ocratic National Convention, held in New York, and which nominated Horatio Seymour for President and Geo. H. Pendleton for Vice-President. In 1869 he was reelected State Senator, but before the expiration of the term was nominated for Lieutenant-Governor, whereupon he resigned as Senator and was elected, serving until 1877. In 1876 he was chosen alternate Presidential Elector-at-Large, and upon expiration of his term as Lieutenant- Governor was chosen to represent his district in the United States House of Representatives. He was reelected six times to Congress, serving one-half the time as Speaker. He became a member of the Committee on Ways and Means in the inception of his Congressional career, a distinction only accorded to those who are acknowledged as being peculiarly qualified for service on the leading committee of the house. He soon attracted the attention of the country by a very able speech on revenue reform, a subject to which he has devoted exhaustive study ; in fact, he regards this subject, finances and the revival of our merchant marine, as among the most important intelligent legislation. He is flippantly spoken of as a free trader, which is not true ; but he does not believe in a tariff which builds up trusts and monopolies, and enriches the few at the expense of the many. He rather believes in a tariff so adjusted as to be equitable and not burdensome ; providing sufficient revenue for the economical administration of the government. In December, 1883, he was elected Speaker over Samuel J. Randall, the most formidable opponent in his party and an extreme protectionist. It was a battle royal, within party lines, between high tariff and revenue reform. He gave such satisfaction as Speaker he was easily reelected in 1885 and 1887. As a parliamentarian it is enough to say he ranks with Blaine and Henry Clay, his mastery of the rules being perfect. In the Forty-sixth Congress he made a profound impression by his sup- 48 port of what was known as the Carlisle internal revenue bill, defending it with such vigor that its most determined opponent had praise for the man, if not for the measure. The three per cent, bond bill he successfully carried through the House, though it was opposed by the Secretary of the Treasury ; it also passed the Senate, but was vetoed by President Hayes. In all of Mr. Carlisle's discussions of public questions he has taken the broad view of the interests of the people at large, believing that " he serves his part)- best who serves his country best." When James B. Beck, United States Senator from Kentucky, died, Mr. Carlisle was chosen to fill the unexpired term, but resigned to accept the portfolio of Secretary of the Treasury, when Mr. Cleveland was inaugurated, March 4th, 1S93. There hasbeen a great deal of discussion as to Mr. Carlisle's attitude on the silver question, it being contended on the one hand by cer- tain people in his party that he had become a " gold bug," and on the other that he was at heart a bi-metalist. The writer has no knowledge upon the subject not possessed by the country, and does not speak by authority ; but from an acquaintance with the man, begun in 1872, he has no hesitation in saying that Mr. Carlisle would like to see gold and silver on a parity and circulating side by side as money. Mr. Carlisle is a perfectly honest man ; a man of sterling integrity, and therefore believes that any kind of dollar issued by the United States should be as good as any other kind of dollar. As Secretary of the Treasury, he has administered the law as he found it ; his personal preferences have had nothing to do with the matter. Should he be elected President of the United States, he will administer the law as he finds it, without fear or favor, and undoubtedly obey the will of the people, as expressed in well considered legislation. That he will aid in every prac- tical endeavor to restore silver to a parity with gold upon some agreed ratio that can be maintained, there is no doubt. January 15th, 1857, Mr. Carlisle married Miss Mary Jane Goodson daughter of Major John A. Goodson, of Covington, Ky. In every sense of the word she has been his helpmate, and his home life has been most happy. The surviving children are Wm. Kinkead and Lilbon Logan, both men of prominence in the law. The former practices in Chicago, and was coun- sel to the Columbian Exposition ; the latter is now Chief Clerk of the Treasury Department. MATTHEW STANLEY QUAY. MATTHEW STANLEY QUAY, the Junior Senator from Pennsylvania, like the present President, Grover Cleveland, is the son of a min- ister of the gospel. It is not asserting a truth too broadly to say that Mr. Quay is the most astute politician in this country, the best controller and manipulator of large bodies of men, and the man of all men who correctly interprets public opinion and molds the sentiment of the masses to his own views. Far-seeing, vigilant, determined, calm and unruffled amidst the angry moods of political tempests, he is like the trained navigator on the stormy deep who skilfully pilots his craft to port, a captain never wrecked, saving not only himself but his political friends. Men like to obey his political mandates, not merely because he is a master of the art, but because those to whom he professes friendship know they can depend upon that faithful quality in every emergency. In estimating a man's character and determining its true quality, cog- nizance must be had of his home life ; his every-day standing with his im- mediate neighborhood. If his home has an atmosphere of love, his wife being his truest companion, and his children believe he is the best father and friend in the world, while his neighbors, rich and poor, Christian and sinner, political friend or foe, sincerely admire his neighborly qualities, and believe his word is as good as his bond, it may be depended upon that such a man is true and honest in whatever sphere of life his work lies. The writer, before attempting this sketch, visited Beaver and talked with many of his neighbors who had known him for years, and whether Democrat or Republican, was questioned, the replies were : Mr. Quay is an honest man, a good friend and neighbor, and loves and is beloved by his family. In 1710, three brothers from the Isle of Man, off the coast of England, came to America and settled in Canada. Believing that Pennsylvania was a better field than Canada, in 17 15 one of the brothers settled in what is now Chester county. From this brother sprang the Quay family in the State of Pennsylvania. Joseph Quay, the grandfather of the Senator, was the eldest son of the man bearing the same name, who, in the early part of the eighteenth century, first made his home in the Keystone State. It is a matter of record that this second Joseph Quay, was a strong man intellectually and physically, combined with qualities of bravery that led him to serve his country in the Revolutionary War and that of 1812, he being among the first to enlist. He married the daughter of a gentleman named Anderson, of Scotch-Irish descent, and to this couple was bom Anderson Beeton Quay, who naturally became a Presbyterian minister, and who for many years of his life ministered to congregations in Western Pennsylvania. Matthew Stanley Quay was born in Dillsburg, York county, September 30th, 1833, and the foundation of his education was laid at the 44 Matthew Stanley Quay. 46 academies of Beaver and Indiana, from whence he entered Jefferson College, graduating with distinction at the age of seventeen. When Mr. Quay was six years old his parents moved to Pittsburg and afterward to Beaver, his present home. Graduating in 1850, he traveled, taught school, lectured and then studied law in the office of the present Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, Hon. James Sterrett. With literary inclinations, he soon after graduating resolved to establish a Union paper in Louisiana ; but his mother persuaded him to abandon the idea. Anti-slavery agitation was then at its height, and it is more than probable that had he persisted in the idea, his press would have been destroyed and himself subjected to personal indignities. Before he finished his law studies he was seized with the "Southern fever," and located in Texas. There he lectured for awhile, then went to teaching school in Colorado township. At that time the Indians were troublesome, forcing him to close his school. Money was a scarce article, but with what little he had he bought a rifle and a pony, and started for Austin to join a regiment of mountain rangers, organized for service against the Indians. Reaching the Capital, he found that the Legislature had failed to pass the bill for the organization of the regiment and its payment. Colonel Glenn, in his admirable sketch of the Senator, says : " This was his first experience in the uncertainties of legislation. He has had many since, but none more serious to him." Selling his outfit, he returned to his home in Beaver county, and resumed the study of law with R. P. Roberts, and was admitted to the Bar in 1854, ten days after he had reached the age of twenty-one. The following year he was appointed Prothonotary of Beaver county, to which office he was elected in 1856 and again in 1859. The war of the Rebellion coming on, he resigned his office and enlisted in 1861, in Company F, Eleventh Pennsylvania Reserves, but was soon made First Lieutenant. Before the Reserves were ordered into active service, Governor Curtin recognizing Ins ability, appointed him Commissary General upon his staff with the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel, and he was called to Harrisburg, where his great capacity for handling men, meeting the emergencies that arose and surmounting the obstacles presented, together with his capacity for work and mastery of the details of organization for active service of the troops, won the enconiums of officers and men and the esteem of the authorities. Camj) Curtin, in those days, had centered upon it the eyes of the State, and it is safe to say that no man connected with organizing and sending forward troops that there rendezvoused was more popular or labored harder for the public weal. When the military staff was abolished, Governor Curtin wisely appointed the young man from Beaver his Private Secretary. But Mr. Quay desired to be at the front, the place of danger being to his mind the place of duty ; so when the One Hundred and Thirty-Fourth Pennsylvania Infantry- needed a Colonel, he was appointed and assumed command early in August, 1862, and on the 30th of that month made a forced march to the front. Colonel Quay in those days was a rather frail, delicate man, and he had overtaxed his physical ability. He was seized with a severe illness, from which he arose too soon and joined his regiment. Eminent surgeons foreseeing that he could not possibly stand the ex- posure incident to camp life, urged, and insisted upon, his resigning. It ■was reluctantly accepted, and he was on the eve of leaving for home when it was decided by General Burnside to fight the battle of Fredericksburg. No longer an officer in the army, and, of course, unable to command his regiment, he volunteered as an aid upon the staff of General Tyler. In General Tyler's official report of the fight, he thus speaks of Colonel Quay's services : "Colonel M. S. Quay, late of the One Hundred and Thirty-fourth, was upon my staff as a voluntary aide-de-camp, and to him I am greatly indebted. Notwithstanding his enfeebled health, he was in the saddle early and late, ever prompt and efficient, and especially so during the engagement." " It is told of him that when he went into the fight he was all ready to start home, and that his men had sent considerable money by him to friends and kindred in Pennsylvania ; but so intent was he upon going into the fight with the regiment, his health had forced him to leave just upon the eve of the battle, that when General Tyler accepted his services as a staff officer he forgot money and all else, and went into the action with it upon his person." That Colonel Quay proved his personal courage upon the battlefield is proven by the unusual distinction of a Congressional medal. Upon his return to Harrisburg, Governor Curtiu appointed him Military State Agent at Washington, a position unusually hard to fill, owing to its great responsibil- ity and labor. When Governor Curtin, early in the Rebellion, said, " that no soldier of Pennsylvania killed in battle should be buried off her soil," he meant it, and thereupon devised a plan for the watchful care of the sick and wounded and the forwarding of the dead to their late homes. The State Agent at Wash- ington, therefore, had his hands full, as the saying goes, for he had a general care of all the soldiers of the State in the camp, field and hospitals. There are thousands of old soldiers in the State who will never forget his watchful care, his kindness and his sympathy ; all this work, full of detail, Colonel Quay performed while in feeble health. In 1863 the office of Military Secretary was created, and Governor Curtin appointed him to that position, realizing fully the untiring energy and intel- ligence of his former Private Secretary. In addition to the duties of that position, Colonel Quay assumed those of Superintendent of Transportation and Telegraph, made vacant by the death of Colonel Sees. In 1864, Washington and Beaver counties elected him to the Legisla- ture, and in 1865 he resigned as Military Secretary and was made Chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means, an unusual honor to bestow upon a new member. During that session the law was passed that exempted real estate from taxation for State purposes. Many other acts of importance bore the impress of his intelligent action. Governor Curtin always admitted that Colonel Quay was an invaluable aid to him as Governor, and as a soldier and civilian he won distinction, and in those troublous days he was known as a bold fighter and a faithful friend. In 1868, as Secretary of the Republican State Committee, he displayed those qualities of organization that have since made him the greatest politi- cal general of the century. 48 Colonel Quay always had a taste for journalism, and in 1869 established a paper named the Beaver Radical. He gave no notice of its appearance, and at its first issue did not have a single subscriber ; but he conducted it with such ability it soon had a State reputation and a large patronage. Editor Quay was a success and his edi- torial opinions were quoted far and wide. When General John F. Hartrauft was nominated for Governor it was made a signal for the enemy to assault the whole line ; and if Colonel Quay had not come to the rescue, and by matchless organization and generalship put the Republican forces in fighting shape, it is exceedingly doubtful whether the Republicans could have carried the State. Hartrauft, elected, he appointed Quay Secretary of State, which office he held until appointed Recorder of the City of Philadelphia. After he resigned that office Governor Hoyt appointed him Secretary of State again. He was Chairman of the Republican State Committee in 1878-79, Delegate- at-Large to the National Republican Conventions in 1S72, 1876, 1880, 1884 and 1S92. In 1885 the Democrats and disaffected Republicans determined to down the Colonel and relegate him to private life. He accepted the gauge of battle, went before the people and was elected State Treasurer by over 50,000 majority, the largest ever given up to that time. While State Treasurer he was elected by the Legislature of 1887, United States Senator to succeed Hon. John I. Mitchell. At the expiration of that term he was reelected to serve the term 1893-99. In 1888 Senator Quay was Chairman of the Republican National Com- mittee and ex-officio Chairman of the Executive Committee. In that campaign he exhibited phenomenal powers of leadership and won recognition as the most astute, clear-headed and withal boldest, political leader in the Union. As a political leader Senator Quay is as astute, calm and determined as the (late S. J. Tilden, with vastly greater audacity and courage. No Rubicon halts this political Caisar. He comes, he looks, he conquers. There is hardly an intelligent man in the country who will not say that Matthew S. Quay won the battle for Benjamin Harrison. When he retired from the National Republican Committee the follow- ing resolution was passed : Resolved, That we accept against our own judgment and much doubt as to the wisdom and expediency of it for the party's interests, the action of Senator Quay in his resignation as Chairman and member of the National Committee. In submitting to it, we desire to express, from our own knowl- edge of the facts of preeminent service to the party, our sense of deep obli- gation under which he has placed the Republican part}-, and the cause of good government and patriotism. He undertook the leadership of a doubt- I'.il contest, at a time when the Republican party was disheartened and the Democratic party confident, in the power of supreme control in the govern- ment of the nation, when the odds of the contest were against our party, and by his matchless power, his unequaled skill in resources and his genius to command victory, won for his party an unprecedented victory in the face of expected defeat. We know, as no one else can know, that the contest which he waged was one of as much honor and fair methods, as it was of in vincible power and triumphant victory, and that it was won largely by the power of his superior generalship and unfailing strength as a political leader. 49 Hon. J. S. Clarkson, of Iowa, who was elected Chairman to succeed Senator Quay, on November 23, 1891, made eulogistic speech, which de- serves and will always receive conspicuous space in the annals of political history. In it he not only bore testimony to Senator Quay's matchless leadership, but to the manly and fair way he fought his political battles ; in effect sav- ing, that which all well-posted public men know, that while a great tactician he is not a trickster ; not only a politician but a diplomat and a statesman. Of his work in the Senate the public know. He largely helped to make the McKinley tariff bill a law ; and when, in 1S94, the Democratic majority in the House and Senate, tried to force through the Wilson bill, he effectually blocked its passage by his famous speech, commenced on the 14th of April and concluded June 16th. By this, he forced amendments which in a measure protected the manufacturing interests of Pennsylvania and other States. Had the Democratic Senators persisted in passing the bill as it left the House, Senator Quay, under the rides of the Senate, would have talked to the end of the session. He took the leading part in the legislation which led to the closing of the World's Fair on Sunday, and has uniformly advocated morality in political action. In the summer of 1895, he fought a political fight within his own part)-, and despite the fact that the State Administration and the leading politicians of the great cities of his State were against him, he routed the combined forces, " foot, horse and dragoon." He appealed to the people, to the rank and file of the part}-, and as always before, they rallied to his banner, on which defeat had never been inscribed. This last victory attracted the at- tention of the whole country, as no other State battle ever did ; and as in it he declared for clean, good government, especially for municipalities against rings and the corrupt use of money in politics, he has the sentiment of the best people with him. Senator Quay lives in a fairlv commodious, red brick house, in the quiet borough of Beaver, surrounded by his wife and five children. His life at home is unostentatious, and all his social relation's are of the pleasantest character. He is a member of the Grand Army of the Republic and the Loyal Legion. A man who has been in as many political battles as he has, who never refuses to fight when forced, has of necessity more or less political enemies inside, as well as outside of his party. He pays no attention to vituperation, but calmly and fearlessly goes his way, serene in the consciousness that time will vindicate and justify his action. WILLIAM RALLS MORRISON. MR. MORRISON was born in Monroe count}-, 111., September 14th, 1825. He received his early education in the neighboring schools, and entered McKendree College, where he graduated in the class- ical course. He then studied law, was admitted to the bar, and practiced his profession, obtaining a fairly lucrative practice. In a short time, 1852, he was elected Clerk of the Circuit Court of Monroe county, serving until 1856. From 1857 to 1S60, he served in the Legislature of the State, the last term, 1859-60, as Speaker of the House. When the warca-me on lie organized the Forty-ninth Illinois, Infantry Volunteers, having had service as a soldier in the Mexican War. At Fort Donaldson, he was wounded, and while still in command of his regiment, was nominated by the Democrats of his district and elected to the Thirty-eighth Congress, 1863 to 1865. He was defeated for the Thirty-ninth and Fortieth Congresses, but was again chosen in 1S73, serving continuously until 1887. In 1886, he was an unsuccessful candidate for reelection. He was a Delegate to the National Union Convention in 1866 and to the Democratic Convention in 1868. Mr. Morrison, has been known for years as a pronounced "free trader." He has made special study of the tariff question, and in, 1884, while Chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means, introduced a tariff measure, which made a horizontal reduction of all duties upon imports, ex- cepting some articles, which were to be free. The bill came within four votes of passing the House of Representatives. He was very instrumental in making John G. Carlisle, Speaker of the House, in the Forty-eighth Con- gress ; and during his entire term of service never omitted an opportunity to press tariff reform. In the Democratic National Convention of 1884, Mr. Morrison was Chairman of the Committee on Resolutions. When he retired from Congress, President Cleveland appointed him a member of the "Inter-State Commerce Commission," upon which he is still serving. It is generally understood that the Illinois delegation will press him be- fore the Democratic National Convention for the nomination for President of the United States. lie- is, and always has been, a bi-metalist, but from recent interviews, it would seem that he believes, free coinage of silver can only be success- fully brought about by international agreement, or, in other words, that the commercial nations must agree upon a ratio, in order to keep the metals at -1 parity. lie is a common, plain man, accessible to all, of good ability, and clean his character ami public service; he has many of the elements of pop- ular strength. 50 Wm. R. Morrison. WILLIAM McKINLEY. WILLIAM McKINLEY was born on January 29th, 1843, at Niles, Trumbull Count}-, O., where his father was interested in one of the early iron furnaces of that section. He was educated in the common schools and at the Poland Academy, and in i860, at the age of seventeen, entered Allegheny College. Taking sick early in the term, he returned home, and that winter, following the example of so many great Americans, taught a country school near Poland. His duties ended in April, 1861, and it was his intention to go back to Allegheny College that fall. But while this young country boy had been teaching his little school, great and portentious events were transpiring. Secession was trying to dis- member the Union. The young teacher had scarcely laid aside his books when the roll of Sumter's guns summoned the people to arms. A new school opened its doors to the youth of the North— the grim school of war. Abraham Lincoln called for soldiers to defend the Union and the flag. Ohio's response was a ready one. In June the Twenty-third Regiment of Ohio Volunteers was organized at Columbus. Its first Colonel was William S. Rosecrans, afterward Major-General and Commander of the Department of the Cumberland. Its Lieutenant-Colonel was Stanley Matthews, who be- came United States Senator and Justice of the Supreme Court. Its Major was Rutherford B. Hayes, later thrice Governor of Ohio, and President of the United States. There were famous names on the roster of the Twenty- third Ohio Volunteers, and there marched in the ranks of Company E, knapsack on his back and musket on his shoulder, an eighteen-year-old pri- vate, in a new suit of blue, whose name was William McKinley. The regiment was hurriedly mustered in and trained, and sent to West Virginia. For fourteen months the young soldier served in the ranks — one of hundreds of thousands of privates who marched and toiled and fought and made the Major-Generals famous. But they saved the Union. Every duty of a private soldier William McKinley performed. He shouldered the musket and carried the knapsack, and in camp and on the march, on picket and in battle, bore his part. In West Virginia, the Twenty-third fought under Rosecrans and McClel- lan. Private McKinley, saw his first battle when Rosecrans defeated Floyd, at Carnifex Ferry. After the West Virginia campaign the regiment joined the Army of the Potomac and fought under McClellan. At Antietam and South Mountain, the young soldier saw war in its grimmest aspect. After An- tietam, he was promoted to Second-Lieutenant, and exchanged the musket for the sword. Just previous to this promotion, however, he had been made Commissary-Sergeant. Remembering the oft-published item that he resembles Napoleon, the Governor one day said to an interviewer: "I never was a corporal;" he does not stem to think highly of Napoleonic resemblances. Subsequent promotion came— to First Lieutenant and Captain— and he served 011 the brigade and division staff of General R. B. Hayes, part of the 52 William McKinley. 55 lime as Aide-de-Camp. Then he was detailed as Acting, Assistant Adjutant- General, on the staff of General George Crook, and was with Sheridan, in his great campaign through tire Shenandoah Valley. He was at Winchester, Cedar Creek, Fisher's Hill, Opequan, Kernstown, Cloyd Mountain and Berryville, and all the other battles and skirmishes of that eventful time. Did he do any fighting? Well, we have General Sheridan's testimony on that point. He found the young Major rallying the troops at Cedar Creek, the morning of his famous ride from Winchester, and tells of it in his .Me- moirs. Then his horse was shot under him at Berryville. One of the most cherished of his possessions is a document, worn and time-stained now. It is his commission as Brevet Major of the United States Volunteers, given in 1S64, " for gallant and fneritorious services at the battles of Opequan, Cedar Creek and Fisher's Hill," and it is signed "A. Lincoln." Mr. McKinley remained in the army until after Appomattox, when he was mustered out and returned to the duties of civil life. It is but fair to say, however, that he returned reluctantly ; he had imbibed a liking for army life, and but for his father's persuasions he would have taken a com- mission in the regular army. He studied law with Charles E. Glidden and David Wilson, of Mahoning county, took a course at the Albany (N. Y.) Law School, and in 1S67, was admitted to the bar, and located at Canton, Stark county, since his home. Two years later he ran for Prosecuting Attorney of the count}-. Stark county was Democratic, but McKinley was elected and served two years. He ran for reelection, but fell short by forty-five votes when bis State ticket was beaten over six hundred. Meanwhile he became active in politics. He took the stump for his party, and soon made himself a power among the people. In 1876, he was proposed as a candidate for Congress. The sitting Congressman, L. D. Wood worth, of Mahoning, Judge Frease and several other Republicans, three of them from his own county, were opponents for the nomination. In Stark county, delegates to the Congressional convention were elected by a popular vote ; McKinley carried every township in the county but one, and that had but a single delegate. In the other counties he was almost equally successful, and the primaries gave him a majority of all the delegates in the district. He was nominated on the first ballot over all the other candidates. For fourteen years he represented the district of which Stark county was a part — not the same district, for the Democrats did not relish the prominent part he was playing in Congress, and " gerry- mandered" him three times. They began early at it, too, for in 1878, he was put into a district that had i,Soo Democratic majority. McKinley carried it by 1,300 votes. In 18^4, they tried a similar " gerrymander," but McKinley was not to be downed, and made 1,500 Democratic majority 1,530 the other way. Finally in 1S90, the year he had placed upon the statute books of the Nation, the famous " McKinley bill," partisan intolerance had its most iniquitous expression. Stark county was put in a district with Wayne, Medina and Holmes. One year before, these counties had given Campbell, Democrat, 3,900 majority for Governor. McKinley made the fight, and against ex-Lieut. Gov. Warwick, a prominent and popular Demo- crat. Not, perhaps, since Abraham Lincoln contested Illinois for the Sena- tor ship, against Stephen A. Douglas, has there been — in one sense — a local political struggle which the whole country watched with such intense inter- 5G est. It was indeed a battle royal. Some curious schemes were resorted to by his opponents. The cry that the McKinley bill had raised the prices of necessaries was harped upon incessantly. It is even said that in Holmes county, a Democratic stronghold, the Democrats sent men, purporting to be tin peddlers, into the country districts for the express purpose of inten- tionally deceiving the farmers. These offered ordinary tin drinking cups at one dollar a piece. When the people remonstrated, the answer was : " the McKinley bill has put so heavy a duty on tin plate that the prices of tinware have gone away up." Despite the heavy odds against him, and such electioneering methods as these, Major McKinley was beaten by a beggarly 303 votes. And that on the fullest vote ever cast in the district. He polled 2,500 more votes than had been given Harrison in 18S8. This defeat in 1890, took him out of Con- gress. It made him Governor of Ohio in 1891. It is unnecessary to dwell upon Major McKinley's record in Congress. The people know it. He was active and prominent from the very first. When James A. Garfield became President, Major McKinley took his place on the Ways and Means Committee. In the Fifty-first Congress, Speaker Reed, made him its Chairman, and he framed the famous tariff bill that bears his name, and led the fight that resulted in its passage. During those four- teen years in the House the name of William McKinley, of Ohio, became known to the whole people. Possibly no measure passed by Congress has been the subject of so much discussion and so widely varying opinions, as has the McKinley tariff bill. Its friends have sung its praises ; its enemies have been loud in their denuncia- tions. A famous feature of this bill was the " Reciprocity Clause." The credit for this important clause has been accorded (and in large measure most justly) to James G. Blaine. But an oft-repeated charge has been that Mc- Kinley opposed the reciprocity feature. Nothing is farther from the truth. As evidence of this, the following extracts from an authorized interview with William E. Curtis, Secretary of the Bureau of American Republics, are to the point. Mr. Curtis was for many years close to Mr. Blaine, and this in- terview was published a year and a half before that lamented statesman's death. It appeared in the Masillon Independent of August 19th, 1891, Mr. Curtis being then a visitor to that city. After stating that Mr. Blaine opposed any disturbance of the duties on South American products, to which the Ways and Means Committee did not agree, Mr. Curtis said : " When Mr. Blaine found that it was proposed to remove the duty on sugar, he sent me to Mr. McKinley with a proposition which he wanted added to the bill as an amendment. It afterward became known asthe Hale amendment. It provided that the President should be authorized to take off the duty on sugar whenever the sugar producing nations removed their duties on our farm products and certain other articles. "Mr. McKinley presented this amendment to the Committee on Ways and Means. It was not adopted. Mr. McKinley voted for it the first time it was presented. Then a second proposition containing some modifications was presented, and Mr. McKinley voted for that, as he voted for the, Blaine reciprocity amendment every time it was submitted, in whatever form. " It lias been currently reported that Mr. Blaine denounced the McKinley bill with such vigor that he smashed his hat. Mr. Blaine's opposition to the bill was because of the free- sugar clause. He criticised the refusal of Congress to take advantage of conditions which he ' were favorable to our trade. They proposed to throw away the duty on sugar when he wanted them to trade with it. 57 "When what was known as the Aldrich amendment was adopted, Mr. Blaine was per- fectly satisfied, ami there is nothing in the current tale> thai he is unfriendly to Major McKinley. On the contrary, he is one of his wannest friends. Had ii nol been for Mr. Mc- Kinley and Senator Aldrich, of Rhode Island, the reciprocity clause in the tariff act would never have been adopted." Samuel J. Randall, of Pennsylvania, was Speaker when Major McKinley entered Congress, and they became warm friends. There was one mem- orable scene in the Fiftieth Congress in which both figured. It occurred on May ist, 1888, the day on which the general debate closed on the Mills bill. Mr. Randall opposed this measure, and incurred the displeasure of the free trade element, headed by Mr. Mills, of Texas. He took the floor to speak against the bill. In feeble health, his voice at times almost inaudible, the great leader labored under much disadvantage in this, his last fight for pro- tection. Before he was through his time expired ; amid cries of " go on," Mr. Randall asked for an extension, but Mr. Mills walked to the front and said : " I object ! " The cry was repeated by many Democratic members. It was a sad sight to witness this great Democratic leader, thus silenced upon a momentous question by his own party friends. There was an ex- citing scene. Amid it all the Chairman announced that Mr. McKinley, of Ohio, had the floor. The latter was to close the debate on the Republican side. His desk was piled with memoranda and statistics. "Mr. Speaker!" he cried, and his voice stilled the din about him to silence, " I yield to the gentleman from Pennsylvania out of my time all that he may need to finish his speech on this bill." In 1891, Major McKinley was unanimously nominated for Govenor. He made the contest against Governor James E. Campbell, and was elected by a plurality of over 21,000. Two years later he was again unanimously nomi- nated, and it was then that he received the highest vote ever cast for any can- didate in Ohio. He defeated " Larry " Neal, his Democratic opponent, by the unparalleled majority of 80,995 votes. Meanwhile he had been otherwise prominent in public affairs. In 1884, as Delegate-at-Large from Ohio to the Republican National Convention, he supported James G. Blaine for President. He was again Delegate-at-Large in 1 888, this time advocating the nomination of John Sherman. It was a long and exciting contest. The convention was in session over a week. Mr. Blaine, then in Europe, was ardently supported by many, despite his cele- brated "Florence letter," declining to be a candidate. There grew up a strong feeling for McKinley. Many of the leaders favored his nomination as the best solution of the difficulty. Senator Quay, of Pennsylvania, said : " If Major McKinley comes into the fight, I think our delegation would rally more enthusiastically around him than any other man. He is up to the Pennsylvania idea of a man, and the delegation I think, will be for him." On Saturday, June 22d, every Republican member of the House then in Washington, joined in a telegram to Chicago, saying that the best interests of the party demanded the nomination of Major McKinley. That same day while the balloting was going on, Conneticut cast a vote for McKinley. He rose in the midst of the roll call and said Ohio had sent him there to support John Sherman and his heart and judgment accorded with his instructions. He could not remain silent with honor, nor consistent with the credit of Ohio, honorable fidelity to John Sherman, or with his own views of personal integrity, " consent or seem to consent to be a candidate." 58 " I would not respect myself," said he, "if I could find it in my heart to do, or to say, or to permit it to be done, that which would even be ground for any one to suspect that I wavered in my loyalty to Ohio, or my de- votion to the chief of her choice, and the chief of mine. I do not request, I demand that no delegate who would not cast a reflection upon me, shall cast a ballot for me." It is probably the truth to say that Major McKinley's fidelity to John Sherman lost him the Presidency, since the Republican candidate was elected. Four rears later, in 1892, at the Minneapolis Convention, Major Mc- Kinlev was made permanent Chairman. Here, when Blaine's friends saw that their candidate could not be nominated, they attempted to stampede the convention to Major McKinley. This he resisted, urging that he was not a candidate and would not consent to a nomination. That, of course, settled the matter, and Mr. Harrison was nominated. Xo man in the United vStates is a better campaigner than Major Mc- Kinley. His services are always in request, and he has made as many as seventeen short speeches in one day. He is quick at repartee, as a gentle- man at New Orleans found out when he fired the question at him : " What about the Force Rill?" "We are more interested, just now," replied the Major, " in the Board Bill." He made one tour, taking in eighteen States, from Minnesota in the North, to Louisiana in the South, and from Kansas in the West, to New York in the East. He agreed to make forty-six speeches, and he did, and three hundred and twentv-five to boot. He speaks slowly at first, in low, measured tones, but gradually warming up, his voice becomes stronger and is heard by all in his audience. He is epigrammatic at times ; always logical, clear and concise in statement. " Capital won't work without profit any more than the laborer will work without wages. Yel capital can wait on its dividends, but th • workingman can't wait on his dinner." •• Tin' capital of tin- workingman is his strong right arm and the deftness and skill of his brain, ami if they are unused for a month, or three months or six months, that much of the workingman's capital has gone forever. What we want to-day is to keep that capital in- vested. You can't do it if you give Europe a pa T t of our work to do." "Diminution of domestic production means diminution of the demand for American labor. There is nothing cheap to the American that comes from Europe if it enforces idleness at home." " 'i in dearest things 10 any people are idleness and poverty." These are a few of his short, pithy statements, easily comprehended and remembered. Major McKinley does not use intoxicating liquors, but he does smoke good cigars. In religion, he and his wife, who has been an invalid for years, are Methodists. They never had but two children, and they died in infancy. He is a most devoted husband, and to him his wife is still sweetheart. No one has ever impugned Major McKinlev's motives, or cast a doubt upon his integrity ; and the writer thinks it one of the proud things an American can say about our most prominent men in all parties, they are honest in their convictions, honest in their personal dealings, staunch Americans and liberty loving.* litor of this honk acknowledges bis indebtedness to Mr. Henry Hall, of the Pitts- bury Times, for a large share of this sketch. Claude Matthews. CLAUDE MATTHEWS. PLUCK, integrity, tact — a trinity of words that give expression to the character of every successful man, in either political or com- mercial life. Lacking either one of these, failure is almost certain to follow the best directed efforts. Tact is the open eye, the recep- tive ear, the taste that judges, that indefinable something that puts the man in bond of sympathy with his fellows. Your cold, distant man, however learned, is like a piece of steel never touched by the electric wand ; your tactful man is the magnetic iron that attaches, draws. Usually the man that is in touch with the people, is of the people. He has not lived in any realm apart ; he has been companion, counsellor, friend, with those who toil in the industries that give vigor to national life, and by their manifold development make a people great. Such a man is the subject of our sketch, and the man who reads the news of the day, need not be told that it is no evdogy to say, that Claude Matthews, Governor of Indiana, knows not only how, but when to do the right thing. Like all free-thinking men, he is a partisan ; but he never forgets that as the Chief Executive of a great State, he governs Republicans, Populists and Democrats, and he deals justly by all. Born in Kentucky, fifty years ago, he is now in the full vigor of man- hood. He was educated at Center College, that State, after having the usual trials in getting a common school education. Soon after graduating, he removed to Indiana, and was wedded to the daughter, and only child, of ex-U. S. Senator James Whitcomb, one of Indi- ana's well-known and early statesmen. Governor Matthews, settled upon a farm in Vermillion county, and has been, and is now, a practical farmer, giving great attention to breeding of blooded cattle, Jerseys and Shorthorns. In fact, he has been active in the organizations in the United States and Canada, which have grown up to foster the development of these breeds. Living in a district giving a large Republican majority, his party, the Democratic, selected him as a candidate for the Legislature. He entered the canvass to win, and overcame a majority of 300, being elected by a ma- jority of 250 votes. In 1890, the Democratic party in casting about for men who could carry the State, selected Claude Matthews to head their ticket as Secretary of State. The nomination was given him almost without solicita- tion on his part, the delegates feeling that they must select their strongest man. In 1892, a candidate for Governor was to be selected, and with singu- lar unanimity, the convention concluded that the tried Secretary of State, should be the man to head the ticket. All students of American politics are aware that in Indiana, of all States, the game of politics is played for all it is worth. It is a see-saw game, sometimes up and sometimes down," neither party having anything like a certainty; until, in fact, it has become a proverb, " as goes the State of Indiana, so ,-oos the Union." Claude Matthews carried the State, and by a majority large enough to fasten the attention of the country upon him as a man truly popular with the people. 60 Gl In fact, his majority for Governor was the largest ever given any candi- date. Poll Indiana to-day, it is safe to say that without regard to party, the people Republicans, Democrats, or what not, will subscribe to this declara- tion : Hehas been an ideal ruler; firm in his convictions, not obstinate, devoted to duty, calm and resolute. He is not a narrow-minded man ; lie looks at all sides of a question and gives every one a hearing. He is liberal in his views, and looks beyond the matter of persons to the great arena where the consensus of opinion must be the ultimate arbiter. Although a farmer, he possesses the judicial mind, calm, sober and re- flective ; but he never gets out of touch with the people — the common Sam, Bob, or Tom, of every-day life. He has grown up in the world, with the people whose aggregate wisdom constitutes the whole ; whose judgment as expressed at the polls, is the final verdict from which no appeal can be taken. Not born with a "silver spoon in his mouth," he lias worked in the planting and the harvest, and hence knows that it is incumbent upon our legislators to study economy in expenditures to the end that taxation may not become onerous. Without being a high tariff man he would so adjust imposts that sufficient revenue shall be provided for the economical administration of the Govern- ment. Like all fair-minded citizens, he does not believe in taxing, directlv or indirectly, the many for the advantage of the few. Monopolies and trusts, he believes, to be "Canada thistles " in our free soil, to be uprooted and de- stroyed. It is very safe to say that if Governor Matthews is elevated to the Chief Magistracy of this Nation, watchful care will be taken that expenditures are kept well within receipts, and that Wall street gamblers do not reap a harvest by illegitimate gains from the United States Treasury. He is a firm believer that this is a nation "by the people, for the people," and the greatest and best upon earth. Like every patriot, its honor is his individual care, and so far as he can, he jealously guards it. To attain the highest office, Governor Matthews will not descend to devious ways ; he has made his record to be read of all men, and he points to it with pride. His promise is to nil people that if nominated and elected President of this great country he w r ill administer the high office for the benefit of the citizens at large, and strive to keep our credit and honor untarnished. He comes of a stock noted for devotion to principle — the Scotch-Irish — and for being hardy and fearless ; his immediate ancestors, both maternal and paternal, were noted as soldiers and statesmen, so that he has by birthright a place as a leader. From a recent article printed in a leading Western newspaper, I quote the following : " Governor Matthews is a man of broad views. He could not be called a one-idea man from any possible standpoint. In the administration of the public affairs with which' he has been intrusted, he has shown at all times the broadest liberality consistent with the public good, and the highest type of moral courage. It has never occurred to him, and never would occur to him, that there was anything for a public official to do but his whole duty under anv circumstance. " Governor Matthews, has many qualities which especially fit him for a Presidential candidate as well as for the Presidency. He is essentially a man of the people. His Democracy is of the warp-and-woof of his character. His knowledge of men comes from his close contact with men. It may be 62 truly said of him that from his very earliest boyhood he has touched elbows with the world. His manners are dignified and engaging. He believes in the fullest possible discussion of all questions affecting his party and his country, and is ready at all times to give the fullest audience to questions concerning party and public welfare, whether the views expressed agree with his own or not. " Governor Matthews' family consists of himself, his wife and two chil- dren. His oldest child is the wife of Cortez Ewing, a prominent attorney in a neighboring city. The Governor's youngest child, and the only one re- maining at home with her parents, is Miss Helen Matthews, a young lady of rare beauty and accomplishments. Governor Matthews is very domestic in his tastes, and spends with his family all of his time that is not necessarily devoted to his business affairs. His country place in Vermillion county is one of the handsomest estates in Indiana, and is known far and wide as ' Hazel Bluff Farm.' The place is well stocked, and he goes out there fre- quently to see how the trotters, and the shorthorns, and the colts, and the calves, and the lambs, are getting along. He is fond of life on the farm, and says he will be glad when he is through with politics, so that he can go back to ' Hazel Bluff' and take things easy." It is generally conceded, that the Central West will furnish the Demo- cratic candidate for President. Indiana will enthusiastically support Gover- nor Matthews. They say no man has ever been elected President, since Indiana became a State, who has not got her electoral vote, and they declare that he can carry the State against any antagonist. Having excited no jealousies in his party, it is believed his name will be a tower of strength in all the doubtful States, and that, therefore, it is political wisdom to give him the nomination. The writer of this article makes no claim to being a prophet, but he does think that he can pretty accurately judge public men by their official acts, and lias no hesitancy in saying that if Claude Matthews becomes President no emergency will arise that will not find him equal to the occasion. C. F. Manderson. GENERAL CHARLES FREDERICK MANDERSON. CHARLES FREDERICK MANDERSON was born of Scotch-Irish an- cestry in Philadelphia, Pa., February 9th, 1837, and received his education in the schools of his native city. At the age of 19 he re- moved to Canton, Stark county, Ohio, where he studied law and was admitted to the bar in 1859. In the spring of 1S60 he was elected City Solicitor of Canton, Ohio, and was reelected the next year. On the day of the receipt of the news of the firing on Fort Sumpter he enlisted as a private with Captain James Wallace of the Canton Zouaves, an independent company in which he had been a corporal. Receiving permis- sion from Governor Dennison, with Samuel Beatty, an old Mexican soldier, then sheriff of Stark Count)-, to raise a company of infantry, they recruited a full company in one day in April, 1861, Manderson being elected and commissioned First Lieutenant. In May, 1S61, Beatty, the Captain, being made Colonel of the 19th Ohio Infantry, Manderson became Captain of Company " A " of that Regiment. He took his command into Western Vir- ginia among the first troops occupying that section, and the 19th Ohio be- came a part of the Brigade commanded by General Rosecraus in General MeClellan's Army of Occupation of West Virginia. The Regiment partici- pated with great credit in the first field battle of the war on the nth day of July, 1861. Captain Manderson received special mention in the official re- ports of this battle. In August, 1861, he reenlisted his Company for three years, or during the war, and in this service he rose through the grades of Major, Lieutenant-Colonel and Colonel of the 19th Ohio Infantry, and on January 1st, 1864, over 400 of the survivors of his Regiment reenlisted with him as veteran volunteers. The battle of Shiloh, during which Captain Manderson acted as Lieutenant-Colonel, caused his promotion to the rank of Major, and he was mentioned in the reports of General Boyle and General Crittenden, for distinguished gallantry and exceptional service. General Boyle says in his report : " Captain Manderson deported himself with cool nerve and courage and personally captured a prisoner." He was in command of the 19th Ohio Infantry in all its engagements up to and including the battle of Lovejoy's Station on September 2d, 1864. At the battle of Stone's River, or Murfreesboro, the Regiment lost in killed and wounded 213 men out of 449 taken into the engagement, or 44 per cent. It won distinguished renown and exceptional mention for its participation in this great battle, and the official reports gave particular credit to its charge in the cedars which checked the enemy's advance upon our right and restored the line of battle to one that could be maintained. General Fred Knefler, who commanded the 79th Indiana, said in his official report: "It may not be improper to remark that the behavior of my regiment, which had but few opportunities for drill, and had not been long in the field, may he attributed in a great measure to the splendid conduct of the 19th t>4 65 Ohio, Major Manderson commanding, the effect of whose example was not lost upon the officers and soldiers of my regiment." General Grider, commanding the Brigade, says : " The command was splendidly led by its officers, among whom was Major Manderson, who exhibited the ntmost coolness and daring." During its three years and its veteran service, the 19th Ohio Infantry participated in the following campaigns and battles : Shiloh, Sic^e of Corinth, Action near Farmington, Movement from Battle Creek, Tenn., to Louisville, Ky., Perryville Campaign, Crab Orchard, Stone's River, Murfreesboro, Tul- lahoma Campaign, Liberty Gap, Chickamauga, Siege of Chattanooga, Orchard Knob, Mission Ridge, Knoxville Campaign, Atlanta Campaign, Cassvillc, Dallas. New Hope Church, Pickett's Mills, Ackworth Station, Pine Knob, Kulp's Farm, Kenesaw, Affair near Marietta, Crossing the Chattahootchie River, Peach Tree Creek, Siege of Atlanta. Ezra Chapel, Jonesboro, Love- joy's Station, Franklin, Nashville and pursuit of Hood's Army. The Brigade Commander says of the battle of New Hope Church in his official report : "The second line, commanded by Colonel Manderson, and composed of the 19th Ohio, the 79th Indiana and the 9th Kentucky, advanced in splendid style through a terrific fire. Officers and soldiers acted most gal- lantly, the regiments of the second line particularly, which advanced in admirable order over very difficult ground and determinedly maintained their ground against very superior numbers. Conspicuous for gallantry and deserving of special mention is Colonel C. F. Manderson, of the 19th Ohio." While leading his demi-brigade composed of the 19th Ohio, the 9th Kentucky and the 79th Indiana, in a charge upon the enemy's works at Lovejoy's Station, Ga., on September 2d, 1864, in which the front line of works was taken and held, he was severely wounded in the spine and right side. General Knefler, commanding the Brigade, says officially : " I cannot say too much of Colonel Manderson, who was severely wounded and always conspicuous for gallantry and skill." General Wood, who commanded the Division, says of the charge upon the enemy's works : " It was gallantly made, and we lost some valuable officers, among them Colonel Manderson." The ball being unextracted, and much disability arising therefrom, he was compelled to resign the service from wounds, in April, 1865, the war in the West having practically closed. Previous to his resignation he was breveted Brigadier-General of Volunteers, U. S. A., to date March 13th, 1865, " for long, faithful, gallant and meritorious services during the War of the Rebellion." This distinction came to him on the recommendation of army commanders in the field and not by political influence. Returning to Canton, Ohio, he resumed the practice of law, and was twice elected District Attorney of Stark County, declining a nomination for a third term. In 1867 he came within one vote ot receiving the Republican nomination for Congress in a district in Ohio, then conceded to be Republican by several thousand majority. In November, 1869, he removed to Omaha, Neb., where he still resides, and where he quickly became prominent in legal and political affairs. He 66 was a member of the Nebraska State Constitutional Convention of 187 1 and also that of 1874, being elected without opposition by the nominations o " both political parties. He served as City Attorney of Omaha, Neb., for over six years, obtaining signal success in the trial of important municipal cases and achieving high rank as a lawyer. For many years he has been an active comrade in the Grand Army of the Republic, and for three years was Commander of the Military Order of the Loyal Legion of the District of Columbia. He was elected United States Senator as a Republican to suc- ceed Alviu Saunders, his term commencing March 4th, 1883. He was reelected to the Senate in 1S88 without opposition, and with exceptional and unprecedented marks of approval from the Legislature of Nebraska. His term expired March 3d, 1895, and he declined to be a candidate for a third term, announcing publicly his intention to retire from public life. In the Senate he was Chairman of the Joint Committee on Printing and an active member of the following committees : Claims, Private Land Claims, Terri- tories, Indian Affairs, Military Affairs and Rules. Many valuable reports have been made by him from these committees, and he has been a shaping and directing force in the way of legislation of value relating to Claims, the establishment of the Private Land Claims Court, the Government of the Territories, the admission of new States, pensions to soldiers, aid to soldiers' homes, laws for the better organization and improvement of the discipline of the United States Army, and for the improvement and better methods for the printing of the Government. In the second session of the Fifty-first Congress, he was elected by the United States Senate as its President pro tempore without opposition, it hav- ing been declared by the Senate, after full debate, to be a continuing office. This unanimous election to the Presidency of the Senate was without a precedent, and was the highest compliment that could be paid by that august body to one of its members. In March, 1893, the political complex- ion of the Senate having changed, he resigned the Presidency of the Senate, and was succeeded by Hon. Ishani G. Harris, of Tennessee. General Mander- son retired from the Senate March 3d, iS95,and being tendered the position of General Solicitor of the Burlington System of Railroads west of the Mis- souri River, entered upon the duties of the place on April 1st, 1895, contin- uing his residence at Omaha, Neb. The preceding, which we quote from a recent publication, illustrates one characteristic of General Manderson, namely, that whatever he under- takes he proposes to carry to a finish. He enlisted in the war of the rebellion at the very first, and he continued iii it until a wound absolutely disabled him, the bullet which caused it being still in his body. Fortunately, the messenger came after, or at least, about the time the real fighting had been done ; so that it may be said he was in the war from start to finish. The wound which disabled him was so severe the surgeons were almost hopeless of his recovery, and it is a fact that his lower limbs were paralyzed for over two mouths. When Corporal Tanner was Commissioner of Pensions, in looking over the records, he found the case of General Manderson, and, from the descrip- tion of the wound he received, concluded that he was entitled to the allow- ance for full disability instead of half, which he was getting. He thereupon put General Manderson on the pension roll for $30.00 per month instead of 67 $15.00. General Manderson knew nothing of this, being absent in Alaska at the time, and never asked that it should be done. In fact, as soon as he knew it had been done, he wrote the Commissioner that it should not be without a medical examination, and demanded that a medical commission be appointed to examine him. Meantime Senator Manderson's political enemies took the matter np, and asserted that full disability had been allowed from time of receiving the wound, and that he had received a check for some thousands of dollars of back pension, all of which was distinctly untrue. Of course the lie " flew on the wings of Mercury and the truth followed after on leaden shoes." The discussion resulted, however, in great good, as it invited the attention of the country to the pension system, Mr. Man- derson maintaining that every wounded or disabled soldier, be he millionaire or pauper, was entitled to a pension as a right. It stands to reason that if a rich man is debarred from receiving a pension because he is wealthy, the poor man can be upon some pretext that can be trumped up. In this Re- public, equity demands that every man shall stand before the law on the same plane with every other man ; there must be no discrimination. It also evolved the idea, which is now sturdidly maintained, that the pensioner has a vested right which cannot be disturbed at the whim or caprice of those in authority. Every veteran soldier owes General Manderson a debt of gratitude for his sturdy defense of their interests. It is not amiss to say in this connec- tion that while Senator, Mr. Manderson handled over 45,000 pension cases, a " thank you job gladly performed," which cost the Senator over $500 per annum for postage, clerk hire, etc. After the death of General Logan this business seemed to drift his way, showing that the old soldiers recognized him as their especial friend — and he is and was. General Manderson's sturdy independence of character and absolute integrity has never been questioned. He has always kept in touch with the people, and as their servant in the Senate served their every interest with fidelity. He is a sound thinker, a pleasing speaker, and is self-reliant, as becomes all citizens of a republic. In 1S65, he married Rebecca S. , daughter of Hon. James D. Brown, of Canton, Ohio. DANIEL WOLSEY V00RHEE5. VERY few men in public life are better known to the public at large than Senator Voorhees, who was born in Butler county, Ohio, Sep- tember 26th, 1S27. His ancestors came from Holland, and were early settlers in New Jersey, the original name being Van Voorhees. The Senator is proud of his ancestry, and often dwells upon the genius and valor of the people of the Dutch Republic, in its historic days. Soon after the Revolution, his grandfather removed to Kentucky, where he mar- ried a Miss Van Arsdale, whose father fought with Daniel Boone, against the Indians at Blue Lick, Ky. Senator Voorhees' father, Stephen Voorhees, was born in Kentucky, but removed early in life to Ohio, where he married Rachel Elliott, of Irish ancestry and a native of Maryland. She was a woman of large intellectual endowments and great strength of character. In 1827, when Daniel was but two months old, his parents removed to Indiana, and purchased land in Fountain count}'. Daniel grew to manhood on the farm and had his full share of the hard work incident to a pioneer farmer's life, and he says he liked it and became thoroughly interested in rural matters. Readers of his speeches will note that he often illustrates them with scenes and incidents of his farm life. To obtain an education, he attended the common school fall and winter, and read such books as he could get, in the evenings. By close application he had become so proficient, when eighteen years years of age, he entered Indiana Asbury (now De Pauw) University, where he graduated in 1849. At the University he displayed great mental abilities and rare oratorical powers. He studied law at Crawfordsville, and in 185 1 commenced to prac- tice at Covington, Ind., the seat of justice of Fountain county. While at Covington, young Voorhees delivered a Fourth of July oration, which was listened toby United States Senator Hannegan, of Indiana, himself one of the great orators of his time. Mr. Voorhees' speech so captivated the Sena- tor, he at once proposed that they form a law partnership, which was ac- cepted in April, 1852. The next year, 1853, Mr. Voorhees, in defending a criminal, found himself confronted by ex-Governor Wright, but he so far held his own as to establish his reputation as a criminal lawyer of rare abil- ity. In 1856, the Democrats nominated him for Congress, but he was de- feated. Soon after he removed to Terre Haute, which has ever since been his home, and where he gained the sobriquet of the "Tall Sycamore of the Wabash." From 1858 to 1861, he was United States District Attorney for Indiana. In 1S59, at the earnest, personal request of Gov. Ashbel P. Wil- lard, of Indiana, he went to Charlestown, Va., to defend John E. Cook, brother-in-law of the Oovernor, and one of the associates of John Brown in the raid upon Harper's Ferry His able defense of his client and remarka- bly eloquent speech to the court and jury, on that occasion, was published all over this country and translated into several languages ; from that day Daniel W. Voorhees, was a National character. In i860, he was elected to Congress, and reelected in 1862 and 1864. In 1866, his seat was successfully contested by Henry D. Washburn ; but in 1868, he was again victorious, and 68 D. W. Voorhees. 70 was reelected in 1870 and 1872. From 187210 1S77, he practiced law, and was more than ordinarily successful, being attorney in many very important cases. When Oliver P. Morton died, a vacancy in the United States Senate, from Indiana occurred, and Mr. Voorhees was appointed. He was subse- quently elected by the Legislature for the term, and reelected in 1885 and 1S91. Senator Voorhees is a strong partisan, and at times delivers and receives heavy blows ; but being a man of generous impulses, he usually gains the personal good-will of his political opponents. He is a man of most decided convictions and sturdy independence of character. His opinions are not for sale and he is honest to the core. Even those who differ from him politically, admit that he intends in all matters of legislation, vital to the interests of the people, to do exactly right. He has been an impelling and a shaping force in his party for many years, and has had a wonderful hold upon the masses in his State. S. M. Cullom. SHELBY MOORE CULLOM. LIKE Abraham Lincoln, who was his friend and neighbor, this gentle- man was born in Kentucky, at Monticello, November 22d, 1829. f His father was the Hon. R. N. Cullom, a farmer, as have been a host of Southern legislators and statesmen. In 1830, Shelby's father removed to Illinois, and as the boy grew toward manhood, he had to do his share of a farmer's work. Having early formed a purpose to devote himself to the law, he devoted two years to study at Rock River Seminary, Mount Morris, 111., teaching school part of the time to help defray his expenses. In 1853, he entered the law office of Stuart & Edwards, at Springfield, 111. which has ever since been his home. In 1855, he began practice, and was immediately brought into contact with such legal giants, as Stephen T. Logan, John T. Stuart, Abraham Lincoln, B. S. Edwards, John A. McClernand and others not unknown throughout the State. Mr. Cullom's arguments in the Circuit Court, bespoke habits of close application, and were concise and logical. Within a short time he had a good practice and a reputation of earnest devotion to his clients' interests. The civil war caused a large amount of litigation, and soon Mr. Cullom found himself in receipt of $20,000 income per year. Though with such a practice, he had already entered the arena of politics, having been elected, in 1856, to the Illinois House of Representatives. He identified himself with the new Republican party, and was reelected in i860, in a Democratic district. There being a Republican majority in the House, he was elected Speaker, at that time the youngest man ever chosen in the State. In 1862, President Lincoln appointed him, with Governor Boutwell, of Massachusetts, and Charles A. Dana, Commissioners to examine and pass upon the accounts of United States Quartermasters and Disbursing Officers. In 1S64, he was elected to Congress by 1,785 majority over his old preceptor, Hon. John T. Stuart. He became an active and aggressive member of the House, and heartily favored the thirteenth, fourteenth and fifteenth amend- ments to the Constitution of the United States. He was Chairman of the Committee on Territories, and recognized the necessity of dealing severely with polygamy. He was reelected in 1S66 and 1868, and added to the reputation he had already made, of being thoroughly posted upon all the subjects he discussed or considered in committee. In JS72, he was again sent to the State Legislature, and again made Speaker. lie was ret'lcelcd in 1874. In 1876, the Centennial year, he was chosen Governor of his State, and so well did he perform his duties, he was reelected, an honor that had never been conferred upon any one in the history of the State. He was watchful of the people's interests, kept down aditurcs, and had a vigilant eye upon the various State institutions; his ambition was, if he could, to extinguish the State debt. In 18S3, the Legislature chose him United States Senator, and reelected him in 72 73 1889 and 1895. He is a most influential member of that body, serves on many committees, and never favors hasty or ill-advised legislation. Like the late President Lincoln, Mr. Cullom is a very convincing speaker, using language that any one can understand, and is apt in illustra- tion. He does not indulge in rhetorical display, but goes at the pith of the subject, and gets the attention of his auditors by the simplicity of h ; s speech, the force of his argument and the logical array of his facts and figures. It is understood that he is a candidate for the Republican nomination for President, and will have the support of the delegation from his State ; and it may be, that unless some one is nominated on a very early ballot, the shifting of votes may give him the prize. He is a self-made man, and has won the confidence of his people by the rugged honesty of his character, as well as by his abilities. JOHN WARWICK DANIEL. THIS gentleman, now United States Senator from Virginia, was born at Lynchburg, Campbell County, Virginia, September 5th, 1842. His father was William Daniel, Jr., a learned lawyer, brilliant advocate and able jurist, for many years Judge of the Supreme Court of Appeals, of Virginia. His grandfather was William Daniel, Sr., long distin- guished as a Judge of the General Court. Judge Peter V. Daniel, of the United States Supreme Court, was his kinsman, as was also Raleigh T. Dan- iel, an eminent lawyer of Richmond, who was Attorney-General of the State. It is undoubtedly from the father's side that the subject of this sketch inher- its his judicial mind and forensic ability. John W. Daniel, was educated at Lynchburg College and at Dr. Gessner Harrison's University School. While at the latter, the Civil War broke out, and with the ardor of youth that believes in the justness of his cause, he threw aside his books and enlisted as a private soldier, and soon became a Second Lieutenant in Stonewall (Gen'l Thomas J.) Jackson's Brigade. He was wounded twice at the first battle of Manassas (Bull Run), the very first conflict of great importance between the Federal and Confederate armies. Later he became Adjutant of the nth Virginia Infantry, and in action at Boonsboro, near Antietam, was again wounded. The Confederate Govern- ment, recognizing his ability and fighting qualities, promoted him to the rank of Major, and appointed him Adjutant-General on General Jubal Earlv's Staff. May 6th, 1864, in the desperate battles in the Wilderness, he was permanently crippled, illustrating that bullets, like death, choose " a shining mark." He studied law at the University of Virginia in 1865-66, was admitted to practice, and has been a practitioner ever since. He has contributed to our jurisprudence a learned volume, entitled " Daniel on Attachments," and another, on "Negotiable Instruments," has passed through four editions and is considered the leading authority on that subject, being frequently quoted by the highest tribunals of Great Britain and the United States, and is used as a text-book in some of the Universities and Colleges. When twenty-seven years of age, he entered politics, serving in 1869-70, and 1S71-72, in the Virginia House of Delegates. Here Mr. Daniel made a great reputation as a ready and eloquent speaker, concise and logical. From this on lie became, not a merely a local political power, but an influence for good in the State ; and nothing was more certain than, that if he lived, he would receive from his Commonwealth the highest political honor it could bestow. From 1S75 to 1881, he served in the State Senate; in 1876 was Elector-at-Large on the Tildeu and Hendricks ticket, and Delegate-at-Large to the National Democratic Conventions of 1880, 18S8 and 1892, In 1NS1 he was defeated for Governor by W. E. Cameron, Readjuster, a party that derived all its strength from issues growing out of the readjust- ment of the vState debt ; a measure deemed necessary principally because of the division of the State, by the creation of West Virginia, during the 74 John W. Daniel war. He was elected a member of Congress, and served from 1885 to 1887, attracting the attention of the Nation, and preparing the way for his eleva- tion to the United States Senate, the doors of which he entered as a member March 4th, 18S7. He served his constitnents so faithfully, he was unani- mously reelected in December, 1891, to serve from 1893 to 1899. Mr. Daniel is really recognized as one of the most eloquent men in the country ; a man of sterling integrity, rare good judgment, calm and fearless in the expression of his views, and at the same time one of those men who give due weight and courtesy to the opinions of their opponents. A thorough Democrat, he holds to the fundamental doctrines of his party ; but in divided issues he ranges himself according to his individual convictions. It is an acknowledged fact that both the great parties are divided upon the issue of bi-metalism and mono-metalism. He believes jn a sound currency ; that every dollar the poor man carries should be as good as any other dollar ; but so believing, the writer understands that Mr. Daniel believes it is not necessary to put all our currency upon a gold basis, but that silver should be restored to all its old time functions as money, and that it can be retained on a parity with gold. However, this is not ex-cathedra. Mr. Daniel is an affable man, who does not lift himself up above his fellows, and is easily approached by all. His courtesy of manner is not affected ; his politeness extends to the poor as well as the rich, the humble as to the proud. On all National questions he ranges himself on the side of the loftiest patriotism, — his motto being, " the greatest good to the greatest number." That he will be a power in National politics in the years to come, his friends and opponents, both alike, believe. Russell A. Alger- RUSSELL ALEXANDER ALGER. THE subject of our sketch, was born in Lafayette, Medina county, Ohio, February 27th, 1836. His ancestors came to this country early in its history ; John Alger, his grandfather, participated in many battles of the Revolutionary War, and was a stury patriot, as well as valiant soldier. Russell, is the son of Russell and Caroline Moulton Alger, so that there is united in his veins the blood of both English and Scotch ancestry ; a mix- ture which insures stability of character, tenacity of purpose and vigor of mind. Mr. Alger's father emigrated to the Western Reserve, Ohio, in 1820, and like most pioneers of that time, cultivated the soil ; dying in 184S (his mother having died in 1847), ne left his sou an orphan at the age of twelve, with a younger brother and sister dependent upon him for support. In 1848-49, he worked for his board and clothing, being allowed to attend school three months each year. In 1850, at fourteen years of age, he commenced to work by the month as a farmhand, for $3.00 per month ; the next year he got $4.00 per month at first, and $5.00 thereafter for six months. Out of this he clothed himself and helped his brother and sister, finding for them places where they could work for their board. In 1S51, his wages were $6.00 per month; 1852, $S. 00; 1853, $10 ; 1854, $12.00; 1855 and 1856, $15.00, and in 1S5S, $20.00. He attended fall and winter terms at Richfield Academy, sawing wood noon times, and working morning and evenings, for his board. As can be imagined, he was a very busy young man, and his path in pursuit of knowledge rather thorny ; but he never despaired, he kept his eye upon the top of the ladder ; climb it he must, climb it he would, and as the sequel has shown, climb it he did. The last two years he taught school during the winter months. In 1857, he began to study law with Wolcott & Upson, in Akron, Ohio, and in 1S59, was admitted to practice by the Supreme Court. He soon found employment in the law office of Otis, Coffinbury & Wyman, at Cleveland, but was forced by the state of his health to abandon office confinement. In i860, he went to Grand Rapids, Mich., and embarked in the lumber business in a very limited way. War clouds soon began to float across the sky, nnd all thoughts of peaceful pursuits were dispelled, when the call to amis came in 1861. He enlisted as a private in the Second Michigan Cav- alry, soon became Captain, and April 25th, 1862, Major. This regiment had for its Colonel, that intrepid leader, Phil. Sheridan. At Boonesville, Miss., July 1st, 1862, with ninety picked men, he attacked the enemy's rear, routing them, though he was wounded and taken prisoner. He escaped the same day, and October 16th was made L,ieutenant- Colonel of the Sixth Michigan Cavalry, and February 28th, 1863, became Colonel of the Fifth Michigan Cavalry. June 28th of the same year his regi- ment was the first to enter Gettysburg, where, July ist~3d, the bloodiest battle of the war was fought. He was specially mentioned in General Cus- ter's report of cavalry operations. While in pursuit of the enemy, July 8th, he was again, and severely, wounded at Boonesborough, Md. 78 79 When Sheridan made his famous campaign in the Shenandoah Valley, in 1864, Colonel Alger, by a brilliant charge at Trevillian Station, captured over 800 Confederates, June nth, 1864. The same day he was breveted Brigadier and Major-General of Volunteers. His war experience over, General Alger returned to Michigan and en- tered the lumber business at Detroit. He was soon made president of two great lumber companies, employ- ing over 1,000 men and cutting over 140,000,000 feet of timber annually. He also became actively interested in other business and a director in sev- eral companies. He, however, has never been a speculator, believing that a man should engage in pursuits that tend to develop the .resources of the country and is of value to the world at large as well as himself. He also carefully avoids litigation, proving the fairness of his dealings and his desire to be just to all. In 1884, he was Delegate to the Republican National Convention, and was soon thereafter, elected Governor of Michigan. He declined renomina- tion as Governor, and in 188S, at the earnest solicitation of numerous friends in his own and other States, became a candidate for the Presidency, and in the Republican National Convention, received 142 votes for that high office, 100 of the votes staying by him to the last. In the same campaign he was chosen Republican Elector-at-L,arge. In 1SS9, he received at Milwaukee, what he probably regards as the great- est honor of his life, namely, the Commander-in-Chiefship of the Grand Army of the Republic. He is also a member of the Loyal Legion, and is noted for his regard for all the veterans of the war, in which he was so con- spicuous a figure. As a boy, so as a man, he finds no idle time ; and remembering the hard- ships of his early days, he takes special interest in boys, especially the news- boys. It was the " newsies " of Detroit who originated the cry heard at the convention in Chicago, " He's all right ;" others have appropriated it, but it belongs to General Alger. In April, 1861, he was married to Annette Henry, daughter of one of Grand Rapids leading citizens. Nine children have been born to them, five of whom are now living. His home life has been most pleasant, and he and his family enjoy the respect of all the citizens of Detroit, where, from the very nature of things, they are best known. General Alger is a philanthropist, but not ostenta- tious in his charities. He has made a fortune by strict attention to legiti- mate business ; not by reaping what others have sown. H. CLAY EVANS. HCLAY EVANS, was born in 1843, in Juniata county, Pa. The family moved to Wisconsin, then a territory, in 1846, and became • farmers, living there until 1859. H. Clay, then a boy of sixteen, became a clerk in the Register's office of Grant county. He next clerked in a store at Lancaster, where he remained until he enlisted hi the 41st Wisconsin Infantry Volunteers. He went to Tennessee, in the early part of 1864, and was mustered out of service in October of that year. He then went to Chattanooga and accepted a position as civilian in the army. Chattanooga, at that time, was the depot for military supplies for the army south and east of there, and had 17,000 civilian employes. Mr. Evans served in responsible positions in the Quar- termaster's department, and was afterward appointed agent by the Secretary of War, and though only twenty-one years of age, closed up the depot, by shiopingaway all the supplies of regular army pattern and selling the balance, which amounted to millions of dollars. Mr. Evans held a responsible position in connection with the United States service, from 1S65 to 1867, in the removal of the Union dead from the battlefields and burying grounds, to the established National cemeteries at Chattanooga, Knoxville and Marietta. This service required the greatest of care and involved the expenditure of large sums of money. In 1869, Mr. Evans went to Fort Brown, Texas, as chief clerk for the sub- district of the Rio Grande, which office had charge of the building of perma- nent barracks along the frontier, for the United States army, at a cost of mil- lions of dollars. In 1870, he returned to Chattanooga, where he already had property interests, and engaged in business. He established the Chattanooga, Car Wheel Foundry. In 1872, he accepted a position with the receivers of the Alabama and Chattanooga Railway Company as general book-keeper, where he remained until 1S74, when he resigned to accept the position of superintendent of the Roane Iron Company, at Rockwood, where they operated coal mines, ore mines and blast furnaces. He remained until 1875, when he resigned and returned to Chattanooga. A few days afterward, he was appointed by the Chancery Court, receiver of the Webster & Marks Foundry and Machine shop, then the largest one in the South. Afterward he was elected secretary and treasurer of the Roane Iron Company, at Chattanooga, and subsequently became vice-president and general manager of their roll- ing mills and of their furnaces and mines, at Rockwood. In this capacity he served until January, 1884, when he resigned and became cashier of the First National Bank of Chattanooga. This place he resigned in August, 1884, and that fall was nominated by acclamation, and made the race, for Congress, in the Third District of Tennessee, against the Hon. John R. Neil and 3,000 Democratic majority, and was defeated by only 67 votes. In 1885, he took charge of the Chattanooga Car Foundry Co., and in 1886, purchased the property and has been sole proprietor of that business ever since. Mr. Evans has also many other business interests in Chattanooga, 80 H. Clay Evans. 82 and other places in Tennessee. He has been for twenty-five years actively engaged in the up-building of Chattanooga, and belongs to that active, ener- getic, stirring business element which has done so much to develop the natural resources of Tennessee. Mr. Evans is one of the original school commissioners that established the public schools of Chattanooga, in 1872. He was afterward President of the Board of School Commissioners. At first, he and his associates borrowed monev on their own individual credit, to run the schools, and to this first board is largely due the present efficient public school system of that city. Mr. Evans' first official appearance was in 1873, when he was elected Alderman. In 1880, he was again elected Alderman, and devoted himself particularly to the city's financial affairs, with the result that its paper, which was worth only fifty cents on the dollar, speedily rose to par. He was reelected and afterward was Mayor of the city for two terms. In 1888, the Republicans again nominated him for Congress, and he de- feated Hon. C. F. Bates by 288 votes. The Democrats undertook to prevent his being seated by amended re- turns from Rhea and Meigs counties, and Governor Taylor, upon representa- tion of politicians, signed the certificate of election for Mr. Bates, without seeing the returns, but refused to deliver the certificate that night. Mr. Evans, being advised by wire of what was being done, hastened to Nashville, arriving early the next morning, and, appearing before the Gov- ernor, warned him that the move was a flagrant attempt to steal his seat. Although of opposite political faith, Governor Taylor was a fair man, and after investigating the matter, gave his decision that Mr. Evans was entitled to the certificate. Then his opponents, through Chancellor Allison, secured an injunction, restraining the Governor from granting the certificate. Upon a hearing, however, the Chancellor decided he had no jurisdiction, where- upon an appeal was taken to the Supreme Court, where the final decision was in Mr. Evans' favor. In 1890, the Republicans renominated him for Congress, but the district had been gerrymandered, so as to give it was thought, at least 1,500 Democratic majority ; but when the votes were counted Mr. Evans was de- feated by only 523 votes. In 1891, the district was again gerrymandered, so as to have 2,700 ap- parent Democratic majority ; and again Mr. Evans ran and was defeated by only 949 votes, while President Cleveland had nearly 2,700 majority. in Congress, Mr. Evans was a valuable working member, and was made a member of the Committees on Post Offices and Post Roads, Banking and Currency, and Patents; and Chairman of Sub-Committees on Extension of Patents and Postal Telegraphy. To Mr. P. vans' efforts, very largely, was due the passage of the anti-lot- tery law, which was the death of the Louisiana State Lottery, the most cor- rupt and corrupting in its influences, of any class or species of gambling. The better element of Louisiana's people were anxious to rid the State of the disgrace, ami United States Senator White, of Louisiana (now assistant Jus- tice of the U. S. Supreme Court), took occasion to call upon Mr. Evans in person and cordially thank him on behalf of the people of Louisiana, for his efforts in this matter. 83 During Mr. Evans' term of service in the Fifty-third Congress, he con- tributed most largely to the passage of the law authorizing the " Chicka- mauga and Chattanooga, National Military Park," and securing of an appro- priation for the purchase of 6,000 acres of land, necessary for that purpose. This Park will be, when completed, one of the greatest object lessons in the world, for students of military affairs. He also did much work in the Committee on Post Offices and Post Roads, of the Fifty-first Congress, toward establishing a postal savings system throughout the United States, and this bill was favorably reported by the general committee. He was appointed First Assistant Postmaster-General, by President Har- rison, succeeding Gen. Whitfield, closing up the business for that bureau for that administration, and at the urgent request of the succeeding Postmaster- General, remained and served in same capacity for nearly three months under the Democrotic administration. In 1S94, the Republican Convention in Tennessee, nominated him for Governor, and at the count of the votes it was found that 105,134 had been cast for Mr. Evans, and 104,350 for Mr. Turney, the Democratic nominee. This would elect Mr. Evans by 784 votes. The legislature being Democratic, they, in canvassing the returns, threw out enough to seat Mr. Turney. This together with his previous running record, and his well-known ability, has brought Mr. Evans forward as a formidable candidate for the Vice- Presidency. Mr. Evans has held many positions of honor and trust, disbursing mil- lions of dollars, and he has never held one of any kind, but that it was carried out faithfully to the letter as well as in spirit. WILLIAM FREEMAN VILAS. POSTMASTER-GENERAL, Secretary of the Interior and United States Senator ; these the positions which the subject of this sketch has filled acceptably to the people of this country. He was born July 9th, 1840, near a mountain-top in the town of Chelsea, in Vermont, on a farm which his father and grandfather had wrested from the forest sides of Mount Sterling. Mr. Vilas' father was named Levi B. and his mother was Esther G. (Smiiie) Vilas. His grandfather emigrated to Vermont, from Connecticut, and was one of those sturdy men who, while cultivating a sterile soil, helped to make New England famous. His grandfather on his mother's side was Nathan Smiiie, noted as an acute man, broad and wise in mind, and a leader in his party in the State and for man)- years in its Legislature. Levi B. Vilas, born and bred in a farm house on that mountain side, early thirsted for knowledge, and with indomitable purpose, set out at the age of sixteen, to trudge to Randolph, sixty miles away, where there was a school in which he could satisfy his ambition Here he laid the foundation upon which was built a brilliant career as lawyer, legislator and citizen. Having won a comfortable independence, he resolved to remove to Madi- son, Wis., and there educate his five sons, all of whom took degrees at the State University. William F. Vilas took his degree in the regular classical course in 1858, and though exceedingly studious, was not averse to taking a share in the college sports. Leaving the University in 1859, he took a course of instruc- tion in a commercial school, meantime studying law. He then attended the Albany Law School, graduating in May, 1S60, and was admitted to the bar of New York State. Returning to Wisconsin, he was admitted to prac- tice in the Supreme Court, and at twenty years of age argued his first case. On the 9th of July, he formed a law partnership with Charles T. Wakely, to which early in 1862, Eleazer Wakely was added as senior partner. Mr. Vilas had drilled with Colonel Ellsworth, then Captain of the Madison Zouaves, and in July, 1S62, tendered his services to Governor Salomon, who accepted them; whereupon he raised Company A, of the 23d Wisconsin Infantry Volunteers. He was sent in September to Covington, Ky. , and thence to Memphis, to join Sherman in an expedition to Vicksburg. While at Mem- phis, Captain Vilas nearly lost his life from an attack of typhoid fever ; but luckily, having a cousin in the city, he was carefully nursed, and in a few weeks was convalescent, whereupon he rejoined his regiment and partici- pated in the Vicksburg campaign. While at Milliken's Bend, he was pro- moted to Major and Lieutenant-Colonel. He participated in the battles at Port Gibson, Champion Hill, Black River Bridge and at the assault upon Vicksburg, commanding the regiment. The day following the surrender, he marched with Sherman 111 pursuit of Johnston. Soon afterward he returned to Vicksburg and was sent in command of his regiment to Carrollton, near Xew Orleans, La. Here the command remained several weeks in idleness; and having received word from home that his father was likely to lose his 84 William F. Vilas. estate, owing to litigation, he resigned and returned to Madison. He set- tled down in 1865, to the practice of the law again, in which he very shortly made his mark. From 1S72 to 1881, his partner was Edwin E. Bryant, later Dean of the Law Faculty, of the State University. Before this partnership expired, Mr. Vilas had accumulated a large fortune, and was recognized in the Northwest as one of the soundest lawyers of the country. In 1868, upon the opening of the law school of the University, Mr. Vilas was chosen as one of the professors, and regularly lectured for seventeen years. He was also a regent of the University from 1880 to 1885. Ever since i860, he has taken part on the stump in every political cam- paign as a Democrat, and has done as much as any other man to keep his party in fighting trim, while for many years in a hopeless minority. He was a Delegate to the Democratic National Conventions of 1876, 1880 and 1884, being permanent Chairman of the last named, and made the address of noti- fication of nomination, to Cleveland and Hendricks. In 1884, Mr. Vilas was elected to the State Legislature, and while there was appointed Postmaster- General by President Cleveland. When Mr. Lamar, Secretary of the Interior, was made a Justice of the Supreme Court, he was transferred to the Interior Department, which posi- tion he occupied from January 16th, 1S88, to March 6th, 1889. While Postmaster-General, he refused to expend the appropriation of the Forty-eighth Congress for subsidizing the ocean mail service. His ac- tion, of course, met with severe criticism, but the succeeding Congress sus- tained him in his position. After his retirement as Secretary of the Interior, he returned home and resumed his law practice ; but the State campaign of 1890, once again allured him to the stump, from which he made speeches daily for three weeks. The result of the campaign was a Democratic Legislature, after thirty-five years of waiting, and William F.Vilas was elected to the United States Senate, for the term commencing March 4th, 1891, and ending March 3d, 1897. He has a national reputation as an orator, and his speech to the toast, " Our First Commander," at the meeting of the Army of the Tennessee, at Chicago in 1879, is an American classic. Mr. Vilas is a man of large intellect, great capacity for facts, a logical mind to array them, so they will tell when he faces an audience ; and that manner which arrests and then commands attention. He is a man of good presence, affable, sociable and democratic in his ways; as courteous to the poor as to the rich; a good citizen, neighbor, fr end. Say what we may of our public men as to their political action, this country has yet to produce a prominent man who is a ' snob." Mr. Vilas evidently believes he is a man of the people, and when he is elected toa high office, he is not above being their servant. He doeshisduty as he sees it, and is above resorting to tricks or devious ways; a man of honor, strict integrity and great ability. Cushman K. Davis. CUSHMAN K. DAVIS. SENATOR DAVIS was born in the town of Henderson, Jefferson county, N. Y., June 16th, 1838. His parents were in comfortable circumstances, and resolved that he should have a thorough educa- tion. He laid the foundation for it in the common schools ; and when far enough advanced, entered the University of Michigan, at Ann Arbor, where he graduated in June, 1857. Mr. Davis was an apt scholar, quick to learn, with a most retentive memory, and an inclination for the study of philosophy, the classics and the languages. His speeches reveal the tendency of his mind, and are worthy models for those who would study the niceties of language. After graduating, he studied law, and was admitted to the bar. He re- moved to Wisconsin and served as First Lieutenant in the Twenty-eighth Wisconsin Infantry Volunteers from 1862 to 1864. After the war he emi- grated to Minnesota, settling in St. Paul, and was elected to the Minnesota Legislature in 1867. He was United States District Attorney, 1868 to 1S73, and Governor of Minnesota in 1874 and 1875. Senator Davis is, without a shadow of doubt, one of the best lawyers in the Northwest, and it is said that by strict attention to practice he can easily earn $50,000 per annum. He early took a leading place at the bar in Minnesota, and at the same time a prominent place in politics. He is not only a forceful, convincing and logical speaker, but an eloquent one, swaying his audience by his fervid speech. The Legislature of Minnesota elected him United States Senator, to suc- ceed Hon. S.J. R. McMillan, and he took his seat March 4th, 1887. He was reelected for the term 1893 to 1S99. In politics Mr. Davis is a Republi- can, and one of deep convictions. He is a student now, as he has been dur- ing his past years, and hence is not a narrow, bigoted partisan. He realizes full well that in this great, progressive nation, new issues are constantly be- ing made and new ideas evolved. He is always ready to meet them, as he keeps abreast of the times ; and he possesses that philosophic, judicial and trained mind that leads to just decisions npon all governmental and political subjects ; and having made his conclusions, he has the ability to maintain them. William L. Wilson. WILLIAM LYNE WILSON. A~TAi US distinguished gentleman was born near Middleway, Jefferson county, Virginia (now West Virginia), May 3d, 1843, and after a -*- preparatory schooling, entered Columbian College (now University), Washington, where he graduated in i860, when only seventeen years of age. Leaving Washington, he entered the University of Virginia, and left it to enter the Confederate army. Mr. Wilson as a scholar, was evidently drawn to Belles-lettres and phi- lology, as we find him at the early age of twenty-four years, professor of the Latin language and Literature, in Columbian University, which professorship he occupied from 1867 until 1871. Previous to this he had studied law and been admitted to the bar. While a professor, he made exhaustive study of political economy and politics, and is to-day, probably the best posted public man in the country upon the science of government, the history of our government, and that of other nations. Mr. Wilson's mind is analytical and philosophic ; and his mastery of languages and his diction enable him to charm readers as well as hearers. He resigned his professorship to practice law, and as is not unusual with men of his talents, he soon became entangled in politics, and in 18S0 was Elector-at-Large on the Hancock ticket. In 1S82, was chosen President of the State University. While occupying this position, he was elected to the United States House of Representatives, and reelected five consecutive terms. Mr. Wilson's record in the House is as well known as that of any con- temporaneous statesman of the period. Being placed upon the Committee upon Ways and Means, he quickly became a guiding force in all economic legislation, and soon, as chairman of that committee, the leader of his party upon the floor of the House. He introduced and carried through the House the bill for repeal of the Sherman law. He mainly prepared and introduced the tariff bill, which, taking his name, became the subject of more praise on the one hand and more condemnation on the other, than any measure that has been presented to Congress in very many years. He passed it through the House, after a stormy debate ; but when it reached the Senate, it was amended and changed in many particulars, as the McKinley bill had likewise been in the previous Congress. Upon the subject of the tariff, Mr. Wilson has most pronounced views, ami has done much to educate his part)- to his way of thinking. In every- thing he does, he displays the trained mind, the thoughtful man, the con- cise and the logical thinker. He is never verbose ; he knows what to say and in just how few words to say it. As they say upon the stage, " he never plays to the galleries ; " he realizes that this matter of government affects nearly seventy millions of people, and he believes his views, if given effect, would lift the burden of indirect taxation. He has been a hard worker, and in the last session of Congress his health gave way under the strain. '.Mi After the adjournment of Congress lie rapidly recuperated ; and when Hon. Wilson S. Bissell resigned his position as Postmaster-General, Presi- dent Cleveland promptly tendered the portfolio to Mr. Wilson. He ac cepted, and entered upon the duties of his oihee in April, [895. He has conducted the business of his department wisely and economically, and has received praise from sonic of his political opponents in Congress. Mr. Wilson is a graceful speaker, but is better known as a worker. A man of integrity, indomitable purpose, great ability, it remains with the future to disclose what higher position he will take with the people of this country. He is a member of several learned societies, a regent of the Smith- sonian Institution, and a trustee of the John F. Slater fund, and has received the degree of LL-D. from several colleges and universities, among the num- ber, Columbian University, and the University of Mississippi, and Tulare University, New Orleans. He was Permanent President of the National Democratic Convention, at Chicago, in 1892, a graceful recognition on the part of his political asso- ciates, of his leadership in the House and championship of revenue reform, called for in previous national platforms of his party. HENRY M. TELLER. THIS gentleman was born in Allegheny count}-, New York, May 23d, 1830. His ancestors came to this country from Holland, settling in New York State. His father was a farmer in comfortable circum- stances, and gave him an excellent education. After his student daj'S were over, he studied law, and was admitted to the bar in New York State. In 1S5S, he removed to Illinois, and practiced for three years in that State. In 1861, he emigrated to Colorado, settling in Central City, then one of the principal mining towns of the Territory. He w T as not long in gaining a large and lucrative practice, to which he applied himself assiduously, though often asked to take a hand in politics. He refused to become a can- didate for anj' office, until in 1S76, Colorado became the Centennial State, when he entered the lists and was chosen United States Senator. He drew the short term, ending March 3d, 1877, but the Legislature again elected him for the term ending March 3d, 18S3. In April, 1882, he was asked to take a seat in the Cabinet, as Secretary of the Interior, by President Arthur. He was averse to leaving the Senate, and so said, but the political and per- sonal pressure became so great he reluctantly consented, and served until March 3d, 1885, when he again took a seat in the Senate, having been elected to succeed Hon. Nathaniel P. Hill. His administration of the Inte- rior Department, the most complex of any Department of our Government, met with Congressional and public approval, and materially added to his reputation, establishing him as a fine executive officer. In 1891, Mr. Teller was reelected United States Senator, without opposition in his own party. As a Senator, he has materially aided in the legislation of the period, being Chairman of the Committee on Pensions, Patents, Mines and Mining, and a member of the Committee on Claims. While a Republican, Mr. Teller dif- fers with many of his party upon the silver question. He believes in the free coinage of silver, at an established ratio of sixteen to one. He is a moderate tariff man, believing the duties on imports should be adjusted to the needs of the treasury for the economical administration of the Govern- ment ; that it should be incidentally a protection to American labor and manufactures, but should not create trusts or monopolies. Mr. Teller is an affable gentleman, easilv approached, and thoroughly a man of the people. He is a good speaker, and can maintain his end of the argument at all times. 92 H. M. Teller. JOHN TYLER MORGAN. HON. JOHN T. MORGAN, now United States Senator from Alabama, was born in Athens, Tennessee, June 20th, 1824. His family moved to Alabama in 1833, and were among the pioneers in that section of the State. His father, George Morgan, was of the same Welsh stock as the famous Revolutionary hero, General Morgan, and the daring Confederate Cavalry leader, John H. Morgan. He received an academic education, and became a good Latin scholar before he was nine years old. In 1845, he was admitted to the bar, and practiced his profession until he became a United States Senator. During these vears of active practice of his profession, he gained the reputation of being one of the very best and a leading member of the Southern bar. In i860, Senator Morgan was a Breckinridge and Lane Elector-at-Large ; and in 1861, a member of the Alabama Secession Convention. When the war broke out, he enlisted as a private soldier, and served successively as private, Major, Lieutenant-Colonel, and Brigadier-General of Infantry, re- signing the latter position to rejoin his regiment, the Colonel of which had been killed in battle. Subsequently, he acted as Brigadier-General of Cav- alry until the close of the war. He was a gallant soldier, and participated in the great campaigns of the west, doing his duty fearlessly, and stimulating his men by his personal bearing when under fire. After the war he returned to his home and resumed the practice of law, and in 1874 was chosen Elector-at-Large on the Tilden and Hendricks ticket. The same year he was elected United States Senator, and reelected in 1882, 1888 and 1894. His great strength with his people, and their estimation of his character, is best shown by his successive reflections to the Senate, without his ever having asked for a vote. Senator Morgan is recognized as a man very learned in the law ; especially so in Constitutional and Inter- national law. For this reason he was selected, with Justice John M. Harlan, as an Arbitrator for the United States, before the Bering Sea Tribunal. In thai august body, he was found able to cope with the distinguished jurists and diplomats of England, France, Canada, Italy and Sweden and Norway. He is a skilful pleader and a most successful advocate ; is ready in de- bate, fluent in speech, a close student, and has a vast fund of knowledge to draw upon ; in fact, bis versatility seems unbounded, for he is equally at home when pleading a common law case, a point of Constitutional law or an intricate and tangled case of international law. He is, in matters relating to our foreign affairs, considered by the Senators upon both sides of the chamber as an authority. Before the reorganization of the Senate Committees, during the pres- — ion of Congress, he was Chairman of the Committee upon Foreign irs. The country ran ill afford to spare him from its councils. ','1 J. T. Morgan. STEPHEN BENTON ELKINS. THIS trusted friend of the late James G. Blaine, and Republican Sen- ator from West Virginia, was born in Perry county, Ohio, Septem- ber 26th, 1S41. His ancestors were Virginians, and his grandfather a man of considerable wealth and prominence, and a slave owner. He sympathized, however, with President Jefferson's emancipation scheme, and, in consequence, removed to Ohio, and bought a large amount of .land in the southern part of the State. Among other property, he owned 3,000 acres in the Hocking Valley, now worth probably $2,000,000. It is in the very heart of the coal measures which have made the valley famous ; it was sold by the senior Mr. Elkins for "little or nothing." The present Mr. Elkins was born near where General Phil. Sheridan and General Jerry Rusk saw the light. His parents subsequently removed to Missouri, where he received his education in the public schools until far enough advanced to be sent to the University of Missouri, where he graduated in i860 ; having chosen the law as his profession, he studied and was admitted to the bar in 1863. The same year, "Westward ho!" captivated his imagination, and he crossed the plains, then a formidable undertaking, for there is a vast deal of difference between going in a prairie schooner, drawn by oxen or mules, and a Pullman sleeper, especially when one might encounter Indians bent upon a " scalp raising expedition ; " en route he studied Spanish, and soon after reaching New Mexico was proficient in the language. There he practiced his profession with great success and profit, being employed specially in the Maxwell land grant case. Though he has not been of late years actually engaged in the practice of the law, he stands well with that learned profession. In 1S66, he was elected to the Legislature, and shortly afterward was made Attorney-Gen- eral of New Mexico. In 1868, President Johnson appointed him United States District Attorney, in which position he won lasting reputation by the strict enforcement of the laws, especially that one, providing that there shall not be slavery or involuntary servitude in the territories or District of Columbia ; by his efforts several thousand peons or slaves held by the Mexi- cans, were set at liberty. He was the first to put the act into effective operation. In 1873, he was elected Delegate in Congress from New Mexico, beat- ing his opponent, a native Mexican, by 4,000 votes. He was nominated and elected to the next Congress, though traveling in Europe at the time. During Ins first term he was made a member of the Republican National Committee, and served thereon twelve consecutive years. In Congress he was noted for his industry, ability and support of important measures. He made an earnest and impassioned speech for the admission of New Mexico into the Union ; it attracted general attention and established him as an ardent Logical, reason er and debater. He secured the passage of an enabling acl 111 the House by a two-thirds vote ; it also passed the Senate, but with an amendment to which the House would not agree. In the House Mr. dnsbecame the trusted personal friend of James G. Blaine, whose nomina- tion tor President in [884 lie did much to secure. In 1SS8, he was very in- strumental 111 the nomination of Benjamin Harrison for President, and by 96 Stephen B. Elkins. 98 his success became ranked as one of the most sagacious, skilful, and force- ful leaders of his party in the Nation. Though Mr. Elkins has done much hard work in politics, it is perhaps, his minor role, as he has been par excellence the man of business ; not merely the accumulator of money, but the sagacious, clear-headed man who has gone into the rugged fastnesses of nature, and from the stored rock and minerals lying inert and worthless, has wrested fortune to his own and his fellows good. Stephen B. Elkins, the politician, the statesman ; Stephen B. Elkins, the developer of hidden resources ; the employer of labor ; the builder of highways and the founder of communities ; the one a political man and the other a business man, successful in either role ; of which shall the most praise be said? His rare organizing and executive abilities have left their impress upon a State and given to geography a name to perpetuate him. While in New Mexico, he was, for years, the President of the First National Bank of Santa Fe, and so successful was his management he be- came known among the financiers of Philadelphia and New York. In the territory he became an extensive land owner, and also a mine owner in Colorado ; but his latest and greatest adventures have been among the mountains whose peaks cast shadows into the Potomac, up whose valleys nearly one hundred and fifty years ago the Father of His Country wended his way, compass in hand. First known, overlooked, neglected, it was reserved for this man who had worked in the shadows of the Continental divide, to come, to see, to conquer. Through the serried hills his railroads run, bearing to market the black diamonds. A town snuggles by the base of an everlasting hill, and they call it by his name. Off on a lofty crest his mansion overlooks the leaping river and the narrow valley, through which the iron horse drags his load to the markets of the world. In all that Mr. Elkins does he is practical ; wealth with him means employment of men ; the opening up of waste places ; the diffusion of modern intelligence. In thinking and writing of Mr. Elkin's mastery of the forces of nature we have lost sight of his political record. In December, 1891, he became Secretary of War, and so administered his office as to win the enconiums of even his political foes. He has the rare gift of seeing a thing at once ; knowing how and when to direct ; hence is an executive officer. In 18S8, he delivereda very thoughtful, eloquent and forcible address be- fore the University of West Virginia upon the subject of ' 'American Civiliza- tion." It was patriotic ; it was eloquent ; it was learned. His manners are pleasing and popular ; in his tastes he is scholarly and refined. He realizes, the writer thinks, that to remain a scholar one must always be a scholar. The world moves ; the thought of the world progresses ; new issues are constantly arising, and the man who keeps up with "the procession" must study; hence Mr. Elkins is a student. He is seldom seen at clubs or hotels ; he is domestic, cither at home with his family, or in his library, or abroad on busi- ness. He is a large man, over six feet high, with well rounded figure, full, broad chest, and large head on powerful shoulders. He is a linguist ; Greek, Latin, Spanish and French are to him open books ; he need not ask the trans- lator to tell him what the thinkers of other countries say. In 1894, the State of West Virginia, largely through his endeavors became Republican, and when the Legislature met they chose Mr. Elkins as United States Senator, to succeed Hon. Johnson N. Camden. His term will expire March 3d, 1901. W. M. Stewart. WILLIAM MORRIS STEWART. ONE of the first men that strangers, visiting the Senate of the United States, ask to have pointed out, is the senior Senator from Nevada, because his sturdy defense of silver has made him one of the most- talked-about men in the United States. He was born in Lyons, Wayne county, N. Y., August 9th, 1827, but when he was six years old his family removed to Trumbull county, Ohio, where he attended the common schools and Farmington Academy. Returning to Lyons, he prepared for college in the Union School, and through his own exertions and the aid of Mr. James C. Smith, a young lawyer, who afterward became a Judge of the Supreme Court of New York, entered Yale College, where he remained until 1850, when he went to California by way of the Isthmus of Panama. From the age of thirteen, Mr. Stewart had to support himself by manual labor and teaching school. He early determined to obtain an education and study law, and he had to overcome many obstacles in order to succeed in his purpose. Arriving in San Francisco, May 7th, 1850, he resolved to en- gage in mining, in order to obtain funds to tide him over until he could engage in the practice of his contemplated profession. For two years he prospected, mined and built canals, constructing one which was twenty miles in length, and is still in use in Nevada count}', Cal. It was surveyed by him in 185 1, and constructed along the mountain sides by the aid of rude levels made by himself. Early in 1852, he commenced to study law, and was admitted to practice the following fall. He was appointed District Attorney of Nevada county, and in 1853, was elected to the same office, and in 1854, was appointed Attorney-General of California, serving for six months ; certainly a wonderful record for a lawyer who was almost self- taught in the science, and had practiced less than two years. In 1855, Mr. Stewart married Annie E. Foote, daughter of Hon. Henry S. Foote, the Mississippi Senator and statesman, then a citizen of the Golden State. From 1855 to i860, he was a leader at a bar famous for the ability of its members, and rapidly acquired not only money, but fame as a practitioner. Upon the discovery of the famous Comstock lode, in i860, he removed to Virginia City, Nev., where he was immediately retained by the original lode claimants. The Comstock lode, some miles in length, was indicated on the surface by croppings several hundred feet in width. The first locators, according to rules and regulations which they made, claimed tlie same with all its dips, spurs and angles. A population of 15,000, soon gathered, and thousands of claims were located parallel to the original ones, under the assumption that the Comstock was a system of parallel veins, and not a single lode. Mr. Stewart contended from the first for the latter idea, his view being termed the "one lode theory." The result was the most important mining litigation in history, and Mr. Stewart won the bat- tle, the title of the original locators being judicially confirmed ; he, very naturally, became an authority in mining law, and his services were in great demand. 100 101 Being a Union man and a Republican, he took part in the contest to determine whether Utah and California should remain loyal to the Union or not, for there was a powerful faction, headed by Dr. Gwin and others, seeking their secession. These were exciting times, and Mr. Stewart was induced to serve a year in the territorial council assisting in the organiza- tion of the territorial government, framed in 1861, and was a member of the Constitutional Convention of 1863. The next year Nevada was admitted as a State into the Union, and Mr. Stewart was elected the first Senator, his colleague, Gov. James W. Nye, being elected the next day. He served five years, and was reelected in 1869, but his fortune having become impaired) he declined a reelection for the term 1875 to 1881. Those years, eleven in number, of his first service in the United States Senate, embraces a large part of the most notable portion of American political, financial and eco- nomic history. An active supporter of the war legislation, he, before the Fourteenth Amendment was adopted, prepared a plan of reconstruction, which pro- vided for universal amnesty and suffrage. By this plan the Southern States could have prevented suffrage restrictions, because of participation in the Rebellion, and voters of the same class that supported secession could have brought their States back into the Union, simply by providing that there- after there should be no restriction of the right of suffrage on account of race, color or previous condition of servitude ; it was not adopted. When General Grant was elected President, Mr. Stewart, as a member of the Judiciary Committee, wrote, reported and secured the adoption of the Fifteenth Amendment to the Constitution, being aided therein by the influ- ence of the President. He is the author of our mining laws, recognizing and continuing all local mining regulations then in existence. These have grown into a system of common law, admirably adapted to the use of our mining communities. From 1848 to 1866, all locators were trespassers ; but Senator Stewart contended that non-action had created equities that rested upon the broad principles of natural right ; the view prevailed. On retiring from the Senate in 1875, he resumed practice and set about restoring his fortune ; in this he was successful, and so, when called upon in 1S86 to again become a Senator, he accepted, and since has been reelected for the term ending in 1899. He has devoted a great deal of study and time to the cause of the remonetization of silver and its free coinage, and to irri- gation. These two subjects he regards as of greatest importance, the one affording sufficient currency to do the business of the country, the other successfully applied, furnishing homes to hundreds of thousands of people and causing the desert to blossom and bear fruit. He is independent sometimes of part}' behests, for when in the Fifty- first Congress the Republican party became committed to the Federal Elec- tions bill, he opposed it. He is like a large share of the Western states- men, a tariff man only as it is necessary to provide revenue for the ex- penses of the Government and the protection of American labor. He believes that the strictest economy should be practiced, and is against paternalism, trusts and monopolies. Mr. Stewart wears a flowing beard, which is now white ; has a florid complexion, keen, blue eyes, and is massive of frame and above the aver- age stature. He is of striking appearance, and with age, has rounded out 102 sufficiently to give him a finely proportioned form. He makes no claim to being an orator, but is a most effective and convincing speaker. He is a man of full, active brain, a good judge of men, a constant reader, ready of speech, choice in his language, and of open courage. He has a mellow, strong voice, and is peculiarly effective in off-hand debate, as his sentences are pointed, incisive and often axiomatic. Courteous in manner, he is democratic in habits and sympathies, and has great kindness of heart. Don Cameron. JAMES DONALD CAMERON. THE present senior Senator from Pennsylvania, was born at Middle- town, Dauphin county, Pa., May 14th, 1833. He is a son of the late Hon. Simon Cameron, who was Secretary of War, Minister to Russia, and for nearly twenty years United States Senator. The subject of this sketch, after the necessary preparatory schooling, entered Princeton College, where he graduated in 1852, when but nineteen years of age. This fact proves that he must have been studious aud indus- trious in his early life, as he has been in his later years. After graduation, he entered the Middletown Bank (now National Bank of Middletown) as a clerk ; but displaying aptitude for finances, was soon promoted to Cashier, and then to President. Early in life he was very successful in several business enterprises, and laid the foundation for a large fortune. In 1863, he was elected President of the Northern Central Railway, which, in very large measure, owed its exist- ence to the foresight, energy and wealth of his distinguished father. This position he relinquished in 1874, when the Pennsylvania Railroad, came into possession of the property. In May, 1S76, General Grant made him Secre- tary of War, which position he held until the close of the administration. Mr. Cameron was a delegate to the Republican National Conventions, of 1868 and 1876. In the latter convention he was very influential, and the leaders of the party, recognizing his abilities as an organizer, made him Chairman of the National Committee. He was again a delegate in 18S0. Meantime his father resigned his seat in the United States Senate, and he was elected to succeed him, taking his seat October 15th, 1877, when only forty-four years of age. It is rarely the case in our history, that a son suc- ceeds his father in that august body ; and it is a remarkable coincidence that both father and son should also have been Secretary of War. Mr. Cameron has been reelected to the Senate three times since, his present term expiring March 3d, 1897. In an open letter he has declined to again become a candidate. He is not an oratorical member of the Senate, though he says tersely and well, that which he delivers. He is rather a working member, and does his full share of committee duties. During his service as a Senator, he has been a member of the Committee on Coast Defences, to inquire into all claims of the United States against Nicaragua, on the committee upon the five civilized tribes of Indians, Military Affairs, Chairman of Committee upon Naval Affairs, and active upon other committees appointed upon special subjects. He has large interests in various enterprises in Pennsylvania and owns mauy valuable farms in Dauphin and Cumberland counties. He has a magnificent home in Harrisburg, fronting on the Susquehanna River, and a nice residence on Lafayette Square, Washington, D. C. 104 105 Although a wealthy man, a capitalist, a lender, rather than a borrower, he has by vote and speech, signified his belief in bi-metalism. He wants to see silver circulating side by side with gold, and lie has not hesitated to say so. Mr. Cameron has been twice happily married, his fust wife being Miss Mary McCormick, a representative of a prominent Pennsylvania family. She died in 1S74, and four vears afterward he married Kli/.abcth Sherman, daughter of Judge Sherman and niece of the late General Sherman and Senator John Sherman, of Ohio. Mr. Cameron is independent in his thought and sturdy in his convic- tions. No one can accuse him of moral cowardice or venality. He is a kind father and a loving husband ; a good type of the best American citizen. WILLIAM VINCENT ALLEN. MR. ALLEN was born at Midway, Madison county, Ohio, January '28th, 1847. When only ten years of age his parents removed to Iowa, where he attended the common schools and later, for a time,' the Upper Iowa University, at Fayette, but did not gradu- ate Like most country lads, Mr. Allen had to work in his boyhood days, early acquiring the knowledge that he must be the architect of his own for- tune. When nothing but a boy, the war of the Rebellion came on, stirring bis patriotic impulses to such a degree we find him within a uniform of blue, carrying a gun in the ranks of Company G, 3 2d Iowa Infantry Volun- teers. He did a soldier's full duty until the war closed, the last five months being upon the staff of General Jas. I. Gilbert. Returning home, he read law at West Union, and was admitted to the bar in 1869. For twelve years lie practiced his profession in Iowa, then removed to Nebraska, where, after making his reputation in a new field as a true and able counsellor, he was elected by the people, Judge of the District Court, Ninth Judicial Circuit. Mr. Allen has always preferred to be known as a man of the people ; his sympathies go out to the men who fight the battles of life and conquer dif- ficulties by the force of their unaided exertions ; that clear the wilderness by their brawn and direct the destinies of the new communities by their brain. When the old parties, in his judgment, failed to give relief from onerous taxation to the people, and would not accord sufficient currency to meet the requirements of business, he joined the new People's party, and was the President of the Nebraska Populist Convention, of 1S92. Feb- ruary 7th, 1893, the party having a majority in the Legislature, he was elected United States Senator, to succeed Hon. A. G. Paddock, Republican. In the Senate, Mr. Allen has made a reputation as a fearless advocate of the free coinage of silver, at a ratio of sixteen to one. He is a good speaker, not afraid of a controversy with any Senator, and perfectly fearless in his advocacy of what lie believes is best for his constituents and the country. 106 W. V. Allen. WHARTON BARKER. WHARTON BARKER, son of Abraham and Sarah Wharton Barker, was born in Philadelphia May ist, 1S46. He is the grandson of Jacob Barker, the distinguished banker, merchant and states- man, who took an active part in public affairs and business from 1800 to 1S68. Jacob Barker was born on Swan Island, Maine, in 1779, and died in Philadelphia in 1S72. He was a warm, personal friend of Alexander Hamilton, DeWitt Clinton, James Madison, Andrew Jackson and other lead- ing men of the day. He took the United States war loan of 1814 ($10,000,000) and supported President Madison with earnestness throughout the war. Although a citizen of Louisiana, he was always a consistent anti-slavery man. Jacob Barker and Benjamin Franklin were cousins. Mr. Abraham Barker, one of the most respected citizens of Philadelphia, has been a banker since 1837, and is still in full vigor of both mind and body. He is one of the charter members of the Union League 01" Philadelphia ; and during the war of 1860-65 was very active in all work looking to the ad- vancement of the cause of the Union, notably the work incident to putting in the field thirteen thousand colored soldiers. He believes that the cause of the great ruin and bankruptcy that is now seen on all sides is due to the demonetization of silver, and he is an ardent and effective coworker with his son in the effort to reestablish bimetalism. He is a man of strong convic- tions and of great energy. Wharton Barker is related on the Barker side to the Folgers, Hazards and Rodmans, and on the Wharton side to the Fishers, Rodmans and Red- woods, all distinguished families in New England and Pennsylvania from Colonial days to this time. In early childhood Wharton Barker was delicate, and could not attend school until his twelfth year. He was educated at the Latin School of Charles Short and at the University of Pennsylvania, where he took the degree of Bachelor of Arts in 1866 and of Master of Arts in 1869. He is one of the Trustees of the University of Pennsylvania, having been elected in 1880, and was Treasurer from 18S1 to 1890. In 1S63 he, as a volunteer, had temporary command for three months of a company of the Third United States Colored Troops. He took an active part from the day he graduated at college in discussion of public affairs, and soon began to do political work. That he might have a means to discuss public questions to a larger audience than he could reach by tracts, he established in January, 1870, The Pom Monthly, a high-class magazine, devoted to literature, arts, science and politics, and continued its publication until the end of the year 1881. That he might have a still broader field and more frequent opportunity to make his views known, he established The American, a weekly national journal, and began its publication October 16, 1880. The American is now- recognized as the highest authority, and the editorials are frequently used on the floor of the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States; are reprinted in many newspapers in all sections of the country, and frequently made the basis of discussion by editors of the 108 Wharton Barker. 110 metropolitan press. Editorials from The American are translated and re- printed almost weekly in V Economiste European, of Paris, a paper edited by the distinguished French economist, Edmond Thery. Wharton Barker was much opposed to the nomination of General Grant for the Presidency for a third term, and took an active part in the move- ment that ended in his defeat at Chicago in 1880. He did not believe his work at that convention ended with the defeat of the General ; he thought he still had a duty to perform ; that he should present a candidate who could be elected. He brought out General Garfield, a man who he thought repre- sented the interests of the people. Judge Samuel W. Pennypacker, of Philadelphia, said at a memorial meeting of the Historical Society of Penn- sylvania, held shortly after the death of President Garfield, " no party con- vention ever had it in its power to affect more seriously the institutions of the country than that which assembled in Chicago in 18S0 to nominate a candidate for the Presidency. A few months earlier the selection of ex- President Grant had seemed inevitable. For two years a banker in Phila- delphia (Mr. Wharton Barker), with a taste for higher politics, had been urging the nomination of Mr. Garfield in the columns of the Penn Monthly, and making combinations looking to that result. On the first ballot Mr. Garfield had but one vote, that of a friend of the Philadelphia banker. On the thirty-sixth ballot he was nominated." In 1881 he, with Charles Wolfe and George E. Mapes, organized the revolt in the Legislature of Pennsylvania against the Quay-Cameron candidate for the United States Senate, that after a struggle of six weeks resulted in defeat of their candidate, Mr. Oliver, and in the election of Mr. Mitchell. In 1882 he organized the Independent Republican revolution against Quay and Cameron's dictation of the nomination of General Beaver and others for State offices. In 1884, he made an effort to nominate for President General Harrison, believing he was the only available Republican candidate; but fail- ing in that, he gave Mr. Blaine earnest support. March 29, 1S84, General Har- rison wrote Wharton Barker : "I ought to have acknowledged yours of the 26th inst. sooner. But I have no information that would be of interest or use to you. I do not think there is any danger of any body crossing your plans, for I really think you are so far in the advance as to be almost lone- some. * * Again, June 12, 1884, General Harrison, writing at length on the result at the convention, said, among other things, "I think you know that I had much less enthusiasm and confidence than you ; possibly because I know your candidate better than you did." Mr. Blaine wrote Wharton Barker June 14, 1884: "I wish you would pack your grip-sack and come down here for a day or two, coming directly to my house. I have so many things to say to you that it is discouraging to begin on paper. If you gain no other pleasure from the trip I promise you a sight of the beautiful island where your eminent grandfather was born in 1778 (I think), in the midst of the great struggle. It is but fifteen miles from my door. Come as early next week as your convenience will allow. The committee to advise me of my nomination will be here on the 20th, a good time for you to come. I refrain from giving thanks or suggesting plans. Hope to coverall points in our conference." Defeat of Blaine did not discourage Wharton Barker. He was convinced General Harrison could have been elected, and he went to work making Ill combinations that resulted in the nomination of Harrison in [888, in face of the opposition of politicians of the Quay-Sherman class. The extracts we have given from the letters of two as distinguished men as Blaine and Harrison are introduced to show that, statesmen as they were and practical politicians, they wished Mr. Barker's advice and the fruit of his judgment. They recognized that he was correct in his conclusions ; a good judge of men and measures, and fearless in the execution of that which he deems to be right. How fearless may perhaps be best illustrated by the statement that when General Harrison made his alliance with Senator Quay and Mr. John Wanamaker, disgusting all the Independent Republicans, and working on lines the gold cliques advocated, Wharton Barker went on with his con- tention in The American, criticising the administration, urging the adoption of an American policy, and the election of able and independent men to public office. In another portion of this work will be found the platform of the Ameri- can League, adopted Jauuary 2, 1S94. It was written by Mr. Barker. There seems to be no doubt now but that it will be the basis upon which bimetal- ists will rest their request for the support ot the American people in the present campaign. In 1S83, and until the assembly of the National Convention at Chicago in 1884, he opposed the nomination of Mr. Blaine, on the ground that he was not the best candidate, and that his election would be jeopardized by the vehement opposition to him that existed in his own party throughout the country. When, however, he had been nominated, and the choice lay be- tween him and Mr. Cleveland, who represented the principles against which he had contended for so long, Wharton Barker gave him an ardent and hopeful support, bringing to him the aggressive support of Irish Ameri- cans in New York and in other States. In 1885, 1886 and 1S87 he supported the policy of the Republican party in Congress, suggesting from time to time measures which, in the Chicago platform of 18S8, in the Senate tariff bill of that year, and in the McKinlcy bill of 1890, are nearly all embodied— the abolition of the sugar duties, as no longer a protective but simply a revenue measure, accompanied with the insistance (in which, for a long time, he stood substantially alone) that 111 return for the opening of our markets to the sugar producing countries we should have an adequate return. Upon this point, indeed, reciprocity in trade relations, Wharton Barker outlined a definite and broad policy. In October, 1SS1, he proposed the creation of a Zollverein system with Canada, and this policy, since known as "Commercial Union" and " Unrestricted Reciprocity," was steadily advo- cated and explained by him, until— in the absence of any such, or, indeed, any statesmanlike adjustment of the differences between the two countries— our relations with Canada became so irritated as to make the subject for the time an unpractical one. In 18S3, six years before the clauses in the McKinley bill gave the plan of reciprocity Congressional approval, Wharton Barker, in The American, and in an open letter addressed to Senator Mor- rill, had pointed out the trade which we should secure from the West Indies and Central and South America through the concession to them of a removal of the sugar duties. 112 In 18S7 and 1888, Wharton Barker again urged the nomination of General Harrison ; again opposed that of Mr. Blaine and Senator Sherman, and when General Harrison was selected he supported him earnestly for election. During his administration Mr. Barker spoke with uniform terms of praise of those acts which were dignified and consistent with the principles declared for and by him ; on the other hand, he was compelled to condemn the many lapses from that line by which he surrendered so much to unworthy party managers and to the money cliques of the country ; and in the near relation which these circumstances had to the politics of Pennsylvania, he led the Independent Republicans in their support of the Democratic candidate for Governor in 1890, considering that this was the obvious duty of all citizens who cherished a just measure of persoual self-respect and a clear apprehen- sion of public duty. Wharton Barker has made no professions of that cosmopolitan magnan- imity which is said to lift a man above the narrow bounds of patriotic feeling. He has believed in our country first of all, in her greatness, her future, her essential moral soundness, and her capacity to outgrow or to reform what is wrong in her policy and her character. On purely political questions he has in general acted with the Republican party, but he has never hesitated to criticise its faults and shortcomings. Consequently with these general principles he has been at all times earnestly American. He has defended the policy of protection ; he has insisted on a just manliness of national character ; he has supported an adequate navy, and coast and har- bor defences ; he has condemned a servile attitude toward foreign powers ; he has advocated the encouragement of our ocean commerce by national aid ; and following out logically this policy of a dignified self-assertion in the American nation he has insisted on the national rights of other countries as well. He has upheld the cause of oppressed nationalities everywhere, and whenever a people called to be a nation is struggling with the yoke imposed by an alien power. Throughout the entire period of his taking part in public affairs he has never abated his advocacy of the right of the people of Ireland to such self-government as would express their just national aspirations. Wharton Barker has maintained the policy of protection from early life. He has always demanded an intelligent, a broad-minded, a scientific applica- tion of the protective principle to the external revenue system of the coun- try. This principle demands that when the inflow of foreign products is discouraged and checked, domestic production shall be freely competitive, and he has never hesitated to denounce domestic " Trusts," which were designed or were likely to create monopolies, and thus destroy at home the very benefit which protection along the frontier line is intended to secure- >. T e has endeavored, at the same time, to broaden and to deepen the public co. victio' o upon this subject, to show that it is a national question, not a class question ; that protective duties are not imposed for the sake of manu- facturers, but for the public advantage of diversified industries and industrial independence, and for the maintenance of comfort and intelligence amongst the working people. He has never been a ranter in behalf of indiscriminate protection ; on the other hand, he has never regarded the policy of free trade as other than a surrender to competitive foreign nations and as an acceptance for our people of their wages and social conditions. He became an advocate of bimetalism soon after the demonetization 113 of silver iu 1873. He spoke and wrote against the policy of gold mono- metalism at all times when the question of reestablishment of bimetalism was under discussion. For the last three years he has been acknowledged as the highest authority on the question. His discussion has been scicntiiic as well as practical. So much for his political work and position. In business he has been active from the day he went into the office of Barker Brothers & Co. He soon became a partner of his father ; the business increased rapidly and his reputation extended to all parts of the world. Iu 1878 he was made financial agent of the Russian Government in connection with the building of the four cruisers, Europe, Asia, Africa and Zabicca, a work done so well that the Czar Alexander II conferred upon him the Order of St. Stanislaus, a distinction rarely conferred upon a foreigner. In the summer of 1S79 he went to Russia at the request of men in high authority, to consider a proposition for the development of the coal and iron of the Donetz region. After a survey of the country north of the sea of Azof, by competent American engineers sent out by Mr. Barker, he made proposals for great works to be undertaken under Im- perial concessions that involved an expenditure of ten million dollars. Prince Sergius Dolgorouki, then Minister of the Public Domain and Master of Cere- monies at the Court, sent a cable to Mr. Barker three days before the death of the Emperor to prepare to go to Russia, for the Czar and Grand Council of the Empire had decided to grant the concessions asked for. After the death of the Emperor this great work was dropped. Mr. Barker has been to Russia four times, last in 1894, each time going upon important business. He is a member of the American Philosophical Society, the Academy of Natural Sciences, the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, and the American Academy of Political and Social Science. He was the first President of the Penn Club, and is now a member of the Union League and the Manufac- turers' Club. Wharton Barker married Margaret Codies Baker, of New York, in 1867. They have three sons, Samuel, Rodman and Folgar Barker, all grown men. There are few more active men, and almost none who have worked upon so many lines, to wit : business, politics, letters, and always with force. Should the new party see fit to nominate him for President, and the Ameri- can people should ratify the nomination by election, the Nation would have as its Chief Executive a man of integrity, rare ability from long discussion of public affairs and acquaintance with statesmen, not only of the new but the old world. Above all else they would have an American of Americans, devoted to the development of the country's resources and our independence of the dictation of foreign capitalists, and those of our own land who foster National indebtedness which the people must pay by the issue of bonds to meet current governmental expenditures. WILLIAM O'CONNELL BRADLEY. WILLIAM O'CONNELL BRADLEY was born March 18th, 1S47, in Garrard county, Kentucky, near the town of Lancaster. His father, Hon. Robert M. Bradley, was perhaps the ablest and most successful land lawyer that ever lived in Kentucky, and was one of the most ardent and efficient promoters of popular education in the State. Gov. Bradley's mother was a Miss Ellen Totten, the daughter of a sturdy, intelligent farmer of Garrard county, a very strong-minded woman and a devout believer in the faith of Alexander Campbell, the founder of the Chris- tian Church, of which she was a member. William spent his boyhood days at Somerset, where his parents had re- moved. The Civil War wrecked his father financially, and his education was necessarily cut short at the age of fourteen. Twice he ran away and joined the Union army, but his father secured his release on each occasion and returned him home. He manifested a strong disposition to study law, and so well qualified was he at the age of seventeen, that the Kentucky Legislature passed a special act to license him to practice, for at that time the Statute forbade any person under the age of twenty-one to practice. He first entered politics in 1869, and has been at the front of all the political battles in the State since that time, save 1891, when he was confined by dangerous illness in a Louisville hospital. He was elected Prosecuting Attorney in 1870, of Garrard county, over an opponent of fine legal attain- ments and great personal popularity. In 1872 and 1876, he was nominated for Congress against Milton J. Durham, but was defeated by greatly reduced majorities after brilliant canvasses. He declined the nomination for Attorney- General in 1879, on account of ill-health, and in 1880, was a Delegate to the Chicago National Convention and seconded the nomination of General Grant. In 1884, was a member of the National Republican Committee, Delegate-at- Large and Chairman of the Kentucky delegation at the Chicago Convention, and delivered the speech which defeated the proposition from Massachusetts and Indiana, to curtail the representation from the South ; at the close of his speech the vast audience arose and repeatedly cheered him. In 1884, President Arthur selected him to prosecute the " Star Route " cases, but the Attorney-General refusing to allow a full and impartial prose- cution, he withdrew. Twice before he was of eligible age he was nominated by his party for United States Senator. In 1887, he made the race for Governor as the Republican nominee, and whittled a Democratic majority of 45,000 down to less than 17,000.. It was in this memorable campaign that he made the terrific attack upon the Democratic State officials, charging corruption at Frankfort, and which resulted in an examination of the books, and in finding State Treasurer Dick Tate, a defaulter for $247,000, and in foreign lands. In 1895, he was again unanimously nominated for Governor, met the Democratic candidate, Hardin, in joint debate, and carried the State by 9,000, electing a full set of Republican State officials. Governor Bradley is a typical Kentuckian, plain and unassuming, and filled with that unostentatious hospitality that has made Kentuckians so 114 W. O. Bradley. 116 popular the world over. He is as brave as a lion ; nothing can daunt or dis- concert him. In native wit, eloquence and magnetic power over a jury or an audience, few men equal him at the bar or on the stump ; a splendid story-teller, full stocked and with always a new one ; a disposition that is as sunny as a summer's day, and a heart so big that it overflows with genuine love for his fellowman. No man was ever more devoted to his friends, and no man ever had more devoted friends than he. A Republican, inflexible and incorruptible, a patriot of the highest type, he is every inch an American citizen. He came up through poverty and privations himself, and knows and appreciates the difficulties of the poor, and what it is to labor for his bread. He is a friend to every one who wants to do right ; liberal to his party, to the deserving poor, his friends, to every one, and only unmindful of himself. Kentucky is proud of him, and well may the nation be, for there are few abler, better or truer men than William O. Bradley, the first Repub- lican Governor of Kentucky. Governor Bradley is an indefatigable worker and a methodical one. Probably one of the best campaigners in the country to-day. Physically, mentally, and in every way a giant, his name will be presented at the St. Louis Convention, June 16th, for the Presidential nomination, and Ken- tuckians of his political faith believe he can be nominated and elected.* ♦ The editor acknowledges his indebtedness to Mr. E. C. Linney of Louisville, Ky., for most of above sketch. EPITOME OF AHERICAN POLITICS, From the Foundation of the Government, Together with Date and Place of Assemblage of Every Important National Political Convention Held in the United States. IT may be said that previous to 1776, parties, strictly Speaking, had no place in our history. People previous to that time were Whig or Tory, just as they had happened to he in the mother country, or as their sympathies had grown in consequence of parental training. When, on the 7th of June, 1776, Richard Henry Uee, of Virginia, moved the Declaration in these words : " Resolved, That these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be free and independent States ; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection be- tween them and the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dis- solved," and when, on the 4th of July, the Declaration of Independence was adopted, parties took shape, and Whig and Tory assumed a new mean- ing. Having taken the initiatory steps for independence, it was of course necessary for the separate States to delegate to some central government the power necessary to bring about unity of action. As early as June nth, 1776, a committee was appointed to prepare the form of a Colonial Confederation, and one member from each Colony was appointed to the task. They submitted a report, which was laid aside the 20th of August, 1776, taken up April 7th, 1777, debated from time to time until November 15th of the same year, when the report was agreed to. It had then to be submitted to the several States, which was done, the Legis- latures being advised to authorize their Delegates in Congress to ratify the same. On the 26th of June, 1778, the Articles of Confederation were ordered to be engrossed ready for the signatures of the Delegates. July 9th, New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island, Connecti- cut, New York, Pennsylvania, Virginia and South Carolina signed ; Georgia, July 21st ; North Carolina, July 24th ; New Jersey, November 26th ; and Delaware, February 22d, 1779. Maryland refused to ratify until the con- flicting claims of the Union and the States to the Crown lands should be ad- justed. The lands in dispute were ceded to the Union, and Maryland signed March 1st, 1781. On the 22d of March, Congress assembled under its new powers, and continued to act for the Confederacy, until March 4th, 1789, when the Fed- eral Constitution took effect. The Federal Constitution is the result of the labors of a Convention which convened at Philadelphia in May, 1787. At that time it had become evident that the old Confederation had outlived its usefulness, the days of peace trying it more severely than the days of war, when a common danger united the people and made them less captious and exacting in regard to legislation. The Confederation at this time had no credit ; the Revolutionary sol- diers were unpaid ; no provision was made for the payment of interest on 117 118 the public debt, and, as Cooper justly observes, " it was a failure from the disappointed hopes of many who thought freedom did not need to face re- sponsibilities." When the Convention met, a large share of the Delegates wished to retain the Articles of Confederation, amending them so as to give Congress additional powers, instead of forming a Constitution. A long dis- cussion followed, and a very able one, the result being our Constitution, em- bodying a division of legislative, judicial and executive powers. It was adopted by the several States, so that the machinery of our Federal Govern- ment was set in motion by the inauguration of Washington, as President, April 30th, 1789. PARTIES. When in the struggle for independence, the Whigs were of course in a majority. In fact, those of the old Tories who would not become Whigs found it best to emigrate or keep still enough to have their sentiments for- gotten or unnoticed. When the question of the Union came up, the Whigs naturally divided upon the question of State rights, the smaller and largest of the States being the most strenuous that no central government should usurp their powers. The class of thinkers who held with greatest tenacity to the extreme idea of State rights, were called Particularists. " Those who argued that local self-government was inadequate to the establishment and perpetuation of political freedom, and that it afforded little or no power to successfully resist invasion," were called strong Gov- ernment Whigs. Some of them wanted a government patterned after Eng- land, but Republican in name and spirit. The essential differences, if they can be reduced to two sentences, were these : The Particularist Whigs de- sired a government republican in form and democratic in spirit, with rights of local self-government and State rights ever uppermost. The Strong- Government Whigs desired a government republican in form, with checks upon the impulses or passions of the people ; liberty sternly regulated by- law, and that law strengthened and confirmed by central authority, the authority of the National Government to be final in appeals. ("Cooper's American Politics," book 1, p. 5.) The trouble with the Confederacy was this : It was not respected by the people ; the States did not acknowledge its power ; in fact, it had no power, it was a rope of sand. If it made a requisition the States disregarded it ; it could not regulate foreign commerce ; foreign nations refused to bind them- selves by commercial treaties with such an inoperative power ; there was open and constant jealousies and business rivalries between the States; it was " a house divided against itself, and it could not stand." Wisely, and with the prescience for which we cannot give the memory* of the Delegates too much honor, they framed the Constitution of the United States; they took the parts and welded them into a harmonious whole. The act providing for its submission provided that when ratified by nine of the thirteen States, it should be binding upon those ratifying the same. Now, amendments to the Constitution, when adopted by three-fourths of all the States, arc binding upon all. When the Constitution was submitted the Strong-Government Whigs became known as the Federals, and the Par- ticularists, Anti-Federals. The Federals had for leaders the brainiest and strongest men of the day, notably, Alexander Hamilton, James Madison and John Jay. The Anti-Federals bad also some strongmen, among whom were 119 Patrick Henry, and Samuel Adams, and the fight in the States over ratifies tion was exceedingly fierce. Had not George Washington ranged himself with the Federalists, the result would have been uncertain ; as it was. Con- gress was officially informed July 2d, 1788, that the needed nine States had ratified the Constitution, whereupon the first Wednesday in March, 17S9, was fixed as the time "for commencing proceedings under the Constitu tion." The people spontaneously nominated George Washington, for President, and John Adams for Vice-President, without any conventions. Washington selected his Cabinet from the leading minds of both parties, with the view undoubtedly of harmonizing all factions and obliterating party spirit. For a time this seemed to be the result, but soon partv rancor became apparent, for even James Madison, who had been the leader of the Federal- ists, ranged himself under the Anti-Federalists' banner. During the third session of Congress, Vermont and Kentucky were admitted to the Union. Rhode Island and North Carolina, which had rejected the Constitution at first, reconsidered their action, the former in May, 1790, and the latter in November, 1789. The election for members of the Second Congress, resulted in a Federal majority, and this Congress passed the first methodical apportionment bill, fixing representation at 33,000 for each Congressional district. By 1793, party lines had become well drawn, the names being now the Federalists and the Republicans. George Washington was again the spou- 'aneous choice of the people for President, and unanimously elected. John Adams received the support of the Federalists, and George Clinton, of New Vork, the support of the Republicans, for Vice-President. Adams was elected. In December, 1793, Jefferson left Washington's Cabinet, and retired to Monticello, where he busied himself in writing political essays and organ- izing the Republican party, of which he was the acknowledged head. Never before, nor hardly ever since, was political vituperation directed at exalted personages as in the closing days of Washington's administration, he being accused of shameful political crimes, and of winking at, if not being bene- fited by, frauds upon the public funds. Accustomed as we are to all sorts of political abuse of prominent men, we can scarcely conceive it possible that the Father of his Country should have been so treated. In 1796, the sentiment of the people crystallized upon the acknowledged leaders for President and Vice-President. Washington's farewell address had been issued in August, in which he announced his determination to serve no longer as President, or in an)- public capacity. The Federalists placed John Adams and Thomas Pinckney in nomination, while the Repub- licans named Thomas Jeff erson and Aaron Burr. Both parties were plainly arrayed, and both confident; but so evenly were the parties divided the Electoral College chose John Adams, Federalist, President, and Thomas Jefferson, Republican, Vice-President. No political platform was adopted by either party. During this administration the celebrated Alien and Sedi- tion law was passed, which authorized the President " to order all such aliens as he shall judge dangerous to the peace and safety of the United States, or shall have reasonable grounds to suspect are concerned in any treasonable or secret machinations against the Government thereof, to depart out of the 120 territory of the United States within such time as shall be expressed in such order." These resolutions and the laws, passed in pursuance of this policy, gave a dangerous current " to political thought and action." Undoubtedly they were the immediate cause of the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions of 1798. Jefferson was the father of the former and Madison of the latter. In 1800, John Adams was again nominated for President, and C. C. Pinckney for Vice-President. A "Congressional Convention," held in Philadelphia, nominated as the Republican candidates, for President and Vice-President, Thomas Jefferson and Aaron Burr. The Electors chosen voted 73 for Jefferson, 73 for Burr, and 65 for John Adams and 64 for Pinck- ney. Burr and Jefferson having the same number of votes, it was not legally decided which should be President or Vice-President, and the election had to go to the House of Representatives. The result was a protracted contest, which evoked the worst passions and even threatened civil war. It was the first practical test of the electoral system as then provided for in the Con- stitution. At that time each elector was required to vote for two persons, the one receiving the highest number of votes to be President, and the next highest Vice-President. This election showed conclusively that the man nominated for Vice-President might become the President, and the nominee fo* President the Vice-President ; in other words, that the people's choice might not be ratified. On the thirty-sixth ballot in the House, Jefferson was chosen President, and Burr, Vice-President. An amendment to the Constitution was fully ratified by September 25th, 1804, requiring the Electors to ballot separately for President and Vice-President. In the campaign of 1S00, the first national part}- platform was adopted by the Republicans, and Jefferson and Burr were the first " Congressional Caucus " nominees. Epitomized, the platform of the Republican party was as follows : An inviolable preservation of the Federal Constitution, accord- ing to the true sense in which it was adopted by the States. Opposition to monarchizing its features by the forms of its administration, with a view to conciliate a transition, first to a President and Senate for life ; secondly, to an hereditary tenure of those offices, and thus to worm out the elective principle. Preservation to the States of the powers not yielded by them to the Union. A rigorously frugal administration and all possible saving of public revenue, to be applied to payment of the public debt ; resistance to all measures looking to a multiplication of offices and salaries, and a protest against the augmentation of the public debt on the principle of its being a public blessing. Reliance for internal defense solely upon the militia ; no army or navy large enough to overawe public sentiment, or grind us with public burdens. Free commerce with all nations ; political connections witb none, and little or no diplomatic establishment. Opposition to linking our- selves by new treaties with the quarrels of Europe. Freedom of religion ; freedom of speech and of the press ; liberal naturalization laws ; encourage- ment of the arts and sciences, to the end that the American people may be- come independent of all foreign monopolies, institutions and influences. The Federalists had no platform. During Jefferson's administration the first removal for political cause was made, and offices were first given as a reward for party fealty. In 1804, the candidates of both parties were nominated by Congressional caucuses. Jefferson and Clinton were the Republican nominees, and Charles 121 C. Pincknev and Rufus King, were the nominees of the Federalists. Neither party adopted a platform of principles. In 1805, the Republicans dropped that name and took that of Democrats. In 1808, the usual Congressional caucus was held, nominating Madison and George Clinton, for the offices, respectively, of President and Vice-President. The Federalists supported C. C. Pincknev for President. Madison and Clinton were elected. In May, 1812, Madison was nominated by a Congressional caucus for reflection to the Presidency, and John Langdon was nominated for Vice-President, but, de- clining on account of age, Elbridge Gerry, of Massachusetts, took his place. In September, 1812, a CONVENTION of the opposition to Madison, representing in its delegates eleven States, was held in the City of New Vork, and nominated De Witt Clinton for Presi- dent, and Jared Ingersoll for Vice-President. This was the first national political convention representing the people directly, and the Federalists must have the credit of establishing the precedent. Madison and Gem- were elected. Neither party presented a political platform. During this administration war was declared with Great Britain. January 4th, 1815, the celebrated Hartford Convention passed a series of resolutions denunciatory of the forcible conscription, draft or imprison- ment of citizens or the militia. It was a peace part}- in time of war ; and it also proposed several amendments to the Constitution of the United States, the gist of which was as follows : I. Representatives and direct taxes to be apportioned among the States, according to the respective number oifree persons and those bound to service for a term of years ; and excluding Indians and all other persons. II. No new State to be admitted to the Union without the concurrence of two-thirds of both Houses of Congress. III. No embargo on ships or vessels of citizens in the ports of the United States for a longer period than sixty days. IV. Congress not to have power to interdict trade with foreign na- tions without concurrence of two-thirds of the members of both Houses. V. Congress not to make nor declare war, nor authorize hostilities against any foreign nation, unless the United States be actually invaded, without concurrence of two-thirds of the members of both Houses. VI. No person afterward naturalized to be eligible to Congress, or hold any civil office under the United States. VII. Same person not to be eligible for reelection to the Presidency ; nor two citizens of same State, eligible for two terms in succession. This was a Federalist platform. During this administration, Congress passed the first bill to promote internal improvements, but the President vetoed it. The first bill for the establishment of a national bank also passed, and was signed by Madison. The Democrats, in 1816, nominated, through a Congressional caucus, James Monroe for President and Daniel D. Tompkins for Vice-President. The Federalists named Rufus King, of New Vork, and divided their vote for Vice-President. As usual, no political platforms. Monroe and Tompkins 122 were elected. During this administration, the Monroe doctrine was enun. ciated, which has since become the unwritten law of the land. The second election of Monroe occurred in 1820, and was practically without opposition, only one electoral vote being cast against him. Mr. Tompkins, candidate for Vice-President, was a little less esteemed, it would seem, since there were fourteen electoral votes cast against him. Neither party made any nominations or disseminated a platform. It was a case of spontaneity of expression, not likely to occur in our day or generation. During this administration, Missouri was admitted to the Union, and the Missouri Compromise passed. The sale of Government lands by the credit system was also changed to sales for cash and the price reduced. In 1S24, four candidates were before the people for President, namely: General Andrew Jackson, John Quincy Adams, William H. Crawford and Henry Clay. No one received a majority of the electoral votes, and for the second time in our history the House of Representatives was called upon to decide the struggle. The result was the selecting of John Quincy Adams for President and John C. Calhoun for Vice-President. The result made hard feelings and excited jealousies that were not allayed for many years. General Jackson had been the choice of the people, and his friends started the story, and professed to believe it, that there had been a corrupt bargain between Clay and Adams. The nominees had all been nominated by cau" cuses of Congressmen, and about all the good the bitter contest brought to the country was the destruction of that mode of nominating the Chief Mag- istrate of the Nation. The election of 1824 really furnished a basis for the Whig party, for Mr. Clay, who had been a Democrat, was driven over to the National Republican (soon to be Whig) party. In 1828, the National Republicans supported John Quincy Adams and Richard Rush, while the Democracy supported Andrew Jackson and John C. Calhoun. General Jackson received 178 Electoral votes, to 83 for Mr. Adams. A convention was held in Philadelphia, in September, 1830, which adopted the following Anti-Masonic resolution : Resolved, That it is recom- mended to the people of the United States, opposed to secret societies,/!© meet in convention on Monday, the 26th day of September, 1831, at the city of Baltimore, by delegates equal to their representatives in both Houses of Congress, to make nominations of suitable candidates for the offices of Presi- dent and Vice-President, to be supported at the next election, and for the transaction of such other business as the cause of Anti-Masonry may require. In the month of December, 1831, the National Republican party held its Convention in Baltimore, and nominated Henry Clay for President, and John Sergeant for Vice-President. They issued a platform or address to the peo- ple, taking stand upon the questions of the tariff, internal improvements, removal of the Cherokee Indians, and in favor of the renewal of the United States Bank Charter. The Democrats put in nomination, General Jackson for reelection as President, and John C. Calhoun as Vice-President, both of whom were elected by the popidar vote and the Electoral College. At a ratification meeting held in Washington (Whig party), May nth» 1832, three resolutions were adopted as a platform for the party : 1st. Adequate protection to American industry ; 2d. Uniform system of internal improve- ments ; and 3d. That the " indiscriminate removal of public officers for a mere 123 difference of political opinion is a gross abuse of power, and that thedoctrine boldly preached in the United States Senate that ' to the victors belong tin- spoils of the vanquished,' is detrimental to the interests, corrupting to the morals and dangerous to the liberties of the country." During this administration the public deposits were removed from the United States Bank, Roger B. Taney was made Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, and South Carolina, on the 24th of November, 1832, passed au ordi- nance to nullify certain acts of the Congress of the United States. The Democracy held their Convention in 1836 at Baltimore, and nomi- nated Martin Van Buren, for President. The platform was constructed at New York, in January, 1836, and was known as the Locofoco Platform. It declared that all men being created free and equal, each person has same rights as to person and property ; that no man is under any greater duty than that of contributing to the necessities of society. Unqualified hostility to bank notes and paper money as a circulating medium, because gold and silver is the only safe and constitutional currency. Hostility to all monopolies created by legislation ; " hostility to the danger- ous and unconstitutional creation of vested rights or prerogatives by legisla- tion, because they are usurpations of the people's sovereign rights." No legislature or other authority can, by charter or otherwise, exempt any man from trial by jury or give exemption from the jurisdiction of the laws. Acts of one legislature can be altered or repealed by a subsequent one. The Whigs nominated William Henry Harrison and Francis Granger. There were scattering votes for Daniel Webster, Mr. Mangum and Hugh L-. White, but Mr. Van Buren received 170 Electoral votes and Mr. Harrison 73. The Whig resolutions were adopted at Albany, N. Y., February 3d, 1836, and in brief were: All citizens were invited to oppose Martin Van Buren, because he was the nominee of the Democrats in consequence of executive intrigue. That we support William Henry Harrison, not merely because of the value of his services as commander of our armies, but because we ad- mire his talents and repose trust in his patriotism and principles. In 1839, during the Twenty-sixth Congress, the practice of Members of Congress "pairing off" was first introduced. John Quincy Adams offered a resolution against the practice ; it was placed on the calendar and not reached, hence not voted upon. The practice is now common. In the campaign of 1840, Mr. Van Buren was again the Democratic nom- inee for President and Richard M. Johnson for Vice-President. Their Con- vention was held at Baltimore, and a platform adopted May 5th, 1S40. The Convention made no nomination for Vice-President, several States having nominated different persons ; but before the election Mr. Johnson was adopted. The Whigs held their Convention at Philadelphia, and nominated William Henry Harrison for President and John Tyler for Vice-President. The Whigs were victorious, the Electoral votes, 234, of nineteen States be- ing given for them, and 60 Electoral votes from nine States were given to the Democratic nominees. General Harrison died April 4th, just one month after his inauguration, and John Tyler succeeded him as President. The Democrats gave to the country in this campaign a very elaborate platform, adopted at Baltimore, May 5th, 1840, and which we condense as follows: 124 That the Federal Government is one of limited powers, and that grants of power ought to be strictly construed by all the departments and agents of the Goverment. That the Constitution does not confer upon the General Government the power to carry on a general system of internal improvements. The General Government has no right to assume the debts of the several States, or foster one branch of industry to the detriment of another ; there must be equality of rights and privileges. Rigid economy iu National expenditures, and no more revenue raised than is required for that purpose. Congress has no power to charter a United States bank ; no power to interfere with or control domestic institu- tions of the States. Denounced the Abolitionists. Money of the Govern- ment to be kept from banking institutions. No abridgment of present privilege of aliens becoming citizens. This Convention made no choice for a candidate for Vice-President. The first National platform of the Abolition party favored the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia and the Territories ; the Interstate slave trade and general opposition to slavery to the full extent of Constitu- tional power. During this administration the Democracy began to split on the free-soil issue, and discontented Whigs and Democrats united in form- ing a Liberty party, which, August 30th, 1843, in convention assembled at Buffalo, N. Y., promulgated a platform of twenty-one resolutions, the essen- tial features of which were : That human brotherhood is a cardinal prin- ciple of true Democracy, as well as pure Christianity. Then followed a long exposition of what they deemed general, moral and Christian principles, winding up with the declaration, "That the laws of God are paramount to any laws of man." It was more a code of ethics than a declaration of polit- ical principles. The next Presidential Nominating Convention was held at Baltimore, in May, 1S44. This Convention had a majority of delegates favorable to the renomination of Mr. Van Buren, but a Chairman of the Convention opposed to his candidacy was selected, who, aided by a rule adopted by the Conven- tion that a two-thirds vote should be necessary to nominate, the opposition headed by Calhoun's friends, were able to defeat him, and a dark horse in the person of James K. Polk, of Tennessee, carried off the prize. George M. Dallas, of Pennsylvania, was nominated for Vice-President. The Whig Convention at Baltimore, May 1st, 1844, adopted Henry Clay as its candi- date for President and Theodore Frelinghuysen, of New Jersey, for Vice- President. The Abolitionists nominated James G. Birney, of Michigan, for President. The Whig platform had one resolution which gave as their doctrine a tariff for revenue, discriminating with special reference to the protection of the domestic labor of the country, distribution of proceeds of the sales of public lands, a single term for the Presidency, and an efficient and econom- ical administration. The Democratic platform reaffirmed the first nine res- olutions of the platform of 1S40 ; opposition to distribution of proceeds of sales of public lands among the States ; against robbing the President of the qualified veto power, and affirming our title to the whole territory of Oregon, risking for its reoccupation, and the re-annexatiou of Texas, at the earliest practicable moment. 125 Polk and Dallas managed to be elected in consequence of the personal popularity of Silas Wright, who ran on the Democratic ticket for Governor of New York. The war with Mexico followed, Texas was annexed and anti- slavery agitation visibly increased in consequence of what was known as the Wilmot Proviso, namely: "That no part of the territory to be acquired (from Mexico) should be open to the introduction of slavery." Preparatory to the Presidential election of 1848, the Democrats held their National Convention at Baltimore, May 21st, and nominated Levi Cass, of Michigan, for President, and General William O. Butler, of Kentucky, for Vice-President. The Whig Convention met at Philadelphia June 8th, 1848, and nominated General Zachary Taylor, of Louisiana, for President, and Millard Fillmore, of New York, for Vice-President. The disaffected Democracy, under the name of Free-Soil Democrats, met at Utica, N. Y., and nominated Martin Van Buren, of New York, for President, and Charles Francis Adams, of Massachusetts, for Vice-President. The Abolitionists nominated Gerritt Smith, of New York, for President. Each party put forth an elaborate platform of principles, and after an exciting canvass, Gen- eral Taylor was elected. He died in about sixteen months from his inaugu- ration, or on the 8th day of July, 1850. The Democratic platform was adopted May 22d, and reaffirmed reso- lutions 1 to 4, and 7, 8 and 9, of the platform of 1840. They also re- affirmed their resolution of 1844, in relation to the distribution of proceeds of sale of the public lands and as to the veto power of the President ; that the war with Mexico was provoked by that people, and while the party would rejoice over an honorable peace with Mexico, they demanded the ratification by the Mexican Government of the "treaty of peace," which had been prepared, and which provided for indemnity and security for the future ; thanked the soldiers and sailors for their glorious achievements dur- ing the war ; tendered congratulations to the French Republic ; eulogized the administration of Polk, and congratulated the country on the establish- ment of a Constitutional Treasury, and the impulse given toward free trade by the repeal of the tariff of 1842 and substitution of that of 1846. At a ratification meeting of the Whigs, held in Philadelphia, June 9th, instead of a regular platform they endorsed the nomination of General Zachary Taylor, for President, and eulogized him as a great soldier and a consistent, truthful man ; that he would have voted in 1844,* if he could, for the Whig nominee, and was consistent in his support of the Whig party, and because he guaranteed to " make Washington's administration " a model for his, if elected. There was no distinct utterance of political principles in the resolutions. A popular soldier had been nominated, and he had simply pledged himself to carry out the principles of the party. The Free Soil party also put out a long platform, aimed against slavery in particular, and denunciatory of the nominations of the Whig and Demo- cratic parties, affirming that no opponent of slavery extension could con- sistently support the nominees. In their last resolution they said; "We inscribe on our banner, Free Soil, Free Speech, Free Labor and Free Men." In 1852, it was becoming evident that unless the Whig party could be successful it would be dissolved, and a new party formed, more or less on * There were doubts among the Whigs, as to whether General Taylor belonged to the party hence this declaration. 126 the slavery and sectional issues. The Free Soil Convention nominated John P. Hale, of New Hampshire, for President, at Pittsburg, August nth, 1852. The Democrats nominated Franklin Pierce for President, at Baltimore, June 1st, 1852, and the Whigs, General Winfield Scott, at Baltimore, June 16th, 1852. The Democracy, which clung to the two-thirds rule, nominated a dark horse, and the Whigs, a popular soldier. Each party, as had now become the custom, enunciated a platform of principles. The Democracy carried the day, and the Whig party ceased to exist as a national organization. The Democratic platform was adopted June 1st, and re-affirmed the 1st to 7th resolutions of the platform of 1S48. They declared for rigid economy in expenditures ; that no more revenue should be raised than was necessary for that and the gradual extinction of the public debt ; that Congress had no power to charter a National Bank ; that the moneys of the Govern- ment should be kept separate from banking institutions ; that the oppressed of every nation ought to be allowed to come here to become citizens and the owners of land. They also affirmed for non-interference, by Congress, with the domestic institutions of the States; resistance to anti-slavery agitation, in Congress or out of it ; abided by the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions of 1792 and 1798 ; that the war with Mexico was just and neces- sary ; rejoiced at the restoration of friendly relations with Mexico, and that in view of the condition of popular institutions in the Old World, a duty de- volved upon the Democratic party to uphold and maintain the rights of every State, and thereby the union of States, and advance constitutional liberty by resisting all monopolies and exclusive legislation for the benefit of the few. The Whig party adopted their platform June 16th. They declared that the Government of the United States is of limited character, and confined to the exercise of powers expressly granted by the Constitution ; that reserved rights of States should be held secure and the general Government sustained in the exercise of its constitutional powers. That the Government should be conducted on the principles of strictest economy ; and revenue sufficient for the expenses thereof, in time of peace, ought to be derived mainly from a duty on imports and not from direct taxes ; and in laying such duties, sound policy requires a just discrimination, and when practicable by specific duties, whereby suitable encouragement may be offered to American in- dustry, equal to all classes and to all portions of the country. Congress has power to improve navigable waterways and harbors. Acqui- esced in the series of laws of the Thirty-second Congress, including the " Fugitive Slave Law," as a settlement in principle and substance of dan- gerous and exciting questions. August nth, 1852, "The Free Soil Party," in convention at Pittsburg, Pa., put forth a very long platform that affirmed, among other things, "That slavery is a sin against God, and a crime against man, which no human enactment or usage can make right ; and that Chris- tianity, humanity and patriotism alike demand its abolition." Denounced the " Fugitive Slave Law " and the compromise measures of 1S50; the an- nexation of Texas, upon the terms upon which she was admitted to the Union ; that all men have a natural right to a portion of the soil, and that the public lands of the United States belong to the people and should not be sold to individuals or corporations, but held as a sacred trust for the 127 benefit of the people and should l>c granted in limited quantities, free of cost to landless settlers. These were distinctive principles, though it had others that were held in common by the Whig and Democratic parties. About this time the Native American, or Know-Not him;, party arose ; and the Kansas troubles were under full headway before Pierce's administration was over. The Dred Scott decision was also promulgated, and political excitement was at fever heat. The Free Soil Whigs and Democrats, and the disaffected of almost every shade of political opinion, formed a new part} . named it the National Republican, the corner-stone of which was opposition to the extension of slavery. The American party met February 20th, 1856, at Philadelphia, and nominated for President Millard Fillmore, of New York, and for Vice-President, Andrew J. Donelson, of Tennessee. What was left of the Whig party met at Baltimore, September 17th, 1856, and endorsed the nominations of the American party. The first National Convention of the Republican party met at Philadelphia, June iSth, 1S56, and nominated John C. Fremont for President, and William L. Dayton for Vice-President. The Democratic Convention met at Cincinnati, June 5U1, 1S56, and nominated James Buchanan for President, and John C. Breckinridge for Yiee-1 'resi- dent. A most exciting canvass followed, resulting in the election of the Dem- ocratic ticket ; but the vote cast for Fremont demonstrated that the Repub- lican party was likely to succeed at the next trial. Then followed the excitement incident to the Kansas conflict, which became, on a small scale, actual war. Helper's Impending Crisis became a text-book ; Douglas and Lincoln held their memorable debates, and John Brown made his insane raid on Harper's Ferry. " The Know-Nothing, " or "American party," met in Convention at Philadelphia, February 21st, 1856, their particular political object being em- braced in the words "Americans must rule America, and to this end native born citizens should be selected for all State, Federal and municipal offices, or government employment in preference to all others. Nevertheless, per- sons born of American parents residing temporarily abroad, should be en- titled to all the rights of native born citizens ; " and that " no person should be selected for political station (whether of native or foreign birth) who recognizes any allegiance or obligation of any description to any foreign prince, potentate or power, or who refuses to recognize the Federal and State Constitutions (each within its sphere) as paramount to all other laws, or rule of political action." It was, of course, tacitly understood that the last paragraph was aimed at Roman Catholic citizens. The party gained some local ascendancy but failed to become of national importance. The Democratic National Platform was adopted June 6th, and in words was the longest that had ever been put forth in this country. However, the first ten resolutions were nearly the same as those of 1852. They took issue, of course, with the new " American party," declaring that it had met in secret conclave and agreed upon an adverse political test, and that " no party can justly be deemed to be national, constitutional or in accord- ance with American principles, which bases its exclusive organization upon religious opinions and accidental birth-place." It re-affirmed the doctrine of non-interference with the domestic institutions of the States ; abided 128 by the "Fugitive Slave Law ; " said the territories, including Kansas and Nebraska, when they had sufficient population and made a constitution according to forms of law, should be admitted without, or with slavery, just as their constitution should provide ; declared in favor of a preponderating influence in ways of communication across the Isthmus of Panama, and for our ascendency in the Gulf of Mexico. The Republican National Platform was adopted June 17th, and its cardi- nal points were : opposition to the repeal of the Missouri compromise, of 1820; to the extension of slavery into free territory ; in favor of admitting Kansas as a free State, and returning to the principles of Jefferson and Washington ; denied " the authority of Congress, of a territorial legislature, of any individual, or association of individuals, to give legal existence to slavery in any territory of the United States, while the present constitution shall be maintained ; " that Congress had sovereign right and power over the territories, and it was its duty to exclude from the territories those twin relics of barbarism, polygamy and slavery; arraigned the Democratic ad- ministration for various high crimes and misdemeanors, by allowing mur- der, rapine, suppression of free speech, test oaths of an extraordinary nature as a condition to the right of suffrage, denial of right of trial by jury, abridgment of the right of the people to keep and bear arms, and a number of other offenses aimed at the destruction of liberty. It also con- demned the " Ostend circular," for its plea that " might makes right," and as being unworthy of American diplomacy.* This platform also demanded the building of a railroad to the Pacific ocean. The Whigs met at Baltimore, and, September 18th, resolved to support Millard Fillmore for President, the then nominee of the American party. They did so, without endorsing " the peculiar doctrines of that party." Sectional excitement was running high in i860 ; Senators in Congress were threatening the secession of their States, and there was throughout the country great unrest. Amid profound excitement, the Democratic party convened its next National Convention at Charleston, S. C, on the 23d of April, i860. The Convention did not get to balloting until Tuesday evening, May 1st — the eighth day of the session. They balloted until May 3d, when, finding it impossible to nominate, the Convention was adjourned to Baltimore, June 18th, i860. This Convention debated until June 22d, and when on that day it was moved to go into a ballot, Virginia withdrew ; North Carolina, Tennessee, Kentucky, Maryland, California, Oregon, and Arkansas followed. Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, South Carolina, Texas, Louisians, Arkansas, and Florida had been excluded from the Committee on Credentials in con- sequence of a resolution which had been introduced, and which was carried, referring " the credentials of all persons claiming seats in this Convention made vacant by the secession of delegates at Charleston to the Committee on Credentials." The Convention was now reduced to a minority of dele- gates from all the States. As a ballot was called for, when Massachusetts was reached, General B. F. Butler arose and refused to remain in a conven- tion which represented a minority of States, or, what was personal to him- * The " Ostend circular " was put forth by three American ministers to Europe, in favor of the buying, or, if that was not possible, the taking of Cuba by the United States. 129 self, in a convention where the African slave trade, which was piracy, was openly advocated. He then retired, followed by live others. The balloting proceeding, Stephen A. Douglas was nominated, with Senator Pitzpatrick, as candidates, respectively, for President and Vice-President. Mr. Pitz- patrick refused the honor, and the Executive Committee substituted Her- schel V. Johnson. The same day, June 23d, another Convention assembled at Baltimore, styling itself the "National Democratic Convention," and nominated John C. Breckinridge for President, and Joseph Lane, of Oregon, for Vice-President. The Republican Convention assembled at Chicago, May 16th, i860, and nominated Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, for President, and Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine, for Vice-President. A "Constitutional Union " Convention met at Baltimore, May 9th, 1S60, and nominated John Bell, of Tennessee, for President, and Edward Everett, of Massachusetts, for Vice-President. Each party presented an elaborate platform, and made strenuous efforts to elect their candidates, it being apparent to thinking men that in the event of the success of the Republican part}', the Gulf States and South Carolina at least would secede. Mr. Lincoln was elected, and all the South- ern States did secede, excepting Maryland, Kentucky, and Missouri. The civil war followed, with what result all know. South Carolina seceded December 20th, i860 ; Georgia, November 19th, i860 ; Mississippi, January 9th, 1861 ; Florida, January 10th, 1861 ; Louisiana, January 25th, 1861 ; Ala- bama, January nth, 1861 ; Arkansas rejected secession February iSth, 1861, seceded May 6th, 1S61 ; Texas, February 1st, 1861 ; North Carolina, May 21st, 1S61 ; Virginia, April 17th, 1861 ; secession vote of the people an- nounced June 25th, 1861 ; Kentucky convened a rump conference at Rus- selville, October 29th, which passed a Declaration of Independence and a Secession Ordinance, November 20th, 1861 ; there was nothing regular or legal in this gathering. Tennessee was declared by Governor Isham G. Harris out of the Union, June 24th, 1861. In Missouri and Maryland, dis- affected parties declared the States out of the Union, but in both it failed to have the sanction of the lawful authorities. The remnant of the Whigs, who had not joined the new party or affili- ated with the Democracy, and conservatives from the Democratic, Ameri- can party, etc., under the name of the " Constitutional Union" party, put forth their principles, as follows : "Whereas, Experience has demonstrated that platforms adopted by the partisan conventions of the country have had the effect to mislead and deceive the people, and at the same time to widen the political divisions of the country by the creation and encouragement of geographical and sec- tional parties ; therefore, "Resolved, That it is both the part of patriotism and of duty to recognize no political principles other than The Constitution of the Country, the Union of the States, and the Enforcement of the Laws. * * * * A S representatives of the Constitutional Union men of the coun- try, * * * * we hereby pledge ourselves to maintain, protect and defend, separately and unitedly, these great principles of public liberty and national safety against all enemies at home and abroad, believing that thereby peace may once more be restored to the country, and the rights of the people and of the States reestablished." 130 Eight days after the Constitutional Union Convention, the Republican party put forth their platform. It declared that the declaration of the rights of man, as set forth in the Declaration of Independence, must be main- tained ; declared for the maintenance of the Union, and denounced all schemes of disunion. Maintained the right of each State to control its do- mestic institutions, and denounced the administration for trying to force the Lecoinpton Constitution upon Kansas. Declared that the new dogma that the Constitution, of its own force, carried slavery into any and all of the territories of the Union * * * " :; ~ is revolutionary in its tendency and sub- versive of the peace and harmony of the country. That the normal condi- tion of all the territory of the United States, is that of freedom ; denounced the reopening of the African slave trade, and the vetoes of the Federal Gov- ernors of Kansas and Nebraska, of the acts of the Legislatures prohibiting slavery ; that Kansas should be admitted at once as a free State ; that while providing revenue for the support of the Government, by a duty upon im- ports, the duties should be so re-adjusted as to protect and encourage the industrial development of the country. In favor of the " Homestead law," against change in naturalization laws, for river and harbor improvements and a railroad to the Pacific Coast. The Democratic party split in two, issued two platforms, that of the Douglas wing, declaring it reaffirmed the platform of 1S56, and pledged the party to abide the decision of the United States Supreme Court upon all Constitutional questions ; that the United States must protect all citizens at home and abroad ; for speedy communication between the Atlantic and Pacific States ; the acquisition of Cuba on terms honorable to this country and just to Spain ; and that all acts of State Legislatures that defeat the "faithful execution of the " Fugitive Slave law," are revolutionary. The Breckinridge platform affirmed that all citizens have equal rights in all territories, and equal protection for all property the}- may take there. That it is the duty of the Federal Government, in all its departments, to de- fend the rights of persons and property in the territories. That any terri- tory seeking admission as a State, with adequate population and a Constitu- tion framed in accordance with law, should be admitted as a State, whether free or slave. This one plank was substantially the only difference between the two platforms. In 1S64, the Republicans re-nominated, June 7th, Abraham Lincoln for President, and Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee, for Vice-President. The Democrats held their Convention at Chicago, August 29th, and nominated General George B. McClellan for President, and George H. Pendleton for Vice-President. Lincoln was elected, and assassinated April 14th, 1865. The Republican platform of 1S64, adopted June 7th, upheld the Govern- ment in the war ; declared slavery to be the cause of the conflict, and com- mended the " Emancipation Proclamation," and that there should be no peace except by unconditional surrender of the rebel armies. It thanked the soldiers and sailors of the army and navy; commended the use of the late slaves as Union soldiers ; fostered foreign immigration, and the speedy con- struction of the Pacific Railroad ; pledged the National faith to the redemp- tion of the National debt, and that the Government would never regard with indifference the attempt of an European Government to overthrow by force 131 or supplant by fraud, the institutions of any Republican Government on the Western Continent. The Democratic National Convention, met at Chicago, August joth, 1S64. It declared that in the future, as in the past, \vc will adhere with un- swerving fidelity to the Union and the Constitution ; that four years of wai had failed to restore the Union, and that there should lie an immediate ces- sation of hostilities and a Convention of the States; that the recent inter- ference of the military with the elections in Kentucky, Maryland, Missoui 1 and Delaware, was a shameful violation of the Constitution ; denounced the subversion of civil by the military law in States not in insurrection, and up- braided the administration for not exchanging prisoners ; extended sympa- thy to the soldiers and sailors, and promised them care and protection in case the Democracy was restored to power. In 1S6S, May 20th, the Republican National Convention metal Chicago, and nominated General Grant for President, and Schuyler Colfax for Vice- President, who were elected. The Democrats met at New York the 3d of July, 1868, and nominated Horatio Seymour for President, and General Francis P. Blair for Vice-President. The Republican platform congratulated the country on the assured success of reconstruction measures, whereby equal civil and political rights were secured to all ; denounced repudiation as a National crime ; that it was due to the labor of the Nation that the debt should be equalized and reduced as rapidly as possible, but extented over a fair period at a low rate of inter- est ; strictest economy in the carrying on of the Government ; deplored the death of Abraham Lincoln and accession of Andrew Johnson to the Presi- dency ; that the doctrine of Great Britain and other European powers, that because a man once a subject must always be one, should be resisted by the United States, at every hazard ; under everlasting obligations to soldiers and sailors who saved the Union ; sympathy with all oppressed people strug- gling for their rights, and fostered foreign emigration. The Democratic platform, adopted Jrdy 4th, urged the immediate res- toration to the Union of all the States, and to all their rights under the Con- stitution ; general amnesty for all political offenses ; payment of the public debt as soon as practicable, and one currency for all. It demanded economy in administration of the Government, a tariff for revenue upon foreign im- ports, and such taxation under the revenue laws as would afford incidental protection to manufacturers; reform of abuses in the Administration ; equal rights and protection for naturalized and native-born citizens, at home or abroad; arraigned the Republican party for subversion of the Constitution and oligarchical methods. It sympathized with the workingmen of the country in their efforts to protect the rights and interests of the laboring classes, and tendered thanks to Chief Justice Chase for his justice, dignity and impar- tiality, while presiding over the court of impeachment of President Johnson. May 1st, 1872, the "Liberal Republican" party met at Cincinnati, and nominated Horace Greely, of New York, for President, and B. Gratz Brown, of Missouri, for Vice-President. The regular Democratic Convention con- vened at Baltimore, June 9th, and endorsed the Liberal Republican candi- dates. A few straight-out Democrats met at Louisville, Ky., September 3d, and nominated Charles O'Con/or, of New York, for President, and John Quincy Adams for Vice-President. The regular National Republican Couven- 132 tion met at Philadelphia, Juue 5th, and re-nominated General Grant for President, and nominated Henry Wilson, of Massachusetts, for Vice-Presi- dent. Grant and Wilson were elected. The Liberal Republican party adopted as their platform, the following : Equality of all men before the law ; maintenance of the Union of the States, emancipation, enfranchisement and the 13th, 14th and 15th Amendments to the Constitution. Removal of all disabilities imposed on account of the Rebellion ; local self-government and impartial suffrage ; reform in civil ser- vice and one term for the Presidency. The 6th plank we give in full, as it marked a distinct departure in the settlement of the tariff question : " We demand a system of Federal taxation which shall not unneces- sarily interfere with the industry of the people, and which shall provide the means necessary to pay the expenses of the Government, economically ad- ministered, the pensions, the interest on the public debt, and a moderate reduction annually of the principal thereof ; and recognizing that there are in our midst honest but irreconcilable differences of opinion with regard to the respective systems of protection and free trade, we remit the subject to the people in their Congressional Districts and the decision of Congress thereon, whollv free from Executive interference or dictation." Public credit to be sacredly maintained ; speedy return to specie pay- ments ; eulogized those who saved the Union ; opposed further grants of lands to railroads or corporations ; fair treatment of all nations, it being dishonorable to demand what is not right, or submit to what is wrong. The Democratic party met in Convention at Baltimore, June 9th, and ratified the Liberal Republican platform and nominees. The Republican platform, adopted June 5th, 1872, called attention to the achievements of the Republican party, in its eleven years of power ; that despite reduction of taxation during General Grant's presidency, the public debt had been diminished |ioo,ooo,ooo a year ; that the amendments to the National Constitution must be sustained ; for complete liberty and exact equality to all men, and protection to citizens everywhere ; for civil service, and opposed to further grants of lands to railroads. It demanded that the revenue over expenditures should be applied to the reduction of the public debt, and that revenue, except tax on tobacco and liquors, should be raised by duties on imports and so adjusted as to pro- tect American labor, wages and manufactures ; the abolishment of the frank- ing privilege, legislation to be so shaped that both capital and labor, the creator of capital, shall be protected ; denounced repudiation in every form ; approved the extension of amnesty to those lately in rebellion, and that the Government should adopt such measures as would encourage and restore American commerce and ship-building. It also eulogized General Grant and Henry Wilson. The Democratic (straight-out) platform was adopted at Louisville, Ky., September 3d, 1872. In substance it was as follows : Recurrence to first principles and eternal vigilance against abuses, are the wisest provisions for liberty ; and fidelity to our constitutional system is the only protection for either. Original basis of Union was consent of the States. Powers not delegated by the States to the General Government, are reserved to the States. All governmental powers, trust powers. Interests of labor and capital should not be permitted 133 to conflict, but should be harmonized by judicious legislation. Principle should be preferred to power. That the party was betrayed at Baltimore. In 1S76, the Greenback ers held a Convention at Indianapolis, May 17th, and nominated Peter Cooper and Samuel F. Cary, for President and Vice- President. The National Republican Convention met at Cincinnati, |uuc 14th, and nominated Rutherford B. Haves for President, and William A. Wheeler for Vice-President. They were declared elected after a contest be- fore the famous " Electoral Commission. " The Democratic National Con- vention, met at St. Louis, June 28th, and nominated' Samuel J. Tilden for President, and Thomas A. Hendricks for Vice-President. The Independent (Greenback) platform adopted May 17th, 1S76, de- manded the immediate and unconditional repeal of the specie resumption act of January, 1875 ; a circulating medium to be issued by the Government, " convertible, on demand, into United States obligations bearing a rate of interest not exceeding one cent a day on each one hundred dollars (3.65 per cent.) and exchangeable for United States notes at par; to be legal tender for all obligations, except such as it is expressly provided shall be paid in coin." Declared it the paramount duty of the Government, in all its legis- lation, to keep in view the full development of all legitimate business, agri- cultural, mining, manufacturing and commercial. Protested against any more sales of gold bonds by which the people would be made for a long time "hewers of wood and drawers of water" for foreigners. Against sale of bonds to purchase silver for the enrichment of owners of silver mines. The Republican platform, adopted June 14th, 1876, declared the United States is a Nation and not a league ; that by the combined workings of the National and State governments, under their respective Constitutions, the rights of every citizen are secured, and the common welfare promoted ; that the party was sacredly pledged to the permanent pacification of the South and the protection of all citizens in their rights. It promised the resump- tion of specie payments, and said Senators and Representatives should not dictate appointments to office ; that uo public funds or property should be devoted to any schools or institution under sectarian control ; that duties on imports should be adjusted to promote the interests of American labor ; op- posed the further donation of public lands to corporations or monopolies, and that the National domain should be devoted to free homes for the people. Treaties with foreign nations to be modified, so that the same protection should be accorded adopted citizens as those native born ; that Congress should investigate the effect of the immigration of Mongolians, upon the moral and material interests of the country ; that that relic of bar- barism, polygamy, be extirpated, and that all pledges made to the soldiers and sailors be fulfilled. The Democratic National platform, adopted June 27th, 1876, reaffirmed their devotion to the Union and the Constitution ; demanded reform as nec- essary to establish a sound currency, restore the public credit ami maintain the National honor. Denounced the non-redemption of the legal tender notes and demanded repeal of redemption clause of 1875. Denounced the tariff in force as a master-piece of folly ; that it has impoverished many in- dustries to enrich a few. Declared that over 200,000,000 acres of public lands had been given to corporations, and out of thrice that amount, not over one- sixth to actual settlers. 134 In 1880, the National Republican Convention met at Chicago, June 5th, and nominated James A. Garfield, of Ohio, for President, and Chester A. Arthur for Vice-President. They were elected. The National Democratic Convention convened at Cincinnati, June 22d, and nominated General Win- field S. Hancock for President, and William H. English, of Indiana, for Vice-President. President Garfield was stricken down by an assassin, Charles J. Guiteau, July 2d, 1: 81, and died September 19th, 18S1. CUester A. Arthur was sworn in as President, September 20th, 1S81. The Republican platform congratulated the country upon reconstruction; that the paper currency of the Nation had been raised from 38 per cent, to par with gold, and our credit so established ; that 4 per cent, bonds sold at par, where previously 6 per cents, had sold at 86 ; railroad mileage had increased from 31,000, in 1860, to 82,000, in 1879; foreign trade from $700,000,000 to $1,150,000,000, and our exports which were $20,000,000 less, are now $264,- 000,000 more than our imports. That the National debt had been reduced $888,000,000, while the pen- sions paid annually was over $30,000,000, and the interest on the National debt reduced from $151,000,000 to $89,000,000. Duties upon imports should be so levied as to favor American labor; Chinese immigration restrained, and denounced the Democratic party for trying to pack the United States House of Representatives. The Democratic National platform opposed centralization and sumptuary laws ; declared for separation of Church and State ; the fostering of the pub- lic schools, home rule and honest money cousistiting of gold, silver and paper convertible into coin on demand ; maintenance of the public credit ; a tariff for revenue only; subordination of the military to the civil power and a thorough reform of the civil service. It also denounced the fraud of 1876, whereby Hayes was seated as President ; declared for free ships ; no more Chinese immigration ; public money and public credit for public purposes only, and the public land to be held for actual settlers. Both the Democratic and Republican parties, in 1SS4, held their National Conventions in Chicago, the latter, June 3d-6th, and the former, July 10th. The Republican party went to the country with a declaration of its political opinions, as follows : Freedom and equality of all men ; a united Nation ; the rights of all citizens to be protected everywhere ; the elevation of labor and an honest currency. That the first duty of a good government is to protect the rights and promote the interests of its own people ; that duties upon im- ports be made not for revenue only, but they shall be so levied as to secure the American laborer against the low wages of Europe, and give the laboring man his full share in the National prosperity. Pledged the part}- to correct the inequalities of the tariff, reduce the surplus not by the indiscriminate process of horizonal reduction, but by such methods as will relieve the tax- payers without injuring the laborer, or the great productive interests of the country ; the fostering of sheep husbandry and for bi-metalism by inter- national agreement ; regulation of commerce with foreign nations and be- tween the States; a National bureau of labor; the enforcement of the eight hour law; a judicious system of general education; settlement of National difference by international arbitration ; against Chinese immigration ; com- pletion of reform in the civil service, and public lands to go to actual set- tlers in small holdings. Suitable pensions for all disabled soldiers and sailors 135 and their widows and orphans; no entanglement by alliances with foreign nations ; restoration of the navy ; officers in the Territories to he bona-fide citi- zens thereof, and the suppression of polygamy among the Mormons and the divorce of the political from the ecclesiastical power of the Mormon church. James G. Blaine was nominated for President upon the fourth ballot, and John A. Logan for Vice-President upon the first ballot. The political views of the Democrats, as expressed in their patform, were: That the fundamental principles of Democracy will always remain as the best security of the people and the continuance of free government ; that personal rights must be preserved, for the equality of all citizens before the law ; the reserved rights of the States to be maintained and the supremacy of the Federal Government within the limits of the Constitution ; frequent changes of administration, that public officers long in service may not be- come arbitrary rulers ; the Republican party as far as principles are con- cerned is a reminiscence. It then arraigned the Republican party for corruption, an effort to control v State elections by Federal troops ; subjected labor to the competition of convict and imported contract labor ; for piling up a surplus of over $100,000,000, collected from a suffering people ; that unnecessary taxation is unjust taxation, and that all taxation must be limited to the requirements of economical government. Only such import duties as will give manufacturers the difference between wages here and abroad ; public lands for actual settlers ; liberal support of the public schools ; against importation of labor and for laws whereby labor organizations may be in- corporated. Grover Cleveland was nominated for President, and Thomas A. Hen- dricks for Vice-President, and were elected. In 1S88, the Democratic National Convention met at St. Louis, June 5th, and the Republican Convention assembled at Chicago, June 19th. The Democrats re-nominated Grover Cleveland for President, and Allen G. Thurmau for Vice-President. The Republicans nominated Benjamin Har- rison for President, and for Vice-President, Levi P. Morton, who were elected. The Democratic platform endorsed the views of President Cleveland's message on tariff reduction, declared for honest reform in the civil service as it had been inaugurated by the Administration ; that the rights of the people must be carefully guarded ; that more money for pensions had been paid out under Cleveland than in any other four years ; that it was Demo- cratic policy to enforce frugality in public expenses and abolish unneces- taxation ; revision of the tax laws with due allowance for the difference be- tween the wages of American and foreign labor ; sympathy with Home rule in Ireland, and for the speedy passage of the Mills (tariff) bill. In essen- tials it was the platform of 18S4. The Republican platform, in its political provisions, declared sympathy for Home Rule in Ireland ; denounced the Mills bill, and avowed the protec- tive system must be maintained ; that wool must not be put 011 the free list, and that there should be reduction in the tax upon tobacco, and upon spirits used in the arts and for mechanical purposes ; and for such revision of the tariff as shall lessen imports of such articles as we can produce. It declared against foreign contract labor ; opposition to trusts ; the public lands to go to actual settlers who are citizens, not aliens ; that Territories should become 136 States whenever their population and material resources, public intelligence and morality is such as to insure stable governments ; in favor of both gold and silver as money, and denounced the Democratic Administration for its efforts to demonetize silver. Fostered free schools ; wanted rehabilitation of the American Marine ; against a free ship bill as an injustice to American labor ; the construction of a navy, coast defenses and modern ordnance. In other particulars the platform was a repetition of 1SS0 and 1S84. In 1S92, the Republican National Convention met in Minneapolis, Minn., June 7th, and reported their platform on the 10th. Benjamin Harrison was re- nominated for President, andWhitelawReid, of New York, for Vice-President The Democratic National Convention convened at Chicago, June 21st and on the 22d adopted their platform. Grover Cleveland was for the third time re-nominated for President, and Adlai E. Stevenson for Vice-President. They were elected, and are now serving. The People's party (Populist), which had carried some States and elected a few Representatives to Congress, and some Senators, met in National Con- vention at Omaha, Neb., July 2d, and adopted their platform July 4th. James B. Weaver, of Iowa, was nominated for President, and James G. Field, of Virginia, for Vice-President. We give liberal quotations from their platform as to their attitude upon the money question, transportation, the public lands, and limitation of term of President : " The national power to create money is appropriated to enrich bond- holders ; a vast public debt, payable in legal tender currency, has been funded into gold-bearing bonds, thereby adding millions to the burdens of the people. Silver, which has been accepted as coin since the dawn of his- tory, has been demonetized to add to the purchasing power of gold by de- creasing the value of all forms of property as well as human labor, and the supply of currency is purposely abridged to fatten usurers, bankrupt enter- prise and enslave industry. "A vast conspiracy against mankind has been organized on two conti- nents, and it is rapidly taking possession of the world. If not met and over- thrown at once, it forebodes terrible social convulsions, the destruction of civilization, or the establishment of an absolute despotism. We have wit- nessed, for more than a quarter of a century, the struggles of the two great political parties for power and plunder, while grievous wrongs have been inflicted upon the suffering people. We charge that the controlling influ- ences dominating both these parties have permitted the existing dreadful conditions to develop without serious effort to prevent or restrain them. Neither do they now promise us any substantial reform. They have agreed together to ignore, in the coming campaign, every issue but one. Thev propose to drown the outcries of a plundered people with the uproar of a sham battle over the tariff, so that capitalists, corporations, national banks, rings, trusts, watered stock, the demonetization of silver, and the oppres- sions of the usurers may all be lost sight of. They propose to sacrifice our homes, lives and children on the altar of Mammon ; to destroy the multi- tude in order to secure corruption funds from the millionaires. "Transportation being a means of exchange and a public necessity, the Government should own and operate the railroads in the interest of the people. The telegraph and telephone, like the post-office system, being a 137 necessity for the transmission of news, should he owned ami operated by the Government in the interests of the people. "The land, including all the natural sources of wealth, is the heritage of the people and should not he monopolized for speculative purposes, and alien ownership of land should he prohibited. All land now held by railroads and other corporations in excess of their actual needs, and all lands now owned by aliens, should be reclaimed by the Government and held for actual settlers 011I3 . "Wealth belongs to him who creates it, and every dollar taken from industry without an equivalent is robbery. 'If any will uot work, neither shall he eat.' The interests of rural and civic labor arc the same ; their ene- mies are identical. "We believe that the time has come when the railroad corporations will either own the people or the people must own the railroads ; and should the Government enter upon the work of owning and managing all railroads, we should favor an amendment to the Constitution by which all persons en- gaged in the Government service shall be placed under a civil service regu- lation of the most rigid character, so as to prevent the increase of the power of the National Administration by the use of such additional Government employes." SUPPLEMENTARY RESOLUTION. That we commend to the favorable consideration of the people and to the reform press the legislative system known as the initiative and referendum That we favor a constitutional provision limiting the office of President and Vice-President to one term, and providing for the election of Senators of the United States by a direct vote of the people. That we oppose any subsidy or National aid to any private corporation for any purpose. The Democratic platform was denuncitory of " trusts " and " monopo- lies ; " of the Elections bill ; for a vigorous foreign policy ; condemned oppres. sion by the Russian Government of its Jewish and Lutheran citizens ; against unrestricted immigration ; in favor of just and liberal pensions; the Nica- rauga canal ; aid to the World's Fair; for public schools, and denounced Republican protection as a fraud and a robbery of the people, and for a tariff for revenue only. The Republican party in its platform, demanded a free ballot, a fair 'count, so that every citizen should enjoy the sovereign right of suffrage. Denounced Southern outrages for political reasons ; favored extension of our foreign commerce ; restoration of our mercantile marine and a larger navy ; against criminal, pauper or contract immigration ; legislation to pro- tect life or limb of employes engaged in carrying on inter-state commerce ; liberty of thought and conscience and against union of Church and State. It also denounced trusts and combinations of capital to arbitrarily con- trol trade ; cession of arid lands to the States subject to Homestead laws, and sympathy with all wise and legitimate laws intended to lessQn intemperance. In other particulars, the platform was cpiite like that of the former campaign. Readers of this book know as well as the writer, that platforms are not closely followed in all instances. In one thing they are mostly in unison, viz., arraignment of the other party or parties. The two absorbing subjects for 1896, are bi-metalism and the tariff. Upon the latter, the elections of 1894 completely reversed the decision of 1892. 138 ATTITUDE OF PARTIES UPON THE SILVER AND TARIFF QUESTIONS.' THE selection of delegates to National Conventions of the political parties of this country, and the formulation of distinctive party platforms, dates back only some seventy years. As late as 1832 the platform of the Democratic party was three resolutions, adopted at a mass meeting held in Washington May nth of that year, to ratify the re- nomination of General Jackson. Since then the practice of formulating elaborate platforms has grown, until they have come to contain not only a reference to all the issues before the country, the line of policy which the party pledges itself to pursue, but de- nunciation of the acts of the competing party and a reference to its sins of " omission and commission " whenever and wherever intrusted with power. The person or persons nominated are pledged to stand upon that platform ; it is the law of the party, and is supposed to be obeyed ; hence the only au- thoritative utterance of a party is its platform ; the action of any single individual, or group of individuals, in the party, however exalted their posi- tion, does not bind the party as a whole. In a work of this character only the leading parties can be considered, and at the present time they are three in number, namely, the Democratic, Republican and Populist. From tbe tendency of political talk now, it is altogether probable that the Populist party will, after the National Conven- tion in July of this year (1896), be renamed the American party, and in speaking of it we shall call it by that name, Upon the question of "silver and the tariff" the Democratic party, by its National platform, adopted June 22d, 1892, said : Tariff. — " We denounce Republican protection as a fraud, a robbery of the oreat majority of the American people for the benefit of the few. We declare it to be a fundamental principle of the Democratic party that the Federal Government has no constitutional power to impose and collect tariff duties, except for the purpose of revenue only, and we demand that the col- lection of such taxes shall be limited to the necessities of the Government when honestly and economically administered. We denounce the McKinley tariff law, enacted by the Fifty-first Congress, as the culminating atrocity of class legislation ; we indorse the efforts made by the Democrats of the. present Congress to modify its most oppressive feature in the direction of free raw materials and cheaper manufactured goods that enter into general consumption, and we promise its repeal as one of the beneficent results that will follow the action of the people in intrusting power to the Democratic party." Upon the question of silver it said: "We denounce the Republican legislation, known as the Sherman Act of 1890, as a cowardly makeshift, fraught with possibilities of danger in the future, which should make all of its supporters, as well as its author, anxious for its speedy repeal. We hold to tbe use of both gold and silver as the standard money of the country, and to the coinage of both gold and silver, without discriminating against either metal, or charge for mintage, but the dollar unit of coinage of both metals must be of equal intrinsic and exchangeable value, or be adjusted through international agreement, or by such safeguards of legislation as shall insure 139 the maintenance of the parity of the two metals and the equal power of every dollar at all times in the markets, and in payments of debts ; and we demand that all paper currency shall be kept at par with and redeemable in sitch coin." The Republican National Convention of 1892 formulated their platform at Minneapolis, Minn., Jnne 7th. Upon the subject of the tariff they declared : " We reaffirm the American doctrine of protection. We call attention to its growth abroad. We main- tain that the prosperous condition of our country is largely due to the wise revenue legislation of the Republican Congress. We believe that all articles which cannot be produced in the United States, except luxuries, should be admitted free of duty, and that on all imports coming into competition with the products of American labor there should be levied duties equal to the difference between wages abroad and at home. We assert that the prices of manufactured articles of general consumption have been reduced under the operations of the tariff act of 1890. We denounce the efforts of the Democratic majority of the House of Representatives to destroy our tarilf laws piecemeal, as is manifested by their attacks upon wool, lead and lead ores, the chief products of a number of States, and we ask the people for their judgment thereon." For reciprocity to increase our export trade. For bi-metalism, " with such restrictions and under such provisions," as will keep silver on a parity with gold. Silver. — "The American people, from tradition and interest, favor bi-metalism, and the Republican party demands the use of both gold and silver as standard money, with such restrictions and under such provisions, to be determined by legislation, as will secure the maintenance of the parity of values of the two metals, so that the purchasing and debt-paying power of the dollar, whether of silver, gold or paper, shall be at all times equal. The interests of the producers of the country, its farmers and its workingmen, demand that every dollar, paper or coin, issued by the Government shall be as good as any other. We commend the wise and patriotic steps already taken by our Government to secure an international conference to adopt such measures as will insure a parity of value between gold and silver for use as money throughout the world." The People's, popularly known as the Populist party, in National Con- vention at Omaha, Nebraska, July 2d, 1S92, enunciated as the leading plank in their platform the following : Moxev.— We demand a National currency, safe, sound and flexible, issued by the General Government only, a full legal tender for all debts pub- lic and private, and that without the use of banking corporations ; a just, equitable and efficient means of distribution direct to the people, at a tax not to exceed 2 per cent, per annum, to be provided as set forth in the Sub- Treasury plan of the Farmers' Alliance, or a better system ; also by pay- ments in discharge of its obligations for public improvements. (a) We demand free and unlimited coinage of silver and gold at the present legal ratio of 16 to 1. (b) We demand that the amount of circulating medium be speedily increased to not less than $50 per capita. (c) We demand a graduated income tax. 140 (d) We believe that the money of the country should be kept as much as possible in the hands of the people, and hence we demand that all State and National revenues shall be limited to the necessary expenses of the Government, economically and honestly administered. (e) We demand that Posta) Savings Banks be established by the Gov- ernment for the safe deposit of the earnings of the people and to facilitate exchange. At this writing, April 5th, 1896, it appears altogether probable that if the regular Democratic and Republican Conventions declare for the gold stand- ard, the Populists and the disaffected (free silver) Republicans and Demo- crats will, at a National Convention to be held in July, 1896, nominate candidates upon a short crisp platform, something like that of the American League, which is as follows : I. We demand legislation that will check and prevent the aggression of concentrated capital ; that will provide means to discover dishonest over- capitalization of corporations, and enforce penalties against such over- capitalization. II. We demand the maintenance of a true Protective system, a system that will : (a) Protect American labor against underpaid and degraded European and Asiatic labor, and secure to American citizens the American markets. (b) Extend American foreign commerce by adequate subsidies to American shipping. (c) Remove all protective duties from imported articles which domes- tic "trusts" and combinations, created to control domestic production and repress domestic competition, have monopolized, destroying thus at home the benefit which protection along the frontier is intended to secure. (d) Demonstrate that protection is a National question, not a class question, and that protective duties are not imposed for the benefit of any class, but for the public advantage of (1) diversified industries, (2) the indus- trial independence of the Nation, (3) the maintenance of comfort and intel- ligence among the people, and (4) the promotion of domestic commerce through extension and improvement of the means of communication. III. We demand legislation that will establish on a permanent basis the unrestricted use of both gold and silver as money of the United States ; that will admit to the mints of the United States for coinage, silver bullion from mines of the United States of America upon payment by the owner of a seigniorage absorbing three-fourths of the difference between the market (London) price and its value when coined ; and that will admit foreign silver only for coinage purposes, at a seigniorage absorbing all of the difference between the market (London) price and its value when coined. IV. We demand the extension of our external trade relations with countries having different soil, climate and products from those of the United States, especially when they use both gold and silver as money, unrestricted in amount and upon an agreed ratio, thereby establishing an International Trade League. V. We demand legislation that will prohibit sale of public lands to aliens, and the ownership of lands by aliens. VI. We demand legislation that will prohibit immigration of subjects or citizens of foreign countries, unless such immigrants intend to become 141 citizens of the United States, and unless they ran demonstrate that they have not been of the criminal or pauper classes in the countries from which they emigrated. The ultra-silverites will, of course, contend for free coinage at the ratio of 16 to i; but as compromises are usually made in conventions, it is not impossible a middle course will be pursued. The Ohio Republican State Convention, recently held, had the follow- ing as the financial plank in their platform : "We contend for honest money; for a currency of gold, silver and paper with which to measure our exchanges that shall be as sound as the Government and as untarnished as its honor; and to that cud we favor bi- metalism and demand the use of both gold and silver as standard money, either in accordance with a ratio to be fixed by an international agreement, if that can be obtained, or under such restrictions and such provisions to be determined by legislation as will secure the maintenance of the parities of value of the two metals, so that the purchasing and debt-paying power of the dollar, whether of silver, gold or paper, shall be at all times equal." The New York State Republican Convention avoided all ambiguity by declaring as follows : " The agitation of the free coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to i seri- ously disturbs all industrial interests and calls for a clear statement of the Republican party's attitude upon this question, to the end that the trade of this country at home and abroad may again be placed upon a sound and stable foundation. "We recognize in the movement for the free coinage of silver an attempt to degrade the long-established standard of our monetary system, and hence a blow to the public and private credit, at once costly to the National Government and harmful to our domestic and foreign commerce. " Until there is a prospect of international agreement as to silver coinage, and while gold remains the standard of the United States and of the civilized world, the Republican party of New York declares itself in favor of the firm and honorable maintenance of that standard." The Southern States, so far in their conventions, have declared for bi- metalism, and generally for free coinage at the ratio of 16 to i, without any qualifications. There has been growing in this country a sentiment among the people that where the country has been appealed to on an issue, and the voters have elected a House of Representatives favorable to one or the other side of that issue, that the President ought not to interpose his veto to thwart the will of the people ; and looking at it from the standpoint that the will of the people, as expressed at the polls, is and should be the law of the land, the President should not exercise this veto power. Hon. Chauncey F. Black, in an open letter, has just given his ideas upon the subject as follows : "The Democratic party of the country must not be disrupted on the silver question. There is no constitutional principle involved in it. It is a matter of mere economy and expediency, about which Democrats may differ, with perfect freedom. Should we be weak and foolish enough to fight among ourselves and divide on this minor question of silver coinage, we would be simply throwing open the gates to let in the goths and vandals of monopoly and corruption to sack the country. 142 " Why not let us agree, gold standard and free silver Democrats — all of us who have stood together for generations in defense of the Constitution strictly construed — to abide the judgment of the majority in National Con- vention? L,et us declare, and let us manfully keep the pledge, that, there being no constitutional question at issue, the candidate of the Democratic party for President will, if elected, sign any bill, covering the use of silver as money, which shall have passed Congress with a majority of the Demo- cratic votes in its favor." HISTORY OF SILVER AS MONEY. MONEY has been defined as " any currency employed in buying and selling." Earl}- in the history of mankind, as far back as there has been individual ownership of anything, a necessity has existed for something whereby one man could purchase that which he wanted and another had got. Undoubtedly, barter was the primitive way of men's dealing with each other ; but as population increased and man began to form distinct communities, and advances in civilization increased his necessities, bartering would not do ; there must be a something which would be lasting, easily transported and not too easily obtained. It is the general opinion that gold was the first metal discovered. It is a metal more gener- ally diffused throughout the world than any other ; it has in olden times been most easily obtained from mother earth, as the first mining was washing it from the sand and gravel ; and it was generally pure, ductile and easilv formed into any desirable shape. It is probable that this was the first metal upon which was bestowed a distinct value, and passed among men as worth a stated sum. Copper was probably second, then silver. As we understand the word coin there was none for many centuries ; and after gold and silver became of large value, a variety of substances was used as subsidiary coins and passed as current money among the people. Copper or bronze coins have for manv centuries been the common vehicle for small payments, and to-day China only coins copper for general use among her citizens. Their common coin, called Cash or Tsien, is a small copper disc with a square hole in the centre, through which the owner puts a string. The value of the Cash is about Jj of a cent. The Chinese know full well the value of gold and silver, but it passes only by weight and fineness. The Hebrew Talent was equivalent to 3,000 Shekels, and woith, say, from $1,600 to $1,900. The gold Shekel contained 130 grains, the silver Shekel 224 grains and the copper 450 grains. That would make the Shekel in gold worth, say $5-oo ; silver, 60 cents, and copper, \ x / 2 cents — based upon our ratio of 1 gold, 16 silver. Silver was not in use, it appears, before the deluge, while brass and iron are spoken of. " Money has always consisted of certain tangible pieces of some mate- rial, marked by public authority ; its palpable characteristic has always been its mark of authority ; its essential characteristic the possession of value, defined by law ; its function the legal power to pay debts and mechanical power to facilitate the exchange of commodities" {Del Mar). That is un- doubtedly true, since the world has had stable governments; but it is just as 143 true that gold was used in the arts for ornaments Long before it was used as money, and must have had value. Gold was probabl) first used as money in the Orient, before the time of authentic history. Bronze coins of Sung B. C. 2257, were good for gold. Gold and silver multiple moneys have been known in India for main centuries; the common money was copper bronze, the gold and silver monej (bars or pieces) over valued probably, and never used except to make up large sums. The first monetary system of silver, positively based upon that metal. was that of the Greek States and Colonies ; and like gold was simph as multiples, bronze coins being the general money. Rome, during the iSsiruscan era, had gold, silver and copper coins. B. C. 269, the Romans coined a vast number of silver pieces. Del Mar says, "that from the fall of the Roman Commonwealth to the French Revolution, coins, made largely from old accumulations of metal, were substantially the only moneys of Europe. This stock of coins slowly but continually diminished until the tenth century, then slowly increased until the nineteenth century. First part of the fourteenth and last part of the eighteenth centuries almost the identical prices prevailed, in England, for corn, domestic animals and their products." We think Mr. Del Mar is right, if instead of the French Revolution he had said, until the sixteenth century, for it is an undeniable fact that within one hundred years of the discovery of America the trade of Europe began to rapidly increase, as well as the comforts of the people, which was conse- quent upon the large amount of gold and silver (largely silver) obtained in the Western hemisphere. The more plentiful the currency of a nation, the greater and quicker the expansion of her business, the increase of her visi- ible wealth in homes, lands and internal improvements. Pouring into the lap of Europe, during the sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, a constant stream of silver and gold, from North and South America, shot her ahead ten centuries — if we compare the development of those three centuries with the ten previous ones. The relative value of gold and silver during the centuries that they have been used as money is hard to determine, and even since they have been coined and stamped, it is not easy to find out the value of silver as compared to gold, and partially for the reason that there was not a line of writing upon the Archaic moneys of India, Egypt or Greece. It has been no uncom- mon thing for rulers to arbitrarily change the value, and without any apparent reason. We do know for a certainty that the ratio has been 10 to 1, and has varied from that to 16 to 1, our present legal, though not the commercial, ratio. In view of all these facts, it may be said that previous to the dicov- ery of America, silver coins that passed from hand to hand were very scarce ; and that copper was the common money of the people. Shall we or shall we not, therefore, infer that the strides forward in the pathway of human progress, during the past three centuries, have been due to in abundance of coin made from the white metal ? 144 GOLD AND SILVER PRODUCED IN THE UNITED STATES. The following estimate of the gold and silver produced in the United States, since the discovery of gold in California, is compiled from the official reports of the Director of the United States Mint : Year. Gold. Silver. Total. Year. Gold. Silver. Total. $10,000,000 $50,000 $40,050,000 1872. . . . $36,000,000 $28,750,000 $64,750,000 1850.... 5O.OU0.000 50,000 50,050,000 1873.... 36,000,000 85,750,000 71,750,000 1851 .... 55,000,000 50,000 55,050,000 1874.... 33,490,002 37,324,594 70,815,496 1852 60,000,000 50,000 60,050,000 1875.... 33,467,856 31,727,560 65,195,416 in;,:;.... 65,000,000 50,000 65,050.000 1876.... 39,929,166 38,783,016 78,712,182 1854.... 60,000,000 50,000 60,050,000 1877.... 46,897,390 39,793,573 86,690,963 1855. . . . 55,000,000 50,000 55,050,000 51,206,360 45,281,385 96,487,745 1856.... 55,000,000 50,000 55,050,000 1879.... 38,899,858 40,812,132 79,711,990 1857 .... 55,000,000 50,000 55,050,000 1880. . . . 36,000,000 38,450,000 74,450,000 1858.... 50,000,000 500,000 50,500,000 1881.... 34,700,000 43,000,000 77,700,000 L859.... 50,000,000 100,000 50,100,000 1882. . . . 32,500,000 46,800,000 79,300,000 I860..-. 46,000,000 150,000 46,150,000 18S3 ... 30,000,000 46,200,000 76,200,000 1861.... 43,000,000 2,00ii,niio 45,000,000 1884.... 30,800,000 48,800,000 79,600,000 1862.... 39,200,000 1,500,000 43,700,000 1885 ... 31,800,000 51,600,000 83 400.000 1863.... 40,000,000 8,500,000 48,500,000 1886. . . . 35,000,000 51,000,000 86,000,000 1864.... 46,100,000 11,000,000 57,100,000 1887.... 33,000,000 53,357,000 86,357,000 1865.... 53,225,000 11,250,000 64,475,000 1888.... 33,175,000 59,195,000 92,370,000 1866.... 53,500,1)110 10,000,u00 63,500,000 1889. . . . 32,800,000 64,646,000 97,446,000 1867. . . . 51,725,000 13,500,11011 65,225,000 1890.... 32,845,000 70,464,000 103,309,000 1868 48,000,000 12,0oii,imo 60,000,000 1S91. . . . 33,175,000 75,410,565 108,591,565 1869.... 49,500,000 12,000,000 61 ,500,000 1892. . . . 33,000,000 82,101,010 115,101,010 1870.... 50,000,000 16,000,000 66,000,000 1893.... 35,955,000 77,575,757 113,530,757 1871.... 43,500,000 23,000,000 66,500,000 I Total Gold, $1,939,300,000. Silver, $1,154,817,575. Grand Total, $3,094,117,575. COINAGE OF THE SILVER DOLLAR. 1793-95. 1796.... 1797.... 1798.... 1799.... 1800.... 1801.... 1802.... 1803.... 1804..., 1805.... 1836.... 1837.... 1838. . . . 1839..., 1840.... 1841. . . 1842..., 1843. . . 1844 1845 ... 1846... 1847..., 1848. . . $204,791 1849 72,920 1850 7,776 1851 327,536 1852 423,515 1853 220,920 1854 54,454 1855 41,650 1856 66,064 I8.iV 19,570 1858 321 1854 1,000 1860 1861 1862 300 1863 61,005 1864 73,000 1865 184,613 1866 165,100 1867 20,000 1868 24,500 1809 169,600 1870 140,750 1871 15,000 1872 $6,2 47, 1 1, 46, 33, 26; 63, 91 600 500 300 100 110 I 10 500 000 636 73:; ,500 930 5( ii ) 090 660 170 imo 625 325 Tno ,300 ,462 ,136 600 1873.., 1874 .. 1875. . . 1876... 1877... 1878... 1879. . , 1880 .. 1881 . . . 1882... 1883... 1884... 1885... 1886... 1887 .. 1888... 1889... 1890... 1891. . . 1892... 1893... 1894* . . $296,600 195,550 ,560,100 397,355 927,975 574,100 470,039 136,875 ,697,767 423,886 611,710 ,990,833 ,651,811 043,004 562,735 333,245 455,792 ,443,631 Total $429,807,646 ♦November 1, 1894. None coined since. APPROXIMATE AMOUNT OF MONEY IN THE WORLD. Gold, $4,261,830,000; silver, $4,361,902,200. In round numbers, the silver production of the world is, per annum, $200,000,000 ; and the gold pro- duction, $180,000,000. Amount of money in the United States is estimated at $2,420,434,781. In circulation, $1,660,808,708. Population is, say, 68,397,000. Money per capita, $35.39. In circulation per capita, $24.28. The silver dollar contains 371^ grains pure silver, or with alloy, 4o8 r 3 5 7 5 5 o grains. 145 LU a. a z < U3 H < O UJ & . O -J a <£* | = £ ; zr s > [T, m z a o tn 2 Or - a Z £ ^ O 2 © _J i «/i << ■/. _ *»» a < Z ^ S* £ Sa, . 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CI ciai ci >-«,Q aoaooaoaoaa a a a a a^ a ^ a a' a' a o a o o^c^a a o a a a o©"p©©po©'©©o OOOQOOQOOO a' Min-NOO^o^oio qo_ i^co'-t ioolco'ic' 2 aTo* "^ "^ ,fi "J Ci H r-J K CSrf2 a a a a a^ a a a o a a a' o": -r XI r_* 03 03' •^r:^ ooaoaaaaaaaaao OOQQpooooooooooQOO OOOOpOOOppOppp QOQI a a — a a a a a aaa a a poooopop a a aaa qqo0i(flon cm -^ cn -r ci t S^ ^ t-"o a n ; Q : c C C c C - — — — : D a> OJ ■ U ^ ". : !» > > f» t» > :"K : '3 '53 7. V. m CO y. : — i-c-a — — •rt n'C : c a = : a : cj cs - CO 03 c3 CO x a. /. ~- ^ ? 1 o coiO -r -r -^ cvi io -i* iO oo occcccp » ^ : to i-c io a i ■ a a a : 7 - • £ 3 > C ' '. i c °1c5lT 'Z 00 £ - U - O x ^ : >. ^ is ' G & ■'2 '?'? S g a • oj M : a ax - a^™ :0D oj .90 : = ■ - ■.jj '• OJ _ -r —_ _, ^ Ph o a ^ x 3 x Pk W x < 'A m K fc>< < W S t> oo £ fl « on '- 146 Values of Foreign Coins in United States Money. (Proclaimed by the Secretary of the Treasury, October 1st, 1891.) Country. Stand'rd Monetary Unit. Value in U S.Gold Dollar. Coins. Argent. R... Gld&Sil Peso., Austria-H...lGold.... Crown. Belgium Bolivia Brazil Canada Cent. Am ... Chili China Colombia ... Cuba Denmark ... Ecuador Egypt Finland France Germany. Gt. Britain., Gld&Sil Franc Silver... Boliviano. Gold ....iMilreis Gold Dollar. Silver... Peso... Gld&Sil Peso.... f Shanghai Silver... Tael - Haikwan (Tientsin.. Silver... Peso Gld&Sil Peso Gold Crown. Silver... Sucre .. .20.3 .19.3 .46.4 .54.6 1.00 .46.4 .91.2 .763 .72.7 .40.4 .92.6 .26.8 .46.4 Gold Pound (100 piasters)... 4.94.3 Gold Mark.. Gld&Sil Franc. Greece., Gold Mark ] Gold ; Pound sterling.. Gld&Sil Drachma Hayti.. India .. Italy.... Japan... Liberia., Mexico. Gld&Sil Gourde. Silver... Rupee... Gld&Sil Lira G. &S.* Yen Gold Dollar.. Silver... Dollar... Neth'lands, N'foundl'd. Norway Peru Portugal.... Russia . Spain Sweden Switz'land. Tripoli Turkey Venezuela /Gold.. \ Silver Gld&Sil 1 Florin. Silver! ..| Rouble. Gold Dollar, Gold Crown Silver... Sol Gold Milreis fGold.. (Silver Gld&Sil Peseta. Gold Crown Gld&Sil Franc. Silver... Mahbub of 20 piasters Gold... I Piaster. Gld&Sil Bolivar .19.3 .19.3 .23.8 4.86.63^ .19.3 96.5 .19.3 .99.7 ,50 1.00 .50.4 .40.2 1.01.4 .26.8 .46.4 1.08 .77.2 .37.1 .19.3 .26.8 .19.3 .41.8 .04.4 .19.3 Gold : argentine ($4.82.4) and % argen- tine. Silver: peso and divisions; f Gold : former system— 4 florins (SI. 92.9), I 8 florins ($3.85.8), ducat (82.28.7), and 4 ■J ducats -(ff9.15.8j. Silver: land 2 florins. Gold : present system— 20 crowns [($4.05.2) and 10 crowns ($2.02.6). Gold : 10 and 20 francs. Silver : 5 francs. Silver : boliviano and divisions. Go d : 5, 10 and 20 milreis. Silver : %, 1 and 2 milreis. Silver : peso and divisions. Gold : escudo(ffl.82.4), doubloon (84.56.1), and condor ($9.12.3). Silver; peso and divisions. Gold : condor ($9.64.7) and double-condor. Silver : peso. Gold : doubloon ($5.01.7). Silver : peso. Gold: 10 and 20 crowns. Gold : condor ($9.64.7) and double-condor. Silver : Sucre and divisions. Gold : pound (100 piastersi, 5, 10, 20 and 50 piasters. Silver: 1,2,5, 10 and 20 piasters. Gold : 20 marks ($3.85.9), 10 marks ($1.93.) Gold : 5, 10, 20, 50 and 100 francs. Silver 5 francs. Gold : 5, 10 and 20 marks. Gold : sovereign (pound ster ing) and J^ sovereign. Go d : 5, 10, 20, 50 and 100 drachmas. Silver : 5 drashmas. Silver : gourde. Gold : mohur ($7.10.5). Silver : rupee and divisions, rold: 5, 10, 20, 50 and 100 lire. Silver: 5 lire. Gold : 1, 2. 5, 10 and 20 yen. Silver: yen. Gold : dollar($0.98.3), 2%, 5, 10 and 20dol- lars. Silver: dollar (or peso) and divisi's. Gold: 10 florins. Silver: %,1 and 2 % florins. Gold: 2 dollars ($2.02.7). Gold : 10 and 20 crowns. Silver : sol and divisions. Gold: 1, 2, 5 and 10 milreis. Gold : imperial ($7.71.8) and ]4 imperial f ($3.86). Silver : %, % and 1 rouble. Gold : 25 pesetas. Silver : 5 pesetas. Gold : 10 and 20 crowns. Gold: 5, 10, 20, 50and 100 fr's. Silver: 5 fr's. Gold : 25, 50, 100, 250 and 500 piasters. Gold : 5, 10, 20, 50 and 100 bolivars. Sil- ver : 5 bolivars. * Gold the nominal standard ; silver practically the standard. + Coined since January 1st, 1886 ; old halt-imperial =$3.98.6. J; Silver the nominal standard; paper the actual currency, the de- preciation of which is measured by the gold standard. 147 TABLE SHOWING THE VALUE OF FOttBIGM COINS AND PAPBB KOTES IN AHERII W MONEY BASED DPON THE VALUES EXPRESSED in tin; ai:o\ i; TABLE British £ German FrenchFran< Chillier T:u-l Dutch [ndian llllssi.M] Gold Kdiililc. $0.72.2 a • i — 1 1 i hi Sterling. Mark. Italian Lira, (Shanghai). Florin, Rup e $0.22 Crow ii 1 $4.86.6% $0.23.8 $0.19.3 $0.68.:. SO. in.2 2 9.73.3 0.47.6 0.38.6 1.37 0.80.4 0,44 1.54.4 0.40.6 3 14.59.9% 0.71.4 (1.57. 9 2.05.5 1.20.6 0.66 2.31.6 0.60.9 4 19.46.6 0.95.2 0.77.2 2.71 1.60.8 0.88 0.81.2 5 24.33.2% 1.19 0.96.5 3.42.5 2.0] 1.10 3.86 L.01. ■ 6 29.19.9 t.42.8 1.15.8 4.11 2.41.2 1.32 4.63.2 1.21.8 7 34.0fi.5K 1.66.6 1.35.1 L79.5 2.81.4 1.54 5.40.4 1.42.1 8 38.93.2 1.90.4 1.54.4 5.48 3.21.6 1.76 6.17.6 l.i'.'.l 9 43.79.8% 2.1 1.2 L.73.7 6.16.5 3.61.8 1.98 6 94 - 1.82.7 10 48.66.5 2.38 1.93 6.85 1.02 2.20 7.72 2.03 20 97.33 4.76 3.86 l:: Tii 8.04 l.ln 15.44 L06 30 1 15.99.5 7.14 5.79 20.55 12.06 6.60 23.16 6.09 40 194.6(1 9.52 7.72 27.11) 16. OS N SO 30.88 8.12 50 243.32.5 11.90 9.65 34.25 20.10 11.00 88.60 10.15 100 486.65 23.80 19.30 68.50 40.20 22 00 77.20 20.30 ELECTORAL VOTES FROM 1789 TO 1892. 17S9. — Previous to 1S04, each elector voted for two candidates for Presi- dent. The one who received the largest number of votes was declared President and the one who received the next largest number of votes was declared Vice-President. The electoral votes for the first President of the United States were : George Washington, 69 ; John Adams, of Massachu- setts, 34 ; John Jay, of New York, 9 ; R. H. Harrison, of Maryland, 6 ; John Rutledge, of South Carolina, 6 ; John Hancock, of Massachusetts, 4 ; George Clinton, of New York, 3 ; Samuel Huntingdon, of Connecticut, 2 ; John Milton, of Georgia, 2; James Armstrong, of Georgia, Benjamin Lincoln, of Massachusetts, and Edward Telfair, of Georgia, 1 vote each. Vacancies (votes not cast), 4. Washington w T as chosen President and Adams Vice- President. 1792. — George Washington, Federalist, received 132 votes ; John Adams, Federalist, 77; George Clinton, of New York, Republican, 50 ; Thomas Jef- ferson, of Virginia, Republican, 4; Aaron Burr, of New York, Republican, 1 vote. Vacancies, 3. Washington was chosen President and Adams Vice- President. 1796. — John Adams, Federalist, 71 ; Thomas Jefferson, Republican, 68; Thomas Pickney, of South Carolina, Federalist, 59 ; Aaron Burr, of New York, Republican, 30 ; Samuel Adams, of Massachusetts, Republican 15; Oliver Ellsworth, of Connecticut, Independent, 11 ; George Clinton, of New- York, Republican, 7 ; John Jay, of New York, Federalist, 5 ; James Iredell, of North Carolina, Federalist, 3 ; George Washington, of Virginia, ohn Henry, of Maryland, and S. Johnson, of North Carolina, all Federalists, 2 votes each ; Charles Cotesworth Pickney, of South Carolina, Federalist, 1 vote. Adams was chosen President and Jefferson Vice-President. 1800. — Thomas Jefferson, Republican, 73; Aaron Burr, Republican, 73; John Adams, Federalist, 65 ; Charles C. Pickney, Federalist, 64 ; John Jay, Federalist, 1 vote. There being a tie vote for Jefferson and Burr, the choice devolved upon the House of Representatives. Jefferson received the votes often States, which, being the largest vote cast for a candidate, elected him President. Burr received the votes of four States, which, being the next largest vote, elected him Vice-President. There were two blank votes. 148 1804. — The Constitution of the United States having been amended, the electors at this election voted for a President and a Vice-President. The re- sult was as follows: For President, Thomas Jefferson, Republican, 162; Charles C. Pinckney, Federalist, 14. For Vice-President, George Clinton, Republican, 162 ; Rufus King, of New Vork, Federalist, 14. Jefferson was chosen President and Clinton Vice-President. 1808. — For President, James Madison, of Virginia, Republican, 122 ; Charles C. Pinckney, of South Carolina, Federalist, 47 ; George Clinton, of New York, Republican, 6. For Vice-President, George Clinton, Republi- can, 113 ; Rufus King, of New York, Federalist, 47; John Dangdon, of New Hampshire, 9 ; James Madison, 3 ; James Monroe, 3. Vacancy, 1. Madison was chosen President and Clinton Vice-President. 1812. — For President, James Madison, Republican, 128 ; DeWitt Clinton, of New York, Federalist, 89. For Vice-President, Elbridge Gerry, of Massa- chusetts, Republican, 131 ; Jared Ingersoll, of Pennsylvania, Federalist, 86. Vacancy, 1. Madison was chosen President and Gerry Vice-President. 1S16. — For President, James Monroe, of Virginia, Republican, 183 ; Rufus King, of New York, Federalist, 34. For Vice-President, Daniel D. Tompkins, of New York, Republican, 1S3 ; John Eager Howard, of Mary- land, Federalist, 22 ; James Ross, of Pennsylvania, 5 ; John Marshall, of Virginia, 4 ; Robert G. Harper, of Maryland, 3. Vacancies, 4. Monroe was chosen President and Tompkins Vice-President. 1820. — For President, James Monroe, of Virginia, Republican, 231 John Q. Adams, of Massachusetts, Republican, 1. For Vice-President, Daniel D. Tompkins, Republican, 218 ; Richard Stockton, of New Jersey, S ; Daniel Rodney, of Delaware, 4 ; Robert G. Harper, of Maryland, and Richard Rush, of Pennsylvania, 1 vote each. Vacancies, 3. Monroe was chosen President and Tompkins Vice-President. 1824. — For President, Andrew Jackson, of Tennessee, Republican, 99; John Q. Adams, of Massachusetts, Republican, 84 ; Henry Clay, of Ken- tucky, Republican, 37 ; William H. Crawford, of Georgia, Republican, 41. For Vice-President, John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina, Republican, 182; Nathan Sanford, of New York, Republican, 30 ; Nathaniel Macon, of North Carolina, Republican, 24; Andrew Jackson, of Tennessee, Republican, 13 ; Martin Van Buren, of New York, Republican, 9 ; Henry Clay, of Kentucky, Republican, 2. No candidate having a majority of the electoral vote, the House of Representatives elected Adams as President. Calhoun was chosen Vice-President. 1828. — For President, Andrew Jackson, of Tennessee, Democrat, 178 ; John Q. Adams, of Massachusetts, National Republican, 83. For Vice-Presi- dent, John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina, Democrat, 171 ; Richard Rush, of Pennsylvania, National Republican, 83 ; William Smith, of South Carolina, Democrat, 7. Jackson was chosen President and Calhoun Vice-Presi- dent. 1832. — For President, Andrew Jackson, of Tennessee, Democrat, 219 ; Henry Clay, of Kentucky, National Republican, 49 ; John Floyd, of Georgia, Independent, 11 ; William Wirt, of Maryland, Anti-Masonic, 7. For Vice- President, Martin Van Buren, of New York, Democrat, 189 ; John Sergeant, of Pennsylvania, National Republican, 49 ; Henry Dee, of Massachusetts, In- dependent, 11 ; Amos Ellmaker, of Pennsylvania, Anti-Masonic, 7 ; William 149 Wilkins, of Pennsylvania, Democrat, 30. Jackson was choscd President and Van Buren Vice-President. 1836. — For President, Martin Van Buren, of New Vork, Democrat, 170; W. H. Harrison, of Ohio, Whig, 73; Hugh L. White, of Tennessee, Whig, 26; Daniel Webster, of Massachusetts, Whig, 14; Willie P. Maiigum, of North Carolina, Whig, 11. For Vice-President, R. M.Johnson, of Ken- tucky, Democrat, 147 ; Francis Granger, of New Vork, Whig, 77 ; John Ty- ler, of Virginia, Whig, 47 ; William Smith, of Alabama, Democrat, 23. Van Buren was chosen President, and there being no choice for Vice-President, the Senate elected Johnson. 1840. — For President, W. H. Harrison, of Ohio, Whig, 234 ; Martin Van Buren, of New York, Democrat, 60. For Vice-President, John Tyler, of Vir- ginia, Whig, 234 ; R. M. Johnson, of Kentucky, Democrat, 48 ; L. W. Taze- well, of Virginia, Democrat, 11 ; James K. Polk, of Tennessee, Democrat, 1. Harrison w r as chosen President and Tyler Vice-President. 1844. — For President, James K. Polk, of Tennessee, Democrat, 170 Henry Clay, of Kentucky, Whig, 105. For Vice-President, George M. Dallas, of Pennsylvania, Democrat, 170 ; F. Frelinghuysen, of New Jersey, Whig, 105. Polk was chosen President and Dallas Vice-President. 1848. — For President, Zachary Taylor, of Louisiana, Whig, 163 ; Lewis Cass, of Michigan, Democrat, 127. For Vice-President, Millard Fillmore, of New York, Whig, 163 ; William O. Butler, of Kentucky, Democrat, 127. Taylor was chosen President and Fillmore Vice-President. 1852. — For President, Franklin Pierce, of New Hampshire, Democrat, 254 ; Winfield Scott, of New Jersey, Whig, 42. For Vice-President,, William R. King, of Alabama, Democrat, 254 ; William A. Graham, of North Carolina, Whig, 42. Pierce was chosen President and King Vice-President. 1856. — For President, James Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, Democrat, 174; John C. Fremont, of California, Republican, 114 ; Millard Fillmore, of New York, American, S. For Vice-President, J. C. Breckenridge, of Ken- tucky Democrat, 174; William L. Dayton, of New Jersey, Republican, 114; A J. Donelson, of Tennessee, American, S. Buchanan was chosen Presi- dent and Breckenridge Vice-President. i860. — For President, Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, Republican, 1*0; Stephen A. Douglas, of Illinois, Democrat, 12 ; J. C. Breckenridge, of Ken- tucky, Democrat, 72 ; John Bell, of Tennessee, Union, 39. For Vice-Presi- dent, Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine, Republican, 180 ; H.V.Johnson, of Georgia, Democrat, 12 ; Joseph Lane, of Oregon, Democrat, 72 ; Edward Everett, of Massachusetts, Union, 39. Lincoln was chosen President and Hamlin Vice- President. 1864.- For President, Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, Republican, 212 ; George B. McClellau, of New Jersey, Democrat, 21. For Vice-President, Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee, Republican, 212 ; George H. Pendleton, of Ohio, Democrat, 21. Lincoln was chosen President and Johnson Vice- President. 1S68.— For President, Ulysses S. Grant, of Illinois, Republican, 214 ; Horatio Seymour, of New York, Democrat, So. For Vice-President, Schuy- ler Colfax, of Indiana, Republican, 214 ; F. P. Blair, Jr., of Missouri, Demo- crat, 80. Grant was chosen President and Colfax Vice-President. 1S72.— For President, Ulysses S. Grant, of Illinois, Republican, 286 ; 150 Horace Greeley, of New York, Democrat and Liberal Republican, died, and the Democratic electors scattered their vote ; Thomas A. Hendricks, of Indiana, Democrat, 42 ; B. Gratz Brown, of Missouri, Democrat, 18 ; Charles J. Jenkins, of Georgia, Democrat, 2 ; David Davis, of Illinois, Independent, 1. For Vice-President, Henry Wilson, of Massachusetts, Republican, 286 ; B. Gratz Brown, of Missouri, Democrat and Liberal Republican, 47 ; George W.Julian, of Indiana, Liberal, 5 ; A. H. Colquitt, of Georgia, Democrat, 5 ; John M. Palmer, of Illinois, Democrat, 3 ; T. E. Bramlett, of Kentucky, Democrat, 3 ; W. S. Groesbeck, of Ohio, Democrat, 1 ; Willis B. Machen, of Kentucky, Democrat, 1 ; N. P. Banks, of Massachusetts, Liberal, 1. Grant was chosen President and Wilson Vice-President. 1S76. — For President, Samuel J. Tilden, of New York, Democrat, 184; Rutherford B. Hayes, of Ohio, Republican, 185. For Vice-President, Thomas A. Hendricks, of Indiana, Democrat, 184 ; William A. Wheeler, of New York, Republican, 185, Hayes was chosen President and Wheeler Vice-President. 1880. — For President, James A. Garfield, of Ohio, Republican, 214; Winfield S. Hancock, of Pennsylvania, Democrat, 155. For Vice-President, Chester A. Arthur, of New York, Republican, 214 ; William H. English, of Indiana, Democrat, 155. Garfield was chosen President and Arthur Vice- President. 1884. — For President, Grover Cleveland, of New York, Democrat, 219; James G. Blaine, of Maine, Republican, 182. For Vice-President, Thomas A. Hendricks, of Indiana, Democrat, 219; John A. Logan, of Illinois, Re- publican, 182. Cleveland was chosen President and Hendricks Vice- President. 1888. — For President, Benjamin Harrison, of Indiana, Republican, 233; Grover Cleveland, of New York, Democrat, 168. For Vice-President, Levi P. Morton, of New York, Republican, 233 ; Allen G. Thurman, of Ohio, Democrat, 168. Harrison was chosen President and Morton Vice-President. 1892. — For President, Grover Cleveland, Democrat, 277 ; Benjamin Harrison, Republican, 145 ; James B. Weaver, of Iowa, People's Party, 22. For Vice-President, Adlai E. Stevenson, of Illinois, Democrat, 277 ; White- law Reid, of New York, Republican, 145 ; James G. Field, of Virginia, People's Party, 22. Cleveland was chosen President and Stevenson Vice- President. POPULAR VOTE FOR PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES FROM 1824 to 1892. NOTE. — Properly speaking, there is no popular vote for President and Vice-President ; the people vote for electors, who meet in each State and vote for the candidates. The record of any popular vote for electors prior to 1824 is so imperfect that a compilation would be useless. In most of the States for more than a quarter of a century following the establishment of the Government, the State Legislatures " appointed " the Presidential elect- ors, and the people voted only indirectly for them, their choice being ex- pressed by their votes for members of the Legislature. 1824.— J. Q. Adams had 105,321 to 155,872 for Jackson, 44,282 for Craw- ford, and 46,587 for Clay. Jackson over Adams, 50,551. Adams less than 151 combined vote of others, 140,869. Of the whole vote Adams had 29.92 per cent., Jackson 44-27, Clay 13.23, Crawford 13.23. Adams elected by House of Representatives. 1828.— Jackson had 647,231 to 509,097 for J. Q. Adams. Jackson's ma- jority, 138,134. Of the whole vote Jackson had 55.97 per cent., Adams 44.03. 1832.— Jackson had 687,502 to 530,189 for Clay, and 33,108 for Boyd and Wirt combined. Jackson's majority, 124,205. Of the whole vote Jackson had 54-9 6 P e r cent., Clay 42.39, and the others combined 2.65. 1836. — Van Buren had 761,549 to 736,656, the combined vote for Harrison, White, Webster and Mangum. Van Buren's majority, 24,893. Of the whole vote Van Buren had 50.83 per cent., and the others combined 49.17. 1840. — Harrison had 1,275,017 to 1,128,702 for Van Buren, and 7,059 for Birney. Harrison's majority, 139,256. Of the whole vote Harrison had 52.89 per cent., Van Buren, 46.82, and Birney .29. 1844. — Polk had 1,337,243 to 1,299,068 for Clay and 62,300 for Birney. Polk over Clay, 38,175. Polk less than others combined, 24,125. Of the ■whole vote Polk had 49.55 per cent., Clay 48.14, and Birney 2.21. 1848. — Taylor had 1,360,101 to 1,220,544 for Cass, and 291,263 for Van Buren. Taylor over Cass 139,577. Taylor less than others combined, 151,706. Of the whole vote Taylor had 47.36 per cent. , Cass 42.50, and Van Buren 10. 14. 1852.— Pierce had 1,601,474 to 1,386,578 for Scott, and 156,149 for Hale. Pierce over all, 58,747. Of the whole vote Pierce had 50.90 per cent., Scott 44.10, and Hale 4.97. 1856. — Buchanan had 1,838,169 to 1,341,264 for Fremont, and 874,534 for Fillmore. Buchanan over Fremont, 496,905. Buchanan less than combined vote of others, 377,629. Of the whole vote Buchanan had 45.34 per cent., Fremont 33.09, and Fillmore 21.57. i860. — Lincoln had 1,866,352 to 1,375,157 for Douglas, 845,763 for Breck- enridge, and 589,581 for Bell. Lincoln over Breckenridge, 491,195. Lincoln less than Douglas and Breckenridge combined, 354,568. Lincoln less than combined vote of all others, 944,149. Of the whole vote Lincoln had 39.91 percent., Douglas 29.40, Breckenridge 18.08, and Bell, 12. 6r. 1864. — Lincoln had 2,216,067 to 1,808,725 for McClellan (eleven States not voting, viz. : Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas and Virginia). Lincoln's majority, 408,342. Of the whole vote Lincoln had 55.06 per cent, and Mc- Clellan 44.94. 1868.— Grant had 3,015,071 to 2,709,613 for Seymour (three States not voting, viz. : Mississippi, Texas and Virginia). Grant's maiority, 305,45b. Of the whole vote Grant had 52.67 per cent, and Seymour 47.33. 1872. — Grant had 3,597,070 to 2,834,079 for Greeley, 29,408 for O'Conor, and 5,608 for Black. Grant's majority, 729,975. Of the whole vote Grant had 55.63 per cent., Greeley 43.83, O'Conor .15, Black .09. 1876. — Hayes had 4,033,950 to 4,284,885 for Tilden, 81,740 for Cooper, 9,522 for Smith, and 2,636 scattering. Tilden's majority over Haves, 250,935. Tilden's majority of the entire vote cast, 157,037. Hayes less than the com- bined vote of others, 344,833. Of the whole vote cast Hayes had 47.95 per cent., Tilden 50.94, Cooper .97, Smith .11, scattering .03. 1880. — Garfield had 4, 449,053 to4, 442,035 for Hancock, 307, 306 for Weaver, and 12,576 scattering. Garfield over Hancock, 7,018. Garfield less than the 152 combined vote for the others, 313,864. Of the popular vote Garfield had 48.26 per cent., Hancock 48.25, Weaver 3.33, scattering .13. 1884.— Cleveland had 4,874,986 to 4,851,981 for Blaine, 150,369 for St. John, 173,370 for Butler. Cleveland had over Blaine 23,006. Cleveland had 48.48 per cent., Blaine 48.22, St. John 1.49, Butler 1.74. 1888. — Harrison had 5,441,902 to 5,538,560 for Cleveland, 249,937 for Fisk, 147,521 for Streeter, 3,073 for Cowdrey, 1,591 for Curtis, and 9,845 scattering. Harrison had 96,658 less than Cleveland. Of the whole vote Harrison had 47.83 per cent., Cleveland 48.63, Fisk 2.21, and Streeter 1.30. 1892. —Cleveland had 5,556,562 to 5,162,874 for Harrison, 264,066 for Bidwell, 1,055,424 for Weaver, and 22,613 for Wing. Of the whole vote Cleveland had 45.73 per cent., Harrison 42.49, Bidwell, 2.17, and Weaver 8.67. Adams, Federalist; Polk, Buchanan and Cleveland, Democrats; Taylor, Whig; Lincoln, Hayes, Garfield and Harrison, Republicans, did not, when elected, receive a majority of the popular vote. The highest percentage of popular vote received by any President was 55.97 for Jackson, Democrat, in 1828, and the lowest, 39.91 for Lincoln, Republican, in 1860. ELECTORAL VOTE, 1872-92. States. 1892 1888 1884 1880 1876 1872 P. M ft a p 11 8 8 a CD O 10 7 ft ft a* 0) 10 7 6 3 4 12 ft o> K 1 3 6 a 0> p 10 6 5 ft « 6 3 a p 10 6 ft p 1 4 8 3 8 3 * 6 3 4 13 6 3 4- 12 6 3 11 6 3 4 3 4 11 4 3 24 15 22 15 13 9 22 13 9 15 "13" 8 8 "9" 16 21 15 11 5 7 13 11 5 21 15 12 "'8 8 15 21 15 11 5 * 7 13 11 5 8 13 "io" 12 8 8 8 15 11 5 8 7 13' 11 5 13 8 13 8 g 6 6 * 6 8 8 8 15 9 9 14 13 7 14 13 7 5 9 17 9 16 6 3 8 5 3 4 5 3 4 9 36 11 3 ...„. 35 3 9 10 3 3 5 9 35 10 3 5 9 35 10 3 9 11 4 10 3(i 11 1 1 36 1 22 3 32 4 1 1 Ohio 23 3 30 4 4 23 3 30 4 4 9 12 13 12 •z2 3 29 4 5 7 12 8 11 22 3 29 4 7 5 12 8 11 22 3 29 4 7 5 11 9 12 15 9 12 13 4 12 8 4 12 12 4 6 12 6 11 11 6 219 10 5 10 5 5 10 3 145 22 277 168 233 182 214 155 185 184 286 Total 42 * Rejected. 153 CANDIDATES FOR PRESIDENT AND VICE-PRESIDENT FROM 1789 TO 1892. AGGREGATE POPULAR VOTE AND ELECTORAL VOTE FOR CANDIDATES FOR PRESIDENT AND VICE-PRESIDENT AT EACH ELECTION. ELECTORAL VOTES. 1789. — Previous to 1804, each elector voted for two candidates for Pres- ident. The one who received the largest number of votes was declared President, and the one who received the next largest number of votes was declared Vice-President. The electoral votes for the first President of the United States were: George Washington, 69; John Adams, of Massa- chusetts, 34; John Jay, of New York, 9; R. H. Harrison, of Maryland, 6- John Rutledge, of South Carolina, 6; John Hancock, of Massachusetts, 4; George Clinton, of New York, 3; Samuel Huntingdon, of Connecticut, 2; John Milton, of Georgia, 2 ; James Armstrong, of Georgia, Benjamin Lin- coln, of Massachusetts, and Edward Telfair, of Georgia, 1 vote each. Va- cancies (votes not cast), 4. George Washington was chosen President and John Adams Vice-President. 1792. — George Washington, Federalist, received 132 votes ; John Adams, Federalist, 77; George Clinton, of New York, Republican (a), 50; Thomas Jefferson, of Virginia, Republican, 4; Aaron Burr, of New York, Republican, 1 vote. Vacancies, 3. George Washington was chosen President and John Adams Vice-President. 1796. — John Adams, Federalist, 71; Thomas Jefferson, Republican, 68; Thomas Pinckney, of South Carolina, Federalist, 59; Aaron Burr, of New York, Republican, 30: Samuel Adams, of Massachusetts, Republican, 15. Oliver Ellsworth, of Connecticut, Independent, 11 ; George Clinton, of New York, Republican, 7 ; John Jay, of New York, Federalist, 5 ; James Iredell, ■of North Carolina, Federalist, 3 ; George Washington, of Virginia, John Henry, of Maryland, and S. Johnson, of North Carolina, all Federalists, 2 votes each; Charles Cotesworth Pinckney of South Carolina, Federalist, 1 vote. John Adams was chosen President and Thomas Jefferson Vice- President. 1S00. — Thomas Jefferson, Republican, 73 ; Aaron Burr, Republican, 73 ; John Adams, Federalist, 65 ; Charles C. Pinckney, Federalist, 64 ; John Jay, Federalist, 1 vote. There being a tie vote for Jefferson and Burr, the choice devolved upon the House of Representatives. Jefferson received the votes of ten States, which, being the largest vote cast for a candidate, elected him President. Burr received the votes of four States, which, being the next largest vote, elected him Vice-President. There were two blank votes- 1804. — The Constitution of the United States having been amended, the electors at this election voted for a President and a Vice-President, instead of for two candidates for President. The result was as follows : For Presi- dent, Thomas Jefferson, Republican, 162 ; Charles C. Pinckney, Federalist, 14. For Vice-President, George Clinton, Republican, 162; Rufus King, of New York, Federalist, 14. Jefferson was chosen President and Clinton Vice-President. !8o8. — For President, James Madison, of Virginia, Republican, 122; Charles C. Pinckney, of South Carolina, Federalist, 47 ; George Clinton, of 154 New York, Republican, 6. For Vice-President, George Clinton, Republican,. 113; Rufus King, of New York, Federalist, 47; John Langdon, of New- Hampshire, 9; James Madison, 3 ; James Monroe, 3. Vacancy, 1. Madison was chosen President and Clinton Vice-President. 1812. — For President, James Madison, Republican, 128; De Witt Clin- ton, of New York, Federalist, 89. For Vice-President, Elbridge Gerry, of Massachusetts, Republican, 131 ; Jared Ingersoll, of Pennsylvania, Federalist, 86. Vacancy, 1. Madison was chosen President and Gerry Vice-President- 1816. — For President, James Monroe, of Virginia, Republican, 183 ;. Rufus King, of New York, Federalist, 34. For Vice-President, Daniel D. Tompkins, of New York, Republican, 183 ; John Eager Howard, of Maryland, Federalist, 22 ; James Ross, of Pennsylvania, 5 ; John Marshall, of Virginia*- 4 ; Robert G. Harper, of Maryland, 3. Vacancies, 4. Monroe was chosen President and Tompkins Vice-President. 1820. — For President, James Monroe, of Virginia, Republican, 231 ; John O. Adams, of Massachusetts, Republican, 1. For Vice-President,. Daniel D. Tompkins, Republican, 218 ; Richard Stockton, of New Jersey, 8 ;. Daniel Rodney, of Delaware, 4 ; Robert G. Harper, of Maryland, and Richard Rush, of Pennsylvania, 1 vote each. Vacancies, 3. James Monroe was chosen President and Daniel D. Tompkins Vice-President. ELECTORAL AND POPULAR VOTES. 1824 1828 18*2 1HSH hi 1 1848 1852 Candidates for President. Andrew Jackson ITenn. Rep. John Q. Adarus*.. .. Mass. Rep. Henry Clay Ky ... Rep. Wm. H. Crawford*.... Ga .... Rep. Andrew Jackson* Tenn. Dem John Q. Adams Mass. Nat. R. Andrew Jackson* Tenn. Dem. .. Henry Clay Ky (Nat. R. Joan Floyd (in End William Wirt (c) Md.... An. M. Martin Van Buren*...jN. Y W. H. Harrison Hugh L White Tenn Daniel Webster Mass Willie P. Mangum N. C. W. H.Tlarrison* 6 Martin Van Buren.... N. Y. James G. Birney jN. Y. James K. Polk* Tenn Henry Clay !Ky. JamesG. Birney |N. Y Zachary Taylor* |La.... Lewis Cass Mich Martin Van Buren. ...!N. Y. Franklin Pierce* : N. H Winfleld Scott ,N. J John P. Hale N. H 155,872 105,321 46,587 44,282 647,231 509,097 687,502 530,189 33,108 761,549 50,551 138,134 157,313 24,893 o ° (b) 99 84 37 41 178 83 219 4'.l 11 7 146,315 38,175 139,557 220,896 172 74 26 14 11 2X1 60 Candidates for Vice-President. John C. Calhoun*., Nathan San ford.... Nathaniel Macon.. Andrew Jackson... M. Van Buren Henry Clay John C. Calhoun*. Richard Rush William Smith M. Van Buren John Sergeant Henry Lee , Amos Ellmaker (c). Wm. Wilkins R. M. Johnson td)* Francis Granger John Tyler William Smith 17(i 105 163 127 264 •13 John Tyler* R. M. Johnson.. L W. Tazewell ... James K. Polk.. .. George M. Dallas*. . . T. Frelinghuysen.... Thomas Morris Millard Fillmore*. William O. Butler.. Charles F. Adams.. William R. Kins*.. .. William A. Graham . George W. Julian Dem .... Nat. R.. Ind Anti M.. Dem Whig . Dem. . Dem. . Dem. . Dem. . Whig . Lib... N. Y. Ky.... Mass Ala.. N. C. Ind.. Dem. ... Whig ... F. D. 155 CANDIDATES FOR PRESIDENT AND VICE-PRESIDENT-Contourd Candidates for President. 1856 James Buchanan*. . John C. Fremont.... jMillard Fillmore.... i860 Abraham Lincoln*.... Stephen A. Douglas... J. C. Breckinridge John Bell 1864 Abraham Lincoln* ... _ iGeorgeJi.JtfcClellan . 18681 Ulysses~S.~Grant* Horatio Seymour 1872 Ulysses S. Grant* ^Horace Greeley Charles O'Conor James Black Thomas A.Hendricks B. Gratz-Brown Charles J. Jenkins..... David Davis CO 1880 1881 1888 1892 Samuel J. Tilden Rutherford B. Hayes* Peter Cooper Green Clay Smith James B. Walker Pa.... Cal... N. Y 111 Ill Ky.... Tenn 111 N^ J 111 N. Y 111... N. Y N. Y Pa.. Ind. Mo... Ga... 111.... r-. >> 03 tj •-A 04 O PM James A. Garfield*. W. S. Hancock James B Weaver .. Neai Dow John W. Phelps Grover Cleveland*... James G. Blaine John P. St. John Benjamin F. Butler. P. D. Wigginton Grover Cleveland. Benjamin Harrison*. Clinton B Fisk , Alson J. Streeter R. H. Cowdrv James L. Curtis Grover Cleveland*.... Benjamin Harrison.. James B. Weaver John Bidwell Simon Wing N Y. O N. Y. Ky Ill O Pa. ... Iowa Me.... Vt.... N. Y. Me.... Kans Mass Cal... N. Y. Ind.. N J 111 Ill N. Y. N. Y. Ind... Iowa. Cal... Mass. Dem .... Rep ... Amer.. Rep Dem... Dem.... I'nion. RepT Dem. Rep. Dem.. Rep. D. &. L. Dem Temp... Dem ..., Dem Dem Ind Dem Rep.. .. Gre'nb. Pro Amer .. Rep- ... Dem .... Gre'nb. Pro Amer... Dem.... Rep .. .. Pro Peop.... Amer.. Dem. Rep .... Pro. .. U'd. L. U'd. L. Amer .. Dem... Rep Peop.. Pro Soc. L. 1,838,169 1,341,264 874,538 1,866,852 1,375,157 845,763 589,581 2,216,067 1,808,725 496,905 491,195 407,342 3,015,071 2,709,615: 305,456 3,597,070 1 2,834,079 ! 29,4081 5,608 762,991 4.284,885 4,033,950 81,740 9,522 2,636 o a> op W Candidates for Vice-President. 174 J. C. Breckinridge*... 114! William L. Dayton... 8 A. J. Donelson 180 Hannibal Hamlin* . 12 H. V. Johnson 72 Joseph Lane 39! Edward Everett co (e)212i Andrew Johnson* 21 George H. Pendleton, (f ) 214 1 Schuyler Colfax* 80 F. P. Blair, Jr 286;Henry Wilson* (g) ... B. Gratz-Brown John Q. Adams iJohn Russell 42[George W. Julian .... 18 A. H. Colquitt 2 John M. Palmer T. E. Bramlette VV. S. Groesbeck Willis B. Machen N. P. Banks 250,935 4,449,053 4,442,035 307,306 10,305 707 7,018 4,911,017 4,848,334 151,809 133,825 62,683 5.538,233 5,440,216 249,907 148,105 2,808 1,591 98,017 5,556,918, 5,176,108 1,041,028 264,133 21,164 380,810 184 T. A. Hendricks (h) 185 William A. Wheeler* |Samuel F. Cary iGideon T. Stewart.. .. JD. Kirkpatrick ~2ll Chester A. Arthur*. . 155 William H. English... B. J.Chambers H. A. Thompson iS. C. Pomerov 219|T. A. Hendricks* . 182 John A. Logan.. (William Daniel. :A. M. West 168 Allen G. Thurman. 233! Levi P. Mdrton* John A. Brooks |C. E. Cunningham... W. H.T.Wakefield... i James B. Gr eer "277 AdiaTE~Ste venson*. • 145 Whitelaw Reid 22 James G. Field 'James B. Cranfill Charles H. Matchett. Ky. ... N. J.. Tenn. Me Ga Ore ... Mass. Tenn O Ind.., Mo. ... Mass. Mo ... Mass Mich Ind.. Ga Ill Ky. ... O Ky Mass. IHcTT. N. Y.. O O N. Y. N. Y. Ind... Tex... O Kan. Ind.. Ill Md... Miss.. O N. Y., Mo... Ark... Kans Tenn in..... N. Y. Va. .. Tex.. ,N. Y. -* st; i- ai .2 « O a» Sfc u O 2> Pn W Dem 174 Rep 114 Amer... 8 Rep INI Dem. ... 12 Dem. ... 72 I'nion.. 3!l Kep 212 Dem.... 21 Rep 214 Dem.... 80 Rep .... 286 D. L 47 Lib 5 Dem. ... 5 Dem. ... 3 Dem. ... 3 Dem. ... 1 Dem. ... 1 Lib 1 Dem 184 Rep 185 Rep 214 Dem. ... 155 Pro Amer... Dem. ... 219 Rep 233 Pro Dem .... 168 Rep 182 Pro. U'd L... U'd L... Amer. .. Dem .... 277 Rep 146 Peop 22 Pro Soc. L.. * The candidates starred were elected, (a) The first Republican party is claimed by the present Demo- cratic party as its progenitor, (b) No candidates having a majority of the electoral vote, the House of Representatives elected Adams, (c) Candidates of the Anti-Masonic Party, (d) There being no choice, the Senate elected Johnson, (e) Eleven Southern States, being within ithe belligerent territory, did not vote. (f ) Three Southern States disfranchised, (g) Horace Greeley died after election, and Democratic electois scattered their votes, (h) There being a dispute over the electoral votes of Florida, Louisiana, Oregon and South Carolina, they were referred by Congress to an electoral commission composed of eight Republicans and seven Democrats, which, by a strict party vote, awarded 185 electoral votes to Hayes and 184 to Tilden . (1) Free Democrat. 156 ELECTORAL COLLEGE BY STATES. ELECTORAL, COLLEGE in 1892 was the same as it is in 1896, except that Utah, having just been admitted as a State, is entitled to three votes, making the number of votes in 1896, 447, against 444 in 1S92. Therefore 224 votes must be cast for some one candidate, or the election will go to the House of Representatives, where each State is enti- tled to only one vote, making the vote of twenty-three States for some can- didate necessary for his election. The following is the electoral vote by States : Alabama, 11 ; Arkansas, 8; California, 9; Colorado, 4; Connecticut, 6; Delaware, 3; Florida, 4; Georgia, 13 ; Idaho, 3 ; Illinois, 24 ; Indiana, 15 ; Iowa, 13 ; Kansas, 10 ; Kentucky, 13 ; Louisiana, 8 ; Maine, 6 ; Maryland, 8 ; Massachusetts, 15 ; Michigan, 14; Minnesota, 9; Mississippi, 9; Missouri, 17; Montana, 3; Nebraska, 8 ; Nevada, 3 ; New Hampshire, 4; New Jersey, 10; New York, 36; North Carolina, 11; North Dakota, 3 ; Ohio, 23; Oregon, 4; Pennsyl- vania, 32 ; Rhode Island, 4 ; South Carolina, 9 ; South Dakota, 4 ; Tennes- see, 12; Texas, 15; Utah, 3 ; Vermont, 4; Virginia, 12; Washington, 4; West Virginia, 6; Wisconsin, 12, and Wyoming, 3. HOW THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES IS CHOSEN. Technically speaking, the President is not elected by the people, and the people do not vote directly for any Presidential candidate. They cast their ballots for electors, and these electors choose a President and Vice- President. In each State the number of electors is equal to the number of Senators and Representatives which the State has in Congress. Each party has an electoral ticket with the names of its electors printed on it. The electoral ticket which receives the greatest number of popular bal- lots in the State would be chosen by the people, and the electors named on it will be entitled to give their votes for the candidate whom they represent. The electors who are chosen will meet in each State on the second Mon- day in January, and cast their votes for a President and Vice-President. As a matter of law, they can then vote for whom they please. As a matter of usage and public trust, they are expected to vote for the candidate whom the}- are pledged to support. The following law, given in full, passed February 3d, 1887, governs the counting of the electoral vote : An act to fix the day for the meeting of the electorals of President and Vice-President, and to provide for and regulate the counting of the votes for President and Vice-President, and the decision of questions arising thereon. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the electors of each State shall meet and give their votes on the second Monday in January next following their appointment at such place in each State as the Legislature of such State shall direct. SEC. 2. That if any State shall have provided, by laws enacted prior to the day fixed for the appointment of the electors, for its final determina- tion of any controversy or contest concerning the appointment of all or any 157 of the electors of such State, by judicial or other methods or procedures, and such determination shall have been made at Least six days before the time fixed for the meeting of the electors, such determination made pur- suant to such law so existing on said day, and made at least six days prioi to the said time of meeting of the electors, shall be conclusive, and shall govern in the counting of the electoral votes as provided in the Constitu- tion, and as hereinafter regulated, so far as the ascertainment of the electors appointed by such State is concerned. SEC. 3. That it shall he the duty of the Executive of each State, as soon as practicable after the conclusion of the appointment of electors in such State, by the final ascertainment under and in pursuance of the laws of such State providing for such ascertainment, to communicate, under the seal of the State, to the Secretary of State of the United States, a certificate of such ascertainment of the electors appointed, setting forth the names of such electors and the canvass or other ascertainment under the laws of such State of the number of votes given or cast for each person for whose appointment any and all votes have been given or cast ; and it shall also thereupon be the duty of the Executive of each State to deliver to the electors of such State, on or before the day on which they are required by the preceding section to meet, the same certificate, in triplicate, under the seal of the State ; and such certificate shall be inclosed and transmitted by the electors at the same time and in the same manner as is provided by law for transmitting by such electors to the seat of government the lists of all persons voted for as Presi- dent and of all persons voted for as Vice-President ; and section one hundred and thirty-six of the Revised Statutes is hereby repealed ; and if there shall have been any final determination in a State of a controversy or contest as provided for in section two of this act, it shall be the duty of the Executive of such State, as soon as practicable after such determination, to communi- cate, under the seal of the State, to the Secretary of State of the United States a certificate of such determination, in form and manner as the same shall have been made ; and the Secretary of State of the United States, as soon as practicable after the receipt at the State Department of each of the certificates hereinbefore directed to be transmitted to the Secretary of State, shall publish, in such public newspaper as he shall designate, such certifi- cates in full ; and at the first meeting of Congress thereafter he shall trans- mit to the two Houses of Congress copies in full of each and every such certificate so received theretofore at the State Department. SEC. 4. That Congress shall be in session on the second Wednesday in February succeeding every meeting of the electors. The Senate and House of Representatives shall meet in the Hall on the House of Representatives, at the hour of one o'clock in the afternoon on that day, and the President of the Senate shall be their presiding officer. Two tellers shall be previously appointed on the part of the Senate and two on the part of the House of Representatives, to whom shall be handed, as they are opened by the Pres- ident of the Senate, all the certificates and papers purporting to he certifi- cates of the electoral votes, which certificates and papers shall be opened, presented and acted upon in the alphabetical order of the States, beginning with the letter A ; and said tellers, having then read the same in the presence and hearing of the two Houses, shall make a list of the votes as they shall appear from the said certificates, and the votes having been ascertained and 158 counted in the manner and according to the rules in this Act provided, the result of the same shall be delivered to the President of the Senate, who shall thereupon announce the state of the vote, which announcement shall be deemed a sufficient declaration of the persons, if any, elected President and Vice-President of the United States, and, together with a list of the votes, be entered on the Journals of the two Houses. Upon such reading of any such certificate or paper, the President of the Senate shall call for objections, if any. Every objection shall be made in writing, and shall state clearly and con- cisely, and without argument, the ground thereof, and shall be signed by at least one Senator and one member of the House of Representatives before the same shall be received. When all objections, so made to any vote or paper from a State shall have been received and read, the Senate shall there- upon withdraw, and such objections shall be submitted to the Senate for its decision ; and the Speaker of the House of Representatives shall in like man- ner submit such objections to the House of Representatives for its decision, and no electoral vote or votes from any State which shall have been regu- larly given by electors whose appointment has been lawfully certified to according to Section 3 of this Act, from which but one return has been received, shall be rejected, but the two Houses concurrently may reject the vote or votes when they agree that such vote or votes have not been so reg- ularly given by electors whose appointment has been so certified. If more than one return, or paper purporting to be a return from a State, shall have been received by the President of the Senate, those votes, and those only, shall be counted which shall have been regularly given by the electors who are shown by the determination mentioned in Section 2 of this Act to have been appointed, if the determination in said Section provided for shall have been made, or by such successors or substitutes, in case of a vacancy in the Board of Electors so ascertained, as have been appointed to fill such vacancy in the mode provided by the laws of the State ; but in case there shall arise the question which of two or more of such State authorities determining what electors have been appointed as mentioned in Section 2 of this Act, is the lawful tribunal of such State, the votes regularly given of those elec- tors, and those only, of such State, shall be counted whose title as electors the two Houses, acting separately, shall concurrently decide is supported by the decision of such State so authorized by its laws ; and in such case of more than one return or paper purporting to be a return from a State, if there shall have been no such determination of the question in the State aforesaid, then those votes, and those only, shall be counted which the two Houses shall concurrently decide were cast by lawful electors appointed in accordance with the laws of the State, unless the two Houses, acting sep- arately, shall concurrently decide such votes not to be the lawful votes of the legally appointed electors of such State. But if the two Houses shall disagree in respect of the counting of such votes, then, and in that case, the votes of the electors whose appointment shall have been certified by the Executive of the State, under the seal thereof, shall be counted. When the two Houses have voted, they shall immediately again meet, and the presiding officer shall then announce the decision of the questions sub- mitted. No votes or papers from any other State shall be acted upon until the objections previously made to the votes or papers from any State shall have been finally disposed of. 159 SEc. 5. That while the two Houses shall he in meeting as provided in this act the President of the Senate shall have power to preserve order ; and 110 debate shall he allowed and no question shall bo put by the presiding ■officer except to cither House on a motion to withdraw. SEC. 6. That when the two Houses separate to decide Upon an objection that may have been made to the counting of any electoral vote or votes from any State, or other question arising in the matter, each Senator and Representative may speak to such objection or question five minutes, and not more than once; but after such debate shall have lasted two hours, it shall be the duty of the presiding officer of each House to put the main question without further debate. Sec. 7. That at such joint meeting of the two Houses seats shall be provided as follows: Por the President of the Senate, the Speaker's chair; for the Speaker, immediately upon his left ; the Senators, in the body of the Hall, upon the right of the presiding officer; for the Representatives, in the body of the Hall not provided for the Senators ; for the tellers, Secre- tary of the Senate and Clerk of the House of Representatives, at the Clerk's desk ; for the other officers of the two Houses, in front of the Clerk's desk and upon each side of the Speaker's platform. Such joint meeting shall not be dissolved until the count of electoral votes shall be completed and the result declared ; and no recess shall be taken unless a question shall nave arisen in regard to counting any such votes, or otherwise under this act, in which case it shall be competent for either House, acting separately, in the manner hereinbefore provided, to direct a recess of such House not beyond the next calendar day, Sunday excepted, at the hour of ten o'clock in the forenoon. But if the counting of the electoral votes and the decla- ration of the result shall not have been completed before the fifth calendar day next after such first meeting of the two Houses, no further or other recess shall be taken by either House. 160 53 £ n n C4i— rH i— t— rl i-l CC 01 CO ,-^ ^ ,— f-t OS jo »lOOHi)IHINO CN i-ir-l 1-1 i—n • — Hi-1 X>CM t- '^ i^ 00 ~ S x 00*^H*HMO 33 CO OSS© O «C iC CO i-< OS CC — CO ^ H K N M » o H^ftm CO coco . ** ■fHOHC-iOiOiOOO Cl-O OS HHCOCHN K C5 CO g 03 03 C oS co -o O«oo 5-gs P S go 2 © 3 O i* CC — i-1 Tf OJ lOI Oift^cOOW CO CO 00 CO (N cm co f- ea co ■Q 3 c.S°£« B Y'u <*£. OS's g * > M <£ cS a> - w nn t» £>2 .5 M i— ^ d O O "ii ^tiS fl C The representation in 1896 is 357, Utah having been admitted as a State in 1896, and is entitled to one Representative. Add the 50 Senators, and the whole electoral vote in 1S96 is 447. 1(51 Governors of all States and Territories, Corrected to Date, with Term of Office, Salary and State Capitals. State. Alabama Arkansas California Colorado < Connecticut Delaware Florida Georgia Idaho Illinois Indiana Iowa Kansas ^entucky Louisiana* Maine Maryland Massachusetts.... Minnesota Michigan Ilississippi Missouri Montana Nebraska Nevada New Hampshire. Hew Jersey New York North Carolina... North Liakota ... Ohio Oregon Pennsylvania Rhode Island South Carolina.... South Dakota Tennessee Texas Utaht Vermont Virginia 'Washington West Virginia "Wisconsin Wyoming Governors. William C. Oates James P. < llarke James H. Budd A. W. Mclntyre 0. Vincent < offin Joshua H. Marvil Henry L. Mitchell... Win. V. Atkinson W. J. McConnell .1. P. Altgeld Claude Matthews Francis M. Drake.... E. N. Morrill W. 0. Bradley Murphy J. Foster Henry B. Cleaves Llovd Lowndes F. T. Greenhalgej; .. D. M. Clous>h§ John C. Rich Anseln J. McLaurin. William J. Stone John E. Riekards S. A. Holeomb J. E. Jones Charles A. Busiel John W. Griggs Levi P. Morton EliasCarr Roger Allin AsaS. Bushnell W. P. Lord D. H. Hastings Charles W. Lippitt... J. Gary Evans C. H. Sheldon Peter Turneyl! ('has. A. Culberson.. Caleb W. West Q. A. Woodbury Charles T. O'Ferrall. J. H. McGraw Win. H. McCorkle... Wm. H. Upham \V. A. Richards Territories. Alaska Arizona Indian New Mexico.. Oklahoma James Sheakley . Louis C. Hughes. Wm. T. Thornton. W. C. Renfrew Term. ! yrs. Term Began. Dec. 1, '94. Jan., '95. '95. " '95. " 9, '95. 3d Tues. Jan., '95. Jan. 3, '93. Nov. 1, '94. Jan., '95. " 10, '93. " 9, '93. " '96. '95. Dec. 10, '95. May 24, '92. Jan., '95. 1896. 1st Wed. Jan., '96. Jan. 1, '95. '95. '96. " '93. " 2, : 93. " 3, '95. " '95. '95. " 20, '96. " 1, '95. " 1, '93. " 1, '95. 2d Mon. Jan., '96. Jan., '95. 3d Tues. Jan.,'95. May 26, '95. Dec. 4, '94. Jan. 1, '95. " 15, '95, '95. Oct. 6, '94. Jan. 1, '94. " 11, '93. Mar. 4, '93. Jan. 8, '95. '95. Apr. 19, '92. 1893. 1895. Jan. 1, '95. May 11, '93. Term Ends. Salary. Dec. 1, '96. Jan., '97. '99. '97. " 9, '97. 3d Tues. Jan., '99. Jan. 3, '97. Nov. 1, '96. Jan., '97. " 10, '97. " 9, '97. '98. '97. Dec. 10, '99. May24,'96. Jan., '97. 1900. 1st Wed. Jan., '97. Jan. 1, '97. '97. 1900. '97. " 2, '97. " 3, '97. '99. '97. " 20. '99. Dee. 31, '96. Jan. 1, '97. " 1, '97. 2d Mon. Jan., '98. Jan., '99. 3d Mon. Jan., '99, May26,'96. Dee. 1, '96. Jan. 1, '97. " 15, '97. '97. (let. 6, '91'.. Dec. 31, '97. Jan. 11, '97. Mar. 4, '97. Jan. 8, '97. '99. Aug.28,'90. 1S97. 1899. Jan. 1, '99. May 10,'97. 83,000 3,111111 6,000 5,000 1,000 2,500 3,500 3,000 3,000 6,000 5,000 3,600 3,000 5,000 4,000 2,000 4,500 8,000 5,000 4,000 4,000 5,000 .-..lino 2,500 5,900 2,000 10,000 10,000 3,000 3,000 8,000 1,500 L0.000 3,000 3,500 2,500 4.IKH) 4,000 Capital. Montgomery. Little Kock. Sacramento. Den ver. Hart lord. Dover. Tallahassee. Atlanta. Boies City. Springfield. Indianapolis. Des Moines. Topeka. Franklort. Baton Rouge. Augusta. Aiina)>olis. Boston. St. Paul. Lansing. Jackson. Jefferson City. Helena. Lincoln. Carson City. Concord. Trenton. Albany. Raleigh. Bismarck. Columbus. Salem. Harrisburg. Providence. Columbia. Pierre. Nashville. Austin. 1,500 5,0110 4,0110 2,700 ,",,0011 2,500 3,000 2,600 2,000 2,000 2,600 Montpelier. Kichrnond. Olj mpia. ( Charleston. Madison. Cheveiine. Sitka. Phoenix Tahlequah. Santa Fe. Guthrie. * Elected to serve from May, 1896, to May, 1900. t Admitted as a State 1896. t Died 1896. Roger Wokott Acting Governor. « Succeeded Governor Knute Nelson, who was elected United bfretes benator. || Oi, tne wee ot the returns H. Clay Evans was elected, but Legislature declared Turney elected on account of irregularities in election. 162 BRIEF SKETCHES OF THE PRESIDENTS. GEORGE WASHINGTON was born February 22d, 1732, near Bridges Creek, Westmoreland county, Va. His parents were Augustine and Maty (Ball) Washington. He was a surveyor in early life and afterward a planter. Married, 1759, Mrs. Martha (Dandridge) Cus- tis. No children. Died at Mount Vernon, Va., December 14th, 1799. John Adams was born October 19th, 1735, at Ouiucy, Norfolk county, Mass. His parents were John and Susanna (Boylston) Adams. He was a teacher in early life and afterward a lawyer. Graduated Harvard, 1755. Married, 1764, Abigail Smith. Three sons and two daughters. Died at Quincy, Mass., July 4th, 1826. Thomas Jefferson was born April 13th, 1743, at Shadwell, Albemarle count}-, Va. His parents were Peter and Jane (Randolph) Jefferson. He was a lawyer. Graduated William and Mary College, 1762. Married, 1772, Mrs. Martha (Wayles) Skelton. One sou and five daughters. Died at Monticello, Va., July 4th, 1826. James Madison was born Mareh 16th, I75i,at Port Conway, King George county, Va. His parents were James and Nelly (Conway) Madison. He was a lawyer. Graduated Princeton, 1771. Married, 1794, Mrs. Dolly (Payne) Todd. No children. Died at Moutpelier, Vt., June 28th, 1836. James Monroe was born April 28th, 1758, at Head of Monroe's Creek, Westmoreland county, Va. His parents were Spence and Eliza (Jones) Monroe. He was a lawyer in early life, but abandoned that profession. Graduated William and Mary College, 1776. Married, 1786, Eliza Kort- right. Two daughters. Died at New Vork city, July 4th, 183 1, in almost extreme poverty. John Ouiucy Adams was born July nth, 1767, at Quincy, Norfolk county, Mass. His parents were John and Abigail (Smith) Adams. He was a lawyer. Graduated Harvard, 1787. Married, 1797, Louisa Catherine Johnson. Three sons and one daughter. Died at Washington, D. C, February 23d, 1848. His mortal illness came upon him in the House of Representatives, while a member of that body. Andrew Jackson was born March 15th, 1767, near Cureton's Pond, Union county, N. C. His parents were Andrew and Elizabeth (Hutchinson) Jack- son. He was a lawyer. Married, 1794, Mrs. Rachel (Douelson) Robards. No children. Died at Hermitage, Tenn., June 8th, 1845. Martin Van Buren was born December 5th, 1782, at Kinderhook, Colum- bia county, N. V. His parents w T ere Abraham and Maria (Hoes) Van Buren. He was a lawyer. Married, 1S07, Hannah Hoes. Four sons. Died at Lin- denwold, N. V., July 24th, 1862. William Henry Harrison was born February 9th, 1773, at Berkeley, Charles City county, Va. His parents were Benjamin and Elizabeth (Bassett) Harrison. He was a soldier and farmer. Graduated Hampden-Sydney, 1790. Married, 1795, Anna Symmes. Six sous and four daughters. Died at Washington, D. C, April 4th, 1841. John Tyler was born March 29th, 1 790, at Greenway , Charles City county, Va. His parents were John and Mary ( Armistead) Tyler. He was a lawyer. Graduated William and Mary College, 1807. Married, 1813, Letitia Chris- tian and 1844 Julia Gardiner. Three sons and four daughters by first wife, 163 five sons and two daughters by second wife. Died at Richmond, Va., Janu- ary 17th, 1862. James Knox I'olk was horn November 2d, 1795, near Pineville, Meck- lenburg, county, N. C. His parents were Samuel and Jane (Knox) Polk. He was a lawyer. Graduated University of North Carolina, 18)8. Married, 1824, Sarah Childress. No children. Died at Nashville, Tcnn., June 15th, 1849. Zachary Taylor was born November 24th, 1784, near Orange Court House, Va. His parents were Richard and Sarah (Strother) Taylor. He was a soldier. Married, 1810, Margaret Smith. One sou and three daugh- ters. Died at Washington, D. C, July 9th, 1850. Millard Fillmore was born January 7th, 1S00, at Summerhill, Cayuga county, N. Y. His parents were Nathaniel and Phcbc (Millard) Fillmore. He was a tailor in early life and afterward a lawyer. Married, 1826, Abigail Powers and 1858 Mrs. Caroline (Carmichael) Mcintosh. One son and one daughter by first wife. Died at Buffalo, N. Y., March 9th, 1874. Franklin Pierce was born November 23d, 1804, at Hillsborough, Hills- borough county, N. H. His parents were Benjamin and Anna (Kendrick) Pierce. He was a lawyer. Graduated Bowdoin, 1824. Married, 1834, Jane Means Appletoti. Three sous. Died at Concord, N. H., October Sth, 1S69. James Buchanan was born April 23d, 1791, at Core Gap, Franklin county, Pa. His parents were James and Elizabeth (Speer) Buchanan. He was a lawyer. Graduated Dickinson College, 1809. Unmarried. Died at Wheat- land, Pa., June 1st, 1868. Abraham Lincoln was born P'ebruary 12th, 1809, near Hodgenville, Larue county, Ky. His parents were Thomas and Nancy (Hanks) Lincoln. He was a farm laborer in early life and afterward a lawyer. Married, 1S42, Mary Todd. Four sous. Assassinated at Washington, D. C, April 15th, 1865. Andrew Johnson was born December 29th, 1808, at Raleigh, Wake county, N. C. His parents were Jacob and Mary (McDonough) Johnson. He was a tailor in early life. Married, 1827, Eliza McCardle. Three sous and two daughters. Died at Carter's Depot, Tenn., July 31st, 1875. Ulysses S. Grant was born April 27th, 1822, at Point Pleasant, Clermont county, Ohio. His parents were Jesse Root and Harriet (Simpson) Grant. He was a soldier. Graduated West Point, 1843. Married, 184S, Julia Dent. Three sons and one daughter. Died at Mt. McGregor, N. Y. , July 23d, 1885. Rutherford B. Hayes was born October 4th, 1822, at Delaware, Delaware county, Ohio. His parents were Rutherford and Sophia (Birchard) Hayes. He was a lawyer. Graduated Keuyon College, 1842. Married, 1852, Lucy Ware Webb. Seven sons and one daughter. Died at Fremont, Ohio, Jan- uary 17th, 1893. James A. Garfield was born November 19th, 1831, at Orange township, Cuyahoga county, Ohio. His parents were Abram and Eliza (Ballon) Gar- field He was a teacher in early life and afterward a lawyer. Graduated Williams College, 1856. Married, 1858, Lucretia' Rudolph. Four sons and one daughter. Died at Long Branch, N. J., September 19th, 1881. Chester A. Arthur was born October 5th, 1830, at Fairfield, Franklin county, Vt. His parents were William and Malviua (Stone) Arthur. He was a teacher in early life and afterward a lawyer. Graduated Union Col- 164 lege, 1848. Married, 1S59, Ellen Lewis Herndon. One son and one daugh- ter. Died at New York city, November 18th, 1886. Grover Cleveland (see sketch of life and portrait in this book. Presi- dent 1885-89 and chosen again in 1892. Now serving). Benjamin Harrison was born August 20th, 1833, at North Bend, Ohio. His father was John Scott Harrison, who was a member of Congress. His grandfather was General William Henry Harrison (Tippecanoe) and Presi- dent of the United States. Benjamin Harrison was a General in the Army of the Rebellion, United States Senator from Indiana, and was chosen Presi- dent over Grover Cleveland in 1888, and served from March 4th, 1889, to March 4th, 1893. His wife, Caroline L. Scott, died in the White House. After his term expired Mr. Harrison returned to Indianapolis and resumed the practice of the law. April 8th, 1S96, he was again married to Mrs. Dimmick, of New York city. VICE=PRESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES. Name. 1 John Adams 2 Thomas Jefferson 3 Aaron Burr 4 George Clinton.... 5 Elbridge Gerry ... 6 DanielD. Tompkins 7 John C Calhoun.... 8 Martin Van Buren 9 Richard M. Johnson lOljohn Tvler 11 George M. Dallas.. 12 Millard Fillmore... 13. William R. King... 14 John C.Beckinridj 15 Hannibal Hamlin 16 Andrew Johnson . 17 Schuyler Colfax 18 Henry Wilson...., 19 William A. Wheeler 20 Chester A. Arthur.. 21 Thos. A. Hendricki 22 Levi P. Morton. ... 23 Adlai E. Stevenson Birthplace. Quincv, Mass Shadwell, Va Newark. N. J Ulster Co., N. Y Marbelhead, Mass. Scarsdale, N. Y Abbeville, S. C Kinderhook, N. Y.. Louisville, Ky Greenway, Va Philadelphia, Pa .. Summer Hill, N. Y Sampson Co., N. C. Lexington, Ky Paris, Me Raleigh, N. C New York City Farmington, N. H.. Malone, N. Y Fairfield, Vt Muskingum Co., O. Shoreham, Vt Christian Co., Ky. .. Paternal Ancestry. 1735 1743 1756 1739 1744 1774; 1782 1782 1780 1790 1 1792 1800 1786 1821 1809 1808 1823 1812 1819 1830 1819 1S24 1835 English Welsh English English English English Scotch-Irish Dutch English English English English English Scotch English English English English English Scotch-Irish Scotch-Irish Scotch ... Scotch-Irish Mass. Va.... N. Y.. NY.. Mass. N. Y.. S. C. N. Y.. Ky.. Va... Pa N. Y.. Ala .. Ky.... Me.. Tenn Did .. Mass. N. Y.. N. Y. Did.. N. Y.. 111.... 17-'.) I'd.. 1797 Rep.. isol Pep.. 1S05 1813 1817 1825 1831 Rep. Rep Rep.. Rep.. Dem. 11837 Dem. ISll! Dem. 1845 Dem. 1849 Whij IN; ,3 1857 1861 1805 1869 1873 1877 Dem. Dem. Rep.. Rep- Rep. Rep.. Rep.. 1881 'Rep 1885 Dem. 1889 Rep.. 1893! Dem. Place of Death. Quincv, Mass Monticello, Va Staten Island, N. Y. Washington, D. C... Washington, D. C... Staten Island, N. Y. Washington, D. C... Kinderhook, N. Y.. Frankfort. Ky Richmond. V'a Philadelphia, Pa ... Buffalo. N. Y Dallas Co., Ala Lexington, Ky Bangor, Me Carter Co., Tenn Mankato, Minn Washington, D. C... Malone, N. Y New York City Indianapolis, Ind... 1826 1826 1836 1812 1814 1825 1850 D62 1850 1802 1864 1874 1853 1875 1891 1875 1885 1875 1887 1886 1885 PRESIDENTS PRO TEMPORE OF THE UNITED STATES SENATE. John Langdon, N. H., 1789-92 ; Richard H. Lee, Va., 1792 ; John Lang- don, N. H., 1792-94; Ralph Izard, S. C, 1794-95 J Henry Tazewell, Va., 1795-96 ; Samuel Livermore, N. H., 1796-97 ; William Bingham, Pa., 1797 ; William Bradford, R. I., 1797 ; Jacob Read, S. C, I797-9 8 ', Theodore Sedg- wick, Mass., 1798; John Laurence, N. Y., 1798-99; James Ross, Pa., 1799; Samuel Livermore, N. H., 1799-1800; Uriah Tracy, Conn., 1800; John E. Howard, Md., 1800-01; James Hillhouse, Conn., 1801; Abraham Baldwin, Ga., 1801-02; Stephen R. Bradley, Vt., 1802-03; John Brown, Ky., 1S03-04 ; Jesse Franklin, N. C, 1804-05; Joseph Anderson, Tenn., 1805; Samuel 165 Smith, Mel., 1S05-08 ; Stephen R. Bradley, Vt., 1808-09 ; John Milledge, I ku, 1809; Andrew Gregg, Pa., 1809-10; John Gaillard, S. C, 1810 11 ; fohn Pope, Ky., 1811-12; William II. Crawford, Ga. ( 1812-13; Joseph B. Var< num, Mass., 1813-14; John Gaillard, S. C, 1S14-18; James Barbour, Va., 1818-19; J ollu Gaillard, S. C, 1820-26; Nathaniel Macon, N. C, 1826-28; Samuel Smith, Md., 1828-32; L. \V. Tazewell, Va., 1832; Hugh L. White, Tenu., 1832-34; George Poindexter, Miss., 1834-35; John Tyler, \ ., 1835-3 6 ; William R. King, Ala., 1836-41 ; Samuel L. Southard, N. J , 1841-42; W. P. Mangum, N. C, 1842-46; D. R. Atchison, Mo., 1846-49; William R. King, Ala., 1850-52 ; D. R. Atchison, Mo., 1S52-54; Jesse D. Bright, Ind., 1854-57; James M. Mason, Va., 1857; Benjamin Fitzpatrick, Ala., 1857-61 ; Solomon Foot, Vt., 1861-64; Daniel Clark, N. II., 1864-65 ; Lafayette S. Foster, Conn., 1865-67 ; Benjamin F. Wade, O., 1867-69; Henry B. Anthony, R. I., 1869-73; M. H. Carpenter, Wis., 1873-75; Thomas W. Ferry, Mich., 1875-79; A. G. Thurman, O., 1S79-81 ; Thomas F. Bayard, Del., 1881 ; David Davis, 111., 1881-83; George F. Edmunds, Vt., 1883-85; John Sherman, O., 1885-87; John J. Ingalls, Kan., 18S7-91 ; C. I'. Mander- son, Neb., 1891-93; Isham G. Harris, Tenn., 1893-94; William P. Frye, Me., 1896. SPEAKERS OF THE UNITED STATES HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. F. A. Muhlenburg, Pa., 1781-91 ; Jonathan Trumbull, Conn., 1791-93 ; F. A Muhlenburg, Pa., 1793-95; Jonathan Dayton, N. J., 1795-99; Theodore Sedgwick, Mass., 1799-1801 ; Nathaniel Macon, N. C, 1801-07; Joseph B. Varnum, Mass., 1S07-11 ; Henry Clay, Ky., 1811-14; Langdon Cheves, S. C, 1814-15; Henry Clay, Ky., 1815-20; John W. Taylor, N. Y., 1S20-21 ; Philip B. Barbour, Va., 1821-23; Henry Clay, Ky., 1S23-25 ; John W. Taylor, N. Y., 1825-27; Andrew Stevenson, Va., 1827-34; John Bell, Tenu., 1834-35; James K. Polk, Tenn., 1S35-39; R. M. T. Hunter, Va., 1839-41; John White, Ky., 1841-43; John W. Jones, Va., 1843-45; John W. Davis, Ind., 1845-47; Robert C. Winthrop, Mass., 1S47-49; Howell Cobb, Ga., 1S49-51 ; Linn Boyd, K}\, 1851-55; Nathaniel P. Banks, Mass., [856-57; James L. Orr, S. C, 1857-59; William Pennington, N. J., 1860-61 ; Galusha A. Grow, Pa., 1861-63; Schuyler Colfax, Ind., 1863-69 ; James G. Blaine, Me.; 1869-75; Michael C. Kerr, Ind., 1875-76; Samuel J. Randall, Pa., 1876-81; John W. Keifer, O., 1881-83; John G. Carlisle, Ky., 1883-89; Thomas B. Reed, Me., 1889-91; Chas. F. Crisp, Ga., 1891-95; Thomas B. Reed, 1895-97. PRESIDENTIAL CABINET OFFICERS. With States to which Accredited and Years of Appointment. Secretaries of State. — Thomas Jefferson, Va., 1789; Edmund Ran- dolph, Va., 1794; Timothy Pickering, Mass., 1795 and 1797; John Marshall, Va., 1800 ; James Madison, Va., 1801 ; Robert Smith, Md., 1N09; James Monroe, Va., 1811; John Quincy Adams, Mass., 1817; Henry Clay, Ky., 1825; Martin Van Buren, N. Y., 1829; Edward Livingston, La., 1831 ; Louis McLane, Del., 1833; John Forsyth, Ga., 1834 and 1S37 ; Daniel Webster, 166 Mass., 1841 ; Hugh S. Legare, S. C, 1843; Abel P. Upshur, Va., 1843; J onn C. Calhoun, S. C, 1844; James Buchanan, Pa., 1845 ; John M. Clayton, Del., 1849; Daniel Webster, Mass., 1850; Edward Everett, Mass., 1852; William L. Marcy, N. Y., 1853; Lewis Cass, Mich., 1857; Jeremiah S. Black, Pa., i860; William H. Seward, N. Y., 1S61 and 1865; Elihu B. Washburn, 111., 1869 ; Hamilton Fish, N. Y., 1869 ; William M. Evarts, N. Y., 1877 ; James G. Blaine, Me., 1S81 and 1889; F. T. Frelinghuysen, N. J., 18S1 ; Thomas F. Bayard, Del., 1885; John W. Foster, Ind., 1892; Walter Q. Gresham, 111., 1893. Secretaries of the Treasury. — Alexander Hamilton, N. Y., 1789; Oliver Wolcott, Conn., 1795 and 1797; Samuel Dexter, Mass., 1801 ; Albert Gallatin, Pa., 1801 and 1809; Geo. W. Campbell, Tenu., 1814; Alexander J. Dallas, Pa., 1814; William H. Crawford, Ga., 1816 and 1817; Richard Rush, Pa., 1825; Samuel D. Ingham, Pa., 1829; Louis McLaue, Del., 1831 ; William J. Duane, Pa., 1833; Roger B. Taney, Md., 1833; Levi Woodbury, N. H., 1834 and 1837 ; Thomas Ewing, 0., 1841 ; Walter Forward, Pa., 1S41 ; John C. Spencer, N. Y., 1843 ', George M. Bibb, Ky., 1844 ; Robert J. Walker, Miss., 1845; William M. Meredith, Pa., 1849; Thomas Corwin, 0., 1850; James Guthrie, Ky., 1853 ; Howell Cobb, Ga., 1857 ; Philip F. Thomas., Md., i860; John A. Dix, N. Y., 1861 ; Salmon P. Chase, O., 1861 ; William P. Fessenden, Me., 1864; Hugh McCulloch, Ind., 1865; George S. Boutwell, Mass., 1869; William A. Richardson, Mass., 1873; Benjamin H. Bristow, Ky., 1874; Lot M. Morrill, Me., 1876 : John Sherman, O., 1877; William Windom, Minn., 1881 and 1889; Charles J. Folger, N. Y., 188] ; Walter Q. Gresham, Ind., 1884; Hugh McCulloch, Ind., 1884; Daniel Manning, N. Y., 1885; Charles S. Fairchild, N. Y., 1887; Charles Foster, O., 1891 ; John G. Carlisle, Ky., 1893. Secretaries of War. — Henry Knox, Mass., 1789; Timothy Picker- ing, Mass., 1795 ; James McHenry, Md., 1796 and 1797 ; John Marshall, Va., 1800 ; Samuel Dexter, Mass. , 1800 ; Roger Griswold, Conn. , 1801 ; Henry Dear- born, Mass., iSot ; William Eustis, Mass., 1809; John Armstrong, N. Y., 1813 ; James Monroe, Va., 1S14; William H. Crawford, Ga., 1815 ; Isaac Shelby, Ky., 181 7 ; George Graham, (ad in.), 1817 ; John C. Calhoun, S. C, 1817; James Barbour, Va., 1825; Peter B. Porter, N. Y., 1828; John H. Eaton, Tenn., 1829; Lewis Cass, O., 1831 ; Benjamin F. Butler, N. Y., 1837; Joel R. Poinsett, S. C, 1837; John Bell, Tenn., 1841; John McLean, O., 1841 ; John C. Spencer, N. Y., 1S41 ; James M. Porter, Pa., 1843; William Wilkins, Pa., 1844; William L. Marcy, N. Y.. 1845; George W. Crawford, Ga., 1849; Edward Bates, Mo., 1850; Charles M. Conrad, La., 1S50; Jeffer- son, Davis, Miss., 1853; John B. Floyd, Va., 1857; Joseph Holt, Ky., 1861 ; Simon Cameron, Pa., 1861 ; Edwin M. Stanton, O., 1S62 and 1865; U. S. Grant (ad in.), 111., 1867; Lorenzo Thomas {ad in.), 1S68 ; John M. Scho- field, N. Y., 186S; John A. Rawlins, 111., 1869; William T. Sherman, O., 1869 ; William W. Bellknap, Jr., 1869 ; Alphonso Taft, O., 1876 ; James Don Cameron, Pa., 1876; George W. McCrary, la., 1877; Alexander Ramsey, Minn., 1879; Robert T. Lincoln, 111., 1881 ; William C. Endicott, Mass., 1885 ; Redfield Proctor, Vt., 1889; Stephen B. Elkius, W. Va., 1891 ; Daniel S. Lamont, N. Y., 1893. Secretaries of the Interior. — Thomas Ewing, O., 1849; James A. Pearce, Md., 1850; Thomas M. T. M'Kernou, Pa., 1S50 ; Alexander H. H. 167 Stuart, Va., 1850; Robert McClelland, Mich., 1853 ; Jacob Thompson, Miss., 1857; Caleb B. Smith, Ind., 1861 ; John P. Usher, IncL, 1863 and 1865 ; Janus Harlan, la., 1865 ; Orville H. Browning, 111., 1S66; Jacob I). Cox, ()., 1869; Columbus Delano, O., 1870; Zachariah Chandler, Mich., 1875; Carl Schurz, Mo., 1877; Samuel J. Kirkwood, la., 1881 ; Henry M. Teller, Col., 1882; Lucius O. C. Lamar, Miss., 1S85 ; William F. Vilas, Wis., 1888; John W. Noble, Mo , 1889; Hoke Smith, Ga., 1893. Secretaries of the Navy.— George Cabot, Mass., 179S; Benjamin Stoddert, Md., 1798 and 1801; Robert Smith, Md., 1801 ; Jacob Crownin- shield, Mass., 1S05 ; Paul Hamilton, S. C, 1809 ; William Jones, la., 1813 ; B. W. Crowninshield, Mass., 1814 and 1817; Smith Thompson, X. Y., 1818; Samuel L. Southard, N. J., 1823 and 1825 ; John Branch, N. C, 1S29 ; Levi Woodbury, N. H., 1S31 ; Mahlon Dickerson, N. J., 1834 and 1837 ; James K. Paulding, N. Y., 183S; George E. Badger, N. C, 1841 ; Abel P. Upshur, Va., 1841 ; David Henshaw, Mass., 1843 ; Thomas W. Gilmer, Va., 1844 ; John Y. Mason, Va., 1844 and 1846; George Bancroft, Mass., 1S45 ; William B. Preston, Va., 1849 > William A. Graham, N. C, 1850 ; John P. Kennedy, Md., 1852; James C. Dobbin, N. C, 1853; Isaac Toucey, Conn., 1S57 ; Gideon Welles, Conn., 1861 and 1865 ; Adolph E. Borie, Pa., 1869 ; George M. Robe- son, N. J., 1869; Richard W. Thompson, Ind., 1877; Nathan Goff, Jr., W. Va., 1881; William H. Hunt, Da., 1881 ; William E. Chandler, N. II., 1882; William C. Whitney, N. Y., 1885 ; Benjamin P. Tracy, N. Y., 1889; Hilary A. Herbert, Ala., 1893. Secretaries of Agriculture — Norman J. Column, Mo., 18S9 ; Jere- miah M. Rusk, Wis., 1S89: J. Sterling Morton, Neb., 1893. Postmasters-General.* — Samuel Osgood, Mass., 1789; Timothy Pick- ering, Mass., 1791 ; Joseph Habersham, Ga., 1795, 1797, and 1801 ; Gideon Granger, Conn., 1801 and 1809 ; Return J. Meigs, Jr., O., 1814 and 1817 ; John McLean, O , 1823 and 1825 ; William T. Barry, Ky., 1829 ; Amos Kendall, Ky., 1835 and 1837; John M. Niles, Conn., 1840; Francis Granger, N. Y., 1841; Charles A. Wickliffe, Ky., 1841 ; Cave Johnson, Tenn., 1845 ; Jacob Colla- mer, Vt, 1849; Nathan K. Hall, N. Y., 1850; Samuel D. Hubbard, Conn., 1852; James Campbell, Pa., 1853 : Aaron V. Brown, Tenn , 1857 ; Joseph Holt, Ky., 1859; Horatio King, Me., 186 1 ; Montgomery Blair, Md., 1861 ; William Dennisou, O , 1864 and 1865 ; Alexander W. Randall, Wis , 1866 ; John A. J. Cresswell, Md., 1869; James W. Marshall, Va., 1S74; Marshall Jewell, Conn , 1874 ; James N. Tyner, Ind , 1876 ; David McK. Key, Tenn., 1877 ; Horace Maynard, Tenn , 1880; Thomas L James, N. Y., 1881 ; Timothy 0. Howe, Wis., 1881 ; Walter O. Gresham, Ind., 1883 ; Frank Hatton, la , 18S4 ; Wil- liam F. Vilas, Wis., 1885; Don M. Dickinson, Mich., 1S88 ; John Wana- maker, Pa., 1889; Wilson S. Bissell, N. Y., 1893. Attorneys-General.— Edmund Randolph, Va., 1789; William Brad- ford, Pa., 1794 ; Charles Lee, Va., 1795 and 1797 ; Theophilus Parsons. Mass.. 1801 ; Levi Lincoln, Mass., 1801 ; Robert Smith, Md., 1S05 ; John Breckin- ridge, Ky., 1805 ; Caesar A. Rodney, Del., 1807 and 1809 ; William Pinkncy, Md., 1811 ; Richard Rush, Pa., 1814 and 1817 ; William Wirt, Va., 1817 and 1825; John M'P. Berrien, Ga., 1829; Roger B. Taney, Md., 1831 ; Benjamin F. Butler, N. Y., 1833 and 1837 ; Felix Grundy, Tenn., 183S ; Henry D. Gil- pin, Pa., 1840; John J. Crittenden, Ky., 1841 ; Hug h S. Legar£, S. C, 1841; * Postmasters-General \^reliofcoiisidered Cabinet officers uutil 1829. 168 John Nelson, Md., 1843 ; John Y. Mason, Va., 1845 ; Nathan Clifford, Me., 1846; Isaac Toucey, Conn., 1848 ; Reverdy Johnson, Md., 1849; John J. Crit- tenden, Ky., 1850; Caleb Cushing, Mass., 1853; Jeremiah S. Black, Pa., 1857 ; Edwin M. Stanton, O., i860; Edward Bates, Mo., 1861 ; Titian J. Cof- fee [ad in.), Pa., 1863 ; James Speed, Ky., 1864 and 1865 ; Henry Stanbery, O., 1866; William M. Evarts, N. Y., 1868; Ebenezer R. Hoar, Mass., 1869; Amos T. Ackerman, Ga., 1870 ; George H. Williams, Ore., 1871 ; Edwards Pierrepont, N. Y., 1875 ; Alphonso Taft, O., 1876; Charles Devens, Mass., 1877; Wayne McVeagh, Pa., 1881 ; Benjamin H. Brewster, Pa., 1881 ; Au- gustus H. Garland, Ark., 1885 ; William H. H. Miller, Ind , 1889; Richard Olney, Mass , 1893. JUSTICES OF THE UNITED STATES SUPREME COURT. Name. *Jolm Jav. N. Y John Rutledge, S. C. . . . William < lushing, Mass. James Wilson, Pa. John Blair, Va Robert H. Harrison, Md. James Iredell, N. 0. . . . Thomas Johnson, Md.. William Paterson, N. J. *Jolm Rutledge, a. C... Samuel Chase, Md ♦Oliver Ellsworth, Conn. Bush. Washington, Va. Alfred Moore, N. C •John Marshall, Va.... William Johnson, S. C. Proe. Livingston, N. Y. Thomas- Todd, Ky Joseph Storv, Mass Gabriel Duval, Md Smith Thompson, N. Y. Robert. Trimble, Ky John McLean, < )hio. . . . Henry Baldwin, Pa — James M. Wayne, Ga.. . ♦Roger B. Taney, Md.. Philip P. Barbour, Va.. John Catron. Tenn John MeKinley, Ala Term. Bom. Died. 1789-1795 L789-1791 1789-1810 1789-1798 1789-1796 L789-1790 1790-1799 1791-1793 1793-1806 1795-1795 1796-1811 1796-1800 1798-1829 1799-1804 1801-1835 L804-1834 L806-1823 1807-1826 1811-1845 1811-183C 1823-1843 1820-1828 1829-1861 1830-1844 1835-1867 1836-1864 1836-1841 1837-1865 1837-1852 1745 1739 1733 1742 1732 1745 1751 1732 1745 1739 1741 1745 1702 1755 P55 1771 1757 1765 1779 1752 1767 1777 1785 1779 1790 1777 1783 1780 178J 1829 1800 1810 1798 1800 1790 1799 1819 1806 1S00 1811 1807 1829 1810 is:::, 1834 1823 1826 1845 1844 1843 1828 1801 1844 1867 1804 1841 1865 1852 Name. Term. Born. Died. Peter V. Daniel . Va.. Samuel Nelson, N. Y. Levi Woodbury, N. H Robert C Grier, Pa. . . Benj. R. Curtis, Mass. John a. Campbell, Ala. Nathan Clifford, Maine. Noah H. Swayne, Ohio. Samuel F. Miller, Iowa. David Davis, 111 Stephen J. Field, Cal, .. ♦Salmon P. Chase. Ohio. William Strong Pa Joseph P. Bradley, N. J. Ward Hunt, N. Y ♦Morrison R. Waite, 0. John M. Harlan, Ky... William B. Woods, Ga . Stanley Matthews, O. .. Horace Gray, Mass Samuel Blatchford.N. Y. Luc Q. C. Lamar, Miss. ♦Melville W. Fuller, 111. David J. Brewer. Kan.. Henry B. Brown, Mich. George Shiras, Jr., Pa. . How. E. Jackson, Tenn Edw. D. White, La 1841-1860 1845-1872 1845-1851 1846-1870 1851-1857 1853-1861 1858-1881 1861-1881 1862-1890 1862-1877 1803-.... 1864-1873 1S70-1880 1870-1892 1872-1882 1874-1888 1877-.... 1880-1887 1881-1889 1881- ... 1882-1893 1SSS-1893 1888-.... 1889- — 1890-.... 1892-.... 1893-.... 1894-. . . . 1785 1792 1789 1794 1809 1811 1803 1804 1816 1815 1810 1808 I si IS 1813 1811 1816 1833 1824 1824 1828 1820 1825 1833 1837 1830 1832 1832 1845 1800 1873 1851 1870 1874 1889 1881 1884 1890 1885 1873 1892 l.ssi, 1888 'l887' 1889 1893 1893 * Chief Justices. 169 SIGNERS OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE, IN CONGRESS ASSEMBLED, JULY 4th, 1776. The following list of members of the Continental Congress, who signed the Declaration of Independence, is h&rc given, for the purpose of showing the places and dates of their birth, and the times of their respective deaths, for convenient reference : • Names of Signers. Born at Delegated from Died. Braintree, Mass., 19 Oct., L735 Boston, Mass.. 27 Sept., L722. Amesbury, Mass., in Nov , 1729... Newington, Va., lOSept., 1736.... Annapolis, Md., 20 Sept., 17:;;.. Somersel Co., Md., 17 April, 1711. Elizabethtown.N.J.,15 Feb.,1726. Newport, K. I.. 22 Dec, 1727 Suffolk Co., N. Y., 17 Dec, 17:; 1.. Boston, Mass., 17 Jan., 1706 Massachusetts Massachusetts New I lamp-hire.... Virginia l.Iulv. L8'6. 2 Oct., 1803. 19 May, L795. in Oct., L797. 1 1 Nov 1832 Adams, Samuel Barfclett, Josiah Cam ill. Chas. of Carrollton. — Sept., 1794. 23 Jan., 1813. L5 Feb., 1820. Ellerv, William Pennsylvania R. I. and Prov. PL. Pennsylvania Massachusetts Floyd, William . Franklin Benjamin 17 April, 1790. 23 Nov. 181 1. 27 May, 1777. Feb lT'.io Gerry, Elbridge Marblehead, Mass., 1 July, 17-11.. England, in 17:;2 1 uia... . Braintree, Mass., in 17:'.7. Berkley Va 8 0cl L793 — April. 1791. 1780. Hart. John Hopewell, N. J., in 171." St. Lukes, S. C, in 1740 Kingston, N. J., in 1730 Boston, Mass., 17 June, 1742 Scituate, Mass., 7 March, 1707.... Windham, Conn., 3 July, L732.... Philadelphia, Pa., in 1707 Phadwell, Va., 13 April, 1734 Stratford, Va. 20 Jan., 1732 Hewes, Joseph Hooper, William South Carolina , North Carolina North Carolina K. I. and Prov. PI. — March. 1809. 1 /t., 177"). — Oct., 1790 13 July 1,785 ."> Jan., 1796, 9 May, 1790. 4 July, 1826. L9June L794. Jefferson, Thomas Stratford, Va., 14 Oct., l',..l — April, l7-.»7. 30 Dec 1803. Landail', Wales, in March, 171:;.,. Albany, N. Y., 15 Jan., 1716 St. George's, S ('., 5 Aug., 171'.).. Chester Co., Pa., 19 March, 1734.. Middleton Place. S. C, in 1743.... i" June, 177s. Lynch, Thomas, Jr Smith Carolina Delaware South ( 'arolina New York Losl at sea. 1779. 24 June, i s] 7. 1 Jan., 17-7. 22 Jan., 1798. Morris, Robert Lancashire, Eng., Jan., 1733-4.... Ridley, Pa., in 1724 Pennsylvania Pennsylvania s May, l-m'.. — April, 1777. l Jan., 1789. York, Va., 26 Dec, 1738 Paca, William Wye-Hill, Md., :'.l Oct., 1740 , L799. Massachusetts Ni >rtli Carolina I telaware Delaware 11 May, 1804. Caroline Co., Va., 17 May, 1711... Cecil Co., Md., in 1734 26 Oct., 1809. Read, Georjre , L798. Dover, Del., in 1730 New Castle, Del., in 1730 , 1783. — July, 177'.'. Rush, Benjamin, M. D Rutledge, Edward Byberry, Pa.. 24 Dec, 1715 Charleston, S. ('.. in Nov., 1749 . Newton, Mass., 19 April, 1721 Pennsylvania.. . South Carolina ... 19 April, 1813. 2:; Jan., 1800. 23 July, 1793. Smith, James Pennsylvania New Jersey i l.Iulv, 1806. 28 Feb., 17-. 5 Oct., 17-7. Princeton, N..T., 1 Oct.. 1730 , Charles Co., Md.. in 1742 , Ireland, in 1 7 1 1 "» Pennsylvania New Hampshire.... Georgia New Hampshire.... 23 Feb., 1781. 24 June, 1803. 2 Feb., J804. 28 Nov., 17-:,. Lebanon, Cam., 8 April, 1731 Scotland, about 1742 Yester, Scotland, 5 Feb., 1722 Windsor, Conn.. 26 Nov., 1726 Elizabeth City Co. ,Va , in 1726.... 2 Aug., 1811. Witherspoon, John Pennsylvania New Jersey. 28 Aug., 1798. 1 .. Nov., 1794. l Dec, 1797. Virginia 1806. 170 PRESIDENTS OF THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS AND OF THE CONGRESS OF THE CONFEDERATION, 1774-1788. Peyton Randolph, Va., September 5th, 1774; Henry Middleton, S. C, October 22d, 1774; Peyton Randolph, Va., May 10th, 1775 ; John Hancock, Mass., May 24th, 1775; Henry Laurens, S. C, November 1st, 1777; John Jav, N. Y., December 10th, 1778; Samuel Huntington, Conn., September 28th, 1779; Thomas McKean, Del., July 10th, 1781 ; John Hanson, Md., November 5th, 1781 ; Elias Boudinot, N. J., November 4th, 1782 ; Thomas Mifflin, Pa., November 3d, 1783 ; Richard H. Lee, Va., November 30th, 1784 ; Nathaniel Gorham, Mass., June 6th, 1786; Arthur St. Clair, Pa., February 2d, 1787 ; Cyrus Griffin, Va., January 22d, 1788. NATURALIZATION LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES. The conditions under and the manner in which an alien may be admitted to become a citizen of the United States are prescribed by Sections 2, 165-74 of the Revised Statutes of the United States. DECLARATION OF INTENTIONS. The alien must declare upon oath before a Circuit or District Court of the United States, or a District or Supreme Court of the Territories, or a Court of Record of any of the States having common law jurisdiction and a seal and clerk, two years at least prior to his admission; that it is, bona fide, his inten- tion to become a citizen of the United States, and to renounce forever aP- allegiance and fidelity to any foreign prince or State, and particularly to the one of which he may be at the time a citizen or subject. OATH ON APPLICATION FOR ADMISSION. He must at the time of his application to be admitted declare on oath, be- fore some oneof the courts above specified, " that he will support the Consti- tution of the United States, and that he absolutely and entirely renounces and abjures all allegiance and fidelity to ever)' foreign prince, potentate, State, or sovereignty, and particularly, by name, to the prince, potentate, State, or sovereignty of which he was before a citizen or subject," which proceedings must be recorded by the clerk of the court. CONDITIONS FOR CITIZENSHIP. If it shall appear to the satisfaction of the court to which the alien has applied, that he has made a declaration to become a citizen two years before applying for final papers, and has resided continuously within the United States for at least five years, and within the State or Territory where such court is at the time held one year at least ; and that during that time "he has behaved as a man of good moral character, attached to the principles of the Constitution of the United States, and well disposed to the good order and happiness of the same," he will be admitted to citizenship. TITLES OF NOBILITY. If the applicant has borne any hereditary title or order of nobility he must make an express renunciation of the same at the time of his appli- cation. 171 SOLDIERS. Any alien of theageof twenty-one years and upward who has been in the armies of the United States, and has been honorably discharged there- from, may become a citizen on his petition, without any previous dec) ira tion of intention, provided that he has resided in the United Slates at least one year previous to his application, and is of good moral character. (It is judicially decided that residence of one year in a particular Stale is not requisite). MINORS. Any alien under theage of twenty-one years who has resided in the United States three years next preceding his arrival at that age, and who has con- tinued to reside therein to the time he may make application to be admitted a citizen thereof, may, after he arrives at the age of twenty-one years, and after he has resided five years within the United States, including the three years of his minority, be admitted a citizen ; but he must make a declara- tion on oath, and prove to the satisfaction of the court, that for two years next preceding it has been his bona fide intention to become a citizen. CHILDREN OF NATURALIZED CITIZENS. The children of persons who have been duly naturalized, being under the age of twenty-one years at the time of the naturalization of their parents, shall, if dwelling in the United States, be considered as citizens thereof. citizens' children who are born abroad. The children of persons who now are or have been citizens of the United States are, though born out of the limits and jurisdiction of the United States, considered as citizens thereof. CHINESE. The naturalization of Chinamen is expressly prohibited by Section 14, Chapter 126, Laws of 1882. PROTECTION abroad to naturalized citizens. Section 2000 of the Revised Statutes of the United States declares that "all naturalized citizens of the United States while in foreign countries are entitled to and shall receive from this Government the same protection of person and propertv which is accorded to native-born citizens." THE RIGHT OF SUFFRAGE. The right to vote comes from the State, and is a State gift. Naturaliza- tion is a Federal right and is a gift of the Union, not of any one State. In nearly one-half of the Union (aliens who have declared intentions! vote and have the right to vote equally with naturalized or native-born citizens. In the other half only actual citizens may vote. (See Table of Qualifications for voting in each State, on another page.) The Federal naturalization laws apply to the whole Union alike, and provide that no alien may i>c naturalized until after five years' residence. Even after five years' residence and due naturalization he is not entitled to vote unless the laws of the .State confer the privilege upon him, and he may vote in several States six months after landing, if he has declared his intention, under United States law, to become a citizen. CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES OF AHERICA.* We. the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America. [Seel Wheat, 3%h; U Wheat, kOS.] ARTICLE I. Of the Legislature. Section I. All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives. Of the House of Representatives. Sect. II. 1. The House of Representatives shall be composed of members chosen every second year by the people of the several States ; and the electors in each State shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State Legislature. Qualifications of Members. J. No person shall be a Representative who shall not have attained the age of twenty five years, and have been seven years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, lie an inhabitant of that State in which he shall have been elected. Apportionment of Representatives and Direct Taxes— Census. 3. Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several States, which may be included -within this Union, according to the respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a number of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other persons. The actual enumeration shall be made within three years after the first meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent term of ten years, in such manner as they shall by law direct. The number of Representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty thousand, but each State shall have at least one Representative ; and until such enumeration shall be made, the State of New Hampshire shall be entitled to choose three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations one, Connecticut five, New York six, New- Jersey four, Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, Maryland six. Virginia ten, North Carolina five, South Carolina five, and Georgia three. [See 5 Wheat , 317.] Vacancies. 4. When vacancies happen in the representation from any State, the executive authority thereof shall issue writs of election to rill such vacancies. Of their Officers— Impeachment. 5. The House of Representatives shall choose their Speaker and other officers, and shall have the sole power of impeachment. Of the Senate. Sect. III. 1. The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two Senators from each State, chosen by the Legislature thereof, for six years, and each Senator shall have one vote. [See 6 Wheat, 390.] Their Classes. 2. Immediately after they shall be assembled, in consequence of the first election, they shall he divided as equally as may be into three classes. The seats of the Senators of the first class shall be vacated at the expiration of the second year ; of the second class, at the expira- tion of the fourth year ; and of the third class, at the expiration of the sixth year, so that one- third may be chosen every second year. And if vacancies happen by resignation, or other- * This Constitution went into operation on the first Wednesday in March, 1789. [5 Wlieat., 420.] 172 173 wise, during the recess of the Legislature of any state, the executive thereof may make temporary appointments until the next meeting of the Legislature, which shall then fil] such vacancies. Qualifications oftkt Senators. 3. No person shall be a Senator who shall no1 have attained theageol thirtj years, and been nine years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an in- habitant of that State lor which he shall be chosen. Of the Vice-President. 4. The Vice-President of the United states shall be President of the Senate, but shall have no vote unless they be equally divided. Oftht Officersofth Sum,. 5. The Senate shall choose their other officers, and also a President protempore, in the absence of the Vice-President, or when he shall exercise the office of President of the United States. Of Inijit itch mi nt. 6. The Senate shall have the sole power to try all impeachments. When sitting for that purpose they shall be on oath or affirmation. When the President of the United States is tried, the Chief Justice shall preside. And no person shall he convicted without the con- currence of two-thirds of the members present. 7. Judgment, in ease of impeachment, shall not extend further than to removal from office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any office of honor, trust or profit, under the United States; but the party convicted shall, nevertheless, be liable and subject to indict- ment, trial, judgment and punishment according to law. Manm r uf Electing Merribi rs of Congress. Sect. IV. 1. The times, places and manner of holding elections for Senators and Repre- sentatives shall be prescribed by each State, by the Legislature thereof; but the Congress may, at any time, by law, make or alter such regulations, except as to the place of choosing Senators. Of the Meetings of Congress. 2. Congress shall assemble at least once in every year and such meetings shall be on the first Monday m December, unless they shall by law appoint a different day. Powers of Each House. Sect. V. 1. Each House shall be the ji\d(-,?of the elections, returns and qualifications of its own members; and a majority of each shall constitute a quorum to do business: Inn a smaller number may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized to compel the attend- ance of the absent members, in such manner and under such penalties as each Ileus,, may provide. Expulsion. 2. Each House may determine the rules of its proceedings, punish its members for dis- orderly behavior, and with the concurrence of two-thirds, expel a member. [So. I Hal Law Journal, 1,59.} Journals and Yeas and Nays. 3. Each House shall keep a journal of its proceedings, and from time to lime publish the same, excepting such parts as may in their judgment require secrecy ; ami the yeas and nays of members of either House, on any question, shall, at the desire of one-tilth of these present, be entered on the journal. Of Adjournment. 4. Neither House, during the session of Congress, shall, without the consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other place than to that in which the two Houses shall be sitting. Compensation, Privileges and IncapaciMt s of Members. Sect. VI. The Senators and Representatives shall receive a compensation for their services, to be ascertained by law, and paid out of the treasury of the United Stales. Tney shall, in all cases, except treason, felony and breach of the peace, be privileged from arrest during their attendance at the session of their respective Houses, and in going to and returning from the same ; and for any speech or debate in the House they shall not be questioned in any other place. 174 Exclusion from Office. 2. No Senator or Representative shall, during the time for which he was elected, be ap- pointed to any civil office under the authority of ihe United States, which shall have been created, or the emoluments whereof shall have been increased, during such time; and no person holding any office under the United States shall be a member of either House during his continuance in office. Revenue Bills. Sect. VII 1. All bills for raising revenue shall originate in the House of Representatives ; but the Senate may propose or concur with amendments, as on other bills. Manner of Passing Bills, Etc. 2. Every bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate shall, before it becomes a law, be presented to the President of the United States ; if he approve, he shall sign it but if not, he shall return it, with his objections, to the House in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the objections at large on their journal, and proceed to re- consider it. If, after such reconsideration, two-thirds of that House shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent, together with the objections, to the other House, by which it shall like- wise be reconsidered, and if approved by two-thirds of that House, it shall become a law. But in all cases the votes of both Houses shall be determined by yeas and nays, and the names of the persons voting for and against the bill shall be entered on the journal of each House respectively. If any bill shall not be re'urned by the President within ten days (Sun- day.-- excepted) after it shall have been presented to him the same shall be a law, in like manner as if he had signed it, unless Congress, by their adjournment, prevent its return, in which case it shall not be a law. Orders, Resolutions and Voles. 3. Every order, resolution or vote, to which the concurrence of the Senate and House of Representatives may be necessary (except on the question of adjournment) shall be presented to the President of the United States, and before the same shall take effect, shall be approved by him, or, being disapproved by him, shall be repassed by two thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives, according to the rules and limitations prescribed in the case of bills. General Powers of Congress. Sect. VIII. Congress shall have power : I. To lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defense and general welfare of the United States , but all duties, imposts and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States. [See 5 Wheaton, 317.] 2 To borrow money on the credit of the United States. 3. To reguUte commerce with foreign nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian tribes. [See 9 Wheaton, 1-2; Hall's Am. L Jom-.. ::,:,, ..v.'.- Johns., ' t ss.) 4. To establish a uniform rule of naturalization, and uniform laws on the subject of bank- ruptcies, throughout the United States. [See / Wheaton, 122, 193, 209; 2 Wheaton, 266; 20 Johns., 93.] 5. To coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coins, and fix the standard of weights and measures. 6. To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities and current coin of the United States. 7. To establish post offices and post roads. 8. To promote the progress of science and usaful arts by securing, for limited times, to ant In as and inventors, the exclusive right to their respective writings and discoveries. [See Wheaton' s App., n 2, p. 13; 7 Wheaton, 356.] 9. To constitute tribunals inferior to the Supreme Court. 10. To define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, and offences against the law of nations. [5 Wheaton, 76, 15S, I8i ; 3 Wheaton, 336.] II. To declare war, grant le ters of marque and reprisal, and make rules concerning captures on lana and waters. [S Craneh, 110, 15U.] 12. To raise and support armies ; but no appropriation of money to that use shall be for a longer period than two years. 13. To provide and maintain a navy. [See 1 Mason, 79, SI ; h Binn., US7.] 14. To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces. 15. To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrection and repel invasion. [Sic 5 Wheaton, 1 ; 19 Johns., 7.] 175 1G. To provide for organizing, arming and disciplining the militia, and for governing such partot them as may be employed in the service of the United States, reserving to the States, respectively, theappouvmentof officersand the authority of training the militia according o the discipline prescribed by Congress. [8 S. & R., 169; 5 Wheoton, i ; 19 Johns., 7 J 17. To exercise exclusive legislation, in all cases whatsoever, oversuch districl (no1 ex- ceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of particular States and the acceptance oi i oi gress, become the seat of government of the United States; ami to exercise like authority over all places purchased by the authority of the Legislature of the State in which the same shall be, for tt.e erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dock-yards and other needful buildings ; and— [See 2 Mason, 60; 5 Wheaton, M7, S8U; 6 Wheaton !M; Jour, of Juris., 17, 156; 11 Johns m.] IS. To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution tin- foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this Constitution in the government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof. [4 Wheaton, AH; 6 Wheaton, SOL] Limitations of the Powers of Congress. Sect. IX. 1. The migration or importation of such persons as any of the States now ex- isting shall think proper to admit shall not be prohibited by Congress, prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight ; but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceedng ten dollars for each person, 2. The privileges of the writ of habeas corpus shall not lie suspended unless, when in cast of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require it. 3. No bill of attainder or ex post facto law shall be passed. [See S Dallas, 3S6 :,0>; ■ /; Binn 271.] 4. No capitation or other direct tax shall lie laid, unless in proportion to the census or enumeration hereinbefore directed t< > 1 le taken. [Si e 5 Wheat., -H7 ; .1 Dall. , 171.] 5. No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any State. No preference shall be given, by any regulation of commerce or revenue, to the ports of one Sta'e overthoseof another; nor shall vessels bound to or from one State be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in another. 6. No money shall be drawn from the treasury but in consequence of appropriations made by law ; and a regular statement of any account of receipts and expenditures of all public money shall be pub'ished from time to time. 7. No title of nobility shall be granted by the United States; and no person holding any office of profit or trust under them shall, without the consent of Congress, accept of any present, emolument, office, or title of any kind whatever, irom any king, prince or foreign State. Limitations of the Poivers of the Individual States. Sect. X. l. No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation ; grant let- ters of marque or reprisal ; coin money ; emit bills of credit; make anything but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts ; pass any bill of attainder, ex post facto law, or law- impairing the obligation of contracts ; or grant any title of nobility. [See 8 Wheat., 8U, -'.'. i56, n. ISA; o Wheat., 180; h Wheat., 519, 1,209; 6 Wheat.,181; 16 Johns., 2SS; i: Mass.. U; I? Johns. Ch. ];., 297 ; 2 Cowen, 626.] 2. No State shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any imposts or duties on imports or exports, except what may be absolutely necessary for executing its inspection Laws; and the net produce of all duties and imposts laid by any State on imports and exports, shall be for the use of the Treasury of the United States; and all such lawsshall be subject to the revision and control of Congress. No State shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any duty on tonnage, keep troops or ships of war in time of peace, enter into any agreement or compact with another State, or with a foreign power, or engage in war, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay. ARTICLE II. OF THE PRESIDENT. Of the Executive Powt r. Section I. 1. The Executive power shall he vested in a President oi the United States of America. He shall hold his office during the term of four years, and together with the Vice-President, chosen for the same term, be elected as follows ; Mannt r </ flu President. Sect. II. 1. The President shall be Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States, and of the militia of the several States, when called into the actual service of tlie United States; he may require the opinion, in writing, of the principal officer in each of the executive departments, upon any subject relating to the duties of their respective offices, and he shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons, for offences against the United States, except in cases of impeachment. Of Making Treaties. 2. He shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to make trea- ties, provided two-thirds of the Senate present concur; and he shall nominate, and by and 177 with the advice and consent of the Senate, shall appoint Ambassadors, and other public Ministers, and Consuls, Judges of the Supreme Court, and all other officers of the United States, whose appointments are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be ee tablished by law. But Congress may, by law. vest the appointment of such inferior others as they think proper, in the President alone, in the courts of law, or In the heads of depart- ments. Power of Appointment. 3. The President shall have power to fill up all vacancies that may happen during (he recess of the Senate, by granting commissions which shall expire at the end of their next session. Farther Powers and Duties. Sect. III. He shall, from time to time, give to Congress information of the state of the Union, and recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient ; he may, on extraordinary occasions, convene both Houses, or either of them ; and in case of disagreement between them, with respect to the time of adjournment, he may adjourn them to such a time as he shall think proper ; he shall receive ambassadors and other public ministers ; he shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed, and shall commission all the officers of the United States. [See 1 Crunch, 187.] Of Impeachment. Sect. IV. The President, Vice-President, and all civil officers of the United States, shall be removed from office on impeachment for, and conviction of, treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors. ARTICLE III. OF THE JUDICIARY. Of the Judicial Power— Concerning the Judges. Section I. The judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one Supreme Court, and in such inferior courts as Congress may, from time to time, ordain and establish. The judges, both of the Supreme and inferior courts, shall hold their offices during good behavior, and shall, at stated times, receive for their services a compensation, which shall nor lie diminished during their continuance in office. [Sec 7 Johns. Ch. R., SOS.] Ex'ent of the Judicial Power— This Clause Altered Postea—See Amendments, Art. XI. Sect. II. The judicial power shall extend to all cases in law and equity, arising under this Constitution, the laws of the United States, and treaties made, or which shall be made, under their authority ; to all cases affecting ambassadors, or other public ministers ami o m- suls ; to all cases of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction ; to controversies to which the United States shall be a party ; to controversies between two or more States ; between a State and citizens of another state: between citizens of different States; between citizens of the same State, claiming lands under grants of different States, and between a. State, or the citizens thereof and foreign States, citizens or subjects. [See 2 Doll., 297 ; t; Wheat., 2G.'„ 1,05; 2 Mazon, U72; 9 Wheat, 819.] Of Original and Appellate Jurisdiction of the Supremi Court. 2. In all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls, and those in which a State shall be a party, the Supreme Court shall have original jurisdiction. In all other cases before mentioned, the Supreme Court shall have appellate jurisdiction, both as to law and fact, with such exceptions, and under such regulations, as Congress shall make. [6 Sergt. & E., 5U5 ; 1 Binn., 138.] Of Trials for Crimes. 3. The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury ; and such trial shall be held in the State where the said crime shall have been committed ; but when not committed within any State, the trial shall be at such place or places as < longress may, by law, have directed. Of Treason. Sect. III. 1. Treason against the United States shall consist only in levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort. No person shall be convicted of treason, unless on the testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act, or on confession in open court, [i Cranch App., Note B., h70, 126.] 2. Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of treason, but no attainder of treason shall work corruption of blood, or forfeiture, except during the life of the person attainted. 178 ARTICLE IV. OF STATE RECORDS. Sect. I. Full faith and credit shall be given, in each State, to the public acts, records, and judicial proceedings of every other State. And Congress may, by general laws, pre- scribe the manner in which such acts, records and proceedings shall be proved, and the effect thereof. [See 7 Crunch, 1,81; 3 Wheat., 231,; 1 Peters, SI, 351; 6 Wheat., 129.] OF CITIZENSHIP. Sect. II. 1. The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States.* [Sec U Johns. Ch. R., 1,30.] of fugitives from justice. 2. A person charged in any State for treason, felony, or other crime, who shall flee from justice and be found in another State, shall, on demand of the executive authority of the State from which he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the State having jurisdiction of the crime. [See h Johns. Ch. R., 106.] of persons held to service. 3. No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up, on the claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due. [See 2 S. & R., 306 ; SS.&R.,U; 5 S. & R., 62.] of the admission of new states. Sect. III. 1. New States may be admitted by Congress into this Union ; but no new State shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other State, nor any State be formed by the junction of two or more States or parts of States, without the consent of the Legislatures of the States concerned, as well as of Congress. of territories. 2. Congress shall have power to dispose of, and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory or other property belonging to the United States ; and nothing in this Constitution shall be so construed as to prejudice any claims of the United States, or any particular State. OF THE STATE FORMS OF GOVERNMENT. Republican Form of Government Guaranteed to the Several States. Sect. IV. The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a republican form of government, and shall protect each of them against invasion ; and on application of the Legislature, or of the executive (when the Legislature cannot be convened), against domestic violence. ARTICLE V. OF amendments to the constitution. Congress, whenever two-thirds of both Houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose amendments to this Constitution, or on the application of the Legislatures of two-thirds of the several States, shall call a Convention for proposing amendments, which in either case shall be valid, to all intent's and purposes, as part of this Constitution, when ratified by the Legislatures of three-fourths of the several States, or by Conventions in three-fourths thereof, as the one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by Congress : Provided, That no amendment which may be made prior to the year eighteen hundred and eight, shall in any manner affect the first and fourth clauses in the ninth section of the first article ; and that no State, without its consent, shall be deprived of its equal suffrage in the Senate. ARTICLE VI. OF PUBLIC DEBT. Section I. All debts contracted, and engagements entered into, before the adoption of this Constitution, shall be as valid against the United States under this Constitution asunder the confederation. of the supreme law of the land. Sect. II. This Constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land ; and the judges in every State shall be bound thereby, anything in the Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwith- standirg. * Free negroes and mulattoes are not citizens within the meaning of the Constitution. [2 Lift.. 333.] 179 OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL OATH AND RELIGIOUS TEST. Sect. III. The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and the members of the several State Legislatures, and all executive and judicial officers, both of the United States • and of the several States, shall be bound by oath or affirmation, to support this Constitution; but no religious test shall ever be required as a qualification to any office of public trust under the United States. ARTICLE VII. RATIFICATION OF THE CONSTITUTION. The ratification of the Conventions of nine States shall be sufficient for the establish- ment of this Constitution, between the States so ratifying the same. [5 Wheat., '<::.] Done in the Convention, by the unanimous consent of the States present, the seven- teenth day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty- seven, and of the Independence of the United States of America the twelfth. In witness whereof, we have hereunto subscribed our names. GEO. WASHINGTON, President, And Deputy from Virginia. NEW HAMPSHIRE. John Langdon, Nicholas Gilman. MASSACHUSETTS. Nathaniel Gorman, Rufus King. CONNECTICUT. William Samuel Johnson, Rodger Sherman. PENNSYLVANIA. Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Mifflin, Robert Morris, George Clymer, Thomas Fitzsimons, Jared Ingersoll, James Wilson, Gouv. Morris. VIRGINIA. John Blair, James Madison, Jun. MARYLAND. Daniel of St. Thomas Jenifer .James McHenry, Daniel Carroll. NEW JERSEY. William Livingston, David Brearly, William Patterson, Jonathan Dayton. NEW YORK. Alexander Hamilton. DELAWARE. George Reed, Gunning Bedford, Jun., John Dickinson, Richard Bassett, Jacob Broom. SOUTH CAROLINA. John Rutledge, Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, Charles Pinckney, Pierce Butleb. NORTH CAROLINA. William Blount, Richard Dobbs Spaight, Hugh Williamson. GEORGIA. William Baldwin. Abraham Few, Attest: William Jackson, Secretary. ISO AMENDMENTS. The following articles proposed by Congress, in addition to and amendments of the Constitution of the United States, having been ratified by the Legislatures of three-fourths of the States, are become a part of the Constitution. ARTICLE I. First Congress, First Session, March 5th, 1789. Of the Right of Conscience, Freedom of the Press, etc. Congress shall make no law respecting the establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press ; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the government for a redress of grievances. [See 3 Yeates, 520.] ARTICLE II. Of the Right to Bear Arms. A well regulated militia being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed. ARTICLE III. Of Quartering Troops. No soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered in any house without the consent of the owner ; nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law. ARTICLE IV. Of the Right to be Secure from Search, etc. The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated ; and no warrant shall issue but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized. [3 Cranch., Ul*8, 1*53 ; 6 Binn., 316-1 ARTICLE V. Of Indictments, Punishments, etc. No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual service in time of war or public danger ; nor shall any person be subject, for the same offense, to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb ; nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself; nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law, nor shall private property be taken for public use without just compensation. [IS Johns., 187, 201 ; 3 Yeates, 362; 6 Binn., 509; 2Dall.,312; 2 Johns. Ch.R.,16U; 1S.&R.,3S2; 6 Cowcn, 530 ; 8 Wend., 85 ; 7 Pct.,21,3.} ARTICLE VI. Of Trial in Criminal Cases and the Rights of a Defendant. In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been com- mitted, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation ; to be confronted with the witnesses against him ; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense. ARTICLE VII. Of Trials in Civil Cases. In suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved ; and no fact tried by a jury shall be otherwise reex- amined in any court of the United States, than according to the rules of the common law. [See 8 Wheat, 85, 67 U.] 181 ARTICLE VIII. Of linil and Fines. Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive flues imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted. [See 20 Johns., 1,57 ; 3 Cowen,686.] ARTICLE IX. Of Eights Reserved. The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others, retained by the people. ARTICLE X. Of Powers Reserved to the States. The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people. [Sec 1 Wheat., 825.] ARTICLE XL Third Congress, Second Session, December 2d, 1793. Of the Judicial Poivcr—Sce Art. 3, Sec. 2. The judicial power of the United States shall not be construed to extend to any suit, in law or equity, commenced or prosecuted against one of the United States, by citizens of an- other State, or by citizens or subjects of any foreign State. [Sec 6 Wheat, h05 ; 1 Pet., 110; 7 Pet., 627.] ARTICLE XII. Eighth Congress, First Session, October 17, 1803. Manner of Electing the President and Vice-President. The electors shall meet in their respective States,* and vote by ballot for President and Vice-President, one of whom, at least, shall not be an inhabitant of the same State with themselves ; they shall name, in their ballots, the person voted for as President, and in dis- tinct ballots the person voted for as Vice-President ; and they shall make distinct lists of all persons voted for as President, and of all persons voted for as Vice-President, and of the number of votes for each ; which lists they shall sign and certify, and transmit, sealed, f to the seat of the Government of the United States, directed to the President of the Senate ; the President of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the certificates,! and the votes shall then be counted ; the person having the great- est number of votes for President shall be the President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed. And if no person have such a majority, then from the persons having the highest number, not exceeding three, on the list of those voted for as President, the House of Representatives shall choose immediately, by ballot, the President; but in choosing the President, the votes shall be taken by States, the representation from each State having one vote ; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or mem- bers from two-thirds of the States, and a majority of all the States shall be necessary to a choice ; and if the House of Representatives shall not choose a President whenever the right of a choice shall devolve upon them, before the fourth day of March next following, then the Vice-President shall act as President, as in the case of the death or other constitutional disability of the President. The person having the greatest number of votes as Vice-Presi- dent shall be the Vice-President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of elect- ors appointed ; and if no person have a majority, then from the two highest numbers on the list, the Senate shall choose the Vice-President ; a quorum for the purpose shall consist of two-thirds of the whole number of Senators, and a majority of the whole number shall be necessary to a choice. But no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of President, shall be eligible to that of Vice-President of the United States. ARTICLE XIII. Slavery Prohibited— Thirteenth Amendment, Passed 1865. Section I. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime, •whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction. Sect. II. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation. * On the first Wednesday in December, by act of Congress, 1st March, 1702. t Before the first Wednesday in January, by act of Congress, 1st March, 1792. X On the second Wednesday in February, by the same act. 182 Fourteenth Amendment. Section I. All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the juris- diction thereof are citizens of the United States, and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States. Nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law, nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws Sect. II. Representatives shall be apportioned among the several States according to their respective numbers, counting the whole number of persons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed ; but whenever the right to vote at any election for electors of President and Vice-President, or for United States Representatives in Congress, executive and judicial officers, or the members of the Legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male inhabitants of such State, being twenty-one years of age and citizens of the United States, or in any way abridged, except for participation in rebellion or other crime, the basis of representation therein shall be reduced in the proportion which the number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in such State. Sect. III. No person shall be a Senator or Representative in Congress, elector of Presi- dent and Vice-President, or hold any office, civil or military, under the United States, or under any State, who having previously taken an oath as a member of Congress, or as an officer of the United States, or as a member of any State Legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer of any State, to support the Constitution of the United States, shall have en- gaged in insurrection or rebellion against the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof; but Congress may, by a vote of two-thirds of each House, remove such disability. Sect. IV. The validity of the public debt of the United States authorized by law, in- cluding debts incurred for the payment of pensions and bounties for service in suppressing insurrection or rebellion, shall not be questioned, but neither the United States nor any State shall assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of insurrection or rebellion against the United States, or claim for the loss or emancipation of any slave, but all such debts, obligations and claims shall be held illegal and void. Sect. V. The Congress shall have power to enforce, by appropriate legislation, the pro- visions of this article. Fifteenth Amendment to the Constitution of the United States, Passed by the Fortieth Congress. Be it resolved, etc., Two-thirds of bote Houses concurring, that the following amendment to the Constitution of the United States be submitted to the Legislatures of the several States, and when ratified by three-fourths thereof, it shall be a part of said Constitution. ARTICLE XV. Section I. The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States, or by any State, on account of race, color, or previous con- ditions of servitude. Sect. II. The Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation 183 Origin, Settlement and Population of United States and Territories. State or Territory. Popular name. Set tied. Territory from which derived. Cotton 1713 1590 1G85 1769 1540 1033 1027 1660 15f5 1733 1842 1720 1832 1730 1835 1850 1775 1699 1030 1034 1620 1670 1819 1716 1755 1852 1850 1850 1023 1627 1582 1623 1585 1859 1768 1S89 1811 1648 1036 1562 1859 1765 1690 1847 1763 1607 1845 1607 1745 1S67 Bought from Russia. New Mexico. New Albion, Upper California. North Virginia and New England. Maryland and Virginia. Florida Territory. North Virginia and New England. Idaho Territory. Northwest and Illinois Territory. Louisiana. Northwest and Indiana Territory. Dist. La , La. Ter., Mo., Mich , Wis Ter Florida Idaho Cracker Hoosier Dist. Louisiana and Kansas Territory. Virginia. New England, Laconia, Massachusetts. Old Line Bav North Virginia and New England. Northwest, Indiana and Michigan Ter. Dist. of Louisiana, Minnesota Territory. Gopher S'ubtoe Black-water Dist. of.Louisiana, Nebraska Territ ry. Upper California. North Virginia. Laconia, New England. New Netherlands. Mexico. aNcw York Empire Old North Albemarle Colony. Ohio Buckeye Northwest Territory. Dist. of Louisiana, Oregon Territory. aRhode Island Little Rhodv .... No. Va.. N. E., Aquiday, Prow, R. I. Plan. Kentucky Territory. Texas Utah Upper California. Green Mountain. Old Dominion Chinook Little Mountain.. New Netherlands, New Hampshire Grants. South Virginia. Washington Territory. West Virginia Siuth Virginia, Virginia. Dist. Louisiana. Illiuois Ter.. Michigan Ter. Wyoming Territory. a The thirteen original States, 184 State or Territory. Alabama Alaska Territory Arizona Territory Arkansas. California Colorado aConnecticut aDelaware District Columbia Florida aGeorgia Idaho Illinois Indian Territory Indiana Iowa Kansas Kentucky Louisiana dMaine aMaryland a Massachusetts Michigan Minnesota Mississippi Missouri Montana Nebraska Nevada aNew Hampshire aNew Jersey New Mexico Ter. .. aNew York aNorth Carolina North Dakota Ohio Oklahoma Territory. Oregon a Pennsylvania aRhode Island aSouth Carolina South Dakota Tennessee , Texas Utah Vermont aVirginia Washington West Virginia Wisconsin Wyoming By Whom Settled. Date of Admission or Ter. Organization. French. Spanish French , Spanish French Em. from Mass.. Swedes and Finns. English Spanish English Emigrants French Spanish French Em. fromN. E Em. from West. St. Em. from Virginia, French English English English Puritans.. French Em. fromN. E French French Em. from South.... Emigrants Em. from Cal English Dutch and Danes.. Spanish Dutch English Em. from Mid. St's. Em. fromN. E Emigrants Em. from N. Y Swedes English French Km. from Mid. St's Em. fromN. C Spanish Spanish Em. from Mass English Em. from Cal English French Em. from Mid. St's December 14, July 27, February 24, June 15, September 9, bPopulation at cPresent Time of Adm'n. Population. August January 9, December 7, July, March 3, January 2, July ' 3, December 3, June 30, December 11, December 28, January 29, June April March April February January May December 10, August 10, November 8, March 1, October 31, June 21, December 18, September 9, July 26, November 21, November 2, November 29, A] nil 22, February 14, December 12, May 29, May 23, November 2 June 1 December 29 (Ter., Sept. 9 I State, March 4 June 25 November 11 June 19 Mav 29 July 10 1819.... 1808.... 1863.... 1836..., 1850.... 1876..., 1788..., 1787... 1791... 1845... 1788... 1890... 1818... 1834... 1816... 1846... 1861... 179?... 1812 .. 1820... 1788... 1788... 1837... 1858... 1817... 1821... 1*89... 1867... 1864... 1788... 1787.., 1850... 1788... 1789.... 1889.... 1802.... 1889.... 1859.... 1787.... 1790... 1788... 1889... ,1796... 1845.... 1856 1 1896 } 1791.... 17S8.... 18S9... 1863.... ,1848.... 1889.... 127,901 52,240 92,597 150,000 237,496 59,096 58,680 82,548 84,229 34,620 63,805 81,920 107,206 73,077 76,566 298,269 319,728 378,787 212,267 172,023 75,512 60,586 131,769 60,000 40,000 141,885 184,139 340,120 393,751 182,425 41,915 52,465 434,373 68,825 249,033 327,848 77,202 212,592 85,339 747,610 442,014 305,391 60,589 1,513,017 38,000 59,620 1,128,179- 1, -Jos, 130 412,198 746,258 168,493 230,392 391,432 1,837,353 M,:;s5 3,826,351 345,000 2,112,404 1,911,896 1,427,096 1,858,635 1,118,587 660,086 1,043,380 2,238,943 2,093,889 1,301,826 1,289,600 2,679,184 132,159 1,058,910 45,000 376,530 1,444,953 153,593 5,997,853 1,617,947 182,719 3,672,316 61,834 313,767 5.258,014 345,506 1,151,149 328,808 1,767,518 2,235,523 207,905 332,422 1,655^80 349,390 762,794 1,680,880 60,705 The thirteen original States, b According to nearest census, c Census of 1890. a part of Massachusetts. d Previously POPULATION OF THE UNITED STATES. AT EACH CENSUS FROM 1790 TO 1890. (Compiled from the Reports of the Superintendents of the Census.) States and Territories. Alabama Arizona Arkansas California Colorado Connecticut Dakota Delaware D. of Columbia Florida Georgia Idaho Illinois Indiana Iowa Kansas. Kentucky Louisiana ^Maine Maryland Massachusetts Michigan Minnesota Mississippi Missouri Montana Nebraska., Nevada New Hampshire.. New Jersey New Mexico New York North Carolina. North Dakota .Ohio Oklahoma Oregon Pennsylvania Rhode Island South Carolina.... South Dakota Tennessee Texas Utah Vermont Virginia Washington West Virginia Wisconsin Wyoming 1810. 261,942 72,674 24,023 1820. 127,901 14,255 275,148 72,749 32,039 252,4331 340,985 12,282 24,520 406,511 76,566 *228,705 380,546 472,040 4,762 55,162 147,178 40,352 20,845 214,460 245,562 Total. 959,049 555,500 230,760 810,091 76,931 415,115 261,727 217,895 974,600 564,135 152,923 298,269 407,350 523,159 8,765 75,448 66,557 244,022 277,426 1,372,111 638,829 581,295 1,047,507 83,015 502,741 422,771 235,966 1.065,116 1S30. 309,527 '" 30, 388 297,675 76,748 39,834 34,730 516.823 157,445 .343,031 687,917 215,739 399,455 447,040 610,408 31,639 136,621 140,455 269,32b 320,823 1,918,608 737,987 937,903 1,348,233 97,199 581,185 681,904 280,652 1,211,405 7,239,881 9,633,822 12,866,020 17 069,453 I 590,756 "97,574 309,978 78,085 43,712 54,477 691,392 476,183 e„s5 n;i; 43,112 779,828 352,411 501,793 470,019 737,699 212,267 375,651 383,702 1850. 771,623 209,897 92,597 370,792 91,532 51,687 87,445 906,185 851,470 988,416 192,214 982,405 517,762 583,169 583,034 994,514 397,654 6,077 606,526 682,044 284,574 373,306 2,428,921 753,419 1,519,467 1,724,033 108,830 594,398 829,210 291,948 1,239,797 30,915 317,976 489,555 61,547 3,097,394 869,039 1,980,329 13,294 2,311,' 147,545 668,50 1,002,717 212,592 11,380 314,120 1,421,661 305,391 23,191,876 1860. 964,201 435,450 379,994 34,277 460,147 4,837 112,216 75,080 140,424 1,057,286 1,711,951 1,350,428 674,913 107,206 1,155,684 708,002 628,279 687,049 1,231,066 749,113 172,023 791,305 1,182,012 28,841 6,857 326,073 672,035 93,516 3,880,735 992,622 2,339,511 52,465 2,906,215 174,620 703,708 1,109,801 604,215 40,273 315,098 1,596,318 11,594 775.SS1 31,443,321 1870. 996,992 9,658 484,471 560,247 39,864 537,454 14,181 125,015 131,700 187,748 1,184,109 14,999 2,539,891 1,680,637 1,194,020 364,399 1,321,011 726,915 626,915 780,894 1,457,351 1,184,059 439,706 827,922 1,721,295 20,595 122,993 42,491 318,300 906,096 91,874 4,382,759 X,071,361 2,665,260 90,923 3,521,951 217,353 705.606 1,262,595 40,440 802.525 864,694 194,327 622,700 135,177 146,608 177,624 269,493 1,542,180 32,610 3,077,871 1,978,301 1,624,615 996,091' 1,648,690 939,946 648,936 934,943 1,783,085 1,636,937 780,773 1,131,597 2,168,380 39,159 452,402 62,266 346,991 1,131,116 119,565 5,082,871 1,399,750 3,198,062 174,768 4,282,891 276,531 995,57 1,258,520, 818,579! 86,786! 330,551' 1,225,163 i 23,955 412,011 1,054,670 9,118 1,542,359 1,591,749 143,963 332,286 1,512,565 75,116 618,457 1,315,497 20,789 38,558,371 50,155,783 1890. 1,513,017 59,620 1,128,179 1,208,130 419,198 746,258 168,493 230,392 391,422 1,837,353 84,38-i 3,826,351 2,192,404 1,911,896 1,427,096 1,858,635 1,118,587 661,086 1,042,390 2,238,943 2,093,889 1,301,826 1,289,600 2,679,184 132,159 1,058,910 45,761 376,530 1,444,933 153,593 5,997,853 1,617,947 182,719 3,672,316 61,834 313,767 5,258,014 345,506 1,151,149 328,808 1,767,518 2,235,523 207,905 332,422 1,655,980 349,390 762,704 1,686,880 60,705 62,622,250 186 The inhabitants of Alaska and the Indian Territory are not included in the above. The population of Alaska, in 1890, was 30,329 ; of the Indian Territory, 179,321. Total population of the United States in 1890, 62,831,900. Population : Census OF 1790. — Connecticut, 237,916 ; Delaware, 59,096 ; Georgia, 82,548; Kentucky, 73,677; Maine,* 96,540 ; Maryland, 319,728 ; Massachusetts, 378,787; New Hampshire, 141,885; New Jersey, 184,139; New York, 393,751; Pennsylvania, 434,373; Rhode Island, 68,825; South Carolina, 249,072 ; Tennessee, 35,691 ; Vermont, 85,425 ; Virginia, 747,610. Total U. S., 3,589,063. Population : Census of 1800. — Connecticut, 251,002 ; Delaware, 64,273 ; District of Columbia, 14,093 ; Georgia, 162,686; Indiana, 5,641 ; Kentucky, 220,955; Maine,* 151,719 ; Maryland, 341,548 ; Massachusetts, 422,845 ; Mis- sissippi, 8,850 ; New Hampshire, 183,858; New Jersey, 211,149 ; New York, 589,051 ; North Carolina, 478,103 ; Ohio, 45,365 ; Pennsylvania, 602,365 ; Rhode Island, 69,122; South Carolina, 345,591 ; Tennessee, 105,602 ; Vermont,. 154,465 ; Virginia, 880,200; Total, U. S., 5,308,483. Population Prior to 1790 (according to Bancroft): 1688, 200,000: 1714,434,600; 1727,580,000; 1750,1,260,000; [754,1,425,000; 1760, 1,695,000; 1770, 2,312,000 ; 1780, 2,945,000 (2,383,000 white, 562,000 colored). WHITE AND NEGRO POPULATION OF THE SOUTH. The following shows the growth of the population by decades in the territory now covered by the sixteen Southern States — Alabama, Arkansas* Delaware, Florida, Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maryland, Mississippi, Missouri, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Virginia and West Virginia, and the District of Columbia : In 1790, the white population was 1,271,488; 1800, 1,702,980; 1810, 2,208,785; 1820,2,831,560; 1830,3,660,758; 1840,4,632,530; 1850,6,222,418; i860, 8,097,462 ; 1870, 9.466,353 ; 1880, 12,578,253 ; 1890, 15,549-358. In 1790, the colored population was 689,884 ; 1800, 918,336 ; 1810, 1,272,- 119; 1820, 1,653,240; 1830, 2,187,545; 1840, 2,701,901; 1850, 3,442,238; i860, 4,215,614 ; 1S70, 4,538,883 ; 1880, 6,099,253 ; 1890, 6,898,806. From the above it will be seen that in the above Southern States and the District of Columbia the colored population increased from 1880 to 1890, at the rate of 13. 1 percent., and the white at the rate of 23. 6 per cent. * Maine was a part of Massachusetts until its admission into the Union in 1820. 187 POPULATION OF THE UNITED STATES ACCORDING TO NATIONALITY. (Compiled from the reports of the census of 1890.) States and Territories. Alabama Arizona Arkansas California Colorado Connecticut Delaware ]>ist. of Columbia Florida Georgia Idaho Illinois Indiana Iowa Kansas Kentucky Louisiana Maine Maryland Massachusetts .... Michigan Minnesota Mississippi Missouri Montana Nebraska Nevada New Hampshire.. New Jersey New Mexico New York North Carolina ... North Dakota Ohio Oklahoma Oregon Pennsylvania Rhode Island South Carolina ... South Dakota Tennessee Texas Utah Vermont Virginia Washington West Virginia Wisconsin Wyoming German Born. 3,945 1,188 6,225 61,472 15,151 28,176 2,469 5,778 1,855 3,679 1,939 338,382 84,900 127.241'. 46,423 32,620 14,625 1.104 52.436 28,034 135,509 116,955 2,284 125,461 5,609 72.61S 1,563 1,631 106,181 1,413 498,602 1,077 8,943 235,668 739 12,475 230,516 3,200 2,502 18.1S8 5,361 48,843 2,121 877 4,361 15 399 7,292 259,819 2,037 Irish Born. 2,604 1,171 2,021 63,138 12,352 77,880 6,121 7.221 1,056 3,374 1,917 124,498 20,819 37,353 15,870 13,920 9,236 11,444 18,735 259,902 39,065 28,011 1,865 40,966 6,648 15,963 2,646 14,890 101,059 966 483,375 451 2.967 70,127 829 4,891 243.S36 38,920 1,665 4,774 5.016 8,201 2.045 9,810 4,578 7,799 4,799 33,306 1,900 English Born.* 2,945 1,117 1,570 35,503 14,407 20,575 1,917 2,128 2,765 1,585 3,138 70,510 11.200 26.228 18,086 4,162 2,457 7,286 5,591 76 513 55,388 14,745 887 18,675 6,481 14,472 2,149 4,763 43,785 1,258 144,422 . 882 3,321 51,027 290 5,679 125,145 20,913 597 5.113 2,857 9,443 20,905 3,519 3,355 9,857 2,700 23,633 3,148 British- Scandi- Russian Scotch Ameri- and French Born. can Born. Polish Born. Born. Born. 1,391 620 412 328 592 318 732 407 66 296 430 947 518 364 428 9,299 26,028 22,389 4,054 11,855 4,339 9,142 12,202 1,578 1,328 5,992 21,231 12,018 4,531 2,048 432 309 301 534 183 578 655 270 309 3S5 570 1,151 813 148 275 619 609 340 320 306 643 1,791 3,506 128 178 20,405 39,525 128,897 37,285 8,540 2,948 4,954 5,515 3,690 3,297 7,701 17,465 72,873 1,235 2,327 5,546 11,874 22,018 10,195 2,236 1,010 1,173 396 566 1,168 465 762 696 445 8,437 2,285 52,076 2,711 474 441 2,323 1,020 599 6,055 623 21,909 207,601 22,655 10,666 3,273 12,068 181,416 41,496 27,558 5,182 5,315 43,580 215,215 14,736 1,869 203 345 449 194 449 4,601 8,525 7,461 4,065 4,175 1,588 9,040 6,411 812 478 3,839 12,105 46,341 7,786 1,256 360 1,662 715 78 226 1,906 46,321 1,525 218 222 13,163 4,698 8,467 8,935 4,714 436 681 245 97 284 35,332 93,193 43,270 81,184 20,443 3*1 355 90 97 55 1,788 23,045 34,216 4,335 203 10,275 16,515 4,209 10,513 7,171 118 420 211 61 82 2,242 6,460 7,333 2,679 842 32 081 12,171 23,594 42,506 90,033 4,984 27,934 3,831 864 460 293 159 119 241 138 1,579 9,493 31,372 12,674 350 704 1,020 465 645 490 2,172 2,866 4,768 2,568 2,730 3,474 1 ,222 16,863 310 205 1,730 25,004 966 212 175 1,034 780 425 474 331 3,514 17,412 21,413 2,327 1,046 914 374 123 195 213 5,494 33,163 99,738 19,939 2,909 1,380 1,134 2,382 812 127 242,231 980,938 933,249 330,084 113,174 Born. 322 207 187 15,495 3,882 5,285 459 467 408 159 509' 8,035 46S- 399 616 707 7,767 253- 1,416 8,006 3,088 828 425 2,416 734 717 1,129 312 12,989 355 64,141 28 21 3,857 11 589' 24,662 2,468 106 269 788 2,107 347 445 1,219 1,408 632 1,123 259 * Includes natives of Great Britain not specified. The following are the total number of foreign born inhabitants in the United States, ac- cording to nationality: From Germany, 2,784,894; Ireland, 1,871,509; British America in- cluding Newfoundland, 980,938; England, 909,092; Sweden, 478.041; Norwav, 322,665 ; Scot- land, 242,231; Russia, 182,644; Italv. 182,580; Poland. 147,440; Denmark, 132,543; Austria. 123,271; Bohemia, 118,106; France, 113,174; China, 106,688 ; Switzerland, 104.069; Wales, 103,- 079; Netherlands, 81,828; Mexico, 77,853; Hungary, 62,435 ; Belgium and Luxembourg, 25,521 ; Cuba and West Indies, 23,256; Portugal, 15,996; Central and South America, 6,198; Spain, 6,185; India, including Asia, not specified, 4,403; Japan, 2,292; Greece, 1,887; all others, 41,- 729. Total foreign born, 9,249,547. The number of persons in the United States of foreign parentage (1890) is 20,670.046, being 33.02 per cent, of the population. The percentage in 1880 was 29.75 ; in 1870 was 28.25. The total number of foreign born and born of foreign parentage, 29,925,593. Total number of native born and born of native parentage, 32,696,657. Percentage of increase of foreign born inhabitants from 1880 to 1890, specified according to nationality: Hungarians, 441.7; Russians, 411.3: Italians, 312.8; Austrians, 218.8; Poles, 203.6; Swedes, 146.0; Danes, 106.4; Portuguese, 96.5; Norwegians, 77.5; Belgians, 45.7 ; Scotch, 42.3; Cubans and West Indians, 41.8; Germans, 41.6; Dutch, 40.8: Bohemians. 38.3; British- Americans, 36.7; English, 36.8: Spaniards, 20.7; Welsh, 20.1; Swiss, 17.4; Mexicans, 13.8; 6outh Americans, 9.6 : French, 5 8 ; Chinese, 2.1 : Irish, 0.9. 188 POPULATION OF THE UNITED STATES. (Compiled from the Census Report of 1890.) NUMBER OF DWELLINGS AND FAMILIES IN EACH OF THE STATES. States and Territories. Alabama Arizona Arkansas California Colorado Connecticut Delaware Dist. of Col. Florida Georgia Idaho Illinois Indiana , Iowa Kansas Kentucky Louisiana Maine Maryland Massachusetts Michigan Minnesota Mississippi .Missouri Montana Nebraska B 9 fe5« 281,602 13,338 209,190 235,925 81,127 130,779 33,882 38,798 78,816 342,871 17,852 669,812 452,013 379,318 292,086 335,990 204,341 135,255 181,201 355,280 434 370 229,678 235,656 485,320 26,934 201,470 5.37 4.17 5.39 5.12 5.08 5.71 4.97 5.94 t.97 5.36 4.73 5.71 4.85 5.04 4.89 5.53 5.47 4.S9 5.66 6.30 4.82 5.67 5.4 5.52 4.91 5.26 S2i is 287,292 13,495 213,620 245,710 84,276 165,890 34,578 43,967 80,059 352,059 18,113 778,015 467,146 388,517 297,358 354,463 214,123 150,355 202.179 479,790 455,004 247.975 241,148 528,295 27,501 206,820 5.27 4.42 5.28 4.92 4.89 4.50 i 4.87 5.24 4.89 5.221 4.66 4.92: 4.09| 4.92! 4.80 5.21 5.22 4.40l 5.10 4.67 4.60 5.25 5.35 5.07 4.81 5 12 States and Territories. Nevada N. Hampshire. New Jersey New Mexico- New York N'rth Carolina North Dakota.. Ohio Oklahoma.. Oregon Pennsylvania.. Rhode Island.. S'thCaro iua... South Dakota . Teunessee Texas Utah Vermont Virginia Washington ... West Virginia. Wisconsin Wyoming £P Total . 10,066 76,665 247,342 34,671 89.S,593 301,571 37,918 720,414 14,942 61,925 999,364 1*2,250 217,195 68,894 323,136 402,422 37,285 69.817 292J654 68,833 136,378 3l6,163 11,880 Ji- ll, 183,318 4.55 4.91 5.84 4.43 6.70 5.37 4.82 5.10 4.14 5.07 5.26 6.51 5.30: 4.771 5.47| 5.56 5.58 4.76 5.66 5.08 5.59 5.34 5.11 5.45 10,170 87,348 308,339 35,504 1,308,015 306,952 38,478 785,291 15,0 « 63,791 l,0(.il,(i2ii 75,010 222,941 70,250 334,194 411,251 38,815 75,896 304,673 70,977 140,359 335,456 12,065 4.50 4.31 4.69 4.33 4.59 5.27 4.75 4.68 4.11 4.92 4.95 4.61 5.16 4.68 5.29 5.44 5.36 4.38 5.44 4.92 5.43 5.03 5.03 12,690,152 4.93 189 NATIONALITY OF INHABITANTS OF LARGEST CITIES-1890. Cities. 03.§>p New York 639,943 Chicago, III 450,666 Philadelphia, Pa 269,480 Brooklyn, N. Y 261,700 St. Louis, Mo 114,876 Boston, Mass 158,172 Baltimore, Md 00,003 San Francisco, Cal 126,811 Cincinnati, O 71,408 Cleveland, O 97,09, r Buffalo, N. Y I 89,485 New Orleans, La 34,309 1'ittsburg, Pa ; 73,289 Washington, D. C 18,770 Detroit, Mich I 81,709 Milwaukee, Wis I 79,576 Newark, N. J I 55,571 Minneapolis, Minn ' 00,558 Jersey City, N. J [ 53,358 Louisville, Ky : 23,510 M a - 48 New York Chicago, 111 Philadelphia, Pa Brooklyn, N. V St. Louis, Mo Boston, Mass Baltimore, Md San Francisco, Cal Cincinnati, O Cleveland, O Buffalo, N. Y New Orleans, La Pittsburg, Pa \ 2 Washington, L>. C Detroit, Mich Milwaukee, Wis Newark, N. J Minneapolis, Minn Jersey City, N. J Louisville, Kv... 8,398 24,297 2,584 5,897 2,008 38,294 521 4,371 945 5,157 10,610 346 630 655 18,791 1,249 529 7, 922 390 a c 1° ''22 L818 1,354 66E 255 188 163 167 120 3,210 80 25 794 41 112 197 430 269 78 13 190,418 70,028 110,935 84,738 24,270 71,441 13 389 30,718 12,323 13,512 11,664 7,923 21,100 7,224 7,447 3.436 13,234 3,756 22,159 5,263 ma 8,099 25,105 189 143 2,301 104 1,368 82 28 10.2S7 15 9 95 10 513 1,460 69 393 11 7 6,759 1,575 24,080 21,835 2,189 1,500 1,887 4,873 875 134 954 801 935 139 501 1,396 227 9 2,848 129 8,879 132 36 63 2,750 31 65 70 5.351 77 9,222 1,821 463 39 381 12.G24 1,206 316 126 95 72 162 341 106 1,542 195 44 190 REQUIREMENTS REGARDING THE REGISTRATION OF VOTERS. The registration of voters is required in the States of Alabama, Califor- nia, Colorado, Connecticut, Florida, Idaho, Illinois, Louisiana, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Montana, Mississippi, Nevada, New Hampshire, New Jersey, North Carolina, Ohio, Pennsylvania, South Caro- lina, Vermont, Virginia and Wyoming, and the Territories of Arizona, New Mexico and Utah. In Georgia, registration is required in some counties by local law. In Kentucky, registration is required in cities ; in Kansas, in cities of the first and second class ; in Iowa and Nebraska, in cities of and over 2,500 inhabitants ; in North Dakota, in cities of over 3,000 inhabitants ; in Ohio, in cities of not less than 9,000 inhabitants ; in Maine, in all cities and in towns having 500 or more voters ; in South Dakota, in cities and towns hav- ing over 1,000 voters and in counties where registration has been adopted by popular vote, and in Tennessee, in all counties having 50,000 inhabitants and over. In Missouri, it is required in cities of 100,000 inhabitants, and in Wis- consin, in cities having 3,000 inhabitants and over. In New York, it is re- quired in all cities and in all incorporated villages of over 7,000 inhabitants. In Rhode Island, non-taxpayers are required to register yearly before De- cember 31st. In Texas, cities of 10,000 or over may require registration. The registration of voters is not required in the State of Oregon. It is prohibited in Arkansas and West Virginia by constitutional provision. WOMAN SUFFRAGE. The Legislatures of Connecticut and New York, in their sessions of 1893, passed laws permitting women to vote for school officers. The privilege was used to a limited extend in both States, but in the November election a Supreme Court Judge in New York decided that the act of that State was unconstitutional. Notwithstanding this, the Attorney-General of the State advised all election officers to treat the law as constitutional until the ques- tion could be adjudicated by the highest tribunal. The Iowa and Ohio Legislatures in 1894, granted suffrage in school elections to women. In the New York State Convention in 1894, to revise the Constitution, a woman suffrage amendment was defeated by a vote of 97 to 58. The Michigan Legislature of 1893, adopted a law authorizing women to vote at municipal elections. In October the Supreme Court of the State de- clared the law unconstitutional. In Wyoming, women have full suffrage and vote for all officers, includ- ing Presidential electors. The woman suffrage law was adopted in 1870. In the State election in Colorado in 1893, the people voted in favor of general woman suffrage. In Kansas, women exercise the suffrage largely in municipal elections. In November, 1894, the people voted upon a constitutional amendment pro- viding for woman suffrage. Women formerly voted in the Territory of Washington, and until they were excluded by a decision of the Territorial Supreme Court. In adopting 191 a State Constitution, the question of allowing women to use the ballot was submitted to a separate vote of the electors, and was defeated. Women voted in the Territory of Utah until excluded by the Edmunds law. But in some form, mainly as to taxation or the selection of school offi- cers, woman suffrage exists in a limited way in Arizona, Colorado, Delaware, Idaho, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kentucky, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minne- sota, Montana, Nebraska, New Hampshire, New Jersey, North Dakota, Ohio, Oklahoma, Oregon, South Dakota, Texas, Vermont, Washington and Wisconsin. In many European countries, in Australia and New Zealand, in Cape Colony, in Canada, and in parts of India, women vote on various terms for municipal or school officers. THE BALLOT REFORM MOVEMENT. The following is a list of the States and Territories which have adopted new ballot laws, based more or less on the Australian system : 1888 — Kentucky (applying only to Louisville), Massachusetts. 1889 — Connecticut, Indiana, Michigan, Minnesota, Missouri, Montana, Rhode Island, Tennessee, Wisconsin. 1890 — Maryland (applying to Baltimore), New Jersey, New York, Okla- homa, Vermont, Washington, Wyoming. 1891 — Arkansas, California, Delaware, Idaho, Illinois, Maine, Nebraska, New Hampshire, North Dakota, Ohio, Pennsylvania, South Dakota, Oregon, West Virginia, Colorado. 1892 — Iowa, Maryland (whole State), Mississippi. 1893 — Alabama, Kansas, Kentucky, Nevada, Texas, and in Florida for the city of Jacksonville. 1894 — Virginia. The only States in which some form of reformed balloting does not yet exist are : Georgia, Louisiana, North Carolina, South Carolina. FORM OF BAUDOT. The distinctive feature of the ballot practice in New South Wales is that the names of all the candidates being on one ticket, the names of persons for whom the voter does not wish to vote must be crossed off, a blue lead pencil being provided for the purpose by the authorities, while there are clearly printed on the ticket, in red ink, directions as to how many candi- dates must be voted for. Under the New York and New Jersey laws each party ticket is printed on a separate ballot. For straight voting, therefore, no marking is required. For the benefit mainly of the illiterate or blind, as claimed, the paster ballot is permitted in New York. In all the other States which have adopted the reform system of voting, the single or "blanket" ballot is used. All the names in nomination are printed on one sheet, the voter's choice to be indicated by marking. There are two methods used of grouping the names of the candidates. The Aus- tralian plan arranges the titles of the offices alphabetically, the names of the candidates, and usually their party connection being attached. 192 The States which follow this plan with more or less variation ill the form but preserving the feature of alphabetical arrangement of titles of offices to be voted for, are California, Kentucky, Massachusetts, Minnesota, Montana, Nebraska, New Hampshire, Oregon, Rhode Island, Tennessee, Vermont, Virginia, Washington and Wyoming. The other form groups all names and offices by parties. The voter of a straight ticket marks a cross in the circle at the head of his ticket. The voter who scatters, marks squares opposite the names of all the candidates on the tickets. The States and Territories which use this plan, with or without imma- terial variations, are Delaware, Illinois, Indiana, Kansas, Maine, Maryland. Missouri, Ohio, Wisconsin and Oklahoma. lf A . LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 013 788 968 7