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THE HUNTER PAMPHLET IS THUS ENDORSED 
 AND NOTICED. 
 
 Chapel Hill, N. C. (University.) 
 
 Jos. M. MOREHEAD, ESQ.: 
 
 Thanks, hearty thanks for your e.Kcellent address. I think you have 
 hit the nail plump on the head; have a clear, strong and truthful statement 
 of the men and measures of the War of the Regulation. 
 
 Yours truly, 
 
 Kemp P. Battle, (LL. D.) 
 
 "Accept my thanks for copy of your admirable speech on James 
 Hunter. It is very interesting and instructive." 
 
 Walter Clark, 
 Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of North Carolina. 
 
 " This will prove strangely stirring reading to those unacquainted with 
 Southern history as well as to the citizens of North Carolina, where Hunter's 
 life was spent." — Librarian General D. A. R. in The American Monthly, 
 Washington, D. C. 
 
 "A historical paper of great value, written in terse English. The au- 
 thor makes it very plain that the uprising of the so-called Regulators was 
 legitimate." — North Carolina Christian Advocate. 
 
 The War of the Regulation has not received justice at the hands of 
 historians. Major Morehead establishes the justice of the movement by the 
 testimony of its enemies." — Webster's Weekly. 
 
 " Dear Major : —Your speech on James Hunter is a vivid picture of 
 the stirring times preceding the Revolution. You have entered into the life 
 of that period in your oration, and you write almost like a cotemporary. I 
 thank you most sincerely for the book. It is a genuine contribution to the 
 literature illustrating the heroism and glory of North Carolina patriots. 
 Yours Truly, 
 
 Geo. T. Winston," (LL. D.,) 
 
 Pres. University of Texas. 
 
"The principal address by the Vice-President of the Asiociation, Major 
 Joseph M. Morehead, is more than interesting; it is an admirable historical 
 document, telling the story of the Regulator's Movement, * * and 
 how this crystalized into the patriotic revolt and co-operation with other 
 colonies, which culminated in the Revolution and independence of all the 
 colonies. A second enlarged edition has been published. We know of 
 no publication which gives in the same space so much valuable information 
 or a better idea of the events that led up to the American Revolution." 
 Wilniinorton {N . C.) Star. 
 
 'The address contains much historical information and has been 
 sought by many of the literary institutions of the Union. In a most inter- 
 esting and forcible style this information is collected and condensed for the 
 historian who will appear atno distant day and demand the historical justice 
 due the Old North State." — Judge David Schenck, L. L. D., President 
 of Gtiilford Battle Ground Co., in annual address. 
 
 "Calm and judicial in style and spirit, it is a singularly strong and 
 lucid address. It will necessitate the writing of what has not yet been 
 written, the history of North Carolina." — J. D. Hufham, D. D., and 
 author of Baptist Historical Papers, etc. 
 
 This pamphlet, which is handsomely printed, is sold for the exclusive 
 benefit of the Hunter Memorial Fund by Wharton Bros., Booksellers, 
 Greensboro, N. C. Price 50 cents. 
 
ADDRESS 
 
 OF 
 
 JOSEPH M. MOREHEAD, Esq., 
 
 OF riUILFORD, 
 
 Life and Times of James Hunler, 
 
 "GENERAL" OF THE REGULATORS. 
 
 Guilford Battle Ground, 
 
 Saturday. Julv 3, 1897 
 
 '^(■^^^It-i-!^^" 
 
 Second Corrected and Enlarged Edition. 
 
 Published through the patriotic liberality of 
 HON. D. F. CALDWELL. 
 
 GREENSBORO, N, C. ; 
 
 C. F. THOMAS, BOOK AND .JOB PRINTER. 
 
 LS98. 
 
p. 
 
 Author*. 
 
 (PelTion). 
 
ADDRESS, 
 
 Ml/ CouhTf/men! Let us recall a few leading facts of 
 
 North Can Una's Provincial history. In 1765-6 the stamp 
 
 f^<t: troubles arose and ended in the coast counties of the 
 
 )vince; the actors therein being the British governor, 
 
 rd Tr. an, on the one part and the Sons of Liberty on 
 
 : .lat of < \q patriots. The abuses of the people that caused 
 
 the Regulation trouble were existant to an extent at that 
 
 ■lie, and grew and enlarged for the six years thereafter, 
 
 culminating in the Battle of the Alamance in May, 1771. 
 
 Oppression on the part of government and the consequent 
 
 unrest of the people continuing, the Revolutionary War 
 
 is ushered in at the Battle of Moore's Creek, February, 
 
 J776. 
 
 Til'- life and labors of James Hunter cover this period, 
 Ml ;. review of these necessitates a review, to an extent, 
 the Regulation. 
 
 We use the expression, a life of Washington, as syn- 
 ohv nous with that of a history of the American Revolu- 
 • n; and a correct life of James Hunter will be found to 
 ntain a true history of the war of the Regulation — its 
 oism and sacrifice — and fixed determination to resist 
 "anny clad in the prestige and paraphernalia of lavv. 
 Colonel James Hunter, the father of the subject of this 
 -ketch, moved from the North of Irehind and settled first 
 •' Virginia. Thence he removed to and settled near Mad- 
 am, North Carolina, about the year 1740. Among the 
 colonists accompanying him were the Martins, afterwards 
 
4 
 
 of honorable name and fame throughout the cokmy and 
 State, and also the McFarlands. Previous to his arrival 
 in North Carolina James Hunter, the elder, had married a 
 Miss Martin, the aunt of James and Alexander Martin. 
 From this union sprang the North Carolina patriot, who, 
 according to Governor Josiah Martin, was '' the General " 
 of the Regulators — James Hunter, Jr. \ 
 
 '' General" Hunter was born on the 8th of April, 1740, 
 and was the eldest of nine children — three girls and six 
 boys From these sprang the Hunters, Daltons, Elliipg- 
 tons and many others of the State's most reputable aid 
 staunchest citizens. General Hunter himself married .a 
 Miss McFarland, daughter of an immigrant, and left a nu- 
 merous progency. \ 
 
 Born of an ancestry possessed of ample means and hail-\ 
 ing from the Highlands of Scotland, and breathing from his. 
 infancy up the elixir of life brewed among the noble Hills \ 
 of Dan, James grew up to be an intelligent, self-respecting, \ 
 bold, darkly-red-headed Scotchman who knew his rights 
 and maintained them. Possessed himself of good property 
 and something to lose by rebellion, he was a conservative, 
 sensible man, ordinarily of few words, admirable self-con- 
 trol and of untlinching courage. Letters left behind him, 
 the uniformly intelligent course of his life, and above all, 
 the stand he took among his fellows, and the great control 
 he exercised over them, abundantly attest both his intel- 
 lectual and moral stamina. 
 
 At about the age of twenty-five, according to the writ- 
 ten statement of Dr. R. H. Dalton, a grandson still living, 
 he is first heard of away from his comfortable home in 
 command of a company against the Cherokees in some of 
 their murderous forays along the frontiers. At about this 
 period, 1768, Lord Tryon, British governor of the prov- 
 ince, together with the legislature and judges, moved by 
 
5 
 
 unholy ambition and unfaithfulness to duty as ruler, had 
 caused and allowed the oppression of the central and west- 
 ern sections of the province to become well-nigh intolera- 
 ble. So true was this that very many if not most of its 
 best and bravest men, especially those least able to bear 
 outrageous taxation and most liable to wrong at the hands 
 of unscrupulous officials, determined to find redress for 
 the same peaceably if they could, and finally forcibly if 
 they must; which also they did. 
 
 The causes that led to the confederation of the Regula- 
 t(M-s were, First: The want of a circulating medium suf- 
 ficient in volume for the needs of the province; England 
 prohibiting the colony from emitting a currency that all 
 knew to be essential to its progress. Second: Extravagant 
 taxation by the governor and the legislature, and the fail- 
 ure rightfully to apply and account for the taxes raised. 
 Third: Religious intolerance. Fourth: The peculation 
 and extortion upon the people of officials from the Chief 
 Justice down. (Col. Rec, 8, 395-6.) 
 
 I can do the truth of history no greater service than 
 point honest inquiry to the prefatory notes of the Colonial 
 Records of North Carolina by the late gifted and patriotic 
 Saunders. (Vols. 7, 8, 9 and 10.) 
 
 From these rather recent reproductions of the originals 
 in the British archives and elsewhere, a few extracts will 
 prove that from the beginning to the end of these troubles 
 right and justice were on the side of the Regulators, their 
 enemies being their judges. We quote first from Lord 
 Tryon himself. 
 
 In a letter misleading, explanatory and. apologetic upon 
 its face, he writes the home government in England and 
 says : 
 
 '' To say that the insurgents had not a color for their 
 shewing dissatisfaction at the conduct of their public offi. 
 
6 
 
 cers would be doing them an injustice; for on a prosecution 
 in the Superior court carried on by the Attorney General 
 by virtue of my directions, both the register and clerk of 
 the court were found guilty of taking too high fees." (C. 
 R. Vol. 7, p. 884.) 
 
 The officer here found guilty of extortion and corruption 
 in office was the infamous Edmund Fanning. An advisari 
 was taken by the court and the culprit never punished, 
 though three regulators, "all that were tried,"* were con- 
 victed, fined heavily and imprisoned; and Fanning was 
 advanced by Tryon. 
 
 Governor Josiah Martin succeeded Tryon in the gover- 
 norship of the province in August, 1771, just after the 
 battle of the Alamance, fought on the 16th of May pre- 
 ceding. Governor Martin, though commissioned several 
 months previously, failed, because of sickness, to arrive 
 within the province until the 11th of August, Meanwhile 
 the battle had been fought and Tryon had gone to New 
 York. On the 15th, four days after his arrival in New 
 Berne, Martin wrote the home government in regard to the 
 recent suppression of the Regulators and Tryon's connect- 
 ion therewith as follows: "The ability and address with 
 which that gentleman has acquitted himself leaves me 
 nothing to lament on the public account, but for myself I 
 feel sensibly in being precluded all share of the honor at- 
 tending this very seasonable and glorious exertion of the 
 loyal spirit of this province, so happily directed by Mr. 
 Tryon to secure respect to the laws and to give vigor and 
 stability to his Majesty's government, &c.," (vol. 9, 16-17.) 
 But the next August, 1772, Martin visited Hillsboro and 
 Guilford, the " hot-bed " of the Regulators, according to 
 Tryon, and on the 30th of that August he wrote home to 
 this effect: "My progress, my Lord, through this coun- 
 
 *Col. Rec, 7, 885. 
 
try has opened my eyes exceedingly with respect to the 
 commotions and discontents that have lately prevailed in 
 it. I now see most clearly that they have been provoked 
 by insolence and cruel advantage taken of the people's 
 ignorance by mercenary, tricky attorneys, clerks and other 
 officers, who have practiced upon them every sort of ra- 
 pine and extortion ; having brought upon themselves their 
 (the people's) just resen tment they engaged government 
 in their defence by artful misrepresentations, so that the 
 vengeance of the wretched people aimed at their heads 
 was directed against the constitution; and by this strata- 
 gem they threw an odium upon the injured people that by 
 degrees begot prejudice which prevented a full discovery 
 of their grievances. Thus, my Lord, as far as I am able 
 to discern, the resentment of the government was craftily 
 worked up against the oppressed ; and the protection, 
 which the oppressors treacherously acquired, where the 
 ignorant and injured people expected to find it, drove 
 them to acts of desperation and confederated them into 
 violences, which your Lordship knows induced bloodshed, 
 and, as I verily believe, necessarily. 
 
 "Inquiries of this sort, my Lord, I am sensible are in- 
 vidious ; nor would anything but a sense of duty have 
 drawn from me these opinions of the principles of the past 
 troubles of this country." (vol. 9, 330-610.) 
 
 Earl Dartmouth, then Secretary for the Colonies, replied: 
 "I have not failed to give attention to the remarks you 
 make upon the state of the back settlements, the temper 
 and character of the inhabitants and your own opinion of 
 the origin of these discontents, which produce such disa- 
 greeable consequences; and I must confess to you that I 
 see but too much reason to believe that those deluded 
 people would not have been induced to involve themselves 
 in the guilt of rebellion without provocation, Rut it is 
 
neither fit nor necessary for me to recur to transactions of 
 so disagreeable a complexion, not doubting that the late 
 Governor had examined into and redressed their griev- 
 ances," etc. Whereas the late Governor had done noth- 
 ing of the kind. 
 
 One of Tryon's three Superior Court Judges, who was 
 first to recommend bayonets and bullets, and declare the 
 paralysis of the civil arm, and who condemned to speedy 
 death the unhappy prisoners taken at the Alamance, is 
 accredited with the authorship of the Atticus letter 
 (Moore's History of North Carolina, vol. 1, page 100; Col. 
 Rec. vol. 8, page 718). This letter was written November, 
 1771, after Try on had left the province. It was addressed 
 to Tryon, now Governor of New York, and from it we 
 make these extracts : " Your active and gallant behavior 
 in extinguishing the flame you yourself had kindled does 
 you great honor." 
 
 "It seems difficult to determine in which your Excel- 
 lency is most to be admired, for your skill in creating the 
 cause or your bravery in suppressing the effect." 
 
 Governor Josiah Martin had been instructed to issue, 
 upon his arrival within the province, writs for the election 
 of a new legislature to succeed that of the spring preceed- 
 ing — 1771. He assembled the old legislature, however, 
 under the advice of Tryon and Hascell of the Council 
 (vol. 9, p. 17). It devolved upon this body to meet the ex- 
 penses of the war it had just waged — that is, pay them- 
 selves largely — which it was believed no other would. 
 Governor Martin's language on the point is this : " It 
 was however necessary to keep that to provide for the 
 present exigencies ; since it is universally agreed that a 
 future assembly would not have been found to do it." 
 fvol. 9, 76) Many — " a majority " — (vol. 9, 17) — of this leg- 
 islature had been at the battle of the Alamance and had 
 
accompanied Tryon in his tour westward enforcing the 
 oath of loyalty, &c. 
 
 Having assembled at New Berne, then the seat of gov- 
 ernment, on Nov. 19th, 1771, they requested of the Gov- 
 ernor a general pardon of all offences of all Regulators 
 with an exception of three individuals only, and went to 
 work perfecting the identical measures advocated by the 
 Regulators so long and so ineffectually. (Journals of the 
 assemblies of 1769 and '70-'71.) 
 
 Grovernor Martin having arrived in New Berne in 
 August and remained there till November and having been 
 in communication with Tryon only before his arrival he 
 was of course imbued with their ideas and views and in 
 fact party spirit between Tryonites and Martinites, soon 
 to become bitter, had not yet arisen. Nevertheless he 
 had learned the true cause of the recent war, for in his 
 address to the legislature of Nov. 19th, '71, having con- 
 gratulated them — " that tranquility and good order have 
 succeeded tumult and violence, which during some time 
 had disturbed so fair a part of this province — " he says — 
 •' I most heartily congratulate you gentlemen on this event; 
 and I take the first occasion to recommend to you in the 
 most earnest manner to consider of an effectual means to 
 prevent future evils of a like nature; to this end it appears 
 to be necessary to give all force and vigor to tiie laws ; to 
 obviate all just grounds of discontent to the people that 
 shall be found to exist ; to give them the fullest evidence 
 that is possible of the just administration of the public 
 finances ; to corect as far as human prudence may all man- 
 ner of abuses ; and above all things to give every facility 
 to the administration of justice." (Col. Rec. vol. 9, 101-2.) 
 Taking no umbrage at this the legislature promise in reply 
 — "to provide effectual means to prevent future evils of a 
 like nature ; and we shall rank amongst the first objects of 
 
10 
 
 our attention the several matters which your Excellency 
 has recommended as necessary for the attainment of that 
 end/' (vol. 9, 104.) 
 
 These declarations of Try on, of his judge, of Governor 
 Martin, the confessions of the home-government and the 
 actions of this legislature establish beyond cavil the right- 
 eousness of the Regulator's cause. 
 
 But the plea of Tryon and the legislature and of their 
 apologists to this day is by way of confession and avoid- 
 ance. Admitting the justice of the people's complaint and 
 the lawfulness of their proceedings at first, the allegation 
 is that the association or confederation had degenerated 
 into an uncontrolable, dangerous mob despising all law an<l 
 order, and that having changed their originially righteous 
 into unrighteous purposes they ought to have been sup- 
 pressed by arms. 
 
 In reply we ask had their original grievances been re- 
 dressed? 
 
 On the contrary their lawful assembling of themselves 
 and respectful petitionings'to the Governor, the legisla- 
 ture and the court had been met with only criminal or 
 designed neglect and the most tyranical denunciations. 
 According to Governor Martin's statement, and as the rec- 
 ords show, their unredressed wrongs had been greatly 
 aggravated by cruelty and insolence. 
 
 But had the organization degenerated into a mob subject 
 to no control and upon wild and mischievous purposes 
 bent? Had it become, as is charged in the latest and com- 
 pletest History of the State, " an intolerable nuisance ? 
 An impediment alike to legislation and the administra- 
 tion of public justice" (Moore, vol. 1, p 127.) Of this 
 court to the administration of '' public justice " by which 
 the Regulators finally put an end after years of forbear- 
 f 
 
 *Colonial Records, 8, 7^-81. 
 
11 
 
 ance, Mr. Moore himself says, that the records of Hills- 
 boro court are witnesses — " of eternal shame resting upon 
 this court? (p 118). "They allowed Governor Tryon 
 with his loose morals and bad passions to sully the repu- 
 tation of a court that might have been illustrious for rec- 
 titude as it was for the real learning of its judges" (119). 
 That there is " proof positive that on the name of" — two 
 of the three members of the court — "should lie the odium 
 of an infamous defeat of justice" (119). And it may be 
 added that the third, according to the evidence, was the 
 most thoroughly and naturally hated judge of the three. 
 
 There certainly is intelligent purpose and there is method 
 in the madness that would impede the so-called administra- 
 tion of justice by a court of which there was '• })roof pos- 
 itive " that it was corrupt; and where peaceable remedy 
 has failed, mankind justify and applaud resort to violence. 
 
 In this connection let us observe, that so late as the fall 
 of 1770, at the most exciting period of the disruption of 
 the court at Hillsboro, James Hunter urged Judge Hen- 
 derson, then upon the bench, to proceed with the long de- 
 layed causes of the Regulators and assui-ed him of his own 
 personal safety. Certainly no indignity was offered the 
 judge, which would seem to be proof that Hunter and 
 others still had the crowd well in hand. 
 
 However, this charge of intolerable demoralization is 
 fully disproven by proceedings had at Salisbury on March 
 7th, 1771, about two months only before the battle. This 
 was a meeting of the civil officers of Rowan county and 
 the Regulators. I reproduce in full the papers then and 
 there drawn up between the parties. ' 
 
 " We, the subscribers, officers of Rowan county, now 
 met at Mrs. Steel's, with a committee of the people called 
 Regulators, now assembled at the meeting for a redress of 
 grievances of officers' fees and disputes, to-wit : Mr. 
 
12 
 
 James Hunter, Daniel Gillespie (and others) to receive the 
 proposals that shall be offered by the several officers for 
 the approbation of the people, who are desirous of nothing 
 more than justice and peace with every person whatsoever ; 
 and that all debates hereafter may subside, now the sev- 
 eral officers hereto subscribed do here agree to settle and 
 pay unto any and every person within the county any and 
 all such sum or sums of money as we or our deputies have 
 taken through inadvertence or otherwise over and above 
 what we severally ought to have taken for fees, more than 
 the law allowed or entitled us to receive, without any 
 trouble or law for the recovery of same. And it is further 
 agreed by the committee that when any debate may arise 
 that all persons within this county do give in their de- 
 mands to such person as shall hereafter be appointed by 
 the people in each neighborhood to see the same and to 
 be determined by the several gentlemen jointly and unan- 
 imously chosen between the parties, to-wit: Matthew 
 Locke, Harman Husbands, James Smith, James Hunter, 
 Samuel Young, Thomas Pearsons," (and others ;) " and 
 their determination to be final end to all differences what- 
 ever, and that they meet at John Kimbrough's on the third 
 Tuesday of May next. Given under our hands this 7th 
 of March, 1771. John Frohawk, C. C, William Frohawk, 
 D. S., Griffith Rutherford, S. , Thomas Frohawk, C. S. C, 
 Alexander Martin," and others. 
 
 In a letter to Tryon from Salisbury of March 18th, 
 Alexander Martin says of these proceedings (vol. 8th, 
 535): ''This proceeding we expect will have more effect 
 upon their minds than all the formalities of law whatso- 
 ever, as they would suggest that they had had injustice done 
 them. They want, they say, to converse with the officers 
 who have taken their money to satisfy them for what (this 
 is surely refisonable) and they will all be quiet again. 
 
13 
 
 This we have undertaken to do, and time must produce 
 the effect. If our hopes and wishes be not too sanguine 
 perhaps this may be the foundation of putting an end to 
 all future tumult and disorder." This is signed by John 
 Frohawk and Alexander Martin. 
 
 The Regulators " urged very hard and strenuously " 
 (vol 8,620) to be led against troops then within the town and 
 if from that fact it be inferred that our brave forefathers 
 then and there intended to force justice at any cost, to 
 their everlasting honor be the fact promptly admitted. 
 But, as we see, they were restrained, and with a perfectly 
 legitimate and praiseworthy end in view, their proceedings 
 were had decently and in order. They had neither lost 
 their moorings, nor were they sailing without a compass.* 
 James Hunter was present and still in charge. Of Hunter 
 some twelve months later, March, 1772, Governor Josiah 
 Martin wrote home : •' Huntei" was a most eggregious of- 
 fender ; he was the leader of the insurgents in arms, and 
 was called their general and has appeared from the begin- 
 ning a ring-leader in sedition. He is said to have a better 
 capacity than his associates, who pay him implicit obedience 
 and treat him with a respect savoring of enthusiastic rev- 
 erence " (vol. 9, 269).t 
 
 Daniel Gillespie was there, whose whole life attests the 
 
 t Note —The above reference is good reading. Col. Sanders regarded 
 Rednap Hou ell as "head and front of the movement" — (Vol. 8, pref. 
 2G), in which I think him mistaken. Martin's opinion seems to be clearly 
 sustained by the general facts, and certainly is by Caruthers, who got his 
 information from the Regulators themselves. (See Life of Caldwell, page 
 103). Hunter was their 'leader in arms, "and in both council and in camp 
 was "■ a ring-leader in sedition." Howell effectually ridiculed Fanning & 
 Co., in his verse, but Husbands was preeminently the agitator, while 
 Hunter was the man of action of them all. See Howell's own statement 
 (Life of Caldwell, 130.) 
 
 *In 1776 overzealous Whig officials outraged common prudence (vol. 10, 
 78(5). So did Wm. Fields in 1771 (vol. 10, 1019). See Hunter's admirable 
 letter. He went to Salisbury, in '71 to establish rule for chaos. 
 
14 
 
 firm, wise and judicious conservatism of the man. He was 
 afterwards in the convention that framed the State and 
 adopted the Federal Constitution''' and was an elder in one 
 of Dr. Caldwell's churches, as James Hunter was a mem- 
 bi-r and afterwards an elder in a church of his own build- 
 ing. The Regulators here appointed on their committee 
 their old leaders. Hunter, Person and others. It is true, 
 and we joyfully proclaim it abroad, thatastime had elapsed 
 between 1765, the beginning of these troubles, and 1771. 
 and as their repeated peaceable and lawful' efforts had failed 
 them, these brave men had proven themselves equal to the 
 emergency and had risen with the necessity for stronger 
 measures. 
 
 Had Tryon done his duty at this juncture — March, 1771 
 —by Alexander Martin, Hunter, and others, law and 
 order coupled with justice would have instantly reigned 
 and left him no excuse for polluting with the blood of 
 patriots the pure waters of the Alamance. The Regula- 
 tors were endeavoring after an equitable and just system 
 of government for the community; arbitration, the last that 
 was left them. 
 
 But personal prefFerment at the hands of the King was 
 the end Tryon had in view and the wise efforts of these 
 good men were to bear no fruit. As proof of this and as 
 a vivid picture of Tryon's imperious spirit I cite his reply 
 to Alexander Martin and Frohawk: 
 
 "Mew Berne, 5th day of April, 1771. 
 "I have received your letter of the 18th of March respecting your nego- 
 tiations and agreement with the Insurgents. If you have abused your 
 public trust it is your duty to give satisfaction and make restitution to the 
 injured. As for my own part I entertain a just abhorence of the conduct 
 of that man who is guilty of extortion in the execution of his public char- 
 acter. The mode, however, of your agreement with the Insurgents, includ- 
 ing officers who are amenable only for their public conduct to the tribu- 
 
 *Life of Caldwell, p. 171. 
 
15 
 
 nals of their country, is introductory to a pract/ce most dangerous to the 
 peace and happiness of society. On the 18th of March last it was deter- 
 mined, with the consent of his Majesty's council, to raise forces to march 
 into the settlement of the Insurgents in order to restore peace to the coun- 
 try upon honorable terms and constitutional principles. This measure is 
 not intended to impede nor has it the least reference to the agreement be- 
 tween you gentlemen and the Regulators, though it is expected in the exe- 
 cution of it more stability will be added to our government than by the 
 issue of the convention ratified at Salisbury. I am, gentlemen, &c., 
 
 Wm. Tryon." 
 
 Though brilliantly caustic that, aimed in part at a man — 
 Alexander Martin — destined thereafter repeatedly to be 
 speaker of the Senate, many times to fill the gubernatorial 
 chair of North Carolina, and later to become a Senator of 
 these United States, if was, nevertheless, under the cir- 
 cumstances, unconscionable and heartless. 
 
 But, if we grant any and all alleged increase of violence 
 and demoralization, still the effort to base Tryon's anxiety 
 for war upon these is hollow pretense. Before Husbands' 
 "insinuation" at New Berne in Dec. 1770; before the dis- 
 ruption of the court at Hillsboro, or even before Judge 
 Moore had pronounced the courts powerless in the Spring 
 of 1770, the character of this man and his bloody purpose 
 were apparent and fully understood by the Legislature. 
 At a council of war held at Hillsboro so early as the sum- 
 mer of 1768, Try oil being absent because of temporary 
 sickness, it was determined to pardon all Regulators, a few 
 leaders excepted, and take their bonds for their good beha- 
 vior. Upon hearing this Tryon asked for or demanded a 
 reconsideration of their finding; and suggested in its stead 
 instant wai". The court reconsidered, but rejected the sug- 
 gestion of war. The same proposition from the same source 
 was again rejected even by his council, the second and last 
 time this body ever thwarted his will, I believe. 
 
 The people's resistance to wrong was the occasion, but 
 the cause of this war lav in the breast of an ambitious and 
 
16 
 
 tyranical ruler, the subserviency of his legislature, its quasi 
 hostility to the new-comers in the West and in its passion 
 based on offended dignity. 
 
 Tryon was the creature of his age and environments. 
 The King and ruling classes of England at that time had 
 no proper regard for the rights or even the lives of the 
 the common people. Within this century, as I remember, 
 the great lawyer, reformer and humanitarian, Sir Samuel 
 Romily, found them being driven daily in herds to the gal- 
 lows — one of them at least, and a woman, for the trifling of- 
 fence of stealing a pocket handkerchief. 
 
 Mr. Moore affirms: "No fact is more discreditable in 
 our history than the ascendency which Tryon then demon- 
 strated over men who should have been wise enough to 
 have scorned him as he deserved." (Vol. 1, p 123.) 
 
 If, as he says, the governor was false and tyranical, the 
 court guilty of "infamous" servility from the bench and 
 the speakers of the assembly — "John Harvey, Richard 
 Caswell, John Ashe and many other brave and reverend 
 men," (122,) were obsequious to "degradation," surely the 
 people were justified in refusing obedience to their ruin- 
 ous mandates and ought, had the power been theirs, to have 
 driven them from the province. 
 
 Naked charges like the above, however, are well calcu- 
 lated, though true, to affix to the memory of these, in many 
 respects great and noble men, an obliquy they do not de- 
 serve. Be it remembered that they, like their fathers be- 
 fore them, were the born subjects of Great Britain one 
 hundred and fifty years ago; and thus to measure them by 
 the standard of to-day is of course to hold the individual 
 responsible for the infirmities justly chargeable to the age 
 in which they lived. These charges are quoted and thus 
 reproduced here in vindication of other North Carolinians 
 who rose superior to their age. 
 
17 
 
 In this connection we cannot but see in the war of the 
 Regulation another proof that the liberties of any people are 
 safest in the hands of its great middle classes — both as re- 
 gards their maintenance intact and their perpetuity. Com- 
 pelled to personally supervise and attend to their several 
 private occupations in life, these men are strong in body 
 and healthful in mind and spirit and frequently in morals 
 beyond others; and being moderately circumstanced they 
 have something to loose but feel keenly and quickly the 
 abuse of government. On the other hand not having 
 yet attained to court circles they are tempted by neither 
 powerful appeals to cupidity nor ambition to stoop to either 
 the frowns or blandishments of power. Of those promi- 
 nent among the Regulators Rednap Howell was an in- 
 structor of youth and an intelligent man for his times ; 
 Herman Husbands was a country preacher of unusually 
 clear and strong mind, exceedingly impatient and restive 
 under oppression and the owner of a comfortable country 
 home abundantly sufficient for his own and his family's 
 necessities. Of William Batler I know little else than 
 that he was a brave and thoroughly sincere man, and the 
 brother of Gen. John Butler, of Orange ; James Hunter 
 was an early type of that excellent and influential class 
 of citizens — the planters of Western and Central Xorth 
 Carolina — who, with their successors, gave the State an 
 enviable reputation for intelligent conservatism in politics, 
 manners and morality — the freest and the purest of men 
 — and who established on their fertile acres hospitable 
 homes, where they lived and reared their families. 
 
 There was criminal failure properly to legislate for the 
 province throughout these cruel years, responsibility for 
 which devolved upon the governor or legislature — one or 
 both. 
 
 Into the justice of the charge that the Regulators were 
 
18 
 
 an "impediment to legislation" of the times, let us now 
 inquire. The small coast county of Pasquotank, with 
 a population of 433 white men eighteen years of age. had 
 five representatives in the lower house of the legislature. 
 Orange and Rowan combined — the home of the Regulators 
 we may say — extending from about Raleigh westward in- 
 definitely across the mountains, with a like population of 
 6.487, had four representatives. Chowan, with a popula- 
 tion of 571, had five; Currituck, with 709, had five; Per- 
 quimans, with 455, had five, and Tyrrell, with 594, had 
 five (C. R. Vol. 7, pp. 146, 283, 539). 
 
 That is to say, Orange and Rowan combined had four 
 representatives to a population of 6,000, while the five 
 small counties above had 25 representatives to a popula- 
 tion of 2,000. In the Upper House or Council the West 
 seems to have been ignored. To strengthen earnest men 
 in the legislature too weak to force reform of abuses ever 
 promised but never fulfilled, to remove officials ever repri- 
 manded but never displaced, and to stop the levying of 
 cruelly extravagant taxes, under an unfair system (vol. 8. 
 14-17 Pref. Notes), that had grown simply beyond their 
 ability to meet it, the Regulators entered into a solemn 
 compact to stop the payment of all taxes other than "what 
 were agreeable to law and this of course could not be 
 known till the public accounts were settled." (Vol. 8. 637 and 
 elsewhere.) '''This finall}' resulted as the Regulatorshad fore- 
 seen and intended it should, but unfortunately too late for a 
 number of themselves. In January, '71, Cornelius Harnet, 
 a most influential member from Wilmington, chairman of 
 committee on grievances, reported: "That the several 
 officers of this province by extorting, exacting and receiv- 
 ing greater fees than the law allows is a very great griev- 
 
 *Taxation for debts already paid; see Pref. Notes, vol. 7., 12, 13 and 
 17, and vol. 7., 983, and Appendix, A. 
 
19 
 
 ance ; and unless prevented in the future may be of dan- 
 gerous tendency." That the taking fees on certain bills 
 "in either house of the assembly is a grievance and not 
 warranted;" that the method of prosecuting certain causes 
 in the courts " is a very great grievance and tends only to 
 enhance and increase the fees of attorneys, sheriffs, clerks, 
 &c."; — "that the Regulators by obstructing the sheriffs of 
 the frontier and other counties, by rescuing goods taken 
 by distress for public taxes and their opposition to the 
 courts is a grievance detrimental to society and manifestly 
 tends to distress the peaceable and loyal subjects of the 
 province who are compelled to pay the taxes for the sup- 
 port of the government." And Mr. Harnet recommends 
 that "their leaders be compelled by Law to answer for 
 their conduct." "Concurred in" 
 
 Thus so late as Jan. '71, Cornelius Harnet says and the 
 legislature say the proper course for the legislature to pur- 
 sue is to redress the people's wrongs, and that then the 
 courts will assume their wonted sway. (Vol. 8, 388-9.) 
 
 In connection with this deliverance of the legislature of 
 Dec. 1770, and Jan. '71, hear that of Tryon in his address 
 the fall before. For three years he had urged in vain a 
 remedy — to use his own language — " for expelling that 
 cloud which has ever obscured the public accounts of the 
 province. The community will then cheerfully pay the 
 public levies, satisfied they are fjiirly adjusted and applied 
 to the service intended." (Vol. 7, 88.) " The plan I laid 
 before you for the public funds, if accepted by the legisla- 
 ture, will produce the happiest effect to this country ever 
 experienced; though the only act passed in the session. 
 But this blessing is not to be obtained for this country 
 while the treasurers, late sheriffs and their sureties can 
 command a majority in the lower house." (Vol. 7, 140.) 
 These are declarations of both the legislature and of Tryon 
 
20 
 
 that an adequate and the proper remedy for pacifying the 
 Regulators was — justice at the hands of their rulers ; that 
 war was unnecessary; and being unnecessary it was there- 
 fore criminal. 
 
 To this legislature of '70 -'71 that finally made war upon 
 the people, the Regulators had elected Husbands from 
 Orange, and Thos. Person from Granville — the last cer- 
 tainly as good a man as the province contained. Soon 
 after the assembly met. Person was bitterly attacked ; he 
 was vindicated however and the charges pronounced to be 
 malicious, and the prosecutor saddled with the costs (after- 
 wards remitted however.)* 
 
 Two days afterwards Husbands was also arraigned be- 
 fore the house on the charge of libel, for the publication of 
 a caustic letter, bearing the signature of James Hunter 
 and addressed to Judge Moore, all by predetermination as 
 Tryon's address shows. A jury speedily assembled, pro- 
 nounced the publication to be "no libel." (Vol. 8, 494 and 
 511.) But Husbands was expelledf nevertheless for an 
 insult, among other things they said to the legis]ature§ for 
 insinuating that if under these circumstances they im- 
 prisoned him the Regulators would release^ him. 
 
 Such would seem the ability of the Regulators to im- 
 pede and such the manner in which they " impeded " legis- 
 lation. 
 
 From the strangely inconsistent course of conduct pur- 
 sued by Judge Maurice Moore throughout these years the 
 inference is drawn (Moore's History Vol. 1, p. 131, Note), 
 
 *Ashe attacked Person, October 1769, (vol. 8. 118.) 
 
 tCol. Rec, Vol. 8, 269. 
 
 JCol. Rec, Vol. 8, 500— "Only view of Regulators was to release." 
 their imprisoned representative. Tryon knew, 20th Feb. they had dis- 
 persed and had forced a quasi vote of war, before there was any purpose 
 on the part of the Regulators to march to New Barne. 
 
 ^Col. Rec, Vol. 7, 629, Legislative dignity vindicated. 
 
21 
 
 that theirs was indeed a bad cause and that the Regula- 
 tors themselves were the " host of scoundrels " the Judge 
 pronounced them to be. As we see it the recorded events 
 of the period, as transmitted and now in hand, seem to 
 show this inference to be based upon false premises, and 
 most unjust to the Regulators ; and that if the course of 
 Judge Moore reflected unfavorably upon any one it was 
 upon himself alone. 
 
 " His sympathy for their distresses classed him as a Reg- 
 ulator," (Moore's History, vol. 1, p. 100). That he, "their 
 best friend in all the province, should have conceded the 
 necessity for Governor Tryon's coercive measures is the 
 most pregnant circumstance in all that unhappy year in 
 vindication of the stern policy so recently adopted," (Vol. 1. 
 p. 131) Let's inquire into the correctness of this. Tryon 
 writes: "28th of April, 1766, I have suspended Mr. 
 Maurice Moore from the office of assistant Judge for the 
 district of Salisbury for his intemperate zeal and conduct 
 in opposition to the Stamp Act. The commission of assis- 
 tant Judge I have given to Mr. Edmund Fanning." (vol. 
 7, p. 199). Who qualified in March, 1766, (191). Fan- 
 ning declining to serve longer in March, 1768, (vol. 7, p. 
 698), Judge Moore had been reinstated upon the bench 
 Tryon writing March 12th, 1768: " The former gentleman 
 (Moore) I suspended during the late disturbances in the 
 colony. His proper conduct and behavior since that 
 period and the British act of grace subsequent to those 
 troubles induced me with the approbation of my council to 
 reinstate Mr. Moore in his office." (Vol. 7, p. 697). 
 
 The disturbance in Orange increasing and "being ascribed 
 to me as its author and incourager " — as the Judge says, 
 he declared (Aug. 1768), "I have been calumniated before 
 but never so capitally as in this instance. 1 assure you it 
 gives me much concern in spite of the consolation a clear 
 
22 
 
 conscience gives me. I never knew or ever in my life, as 
 I know of, even saw any man or men engaged in this un- 
 lucky affair, except Hunter and Howell, and I made you 
 fully acquainted with the advice I gave them." (Wheeler 
 101). This was addressed to Fanning. 
 
 At a Superior court for Rowan Judge Moore presided 
 with the other two Judges Tuesday, September the 6th, fol- 
 lowing. (Vol. 7, 838) On the 13th we find this entry in 
 Tryon's journal: "Maurice Moore, Esq., is appointed Col- 
 onel Commandant (with rank of Colonel) of a Troop of 
 Gentlemen Volunteer Light Dragoons." (Vol. 7, 829). 
 Thence they marched to Hillsboro and we find: " Hills- 
 boro Camp, 23rd — Colonel Moore's Light Dragoons — in 
 King street, opposite Headquarters," (Vol. 7, 834). On 
 the next day, the 24th, Judge Moore takes his seat upon 
 the Superior Court bench when Edmund Fanning and Wil- 
 liam Butler, Hunter and other Regulators were arraigned 
 before the court with what result is known and read of all 
 men. (vol. 7, 843). Col. Moore had sat in the council of 
 war on the 22nd and 28rd. (Vol. 7, 842(. 
 
 In March, 1770, he announces the paralysis of the civil 
 arm of government, in a letter to Tryon, in these words: 
 
 " This is an evil, Sir, no civil process can remedy — the 
 reason is obvious, none such can be executed — I have 
 therefore recommended to the sheriffs to petition your 
 Excellency and the assembly at its next meeting on this 
 subject, and I wish it may not be found necessary to re- 
 dress them by means equal to the obstinacy of the people 
 who have given occasion for it." (vol. 8, 192). 
 
 This to the tyrant, the weight of whose "iron fists" he 
 had himself felt for two years, and whose anxiety for war 
 upon the people he had witnessed at Hillsboro in 1768, 
 being himself a member of the council of war then and 
 there held, (vol. 7, p 84:^). He wrote February 22nd, 
 
23 
 
 1771, " signifying his desire to be present at the court 
 (soon to be held) when the Insurgents are to be tried." 
 (Tryon's letter, February 27th, 1771, vol. 8, p. 694). 
 
 In June, 1771, the court were found "waiting (at Hills- 
 boro) to try the persons taken in battle (Alamance). 
 Twelve of fourteen tried were capitally convicted as trai- 
 tors and two acquitted," who " established their innocence, 
 one day being given." (Atticus Letter). (8, G50). 
 
 In December, 1770, a committee of seven — "Messrs. 
 Howe, Johnston, Maurice Moore (and four others) were 
 appointed to prepare an address in reply to His Excel- 
 lency's — Governor Tryon's — speech and report." (8,306). 
 "Mr. Maurice Moore informed the House that the said 
 committee had prepared the same, which he read in his 
 place and delivered in at the table," (8, 311), being its au 
 thor it is inferred. This address concludes in this lan- 
 guage, Tryon having been granted a leave of absence from 
 the province by the King : 
 
 " Your approaching departure from your government is 
 a circumstance truly detrimental to the interest of the 
 province, and is justly to be lamented. It is a misfortune 
 peculiar to this country that as soon as its governor has 
 become acquainted with its constitution and the temper of 
 its inhabitants he is, by some ill-fiited means or other, re- 
 moved from us. Nothing, sir, on this afflicting occasion, 
 can afford us consolation but the firm reliance that the 
 well-known benevolence of your disposition and friendly 
 concern for the welfare of mankind will dispose you to use 
 the influence your merit and station justly entitle you to 
 in favor of the constitutional liberties of North America in 
 general and the interests of this province in particular. 
 Your steady and uniform endeavors to render every ser- 
 vice to this country have a just claim to the warmest re- 
 turn of gratitude and respect; and whithersoever you may 
 
24 
 
 go you have the united and unfeigned wishes of this people 
 for the peace and happiness of yourself and family." (Vol. 
 8, p. 311) 
 
 This was followed the next fall, Tryon having left to as- 
 sume the government of New York, by the Atticus letter, 
 regarded as unsurpassed invective. 
 
 Notwithstanding the facts that Judge Moore personally 
 read and delivered in the above address, and is believed 
 to have written it, still the committee was as such partially 
 responsible therefor; but his friends claim that the con- 
 ception and publication of the letter were his exclusive, 
 personal acts. We give a single extract : 
 
 "You (Tryon) took the field in September, 1768, and 
 published an oral manifesto, the substance of which was 
 that you had taken up arms to protect a superior court of 
 justice from insult. Permit me here to ask you, sir, why 
 you were apprehensive for the court? Was the court ap- 
 prehensive for itself? Did the judges or the Attorney- 
 General address your Excellency for protection? So far 
 from it, sir, if these gentlemen are to be believed, they 
 never entertained the least suspicion of an insult, unless 
 it was that which they afterwards experienced from the 
 undue influence you offered to extend to them, and the 
 military display of drums, colors and guards with which 
 they were surrounded and disturbed. How fully has your 
 conduct on a like occasion since testified that you acted in 
 this instance from passion and not from principle." 
 
 Remembering the prompt assistance as colonel com- 
 mandant of volunteer Dragoons, judge upon the civil bench 
 and judge in the council of war, rendered by the writer in 
 this campaign of '68, and at Hillsboro in June, '71, we 
 confess to astonishment at this public excoriation of Tryon. 
 It came too late, however, either to help the dead or blacken 
 their memory. 
 
25 
 
 In consequence of Judge Moore's letter to Governor 
 Josiah Martin so late as January 9th, 1776, suggesting 
 accommodation between England and the colony on certain 
 terms, (vol. 10, p. 395.) (Martin's reply, vol. 10, p. 398) 
 Martin in a letter home declares Moore to be "whimsical" 
 in politics and that " caprice and fickleness " were charac- 
 teristic of the man (vol. 10, p. 400), As to the correct- 
 ness of Governor Martin's estimate of Judge Moore's char- 
 acter, the reader will form his own conclusions from the 
 facts in the case. 
 
 A. number of good men, " in no wise connected with the 
 Regulators," assigned as a reason for Hunter's pardon, 
 chief of the Regulators, that he was humane and compas- 
 sionate. (Vol. 9, p. 86). The Regulators, a large body of 
 wronged and long deceived men, embracing every element 
 of society, whipped a few of their oppressors, taking the 
 life of not one; but to pass the "infamous" Johnson bill, 
 to shoot down and hang the heroic and the helpless was 
 reserved for the more aspiring and powerful few. (Life of 
 Caldwell, pp. 163, 166 ) 
 
 Criticisms of the patriotic labors of Mr. J. W. Moore are 
 here thus candidly indulged in, because Mr. Moore's work 
 is entitled a History of North Carolina. Being the latest 
 and most complete history of the State extant, it will be 
 accepted as authoritative. It, therefore, becomes impor- 
 tant that its errors be corrected, if any such it contains. 
 
 Finally, if it had in fact become necessary to suppress 
 with arms these desperate men, the responsibility therefor 
 devolved upon those who administered the fearful correct- 
 ive. They and those under their control were virtually 
 the legislature as then constituted ; and that the necessary 
 physical as well as political power to have redressed all 
 grievance was theirs is manifest. For only five years be- 
 fore this, their own dignity and interests being menaced, 
 
26 
 
 they had promptly set at naught Tryon's authority and im- 
 prisoned his person (vol. 7, p. 172);* and a little later on 
 had driven his successor from his capital and the province. 
 
 It were a suicidal and most ungracious folly for any 
 North Carolinian wantonly to reflect upon those Revolu- 
 tionary leaders to whose noble efforts the State is so largely 
 indebted for both its freedom and honorable fame. Nev- 
 ertheless their treatment of the Regulators was an outrage 
 and here to justify the guilty is to wrong the innocent and 
 equally meritorious, and to deprive the present generation 
 of a lesson to which it is entitled. 
 
 In this controversy men must take sides. They cannot 
 justify both the Regulators and those who made war upon 
 them. Efforts at different times and upon different grounds 
 so to do have failed. 
 
 Dr. Caruthers with the light before him (0. N. S., p. 
 31, Series 1), '■ vindicates Caswell, Ashe," and others, upon 
 the grounds of their ignorance of that true state of affairs 
 which, in his opinion, justifies the Regulators. These gen- 
 tlemen, under parliament, possessed and tenaciously held 
 to the power, and so voluntarily assumed responsibility 
 for the conduct of the affairs of the people of the province. 
 They had ample opportunity to have correctly informed 
 themselves, and if they were in fact ignorant, ignorance 
 under the circumstances was only less criminal than wilful 
 wickedness. 
 
 Caruthers says : " The conduct of these patriotic men 
 in aiding the governor to put down the Regulators admits 
 of ample vindication. Of course they could not be ex- 
 pected to know the imposition practiced upon the people 
 further back, and therefore they were justified in lending 
 their co-operation." 
 
 *Col. Rec, vol, 7, p. 127. 
 
27 
 
 Let's inquire how this was. Mr. Ashe was speaker of 
 the Provincial Lower House in 1765, when Tryon assumed 
 the governorship. From October, 1766, to January, 1771, 
 Messrs. Harvey and Caswell successively held that posi- 
 tion. Throughout these years Harvey, Caswell, Harnet 
 and others continuously sat in the legislature, and a part 
 of the time with Thomas Person. Person was an able, 
 courageous, an<l from his wealth and other causes, influen- 
 tial man. He was a Regulator and the representative, 
 from Granville, of the Regulators.* The Nutbush papers 
 Avere issued from Granville June 6th, 1765 (Vol. 7, p. 90). 
 These published papers, together with the published "ad- 
 vertisements " of the Regulators following on year after 
 year, clearly set forth the gi-ievances of Person's constit- 
 uents. From these facts alone the plea of ignorance will 
 not be entertained. 
 
 But we are not left to inference. The stench of corrup- 
 tion and oppression in this country had reached England. 
 Upon his appointment to the governorship Tryon received 
 instructions from England to this effect, (7, 139): 
 
 "You are hereby strictly enjoined and required forth- 
 with to cause fair tables of all fees legally established within 
 the province under your government to be fixed up in evey 
 public office within your said government (not effected 
 April 12th, 1772, 9, 279), — and also to publish a procla- 
 mation — expressing our indignation at these unwarrantable 
 and dishonorable practices and strictly enjoining and re- 
 quiring all public officers whatever from receiving other 
 than lawful fees." 
 
 On the 15th of August, 1765, Tryon writes home that 
 "they (the legislature) did not enter into an examination 
 of their public funds ; I shall, however, recommend again 
 the necessity for such an enquiry." (7, 107). 
 
 * Saunders. 
 
28 
 
 At the meeting of a new assembly, October, 1766, in his 
 address Tryon recommends "a remedy to prevent future 
 neglect and embezzlement of sheriffs," &c., (7, 294). No- 
 vember of that session the House appointed Caswell, Per- 
 son and Harnet a committee to settle these accounts ; they 
 were not settled, however, but the bill for building the 
 Palace was enacted and further taxes laid for the same. 
 This in November, 1766; and the following January (1767) 
 Tryon writes that through the "embezzlement of sheriffs 
 and deficiency of currency"* two-thirds of the taxes 
 levied were never applied to the purpose for which they 
 were laid. 7, 433). 
 
 At a session held December 5th, 1767, he urges in his 
 address, "The necessity for making as well your public 
 funds as the embezzlement and irregularities practiced by 
 several collectors of the province for some time past a prin- 
 cipal object of your important inquiries; and I humbly 
 submit that no provisions will be found against these abuses 
 as long as a jealousy exists of the Chief Magistrate, &c." 
 (7,552). 
 
 On the re-assembling of the legislature, October 1769, in 
 his address the governor re-submits a remedy for "expell- 
 ing that cloud which has ever obscured the public accounts 
 of the province. The community will then cheerfully pay 
 the public levies, satisfied they are fairly adjusted and ap- 
 plied to the services intended." (8, 88). Here in his ad- 
 dress to the legislature the governor adopts the ideas and 
 almost the identical language of the Regulators in their 
 repeatedly published complaints; if he had not in hand a 
 copy he certainly had in mind their papers, as doubtless 
 did the several members; he tells these men to do justice 
 by the people and then the Regulators will " cheerfully 
 pay" those taxes which by preconcert among themselves 
 
 *Col. Rec, 7, 570; 7, 792; 8, 651. 
 
29 
 
 they had quit paying for the identical reasons h6re en 
 dorsed by the governor. Finally in dissolving this assem- 
 bly November 6th, 1769, declaring his great disappoint- 
 ment at their non-action in this matter, he says : 
 
 "The plan I laid before you for your future funds, if 
 adopted by the legislature, will produce the happiest effect 
 to this country ever experienced; though the act should 
 be the only act passed in that session. But this blessing 
 is not to be obtained for this country while the treasurers, 
 late sheriffs and their surities can command a majority in 
 the lower house." &c., (Vol, 8, 140). 
 
 On the 5th of December, 1770, in his address to a new 
 legislature — Caswell now being speaker — Try on address e 
 them again in this language : " I offer in the most urgent 
 manner for your consideration abuses in public funds and 
 general complaint against public officers and offices." (Vol. 
 8, 282). The justice or injustice to the legislature of the 
 governor's charge of complicity with late defaulting 
 " sheriffs and their sureties," who filled the province, in no 
 wise affects the question of their knowledge or ignorance 
 of the abuses so frequently and earnestly called to their 
 attention. But, like other facts here cited, it precludes 
 the possibility of ignorance on their part.* 
 
 The vindication of those leaders who made war at Ala- 
 mance upon their wronged fellow subjects, must be based up- 
 on other reasons than the necessity of the situation or their 
 own mistake of the facts or their fear of British governors.f 
 
 *Col. Rec. vol. 7, p. 570. Vol. 8, 114 "■ abuses cry aloud." 
 tBut query; had Tryon been governor in 1776, would his " diplomatic" 
 friends been whigs or tories? See resolve of affection and confidence, Dec. 
 '73, vol. 9, 787. Tryon was prompt, gracefully to retreat when necessary, 
 as bold to advance when allowed. The Sons of Liberty utterly humilia- 
 ted him in the fall of '65 and spring of '66; so did the legislature Nov. '66, 
 but when they attempted tliis again in Nov. '69, their discomfiture was 
 complete, (see Journal, vol. 8. 86.) They never kicked again. Tryon was 
 the hypnotist of the age. 
 
30 
 
 The offensive vaporings of Hermon Husbands, if such 
 there were, and the publication of a cruel slander, upon a 
 good man, if you please, do not excuse a grave and respon- 
 sible body, clothed with power, for making war upon the 
 homes, the wives and thelittle ones of a wronged community. 
 
 The fact is that in Tryon's approach lay the presage of 
 evil for the province, wholly devoid of compens;ition. His 
 vanity subjected the country to debt and to taxation that 
 took from the plow the work-horse of the poor and stripped 
 from the back of his wife her "homespun dress."(0. N. S. 
 vol. 1, 22.) John Harvey (vol. 7, 570) declared it was 
 ruinous. 
 
 The influx into central and western North Carolina, at 
 that time, of a most desirable population, Baptists, Scotch- 
 Irish and German, Lutheran and Presbyterian and Quakers, 
 was unprecedented perhaps in the history of any colony. 
 This Tryon declared it to be, and to it his ambition put an 
 end and drove away many excellent men by his war upon 
 the people, (Vol. 8, 654). In the first address to its assem- 
 bly by this adroit, aggressive, bold, bad man he section- 
 alized the province and sowed seed of dissention that bore 
 unhappy fruits for nearly a century. Foreseeing he fore- 
 told the rapidly approaching consequences of the heavy 
 immigration just spoken of; he excited the fears and jeal- 
 ousies of the then all-powerful East, political and religious ; 
 and to these are due largely that abuse and neglect that 
 nurtured the Regulation. 
 
 On the 3rd of May, 1765, Tryon, Lieutenant-Governor, 
 recommends to his legislature amendments to a previous act 
 "making provisions for an Orthodox Clegry" in this lan- 
 guage, (7, 42) : 
 
 "In this instance I must more particularly address my- 
 self to the members of the church of England; and desire 
 them to reflect on the little prospect there appears of its 
 
31 
 
 ever being established, if they but a little while longer 
 suffer their pursuasions to lay under a general neglect ; I 
 ground my opinion on the increasing number of sectaries 
 in the province, who in a short period of time may be in a 
 majority in all assemblies," etc. 
 
 While claiming to be a friend of toleration, he says of 
 the sectaries : 
 
 " I must inform them that I never heard toleration in 
 any country made use of as an argument to exempt dis- 
 senters from bearing their share of the support of Estab- 
 lished religion," etc. 
 
 This Orthodox Clergy bill, that afterwards aroused bit- 
 ter bickerings,* was promptly enacted, but not in its feat- 
 ures exactly as recommended. 
 
 In a letter home (7, 105), August, 1765, Tryon says: 
 
 " I proposed that the salaries for the clergy should be 
 paid by the public Treasurer (that is by the province) as 
 that would be a stronger inducement for young clergymen 
 of merit to come over to the colony. However, as the 
 present law has provided a very summary law to obtain 
 the salary, I am of opinion payment by vestry is in no 
 ways objectionable. But this reasoning was not attended 
 to, as the majority in the assembly were the representa- 
 tives of the lower counties." 
 
 They apprehended, I suppose and correctly, that Bap- 
 tists, Lutherans, Presbyterians and Quakers would never 
 pay their assessments and so their safer plan would be to 
 bind themselves for their own respective parishes only. 
 
 This overwhelming majority thought, however, that a 
 negro slave capitally convicted by the court and hanged 
 by the sheriff should be paid for by the province, as was 
 done. (7, 686 and 8, 475.) There were few or no negroes 
 in the west. 
 
 *Appeiidix B. 
 
32 
 
 That Tiyon and his satelites had manufactured a senti- 
 ment that kept many in ignorance and that led to gross 
 error of judgment in this matter is true. This appears in 
 many ways (9, 610)* and is evident from the fact that 
 this so-called War of the Regulators was a purely sectional 
 affair. Craven, Beaufort, Onslow, New Hanover, Duplin 
 and Dobbs appear to have furnished Tryon's command, 
 reinforced by "an artillery company of sailors raised at 
 Wilmington." (8,j]649).t (See "Line of Battle," Vol. 8, 
 583.) The " Eastern counties," as Tiyon calls them, were 
 not represented, Tryon says, because the Northern Treas- 
 urer would not honor his drafts for "bounty" (8, 650). 
 
 Tryon ordered Clerk Fanning, Colonel commanding, to 
 raise but two hundred militia from " the Orange regiment" 
 (8, 704), and he excused Clerk, Colonel Frohawk, of Rowan, 
 from command in this language: 
 
 Wilmington, 30th March, 1771. 
 Col. John Frnliav'k : — I am willing to attribute your late conduct with 
 respect to the Regulators to motives of the preservation of your property 
 and a consciousness of having, in the execution of your office, taken fees 
 not warranted entirely by law. Sensible of the embarrassment you must 
 be under as the commanding officer of the Rowan regiment of militia 
 under such a situation, T am ready to excuse your taking an active part 
 in the expedition now forming against the insurgents. "J 
 
 General Waddell enjoyed the distinction, doubtless 
 justly, of being the best fighter within the Province.^ In 
 his march eastward to join Tryon he failed of his purpose 
 for these reasons : 
 
 "General Waddell's Camp, Pott's Creek, near Salisbury, 
 
 *Jo8iah Quincy's diary. 
 
 tColonial Records, 8, 553, " Whatever lower counties do " — get no sol- 
 diers here " — Bute county. 
 
 JWhy this letter will not reflect upon Ashe and Harvey, the best men 
 in the State, and Caswell and other leaders who, though cognizant of all 
 the facts, had yet clothed this unscrupulous tyrant with his power, will 
 be difficult to explain away. 
 
 IjPref. notes, Colonial Records, Vol. 9, page 54. 
 
33 
 
 10th of May. 1771. — By a council of the officers of the 
 Western Detachment considering the great superiority of 
 the insurgents in number and a resolution of a great part 
 of their command not to fight, it was resolved that they 
 should retreat across the Yadkin," which was promptly 
 done." (8, 608.) 
 
 Upon the presence of Col. Moses Alexander and that of 
 Capt. Thomas Polk, of Mecklenburg, with this command 
 the following may throw some light : 
 
 New Bern, 10th March, 1771. 
 CoJ. Moses Alexander — I have come to the resolution, by consent of mycoun- 
 cil, to march a body of troops from the regiments of militia of this govern- 
 ment It will be necessary that several commissaries should be appointed 
 for the service ; and as you acquitted yourself very much to my approba- 
 tion in the late Hillsboro expedition, I am induced to make you the offer 
 of being commissary to the Mecklenburg, Tryon and Rowan detachments, 
 to supply the same with ammunition, provisions and about fifty camp 
 kettles ; at the same time observing that it would be very agreeable to me, 
 could you make it so to yourself, that Capt. Thomas Polk should be equally 
 interested and concerned with you in the undertakidg. " (Vol. 8, p. 698.) 
 
 Later these gentlemen were " appointed joint commis- 
 sioners for supplying the troops under General Waddell." 
 (Vol. 8, p. 074.) 
 
 As affecting the Wake militia, such as had obeyed or- 
 ders, we find the following : 
 
 "Detachment from Wake county that joined the army 
 yesterday ordered to attend the sheriff of the county and 
 to assist him in levying all the fines due from the body of 
 militia that appeared at the general muster at Hunter's 
 Lodge on Monday, the 6th instant, without arms; and also 
 to support the sheriff in levying all the taxes due in the 
 said district, excepting from those who have entered them- 
 selves volunteers in His Majesty's service against the 
 Insurgents," (Vol. 8, p. 577). 
 
 Attention cannot be diverted fram the culpable com- 
 
34 
 
 plicity of those gentlemen by abuse of Tryon. Though 
 an ambitious, despotic tyrant, Tryon seems sincerely to 
 have entertained "just abhorrence'' of these peculations 
 practised upon the people, although he tolerates such. 
 His sin was ambition,* as his urgent appeal for the ap- 
 pointment to the governorship first of North Carolina and 
 afterwards of New York show; and his evident desire for 
 war and subsequent parade and exaggeration of feats per- 
 formed before the home government clearly establish the 
 same. (Vol. 8, pp. 694-54.) 
 
 The old scheme of rendering Husbands odious, by the 
 application to him of "blatant," "demagogue," &c., with 
 the issue confessedly in his favor, and then seeking by as- 
 sociation to cast reflected odium upon all Regulators will 
 neither longer succeed nor escape detection under present 
 light. Nor will the commingling of merited praise and 
 adulation with unjust and hurtful criticism of the Regula- 
 tors confuse the mind and prevent a righteous decision. 
 
 Having adduced adequate cause and praiseworthy mo- 
 tive for the course pursued by a large body of men, why 
 assign their course to "one base and designing man?" 
 Moreover, having previously claimed for North Carolina 
 (Moore's History, Introduction, Vol. 1, p. 16), that " the 
 first blood shed in America to resist British tyranny was 
 at the battle of Alamance," the author is estopped from 
 justifying the murder of the patriots who fell upon that 
 field. With this proud and just claim for North Carolina, 
 how can w^e reconcile the subsequent statement that "upon 
 the heads of his opponents, not Tryon's lies the guilt of 
 the blood of Alamance?" Moore's History, Vol. 1, p. 
 132).t 
 
 * Appendix C. Tryon's character. 
 
 tNoTE — The Regulators had drunk "damnation to King George;" and 
 in his appeal to the legislature of 1770 71 Tryon based it on the ground 
 
35 
 
 The legislature knew that they themselves, the governor 
 and his judges were responsible for the condition of affairs; 
 otherwise their rejection of the governor's petition for 
 money with which to suppress "an host of scoundrels" who 
 with strong arm had silenced the courts of the country is 
 inexplicable.* 
 
 With the original records of the time or authentic copies 
 of the same at hand intelligent readers will not believe 
 that "Col. Wm. Dry," of the Council and collector of the 
 port at Brunswick; that "Gen Thomas Person," that "Gov- 
 ernor Alexander Martin" and others of their standinf** 
 
 o 
 
 were the "tools of one base and designing man, (Moore's 
 History, Vol. 1, p. 124 and 131). Nor was Hunter ever 
 his "Lieutenant." 
 
 Of this base man it is recorded: "He had been arrested 
 May the 2nd and notwithstanding all his sermons and 
 speeches urging the people to resist their oppressions, we 
 have his own confessions of what a craven hearted wretch 
 the noisy demagogue was. 'It came into my mind that if 
 I made Col. Fanning some promise he might let me go. 
 So on my motion he was sent for and came to see what I 
 wanted. Says I, if I may go home I will promise not to 
 concern myself any more whether you take large fees or 
 not. It took with him and after humming a little he re- 
 peated what I must promise, which as near as I can re- 
 member was to this effect: You promise never to give 
 your opinion of the laws nor frequent the assembling of 
 yourself among the people, nor show any jealousy of offi- 
 cers taking any extraordinary fees and if you hear others 
 
 that they were the enemies of the "Constitution;" and in his address after 
 the battle announced that the "fate of the Constitution had depended on 
 the success of that day." Herein lies the sole possible apology for their 
 crime, for in common with all America at that time our people were at- 
 tached to the crown— the Regulators alone excepted. 
 *Vol. 8, 525; Vol. 7, 9'1; Vol. 7, 914. 
 
36 
 
 speaking disrespectfully or hinting any jealousies of that 
 nature of officers, that you reprove and caution them and 
 that you will tell the people you are satisfied all the taxes 
 are agreeable to law and do everything in your power to 
 moderate and pacify them. All of which I promised.' " 
 (Moore, Vol. 1, p. 117). 
 
 The difference in the bearing of the two men — Hus- 
 bands and Wm. Butler — under the trying ordeal here 
 spoken of was indeed striking, and certainly not to Hus- 
 band's credit. Fanning, who had with great secrecy, in 
 the night-time arrested the two, confined them within the 
 Hillsboro jail, intending to hurry them off to New Berne, 
 but during the night becoming alarmed he offered to release 
 them upon bail and was anxious for them to give it and 
 thus release himself of their dangerous custody. Hus- 
 bands at once embraced the offer, but as he himself relates 
 unwilling to involve his friends, Butler paused awhile and 
 said, "1 have but one life and freely can give that up for 
 this cause, for God knows our cause is just.;' "They had 
 exceeding hard work," Husbands continued, "before But- 
 ler would consent, when they told him very seriously that 
 if he went to New Berne he actually would be hanged ; 
 and he did not consent at last till Fanning promised to 
 clear him at court without cost." 
 
 But all's well that ends well. The letter handed Tryon 
 by Hunter containing the resolve to " fall like men if nec- 
 essary," contained also this earnest prayer: " We pray you 
 Sir, do not drive us to despair." 
 
 Tryon was then at the head of troops. He was but too 
 anxious to, and he Avas allowed to disregard this prayer. 
 Tryon drove the Regulators to despair and in consequence 
 of that act his Royal Master lost fairest America, thanks 
 be to God, the disposer of all human events ; and three 
 
37 
 
 cheers for the glorious Regulators and their heroic chief- 
 ain, "General" James Hunter. 
 
 Meanwhile, before the Revolution and only eighteen 
 months after the battle of the Alamance, through his own 
 effecting, chiefly. Hunter in the sincerity and truthfulness 
 of private correspondence with a "loving friend and brother 
 sufferer," was enabled to declare of his own home and sec- 
 tion at least : "The country is as much master now as 
 ever." 
 
 Thus, my countrymen, I have endeavored first to refute 
 an elaborate defence of Governor Tryon and his co-adju- 
 tors, to which very great publicity has been and continues 
 to be given. And then it has been my purpose to estab- 
 lish the criminality of their assault upon the Regulators 
 out of their own mouths 
 
 This effort to establish what is believed to be the truth 
 is made with singleness of purpose. It will ever remain 
 a cherished memory that last fall I had the honor and the 
 very great pleasure of personally supervising the erection 
 upon these grounds of a noble monument to the true man 
 and patriot, Wm. Hooper, of New Hanover. It is the 
 cherished hope of my life, and let all make it our fixed re- 
 solve, that hard by Hooper's another monument shall rise 
 aloft. Upon its bronze face let us inscribe: James Hun- 
 ter, "General" of the Regulators. And beneath this to 
 his eternal honor, "The people are as much master now as 
 ever." Thus will we teach the ages anew that time rights 
 many wrongs and that truth crushed to earth will rise 
 again. 
 
 It was a bold deed personally to have delivered into 
 the hands of the British Governor, Tryon, a letter con- 
 taining this sentence: "But will nothing propitiate but 
 our blood, we are determined at all events to ffill like men 
 and to sell our lives at the dearest rate." (C. R., 7, 812.) 
 
38 
 
 Hunter, however, was always spokesman for the Regu- 
 lators, when practicable, either alone or accompanied by 
 one or more attendants. In every instance so far as ap- 
 pears, his presence commanded respectful and courteous 
 treatment, whether at the hands of the governor, judges 
 or others. 
 
 A handsome man, of commanding figure and a gentle- 
 man, his bearing seems to have been such at all times as 
 to have commanded the respect of superiors in office as 
 well as the '* implicit obedience and respect savouring of 
 enthusiastic reverence" of his followers. (7, 810.) 
 
 Though the Regulators were sadly scattered upon the 
 Alamance and although that conflict was fatal to a number 
 of its brave men, so it was not to their heroic cause and the 
 general measures urged by them.* The restlessness of 
 both the Regulators and of the people at large continued 
 till merged into the Revolutionary war in 1776. 
 
 As to the relief of the particular homes and counties of 
 the Regulators, this was practically achieved within the 
 eighteen months following the battle. That this was 
 effected chiefly through the admirable temper and splendid 
 courage of James Hunter I believe to be easily demon- 
 strated. What he could not enforce for want of physical 
 power, he accomplished through address. 
 
 In entire consistency with their course from the begin- 
 ging " we," Hunter says, " petitioned the new Governor 
 to visit the up-country soon after his arrival within the 
 province." Governor Martin was a royalist and true to 
 the King and the trust imposed upon him; but he appears 
 also to have been a man of upright and disinterested pur- 
 poses, and while to worthy motives, his just and righteous 
 course at this time is ascribed, still he wanted peace ; and 
 beyond doubt he believed, and with reason, that the most 
 
 *Appenclix D. 
 
39 
 
 direct manner of securing this was by granting justice to 
 the Regulators particularly and to the people at large. 
 His information in the spring, 1772, had been that Hunter 
 had returned from his hiding ; had openly visited his 
 county seat without molestation and was planning "anew 
 to wound the peace" of his country, he had been advised 
 by his Chief Justice in August " that if the peace and quiet 
 of the country is the object in view it would be wiser to 
 pass a general amnesty without making any further stir 
 concerning the criminality of the Insurgents." (Vol. 9, 
 p. 334.) A letter from the sheriff of Guilford, of October 
 18th, had informed him that "the spirit that raised the 
 late dangerous insurrection " was not totally extinguished 
 there ; that " officers are odious to the people" and that 
 " their hearts seemed much inclined towards Hunter, one 
 of the outlawed leaders of the insurgents," (Vol. 9, p. 36); 
 and in a letter of November 6th, written in Maryland, 
 whither he had gone to see Butler, in the privacy of this 
 correspondence between "loving friends and brother suf- 
 ferers," James Hunter says : "Morris Moore and Abner 
 Nash have been up to see me, to try to get me in favor 
 again and promised to do all they could for you, and I 
 think they are more afiaid than ever." 
 
 But before entering upon his labors here let's take a 
 retrospective glance at this able, respected and greatly 
 feared leader and patriot. 
 
 Throughout the trying seventeen years, between 1766 
 and 1783. no incident of his life reflected once upon his 
 consistency of character, his candor or his courage. How- 
 ever, it may have been, or appear to have been with 
 others, his name appears upon no paper that reflects upon 
 these. That Tryon's "army" was not annihilated in 1768 
 was evidently because " our ministers " both wrote to and 
 "visited us," (Vol. 7, p. 716 and Vol. 8, p. 15). Though, 
 
40 
 
 with the lights before them and from the character and 
 subsequent course of these ministers we are convinced 
 they did what in their opinion ought to have been done 
 under the circumstances, the wisdom of their course is 
 to-day a question. Tryon's shameful mastery of the lead- 
 ing men of the province was progressive from 1766 to 
 1771. John Harvey alone had the courage to confront 
 him'^"; and he had been supplanted in the speakership, 
 " through Tryon's procurement (Moore's Hist. p. 166, note), 
 by the elevation of Col. Caswell to the chair," " whose 
 rare, good character defends him from any suspicion of 
 wilful guilt in that and every other transaction" distaste- 
 ful to a British governor, (9, 340, Martin's letter, Sept. 5, 
 1773.) So had Hunter's friends, as he did, resented this 
 interference (Hunter withdrew from Caldwell's congrega- 
 tion — Caruthers) and confronted Tryon at that time justice 
 might have been secured without bloodshed. 
 
 That Hunter was supported by compatriots loyal to the 
 people as himself is true, but as regards his efficiency and 
 trying personal experience he stood pre-eminent among 
 his fellows. From the benefit of every general pardon 
 issued by royal authority, with a single exception, between 
 1766 and the close of British rule in 1775 his was the 
 distinguishing honor of having been excluded, his name 
 not infrequently appearing among the first upon the list. 
 On the 30th of Oct., 1768, at Hillsboro, Tryon demanded 
 the surrender of his person with those of twelve others; 
 just before the battle of Alamance it was again demanded ; 
 on the 9th of June following he was again outlawed, with 
 only three others, and a reward offered of £100, and 
 1,000 acres of land for his delivery, "dead or alive;" and 
 finally when the lower house of assembly, Dec, 1771, 
 
 *Col. Rec.,vol. 8, p. 698. Tryon thanks Harvey for " kind present " 
 that winter. 
 
41 
 
 failed to exclude his name and those of three others from 
 a pardon, that fact was occasion for a conflict between the 
 houses that lasted till British rule in North Carolina was 
 no more ; and Hunter died fifty years thereafter with a 
 British halter around his neck. 
 
 Neither rewards offered, threats nor insidious appeals l!] 
 to personal vanity, by the tender of personal promotion «^ 
 and peferment swerved him from the path of duty indi- ^ 
 cated by his own self-respect and his obligations to the^ 
 rights of man. The Revolutionary war having assumed j* 
 tangible shape early in 1776, Governor Josiah Martin is- )^ 
 sued commissions to certain leading men of the Regulators,v^ 
 naturally supposing that they were still sore over their 
 brutal treatment at the Alamance. Martin urged these 
 to embody those over whom they exercised influence and 
 with them meet him and the Highlanders at Fayetteville. 
 Of gentlemen thus and then commissioned, both Swain and 
 Caruthers say that Martin was mistaken in his men as 
 regarded " Paul Barringer and the Messrs. Hawkins, 
 senior and junior," for they were true Whigs. 
 
 This is equally true of James Hunter and others, and in 
 the failure to include their names with those designated 
 lies a possible injustice. The eyes of the country — British 
 and American — were upon Hunter, as appears from many 
 sources at that time ; Col. Wm. Purviance, then on duty 
 and watch at Wilmington, hastened to inform the authori- 
 ties that there were at "X Creek, Feb., 1776, not two 
 hundred of the old Regulators. The insurgents consist 
 principally of Highland banditti,"* &c.; and a member of 
 the Provincial Congress in a letter of the same date says 
 of prisoners captured with Fieldsf ('' a small body," L. C. 
 178,) " Hunter was not among them." 
 
 *Col. Rec, vol. 10, p. 468 ; 100 at Moore's Creek, vol. 10, p. 491. 
 t Appendix. E. 
 
42 
 
 Though Hunter is charged directly with threatening to 
 raise men and to disperse the Whig Congress at Hillsboro, 
 Aug., 1775, (Ms. Hist. 198) the authority cited is against 
 the charge, (life of Iredell, 261-2). " There has been a 
 conference held with the chiefs of the Regulators — we ap- 
 prehend no danger from them, (10, 243.) 
 
 Thus in February, 1776, Hunter was invited to fight, 
 and settle an old score with men who had slaughtered his 
 friends and attempted his own life but a few years before, 
 and who had been greatly offended because Martin had 
 condemned both themselves and Tryon for their abuse of 
 the Regulators, (9, 350 — "silent, indignant and painful 
 emotions " — Martin). 
 
 Previously to this he had been told that the government 
 was threatened w^ith trouble abroad and the evils of a dis- 
 tracted front set forth. Now, as ever, however, the effort 
 to divert him from public wrong by the tender of personal 
 aggrandizement proved futile. Meanwhile, between the 
 years 1771 and 1776, time had wrought great changes in 
 the relations of both persons and parties within the prov- 
 ince. And the Regulator was courted by another former 
 enemy than the British. 
 
 The assiduity with which it was sought to win or de- 
 stroy Hunter is proof conclusive of the high estimate 
 placed upon the man and leader. 
 
 In March, 1768, the bearer of lawful and urgent peti- 
 tions, he represented his people before Tryon at New 
 Berne, then the seat of government. Accompanied by a 
 single attendant, Rednap Howell, Hunter mounted his 
 horse at Madison, and without shelter from storms or 
 night, without bridges, without a road, and through a 
 wilderness, he pushed his way three hundred miles to the 
 sea-coast. To induce sensible men, possessed of their 
 ordinary faculties, to undergo labors of this kind, the 
 
43 
 
 consideration compelling tlieni thereto, in order to be ade- 
 quate, must be real and weighty. Incidents at times 
 speak volumes. 
 
 In September, 1768, when Tryon arbitrarily, falsely and 
 deceptively rejecting all overtures for relief and peace, de- 
 manded the surrender of the people there assembled, a 
 night for consideration was asked. The next morning 
 Tryon's messenger returned and " brought a message signed 
 by James Hunter, saying the Insurgents had dispersed 
 and he didn't know what they intended to do." 
 
 The statement that Hunter commanded at Alamance is 
 without foundation so far as I can find and believe. It 
 may have grown out of the report published at the time, 
 that when Tryon, during the negotiations, suddenly and 
 contrary to his agreement* fired upon the people, armed 
 and unarmed, 3,700 of the 4,000 present immediately left 
 the grounds, while Hunter with only three hundred men 
 fought till the close of the engagement, (vol. 8, p. 647). 
 It seems from the proofs that there was no intention on 
 the part of the people to engage aggressively here in 
 battle at all. Certain it is, had any of the experienced 
 frontiersmen of that day then present proposed to make 
 the attack it would not now be a mooted question as to 
 whether there was or was not any organization of their 
 forces. Handicapped by the opposition or timidity of in- 
 fluential friends, many of the brave people were led to 
 hope still for justice without blood-shed. But they were 
 resolved and prepared to defend themselves. The battle 
 lasted two hours according to Tryon, (Vol. 8, p. 609, 616). 
 There were probably 150 men killed and wounded. 
 
 The result of the affair was the scattering of the leaders 
 to the four winds. John Gillespie, ''the Fearless," was 
 forced to cross the mountains, literally fighting his way as 
 
 *Life Caldwell, pp. 149 and 153. 
 
44 
 
 he went. The wherabouts of the heroes, Rednap Howell, 
 Husbands, Butler and Hunter were unknown, though pub- 
 lication for their arrest was made in adjoining provinces, 
 (vol. 9, p. 14). 
 
 I here append a newsy and exceedingly interesting let- 
 ter from Hunter to William Butler, written Nov. 6th, 1772. 
 This letter is kindly furnished me by the venerable Mrs. 
 Mary C. Dalton, of Iredell county, grand daughter-in-law 
 of James Hunter: 
 
 November 6th, 1772. 
 
 Dear Friend: — Sorry I am that I have not the good fortune to see you. 
 I took this journey into Maryland with no other view but to see you, Har- 
 man and Howell, as I reckoned you were afraid to come and see me, but 
 have had the bad fortune to see none of you only Howell, whom T saw 
 in Augusta county on the head of James river. I expect you have seen 
 Harman by this time, as he has gone with his family to the Red Stone. 
 But I would not have you publish it. 
 
 Things have taken a mightly turn in our unfortunate country, This 
 summer our new governor has been up with us and given us every satis- 
 faction we could expect of him and has had our public tax settled and 
 has found our gentry behind in our, the public tax, 66443-9 shillings, be- 
 sides the parish and county tax, and I think our officers hate him as bad 
 as we hated Try on only they don't speak so free. He has turned Col. 
 McGee out of commission for making complaint against out-Iawed men — 
 and he has turned out every officer that any complaint has been supported 
 against. In short I think he has determinated to purge the country of 
 them. We petitioned him as soon as he came, and when he received our 
 petition he came up amongst us and sent for all the out-lawed men to 
 meet him at Wm. Field's, told us it was out of his power to pardon us at 
 that time because he had submitted it to the King and the King's instruc- 
 tion was to leave it to the governor, council and assembly to pardon whom 
 they saw fit. But assured us he had given strict orders no man should be 
 hurt or meddled with on that account, which made us wish for you all 
 back again. Though some are of opinion Harman will not be pardoned I 
 am of a different mind. The country petitioned for you, upward of 3,000 
 signers, his answer was that he would recommend it to the assembly and 
 freely gave his consent that nothing might be left to keep up the quarrel. 
 He came to see us the second time and advised for fear of ill designing 
 fellows to go to Hillsboro and enter into recognizance till the assembly 
 met, which eleven of us did. He bemoaned our case and regretted that 
 the indemnifying act had put it out of his power to give ua full redress. 
 Our enemies I believe would be glad to see you three pardoned for some of 
 them have gotten severely whipped about your being kept away, and I think 
 
45 
 
 the country is as mucli master now as ever. The out-lawed men since 
 they came home are very ill-natured and whip them wherever they find 
 them, and the governor thinks it no wonder they do not take the law of 
 them. There is a great deal of private mischief done. The people want 
 you back and I think you would be quite safe though we can be better 
 assured when the assembly breaks up: it sits December 10th, when it is 
 allowed that an indemnifying act will pass on all sides. *Our governor 
 has got Fanning to forgive the pulling down of his house and he has pub- 
 lished it in print advertisements all over the country. The governor has 
 published a statement of the public accounts at every church and court 
 house in the province for seventeen years back in print, with the sheriffs' 
 names and the sum they have in hand for each year, and a. great many of 
 their extortionate actions— a thing we never expected— to the great grief 
 and shame of our gentry. If you should go to that far country I wish 
 you would come and see us first; and let me assure you, you need not go 
 on that account. Morriss Moore and Abner Nash have been up to see me, 
 to try to get me in favor again and promised to do all they could for you, 
 and I think they are more afraid than ever. I have now some good news 
 to tell you, which I heard since I left home. I met John Husbands on 
 his way to Maryland to prove his father's debt, which the governor told 
 him if he would, in order to prove that Harman was in his debt he should 
 have all his losses made up and told me that McCollough was come and 
 was in our settlement; and was to have a meeting at my house the next 
 Monday by a message from the King. Jeremiah Fields, and others, had 
 been with him to know what it was, but he refused to tell them, he came 
 to my house, only said he had tidings of the gospel of peace to preach to 
 us all and was much concerned that I was not at home for he had particu- 
 lar business with me. I am much troubled, dear brother, that I had not 
 the good fortune to communicate my thoughts to you by word of mouth, 
 for I have so much to tell you that I could not write it in two days. The 
 out-lawed all live on their places again and I think as free from want as 
 ever. I came home in ten months after the battle, entered a piece of vacant 
 land adjoining my old place and rented out my old place. I add no more 
 but subscribe myself j^our loving friend and brother sufferer, 
 
 James Hunter. 
 
 P. S. — Your friends are all well and desire to be remembered to you. 
 
 It was upon his return after this "ten months" absence 
 that Hunter openly and publicly visited without molesta- 
 tion his county seat, which act of audacity so aroused the 
 ire of Governor Martin. But, as we now know, Martin 
 was soon to meet in council, this "ring-leader in sedition 
 
 *Col. Rec. vol. 9, p. 877. Legislative act indemnifying themselves, dis- 
 allowed by home government. 
 
46 
 
 and the rebel" was not out-classed. Martin's letter of the 
 following August, (1772), in which he so severely animad- 
 verts upon Tryon and his co-adjutors shows that Hunter 
 and his friends had things pretty much their own way at 
 their meeting; so does also the condition of affairs in 
 Guilford and adjoining sections set forth in Hunter's letter 
 and elsewhere. This was right and as the justice of the 
 situation required. But there were others than the gov- 
 ernor with whom the Regulators had to deal, the council 
 and co-adjutors of Tryon. And their hostility Hunter 
 seems to have anticipated, for he declares in his letter that 
 he was greatly moved because he could not have communi- 
 cated "my thoughts to you by word of mouth;" and when 
 speaking of pardons promised he says: "we can be bet- 
 ter assured when the next assembly breaks up." It so 
 turned out, in fact, that the council so late as March, 1774, 
 defeated finally any act of pardon whatever, in its bicker- 
 ings over Hunter and two or three of his friends. 
 
 These we cannot but observe were dangerous times in 
 which Hunter was braving alone the risk and urging the 
 interests of all. 
 
 The next legislature, assembled Dec. 4th, 1774, and the 
 last royal body assembled April, 1775, were stormy, and 
 soon dissolved and had little time to bestow on the suffer- 
 ing Regulators. When, however, the first provincial 
 Whig congress met at Hillsboro, Aug., 1775, and when 
 upon motion of Col. Caswell, speaker of the assembly of 
 1771, Samuel Johnston, author of the " infamous Johnston 
 bill " of that session, was made president of the congress, 
 they resolved the first day of the sitting, that, 
 
 " Whereas, it is manifest that endeavors have been used 
 by the enemies of America to persuade several of the in- 
 habitants of this province who were engaged in the late in- 
 surrection, that they remain still liable to be punished 
 
47 
 
 unless pardoned by his Majesty, and that pardon can only 
 be allowed upon condition that they shall take up arms, 
 etc., for their King. 
 
 " Resolved, therefore, that the late Insurgents and every 
 one of them ought to be protected from every attempt to 
 punish them by any means whatever ; and that this con- 
 gress will to their utmost protect them from any injury 
 to their persons or property which maybe attempted on 
 the pretence of punishing the late said insurrection or 
 an}' thing in consequence thereof." 
 
 In other words these good and true and wronged men 
 w^ere pardoned when they were needed. All of which 
 reminds us of the ludicrous haste of a late congress, De- 
 cember, 18'95, who, when stirred by the growl of the Brit- 
 ish lion, pardoned certain Confederate officers. 
 
 The coincidence is striking, and how entirely natural it 
 woukl have been for self-respecting Regulators to have 
 spurned this enforced "Christmas gift" (D. B. H.) some 
 may now be enabled the more easily to apprehend and 
 fully to appreciate 
 
 Colonel Caswell, both Tryon's and Martin's trusted 
 champion, it would seem, (Moore's History 1, 166; C. R. 
 9, 339 and 10, 232), was in command of troops at Alamance. 
 Of a section of Mr. Johnson's bill the home government, 
 in its instructions, back, said : " Which said clause ap- 
 pears to be irreconcilable with the principles of the consti- 
 tution, full of danger in its operation and unfit for any 
 part of the British empire," (8, 516). In additional in- 
 structions to the governor of North Carolina of May, 1772, 
 this language is used : " That he do not under any pre- 
 tence whatever give his assent" — to any bill in the future 
 — "unless the same shall appear to be entirely free from 
 the objections" contained in this Johnson bill, (9, 289). 
 Why this congress of unquestionably able and earnest 
 
48 
 
 men should have appointed as missionaries to the Regu- 
 lators Col. Caswell and Judge Maurice Moore is at first 
 glance unaccountable. The love of liberty and fixed hos- 
 tility to England of these self-respecting " back-country- 
 men" alone must have saved the congress from the con- 
 sequence of its folly. The long settled English East, con- 
 tent in the consciousness that the province was run in its 
 interests,* both as regards political power and material 
 advancement, was culpably indifferent to the welfare and 
 ignorant of the character of the younger Scotch and Ger- 
 man West. Compelled now to court the West, to this ig- 
 norance must be attributed the blunder. Chickens come 
 home to roost. 
 
 Naturally the spirited but intelligent and patriotic Hun- 
 ter found himself at this juncture in a position more or 
 less embarrassing. There is evidence that he hated and 
 doubtless he denounced foes both foreign and domestic, 
 but none that he was ever for one moment untrue to his 
 country, r^ It must have been with sincere regret, alike 
 natural and honorable, that he turned his back upon Gov- 
 ernor Martin, the friend of his people in their hour of 
 need, but now become the enemy of mankind. 
 
 Hunter was an ardent Whig during the Revolutionary 
 war. His home — Guilford county — the " hotbed " and 
 the "heart of the settlement of the Insurgents" (7, 827), 
 was severed from Orange and Rowan in 1770 "to weaken 
 by dividing the Regulators." "The erecting of Guilford 
 county out of Orange and Rowan was, in the distracted 
 state of this country, a truly political division, as it sepa- 
 rated the main body of the Insurgents from Orange and 
 left them in Guilford," says Lord Try on at the time, 
 (8, 516). Dr. Caldwell's two Guilford congregations of 
 Buffalo and Alamance virtually constituted the country 
 
 *Pref. Notes Vol. 7, pp. 17-.20 
 
49 
 
 for fifty miles across. With the correct history of these 
 excellent people no man was ever mora familiar than the 
 conscientious Caruthers f He succeeded Dr. Caldwell in 
 the pastorate of both these churches. After stating that 
 many of these men were Regulators and took part at the 
 battle of the Alamance, Dr. Caruthers aflirms : "Yet not 
 one of them took sides with the loyalists during the war, 
 but were all active and efficient Whig?." (Old North 
 State, Series 1, p. 29). 
 
 Dr. Caruthers states this as a matter settled by his own 
 investigation, and is of opinion that the same was true of 
 the great Presbyterian bodies extending from the Virginia 
 line on the north to Mecklenburg, the home of the Black 
 Boys. 
 
 Of the German element the late Rev. G. Will. Welker 
 says: "In the war of the Regulation they were in full 
 sympathy with those who resisted the oppression, and the 
 Germans of Orange and Guilford were in that disastrous 
 fight on the Alamance. Before and during the war of the 
 Regulation some Germans became prominent and made 
 themselves felt in the events happening about them. 
 Barringer, of Mecklenburg; Forney, of Lincoln, and Goert- 
 ner, of Guilford." (8, 730, Col. Rec.) Barringer and 
 Goertuer were certainly Regulators, and all three Revolu- 
 tionary soldiers, (8, 727). " Nothing better shows the 
 character and patriotism of the Germans of the Reformed 
 church than their conduct when the rally to arms was 
 made by the Continental congress," etc., (8, 733). 
 
 " When the Revolutionary war came," says Dr. R. H. 
 Dalton, "he (Hunter) entered as Major in Col. James 
 Martin's regiment, his cousin;" and that "afterwards he 
 
 tLife of Caldwell, p. 16G — 'frequently related to me by surviving Reg- 
 ulators." Caruthers came to Guilford in 1819; was co-pastor with Dr. 
 Caldwell and his successor. See Wiley's centennial address at Alamance. 
 
50 
 
 fought the Indians in several expeditions, and some of the 
 battle scenes are fresh in my mind now," (1878). 
 
 Rutherford, of Rowan; Polk, of Mecklenburg, and James 
 Martin, of Guilford, raised a considerable force in the 
 midwinter of 1775 and 1776 — December (State R. 11 — ) 
 and with others destroyed the tory Scovillites in upper 
 South Carolina, (Moore's Hist., 1, 200).* To this service 
 in the early part of the war under James Martin Dr. Dal- 
 ton may have referred ; but as "Col. James Martin with a 
 large whig force was on his way from Guilford" (Moore's 
 Hist., 1, 204; to suppress the Highlanders and Tories at 
 Fayettevillc in Feb. 1776, the reference was more proba- 
 bly to that expedition. 
 
 From the above statements of Dis. Caruthers and Wel- 
 ker and others and the showing made by Mecklenburg, 
 Rowan and Guilford, "the heart" of the Regulation, 
 Moore's history seems to be in error in the declaration 
 that the Regulators "had no part in the liberation of the 
 colonies," (1st, p. 137). To a certainty Hunter was at 
 the battle of Guilford C. H., where the presence of the 
 Governor, Col. Caswell, would have brought with it great 
 moral influence. 
 
 Dr. Dalton gives this interesting and important incident 
 of the battle: "At the battle of Guilford when the order 
 for retreat came, my grand-father failing to hear it and 
 seeing the men beginning to fall back he thought they 
 were running away, and seizing a musket he was beating 
 them back, when Col. Martin came up and explained. He 
 was often laughed at for that." James Martin in his peti- 
 tion for pension sets forth Hunter's presence at Guilford 
 also. 
 
 Hunter represented Guilford in the Legislature from 
 1778 to 1782 inclusive; — a course dictated doubtless by 
 
 *Col. Rec. vol. 10, p. 408. 
 
51 
 
 public policy and at the instance of others; for from the 
 known facts of his history, before, during and after this 
 time an active life in the field would have been much 
 more congenial to himself personally. 
 
 As soon as the battle of Guilford relieved the country 
 of the British and left the people untrammelled they 
 elected, Feb. 1782, Daniel Gillespie to the sheriffalty; and 
 his brother John, "The Fearless" and James Hunter fol- 
 lowed him successively in that responsible position. After 
 having repeatedly presided as one of the special court 
 Hunter was made treasurer of the county and so con- 
 tinued, I believe, till his county of Rockingham was estab- 
 lished. (Minute docket for the Court of Pleas and Quar- 
 ter Sessions for Guilford ; 1781 to 1788). Men's neigh- 
 bors know them; and endorsement by these is the highest 
 commendation of character; there were no stauncher 
 Whigs nor better men in this section of country than the 
 Regulators. Regulators, like Sons of Liberty, fought on 
 the high and righteous principle of no representation, no 
 taxation ; the difference in the situation of the two being 
 in their favor — and the Regulators fought also for re- 
 ligious liberty. 
 
 Dr. Dalton, from whose manuscript, written in 1878, 
 we quote, was a grandson of James Hunter, fifteen years 
 of age at the time of the death of his grandfather. We 
 extract the following interesting anecdotes of Hunter's 
 declining years : 
 
 "Every one was on tiptoe to hear from New Orleans, 
 supposed to be in great danger of being sacked by Pack- 
 ingham and our little army captured, which was com- 
 manded by General Jackson. Suddenly a man well 
 mounted flung open the big gate, and without taking time 
 to shut it, came galloping down the hill towards the yard 
 gate ; and as he came my grandfather recognized him as 
 
52 
 
 Alexander Strong Martin and exclaimed, ' It is Alex. 
 Martin ; bad news, I fear.' " In an instant Martin pulled 
 up at the gate and waving his hand cried out : ' General 
 Jackson met the british below New Orleans, killed Pack- 
 ingham and 8,000 of his men without losing but one man. 
 In the twinkling of an eye the old gentleman sprang to 
 his feet, jumping, curveting and lamming the floor with 
 his cane, exclaiming: 'Damn the British; I knew if 
 Andrew Jackson ever met them he would give them hell; 
 hurrah for A.ndrew Jackson ! I always knew he'd be a 
 great man some day.' I w^as so alarmed that I jumped 
 out upon the grass, while my grandmother ran out beseech- 
 ing Ward and brother Sam to hold him, which they did, 
 but not till he had broken his cane and exhausted him- 
 self. In the next moment he was lying on my grand- 
 mother's bed exhausted and scarcely able to breathe ; and 
 I left for home in great trepidation to tell the news. Poor 
 grandmother was greatly troubled, fearing that he had 
 lost his religion. 
 
 "Andrew Jackson had lived and studied law at Guilford 
 Court House and hunted fox with my grandfather several 
 years, and they were very intimate and friendly." 
 
 Hunter had built a church near his home in which all 
 were welcome to preach, " provided they asked permission 
 and for the key." On one occasion an Ironside occupied 
 the pulpit, Hunter not knowing him to be such. "A large 
 congregation was present to hear the champion, and the 
 old Colonel took his seat, as usual, just in front of the 
 pulpit. After reading the text, singing and along prayer, 
 Davis opened first on the Roman Catholics and dealt them 
 crushing blows ; and that delighted my grandfather, as 
 was evident from his manner and the interest manifested 
 in the argument. Next he belabored the Episcopalians, 
 at which he was also pleased. Then the Methodists were 
 
58 
 
 dealt with in awful terms of vindictiveness and ridicule ; 
 the old gentleman smiled with approval and had evidently 
 concluded that Davis was a very great man. Unfortu- 
 nately, however, after leaving the Methodists he imme- 
 diately pitched into John Knox and his followers, and was 
 beginning to immolate the whole concern, when suddenly 
 grandfather sprang to his feet, brandished his cane and 
 exclaimed in a loud voice : " Come down from there, you 
 lying scoundrel, you vulgar wretch, or I'll maul you out ;" 
 and suiting the action to the word he was advancing with 
 uplifted arms when old man Crump, sitting near, seized 
 the stick, and while they were struggling for it, the holy 
 man slid down from the pulpit and escaped. 
 
 " Grandfather's home was a lovely place, where I spent 
 much of my time. My first impression of him was when 
 he was old, but even then he was a fine looking man, 
 fully six feet tall, and erect, though he walked with a 
 cane. The Irish brogue was distinct in his enunciation, 
 which was earnest and at times fluent. He was a strict 
 Presbyterian and held family prayers morning and night 
 with reading a Bible chapier and singing with my grand: 
 mother. His habits w^ere temperate, though I have seen 
 him take a glass with his friends. His library was large 
 and miscellaneous, and in the absence of company he was 
 generally reading. I never saw him dressed otherwise 
 than in black broad-cloth ; his linen was always clean and 
 fresh looking. Kindness and benevolence were striking 
 traits of his character, as was manifested by the lamenta- 
 tions of the poor at his death. His funeral was preached 
 by Father Paisley, who married me, assisted by Mr. Pick- 
 ard, of Orange, and it was the largest congregation I ever 
 saw on such an occasion. Right under Father Paisley 
 sat Thomas Henderson, Col. James Martin, Theophilus 
 Lacy and Thomas Searcy." 
 
54 
 
 Born on the 8tli of April, 1740, after a long and stirring 
 life, in the eighty-first year of his age, honored by all, 
 surrounded in his peaceful home by sorrowing friends and 
 kindred, still bearing about his neck a British halter of 
 fifty years wearing, yet "soothed and sustained by an un- 
 faltering trust," " like one who wraps the drapery of his 
 couch about him and lies down to pleasant dreams," James 
 Hunter sank to rest. 
 
APPENDIX A. 
 
 The introduction into the Legislature May, '65 (Vol. 
 7, p. 50) of a bill to make judgments of the courts and 
 taxes— that is all debts public and private— solvable in 
 "commodities" abundantly attests without further citation 
 the distressing scarcity of money— "coin or currency"— 
 within the province. But read— "Petition from a commit- 
 tee of both houses of the Assembly to the King, Humbly 
 showeth that by the resolves of both Houses of the As- 
 sembly, we represent to your Most Sacred Majesty the 
 present distressed condition of this colony for want of a 
 currency to answer the purpose of paying the internal 
 taxes and for a medium in trade. The distresses of the 
 poor inhabitants of this colony will be inexpressible, as 
 they will not have wherewith to pay the internal taxes 
 and other considerable debts; neither is it in their power 
 by any of the produce of their lands to obtain gold and 
 silver to answer any of those purposes." Feb. '68, (vol. 
 7, p. 681.) 
 
 And yet under these circumstances, at the bidding of 
 Tryon this legislature taxed the people, November, '6 6 
 to "build the finest edifice in America" at that time ; the 
 next summer, '67, Tryon, "escorted" by an army with all 
 the pomp, and expense of glorious war, for which at that 
 date there was no pretence of necessity, marched forth to 
 run a line with a compass. In this he had been previ- 
 ously limited by the legislature to the expenditure of only 
 100 pounds and the employment of three commissioners; 
 that December, '67, they voted Tryon £10,000 additional 
 to the Palace, his wicked and unauthorized expenditure, 
 
56 
 
 in running the line ; declared "distress almost to ruin 
 seems to be our inevitable lot" from scarcity of currency; 
 acknowledge their "high obligation conferred upon us by 
 your Excellency for superintending in person" the run- 
 ning of the line, which his three commissioners ran 
 wholly independently of himself and army, and they 
 closed by decLiring "we are very glad to be informed that 
 your Excellency was pleased with the conduct of the 
 officers and soldiers that composed your "escort" (vol. 7, 
 p. 576). 
 
 Though thus straightened for money, still in July, '65, 
 the Regulator's "Grievance was malfeasance of officials"; 
 (vol. 7, p. 89). But in the spring of '68 taxation had 
 superseded all other grievances and by Advertisement 
 No. 4 the Regulators determined to pay no more taxes 
 (vol. 7, p. 671), In April, '68, we read "Their greatest 
 resentment is against you (Fanning) as being one of the 
 Assembly who taxed them", (vol. 7, p. 710). 
 
 On June 16th Tryon wrote Lord Hillsboro "under these 
 circumstances" (as described above) they refused to allow 
 the sheriffs to sell them out of house and home, (vol 7, 
 p. 792). 
 
 In August the Regulators declared to the sheriff of 
 Orange: "We want no such house (the Palace) nor will 
 we pay for it," (vol. 7, p. 798). 
 
 Notwithstanding all the above, that summer (of '68) 
 Tryon and his legislature imposed another enormous tax 
 upon the people by levying war upon them and marching 
 across the province against them for refusing to raise 
 money which both had just declared was not within the 
 colony to be raised. Wicked taxation, under the circum- 
 stances, was the straw that broke the camel's back. 
 
APPENDIX B. 
 
 THE ORTHODOX CLERGY BILL— 1765-71. 
 
 "I am convinced the happy establishment of our religion" 
 (the Church of England), "will be the only foundation on 
 which the future prosperity of this colony can depend." — 
 Tryon's address to legislature, May, '65, (7, 65). Tryon 
 joins Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, (7, 164). 
 
 " We have laid a more firm and permanent foundation 
 than any other colony can boast of" (8, 13). 
 
 Tryon may be "justly called the nursing father of the 
 church in this province." — Rev. Mr. Morton, June 9, '67, 
 (7, 424). " New light Baptists are very numerous in this 
 parish. , . . They lately offered me the use of their 
 meeting house, where I propose to officiate once in two 
 months. . . . The most illiterate among them are their 
 teachers, even negroes speaking in their meetings." — Rev. 
 Mr. Barnet, Brunswick, February 3rd, '66, (7, 164). 
 
 "The clergy had never any regular and certain estab- 
 lishment till the act of May, '65, . . . This act entitled 
 the ministers to receive <£133, &c., per annum and " obliged 
 the vestry to supply them two hundred acres of good land 
 and to build a mansion house and convenient outhouses," 
 &c. " By the said act the ministers are entitled to certain 
 fees mentioned therein for marriages and giving certificates 
 thereof and for funeral sermons." — Tryon, (7, 490). The 
 fees where dissenting ministers performed the marriage 
 ceremony was secured to the encumbent also. (Prefatory 
 Notes, 8, 44). 
 
 "By this law" (Orthodox Clergy Act of May, '65), "pre- 
 
58 
 
 sentation is given up to the crown" (to Tiyon) "which has 
 freed us from the insolence and tyranny of vestries, and a 
 shorter and much easier method is appointed for the re- 
 covery of our stipends by law," &c. "The British parlia- 
 ment has put an entire stop to our paper coinage, or rather 
 the juggling of our paper currency" (parliament prohibited 
 North Carolina from issuing her own money), ''consequently 
 our legal encouragement will grow daily better and better, 
 and in a few years I expect to enjoy a little more of the 
 society of my brethren of the Society" in England, which 
 also he did soon and forever, and very largely because of 
 this act of parliament. Newbern, 10th of July, '65, Rev. 
 Mr. Reid (7, 99). 
 
 Presbyterian ministers attacked for marrying people, 
 Jan. ,'67, (7, 432). — Presbyterian Preacher of Meek., '69. — 
 
 Read (10; ifrrrj. /^/"p^/YJ 
 
 Presbyterians of Tryon county : " By the 8th and 9th 
 sections of this act our ministers are forbidden to marry 
 with rightful publication of bans, a privilege which a mil- 
 lion of our fellow professors in America now enjoy and 
 whose ancestors have enjoyed ever since they settled on 
 this continent; neither was it ever taken from dissenters 
 in America until it was taken from us by this act of which 
 we complain" (8, 80). 
 
 Even a C of E. parish " will starve me, for none like 
 the inducted parson," (because, as Mr, Taylor said, they 
 had had unworthy men put over them, 9, 21). — Rev. Mr. 
 Crump, March, '69 (8, 13). 
 
 " The people of this country, from the variety of secta- 
 ries on one part and a . . . neglect of religion on the 
 other, are uneasy under the provisions of this clergy bill 
 passed in '65." " Some vestrys idly imagine the power 
 of presentation is still in them . . . ; I propose to 
 bring this matter to trial" (by the court) "that they may be 
 
59 
 
 convinced of the obstinacy and error of their course, since 
 I find in some parishes candid argument would not avail.'' 
 " I recommend" (Mr. Fiske) •' to sue the church wardens 
 and vestry for his salary. His parish is full of Quakers and 
 ana-Baptists; the first no friends, the latter an avowed 
 enemy of the Mother Church. It is certain the pre-emi- 
 nence the Church of England has obtained over the sec- 
 taries by legislative authority has drawn upon her their 
 jealousies." " Presbyterians and Quakers are the only tol- 
 erated sectaries under any order or regulation ; all others 
 are enemies to society and scandals to common sense." — 
 Tryon to Sec, March, '69, (8, 15). 
 
 Rev. Mr. Morton writes that he started from Newbern 
 to "My new mission in Mecklenburgh." He got to the 
 Cape Fear country, where and when he was "discouraged 
 from proceeding any further. There I was well informed 
 that the inhabitants of Mecklenburgh are entire dissenters 
 of the most rigid kind ; that they had a solemn league and 
 covenant minister settled among them; that they were in 
 general greatly averse to the Church of England; that they 
 looked upon the late law for the better establishment of the 
 church as oppressive as the stamp act, and were determined 
 to prevent its taking place there by opposing the settlement 
 of any minister of the C. of E. that might be sent among 
 them. In short, it was very evident that I could be of 
 little service to the honorable Society in Mecklenburgh and 
 declined embroiling myself with an infatuated people to 
 no purpose." So he returned to Tryon and was sent to 
 Northampton county, August 25, '66, (7, 253). 
 
 Rev. Mr. Drage writes from Salisbury, Rowan county, 
 February, '71 : " Two-thirds of the people are of the C. 
 of E.'' (he must have meant the village), "the others a mot- 
 ley mixture, but the most distinguishable are Irish Dissent- 
 ers. . . I found the C. of E. members disheartened. . . . 
 
60 
 
 Irish Dissenters have the power of deciding all elections 
 to their views. . . . then they would not qualfy, (so 
 there would be no vestry) — this had been practiced the 
 year before, and they declared they could keep out the 
 church b}^ this means, had done it and always would ; and 
 the Dissenters have told the separate Baptists, who were in 
 a declining way since my arrival and really not under the 
 Act of Toleration in the manner they act, that they are as 
 legal congregations as the C.of E.,and have nothing to pay 
 to the support of the church. I can't send for my family, as 
 there is a year's salary due me from the parish and no vestry 
 to assess it, and have little expectation but it will be the 
 same the current year, as there is no probability of a 
 vestry." — Theodorus Swaine Drage (8, 502). 
 
 " They say they have opposed England in endeavoring 
 to invade on their civil rights; they also shall and have a 
 right to oppose any intrusion on their religious rights, a 
 maxim dangerous not only to this country, but to the 
 whole back frontier of America, principally settled with 
 sectaries, and is deserving of attention of government be- 
 fore power is added to inclination." — Drage (8, 180), March, 
 '70. " The opposites have treated my person with no 
 incivility, but they are bitter against my cause." 
 
 Perquimans "abounds with Quakers who will neither 
 hear nor contribute," &c. — Rev. Mr. Pettigrew, February, 
 '76 (10,496). 
 
 " It is a great pity but an American Episcopate were 
 established, if it tends to no other purpose than to take 
 cognizance of the behavior of the clergy, some of whom, I 
 am sorry to say, are the greatest scandal to religion we 
 have."— Rev. Mr. Taylor to Sec, August, '71, (9, 21). 
 
APPENDIX C. 
 
 COL. TRYON: THE KEY TO HIS CHARACTER 
 AND TO HIS COURSE OF CONDUCT WHILE 
 GOVERNOR OF NORTH CAROLINA, 1765-71. 
 
 '-5 
 
 The Earl of Hillsboro was the friend of Tiyon and his 
 patron before the throne in furtherance of his ambition. 
 In October, 1769, Gov. Tryon being in bad health had re- 
 tired from the coast to the hill country in a neighboring 
 province. There relieved of the labors and worries of 
 office in the freedom and candor of communication by let- 
 ter with his friend he says (vol. 8, p. 54) that his respite — 
 "allowed me to reflect on the motives that led me to this 
 continent. These I shall candidly state to your Lord- 
 ship in the hopes that they may be laid before His Maj- 
 esty. 
 
 One grand principle of my offering my services in 
 America flowed from a wish to be placed in a situation in 
 which I might render my public services more beneficial 
 to my Royal Master than my station in the Guards would 
 probably allow me to do in time of peace. 
 
 Another motive was, if happily I could by a diligent 
 discharge of my office ai^swer.the purpose of it, I flattered 
 myself it would recommend me to the King's indulgent 
 consideration in the military line. 
 
 The first of these I have amply obtained by his Maj- 
 esty's most gracious approval of my public conduct signi- 
 fied to me by both your Lordship and the Earl of Shel- 
 burn. The fruits of the latter I can only hope for from 
 His Majesty's most gracious favor, but upon that I must 
 
62 
 
 entirely depend as the Earl of Halifax told me (see T's 
 letter to H. April, .'65, (vol. 7, p. 3) while Secretary of 
 State on my departure from England, that he had it in 
 command from the King to assure me I should receive no 
 prejudice in my military rank while engaged in his ser- 
 vice in America. If, therefore, in His Majesty's goodness 
 I might be appointed one of his aides-de-camp, or receive a 
 regiment through his royal bounty, in either case I should 
 be gratefully happy. But if a regiment should be my 
 fortune my unwearied duty would be exerted to keep it 
 as well disciplined and appointed as the company of Gren- 
 adiers I reluctantly resigned to Col, West. 
 
 Permit me, my Lord, to request the favor of you to lay 
 this letter at his feet and support it with your Lordship's 
 good offices, which will infinitely oblige yours," &c. 
 
 Herein we learn unmistakably that promotion in a mili- 
 tary line, Tryon being a soldier by profession, was the 
 ultimate end and aim of his earthly aspirations and the 
 goal toward which all his efforts tended. This accounts 
 for his military march, parade and display in running the 
 Cherokee line in '67. The wholly unnecessary extrava- 
 gance here indulged in, in the face of his own and the 
 legislature's known and oft declared poverty of the pro 
 vince can find no other solution. This letter accounts 
 also for his prayer at Hillsboro in '68 for war; upon which 
 he failed to enter at once solely because he was not al- 
 lowed so to do. It accounts for and explains his declar- 
 ation Feb. '71, that if not furnished evidence "to ground 
 military operations upon," "I shall speedily return to 
 England where my military services may be required," 
 war between Spain and England at that time being immi- 
 nent (vol. 8, pp. 693-694); and here we discover the true 
 cause of his strenous, unwearied and unprincipled but suc- 
 cessful efforts to bring about war in the session of '70-71. 
 
63 
 
 One of the most influential representatives of the 
 Church of England in this country declared that though 
 willing his parishioners could not pay "the smallest sala- 
 ries established," because the money with which to pay 
 them was not to be had in the colony (vol. 7, pp. 495-496); 
 the legislature declared it was "impossible" for the people 
 to pay the taxes for the same reason; Tryon did the same 
 and begged the King for a currency, yet he and his truc- 
 ulent legislature piled up taxes wickedly extravagant, and 
 because the brave Regulators refused to have their plow 
 horses and cattle sokl for taxes war was waged against 
 them. 
 
 Why? Manifestly not to raise money, for this was not 
 to be had. 
 
 The day has come when North Carolina proves that 
 her Regulators fought at the Alamance the first battle of 
 the Revolutionary War. 
 
 The records of the period are filled with appeals by 
 Tryon and the legislature to the King and Parliament, 
 that they be allowed to emit a currency for the colony, 
 attended with the most solemn assurances that such was 
 an absolute necessity. 
 
 December, 1767, John Harvey, speaker of the assembly, 
 says : (7, 570) "Distress almost to ruin seems to be our 
 inevitable lot from the great want of a sufficient circulat- 
 ing currency." 
 
 In August, 1771, Tryon declared the debt just incurred 
 (8, 651) "A load the province is absolutely incapable to 
 discharge, unless by a new emission of currency, or an 
 aid from Parliament, both of which I must beg leave to 
 submit to His Majesty's wisdom." 
 
 In one such appeal in June, 1768, (7, 791-2) Tryon 
 represents the hardship of the situation to the people, as 
 it actually was; and for the first and last time in his 
 
64 
 
 career does the Regulators justice and fails to slander 
 them. He says, June, '68, "These Regulators declare 
 they are not satisfied with the public and county taxes, 
 and that it is not in their power to procure specie or cur- 
 rency, from its scarcity, to discharge them. Under such 
 circumstances they have associated themselves together, 
 by solemn oaths, to prevent the sheriffs levying upon 
 their goods and chatties. * * * * * * jf 
 His Majesty, in his wisdom, shall grant the address of 
 this colony for a currency, I pursuade myself the public 
 taxes would be collected without any obstruction." Here 
 the declaration of the Regulators, that their taxes remain 
 unpaid, because money with which to discharge them, 
 from its scarcity, is not to be had, Tryon corroborates. 
 He corroborates and endorses this plea by his declaration 
 that "under such circumstances" they confederated; by 
 his appeal for a currency for them and by accompanying 
 this with his expressed conviction that if the currency be 
 granted, the taxes will be paid and thereby the troubles 
 ended. 
 
 Remembering that this "address of the colony for a 
 currency" was steadily rejected by the government at 
 Home till the last, manifestly the war of the Regulation 
 was intelligent resistance, now. rendered unavoidable by 
 and aimed directly at the oppressive policy of the English 
 government itself. 
 
 If this War of the Regulation is not entitled to be des- 
 ignated a "Revolution," because the original purpose of 
 the Regulators was not to "change their form of govern- 
 ment," neither was the continuous and falsely so-called 
 "Revolutionary" War entitled so to be dignified, from the 
 same reason; for to a certainty Revolutionary patriots 
 had no purpose of changing their form of government till 
 1776 — five years after the war had begun. Here it is 
 
65 
 
 proven that the War of the Regulation was the beginning 
 and the Revolutionary War the ending of one and the 
 same war against oppression by the British Government; 
 and that for the establishment of our free and glorious Re- 
 public Washington and his coadjutors must share the 
 honor with James Hunter and his. We are bound this 
 day to do the Regulators this simple justice, and our sis- 
 ter Colony of Massachusetts, with the glories of her Lex- 
 ington must yield precedence to the Old North State and 
 her Alamance. 
 
APPENDIX D, 
 
 EVIDENCE THAT SO EARLY AS 1768 THE 
 MOVEMENT OF THE REGULATORS WAS 
 REBELLION AGAINST THE KING OF GREAT 
 BRITTAIN. 
 
 Letter of the four Presbyterian Pastors to their flocks, 
 Aug. '68. (Col. Rec. vol. 7, p. 815.) 
 
 There are "sundry" Presbyterians born in this country 
 — "ignorant of the principles and practices of their ances- 
 tors, which we can assure them always evinced a zealous 
 attachment to the present Protestant succession in the 
 present royal family, and a spirited opposition to any 
 measure, concerted at home or abroad to shake the present 
 happy establishment" &c. "We are sensible the movers 
 in the present insurrection have put the cry of King, 
 Loyalty, Allegiance into the mouths of their unwary 
 adherents; which doubtless was the snare that caught 
 you," &c. 
 
 Hassell, Judge and of the Council, under Tryon Aug. gth 
 '71 in letter Home. (vol. g, p. 14.) 
 
 "They appear at present" (the Regulators just after the 
 battle) "thoroughly convinced of their having been deceived 
 and imposed upon by the seductions of a few turbulent 
 villains, who had formed a distracted scheme of overturn- 
 ing this government." (vol. 10, p. 803). 
 
67 
 
 Address of Legislature Jan. '73. Harvey Speaker, (vol. 9, 
 P- 454-) 
 
 This was an "Insurrection — aimed at the suppression of 
 the Constitution of this Province". 
 
 Rowan Dissenters March, '70. "Say they have opposed 
 England in endeavoring to invade on their civil rights; 
 they also shall and have a right to oppose any intrusion on 
 their religious rights." (Vol. 8, p. 180.) 
 
 Tryon's Proclamation, October, '70, (vol. 8, p. 253.) 
 
 Regulators drank "damnation to their rightful Sover- 
 eign, King George, and success to the Pretencler." 
 
 Tryon's address to the Legislature, Dec. '70, (vol. 8, p. 286.) 
 
 " Believe me the cause before us is not the cause of an 
 individual or opposition merely to administration,- but to 
 the Constitution." 
 
 Tryon's address to the army the day after the battle of 
 Alamance, May '71, (vol. 8, p. 585.) 
 
 "The fate of the constitution depended upon the success 
 of the day." 
 
 In the above we have the concurrent testimony of all 
 the parties to the War of the Regulation that it was re- 
 bellion against King George, necessarily through the pro- 
 vincial government. The plans of these Revolutionary 
 patriots were not definitely matured, even so late as '75, 
 and of course were not in '68 ; but then, as later, upon re- 
 ristance to British oppression they were determined. 
 
 The Presbyterian ministers quoted above were among 
 the best educated and most intelligent men of the province. 
 They were the country pastors of and lived in the midst 
 of their parishioners here addressed, and of course were 
 
68 
 
 acquainted with their distresses and purposes. Moreover, 
 they had both " written to " and " visited " Hunter and his 
 eonfrerees, and had discussed with them and endeavored 
 to dissuade them from the further prosecution of their de- 
 signs. 
 
 It is incredible that these preachars would have ad- 
 dressed the argument and used the language above to a 
 mere "peasant's uprising" against petty county officials. 
 
 They "abhorred^' this insurrection because they knew 
 it to be a rebellion against " the present royal family " and 
 was an effort to "shake the present happy establishment." 
 In common with all Americans, the Regulators excepted, 
 these pastors were true and loyal subjects at that time to 
 King George. 
 
 Their letters show also that they, like the legislature, 
 were overreached and deceived hy Tryon's promises of 
 relief from England and of his own rectification of malfea- 
 sance of officials within the province, for they say, " Breth- 
 ren, the remedy for oppression, is within the compass of 
 the laws;" and they thank Try on in their letter to him- 
 self for having taken the cause of the people into his own 
 hands, (7, 813). 
 
 Many of the people, taking this advice given in August, 
 '68, tried the "compass of the laws" at Hillsboro court in 
 September following, and they went thence under heavy 
 fines to jail, while their guilty and convicted oppressor. 
 Fanning, backed by Tryon, went scot free. In Septem- 
 ber, '69, they again tried the court at Salisbury, and by 
 corrupt officials and a packed jury were laughed out of 
 court. (8, 68, see Hunter's letter ) 
 
 The next September, '70, they did what, heroes as they 
 were, they ought to have done, suppressed forever this 
 "infamous" travesty upon a court of justice. 
 
 By '71 all the people of the province everywhere had 
 
I 
 
 69 N^ 
 
 learned Tryon's character and that hope from Enghmd by 
 way of a currency was a hypocritical delusion. He got ^ 
 no Presbyterian preachers' letters in his campaign that O 
 year ; in grand old Presbyterian Mecklenburg Waddell's ^ 
 powder was destroyed, in Presbyterian Rowan Waddell ^ 
 met " Regulators " upon ground with which Capt. Alex- ,^ 
 ander swore he was acquainted. "The foot appeared to ^ qa' 
 him to extend a quarter of a mile, seven or eight deep, ^^ I 
 and the horse one hundred and twenty yards, twelve or W 
 
 fourteen deep." From this fact and a '-resolution of a kJ ^ 
 great part of his own men not to fight, it was resolved ^^^^^^ 
 that they should retreat across the Yadkin, " (8, 608). "^ I 
 
 Every acknowledgement of obligation to Presbyterians ^ ^ 
 made by Try on was based upon these two letters written "^ "^ 
 in '68, so far as I can discover, except his language,^ , 
 8, 527. The legislature of December and January, '70-'71, ^ "^^ 
 was of "regulating tendencies ;2l^^^^'^ i^j ^^ ^^^ against i t:::C 
 Tryon and for the people when it met, but during the 
 session and close together the Johnson Act/ and acts al- ^^^ * 
 lowing Presbyterian preachers to perform the marriage Js ^ 
 ceremony, and one to establish Queen's College at Char-*V ->» 
 lotte,^were passed. In recommending this marriage act^" ^ 
 (Mar^ 11, '71) Tryon says, "The attachment the Presby- ^ j 
 terians have shown to government merit the indulgence of ^ ^y 
 this act" (8, 527). ^Responsibility for each of these has ^ \ 
 been laid to the account of Presbyterians. However this 
 may have baen^ proof of the charge that the Presbyterian 
 church or people, as such, were responsible therefor seems 
 to be wholly wanting. Certain it is also that Tryon's as- 
 sertion that the preamble to this college act^r its record- 
 ing shows that Presbyterian influence dominated the as- 
 sembly is not sustained by the proof cited. 
 
 Two Presbyterians at that session represented Meck- 
 enburg; if they or any Presbyterians at all as is alleged, 
 
70 
 
 selfishly sacrificed the people's interest for their own, 
 Tryon's subsequent conduct and that of the Home Gov- 
 ernment, in connection with these very acts, in due time 
 paid them back in their own coin. In March, '71, Tryon's 
 recommendation of the marriage act is exceedingly mild, 
 (8, 527). In the Spring of '72, the Home Authorities 
 recommend that these acts be not allowed, (9, 248) and in 
 April, '72, they are effectually disallowed by the King, 
 (9, 284). It may be the country is under obligation to 
 the Regulators for affording all these gentlemen occasion 
 for retaliating upon Tryon and the King and of clearing 
 their skirts before America, by becoming rabid rebels and 
 giving us our first declaration of absolute independence. 
 New brooms make clean sweeps. 
 
 Through the repeated publication of their wrongs by 
 the friendly and in fact warmly sympathetic Boston Ga- 
 zette the influence of their example was undoubtedly felt 
 in Massachusetts (8, 635, 639, 643). 
 
 In this connection, let us say the Quakers as a church, 
 but not as individuals however, of course pronounced 
 against the War of the Regulation as they pronounce 
 against war always. As to the Baptist, democratic and 
 ever loyal to the people, then as now they were of and 
 for the people. Argument in their favor would be like 
 defence of a pure woman against whose character there 
 had never arisen suspicion. The recorded, unvaried and 
 bitter fulmination of Tryon and of the rectors of the 
 Church of England against the Baptists settles conclu- 
 sively their honorable position. And would be subse- 
 quent apologists or others cannot detract from it. 
 
 The willingness of parties to this regulation con- 
 troversy, to fix upon the Church the charge that 
 She has ever been found ranged on the side of 
 money, place and power as against the people in their 
 
71 
 
 struggles for their liberties, would seem to find no just 
 countenance in the War of the Regulation. It is manifest 
 that next to secular oppression ecclesiastical intolerance 
 brought on the war. 
 
 The admirable paper of the Presbyterians of Mecklen- 
 burg, presented in 1769, containing a bold and palpable 
 threat alone proves this, (see 10, 1015-17.) 
 
APPENDIX E. 
 
 William Fields was of little note as Regulator and of 
 little more as Tory. He seems to have been made famous 
 by Caruthers from the facts that he was the most promi- 
 nent of four brothers of little eminence; (Jeremiah vol, 
 10. p. 803) left Guilford with "a small force" in Feb., 
 '76, to join the Highlanders, afterwards joined and re- 
 mained with the British during the war and after the war 
 refused to take the oath of allegiance; and was at Guil- 
 ford with Gov. Josiah Martin, "probably" (Caruthers.) 
 Of his fighting anywhere or at any time I find no recorded 
 evidence, or that he was at Alamance. He was a C. of E. 
 man (Caruthers) was recommended as vestryman for St. 
 Luke's Parish (Salisbury) by the Council in order to hin- 
 der "dissenters" from preventing "there being of a ves- 
 try," (8, 154). He was possessed, so far as facts enable 
 us to judge of little judgment, (10, 1019) and of little 
 principle perhaps; (10, 595) was neither at Hillsboro in 
 April or September, '68; nor''"in September, '70; nor at 
 Salisbury in March, '71, was never outlawed specifically; 
 and finally and conclusively was elected to the legislature 
 from Guilford in the fall of '71 just after the battle while 
 the leaders of the regulation and a number of others not 
 leaders were outlawed and fleeing for their lives to distant 
 provinces. He took his seat in the legislature in Dec, '71. 
 (9,137). 
 
 Wholly undue prominence has been given this man see 
 "especially the Fields" (Moore vol. 1, p. 137) and he has 
 been made to do duty on all possible occasions in futile 
 efforts to fix through him the stigma of toryism upon 
 
 til rfoi 
 
73 
 
 Hunter, the Gillespies and their friends, the Regulators 
 generally 
 
 As leaders of the Regulators and as soldiers and repre- 
 sentatives of the people during and after the Revolution 
 it is manifest that Hunter and others of Guilford, Thomas 
 Person, of Granville, and Paul Barringer and others from 
 Mecklenburg and elsewhere had a very powerful following 
 throughout this western section; and had they or their 
 friends adhered to the crown, in all probability North 
 Carolina would not now be indebted, as she is, to Gen. 
 James Moore and Col. Lillington for their noble and most 
 important victory of Moore's Creek in Feb., '76. 
 
 Xor would Cornwallis have affirmed officially 10th of 
 April, 1781, '• * * I could not get one hundred men in all 
 the Regulator's country," &c , (Answer to Clinton's Narra- 
 tive — Campbell's Reprint 1866, p 10). 
 
 3477-26S 
 Lot Id 
 
I78I. 1897. 
 
 PROGRAMME OF THE ANNUALCELEBRATION 
 
 At the Guilford Battle Ground, July 3rd, 1897. 
 
 The Life and Times of James Hunter— A Sketch of the 
 War of the Regulation. 
 
 JOSEPH M. MOREHEAD, Esq.. 
 
 Of Guilford, Orator of the Day. 
 
 Procession will form on the Salisbury road at 
 
 10:30 o'clock a. m. 
 
 In the following order: 
 
 Victor C. McAdoo, Chief Marshal, and Assistants. 
 
 Cornet Band. 
 
 Orator of the Day, Chaplain, Master of Ceremonies, ane 
 Distinguished Guests in Carriages. 
 
 Directors and Stockholders of the Guilford Battle 
 Ground Company. 
 
 Citizens generally. 
 
 Procession when formed will move to the Grand Stand. 
 
At the Pavilion. 
 
 Music by the Band— "The Old North State." 
 Prayer by the Chaplain, Rev. Horace Weeks Jones. 
 
 Oration Joseph M. Morehead. 
 
 Presentation of the Portrait ok John penn by the Artist 
 AND Donor, David L. Clark, Esq. 
 
 Response by Professor J. M. Weatherly. 
 
 Dedication OF "The Schenck Museum." Remarks by Hon. 
 Charles M. Stedmanj. 
 
 Unveiling of Penn-Hooper Statue. Short Addresses by 
 Distinguished Visitors. 
 
 Music— "The Star Spangled Banner." 
 
 Procession Reformed and March to 
 
 Statue 
 
 Then to be Unveiled. 
 
 Adjourn to Dinner. 
 
 DAVID SCHENCK, Jr., 
 
 Master of Ceremonies. 
 

 
 
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