^o ^ : • • * ^^ S^> «• • 0^' '<5. 'O , » .-^^-^ . ^^rS .HO*. /.:^-X. .<.:r^-X y.ai.X ■ .^^^^ .Ho^ « • o. ^^ '*-^^** -^^^^ \^^*' 45'^'^% °-^^*' -i^^^^ - .. - i« "*vn c,** ♦rfJ -C,*^- -V«>. '^O^ ,*^°^ Ctr> -vn«i^ A. • / ■« <«^ •• -^ ••*' t 'O^ 'JV^V • ■ O .^/1»\^* ^V ^ » •-0'' ^^^ % '"^* .V 'j PEACE OFFERINa BY V-::^ ^V. B. VICTOR, 1860-61. THE BEGINNING AND THE END. " The kingdom of heaveli is like a man traveling in a far country." •Oil, when shall all be reconciled to God ? When shall all obey and justify the great and perfect ways •of God to man, to all created things, past, present, and to «come f There could have been no created life or light ; no emotions •of love, of joy, or of sorrow ; no holy forms divine, of 8on, of •angels, of Saviour, or of men : but by the perfect works and ways of the perfect and almighty God ! The heaven and the earth were the beginning of the great and perfect system of God. They were composed of all th« •elements of existence, of action, and of life : from the begin- ■ning good, and made in contemplation of every conditional 'variety of action and result, according to the .perfect holiness, the perfect goodness, the perfect love, the peiffect .philosophy, •and all the perfections of the perfect and almight}' 'God ! Nothing has ever been or can become absolutely perfect, but *he absolute will of the perfect and almightv God ! 2 '^^\ From the beginning, the ever-changing actioni? and condi- tions of all created things, and all the results of holiness, of Miss, of goodness and of happiness, of sin, of misery, of pain ov of agony, have all been the certain results of the perfect creation and the perfect government of the perfect and al- mighty God! Oh, who knows what were created and what original things? Space, boundless space, without beginning and without endy was an original, not a created thing — nothivg hut space. Space, boundless space, was the home of God, the Spirit and the Father of all created things! The Spirit of God was with boundless space, and made her His bride ! Original, pure and perfect space the bride, and God the Spirit — Father of all. The Spirit and the Bride said God! The Spirit and the Bride were light from the Spirit and the Throne of the ever-living God. The Spirit and the Bride said come, and God formed the- Son, his own express image, and placed him in the house of the Spirit, the Bride, and the throne of the ever-living God, And the Spirit and the Bride said come ! TO BE CONTINUE.I>, November^ 1860, PEACE OPPERIIS'G. BY W. B, VICTOR. 18 6 0-61. [Published in the LouisTille Courier, December 21, 1800.] A,^ WORD FOR THE UNION. The great American Union is the growth of our country. Its continu- ance is the only safety for American society, unless its dissolution shall become a providential necessity. Like the other Governments of the earth, it is the product of time and society, and whatever changes or improvements may be required in its Constitution or laws ought to be made in a peaceable and lawful manner. God save, us from the terrible havoc of war ! Peace liath her victories much greater than war ! The Constitution and laws, and the legal representatives of the people, are the only authorized agents or modes of doing whatever may he neces- sary to preserve or improve the union of the States. Let us hope that the border States of the South will remain with their sister border St^tes of the center of the Union ; and, shoul i dissolution ever occur, in God's name, let it be done in a manner honorable to ; 11 parties. Let the puhlic treasures and properties be fairly ami justly divided, and let rio individ- ual right be impaired or in any manner injured in any portion of the Union. But let us hope that the Almighty has not comaranded the dis - solution v»f the societies and governments he has so intimately ai\d so perfectly blended. It melts the heart in sorrow to think of such an event. It's like bidding the solemn farewell to long and dearlv rherished relatives and friends, and all the dear bonds and memories of the past ! From this starting point, (roar the past and the present, rather let us begin a new future ! Let us ftst consider that our relations shoirld be thof-e of affection andoi right; that is the first drrtv of each pvr^ of all, never to invade or violate the rights or wound the feelings nf others, either as individuals, States or Governmei ts. Let all patriots claim the continuance of government for.' protection, not destruction. L?t the action of 2overnment be confined to constitutional and specific oi^iiccts. It is the violation of, not compliance with, constitutions and laws, th«t citizens have the right to complain oi his tiie real, not the imaginary condition of things, that we ought fo consider and act ripen. While we should always be ready for any emer- gency, we should never lake ihe final step or j-trike the fatal blow, auiii it shall be necessary to preserve, not destroy ! What a terrible thought to/leave all the securities, certainties and hopes we have, and embark upon the convulsed bosom of a dark and unknown future ! Consider tlie probable results of a line of war from the Atlantic to the Pacific ocean. Let the horrors of Kansas vvarr? us of the dangers ahaad ! Le? us consider that dissolution and war would endanger the peace of the world — would break up our foreign relations and all the present guaran tees of inter-State and international obligations and relations: that refu- sals, repudiations, and all the uncertain results of a chaotic and convul- sed state of society miglit follow. For the sake, then, of all the dear aflfections, obligations, memories and objects of life, let us pause and pray that the Alndghty will restore peace, confidence, and harmony in our land ; that in due time the truth,, justice and philosophy of the Almighty and all-pervading spirit, will enable us to do whatever will be best for each and for all. Let all dangers- end fears thus pass awav, and leave us in the security of peace and all the dear affections and objects of life. The following is suggested as a remedy (or impending dangers : With all deference lor thoss who differ, I mu-st express the belief that we bave a better constitution than we could at present obtain by th« amendments of thjee-fourths of the States of the Union. All we want is the faithful maintenance and execution of the Constitution and laws of the Union. The people are tired of confusions, alarms, and terrors. The people do not want the anxieties, delays, and uncertainties of con- ventions. They want peace, security, and harmony under our present government. Remember, a house divided can not stand. The Southern States ought not to abandon their sister border States in the hour ol trial. Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, and Missouri are faithful to all their rights, and in> the front of danger. Why will the Soathern States abandon them? Should sufficient cause occur they will be ready to act. "Sufficient unto- the day is the evil iheseo^.' Better remain together, and when necessary, in iheir united strength demand their rights. Under the Constitution and laws of the Union, slave property is secure in all the slaveholding States, Territories, and Districts of the Union, and fugitives must [e returned. The South only want, and in any event can only obtain, security of these rights; when any of these rights are violated, let the injured com- plain, and let the Government of the United States, in all its depart- ments, maintain and execute- the Constitution and the laws of the Union. Thus would peace, confidence, and harmony be restored, and thus would be secure the rights of each and of all. Let us entreat the Southern States to confine their action in relation to- the Union to a declaration of rights. If every man and woman in Amer- ica would make a declaration of peace and carry it out, by the pursuit of truth, justice and philosophy, the true and divine Government would prevail, each and all would rest safe and secure in the possession and pursuit of ih«ir rights and al I th€ high objects of life. The eeal want* ol individuals and ^ocletiei< wuuld be developed and provided ior, m dat time, and in the proper manner. To doubt this is to doubt the perfees laws, powers and goodness of the Creator and Supreme Euler of all. War has always been the result of a violation of His laws, either fron^ error, haste or evil design. The people of America are now especially called upon to pause, consider this great question, and act accoriling to the high and vital demands and duties of peace, and all the relations anc? obliEations that have interwcn-en and bound them together. No fcce should be used— no Constkution or law violated in anv portion of the Union ; all obligations arjtl duties should be complied with, and all the blessings of peace, harmony and prosperity would, in any event, be en joyed . [Published in the Kentuckj' Yeoman, Jas. 8, 1861.] THE GOVERNMEXT OF THE UNITED STATES. The government of the Uuited States is a Federal Government. It exists by virtue of the powers and authorities expressly written and granted by the people of the several States, in and with the Con- stitution of the United States. All it? powers have thus been expresslv granted and cooferred by the people of the several States, in, with, and by the adoption of the Constitution of the United States. To the extent that powers have thus been granted to the govern- ment of the Usited States, the powers of the covernmcnt are sovereign, complete and supreme. In all cases of conflict, with the Constitution, laws, or officers of the government, with any of the people or States of the Union, the Supreme Court of the United States has final jurisdiction and supreme authority. The rights and relations of the persons and the States of the Union, have thus been made rights and relations of law. and all conflir-ts or disputes have thus been made questions of law. The Federal Government was formed and has been adopted by tlie people who have severally composed equal, several independent and sovereign States. Its action, during its continuance, is directly upon the persons of the United States, and the sovereignty of the govern- ment is complete, to the extent of its constitutional powers, over the people and over the States, that have composed, constituted, adopted, supported and preserved it. The people who composed the several States that formed and have adopted the Constitution, and have supported the government, have thus subjected themselves to its government, as individuals, officers. States and territories of the government; and they are all equally and fully entitled to the constitutional protection of all their rights in every portion of the government. The government of the United States has thus been thoroughly and perfectly blended with the people and with the States of the Union ; each being specific and general, within rheir constitutional and ap- pointed spheres of acMon ; each having been formed and constituted for personal, mutual, and the general good. Should the powers of the Federal Government be perverted and abused — should powers not granted be usurped by its officers, to the great danger or injury of the persons, rights and powers, of the people of the States that have adopted and supported the government, have they not a lawful remedy ? Have they not the reserved and inaliena- ble right, when greatly endangered or injured, to adopt such measures or such government as they deem necessary for their defense, their preservation, their : afety, their prosperity, their happiness? The right of defense and of preservation against unlawful attacks or violations of rights, is the first and inalienable right of individuals, of States, and of governments. It begins in childhood, and continues with the persons. States and governments of the earth. All the rights and relations of persons and of governments are questions of law. The rights and relations of the persons, the peop'es, the citizens, and the States of the Federal Government are peculiar to our own coun- try. The government was formed and adopted by the people of the States, as several or separate States. When thus united, they liecame one people, to the extent of their constitutional and lawful Union and communion. The Federal Government thus pledged all its powers to give consti- tutional protection to all personal, commoa and vested rights and pri- vileges under its government. When the rights of the people of any of the States of the Union are in danger, have they not the right to make all necessary preparation for their preservation and defense ? They have adopted the Constitution as individuals and as several States. So likewise when in danger, they have the reserved and ina- lienable right, as several or united States, to prepare for defense, for protection, and for preservation. When the officers of the Federal Government, in violation of the Constitution or laws of the Union, or in the exercise of powers not granted, exclude the people of any of the States from their common or vested rights; when they attack or violate those rights, the people of the several States have the reserved and inalienable right to repeal their adoption of the Constitution of the United States, and resume their original right of self-preservation and self-defense. Suppose, when a large majority of slaveholding States constituted the Union, the government of the United States had established slav- ery in the State of Massachusetts, in violation of the Constitution of the United States and the Constitution of Massachusetts, what would have been, or what would now be, the right of Massachusetts? The right to repeal her adoption of the Constitution, and sever her con- nection with the Government. Suppose, likewise, a large majority of non-slaveholding States con- stituting the Union, should pass and attempt to enforce laws abolishing any of the vested rights of the people of the slave-holding States, in violation to the Constitution of the Union and of the States, the slave- holding State or States would have the same riprht to sever their con- nection with the Government. This proves the existence of the right. It is a right in abeyance ; a reserved right that springs into life an action whenever the occasion demands it. It is in this that the Federal Government differs from the Govern- ment of single States, kingdoms, or monarchies. In all governments where there is but one law-making power, the government is sole, single, sovereign, and supreme according to its own peculiar, sovereign, constitutional powers, and modes of action. But the Government of the United States is like an empire ; united by ex- press and specific constitutional bonds of union and grants of power; and like all other bonds of union between the persons, nations, States, kingdoms, and empires of the earth, the rights of all should be lawfully and -peacefully preserved, and their bonds of union should be made more perfect. The Government of the United States has not been dissolved. Many of the States have interupted the action of the Government, and the laws of Congress have often been resisted, and their execution prevent- ed. The Governmemt should peaceably and lawfully continue, each officer performing his official duties, until the healthy, constitutional reaction of society, the spirit and the providence of God will have plainly manifested the rights, the duties, and the relations of the States! All UDwerthy ambition should be discarded as far below the demands and duties of the times. The great living and moving spirit, and the great bodies of Ameri- can societies, of Christian, patriotic, and philanthropic America, if not excited and perverted, will in due time clearly se eand regulate their true relations, and they will faithfully comply with all the great obli- gations, principles, and duties that should govern the conduct of all honest, faithful, and Christian persons — citizens, societies, communities, nations, and governments of earth ! Published in the Cynthyana News, Januarj', 1861. WHAT'S BEST TO BE DONE ? " Cans't thou pluck from the mind a rooted evil, raze out written troubles from the brain, and with some sweet oblivious antidote cleanse the stuffed bosom of that perilous stuff that weighs upon the heart?" Truths and facts always act harmoniously together. True principles and measures always act truly together. The past and the present are the premises, the laws and the princi- ples that indicate the only safe and the only hopeful future. It is always our duty to discard the evils and improve the difficien- cies of the past, in pursuit of the still better future. However perfect our laws, principles or theories, if we fail to carry them into corresponding and co-opperating measures, if we pervert the powers and the blessings, we thus turn them into conflicts and confu- sion, into wars, judgments and curses. All things are cumulative. It is I'Vie perversioR of pow^jis and of actions in l?i«oag directiouB, troni improper motives, in view of unworthy objects, that bring all th« 'livils, the dangers, the conflicts, and the sufferings of the world. To what shall wo first apply these great truths in this trying and struggling condition of our country? Our country is in a conilict. It has been in conflict for many yearg past, over one of the great and vital questions of American society. The two great sections are in conflict upon the question of African slavery; the right, the tenure or the bonds, by which servants are held to service. Where docs this conflict begin ? It begins in the minds and the hearts of men. It has chiefly manifested, and arrayed itself, in the two great sectiona ■of the Union. A large majority of the people of one section of the Union have ?ieen, and now are, opposed to the institution of African slavery. They have generally voted and intended to vote, simply their opposition, (their Constitutional opposition to the extension and perpetuation of African slavery, because they have believed it to be wrong. A large ruajority of the other section have voted for the maintain- ance, protection, and extension of slavery, because ttiey have believed it to be right and the best that could be done. This shows a radical difference of real and of honest opinion. How shall it be adjusted ? First what is it? It is a difference of opinion upon a question of original right; sec- ondly, of State, of national and of common territorial right. A tlifference of opinion among persons, families, neighborhoods, and States of the Union. How shall it be settled? By the sword? Oreat Grod ! shall families, brothers and sisters, parents and children, commence, riot, or revel in the fiendish war ? or shall they appeal to law, to country and to God ? Time — give us time ! We have long been too much confused and excited. Give us time to right ourselves ! to regain a better state of mind, to understand our rights and our du- ties ! Let us live together peaceably, if we can, hut if we cannot, let us separate in peace. When Abraham and Lot could no longer agree, they divided their flocks and took separate roads. But our history, our relations, our rights, and all oQr most tangible prospects and hopes, admonish and advise us to separate, never, never, until it shall be in accordance with the will or decree of the Almighty Creator and Preserver of all that is good. Our history and the structure of our government prove it to be divine — prove that all of it that is wise and good is divine. Our relations likewise : Therefore, stop the war ! Stop the war of force 1 Let it be if it must be, a conflict of opinion, of authorities, and of laws, until the Supreme Almighty laws of truth, of justice and of right, shall in the rightful and constitutional modes adjust and maintain the rights Aiid the relations of persons, of citizens, and of States. But how shall this great conflict be settled ? We have been waiting ifor measures. Principles we have. We want measures. We want something to look to — some definite and tangible future. We want to know whether we are to have peace or war, security or danger, whether we are to educate our children for peace or for war; for virtue or cremie; for Christian and religious civilization or for the conflict of arms — for the conflicts and crimes of war, God forbid ! We want to understand all the great rights of persons, of citizens, and of States, so that we may know what to do, what to depend upon, what to look to, how to shape our pursuits, our motives and our ends. We want as plain and definite a future as we can get. We want to see it as plainly as we can see and feel it, from all the lights given to us by the great sources of light, of life, of power and of knowledge ! Here we are, a great people, radically divided in opinion upon a great and vital question of right and of policy, corespondingly and ter- ritorialy divided upon the same great question. First, our relations have always been of peace, and should so oon- tinue. Sscondly, shall this great question be settled upon the basis of right, of principle, of reason, and by the rightful powers, or shall it be settled upon the basis of physical equalities, areas and forces. I am for its adjustment by the everlasting laws of right — not of physical equalities or by physical forces. I am for adjusting all great questions of right and necessity upon such basis and by such principles as will make the lawful rights of a child — of the poor orphan child, as sacred and secure as the lawful rights •of the great, the rich, or the giants of the earth. Let the injured complain. Make t le true issues before the rightful tribunals, and make preparations if you will. Eradicate error and evil from our minds! Prevent the beginning of wrong and the necessity for force! Mantain the officers of the government in the discharge of their of- ficial duties ! Mantain the right of the people of the States and of the territories to establish and regulate by their own constitutional action, all the rights and privileges of government. Let this be done by the rightful and voluntary action of the individual-s, States and territorial — States of the government. But shall a line be established north of which African slavery shall be prohibited and south of which, slavery shall be protected. Such a measure might give temporary peace, if it were o: could be adopted. First, is it likely that such a measure would meet the sanction and the votes of those who are radically opposed to the institution of >la\ ery? I think not. L think they would greatly prefer to acquiesce in the decision of the Supreme, Constitutional Court of the United .'^(ates, and thus acquiesce in the existence and protection of all the bwfuil rights of African Slavery, rather than to vote for it and thus give it their personal sanction, as an original and primary question. I believe they would acquiesce, but would not vote for the extension 10 ef slavery : Further, if the line proposed should be pun to the Pacific Coast, providing for the future acquisition of territories — would it noti propose a physical equality of territorial areas? Would it not be based upon and look to physical forces as the balancing powers of the Gov- ernment ? Would it not look to the acquisition of Mexico. Central America, and Canada? I think it would. And I think it would in a short time, renew the same old war, at hon>e and abroad. Rather than begin such a line of policy — of dangerous, perhaps of fatal policy, had we not better look around us, cltivate improve and- educate what we have. Had we not better, first attend to our own business claim only our own rights and let others alone ? For a long time to eome if the p^resent Union continue we have territory enough ! We must not forget, we are not the only people of power of the earth. We have vast domains, of uninhabited lands, vast regions of sparesly settled countries, all wanting population, schools, churches, roads, and all the institutions of society. We have a vast country, rich in all resources for comfort, for hap- piness, and for greatness. We have a system of Government granting and guaranteeing, the vast and the greatest achievements of mind and society. Shall we not look to the cultivation, the improvement, an(J develop- ttient of what we have, rather than begin the reckless, avaricious and ambitious old war of unwanted conquest, or of robbery for wealth and for power. Our system of Government is based upon and has grown with the Bible and the testament. It looks to the continual improvement, cul- tivation, education, and elevation of each and all its component parts. It has grown up, has been founded upon, constructed, established, and maintained, with and upon the great principle of voluntary, elec- tive action, and the great reliance upon the capacity of our people, of each state and territory of the government, to establish, maintain, and' enjoy all rights of life and of action, of persons and of property, each and all subject to the constitutional government of the United States. In possession of such providential blessings and gifts, shall we look to their use and enjoyment, or shall we look to the forcible and wrong- ful acquisition and deprivation of the possessions and the rights of others ? England wants Canada for her own surplus population. Spain — Ferdinand and Isabella Spain — wants Cuba for her own sur- plus population. The European people want the right to go to Mexico, Central Amer- ica, South America. They have the right to room enough to live in. All come from there. Each and all should come and go according tO' the great laws of God and of man ! Let us pause and remember that the people of those countries, pro abxtt and to come, want to maintain and establish laws and institutions- n 'for themselves. In so doing, they will have the right to all lawful pTt>^. tection. *^ In considering this great question, we must always remember the origin, mixture, and the destiny of races and of classes. We must not stultify ourselves. We say our fathers had no right to bind us irrevocably through all future time ; that wh^n the government estabh.shed by them fails of its object, or its powers are perverted, we havo the lawful right to amend or to change it in a lawliil manner Just so with the citizens of the Union. We have n© right to adopt and begin a system of measures that would propose to bind our pos- terity forever, that would most probably renew the old war, and involve them in all the convulsions, and probably much greater disasters than mow threaten us. We have no right to look further into future events, than facts, rea- son and revelation allow us to ]o*ok. We have the right to security, to peace, and to the lawful protection and enjoyment of all we have ; but we must not attempt to enoross •the continent. We have no right to regulate all future time. Let the great laws of God and of man act harmoniously together, and, in time, they will consummate the work. From the centers t© 'the ci'-cumference. let societies intermingle and expand with all the riches and blessings of the Christian civilization, the true religion and the philosophy of God ! Thus, the real wants of persons and societies would be developed and supplied, by the elements and the actions of its component parts. Thus, societies are self-regulating and self-providing bodies ; sepa- rate, yet united by the spirit, the laws, and the bonds ; by the ties, the links and memorials ; by the pure afFoctions, by the all-pervading spirit, by the spirit of regeneration, by sympathies and riches divine. Under the constitution and laws of o^ir country, and the laws ef God, we have the right to the peaceable enjoyment and protection of all our Tights, of persons and of property, and we have territory enough for a long time to come — perhaps for ever — if the Union continue. When a surplus of population, of any class or cjlor, shall have come, the natural and true regulation and migration, for all the true and proper objects and enjoyments of life, of persons, of societies and of governments, will most surely follow. We must remember that rapidly increasing numbers, uncongenial mixtures and unworthy combinations, have already greatly endangered our safety, broken up our happiness, and threatened our ruin. We do not want to reproduce the strifes, the horrors, or the suffer- ings of dark old time. We want peace, security, and room enough. We must preserve our original ancestral character, the true spirit and •objects of our government, our mission, our destiny, and all our hopes for a brighter and a more glorious future. We must remember that measures, principles, and feeliogs must -agree, or discontent, strife and war will follow. Suppose »we have a dividing liae, one party, sooner or later, would want Mexico for slave. The plan of adjustment heretofore advocated by me contemplated the following results, from the present premises. Our government, on many accounts, perhaps on all, is large enough. A larger government would increase the diversity of interests, the number of ambitious men, and would greatly diminish individuality of character. If the future shall demand the acquisition of territory let it then be made. The great mis. ^ vlAroh 2 5. Ib61. WRITINGS OF W. B. VICTOR. Life and Events. The Two Pacifies. Thoughts on the Creation and Destiny of Man. The Creation : Origin and Punishment of Sin. The Appendix. The Past, the Present, and the Future. Peace Offering ! I have not written any thing else upon political subjects that has not been pubhshed in Kentucky papers, and nothing |)ersonal, except to my own family. I make this statement to repudiate frauds and forgeries. W. B. VICTOR Mhruary 16, 1860. 54 Hf .^^ ^^ *•-