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AN 
 
 HISTORICAL SKETCH 
 
 OF 
 
 A B I N G T N , 
 
 PLYMOUTH COUNTY, MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 WITH AN APPENDIX 
 
 BY AARON HOBART 
 
 BOSTON: 
 
 PRINTED BY SAMUEL N. DICKINSON, 
 52 Washington Street, 
 
 1839. 
 
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 ■ h^Wj 
 
 y^Y^ 
 
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PREFACE. 
 
 Some time ago, the writer, to gratify a curiosity to 
 look back on the past, began, and continued as he had 
 leisure, researches into the history of his native town. 
 At the particular request of several respectable individ- 
 uals, who have supposed the result of his labors might 
 not be without interest to the inhabitants, he has, with 
 some reluctance, consented to its publication. 
 
 A work of this kind must, in the nature of things, 
 be imperfect. In the course of time, many important 
 facts are lost, past recovery. Information derived from 
 individuals, is often incorrect — and records are some- 
 times false. The aim has been, to use faithfully the 
 materials which have fallen in the writer's way, and 
 though he has no right to boast of perfect accuracy, he 
 hopes not to have committed many or important errors. 
 
 The object has been, to collect and preserve facts, 
 which might not only be interesting at the present 
 time, but useful by way of reference hereafter. Whether 
 the selection of these has been judicious, and whether, 
 
in stating them, a proper medium has been observed 
 between too much minuteness of detail, on the one 
 hand, and too great generality on the other, each reader 
 will judge for himself. 
 
 The history is respectfully dedicated to the inhab- 
 itants of the town, with the wish that they may enjoy 
 all that prosperity and happiness, which results from a 
 cultivated mind, industrious habits, simple manners, 
 pure morals, and religious principle. 
 
 East Bridgewater, November, 1838. 
 
ORIGINAL GRANTS OF LAND. 
 
 That part of Abington, south of the Bridgewater 
 four-mile line,* was within the first grant to the pro- 
 prietors of Bridgewater. In 1710, some of the lands 
 towards the northeast corner of that town were laid 
 out into seven shares. The fourth was mostly in Ab- 
 ington. It extended from the four-mile line one mile 
 southerly on the east side of the third share, and 
 was 160 rods wide. Its southeast corner was in East 
 Bridgewater, near Jacob Bates's. 
 
 The fifth share, 360 rods long northerly and souther- 
 ly, lay in Abington, on the east side of the road from 
 the Rev. Mr. Thomas's meetinghouse, by Christopher 
 Dyer's to East Bridgewater. It was divided in 1714 
 into eight unequal lots, by easterly and westerly lines, 
 from the road to the Bear Meadow lots. 
 
 The remainder of the territory, south of the four- 
 mile line, was granted from time to time, and generally 
 in small tracts, to the different proprietors or to pur- 
 chasers of their rights. 
 
 In 1668, an additional grant of irvo miles was made 
 to Bridgewater.f That part of it, without the four- 
 
 * This line runs with the road by Asa Fullerton's, due east a little to the 
 northward of Ephraini S. Jenkins's and near Lebbeus Gurney's, to Scituate. 
 
 t Tliis grant gave Bridgewater an extent of ' six miles from tiie centre on 
 all four sides.' Former grants, however, within tiie additional grants were 
 
 2 
 
10 
 
 mile line to the north, was divided into what were 
 called the PVest shares, the Old Men^s shares, and the 
 Yoimg Menh shares. 
 
 The Old Men's shares lay between the four and six 
 mile line, and extended from a line a mile to the west 
 of the Bridgewater north and south centre line, three 
 miles east, where they did not interfere with prior 
 grants. Their easterly end was in Abington and 
 bounded on the western division of the Young Men's 
 shares and on ' Streams Grant.' 
 
 The Young Men's shares, twenty in number, were 
 wholly in Abington. They lay in two divisions. The 
 eastern bounded west on the grant to the four younger 
 sons of Lieut. James Torrey ; north 276 rods on the 
 Hatherly grant ; east 374 rods on the Scituate line 
 (so called) and south 80 rods, on the four mile line. It 
 was divided by east and west lines in 1700. 
 
 The western division bounded west on the Old 
 Men's shares, by a line running due north from the 
 four mile line one mile and a quarter ; south on the 
 four mile line and easterly by a line running by 'Good- 
 man Shaw's head line ; ' ' west northwest or there- 
 about,' to Shaw's westerly corner, bounds ' about 4 
 poles from the Old Men's shares line, and from thence 
 north northeast by Shaw's line, three quarters of a mile 
 or thereabout, unto Shaw's northerly corner, and from 
 
 not to be disturbed, though to 'belong to the township of Bridgewater.' A 
 Hue running cast six miles from the Bridgewater north and south centre line, 
 would probably reach the west line of Scituate, and therefore all that part of 
 Abington south of the six mile line, was at the incorporation of the town, 
 part of Bridgewater. This line, now the north boundary line of North Bridge- 
 water against the Belcher grant in Abington, would, if continued due east, 
 run near deacon Richard Vining's, Zelotee Beals's and Harvey Torrey's. 
 
II 
 
 thence east southeast 12 poles unto John Richards's 
 line, and from thence north northeast by John Rich- 
 ards's,' to 
 
 1642. The Colony granted to ' Nathaniel Souther* 
 a farm land, with competent meadowing in some con- 
 venient place, so that it do not much prejudice a plan- 
 tation.' James Lovell, of Weymouth, having purchased 
 for himself and Andrew Ford, Souther's title, this grant 
 containing 200 acres was laid out to him, on the west 
 side of the Hatherly grant, running in Hatherly's range 
 200 rods nearly south, and 160 rods nearly west. 
 
 In 1679, Lovell conveyed to Ford half of this tract, 
 describing it as laying ' by the road that goeth from 
 Weymouth to Bridgewater, bounded upon a tract of 
 land now in the possession of several of the inhabitants 
 of Hingham, which is in the possession and hath been 
 ever since it was laid out, of said Ford, and is known 
 and called by the name of Ford?s Farm.'^f 
 
 1654. The court ' in regard to sundry contentions 
 and entanglements between Mr. Timothy HatherlyJ 
 and some of the inhabitants of Scituate, granted unto 
 
 * Nathaniel Souther or Southworth was the first Secretary of Plymouth 
 colony. 
 
 t The first settlement of the town was undoubtedly on this grant. The 
 colony tax in 1682, was £244 lis. 4d., of which 15 shillings were assessed 
 on the inhabitants of ' Ford's Farms.' In 1G90, the Colony ordered £1350 to 
 be raised to pay debts incurred on account of the expedition to Canada : of 
 this sum £3 were assessed ' on the lands above Weymouth, viz. the lands 
 called Ford's Farm, and parts adjacent.' 
 
 t Mr. Hatherly was one of the principal settlers, and a very generous bene- 
 factor of the town of Scituate. For a long time, he was an important mem- 
 ber of the government, having been as assistant thirteen years — treasurer of 
 the Colony, and a commissioner of the United Colonies. He was honorably 
 distinguished as the friend of religious toleration, and the firm opponent of 
 all those severe and oppressive laws, made by the Colony against the Quakers. 
 He died I6G7. 
 
12 
 
 Mr. Hatherly to satisfy the partners at Conahasset, a 
 certain competency of land out of the bounds of any 
 township, on the westerly side of the town of Scituate.' 
 
 1656. This grant was more particularly described 
 as ' a tract of land to begin at Accord Pond on the 
 southerly side, and to run three miles southerly towards 
 Indian Head River Pond ; and to be laid out three 
 miles square' on the west line of Scituate. As the 
 north line of this grant, if run at a right angle with the 
 east, would soon reach and cross the Colony line, the 
 Court in 1671 ordered it to be run from the south side 
 of the pond, so far south of west, as to avoid the Pa- 
 tent line until it come to its western termination, thus 
 leaving a long strip of land in the form of what was 
 called a Gusseit, between the grant and the Colony 
 line. 
 
 This grant in 1672, was divided into forty shares, 
 thirty and one half of which then belonged to John Ja- 
 cob, Edward Wilder, John Thaxter, and Matthew 
 Cushing of Hingham, and John Otis of Scituate,^ 
 and nine and one-half to Thomas Andrews and Jeremiah 
 Beal and others. These companies then made parti- 
 tion, into three lots by two north and south lines paral- 
 lel with each other and with the West line of Scituate. 
 The eastern and western lots, the former 240 rods and 
 the latter 492 wide, were assigned to Jacob & Com- 
 pany, and the middle lot 228 rods wide to Andrews & 
 Company. 
 
 In 1699, the proprietors of the Eastern and Western 
 lots, divided by east and west lines, to hold in severalty. 
 
 * These individuals in 16G3, bought twenty-three of these shares of Hath- 
 erly, for £69. 
 
13 
 
 The eastern into two divisions, the first lying on the 
 southerly end into five lots, each 64 rods wide, and 
 the second into five lots 128 rods wide. The w^estern* 
 into two divisions of five lots each, all 96 rods wide. 
 
 The proprietors of the middle lot, commonly called 
 the small shares, divided by lines north and south, 
 probably to give each owner a portion of cedar swamp. 
 
 The southwest corner of the Hatherly grant was at 
 a corner now between Jacob Reed's and Seth Pratt's 
 land, in the side line of Daniel A. Ford's. 
 
 1664. The Court 'in reference unto the request of 
 Phineas Pratt,t and the Elder Bates in the behalf of 
 
 * The first lot in the first division at tlie southerly end of the western divi- 
 sion, wras set off to Daniel and Theophilus Gushing, in the right of John 
 Thaxter ; second, to Jabez and Thomas Wilder, sons of Isaac Wilder, de- 
 ceased, in right of Edward Wilder ; third, to Stephen French, in right of 
 John Otis; fourth, to Matthew Cashing, the only surviving original partner ; 
 fifth, to David Jacob, in right of his father John Jacob. The first lot in the 
 second division to Daniel and Theophilus Gushing; second to David Jacob ; 
 third, to Jabez and Thomas Wilder ; fourth, to Stephen French ; fifth, to 
 Matthew Gushing. 
 
 t Phineas Pratt came over in the Ann, in 1G23. Soon after he visited Wes- 
 ton's plantation, at Wessagussett, (now Weymouth,) and there became ac- 
 quainted with a conspiracy of the Massachusetts and Gape Indians to destroy 
 that settlement. Being much alarmed for its fate, he took his pack on his 
 back, and set off for Plymouth, to give information of the danger. As he was 
 not well acquainted with the way, he missed the direct path, but fortunately 
 for him thus saved his life, as he was followed by two Indians, who intended 
 to kill him. Immediately after his arrival, the Plymouth company despatched 
 Gapt. Standish and eight men, with orders to protect the settlement, and it 
 being ' impossible to deal with the Indians upon open defiance,' 'to take them 
 in such traps as they lay for others.' Standish and his party proceeded very 
 cautiously, but finding it necessary, finally attacked and killed seven Indians, 
 and in obedience to orders brougiit the head of one of them, Witawamut, ' a 
 bold and bloody villian,' and a chief conspirator, to Plymouth, where it was 
 by way of terror set on the fort. 
 
 Pratt and Briggs are in this grant called purchasers or old comers. This 
 may need explanation. The Leyden Gompany of Pilgrims, before they em- 
 barked for this country, formed a partnership in trade with certain London 
 merchants, commonly called merchant adventurers. The connection was to 
 continue for seven years, at the end of which time all the common property 
 
14 
 
 the children of Clement Briggs, that whereas they the 
 said Phineas Pratt and Clement Briggs have not had 
 their proportion of land with others, formerly called 
 purchasers, or old comers, that they may have some 
 consideration of land in that respect, in a parcel or tract 
 of land lying near unto the line betwixt the Plymouth 
 and Massachusetts jurisdiction, and near unto Wey- 
 mouth, doth grant unto the said Phineas Pratt and unto 
 two of the said Clement Briggs, his sons, viz. David 
 Briggs and Remember Briggs, three hundred and fifty 
 acres of the said lands, viz. unto the said Phineas Pratt 
 two parts of the said three hundred and fifty acres, and 
 the remainder thereof unto the two sons of the said 
 Clement Briggs,' the grantees to pay the cost of extin- 
 guishing the Indian title. This grant was laid out ' at 
 the path that led from Weymouth to Bridgevvater,' ' a 
 little brook (that by Jacob Bicknell's) running through 
 the same.' Pratt, in 1672, then of Charlestown, sold 
 his part of the grant, 232 acres, to John Shaw of Wey- 
 mouth, for £35. Shaw conveyed it to his three sons, 
 John, Nicholas, and Joseph, and they, in 1705, to Wil- 
 
 was to be divided. In 1626, the Colony bought out the interest of tlie adven- 
 turers for £1800. Soon after, the Colony hired to Gov. Bradford and his 
 eight associates, the trade of the Colony for six years, they on their part un- 
 dertaking to pay therefor the iilSOO to the adventurers, and all the other debts 
 of the Company, amounting to £600 more, and also bring over yearly £50 in 
 hoes and shoes, and to sell corn for six shillings a bushel. Those who engaged 
 in this contract were called Purchasers. The old comers were certain of those 
 who came over in the three first vessels, viz. the Mayflower, the Fortune, and 
 the Ann. When, in 1640, Gov. Bradford, in whose name the Patent from the 
 Plymouth Company in England had been taken out, surrendered that Instru- 
 ment to the ' Body of freemen,' three large tracts of land, the first comppe- 
 hending Eastham, Orleans, and Brewster, in the County of Barnstable, second, 
 a part of New Bedford and Dartmouth, in the County of Bristol, and the third, 
 Swansey and Rehobotli, in the same Count)', and Barrington, Warren, and 
 perhaps Bristol, in Rhode Island, were, in the surrender, reserved to these 
 purchasers or old comers. They were in all 58. 
 
15 
 
 liam Tirrill, senior. It bounded easterly on the grant 
 to the Briggs's, southerly on the 4 mile line, westerly on 
 the western division of the Young Men's shares, and 
 northerly on the 120 acre grant to Lieut. John Hol- 
 brook. 
 
 Remember Briggs, of Weymouth,* who had probably 
 bought his brother David's share, in 1687 sold their 
 part, 116 acres, with 12 acres of 'swampy land grant- 
 ed by the court in 1668,' to Caleb and Samuel Chard. 
 This land was between Pratt's land and the land grant- 
 ed to the sons of Lieut. Torrey. 
 
 1665. There was granted to Phineas Pratt and 
 James Lovell, ' about four or five acres of meadow, or 
 such swampy ground as tendeth towards meadow, laying 
 on the westerly side of Phineas Pratt's land, that was 
 granted unto him the last Court.' 
 
 1665. There was granted to Cornet Robert Stetson, 
 of Scituate,t two hundred acres of land on the south side 
 of Hatherly's grant. The tract was laid out in 1667, and 
 was bounded ' on the North by those lands granted at 
 Accord Pond — on the East by the line of the Town of 
 Scituate, until it crosses a deep, still brook ; and so 
 again from the town's line as Mr. Hatherly's land runs 
 westerly, until it crosses the said brook there again, 
 
 * He was of Taunton, lfi94. 
 
 f Cornet Stetson was an enterprising and useful man in his day. He was 
 many years a deputy from Scituate — a Commissioner in 1GG4 to run tiie line 
 between the Plymouth and Massachusetts Colonies, and a member of the 
 board of war. In 1658, the Colony ordered a Troop of Horse to be raised, a 
 certain number from each town, who were to ' be freed from foot service, 
 watching and warding and their horses rate free.' The officers were William 
 Bradford, Captain, John Freeman, Lieutenant, and Robert Stetson, Cornet. — 
 The company was disbanded in 1G75, for refusing to procure carbines and 
 serve as a troop of Dragoons. He died 1702, aged 90. 
 
16 
 
 with all the spots and holes of meadow, that are within 
 said bounds.' 
 
 1665. ' In reference unto the request of the King's 
 Commissioners, in the behalf of Lieut. Peregrine White, 
 desiring that the Court would accommodate him with 
 a portion of land, in respect that he was the first of the 
 English that was born in these parts, and in answer 
 unto his own petition preferred unto this Court respect- 
 ing the premises, the Court have granted unto him Two 
 Hundred acres of land lying and being at the path, that 
 goes from Bridgewater to the Bay, adjoining the Bay 
 line.'* 
 
 1665. Two Hundred acres of land were granted 
 ' unto the four younger sons of Lieut. James Torrey, 
 (of Scituate,) lying above Weymouth, near unto the 
 line of the Massachusetts, to be at the disposal of Capt. 
 William Torrey, for the good of said children.' Ac- 
 cording to the return of the laying out, the boundaries 
 of this grant began ' at a stake and stones in an angle 
 made by the 4 mile line of Bridgewater, and the side 
 line of Briggs' land,' (about twenty rods to the west- 
 ward of the Country road,) thence running north east 
 
 * This grant is now in North Bridgewater. It adjoins the Belcher grant in 
 Abington, and its easterly line is now the boundary in that direction between 
 the two towns The extent of it was for many years the subject of bitter 
 controversy, between the owners and the Province and claimants under the 
 Province. In 1722, Col. Samuel Thaxter, of Hingham, Robert Spurr, of Dor- 
 chester, and John Quincy, of Braintree, were appointed by the General Court 
 to sell what was considered Province land, on the gore between the Bridge- 
 water 6 mile, and the Colony line. In their attempts to make the necessary 
 previous surveys, they were so resisted by force by the owners of the White 
 grant, as to be unable to proceed. The Legislature, on receiving their report, 
 caused the offenders to be arrested, and imprisoned in the Gaol at Boston. — 
 After a short detention, they were released upon acknowledging * their great 
 fault and offence in resisting and obstructing the Committee,' and ' paying 
 the charge and damages occasioned by their misdemeanor.' 
 
17 
 
 240 rods — 160 in Briggs' range to a corner tree, thence 
 south east ' for the most part through a swamp,' to 
 the 4 mile line, at a point distant 80 rods from the 
 Scituate line, (so called,) then west on that line to the 
 first bounds. William Reed, Samuel Porter, Nicholas 
 Porter, John Reed and Jacob Reed, of Abington, and 
 Thomas Beal, of Hingham, owned this land in 1714, and 
 then divided — the upland on the east side (of the mill 
 pond meadow) into 5 lots, running east to the Young 
 Men's shares — the upland west of the meadow into 2 
 and the meadow into 8 lots — each meadow owner agree- 
 ing to maintain his share of fence around the meadow. 
 
 1668. The Court ' in reference unto a deed surren- 
 dered into court by Lieut. John Holbrook of Weymouth, 
 made and given by Josiah Wampatucke and Webconet 
 unto Sergeant Thomas Streame, for the lease of a cer- 
 tain tract of land, for the gratification of the said Lieut. 
 Holbrook, and in reference unto his free acknowledge- 
 ment thereof, hath granted unto him one hundred and 
 twenty acres of land.' Holbrook sold to John Lothrop, 
 and he, in 1671, to Dea. Thomas Dyer, of Weymouth. 
 The land bounded east on the Hatherly grant and some 
 waste land, and southerly on th» grant to Pratt. 
 
 1668. Mr. Constant Southworth of Duxbury, and 
 
 Cornet Stetson of Scituate, acting for the Colony, for 
 
 £23, conveyed to Lieut. John Holbrook, James Lovell, 
 
 and Andrew Ford, of Weymouth, ' a certain tract of land 
 
 containing two miles upon the said line, (the colony 
 
 line,) beginning at a heap of stones lying at the path 
 
 going to Bridgewater from Weymouth, and to extend 
 
 three quarters of a mile from the said line, southerly — 
 
 provided the said bounds do not entrench upon the land 
 3 
 
18 
 
 of John Hammond, (or Hanmer,) which in case it doth, 
 then it is to be supplied in some other place adjoining 
 the said tract of land.' It was afterwards found, that 
 the grant did include land before conveyed, and there 
 was therefore added to it all the land easterly between 
 it and Hatherly's Grant, and another parcel of land on 
 the west of that grant, and north of Ford's farm. — 
 This grant was divided in 1695. From the Colony 
 line, a south southeast line was run through the middle 
 of the tract so as to cut it into two equal parts. Each 
 part was then divided into five unequal lots, by parallel 
 lines running from the centre line, easterly and west- 
 erly, and one lot in each, but in a reversed order, was 
 assigned to the several proprietors, according to their 
 respective interest. 
 
 1669. The Court confirmed a sale by their agents, 
 Maj. Josiah Winslow and Mr. Constant South worth, to 
 Cornet Robert Stetson, of a tract of land, more or less, 
 ' bounded towards the north to the three miles square 
 granted to Mr. Hatherly by Accord Pond, towards the 
 south to a white oak tree, marked on the north side R. 
 S. and from the tree through the land to the utmost ex- 
 tent of the purchase made by Cornet Stetson of Josias, 
 and bounded towards the east, to the land given Cornet 
 Stetson by the Court.' 
 
 1671. The Court confirmed a sale made by the 
 same agents to Joseph Barstow and Joseph Silvester, (of 
 Scituate,) of ' a parcel of upland, be it more or less, 
 lying and being on the westward side of Scituate 
 bounds, and is bounded on the north with the bound 
 tree of Cornet Stetson, which is marked R. S. and the 
 rocks by the brook that bounds the Cornet's land, and so 
 
19 
 
 ranging southerly until it meets with three black oak 
 trees and one stump, marked J. B. J. S., and from 
 thence west to the utmost extent of the land purchased 
 by Cornet Stetson, and from the three trees southeast 
 to the brook, only there is excepted out of the aforesaid 
 sale, fifty acres contained within the aforesaid bounds 
 granted by the Court to William Barstow, deceased, 
 for services done for the country.' Barstow and Joseph 
 Silvester, son of the Court's grantee, divided, 1693. 
 
 1671. The Court confirmed a sale, also made by 
 the same agents, to Joseph Barstow, and Moses and 
 Aaron Simmons, of Scituate, for £8, of ' a parcel of 
 upland, more or less, lying and being on the westward 
 side of Scituate town bounds, and bounded on the north 
 with the lands of Joseph Silvester and Joseph Barstow, 
 extending itself southerly to the utmost extent of the 
 purchase made by Cornet Robert Stetson, for the use 
 of the Colony, and westerly to the utmost extent of 
 said purchase.' In a deed of one-third of this tract by 
 Joseph Barstow to John Cushing of Scituate, in 1694, 
 it is described as running south from Barstow's other 
 land on the west line of Scituate, one mile and a half, 
 * to a corner marked white oak tree, about two feet 
 over,' thence w^esterly two miles to a stake and stones 
 on the westerly side of Poor-meadow river; thence 
 north about a mile and a half to Barstow's land, and 
 thence east with his land two miles to the line of Scit- 
 uate. This and the two preceding grants, were doubt- 
 less made before the additional grant to Bridgewater, 
 as otherwise they would have been embraced in that 
 grant. 
 
 1671. There was irranted to Ensign Mark Eames, 
 
20 
 
 of Marshfield, ' a certain piece of land in the form of 
 a gusset, lying next to Accord Pond, between the land 
 there granted to Mr. Hatherly, and the patent line, be 
 it an hundred acres, more or less.' John Jacob having 
 for himself and partners in the Hatherly grant, pur- 
 chased this gusset, it was annexed to that grant, and 
 that part of it within the extended lines of the middle 
 lot was, in the division of that grant, conveyed to An- 
 drews & Company. 
 
 1 727. Paul Dudley and others, a Committee of the 
 Court, sold to Robert Howard, Ephraim Fobes, and 
 Joseph Snell, for £200, all that part of the gore between 
 the 6 mile and Colony line, lying westerly of the high- 
 way from Bridgewater to Braintree, (now Randolph.) 
 
 1730. The Province ' in further consideration of 
 the services' of Gov. Belcher as their agent in Eng- 
 land, granted him 800 acres of land. 328 acres, part 
 of the grant, were laid out to him in Abington, on the 
 gore. It bounded northerly ' on the Colony line,' ' west- 
 erly on the land called Peregrine White's grant,' south- 
 erly on the ' Bridgewater 6 mile line,' and ' easterly on 
 a line about twenty-five rods w^est from a brook called 
 Beaver-brook, home to the Colony line.' 
 
 1764. The General Court confirmed to Andrew 
 Belcher, of Milton, ' one hundred and fifty-two acres 
 and one hundred and six rods of land, being part of a 
 gore of Province land, lying within or adjoining to the 
 town of Abington,' ' to compleat a grant to him of two 
 thousand acres.' 
 
 Beside the above grants, there was probably one to 
 a John Hammond, (or Hanmer,) north of the 6 mile 
 line and west of Ford's farm. There was also a grant 
 
21 
 
 of meadow to James Lovell and Andrew Ford. — 
 ' Thomas Pratt, an inhabitant of Bridgewater Ford's 
 farm,' (so called,) 1694, conveyed 'all his own quarter 
 part of that swamp or meadowish ground granted by Ply- 
 mouth Court to Andrew Ford formerly, and James Lov- 
 ell, which is called by the name of Streame's* meadow, 
 as yet undivided, and is about half a mile from Nicholas 
 Shaw's.' 
 
 * This meadow may, possibly, have been part of the land, which, in the 
 gtant to Lieut. Holbrook it was said, had been leased by the Indians to Ser- 
 geant Thomas Streame ; and it may have derived its name from that circum- 
 stance. It does not appear that there was any Court grant to any person of 
 that name. 
 
INDIAN TITLE. 
 
 Our ancestors always acknowledged an Indian title 
 to the soil, which they were bound to extinguish. The 
 character of that title has never been very precisely de- 
 fined. It seems, however, not to have been a right of 
 exclusive dominion and property, and little else than a 
 privilege of free fishing, trapping and hunting, and a 
 right to the undisturbed enjoyment of their actual 
 possessions. This title, individuals could not receive 
 from the Indians by way of gift ;* nor could it be ex- 
 tinguished, except by the Government, or persons act- 
 ing under its authority, by purchase from the Indian 
 chiefs, within whose limits the lands lay. 
 
 The following extract from the Plymouth Colony 
 records shows, that the northerly part of Plymouth 
 County was within the dominions of Chickatabut, a 
 sachem whose residence was sometimes at Neponset 
 river, near Squantum, and sometimes near the Indian 
 Ponds, in Pembroke. 
 
 * The Plymouth Colony records state, that Thomas Joy, of Hingham, ' had 
 caused great disturbance by producing a deed of gift of lands to him, from an 
 Indian sachem, whereby he had broken a law of the colony.' For this offence, 
 Joy w-as committed to jail, but was discharged on disclaiming any title to the 
 lands, and surrendering his deed to the Court. This Joy was probably the 
 same person mentioned in Winthrop's Journal, as having been put in irons (a 
 sample of the tyranny of those times) for merely circulating a remonstrance 
 to the government in England against certain obnoxious proceedings of the 
 government at Boston; and enquiring of the Marshall, when he went to search 
 * Dand's study, if his warrant was in the King's name.' Savage says he moved 
 fiom Boston to Hingham. He died 1678. 
 
23 
 
 1650. Several Indians named in the records, 'came 
 into court and affirmed, that Chickatabut, his bounds 
 did extend from Nisamagogwanet, near Duxbury mill, 
 unto Tightacut, near Taunton, and to Nunkatatest, 
 which is the head of Charles river. This they do all 
 solemnly affirm — saying God knovveth it to be true, and 
 knoweth their hearts. Dated the first of the fourth 
 month, 1650. 
 
 Witness : Increase Nowell, 
 
 John Eliot, 
 John Hoare.' 
 
 In 1667, Josias Chickatabut, alias Wampatucke, ac- 
 knowledged in Court, that he had sold to Lieut. Pere- 
 grine White his right in the two hundred acres granted 
 to him.* 
 
 It is not known when the Indian right to the Three 
 miles square was extinguished ; but that it was, appears 
 from the recorded acknowledgment of Josias Wampa- 
 tucke. In 1668, he 'come into court and owned, that 
 the Three miles square, which was granted to Mr. 
 Hatherly, that he had sold it to Mr. Hatherly, and was 
 by him fully satisfied for it.' 
 
 The title to the lands granted to Robert Stetson, Jo- 
 seph Barstow and Joseph Silvester, and to Moses and 
 Aaron Simmons, was acquired of the Indians, before 
 these grants were made. ' Josias Chickatabut, of No- 
 massakeset, in the government of New Plymouth,^ 13th 
 April, 1668, conveyed to Cornet Robert Stetson, for 
 
 * Within the bounds of this grant, two rivers are mentioned in the Indian 
 deed — one called Manamackndg and the other Shumacastasaut. These names 
 on the lithographic map of Abington, published in 1830, are erroneously ap- 
 plied to Beaver-brook, and the upper part of Poor Meadow, or Hersey's River. 
 
24 
 
 the use of the Colony, ' a certain tract, or parcel of 
 land, by the Indians commonly called Nanumackewit, 
 bounded on the north by the lands formerly granted to 
 Mr. Hatherly, and is to run by his line two miles west 
 into the woods — and on the east is bounded by the line 
 of the town of Scituate, and is to run three miles south- 
 erly from Mr. Hatherly's said grant, upon the town's 
 line — and so again two miles westerly upon Mr. Hath- 
 erly's line upon the other side, and three miles again 
 northerly* to meet with the first line.' 
 
 Nathaniel Thomas run out this grant in 1685. The 
 line against Scituate run from the Hatherly grant three 
 miles south, ' crossing Indian head-river on the brow of 
 a hill near beaver-dam ' to the south-east corner, where 
 stood ' a white oak tree about two feet over.' From 
 thence the line run ' west nine degrees south,' to the 
 south-west corner, about sixty rods westerly of Poor 
 Meadow river. The north-west corner was about 
 twenty rods to the northward of the road by Joseph 
 Wilkes', a little easterly of his house. 
 
 There is evidence, that the Indian title to the 
 land granted to Holbrook, Lovell and Ford, was bought 
 out ; and it was probably so, in regard to all the other 
 colony grants to individuals. 
 
 The Indian right to the territory south of the four- 
 mile line, and to such of it, between that and the six- 
 mile line, as had not been sold by the Colony, before 
 the additional two mile grant to Bridgevvater, was 
 extinguished by the proprietors of that town. 
 
 * This north line is in the south part of the town, called, the Scituate line — 
 probably because it was parallel with the west line of Scituate, and also be- 
 cause it wus the boundary line of grants to Scituate people. 
 
ROADS. 
 
 Before the incorporation of the town, two county 
 roads were laid out through the territory composing it. 
 The first, the road now leading from East Bridgewater 
 by Jacob Harden's, and the Centre Meeting house, to 
 Weymouth, was laid out in 1690, as part of a way from 
 ' Middleborough, Bridgewater and other places, towards 
 Boston.' It began 'at the Woods in Middleborough, 
 by the new meeting house.' In Bridgewater it passed 
 by James Latham's, Byram's plain, thence to the way 
 that led to Weymouth, and thence with that way, and 
 ' on the loesterly side of Andrew Ford^s house, to the 
 Patent line.' 
 
 The other was the road from Hanson, through the 
 Back street, (so called,) to Weymouth. In 1707, the 
 General Sessions of the Peace appointed a Committee 
 to view a way petitioned for from Plymouth to Wey- 
 mouth. They reported in favor of a way ' from the road 
 which led from Plymouth to John Bradford, Jr.'s, a 
 little to the eastward of said Bradford's house, and 
 thence in the way lately made on the westward side of 
 the Indian head-river Pond, and thence over Col. 
 Thomas's mill-dam, and thence in the way that leads 
 from Little Comfort to Lieut. Nash's, in Weymouth, 
 near a mile to northward of Lieut. Hersey's saw-mill*' 
 In 1712, the road was laid out forty-feet wide. It be- 
 4 
 
26 
 
 gan ' at the patent line, upon the road that led from 
 Weymouth to Little Comfort,' and run with that road 
 ' to the westerly corner of French's hill, easterly from 
 Ford?s — thence to ' bottle hill,' and ' over an old bridge, 
 near a place called Gurney's meadow ' — thence by 
 marked trees, * to Drinkwater path,' &c. &c. 
 
NOTICE OF SETTLERS BEFORE THE IN- 
 CORPORATION OF THE TOWN. 
 
 The first settlement, there is very little doubt, was, 
 as has been before stated, on the grant to Souther ; and 
 the first settlers the family of Ford. Andrew Ford, 
 the son of Andrew and Eleanor Ford, of Weymouth, is 
 said to have been in possession of what was for many 
 years called Ford^s Farms, or Ford^s Farm, in 1679. 
 In 1683, his father and James Lovell sold him land, de- 
 scribing him in the deed, as an ' inhabitant of the col- 
 ony of New Plymouth.' Andrew, junior, had a bro- 
 ther Ebenezer, who was at this place the same year. 
 The Colony records state, that ' at a court of Assistants, 
 July, 1683, Ebenezer Ford, residing at a place called 
 Ford's farm, complains against James Ford, now or late 
 of the same place, in a plea of debt.' Samuel Ford, 
 another brother, was also there, the same year. Nicho- 
 las Byram, 14th July, 1683, sold land to ' Samuel Ford, 
 dwelling at a place called Ford's farm.' Samuel re- 
 turned to Weymouth, and died there, 1711. 
 
 Andrew Ford, senior, of Abington, lived in a house 
 that stood a few rods from Joseph Cleverly's. He died 
 24th August, 1725, leaving a will, in which he mentions 
 his wife Abiah — son Andrew, (Ens.) daughters Sarah 
 Josselyn, Thankful Hersey, Lydia Whitmarsh and 
 Abiah Hersey ; also his grandsons Jacob and Andrew, 
 
28 
 
 sons of his son Andrew ; and Hezekiah and Ruth, chil- 
 dren of his son Hezekiah, deceased. His * homestead, 
 or home-living,' he gave his grandson Hezekiah. 
 
 Thomas Josseljn was here in 1686, as appears by 
 the following from Plymouth Colony records : ' July, 
 1686, Isaac Howland, of Middleborough, Plaintiff 
 against Thomas Josselyn, within the Constahlewrick of 
 Little Comfort* Defendant, in an action of debt.' 
 
 Caleb Chard came in probably some years before 
 1694. The proprietors of Bridgewater then laid out 
 land ' on the easterly side of the way, that goeth to 
 Shawns farm and CharcPs.'' He was the son of William 
 Chard, of Weymouth, who was for many years the 
 town clerk there, and ' a settled school-master.' His 
 wife was Eleanor Waters, by whom he had Thomas, 
 who married Ruth Jackson. He died 1709. 
 
 Nicholas Shaw, the son of John and Alice Shaw, of 
 Weymouth, in a deed from John Andrews to Joseph 
 Lincoln, of Hingham, of a part of the grant to Souther, 
 1694, is said to have lived 'about half a mile from 
 Streame's meadow.' By his wife Deborah, he had 
 Nicholas, Joshua, (Dea.,) John, Zachariah, Benjamin 
 and Sarah, borne between 1689 and 1704, inclusive. 
 
 Philip Reed came from Weymouth as early as 1696. 
 Land was laid out that year, to John Porter, ' that laid 
 beyond Snell's plain, towards Philip Reed^s house.^ 
 This house was near where David Gurney now lives. 
 
 * Little Comfort was a name given the southerly part of the town. At this 
 time Bridgewater was divided into Constablewricks, and this part of the town 
 formed one. As it was necessary to provide for the service of legal process, 
 north of the six-mile line, the Colony Court, 1 1th Feb. 1691, ordered 'the 
 lands between Bridgewater and Weymouth, called Ford's farm, and the parts 
 adjacent, to be put under the Constablewrick of Bridgewater.' 
 
29 
 
 In his will, made 1710, and witnessed by William, John 
 and Jacob Reed, his wife Abigail, daughters Mary and 
 Hannah, by a former wife, and son Stephen, are men- 
 tioned. He died May 11, 1712. 
 
 Joseph Josselyn, if the son of Thomas before named, 
 probably came with his father. In 1696, land was laid 
 out to him 'joining his land at his and Porter's saw- 
 mill.' His house was a few rods back of Jonathan L. 
 Reed's. He died 5th Sept. 1726. His will mentions 
 sons Joseph, Ebenezer and Abraham, and daughters 
 Mary Bates, Sarah Porter,* Hannah and Beatrice, and 
 his second wife Sarah, the daughter of Andrew Ford. 
 
 William Dyer was from Weymouth before 1699. In 
 March of that year Bridgewater appointed him a sur- 
 veyor of highways. How long he was in Abington is 
 not known. He was there in 1716, but had returned 
 to Weymouth before 1735, for in that year certain per- 
 sons by order of the proprietors of Bridgewater, ' sur- 
 veyed the lands of William Dyer, formerly of Abington, 
 now of Weymouth, all which lands lay in Abington, 
 within the eight-miles square of the purchasers of 
 Bridgewater, and where Christopher Dyer now dwells.' 
 Christopher was probably the son of William. He 
 married Hannah, the daughter of Ens. James Nash, by 
 whom he had between 1726 and 1743, Mary, Hannah, 
 Christopher, Sarah, Jacob, Betty and James. He died 
 suddenly in a field back of his house, 11th Aug. 1786, 
 in the eighty-fifth year of his age. It is stated on the 
 
 * There is a family tradition, that as Sarah was one day, in summer, milking 
 one of her father's cows, a thunder cloud came up, and a flash of lightning 
 killed the cow instantly, and knocked out the bottom of her pail, without do- 
 ing her the slightest injury. She was afterwards the mother of fifteen chil- 
 dren. 
 
30 
 
 map of the town, that he was the first child born 
 in it. This is probably a mistake, as there were 
 several families on its territory, many years before his 
 birth. 
 
 Samuel Gurney was warned out of town in 1 694, by 
 order of the selectmen of Bridgewater. He probably 
 lived in the Back-street, (so called.) His vAW, made 
 17th July, 1717, mentions his wife Sarah, (to whom he 
 gives ' all his house and lands in Abington,') brother 
 John, and son-in-law Samuel Staples. 
 
 William Tirrell, from Weymouth, bought the whole 
 of the Pratt grant of the sons of John Shaw, 3d March, 
 1705, and probably settled on it soon after. He lived 
 near Prince Penniman's. In his will, made 27th April, 
 1727, he mentions his wife Abigail, sons William (Capt., 
 born 1683,) Samuel, Gideon and Thomas, and daugh- 
 ters Abigail Hersey, Thankful Gillmore, Rachel Lin- 
 coln and Hannah Shaw. He died 27th of the next 
 October. Formerly, the male branch of this family in 
 town was very numerous, but is now nearly extinct. 
 
 Edmund Jackson, second town clerk, came in before 
 1707. By his wife Mary, he had Samuel, Edmund, 
 Mary, Elizabeth, Sarah and Martha, between 1691 and 
 1713. There are none of the male branch of this 
 family in Abington at the present day. 
 
 William Hersey, (Cornet and Capt.) from Hingham, 
 is described as an inhabitant of Bridgewater early in 
 1707. His house was on the hill between Dr. Champ- 
 ney's and Hersey's river, so called after him. He had 
 a son William — and probably, Stephen, (Ens.) Joseph, 
 (Capt.) Elislia, (Capt.) and John, were his sons. 
 Whether he died in Abington or returned to Higham, 
 is not known. 
 
31 
 
 William Reed, (Capt. and first town clerk,) John 
 Reed and Jacob Reed, brothers, and sons of William 
 and Esther Reed, of Weymouth, settled in Abington 
 about 1708. William lived where Ephraim S. Jenkins 
 lives. His wife was Alice, the daughter of Lieut. Ja- 
 cob Nash, of Weymouth. By her he had Obadiah, 
 (Capt.) Ebenezer, Daniel, James, Solomon, Moses and 
 Alice, between 1707 and 1725. He died 1753.* 
 
 John Reed lived opposite the Burying-ground, in the 
 south part of the town. By his first wife, Sarah, he 
 had John, born 1713. By Mary, his second, James, 
 Joseph, Mary, Ezekiel, Peter, Squire and Samuel, be- 
 tween 1716 and 1732. In a division of his estate, 
 1739, all these children are named. 
 
 Jacob Reed, (town clerk nineteen years,) by his first 
 wife, Sarah Hersey, had Sarah, Jacob, Hannah, Wil- 
 liam and Elijah, between 1718 and 1728. By his se- 
 cond, the widow Hannah Noyes, Betty, born 1734. 
 His house was near Ephraim Whitman's. He died 
 1766, aged seventy-four. 
 
 Ebenezer Whitmarsh, (Dea.) and family, were prob- 
 ably in Abington, some years before 1712. In his will, 
 made 2d July, 1716, he mentions his wife, Christiana, 
 sons Richard, Ebenezer and Thomas, and daughters 
 Ruth Ford and Mary Reed. He was the son of John \^ 
 Whitmarsh of Weymouth, who was one of the ' select 
 
 * Mr. Dodge, in his Journal, 3d June, 1753, says : — ' Attended the funeral 
 of the aged Capt. Reed, the largest I have ever seen in town.' Ten at 
 least of his descendants in the male line, have been liberally educated. Of 
 these, two have been members of Congress, viz. his grandson, the late Rev. Dr. 
 John Reed, of West Bridgewater, and his son, the Hon. John Reed, of Yar- 
 mouth, now a member. After the expiration of his present term, he will have 
 been in Congress twenty-two years — eighteen in succession. 
 
32 
 
 town's men, and town measurer ;' was born May 14th, 
 1668, and died April 8, 1718. 
 
 Nicholas Porter was an appraiser of Caleb Chard's 
 estate in 1709 — lived where Sherebiah Corthell lives. 
 His children by his wife Bathsheba, were Nicholas, 
 William, Bathsheba, Daniel, Susanna, Job, Esther and 
 Abner, born between 1700 and 1718. His second wife 
 was Sarah, the widow of Nicholas Noyes. 
 
 John Harden. 22d Feb. 1711, Mr. Niles, of Brain- 
 tree, records the baptism of ' Jane Harden, the daugh- 
 ter of John Harden, of Little Comfort.'' Harden's 
 house was where his great grandson Jacob Harden now 
 lives, near the line of East Bridgewater. His will, 
 made 17th Sept. 1751, mentions his daughters Mary 
 Hobart, Sarah Gurney, Jane Spear, Rebecca Noyes, 
 Lydia Dawes, son John, (Capt.) and grandson, Benja- 
 min Gurney, by his daughter Elizabeth. 
 
 James Nash, (Ens.) first town treasurer, was son of 
 N/ Lieut. Jacob Nash, of Weymouth, who was a freeman 
 in 1666, and Representative in 1689 and 1690, and 
 grandson of James Nash. He lived where the late 
 Nathaniel Nash lived. By his first wife, Hannah, he 
 had James, Peter and Hannah. By Experience, his 
 second. Experience, Mary, Sarah, Abigail, Samuel and 
 Silence. He died 27th August, 1725. 
 
 Edward Bates, Dea. (in the early records the name 
 was generally written Bate,) was the son of Edward 
 and Elizabeth Bates, and grandson of Edward and 
 Susan Bates, of Weymouth. He had three brothers, 
 Ebenezer, Benjamin and Eleazer, who came and settled 
 in Abington. As he was elected to office at the first 
 town meeting, he was probably here before the incor- 
 
S3 
 
 poration of the town. Whether the others were, is 
 unknown, though probahlj not. By his wife, Silence 
 Richards, of Weymouth, he had Edward, Peter, Silence, 
 Samuel and Daniel. House near Oliver Blanchard's. 
 He died 28th Feb. 1740. 
 
 Joseph Lincoln, from Hingham, was an original 
 church member and a town officer at the first meeting. 
 In 1723, he was ' ejected ' from his office of deacon of 
 the church, on account of some ' irregularities unseemly 
 to such a post ;' but ' was restored to charity as a bro- 
 ther,' on confessing that he had ' acted imprudently 
 and unjustly in buying Mr. Tirrill's place under color, 
 to keep off the sheriff from attaching it, and further- 
 more acknowledging, that he had wronged and injured 
 the truth.' By his wife, Kesiah, he had two children, 
 Prudence and Jonathan. 
 
 Samuel Pool, Esq. came about 1711, and settled 
 where James Reed now lives — was the son of Joseph 
 Pool, of Weymouth, and had brothers Joseph and Isaac. 
 By his wife, Sarah, the daughter of Lieut. Jacob Nash, 
 of Weymouth, he had Elizabeth, Samuel, (Dea.) Jo- 
 seph and Sarah, between 1711 and 1718. 
 
 Samuel Porter, brother of Nicholas, before mention- 
 ed, bought of Daniel Axtell, his farm in Abington, con- 
 sisting of a dwelling house, and half of the grant to the 
 Briggs' SOlh January, 1712. His wife was Mary, the 
 daughter of Lieut. Jacob Nash, of Weymouth, by whom 
 he had between 1699 and 1719, Samuel, Mary, Jacob, 
 David, Hannah, John and Abigail. He died 31st Aug. 
 1725. All the above children are named in his will. 
 He was the grandfather of the late Rev. Dr. Eliphalet 
 Porter, of Roxbury. 
 5 
 
34 
 
 There were doubtless several others, beside those 
 mentioned, who came in before the town was incorpor- 
 ated — among them might be Nicholas Nojes, the father 
 of the late Dea. John Noyes, Samuel Noyes, the father 
 of the late Capt. Daniel Noyes, and Dea. Samuel 
 French. 
 
INCORPORATION OF THE TOWN AND SUB- 
 SEQUENT LOSSES OF TERRITORY. 
 
 A petition for an act of incorporation was presented 
 to the General Court, 4th July, 1706 — on which an or- 
 der passed, directing the petitioners to return a plat of 
 the territory described in their petition. Afterwards, 
 another order required ' The proprietors, purchasers 
 and inhabitants, to take care to make a subscription of 
 what they were capable and willing to pay annually for 
 the support of an able, learned and orthodox minister, 
 and present the same to the court at their next session, 
 when the court would proceed to consider of what was 
 prayed for their encouragement.' No further steps in 
 the matter appear to have been taken at that time, pro- 
 bably because the means of the people were not deemed 
 sufficient for the settlement and support of a minister. 
 In 1712, the application was renewed, and the follow- 
 ing act of incorporation passed : — 
 
 In Council. — Upon reading a petition of several of 
 the inhabitants of the easterly part of the town of 
 Bridgewater, and several proprietors of land adjoining, 
 to be made a township, the whole of said tract contain- 
 ing about six miles in length and about four miles and 
 a half in breadth — bounded on the north on the line of 
 the late colonies of Massachusetts and Plymouth, east 
 upon the town of Scituate, south on the line that is the 
 
36 
 
 southerly bounds of the lands of John Gushing, Sen. 
 and Jr. Esqrs. — and from thence, on the south-westerly 
 side by certain bounds, which the town of Bridgewater 
 have set up and prefixed, to Beaver Brook — and on the 
 west by the said brook, until it comes to the extent of 
 the town of Bridgewater northward — together with a 
 small gore of land, lying between the said township and 
 the line of said colonies.* The town of Bridgewater 
 having signified their consent thereto, and a plat being 
 now presented, and the petitioners setting forth, that 
 they had settled a learned and orthodox minister — 
 
 Ordered, that the prayer of the petitioners be grant- 
 ed — the tract of land within mentioned to be erected 
 into a township, and that the town be named Abington. 
 
 Tuesday, June 10, 1712. 
 
 Concurred by the Representatives. 
 
 Consented to, J. Dudley. 
 
 The boundaries of the town, at the present day, vary 
 from those described in this act, and show losses of ter- 
 ritory, on the east and south, and on the gore between 
 the six-mile and Colony line. 
 
 Hanover took off a large tract. Before the incor- 
 poration of that town, the east line of Abington was six 
 miles long, running from Accord Pond about south and 
 crossing the highway in Hanson, a little to the east- 
 ward of Dr. Samuel Barker's, ' to a white oak tree 
 about two feet over.' This tree, which was the south- 
 east corner of the town, and also of the Indian grant to 
 
 * There is, before me, a copy of a plan of the town, made by Col. Samuel 
 Thaxter, of Hingliam, in 1706, the boundaries of which correspond exactly 
 with those described in this act. The territory is said to contain 15,518 1-2 
 acres. 
 
37 
 
 Cornet Stetson, and Colony grant to Moses and Aaron 
 Simmons, is supposed to have stood not far from the 
 lower tack factory, on Indian head-river, in Hanson. 
 From this corner the line run west about nine degrees 
 south (it was probably parallel with the south line of 
 Hatherly's grant) two miles to a stake and stones. 
 
 By the act incorporating Hanover, in 1727, the 
 boundaries of that town began ' at the tJtird herring 
 brook, at Dea. Jacob's saw-mill dam, and from thence 
 running near west, about two hundred fifty-six rods to 
 the north-east corner of Isaac Turner's great lot — 
 thence near west with the north side line of said great 
 lot one mile to the Share line, (then the east line of 
 Abington,) and thence, continuing the same course, 
 three quarters of a mile, (to the east side of the small 
 shares) — thence turning and running near south two 
 miles to the south-west corner of Nehemiah Cushing's 
 lot — thence south five degrees and forty minutes west, 
 to the southerly bounds of Abington.' 
 
 The new south-east corner, established by this act, 
 was about two hundred fifty rods westerly from the 
 preceding. In the old perambulations of the town 
 lines, this corner bound is said to be 'a crotched pine 
 tree, standing in the swamp to the south-west of Col. 
 Elijah Cushing's dwelling-house.' He lived in Han- 
 son, where his great grandson, Elijah Cushing, now 
 lives. 
 
 In 1746, the second parish in Pembroke, now Han- 
 son, was incorporated. It was made up of the corners 
 of five towns, viz. Abington, Bridgewater, Halifax, 
 Hanover and Pembroke. In 1754, all that part of the 
 
38 
 
 territory of the parish not then belonging to Pem- 
 broke, was annexed to that town. 
 
 There is some difficulty in fully accounting for the 
 losses on the gore. The present Eastern boundary in 
 part, between Abington and North Bridgewater, is the 
 east line of the grant to Peregrine White. Immedi- 
 ately west of this grant was a tract of land containing 
 about 200 acres, which Robert and Daniel Howard 
 bought of Dorchester in 1726; and west of that, in 
 the angle of the 6 mile and Colony line, another tract 
 of 200 acres, which Robert Howard and others pur- 
 chased of the Province in 1727. In 1730, on Petition 
 of the Selectmen of Bridgewater, the latter tract with 
 the two families of Howards upon it, was annexed to 
 Bridgewater, ' during the pleasure of the Court.' — 
 How the former tract and White grant became part of 
 Bridgewater, is not known. No act of the Legislature 
 has been found annexing them to that town. There 
 appears to have been some controversy between Abing 
 ton and Bridgewater in 1742, about their bounds in this 
 direction, and Bridgewater then appointed agents to 
 petition the general court ' to send a committee to fix a 
 north-east corner of their township.' If a petition was 
 presented, it does not appear what was done. The 
 matter was however settled as early as 1753, as in that 
 year, the line between the towns was perambulated, 
 and began, ' at the patent line run by Col. Thaxter and 
 Capt. Thompson, at a stake and heap of stones, which 
 is the north-east corner of the Peregrine White grant, 
 and run south upon the easterly end of said White's 
 grant, until it comes to the 6 mile line of Bridgewa- 
 ter.' 
 
ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS. 
 
 FIRST CONGREGATIONAL SOCIETY. 
 
 It was Stated in the Petition for an act to incorporate 
 the town, that a minister had been settled. By this, 
 nothing more could have been intended than that some 
 arrangements had been made to settle one. Mr. Sam- 
 uel Brown was the first minister. He says he ' came 
 to Abington by a unanimous call from the people there 
 tosettle, on 8th December, 1711.' By a deed dated 4th 
 March, 1712, Jacob Nash of Weymouth, and ' Andrew 
 Ford, senior, living near the Town of Bridgewater, in 
 consideration of £112 current money to them paid by 
 the inhabitants, and some of the proprietors of the 
 north-east end of the town of Bridgewater, and of the 
 land adjoining, in behalf of Mr. Samuel Brown of New- 
 bury, in the County of Essex,' conveyed to Mr. Brown 
 sixty acres of land, for an homestead, reserving ' half 
 an acre about the meeting-house for conveniency.' 
 
 Onthe 2d of March, 1712-3,* articles of agreement 
 were entered into between Mr. Brown and the town, 
 whereby he agreed to settle as their minister, and they 
 on their part, in addition to the house and land, which 
 they said had been given him, agreed to pay him the 
 first year a salary of £48, and to add to that £2 a year 
 
 " See Appendix A. 
 
40 
 
 until it amounted to £60, and then £1 a year until it 
 reached £70, which sum thenceforth was to be his sta- 
 ted salary for life. 
 
 For some unknown reason, perhaps because the meet- 
 ing house was not finished before, his ordination did not 
 take place until 17th November, 1714. On that occa- 
 sion, according to the custom of the day, Mr. Brown 
 probably preached the sermon. 
 
 During the first and greater part of his connection 
 W'ith his people, iMr. Brown^s labors appear to have 
 been useful and acceptable. Among other proofs of 
 their attachment to him, maybe mentioned the practice 
 of the town for several years, of getting his fire-wood 
 for him.* 
 
 About five years before the end of his ministry and 
 life, serious difficulties arose between him and a portion 
 of his church and society. June 11th, 1744, there was 
 a church meeting to consider certain chargesf ' against 
 the Pastor, respecting doctrines delivered by him in 
 public and private.- Mr. Brown explained to the sat- 
 isfaction of a great majority of the church. They were, 
 nevertheless, willing a council should be called as re- 
 
 * In 1717. the town voted to ' get ilr. Brown's fire-wood, and every man 
 that don't come to help cut wood a day, shall pay 2s. 6d. to Deacon Whitmarsh 
 and Deacon Lincoln, and they axe to hire men with the money to cut wood.' 
 The next year, the vote was that ' ever}" man shall cut a cord of wood (except 
 them that cart it) for Mr. Brown.' 
 
 t Among the doctrines Mr. Brown was charged with believing, were the 
 following : — 
 
 1. ' That godly sorrow is preliminary to true and saving faith.' 
 
 2. ' That the seed of grace is implanted in the soul before conversion, and 
 there grows till it is ripe for the new birth.' 
 
 3. ' That our being thankful for mercies received, moves God to bestow 
 more.' 
 
 4. • That the tears of unfeigned repentance (as it was alleged he had said 
 in a sermo.n) would quench the fiery stream of God's wratli.' 
 
41 
 
 quested, if the dissatisfied would be at the cost ' oi 
 calling and entertaining them, which the church thought 
 but reasonable, seeing they were the party aggrieved, 
 and not the church, but the offer was not closed with 
 by the dissatisfied.' 
 
 The first indication of these troubles in the town 
 records is a vote, passed 9th February, 1748, to recon- 
 sider a vote at a former meeting, granting Mr. Brown 
 £300, old tenor, for his salary, and then voting him 
 only £70. At that time the depreciation of bills of 
 credit,* of the ' old form and tenor,' was such that these 
 £70 were not worth more than £10 in specie. A num- 
 ber of the inhabitants, whose names are in the town 
 books, opposed these votes, and in the language of the 
 record, ' entered their detest against the proceedings of 
 the meeting.' 
 
 At a church meeting 31st August, 1748, another set 
 of charges was preferred against Mr. Brown, and he 
 and the church desired to join in calling a council to 
 decide upon them. The request was acceded to, and 
 a council finally agreed on, to consist of delegates from 
 two of the three following churches, probably selected 
 by Mr. Brown, viz. 2d church in Scituate, 1st in Hing- 
 ham, and 1st in Weymouth — and two from the three 
 following, selected by the dissatisfied brethren : 1st 
 church in Attleborough, 2d in Wrentham, and the 
 church in Halifax. Which four of these churches were 
 agreed upon, does not appear. 
 
 The charges were — errors in doctrine — admitting in- 
 to his pulpit clergymen 'not friendly to the great and 
 soul-humbling doctrines of the Gospel ' — arbitrariness 
 
 * See Appendix B. 
 
42 
 
 in church meetings and church government — and lying. 
 At the appointed time, the council met and ' cleared 
 the Pastor of all said matters of charge.' This result 
 did not prove satisfactory to the opposition, nor restore 
 harmony. The minority of the church, consisting of 
 the dissatisfied brethren and constituting over one third 
 of the members, absented themselves from church meet- 
 ings, and the communion, and finally, at an organized 
 meeting of their own, 'voted the pastor out of his 
 office.'* 
 
 This course of procedure was thought so irregular 
 and disorderly, as to require animadversion. Accord- 
 ingly, the church and pastor proceeded to call a council 
 to' meet 22d August, 1749. In the letters missive, it 
 was said, the church ' had been for a long time under 
 contentions and dissensions, and yet continued so to be, 
 by reason of that sect called New-lights, who had pro- 
 ceeded from one step to another presumptuously, and 
 now at the last. Justice Pool, who is one of them, pro- 
 ceeded in behalf of the dissatisfied, upon the sabbath 
 after public worship, to warn a church meeting. At 
 the time appointed a number of them came together, 
 and proceeded to choose a moderator, to which office 
 they voted Justice Pool, and also chose Capt. Obadiah 
 Reed for their clerk ; after which they proceeded to 
 call a vote to eject their pastor out of his office — and 
 that, although they were by the pastor charged to de- 
 
 * The minority justified themselves on the ground that they had repeatedly 
 requested the privilege of a church meeting, to consider the subject of Mr. 
 Brown's dismission, and had been unreasonably refused. Mr. Brown attended 
 the meeting here referred to, and made to it a written communication (a copy 
 of which is before the writer,) manifesting strongly the highly excited state 
 of his feelings. 
 
43 
 
 sist from their disorderly and irregular proceedings.' 
 This council probably met, and possibly another called 
 by the minority, but the records are defective, and the 
 result is not known. Whether any thing done by them, 
 or any proceedings or occurrences connected with their 
 meeting, had any influence with Mr. Brown, is uncer- 
 tain. He seems, however, to have perceived a wide 
 and an impassable gulph between himself and a portion 
 of his people, which must put an end to his future use- 
 fulness as their minister — and therefore proposed to ask 
 a dismission on the following terms, viz. that the town 
 should pay him annually, during life, £100, old tenor, 
 beside exempting him and his estate from taxation, and 
 join him in choosing arbitrators to decide what was due 
 him on account of arrears of salary. 
 
 These propositions were submitted to the town, at a 
 meeting 31st August, 1749, Thomas Clapp, Esq., of 
 Scituate, presiding as moderator, and were agreed to on 
 their part. 
 
 As the old tenor bills were greatly depreciated, their 
 rate compared with silver, was fixed at 55 shillings per 
 ounce ; and the moderator, Benjamin Lincoln, of Hing- 
 ham, Thomas Croade, of Halifax, Elijah Gushing, of 
 Hanover, and Thomas Foster, of Plymouth, were 
 agreed upon to settle the amount due on account of 
 salary. 
 
 Mr. Brown thereupon asked a dismission in the fol- 
 lowing words — 
 
 ' Brethren of the town, 
 
 ' In consideration of the difficulties which attend 
 my continuance in the work of the ministry among you, 
 I desire you would grant me a dismission therefrom. 
 
 SAMUEL BROWN.' 
 
44 
 
 During Mr. Brown's ministry, a period of thirty- 
 seven years, there were added to the church, consisting 
 at its foundation of eight male members,* 207 persons, 
 of whom 93 were males, and 114 females. In 1742, 
 there were 41 admissions. The whole number of bap- 
 tisms was 512. 
 
 After an unsuccessful attempt to settle the Rev. Jon- 
 athan Ellis, who had been then recently dismissed from 
 the Manomet Ponds Society, in Plymouth, the town, 
 23d February, 1750, concurred with the church in a 
 call to Mr. Ezekiel Dodge, of Shrewsbury, in the coun- 
 ty of Worcester. The calling having been accepted, 
 the town voted Mr. Dodge for three years, £111 2s. 2d. 
 for salary and settlement, and afterwards an annual sal- 
 ary of £66 13s. 4d. lawful money. In addition to this, 
 he was supplied with firewood until 1750, when £6 13s. 
 4d. were added to his salary ' in the lieu of his wood,' 
 making the salary afterwards £73 6s. 8d. 
 
 Mr. Dodge's ordination took place 23d May, 1750. 
 On that occasion, the introductory prayer was made by 
 Rev. John Angier, of East Bridgewater. Sermon by 
 Rev. Mr. Gushing, (supposed) of Shrewsbury ; Charge 
 by Rev. Mr. Eells, of Scituate, and the Right-hand of 
 Fellowship by the Rev. Mr. Bailey, of Weymouth. 
 
 Mr. Dodge's ministry furnishes but few materials for 
 remark. From beginning to end, great harmony pre- 
 vailed between him and the people of his charge. — 
 There were no important differences and therefore no 
 controversy between them, about doctrines. Nor were 
 
 * They were Samuel Brown, William Hersey, Andrew Ford, William Tir- 
 rell, Ebenezer Whitmarsh, Joseph Josselyn, WilHam Reed, and Joseph Lin- 
 coln. 
 
45 
 
 there any councils ever called to settle differences in 
 church affairs. This, no doubt, contributed to peace, 
 for although these tribunals may be sometimes necessary, 
 experience, it is believed, has shown, that to call them 
 frequently and on slight occasions, tends rather to excite 
 than allay contention and discord. 
 
 Soon after Mr. Dodge's settlement, a new form of 
 church covenant was introduced. It did not differ ma- 
 terially from that adopted at the foundation of the 
 church, excepting only, that after reciting that different 
 opinions prevailed among christians about the doctrines 
 of the gospel, it proceeded to express the assent of the 
 church to the doctrines contained in the shorter cate- 
 chism of the Westminster Assembly of Divines ; at- 
 tempts have been made to alter this covenant, but it has 
 hitherto remained unchanged. 
 
 In 1751, the practice, which continues to some ex- 
 tent to this day, began, of requiring from persons pro- 
 pounded for admission to the church 'a relation of 
 their religious experiences.' The vote of the church 
 was ' that it be expected of those who offer themselves 
 to our communion, that they give some account of 
 their faith, and the reason of their hope, for the satis- 
 faction of our rational charity.' 
 
 The whole number of Baptisms in Mr. Dodge's 
 time, (twenty years) was 742. It is not easy from the 
 manner of keeping the records, to ascertain the exact 
 number of admissions to the church in full communion. 
 It was at least 105 ; forty-six males and fifty-nine fe- 
 males. 
 
 After Mr. Dodge's death, the pulpit was supplied by 
 
46 
 
 Mr. Silvanus Ames of Bridgewater, Mr. Ephraim 
 Ward and Mr. Samuel Niles, jr. 
 
 At a town meeting Feb. 5th, 1771, it was put to 
 vote ' to see if the town would concur with the church 
 in giving Mr. Samuel Niles, Jr., (of Braintree,) a call 
 to the work of the ministry among them. There were 
 104 votes ; 89 yeas and 15 nays. Afterwards the non- 
 voters were desired to give their votes, and there were 
 72 yeas and 4 nays ; total 161 yeas and 19 nays.'* A 
 settlement of £133 6s. Sd. lawful money was voted 
 Mr. Niles, and a yearly salary of £93 6s. Sd.j The 
 call was accepted, and a council met 24th July follow- 
 ing, to ordain him. They continued in session two 
 days, and then adjourned without effecting the object. 
 The principal impediment, it is understood, arose from 
 doubts about the soundness of his religious creed. 
 There were other objections, founded on some alleged 
 instances of irregular conduct in youth, not vicious in- 
 deed, but showing as was supposed a want of that 
 seriousness and sobriety of deportment proper and ne- 
 cessary in a minister of the gospel. But these, it is 
 believed, were considered frivolous and not presenting 
 any obstacle in the way of proceeding at that time. 
 
 * The only person living who acted in the settlement of Mr. Niles, is Dea- 
 con Ephraim Stetson, now in the 94th year of his age. He resides in the 
 northeast part of the town. 
 
 t For several years before Mr. Niles's death, his salary was raised by an 
 annual vote to ^500. In 1802, a committee was appointed to compare the 
 prices of beef, pork, corn, rye, flour, and other necessaries for the support of 
 a family at that time, with the prices of the same articles when Mr. Niles was 
 settled. From their report, it appeared that £93 6s. Sd. would purchase as 
 much in 1771 as £150 in 1802. Upon the principle of making up the depre- 
 ciation in the value of money, the committee reported due Mr. Niles over 
 what he had received for the last four years, £105; and that sum was accord- 
 ingly voted him by the town. 
 
47 
 
 Another council met 25th September. After receiving 
 from Mr. Niles a full confession of his faith in writing, 
 and satisfaction as to his moral character, they proceed- 
 ed to his ordination.* The introductory prayer was 
 made by the Rev. Mr. Wales, of Marshfield ; sermon 
 by the Rev. Mr. Weld, of Braintree, from II. Tim. ii. 
 chap. 2d V. : ' And the things which thou hast heard 
 of me among many witnesses, the same commit them 
 to faithful men, who shall be able to teach others also.' 
 Charge by the Rev. Mr. Dunbar of Stoughton ; right 
 hand of fellowship by the Rev. Mr. Shaw of Bridge- 
 water; and the concluding prayer by the Rev. Mr. 
 Taft of Braintree, (now Randolph. )t The sermon, 
 charge, and address in giving the right hand, and Mr. 
 Niles's confession of faith, were published. 
 
 This large church and society, (the latter including 
 then, all the inhabitants of the town, and several fami- 
 lies from East Bridgewater,) down to 1804, were re- 
 markably united and prosperous. To that time, nothing 
 important had occurred to interrupt the great degree of 
 harmony, that prevailed among them. Then, unfor- 
 tunately, a controversy arose, which in its onward 
 progress enlisted more or less the feelings of nearly 
 the whole population of the town. It regarded a mat- 
 ter, which an unconcerned spectator, at the time, and 
 all, after the excitement was over, could not but con- 
 sider altogether unworthy of the importance that was 
 
 * Lieut. Samuel Brown provided the entertainment for the two Councils. 
 The cost of the first was £2:{ C>s. 8d. ; the second, £15 6s. 8d. 
 
 t The other members of the Council were Messrs. Porter of North Bridge- 
 water ; Conant, Middleborough ; Briggs, Halifax ; Williams, Weymouth ; 
 
 Wibird, Braintree, (now Quincy ;) Scarl, of ; and Hopkins of 
 
 Newport, R. I. 
 
48 
 
 attached to it. At first, the dispute was about time in 
 the performance of church music. Whether the move- 
 ment should be a little quicker or a little slower. This 
 question brought up the right of appointing the choris- 
 ters. On one side it was said to belong exclusively to 
 the church, on the other to the congregation ; and 
 acting on their supposed rights, these bodies appointed 
 different persons to that office. The town acting as the 
 congregation, Nov. 4, 1804, voted, 'That the singers 
 of the town should improve the seats formerly voted to 
 the use of the singers, under the direction of the chor- 
 isters appointed that day,' and no person was to ' pre- 
 sume to set the tune in time of public worship, except 
 those choristers.' 
 
 On a sabbath subsequent to this, (23d Feb. 1806,) 
 the singers were seated in two divisions, one in the 
 seats usually occupied by them, in the front gallery, 
 under the direction of a chorister appointed by the 
 church, and the other, in one of the side galleries, un- 
 der the choristers chosen by the town. A hymn hav- 
 ing been read as usual for the purpose of being sung, 
 two different tunes were thereupon named by the 
 choristers of the respective parties, and the hymn sung 
 in both at the same time. 
 
 The agitation and confusion occasioned by this gross 
 act of irreverence in the house of God, may be more 
 easily imagined than described. It was indispensably 
 necessary to prevent a recurrence of another distur- 
 bance of the like kind ; and to that end, singing as a 
 part of public worship was, for some time, omitted. 
 
 At one period, the excitement was so great, that to 
 put an end to it, a vote, (really it is believed, though 
 
49 
 
 not nominally, on this ground) was obtained to divide 
 the town, and a committee agreed on to draw the di- 
 viding line. How this measure was expected to pro- 
 duce the intended effect, may not be understood by the 
 younger inhabitants of the present day. The explana- 
 tion is, that the town was divided on the disputed 
 points, nearly by a geographical line ; the north part 
 arranged themselves on one side and the south on the 
 other. Fortunately this project was not carried into 
 execution. 
 
 An effort on the part of the church to restore peace 
 was finally successful. 
 
 At a meeting 17th March, 1806, they voted that 
 'although the church consider it their exclusive right 
 to choose choristers to lead the music in public worship, 
 yet for the sake of restoring peace and harmony in this 
 religious society, they submit the following proposals 
 to the consideration of the congregation for their ac- 
 ceptance, namely, to proceed in choosing choristers 
 agreeably to the usual practice in selecting a minister ; 
 that is to say, the election shall first be made by the 
 church, then presented to the congregation for their 
 concurrence, but in case they shall non-concur, the 
 church may proceed to another choice, and present 
 their doings to the congregation, and thus proceed until 
 an agreement can be obtained.' 
 
 These proposals were submitted to the town 17th 
 April, and agreed to on their part. 
 
 It may be thought by some unwise to revive the 
 memory of this controversy. To such it may be said, 
 the experience of the past is only valuable as it influ- 
 7 
 
50 
 
 ences the present and future ; and history can never 
 become what it should be, ' philosophy teaching by 
 example,' if we exclude from its records all transac- 
 tions, on which we cannot look with complacency. — 
 To the mariner, the buoy that marks the sunken rock 
 and warns him to avoid it, is no less dear, than the 
 beacon, which discovers to him his destined port. The 
 lesson which this great contention about a little thing 
 teaches is the extreme folly of permitting passion and 
 prejudice, the pride of opinion and the spirit of party, 
 especially in small matters to take the place of reason, 
 common sense, and a just estimate of things. 
 
 In Mr. Niles's time, a change was introduced restrict- 
 ing within narrower limits the administration of the 
 rite of baptism. From the foundation of the church to 
 1788, it had been the practice, in conformity with the 
 doings of the synod which met at Boston, in 1662, to 
 baptise the children of all, who had been baptised 
 themselves, on their owning, what was called, the half- 
 way covenant. It was in consequence of this usage, 
 that the number of baptisms was so great in the days 
 of the two first ministers, and the first part of the min- 
 istry of Mr. Niles. Most, if not all the children born 
 were admitted to this rite. At the time mentioned, 
 the church, by a small majority, voted to do away the 
 practice, so as to limit the privilege to children of 
 church members, in full communion. This vote in a 
 motion to reconsider, made the next year, was con- 
 firmed by a majority of 27 to 14. 
 
 Mr. Niles continued his ministerial labors until Nov. 
 1811, when he was suddenly prostrated by paralytic 
 affections. 
 
51 
 
 The pastoral office, after Mr. Niles's death, remained 
 vacant until 1815. In May of that year, the Rev. Hol- 
 land Weeks, a graduate of Dartmouth college, in 1795 
 was invited to settle on a salary of ^500 a year. He 
 accepted the invitation, and was installed 9th August 
 following. Sermon by Rev. Dr. Nathaniel Emmons 
 of Franklin. 
 
 Mr. Weeks continued in the ministry until 1820, 
 when it appeared his religious sentiments had under- 
 gone a radical change. In consequence the church 
 and society became dissatisfied, and desired him to ask 
 a dismission. He did not choose to comply with the 
 request, but proposed a mutual council. The proposal 
 was agreed to, and the council met 26 July, 1820. As 
 the result* of that very respectable body may be deemed 
 an important document and contains all that is neces- 
 sary to a proper understanding of the case, it has been 
 thought best to insert it in this place entire. 
 
 An Ecclesiastical Council was convened, agreeably 
 to letters missive from the Rev. Holland Weeks, 
 Pastor, and a Committee of the first Church of Christ 
 in Abington, at the house of Capt. Benjamin King, in 
 that town, on the 26th day of July, 1820, consisting of 
 the following churches, viz : — The church in Franklin, 
 Rev. Nathaniel Emmons, D. D. pastor. Deacon James 
 Metcalf, delegate ; church in Attleborough, Rev. Na- 
 than Holman, pastor, brother Daniel Babcock, delegate ; 
 first church in Dorchester, Rev. Thaddeus Mason Har- 
 
 * This result was the joint production of the Rev. Drs. Worcester and 
 Harris, one dictating the matter, and the other reducing it to form. 
 
52 
 
 ris, D. D. pastor, Deacon James Humphreys, delegate ; 
 Tabernacle ciiurcli in Salem, Rev. Samuel Worcester, 
 D. D. pastor. Rev. brother Paul Jewett, delegate ; first 
 church in Dedham, Deacon Samuel Fales, and brother 
 Samuel Haven, delegates ; fourth church in B ridge vi'a- 
 ter, Rev. Daniel Huntington, pastor, brother Perez 
 Southworth, delegate. 
 
 The second church in Bath, in the State of Maine, 
 had also been sent to, but declined representation in 
 this council, as by information transmitted in a letter 
 from their pastor, the Rev. William Jenks. The church 
 and pastor at whose request this council was convened, 
 having, however, agreed that a failure of this fact should 
 not stay the proceedings, the council was formed ; and 
 the Rev. Dr. Worcester having been mutually chosen 
 by the church and pastor, was requested to take his seat 
 as Moderator. The Rev. Mr. Huntington, was chosen 
 scribe, and the Rev. T. M. Harris, D. D., assistant 
 scribe ; after which the moderator opened the council, 
 by devoutly imploring divine light, assistance, and di- 
 rection. 
 
 The Rev. Mr. Thompson, on the part of the church, 
 communicated the records and votes of the church and 
 parish relative to their doings preparatory to the calling 
 of this council. On which it was Voted, that we are 
 so far satisfied with the regularity of these proceedings, 
 as to think it proper to go into a hearing of the case. 
 The council then adjourned to meet at 2 o'clock, P. M. 
 in the meeting-house. 
 
 Assembled at the time and place of adjournment, an 
 examination of the charges specified and laid before the 
 council, occupied the remainder of the afternoon. The 
 
53 
 
 council then adjourned to the house of Mr. Brown, and 
 resumed the discussion by themselves. At half past 8, 
 the council adjourned to 8 o'clock in the morning, when 
 they again met, and spent the remainder of the day in 
 a patient investigation of the subject submitted to them, 
 till they came to the following result : 
 
 In the allegations exhibited on the part of the church, 
 against the Rev. Mr. Weeks, and which are referred to 
 in the letter missive, as ' certain difficulties which had 
 been specified,' it was stated, ' we believe that you have 
 adopted sentiments in divinity different from those you 
 professed to believe at the time of your settlement, and 
 so far embracing the system of Emanuel Swedenborg, 
 as to be subversive of the fundamental principles of the 
 gospel, calculated to introduce error and delusion, and 
 tending to licentiousness and vice ; — and that in a num- 
 ber of instances of late you have preached false doc- 
 trines.' Reference was then made to certain specified 
 sermons ; and several doctrines or opinions, alleged as 
 advanced or held by Mr. Weeks, were mentioned in 
 distinct articles. 
 
 Mr. Weeks answered to these allegations with a very 
 becoming deportment, and with a highly commendable 
 readiness and frankness. Such of his sermons as were 
 called for, he advanced ; such portions of them as were 
 desired, he read ; and with respect to no point of in- 
 quiry did he show any disposition to conceal, or to em- 
 barrass. 
 
 He admitted explicitly that he had adopted sentiments 
 in divinity different from those which he professed at 
 the time of his settlement ; that he had embraced the 
 system, scheme, or doctrines of Emanuel Swedenborg, 
 
54 
 
 in as far as he had read and understood them ; that he 
 had read several of the principal works of that writer, 
 and that he had no reason to think that he should dis- 
 approve of any part of his system or sentiments ; and 
 that he believed he had said, and he was still free to 
 say, that ' previous to reading the writings of Sweden- 
 borg, he now considered himself to have been a very 
 unprofitable preacher, because prior to that he did not 
 understand the spiritual or internal meaning of the 
 word.' 
 
 In the same frank and explicit manner, in answer to 
 other allegations and inquiries, he made also the follow- 
 ing particular avowals, viz. — ' That he does not hold 
 the generally received doctrine of the resurrection of 
 the body at the last day ; but believes that every person 
 immediately after death rises or is clothed with a spir- 
 itual body, and that this is what he understands by the 
 resurrection : That he does not hold the generally re- 
 ceived doctrine of a last day, and a universal judgment ; 
 but believes that at the close of each of the several 
 successive dispensations, there is a general judgment of 
 all who live under that dispensation : That he does not 
 hold the doctrine of three persons in the Godhead ; but 
 believes in a trinity subsisting in him in whom dwel- 
 leth the fulness of the Godhead bodily ; a trinity, con- 
 sisting of divine love or the Father, divine wisdom or 
 the Son, and divine operation or the Holy Spirit : And 
 that he believes, as stated in the seventh of the forty- 
 two propositions, published by the committee of the 
 New Jerusalem Church in London, ' that the doctrines 
 universally taught in the old church, (by which is meant 
 the general body of professing christians, in distinction 
 
55 
 
 from the New Jerusalem, or new church, — to which 
 church he would consider all spiritual men as virtually 
 belonging,) ' particularly the doctrines respecting three 
 Divine persons, the atonement, the justification by faith 
 alone, the resurrection of the material body, &c. are 
 highly dangerous to the rising generation, inasmuch as 
 they tend to ingraft in their infant minds, principles di- 
 ametrically opposite to those of the new church, and 
 consequently hurtful to their salvation :' That he holds 
 that all prayer should be directed to Christ as God, 
 clothed in a divine body and a human form : That he 
 believes that, as ' the earth abideth forever,' the sun 
 and moon will continue to rise and set as they now do 
 to all eternity : That he is expecting, and has for years 
 been expecting, a new or farther revelation : That he 
 believes, as stated in the thirty-second of the forty-two 
 propositions published by the members of the New Je- 
 rusalem Church at Great East, London, ' that there is 
 not a single genuine truth remaining in the old church, 
 but what is falsified :' — and also as stated in the 39th 
 and 40th, of said propositions, ' that now is the second 
 advent of the Lord, which is a coming, not in person, 
 but in the power and glory of the spiritual sense of his 
 holy word, which is himself,' — and ' that this second 
 coming of the Lord is effected by means of his servant 
 Emanuel Swedenborg, before whom he hath manifested 
 himself in person, and whom he hath filled with his 
 spirit to teach the doctrines of the new church by the 
 word from him :' — that he has read Swedenborg's trea- 
 tise ' on the Pleasures of Insanity concerning scortatory 
 love,' and finds nothing in it, which, as he understands 
 it, he disapproves ; but that it cannot be rightly under- 
 
56 
 
 stood, except in connection with the preceding treatise 
 ' on Conjugial Love,' which is considered by Sweden- 
 borg as eminently pure and holy, in distinction from 
 scortatory love, which he condemns and would restrain. 
 
 The admissions and avowals now recited, comprise 
 all the important points of doctrine distinctly specified 
 in the allegations of the church, and all concerning 
 which Mr. Weeks was particularly inquired of before 
 the council. 
 
 Though we would not advance an opinion relative to 
 these sentiments, derogatory to the christian character 
 of the Rev. Mr. Weeks, or of any who honestly main- 
 tain them ; believing that they may be received by their 
 advocates in a constructive sense more favorable to the 
 interests of truth and piety, than that which pre- 
 sents itself most obviously to us ; yet we deem it our 
 sacred and indispensable duty to declare our opinion, 
 that the writings and sentiments in question, according 
 to the interpretation which they generally receive, are 
 anti-scriptural and dangerous. 
 
 One article, however, the council deem it proper 
 somewhat particularly to note, viz. ' the second coming 
 of the Lord is effected by means of his servant Eman- 
 uel Swedenborg, before whom he has manifested him- 
 self in person, and whom he hath filled with his spirit, to 
 teach the doctrines of the new church by the word from 
 him.' Here the high claims of Swedenborg are fully 
 admitted ; and he is solemnly acknowledged as a divine 
 messenger, a teacher sent from God, a man who was 
 favored with familiar converse with God in the celestial 
 world, and authorized to declare his mind and will and 
 the true sense of the holy scriptures to men under a 
 
57 
 
 new dispensation, of which he was the special minis- 
 ter. Such were his pretensions and claims ; and such 
 the high authority which his followers are required to 
 allow to his doctrines and instructions. 
 
 If these claims are well founded, then under this new 
 dispensation, God is calling upon all men every where 
 to receive Emanuel Swedenborg as his own specially 
 appointed and inspired messenger, and to hear him. — 
 But in what way or manner has God signified this to 
 men ? By what miracles, or mighty works, or prophe- 
 cies ; by what signs, or wonders, or gifts of the holy 
 ghost ? Where are the credentials, or attestations of 
 such a divine mission ? If it be said that the internal 
 evidence of Swedenborg's writings is so clear and strong 
 as to render all external attestation or evidence unne- 
 cessary, — it were proper to ask in reply, are these wri- 
 tings, then, so much more clearly divine in their char- 
 acter, in light, and purity, and weight, than the holy 
 scriptures ? And do the mission and dispensation of 
 Emanuel Swedenborg so far excel in glory those of 
 Moses and of Jesus Christ? 
 
 This council can by no means admit it to be right 
 and fit, first to suppose that Emanuel Swedenborg may 
 have been a divinely inspired teacher from heaven, and 
 with this supposition to proceed to the reading of his 
 voluminous writings for the evidence ; but does, on the 
 contrary, believe it to be most proper and important, 
 first to require the signs in him of a divine messenger, 
 the public and solenm and unequivocal attestations of 
 his having been sent from God. This is especially im- 
 portant, as he not only takes upon himself authorita- 
 tively to declare heavenly things, but also to take from 
 8 
 
58 
 
 the words of God's holy book, not merely by explain- 
 ing away, or involving in mysticism, its obvious doc- 
 trines, but by excluding in effect from the canon large 
 portions, among which are included all the apostolical 
 epistles. 
 
 On the whole, it does not appear to this council that 
 in respect to the proper credentials of a divine mission, 
 Emanuel Swedenborg stands on any higher or better 
 ground than Mohammed. But if he was not a special 
 and inspired messenger of God, his pretensions were 
 false, and his alleged mission an imposture. And 
 whether it be not of most delusive and dangerous ten- 
 dency to yield the mind to such a guidance for its eter- 
 nal interests, it behoves every person very seriously to 
 consider. 
 
 For the reasons now brought into view, and also be- 
 cause we consider the adoption of the Swedenborgian 
 system as a virtual renunciation of this church, and all 
 disclaiming the principles of the New Jerusalem church, 
 we deem it expedient that the connection between this 
 church and their pastor, the Rev. Holland Weeks, be 
 dissolved. 
 
 The council have not come to this result without se- 
 rious and prayerful deliberation, and we would in con- 
 clusion express, with great tenderness, our christian 
 regards towards the Rev. Mr. Weeks, — with devout 
 prayers that the spirit of unerring wisdom may guide 
 all his researches after truth and duty, and enable him, 
 wherever providence may cast his lot, to acquit himself 
 to divine acceptance. And we would express our affec- 
 tionate solicitude for the spiritual comfort and welfare 
 of this bereaved church and people. May the great 
 
59 
 
 Shepherd of Israel watch over them, and lead them 
 continually in green pastures and beside still waters ; 
 and in due season furnish them with a pastor after his 
 own heart, that they may be built up in knowledge, 
 faith, and holiness, unto everlasting life. 
 
 S. Worcester, Moderator. 
 Daniel Huntington, Scribe. 
 
 Mr. Weeks was thereupon, in accordance with the 
 advice of the council, dismissed from his pastoral office. 
 Some time after, he was also dismissed from the church, 
 for having embraced what were deemed ' errors subver- 
 sive of the gospel of Christ.' 
 
 In the fall of 1821, Mr. Samuel Spring, jr. of New- 
 buryport, accepted a call to settle, and was ordained 
 2d January, 1822. Sermon by the Rev. Mr. Dim- 
 mick of Newburyport. 
 
 Mr. Spring continued his labors until the latter part 
 of 1826, when he received an invitation to become 
 the minister of the North Congregational Society in 
 Hartford, Conn. In consequence of this call an ex parte 
 council was convened at his request, the church and 
 society not opposing, 6th Dec, of the same year. 
 
 They decided in favor of his dismission. Mr. Spring's 
 salary was ^600 a year, beside the use of a house* and 
 lot belonging to the parish. 
 
 After a vacancy in the ministry for about two years 
 and a half, the Rev. William Shed was, on the 1st of 
 January, 1829, installed over the church and society. 
 Sermon, by the Rev. Dr. Lyman Beecher, of Boston, 
 from cxlv. Psalm, 18 verse. 
 
 * This house, situated on the spot where deacon Edward Cobb now lives, 
 was burnt while Mr. Spring occupied it. 
 
60 
 
 Mr. Shed's health soon became much impaired, and 
 the prospect of his recovery so distant, if not hopeless, 
 that in the spring of the next year, he was, from that 
 and some other considerations, induced to ask a dismis- 
 sion. He died of consumption, Nov. 11, 1830, at the 
 age of 33. Mr. Shed was a native of Mount Vernon, 
 N. H., and a graduate at Dartmouth college, in 1819. 
 He married Miss Mary Howe of Abington. 
 
 The Rev. Melancthon G. Wheeler, of Charotte, Ver- 
 mont, and a graduate of Union college, N. Y. in 1825, 
 succeeded Mr. Shed. He was installed 13th Oct. 1831. 
 The Rev. Daniel Huntington of North Bridgewater, 
 preached the sermon from Romans xv. chap. 30th verse. 
 He was dismissed in 1833. 
 
 The present minister is the Rev. James W. Ward, 
 a graduate of Dartmouth college, in 1826. Sermon 
 at his ordination. May 21, 1834, by the Rev. Dr. War- 
 ren Fay, of Charlestown, from Romans, xth chap. 16th 
 verse. 
 
 The whole number of members of the First Church, 
 in March, 1838, was 148; 60 males and 88 females. 
 
 The following is a list of the past deceased deacons 
 of this church, viz. Ebenezer Whitmarsh, Joseph Lin- 
 coln, Samuel French, Edward Bates, Joshua Shaw, 
 Samuel Pool, John Noyes, Eleazer Whitman, Daniel 
 Shaw, Jacob Pool, Isaac Tirrill, and David Torrey. 
 
MEETING HOUSES. 
 
 The first religious society have had three meeting- 
 houses. The first stood in front of the old burjing 
 ground, near Mr. Samuel Brown's, on land reserved for 
 the purpose in the deed to the first minister. The 
 house was a small unpainted quaker-like building, 
 without steeple, tower, or bell, fitted up in the inside 
 with benches, (the town voted there should be no pews,) 
 and with galleries projecting on the sides so near the 
 pulpit, that in the language of my informant ' a contri- 
 bution box could be reached from one to the other.' 
 
 The vote against pews was not, however, adhered 
 to; as in 1731, mention is made in the town records 
 of the widow Nash's pew ; and it is understood there 
 were four in the house, when taken down in 1751. 
 
 In the latter part of 1750, a vote was obtained to 
 build a new house, but much difficulty arose about its 
 location. Not being able after many trials to agree on 
 this point, it was at last voted to refer the matter to a 
 committee not of the town.* January 14th, 1751, 
 they reported ' that the southeasterly corner of Mr. 
 Peter Nash's pasture, on the westerly side of the road, 
 near the northeasterly corner of the Rev. Mr. Dodge's 
 homestead, be the spot whereon to build the said meet- 
 
 * The committee were Josiah Edson, Abel Packard, and David Kingman, 
 all of Bridgewater. 
 
62 
 
 ing-house.' The report was accepted, and the town 
 agreed to build a house, with a steeple — 70 feet long, 
 50 feet wide, and 26 feet posts, and appointed Lieut. 
 Ephraim Spooner, Christopher Dyer, Jacob Porter, y 
 Capt. Obadiah Reed, Joseph Richards, and deacon 
 Joshua Shaw, a building committee. 
 
 When the house was raised, does not exactly appear, 
 but it must have been before the 27th June, as the com- 
 mittee then reported to the town an account of their 
 expenditures to that time, including among other items, 
 charges for ' cider, bread, malt, and cheese, and the 
 hire of men for raising the house.'* 
 
 There were in the interior of this house, beside 
 several long seats or benches below for the accommo- 
 dation of the elder men and women, and others around 
 the front sides of the galleries, about 70 pews. Over 
 the pulpit there was a sounding-board, projecting from 
 the wall of the house, designed to prevent the sound 
 of the voice from ascending, and thus propagate it in a 
 horizontal direction. Immediately in front of the pul- 
 pit, there were two long seats, one for the ' hard of 
 hearing,' and the other for the deacons. 
 
 This house stood until 1819, when it was taken 
 down, to give place to the present house. 
 
 * Inquiry was made of an aged and very respectable lady, now living, 
 whether there was any distilled spirits used at the raising ? She said there 
 was, and related the following anecdote. A large square bottle, probably of 
 thin glass, containing rum, was deposited at Mr. Dodge's. An individual, 
 noted for his eccentricity and doggrel poetry, came in to drink, and in the act 
 of doing it, drew so hard on the bottle as to exhaust the air within, and cause 
 it to break by external pressure. 
 
63 
 
 SECOND CONGREGATIONAL SOCIETY. 
 
 In 1806, the population of the town had so in- 
 creased, that Mr. Niles's meeting-house, though large, 
 was insufficient for the accommodation of the inhabi- 
 tants. To remedy this inconvenience as well as lessen 
 the travel to meeting, a number of individuals living in 
 the southerly part of the town, and the northeasterly 
 part of East Bridgewater, met Nov. 4, and agreed to 
 take the necessary measures for forming another reli- 
 gious society and building a new meeting-house. 
 
 In consequence of their proceedings a church con- 
 sisting of eight male and fifteen female members, was 
 gathered 19th August, 1807; and on the 10th of the 
 next February, a society was incorporated by the name 
 of the ' Union Calvinistic Society, in the south part 
 of Abington.' 
 
 Their meeting-house was raised the latter part of 
 May, 1807, on a ground lot, containing three-fourths 
 of an acre, given by Mr. Ebenezer Porter. It was 
 built by a company of proprietors, under the superin- 
 tendence of Aaron Hobart, jr., James Barrell, Ebene- 
 zer Porter, Bela Dyer, and Joseph Gannett, at the 
 cost of about ^6,500. 
 
 The house was dedicated 1st June, 1808. On the 
 same day, Mr. Daniel Thomas, a native of Middlebor- 
 ough, and a graduate of Brown University in 1803, 
 was, with great unanimity of the people, ordained as 
 their minister. Sermon by the Rev. Otis Thompson, 
 of Rehoboth. Mr. Thomas's salary is ;^400 a year, 
 with leave to be absent a certain portion of the time. 
 
64 
 
 The church, in March, 1838, consisted of 92 mem- 
 bers ; 29 males and 63 females. 
 
 THIRD CONGREGATIONAL SOCIETY. 
 
 This society was incorporated 24th February, 1813, 
 on the 27th August following, a church was formed 
 consisting of ten male and five female members. 
 
 Their first minister was the Rev. Samuel W. Col- 
 burn, a native of Uxbridge, Vermont, and a graduate 
 of Dartmouth College in 1808. His installation took, 
 place 27th October, 1813. Sermon by the Rev. Otis 
 Thompson, of Rehoboth, from 11. Corinthians, vi., 1. 
 
 Mr. Colburn continued his services till March 31st, 
 1830, when, in consequence of difficulties that had 
 arisen, he was dismissed by an ecclesiastical council, 
 convened for that purpose, at the mutual request of the 
 church and Pastor. His salary was ^450, until the 
 death of Mr. Niles, and afterwards ^500. 
 
 The Rev. Lucius Alden, of East Bridgewater, com- 
 menced his ministerial labors in this society 26th Sep- 
 tember, 1830. On the 5th December, 1832, he was 
 installed as the pastor of the church and society. Ser- 
 mon by the Rev. Ebenezer Gay, of Bridgewater, from 
 Ephesians, iii. chap. 10th verse. Mr. Alden graduated 
 at Brown University in 1821. His salary is ^500 a 
 year. 
 
 The meeting-house of this society was raised June 
 9th, 1812, on a lot given by the late David Hersey, at 
 a distance then of nearly half a mile from any public 
 highway. It was built by proprietors, under the direc- 
 
65 
 
 tion of Micah Pool, James Smith, Joshua Cuitis, Wil- 
 liam Torrey, Alexander Vining, William Holbrook, and 
 Thomas Hunt, and cost about ^4,500. The house 
 was dedicated on the day Mr. Colburn was installed. 
 Sermon by the Rev. Dr. Strong, of Randolph, from 
 Psalms, cxxii, 1. 
 
 As in consequence of the increase of the congrega- 
 tion, the house had become too small for the accommo- 
 dation of the hearers, it was enlarged in 1837, by ad- 
 ding 17 feet to the easterly end. At the same time, a 
 new roof was laid over the whole house ; the front and 
 steeple were rebuilt in the modern style, and the inte- 
 rior altered by the erection of a new pulpit and new 
 pews. The whole expense, including the cost of a 
 new bell and clock, from the manufactory of G. Hol- 
 brook, of Medway, was about ^3,000, and was chiefly 
 defrayed by the sale of the pews. 
 
 The whole number of church members in March, 
 1838, was 95; 39 males and 56 females. 
 
 BAPTIST SOCIETY. 
 
 This society was formed by a voluntary association 
 of individuals, 7th September, 1822. Its principal pro- 
 moter was the late Josiah C. Rainsford, formerly a 
 deacon of the 2d Baptist church in Boston. Through 
 his means and influence chiefly, a small house was 
 erected in 1822. On the day of its dedication, a church 
 was organized, consisting of 1 1 members, 6 males and 
 5 females. 
 
 Their first minister was the Rev. William Kimball, 
 who was ordained 30th June, 1824. 
 9 
 
66 
 
 The next, the Kev. David Curtis, a graduate oi 
 Brown University, in 1808. He was installed 26th 
 July, 1826. 
 
 To him succeeded the Rev. Silas Hall, a graduate ol 
 Brown University, in 1809. He was dismissed at his 
 request, in 1834. The pulpit has since been supplied 
 by the Rev. William H. Dalrymple, and by the Rev. 
 C. C. Messenger, the present minister. 
 
 In 1832, the meeting-house being found too small for 
 the accommodation of the society, a new, larger, and 
 more convenient one was erected at an expense, inclu- 
 ding the bell, of about ^3,200. It was dedicated 1st 
 January, 1833. Sermon by Mr. Hall, the pastor. - 
 
 Whole number of church members in March, 1838, 
 was 87 — 35 males and 52 females. 
 
 THE FIRST SOCIETY OF THE NEW JERUSALEM. 
 
 In 1827, a few receivers of the doctrines of Eman- 
 uel Swedenborg began to hold meetings in the westerly 
 part of the town. In 1830, a distinct religious society, 
 consisting of ten members, was organized by the name 
 of ' the first society of the New Jerusalem, in Abington,' 
 and the place of meeting was, the same year, changed 
 to the centre of the town. In the winter of 1833-4, 
 a building was erected, called the New Jerusalem Hall, 
 where the meetings for public worship have since been 
 held. This hall, and a dwelling house for the accom- 
 modation of the minister, are the property, not of the 
 society, but of individuals, who are receivers of the 
 doctrines. 
 
 It having been concluded to take the proper meas- 
 ures to obtain \\\r orivanizatioii of the sorietv as a church 
 
67 
 
 of the New Jerusalem, a request was sent to the Bos- 
 ton society of the same denomination, in February, 
 1835, and on Wednesday, the 25th of that month, the 
 pastor of that society, with delegates, met the receiv- 
 ers here, and organized the church agreeably to a re- 
 commendation of the general convention of the new 
 church, in regard to the formation of new church socie- 
 ties. The number of persons thus formed into a church 
 was twenty-four. 
 
 The licensed ministers of this society have been suc- 
 cessively, Messrs. Eleazer Smith, Samuel Worcester, 
 Henry A. Worcester, a graduate of Yale College, and 
 Warren Goddard, a graduate of Harvard. The present 
 minister, Joseph Pettee, a graduate of Yale, was or- 
 dained pastor, 26th July, 1838. 
 
 METHODIST EPISCOPAL SOCIETY. 
 
 This society, which was established in 1831, has a 
 house of public worship in the northeasterly part of the 
 town, near the line of Hanover. Their pulpit has been 
 supplied in succession by Rev. John Bailey, Thomas 
 W. Gile, Richard Livesey, Elisha B. Bradford, and the 
 Rev. George W. Bates. 
 
 In March, 1838, the number of church members was 
 72 — 35 males and 37 females. 
 
NOTICES OF THE THREE FIRST MINIS- 
 TERS OF THE FIRST SOCIETY. 
 
 Mr. Brown. 
 
 Mr. Brown was born at Newbury, in the county of 
 Essex, September 5tli, 1687. No certain account has 
 been obtained of his parentage, but from a coat of arms 
 formerly belonging to him, and now in the possession 
 of one of his posterity, it is probable he was a descen- 
 dant of Sir Walston Brown.* 
 
 Mr. Brown took his first degree at Cambridge, in 
 1709, and came to Abington to preach as before stated, 
 8th December, 1711. 
 
 Little is known of his private character, but by tra- 
 dition. That represents him to have been a man of 
 benevolent, though quick temper — of respectable intel- 
 lectual endowments, and in literary attainments upon a 
 level with the clergymen in general of his day. 
 
 In his religious sentiments, he might be considered a 
 moderate Calvinist, with an inclination to Arminianism. 
 From some of his sermons in manuscript, which the 
 writer has seen, he seems to have thought it a more 
 important concern how we live, than what we believe. 
 He therefore discouised less upon doctrines, and more 
 
 " Sir Walston was 'a young knight of King Henry 8th Household.' He 
 attended Lord Davy to the Court ol' Arragon, in Spain, where he was knight- 
 ed by the Spanish king. 
 
69 
 
 upon tlic moral and practical duties of life, considering 
 them the foundation and essence of all religion. His 
 style of writing was plain and strong, though sometimes 
 coarse and inelegant. 
 
 The latter jears of his life, as we have seen, were em- 
 bittered by controversy with his people. Whitfield, a 
 man of very extraordinary powers of elocution, had 
 travelled through the country, ' playing the bishop in 
 other men's parishes,' and by his preaching, had laid 
 the foundation of what were considered by many, great 
 errors in doctrines, and disorders in practice, in the 
 New England churches. Mr. Brown was among his 
 firm and decided opposers. He opposed him, because 
 he thought his mode of itinerant preaching dishonorary 
 to God, and detrimental to the prosperity of the church- 
 es and the interests of the christian religion — because 
 his wild spirit of enthusiasm, united as it was in him 
 with uncommon powers of winning popular favor, was 
 the great source of the confusion and disorders of the 
 times — because his preaching too much disparaged the 
 use of reason in matters of religion — because it promo- 
 ted in the community a spirit of bitterness, censorious- 
 ness, and uncharitableness, and tended to destroy the 
 peace and welfare of religious societies, by alienating 
 affection between minister and people, the inevitable 
 consequence of which was, contention and destruction 
 of the usefulness of the settled minister — and because 
 many of his practices were unjustifiable, particularly 
 that singular one of singing psalms and hymns in the 
 public highways, as he and his companions rode from 
 town to town ; a thing which he considered, in the lan- 
 guage of Mr. Tenant, 'a piece of weakness and enthu- 
 
70 
 
 siastical ostentation.' For these and other reasons, he 
 publicly declared, that ' he could not with a good con- 
 science, and therefore would not, directly or indirectly 
 encourage him to preach, either publicly or privately, in 
 his parish.'* 
 
 In these views, Mr. Brown differed essentially from 
 many, and some of them among the most substantial 
 of his parishioners. They considered Mr. Whitfield a 
 sound, pious, and very successful minister of the gos- 
 pel. As such, they were disposed to countenance and 
 sustain him in his preaching and practices. The con- 
 sequence was, the commencement of a disaffection, 
 which led to that series of troubles, which for years 
 rent the church and congregation, and finally ended in 
 Mr. Brown's dismission. In this long controversy, 
 there were doubtless errors and faults on both sides. — 
 It is however to Mr. Brown's credit, that nothing ap- 
 pears to have occurred during its existence, to impair 
 in any important degree his standing as a moral and re- 
 ligious man. 
 
 Mr. Brown's labors were not confined to the minis- 
 try. Tradition informs us. and his account book shows, 
 that he, as was the case with many other clergymen of 
 his time, was in quite extensive practice as a physician. 
 His visits were not confined to Abington, but often ex- 
 
 * For a more particular account of the grounds of Mr. Brown's opposition 
 to Whitfield, the reader is referred to a pamphlet, entitled ' the sentiments and 
 resolutions of an association of ministers, convened at Woymoutli, January 
 ir)th, 1745, concerning the Rev. George Whitfield.' It is signed by the fol- 
 lowing persons, viz. Samuel Niles, Braintree, Moderator ; Nathaniel Eells, 
 Scituatc, Samuel Brown, Abington, Ebenezer Gay, Hingliani, Daniel Perkins 
 and John Angler, Bridgewater, John Taylor, Milton, Samuel Dunbar, Stough- 
 ton, Jonathan Bowman, Dorchester, William Smith, Weymouth, John Fowle, 
 Hingham, (now Cohasset,) and Phihp Curtis, Stoughton. 
 
71 
 
 tended into several of the neighboring towns, lie was 
 also much employed in drawing deeds, wills, and other 
 instruments in writing. 
 
 He died of fever, 12tli September, 1749, shortly af- 
 ter his dismission, at the age of 62. His first wife was 
 Dorothy Woodbridge, to whom he was married 24th 
 October, 1712, and by whom he had Woodbridge, born 
 1714. She died April, 1718, and the next February 
 he married Mary, the daughter of Matthew Pratt, of 
 Weymouth. By her he had several children, but they 
 all died young. After his death, his widow married 
 Josiah Torrey, Esq. 
 
 Mr. Dodge. 
 
 Mr. Dodge, the son of Jabez Dodge, was born in 
 that part of Ipswich, in the county of Essex, now the 
 town of Manchester, 21st April, 1723. His father 
 moved from thence to Shrewsbury, in the county of 
 Worcester, from whence the son, after the usual course 
 of preparation, entered the college at Cambridge, where 
 he graduated July, 1749. The 31st of August follow- 
 ing, he received, as he says, 'a full approbation' to 
 preach, from an association of ministers at Hardwich.* 
 As the short period of little over a month would hardly 
 be sufficient to qualify him for the ministry, it is proba- 
 ble that having early chosen his profession, a great share 
 of his time at college was devoted to theological stud- 
 ies. 
 
 * Mr. Dodgo says, lio there met, ' Mr. Edwards, of Norlhainplon, a gentle- 
 man of pxcelhmt piety and learning," and hoard his apcoeli belore an Ecclesi- 
 astiral Conncil. 
 
72 
 
 He came to Abington to preach, 20th January, 1750. 
 In a few weeks, he had a call to settle, which, after 
 declining one at Upton, he accepted. As before stated, 
 his ordination took place 23d of the next May. 
 
 Mr. Dodge was much beloved and respected by his 
 people* ; and deservedly so, as he possessed in an em- 
 inent degree, all those qualities of head and heart, 
 which create confidence and esteem. He was mild, 
 amiable and conciliatory in his temper and manners — 
 prudent and circumspect in his conduct as a man, and 
 especially so in discharging the various and often deli- 
 cate and embarrassing duties of the ministerial office. 
 If he had enemies, they were few, and tradition has not 
 told us who they were. 
 
 As a divine, he was learned, pious, and exemplary. 
 His religious tenets were the Calvinism of his day. — 
 To these, he adhered with the zeal and firmness of a 
 sincere believer in their truth. At the same time, he 
 was tolerant of the opinions of others, who after dili- 
 gent and honest inquiry for the truth, could not see as 
 he saw, and believe as he believed. Knowing that 
 mankind were to be judged by their works : that ' the 
 sheep commends its pasture, not by showing the grass 
 it has eaten, but the wool on its back ;' he was more 
 disposed to regard and value the fruits of morality and 
 piety, manifesting themselves in the lives and conversa- 
 
 * 1767, October 24. Mr. Dodge says, ' on Thursday last, the inhabitants of 
 the upper part of the town, to the number of 26, come and cut and brought to 
 my door, about 20 cords of wood. The Lord reward them.' 
 
 1770, 20th January. ' The people assembled to the number of 79, and got 
 me about 25 cords of wood.' After his death, the town voted to pay the ex- 
 penses of his funeral, The whole cost, including presents of gold rings to the 
 widow and bearers, (according to the custom of the day,) was over $30. 
 
73 
 
 tion of his people, than their professions and declara- 
 tions. 
 
 He was diligent in his calling. Beside performing 
 with punctuality all the other duties of his office, in a 
 large parish, he composed, in the course of twenty 
 years, over one thousand sermons. Many of them are 
 still extant, but owing to his peculiar manner of abbre- 
 viation, and inattention to chirography, they are mostly 
 illegible. He also kept an interesting journal, during 
 the whole period of his ministry. Only a small part of 
 it has been preserved. 
 
 Mr. Dodge died suddenly, of apoplexy, 5th June, 
 1770, in the 48th year of his age. His wife was Mary 
 Goddard, of Sutton, by whom he had, beside several 
 children who died young, Mary, born February 7, 1754, 
 married Rev. Samuel Niles ; Mehitable, born February 
 13th, 1763, married Nathaniel Gushing; Ezekiel God- 
 dard, born April 18th, 1765; he settled at Thomaston, 
 Maine, where he practised medicine. Before Massa- 
 chusetts and Maine separated, he often represented that 
 town in the Legislature. 
 
 Mr. Niles. 
 
 Mr. Niles is descended in the third degree, from 
 
 Capt. Nathaniel Niles, who died at Braintree, in 1727, 
 
 aged 87. His grandfather, the Rev. Samuel Niles, was 
 
 born at Block Island, R. I. 1st May, 1673 — graduated 
 
 at Cambridge, 1699, and was ordained at Braintree, 
 
 1711. His first wife was Elizabeth, the daughter of 
 
 the Rev. Peter Thacher, of Milton, by whom he had, 
 
 among others, Samuel, born May 14tli, 1711. She 
 10 
 
74 
 
 died February 2d, 1716, and 'was the first person 
 buried in the burying phice in the south part of Brain- 
 tree, over against the meeting house.' His second, 
 was Ann, the daughter of the Hon. Nathaniel Codding- 
 ton, of Newport, R. I. to whom he was married, as he 
 says, by Gov. Cranston, November 22d, 1716. By 
 her he had Elisha and Susanna, twins, born 1719. She 
 died 1732, and in 1737, he married Elizabeth, the 
 daughter of the Rev. William Adams, pastor of Christ 
 Church, Dedliam, and the widow of the Rev. Samuel 
 Whiting, of Windham, Conn. 
 
 Although Mr. Niles entered the ministry late in life, 
 the period of his continuance in it, over fifty years, was 
 comparatively long. In the course of that time, he 
 composed and published the following works : — 
 
 1745. ' Tristias Ecclesiarum. A brief and sorrow- 
 ful account of the present state of the Churches in 
 New England.' A learned divine, who had read this 
 publication, spoke of it to the writer as a valuable work, 
 deserving a republication. 
 
 1747. ' God's wonderworking Providence for New 
 England, in the reduction of Louisburg.' (Poetry.) 
 
 1752. ' A vindication of divers gospel doctrines and 
 of the teachers and professors of them, against the in- 
 jurious reflections and misrepresentations, contained in 
 a late printed discourse of the Rev. Lemuel Bryant, (of 
 the North Precinct of Braintree, now Quincy,) entitled 
 — The absurdity and blasphemy of depreciating moral 
 virtue. Also, a few remarks on Mr. John Bass's late 
 narrative.'* 
 
 * This work was ii part of that rchgious controversy, which it is said ' broke 
 out like the eruption of a volcano and blazed with portentous asi)cct for many 
 
75 
 
 1757. ' The true doctrine of original sin, stated and 
 defended, in the way of remarks on a kite piece enti- 
 tled — The scripture doctrine of original sin, proposed 
 to free and candid examination, by John Taylor,' (of 
 Milton,) 320 pages 8vo. 
 
 Beside the above, Mr. Niles composed an History of 
 Indian Wars. The elder President Adams, in a letter 
 to the late Judge Tudor, September 28th, 1818, thus 
 spoke of that work and its author. ' There is some- 
 where in existence,' says he, ' as I hope and believe, a 
 manuscript history of Indian wars, written by the Rev. 
 Samuel Niles, of Braintree. Almost sixty years ago, 
 I was an humble acquaintance of this venerable clergy- 
 man, then, as I believe, more than fourscore years of 
 age. He asked me many questions, and informed me 
 in his own house, that he was endeavoring to recollect 
 and commit to writing, an history of Indian wars, in 
 his own time and before it, as far as he could collect in- 
 formation. This history he completed and prepared 
 for the press ; but no printer would undertake it, or 
 venture to propose a subscription for its publication. — 
 Since my return from Europe, I enquired of his eldest 
 son, the Hon. Samuel Niles, on a visit he made me at 
 my house, what was become of that manuscript. He 
 laughed and said, it was still safe in the till of a certain 
 trunk, but no encouragement had ever appeared for its 
 publication. Ye liberal christians — laugh not at me — 
 nor frown upon me for thus reviving the memory of your 
 
 years.' The Rev. Mr. Porter, of Nortli Bridgcvvater, took part in it. Iii 1740, 
 he published a sermon to show ' the absurdity and blasphemy of substituting 
 the personal righteousness of man, in the room of the surety righteousness oi' 
 Christ, in the article of justification before God ;' and a reply to Mr. Bryant's 
 remarks nn tlii.s sermon. 
 
7G 
 
 once formidable enemy. 1 was then, no more of a dis- 
 ciple of his theological science, than you are now. — 
 But I then revered and still revere the honest, virtuous, 
 and pious man. Fas est ah hoste doceri — and his me- 
 morial of facts might be of great value to the country.'* 
 
 Mr. Niles died 5th May, 1762, aged 89. 
 
 Samuel Niles, junior, graduated at Cambridge Col- 
 lege, 1731, and at his death was perhaps the oldest 
 surviving Alumnus of that institution. On leaving col- 
 lege, he did not study a profession, but engaged for a 
 time in agricultural pursuits. His talents, intelligence, 
 good sense and integrity, soon brought him into public 
 notice. For several years, he represented his native 
 town in the General Court — was a Judge of the Court 
 of Common Pleas for the county of Suffolk, then in- 
 cluding Norfolk — and, after the province had thrown 
 off the power of the mother country, was one of the 
 twenty-eight counsellors, who, before the State Consti- 
 tution was formed, exercised the executive powers of 
 government. Towards the close of his life, he moved 
 to Lebanon, Conn, into the family of his son Jeremiah, 
 where he died 30th April, 1804, aged 92. In 1739, 
 he married his cousin, Sarah Niles, of South Kingston, 
 R. I. by whom he had Nathaniel, f Samuel, Jeremiah, 
 Sands, and Elizabeth. 
 
 * This manuscript was lately found in a box of papers, bequeathed by the 
 late Rev. Dr. Freeman, of Boston, to the Massachusetts Historical Society, 
 and is published in the last volume of their collections. 
 
 t Nathaniel graduated at Princeton College, 17GG. He was one of the first 
 settlers of West J'airlee, Vermont, where he died, 1828, aged 88. He honora- 
 bly sustained many public offices — among them, that of Judge of the Supreme 
 Court, and Lieutenant Governor of Vermont, and member of Congress. His 
 second wife was Elizabeth, the daughter of the late Judge William Watson, 
 of Plymouth. 
 
77 
 
 The Rev. Samuel Niles, of Abington, son of the 
 preceding, was born at Braintree, 14th December, 1745. 
 In his jouth, he is said to have been uncommonly gay 
 and thoughtless. This turn of mind, however, proceed- 
 ed rather from the buoyancy of youthful spirits, and an 
 immoderate love of excitement, often attendant on gen- 
 ius, than any inherent perverseness of temper. Being 
 designed for a public education, after the usual course 
 of preparation under Mr. Dodge, he entered the college 
 at Princeton, N. J. in the same class with the Rev. Dr. 
 Samuel Stanhope Smith, afterwards the distinguished 
 President of that institution, where he took his first 
 degree in 1769. What his reputation for scholarship 
 in college was, is not known. Having, while there, 
 become more serious in his deportment, on leaving, he 
 resolved to devote himself to the ministry, and accord- 
 ingly studied divinity, first under Mr. Dodge, and after- 
 wards under the Rev. Dr. Joseph Bellamy, of Bethlem, 
 Conn. Not long after he was licensed to preach, he 
 received and accepted a call to settle in Abington, where 
 he was ordained 25th September, 1771. The duties 
 of the pastoral office he ably and faithfully discharged, 
 until prostrated by a severe paralytic affection, in No- 
 vember, 1811. From this attack, he so far recovered, 
 as to be able to walk a little with assistance, and ride 
 out. Occasionally, he attended meeting, but there he 
 was only a silent hearer in the midst of that very nu- 
 merous assembly he had so often and with so great 
 power and solemnity addressed, on the doctrines and 
 duties of the christian religion. He knew and was 
 glad to see his friends, and appeared to feel a deep in- 
 terest in their conversation, but was himself unable to 
 
78 
 
 utter more than a few words. In allusion to his own 
 situation, and by way of expressing the sense he felt 
 of the divine justice in his afflictions, he used often to 
 say — all is done — all done, — all is right — all right. — 
 He continued in this wrecked state of body and mind 
 until 16th January, 1814, when he died, in the 69th 
 year of his age. 
 
 As the character of this distinguished man has been 
 drawn by his intelligent and intimate friends and co- 
 temporaries, it will be more acceptable for the writer to 
 present their sketches, than to attempt one of his own. 
 
 The following is an extract from an obituary notice 
 of him, published in the Panoplist, April, 1814. It 
 was written by the late Rev. Dr. Jonathan Strong, of 
 Randolph, who preached the sermon at his funeral. 
 
 ' As a man, Mr. Niles w^as peculiarly interesting and 
 agreeable. In conversation, he was pleasant without 
 levity — facetious without malignity, and serious without 
 austerity. He was thoroughly acquainted with the 
 principles of human nature, and quick to discern the 
 motives by which different characters in society are 
 governed. As a friend, he was distinguished for confi- 
 dence and fidelity. His heart was a cabinet, in which 
 the secrets of others might be locked as safely as in 
 their own. Though not affluent, his house was a man- 
 sion of hospitality. No man ever better enjoyed his 
 friends, nor more sincerely sought to make them com- 
 fortable and happy. Although, owing to particular cir- 
 cumstances, he was not a man of the most extensive 
 reading, yet he possessed very superior powers of mind. 
 Very {ew better understood the art of thinking, or 
 profited more by it. His ideas were clear in his own 
 
79 
 
 inind, and were generally expressed with uncommon 
 perspicuity. A fair specimen of his talents may be 
 seen in a work, which he had nearly completed for the 
 press, when arrested with the paralytic shock before 
 mentioned. This work has since been published.* It 
 is entitled, ' Remarks on a sermon, preached before the 
 association of ministers, in the 3d Congregational So- 
 ciety in Middleborough, September 26th, 1810, by John 
 Reed, D. D., pastor of the 1st Church and congrega- 
 tion in Bridgewater.' In these remarks, the talents of 
 the author for metaphysical discussion, are strikingly 
 displayed. It is believed, that no candid reader, after 
 examining them, will hesitate to acknowledge, that he 
 was thoroughly conversant with the abstruser parts of 
 theology. 
 
 ' Mr.Niles's manner of preaching was peculiarly plain, 
 luminous, solemn and impressive. By the friends of 
 truth, he was loved and admired, and no person could 
 hear him with indifference. His object was to search 
 the consciences and hearts of his hearers, and to make 
 them feel, in some measure, as they will when standing 
 before the tribunal of the final Judge. Nor did he al- 
 ways fail of success. The profound silence and deep 
 solemnity, frequently discovered by his audience, evinc- 
 ed, that impressions were made that could not easily be 
 efiaced. 
 
 * Beside the above, there were published by Mr. Niles — A sermon, delivered 
 at Abington, February 22d, 1800, comniemorating the death of George Wash- 
 ington, late President of the United States. 
 
 A sermon, before the Massachusetts Missionary Society, at their annual 
 meeting, in Boston, May 26th, 1801. 
 
 A charge, at the ordination of the Rev. Seth Stetson, over the 2d Congrega- 
 tional Society, in Plymouth, 18th July, 1804. 
 
80 
 
 ' With respect to his prayers, it may, with strict pro- 
 priety be said, they were uncommonly full of thought, 
 pertinent, comprehensive, fervent, solemn and impres- 
 sive ; and often produced a powerful effect on those 
 who had opportunity to unite with him before the throne 
 of mercy. At such seasons, he sometimes appeared to 
 be raised above all earthly scenes, and permitted to 
 look within the vail.' 
 
 The Rev. and very aged Dr. Nathaniel Emmons, of 
 Franklin, in a letter to the writer, 11th September, 
 1832, says — ' The father of Spirits endowed Mr. Niles 
 with superior intellectual and reasoning powers. I 
 rarely was acquainted with a man, who in my opinion 
 possessed a stronger and clearer mind ; and who could 
 penetrate deeper into the most abstruse subjects of 
 mental philosophy, as well as natural and revealed re- 
 ligion. He had a clear and profound knowledge of the 
 truth, connection, harmony and consistency of the first 
 principles and essential doctrines of Christianity ; which 
 qualified him to become one of the most instructive and 
 powerful preachers I ever heard. His sermons were 
 not superficial, but full of great and weighty truths, 
 which not only commanded the serious and eager atten- 
 tion of his hearers, but deeply impressed their hearts 
 and consciences. No man, whether learned or unlearn- 
 ed, whether a lover or hater of the truth, could sit un- 
 der his preaching with levity or indifference. His grave 
 and dignified appearance in the pulpit, in connection 
 with his truly genuine eloquence, could hardly fail to 
 strike the largest audience with awe and reverence, and 
 to render him one of the most popular preachers of his 
 day. He was intimately acquainted with human na- 
 
81 
 
 tuic, and could iciidci' himself agiccablc in his common 
 intercourse, with all classes of people ; hut he was more 
 especially entertaining in private circles, hy the flashes 
 of his wit, and his curious and amusing and striking and 
 pertinent anecdotes. He could, however, turn with 
 peculiar ease and propriety from social to the most seri- 
 ous subjects, and converse very seriously and instruc- 
 tively, upon doctrinal and experimental religion. On 
 all proper occasions, his speech was seasoned with the 
 salt of divine grace, and suited to strengthen the weak, 
 console the disconsolate, and animate the most growing 
 christian. I will only add one more rare and shining 
 trait in his character. He was one of the most undis- 
 guised, frank, and faithful friends, I ever knew. He 
 was an Israelite indeed.' 
 
 To the above, it may be added, that he was not an 
 inattentive observer of the political events of his time. 
 During the revolutionary war, like most of the clergy, 
 he embraced the cause of his country, and defended her 
 rights with the zeal and firmness belonging to his char- 
 acter. 
 
 After the adoption of the Federal Constitution, the 
 country became divided into two great political parties, 
 differing upon questions regarding the powers of the 
 general government and the best modes of administra- 
 tion. Believing that the principles and measures of the 
 Republican party, as developed in the administrations 
 of Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madison, were best adapted 
 to promote the true interests and solid prosperity of the 
 country, he uniformly gave them his support. At the 
 same time, he respected the right of ])rivato judgment ; 
 and altlioiigh pro|)crlv tenacious of his own political oj)in- 
 if 
 
82 
 
 ions, he never permitted differences in regard to them, 
 even in times of the greatest political excitement, to 
 alienate him from his friends, or interrupt a cordial so- 
 cial intercourse with them. 
 
 Mr. Niles married Mary Dodge, the daughter of his 
 immediate predecessor. She is now living, in the 85th 
 year of her age. Their children are, Mary, Sally, 
 Clarissa, Betsey, Mehitable, Samuel, and Laura, born 
 between 1775 and 1794. 
 
EDUCATION. 
 
 The first notice of a school, is iii August, 1724. The 
 selectmen were then directed to ' agree with a man to 
 keep school ;' and they appear to have employed Mr. 
 Smnuel Porter, senior — as in March, 1727, the select- 
 men were directed ' to draw six pounds out of the trea- 
 sury, and pay Mr. Samuel Porter, deceased, (he died 
 31st August, 1725,) his keeping school.' 
 
 The first school house was built in 1732. It stood 
 near the first meeting house, and was the only one in 
 town before 1755. As the border inhabitants were 
 subjected to much inconvenience in sending their chil- 
 dren so far to school, it was occasionally the practice, 
 in order to equalize the travel, to keep the school alter- 
 nately in different parts of the town, in private houses. 
 
 In 1755, the town was divided into five school dis- 
 tricts, and school houses built in each. These were 
 altered in 1794, and increased to eight ; since, three 
 more have been formed, making the present number, 
 eleven. 
 
 The following sums were raised for schooling, in the 
 years mentioned, viz : 
 
 
 £ 
 
 s. 
 
 d. 
 
 
 » 
 
 cts 
 
 1755 
 
 26 
 
 13 
 
 4 
 
 1805 
 
 833 
 
 33 
 
 1765 
 
 40 
 
 00 
 
 
 
 1815 
 
 850 
 
 00 
 
 1775 
 
 40 
 
 00 
 
 
 
 1825 
 
 1200 
 
 00 
 
 1785 
 
 86 
 
 00 
 
 
 
 1835 
 
 1600 
 
 00 
 
 1795 
 
 140 
 
 00 
 
 
 
 
 
 
84 
 
 Different rules have been adopted in different years, 
 for dividing this money. Sometimes each district has 
 drawn an equal share. At others, the division has been, 
 either according to the number of polls, or the taxes 
 paid in each. The present mode is to divide one half 
 equally among the districts, and apportion the other 
 among them, according to the number of children be- 
 tween the ages of 4 and 16. There were 810 of such, 
 in 1837. 
 
 The following is a list of such natives of the town, 
 as have received a collegiate education, with the time 
 and place of their graduation. H. U. is for Harvard 
 and 13. 
 italics. 
 
 U. for Brown Ui 
 
 niversity. 
 
 Ministers are in 
 
 John Porter, 
 
 1736 
 
 H. U. 
 
 Edward Bates, 
 
 1738 
 
 H. U. 
 
 Solo7non Reed, 
 
 1739 
 
 H. U. 
 
 Josiah Brown, 
 
 1761 
 
 H. U. 
 
 Adam Porter, 
 
 1761 
 
 H. U. 
 
 Elias Jones, 
 
 1767 
 
 Princeton Col. 
 
 Jesse Reed, 
 
 1769 
 
 do. 
 
 Samuel Nash, 
 
 1770 
 
 B. U. 
 
 William Reed, 
 
 1782 
 
 H. U. 
 
 Nathaniel Hobart, 
 
 1784 
 
 H. U. 
 
 Jesse Remington, 
 
 1784 
 
 H. U. 
 
 Jacob Norton, 
 
 1786 
 
 H. U. 
 
 Jarius Remington, 
 
 1794 
 
 B. U. 
 
 James Gurney, 
 
 1795 
 
 B. U. 
 
 Abel Richtnotid, 
 
 1797 
 
 B. U. 
 
 Enoch Brown, 
 
 1801 
 
 B. U. 
 
 Moses Noyes, 
 
 1801 
 
 B. U. 
 
 William Norton, 
 
 1802 
 
 B. U. 
 
85 
 
 John King, 
 Jacob Porter, 
 Benjamin Hobart, 
 John Shaw, 
 Jared Whitman, 
 Aaron Hobart, 
 James Richards,, 
 Ezekiel Thaxter, 
 Daniel Nojes, 
 Asahel Cobb, 
 Ebenezer P. Dyer, 
 Thomas H. Perry, 
 
 1802 H. U. 
 
 1803 Yale Col. 
 
 1804 B. U. 
 
 1805 B. U. 
 1805 B. U. 
 1805 B. U. 
 
 1809 Williams Col. 
 
 1812 H. U. 
 
 1812 Yale Col. 
 
 Ham. Col. N. Y. 
 
 1833 B. U. 
 
 1835 Waterville Col. 
 
POPULATION— EPIDEMICS— LONGEVITY. 
 
 There are no means of ascertaining exactly the num- 
 ber of the inhabitants, at any early period. From a 
 remonstrance in 1726, against setting off a part of the 
 town to form Hanover, it appears, the whole number of 
 families then, including the part set off, was 53. Sup- 
 posing each to have numbered, on an average, 7 persons, 
 the population at that time would be 371. 
 
 The number of inhabitants, according to the U, S. 
 census, was, in 1790 1453 
 
 1800 1623 
 
 1810 1704 
 
 1820 1920 
 
 1830 2423 
 
 ?* 
 
 By State Census in 1837 3057^ 
 
 The local situation of the town may, on the whole, 
 be considered favorable to health and longevity. Epi- 
 demical diseases have occasionally made their appear- 
 ance, and, in some instances, been attended with great 
 mortality. In 1751-2, a disease, commonly called the 
 throat-distetnper, prevailed, and carried off many of the 
 inhabitants, particularly children. More than 60 per- 
 sons died of it.f 
 
 * In 1754-5, a census of the slaves in the Province, IG years old and up- 
 wards, was taken. There were 7 in Abington. In Scituate, 43. 
 
 t Mr. Dodge, in his journal, 22d October, 1752, says, * from August 1st, 1751 , 
 to August, 1752, there died, belonging to this town and congregation, with the 
 throat distemper, 41 — in the whole, 50.' 24tli February, 1753, he says — ' at- 
 tended two funerals of children, who died of the throat distemper. N. B. — 
 We have lost GO in town and congregation, since August, '51.' 
 
87 
 
 In the fall of 1805, a malignant typhus fever (which 
 in a large, crowded city might have been yellow fever,) 
 broke out, and soon spread through the town. There 
 were numerous cases, in some instances, affecting whole 
 families, and many deaths. What its remote or predis- 
 posing causes were, like the causes of most epidemics, 
 was a mystery, which baffled investigation. At the 
 time, it was thought by some to have had its origin in 
 the exhalations of a pond, in the south part of the town, 
 near which the fever began. This pond had been kept 
 up, the previous summer, for the first time, and as its 
 waters did not pass off freely, had become stagnant. — 
 This conjecture was, however, probably without any 
 just foundation, because the pond has been kept up, in 
 the same way, for many years past, without producing 
 any similar effect. 
 
 In early times, it was not the practice to record the 
 ages of persons deceased — and for many years imme- 
 diately preceding 1792, there are no records of deaths 
 to be found. From the subsequent records, and other 
 sources of information, the following instances of lon- 
 gevity have been collected. None have been taken un- 
 der 85 years of age. 
 
 1761. Mary, widow of Mathew Pratt, 96 
 
 1772. Priscilla, widow of John Pettingell, 87 
 1774. Hannah, widow of George Vining, 100 
 1792. Sarah, widow of Capt. Daniel Reed, 89 
 
 1796. William Sprague, 86 
 
 1797. Mary, widow of Thomas Mansfield, 88 
 Elizabeth, widow of Thomas Wilkes, 91 
 
 1798. Joseph Shaw, 87 
 Widow Vinson, 87 
 
J 
 
 88 
 
 1799. Elisha Vining, 85 
 
 1801. Anthony Dwight, (colored,)* 100 
 
 1802. Deborah House, 88 
 
 1805. Mrs. Morse, 88 
 
 1806. Peleg Stetson, 93 
 
 1807. Joseph Damon, 86 
 Stephen Dunbar, 90 
 Eleazer Whitman, 91 
 
 1808. Abigail, widow of James Reed, 91 
 Ruth, widow of Nicholas Shaw, 91 
 
 1809. Benjamin Farrow, 93 
 
 1810. Joanna Pettingell, 87 
 Mary, widow of Samuel Reed, 86 
 
 1811. Widow Lydia Cheesman, 88 
 Silence, widow of Edm. Jackson, 3d. 92 
 
 1812. Bilhah Cobus, (colored,) 90 
 Lydia, widow of Joseph Richards, 89 
 
 1814. Jacob Noyes, 85 
 
 Samuel Nash, 93 
 
 Jane, widow of Abner Porter, 93 
 Abigail, widow of Eleazer Whitman, 91 
 
 1816. Daniel Lane, 92 
 
 1817. John Fullerton, 87 
 
 * Anthony Dwight, commonly called Tony, was a slave, or servant, (as 
 slaves here were usually called,) of Mr. Brown, the first minister. His age is 
 not exactly known, but supposed to be at least 100. In 1742, Mr. Brown re- 
 cords the admission of ' his negro man Tony, and his negro woman Flora,' as 
 members of his church. Many anecdotes are related of Tony's strength and 
 agility. At the raising of a 40 feet barn, belonging to Samuel Norton, Esq. 
 he is said to have jumped from beam to beam, the whole length of the build- 
 ing. The beams were 10 feet apart. 
 
 When young, Mr. Brown, to prevent his wearing out his shoes too fast, had 
 a pair made and shod with iron. The night after Tony put them on, he danced 
 them out on a rock. 
 
89 
 
 1818. 
 
 Lucy, widow of John Reed, 
 
 91 
 
 
 Kate, (colored,) 
 
 90 
 
 1820. 
 
 Caleb Chard, 
 
 90 
 
 1821. 
 
 Benjamin Gardner, 
 
 92 
 
 
 Noah Gurney, 
 
 86 
 
 1822. 
 
 Leah Farrow, 
 
 101 
 
 
 Joshua Pool, 
 
 86 
 
 
 Ruth, widow of Adams Bailey, 
 
 86 
 
 
 Elizabeth, widow of Nath'l Bicknell, 
 
 94 
 
 1824. 
 
 Mary, widow of Benjamin Farrow, 
 
 86 
 
 
 Jane, widow of Joseph Bicknell, 
 
 89 
 
 1826. 
 
 Ruth, widow of Noah Gurney, 
 
 91 
 
 1828. 
 
 Deborah, widow of John Porter, 
 
 88 
 
 
 James Dyer, 
 
 85 
 
 1829. 
 
 Joseph Shaw, 
 
 87 
 
 
 Rachel Bates, 
 
 91 
 
 1830. 
 
 David Torrey, 
 
 85 
 
 1831. 
 
 Mary, widow of Joseph Shaw, 
 
 91 
 
 1832. 
 
 Thomas Tirrill, 
 
 86 
 
 
 David Jenkins, 
 
 85 
 
 1833. 
 
 Sarah, widow of John Pool, 
 
 85 
 
 1834. 
 
 Jacob Pool, 
 
 93 
 
 
 Abigail, widow of Jacob Dyer^ 
 
 89 
 
 
 John Puffer, 
 
 87 
 
 1835. 
 
 Benjamin Vining, 
 
 88 
 
 
 Susanna Askins, 
 
 94 
 
 1837. 
 
 Meriam Horsey, 
 12 
 
 88 
 
MANUFACTURES. 
 
 Meeting-House Bells were cast in Abington probably 
 as early as at any other place in the country. About 
 1769, a deserter from the British Army, by the name 
 of Gallimore, a bell founder, came to Abington and was 
 employed by Col. Aaron Hobart, in this business. The 
 air furnace, in which the bells were cast, was a little 
 back of Samuel Dyer's house. 
 
 Col. Hobart, about the commencement of the revo- 
 lutionary war, began the manufacture of cannon and 
 cannon-balls, and was the first person in the country 
 who introduced and carried on this branch of business. 
 At first, owing to a want of experience, and the prac- 
 tice of moulding in sand instead of clay, he was unsuc- 
 cessful and sustained great losses ; but in process of time, 
 the business was better understood ; and he then car- 
 ried it on largely and profitably. The cannon were 
 cast hollow and afterwards bored to make the inner 
 surface true and smooth. At the present day, it is 
 thought the better way to cast them solid. 
 
 The manufacture of cut nails and tacks originated in 
 Abington over sixty years ago. The first attempts, as 
 is common with all great improvements, were very im- 
 perfect. Old iron hoops and afterwards rolled iron 
 plates were cut into angular points, with lever shears. 
 The points were then taken up one by one, by hand, 
 
91 
 
 put into a common vice and headed with a hammer. 
 Mr. Ezekicl Reed, a native of the town, made an im- 
 portant improvement. Instead of putting the points 
 into a vice, he put them into dies set in the two upper 
 and inner sides of an iron frame, somewhat in the shape 
 of an oxbow. The dies were brought together so as 
 to gripe the points, by a lever, moved by the foot. In 
 the former mode, one person could make about 1,000 
 nails or tacks in a day and about 8,000 in the latter. 
 
 These machines have been superceded, for more than 
 twenty years. Those now in use, are very excellent 
 and perfect specimens of mechanical ingenuity, and do 
 much credit to the inventive genius of the country. 
 They are the combined inventions of Col. Jesse Reed, 
 of Marshfield, son of the above named Ezekiel Reed, 
 Thomas Blanchard, of Milbury, and Samuel Rogers and 
 Melvil Otis, of East-Bridgewater. With one of these 
 machines, on which the nail or tack is perfectly made 
 at one operation, a single individual will turn out from 
 100 to 150 thousand, a day. In 1837, the capital in- 
 vested in the manufacture of tacks and brads was 57,- 
 000 dollars. The number of these articles manufactur- 
 ed in one year ending 1st of April, 1837, was 1832 
 millions, valued at 82,000 dollars.* 
 
 For several years past, the shoe business has been 
 carried on to a great extent, and given employment to 
 a large portion of the inhabitants. In the year ending 
 as above, 526,208 pairs of shoes and 98,081 pairs of 
 boots were made, the value of which was about 746,- 
 
 * For a more particular account of tlie manufacture of tacks, brads, &c.. in 
 Abington, see a statement of Benjamin Ilobart, Esq. to Willard Phillips, pub- 
 lished in the Plymouth Old Colony Memorial, 23d June, 1832. 
 
92 
 
 000 dollars. The recent embarrassments in the trade 
 of the country, mainly occasioned as many suppose by 
 over action in almost all departments of business, the 
 natural consequence of excessive issues of bank-paper, 
 and other facilities for the acquisition and enlargement 
 of credit, have been sensibly felt in this business, and 
 also in the manufacture of tacks. 
 
MILLS. 
 
 The first mill was built on the dam across Hersey's 
 River (so called) a few rods above the bridge, between 
 Benjamin Hobart's and Dr. Champney's. The time is 
 ascertained from the records of the Proprietors of 
 Bridgewater. They record the laying out of 13 acres 
 of land, by Samuel Edson, jr., 'the latter end of the 
 Summer in 1693 — when John Porter's saw-mill was 
 raised.' In 1696, this mill is mentioned as belonging 
 to ' Josselyn and Porter.' A few years afterwards it 
 became the property of William Hersey, and was for 
 many years known as ' Hersey's saw-mill at Little 
 Comfort.' 
 
 The second mill, a saw-mill, was on the same stream 
 above, and near Daniel A. Ford's, erected probably 
 about 1700. The original owners were Lieut. Jacob 
 Nash and Joseph Pool, of Weymouth. 
 
 The first mill on the scite, where Beal's corn mill 
 
 now stands, was a saw-mill built by Thaxter, of 
 
 Hingham, in 1703. The mud-sill of this original mill 
 is under the present mill. When the latter was built 
 in 1793, the date of the erection of both was cut in 
 a board and nailed to this sill, then in a state of per- 
 fect preservation. 
 
 The first mill on Beaver Brook was built in 1729, by 
 Samuel Pool, John Pettingell, Thomas Tirrill,* Jacob 
 
 * In the written agreement to build, Tirrill is described as an Innholder. He 
 lived near where Zibeon Packard now lives. 
 
94 
 
 Porter, Obadiah Reed and Samuel Noyes, of Abingtoii, 
 and John Kingman, jr. of Bridgevvater. 
 
 A mill on the stream by Benjamin Hobart's was 
 built in 1731, by Mathew Pratt, Ephraim Spooner, 
 Isaac Hobart, Joseph Gurney, Joshua Pratt and Nathan 
 Gurney. The agreement between them was ' to build 
 a dam and a saw-mill, on a brook near unto and easter- 
 ly from the Dwelling-House of Elisha Lincoln.' 
 
OLD COLONY LINE. 
 
 The Charter of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay, 
 granted by Charles 1st, 1628, describes the south line 
 of the colony as a straight line, from a station distant 
 three miles from the south part of Charles River and 
 any and every part thereof, to another station three 
 miles to the southward of the southernmost part of Mas- 
 sachusetts Bay. 
 
 This line, which was the north line of Plymouth 
 Colony, was a long time the subject of animated con- 
 troversy, and particularly in that part between Abing- 
 ton and North Bridgewater, on one side, and Braintree 
 (now Randolph) and Stoughton, formerly part of Dor- 
 chester, on the other. 
 
 In 1640, Gov. Endicot and Israel Stoughton on the 
 part of Massachusetts, and Gov. Bradford and Edward 
 Winslow on the part of Plymouth, were appointed to 
 run the line of the colonies. From the mouth of a 
 brook (called by them Bound Brook) they run directly 
 ' to the middle of a great pond, that lay on the right 
 hand of the upper path or common way that led be- 
 tween Weymouth and Plymouth, close to the path as 
 they went along which was formerly named (and still 
 they desired might be called) Accord Pond ;' and ' from 
 thence with a straight line to the southernmost part 
 of Charles River and three miles southerly inward into 
 the country.' It is not so stated in their report but the 
 
96 
 
 fact is said to be, that when the Commissioners arrived 
 within about three miles of the most northerly part of 
 Plymouth Colony on the easterly side of Rhode Island, 
 they found their course would carry them far south of 
 the true station. Under these circumstances, instead 
 of rectifying their whole line, they made an angle and 
 run so far north as to reach the intended point. At the 
 angle there stood a white oak three, which from that 
 circumstance was called Angle Tree.* 
 
 The doings of this commission were not confirmed, 
 and the line excepting that part between the pond and 
 bay remained unsettled. 
 
 In 1664, another set of commissioners, consisting of 
 Cornet Robert Stetson, Constant Southworth and Josiah 
 Winslow, appointed by Plymouth, and Joshua Fisher, 
 Roger Clapp and Eleazer Lusher by Massachusetts, 
 met to run the line ; and finally agreed, that a right 
 line from Accord Pond to Angle Tree should be the di- 
 viding line of the colonies. From the pond westerly, 
 they run out and marked a line for about seven miles, 
 to what was then called the path from Bridgewater to 
 Braintree, as part of a line which if produced would, as 
 was supposed, strike Angle Tree, and there in the path 
 set up a stake and heap of stones, f but continued their 
 bound marks no farther. 
 
 As it had been discovered in 1704, in running the 
 line between what were then the towns of Taunton 
 
 * In 1790, II Stone Monument fourteen feet high and two wide was by order 
 of the State erected on tiie spot where this tree stood. On the south side is in- 
 scribed ' Plymouth Colony,' on tiie north * Massachusetts Colony.' 
 
 t This stake and heap of stones was on the present main road from North 
 Bridgewater tiirougii Stoughton (corner) to Randolph, a little over half a mile 
 southerly of the present dividing line of the Iwo former towns. 
 
97 
 
 and Bridgewater, on one side, and Dorchester, on the 
 other, that the stake and heap of stones were not in a 
 straight line between the Pond and Tree, but a consid- 
 erable distance south of such a line, and of course still 
 farther south of a line from the pond to a station* three 
 miles south of every part of Charles River, it was 
 easy to foresee, that difficulties would arise in regard to 
 grants of land adjoining the line, and also in regard to 
 the jurisdiction of tlu? counties and towns bounded 
 upon it. 
 
 Plymouth Colony, in 1665, had granted Peregrine 
 White 200 acres of land, ' at the path that goes from 
 Bridgewater to the Bay, adjoining the Bay line.' 
 White sold this grant, describing it as containing 400 
 acres, to a Col. Searl, of Dunstable, through whom, in 
 1703, it came into the hands of Thomns Snell, senior, 
 John Howard and Ephraim Howard. Opposite to this 
 grant on the Massachusetts side, were grants to the 
 town of Dorchester and to the town of Boston. Con- 
 troversy soon began in regard to these grants. f 
 
 Sndl and the Howards in 1709 brought an action in 
 Plymouth Court, against one Daniel Waldo, to recover 
 200 acres of land, bounded westerly on the Braintree 
 and Bridgewater road — southerly on the line of 1664 
 — easterly on Trout-brook, and northerly on Half-way 
 brook. 
 
 ** In 1042, this slaUou was attempted to Ijc fixed by Massacliusetts. It was 
 called Woodward and SaiFery's station, from the names of the surveyors ap- 
 pointed to ascertain it. 
 
 t A particular account ot'the uonlruversies between the |>roiirieturs of thesi- 
 grants in tiie courts of law and before tlie Legialature, from 1709, down to 
 1787, would fill volumes. The sliarpest and longest one (it lusted from 1747 
 to 1754,) was between Robert ami Daniel Howurd. oi' Bridgewater. und Johi; 
 Windell. Ksq.. of Bo.ston. 
 
J 
 
 98 
 
 This tract was (;laimed by the Plaiiititls as part ol 
 the White grant, and by the Defendant as part of the 
 common lands of Dorchester, which he had occupied 
 several years as their tenant. The Plaintiffs recovered, 
 but the lands still continued in dispute, for Dorchester 
 immediately brought ejectment for their recovery in 
 the County of Suffolk. This suit was continued in 
 court until 1713, when judgment was rendered against 
 Dorchester. In the mean time the parties had a hear- 
 ing before the whole court, which resulted in the ap- 
 pointment of Col. Samuel Thaxter, of Hingham, and 
 Capt. Jacob Thompson, of Middleborough, to run out 
 and mark the whole line from Accord Pond to Angle 
 Tree. This service they performed in May, 1713, and 
 the line then run, called the new Colony line, in contra- 
 distinction from that run in 1664, called the old Colony 
 line, was ratified and established by the court. Among 
 the bound marks set up by the committee, was a stake 
 and heap of stones near a Beach tree in the line be- 
 tween Dorchester (now Stoughton) and Braintree 
 (now Randolph). From the pond westerly, this lino 
 run northerly of the old line, and at the Bridgewater 
 and Braintree road was over half a mile distant from it, 
 so that there was between the two lines a large gore of 
 land extending easterly to Accord Pond. 
 
 This gore, by a Resolve of the Legislature, passed 
 1720, on the Petition of the Representatives of Hing- 
 ham, Weymouth, Braintree and Dorchester, was order- 
 ed to be continued in the County of Suffolk — provided 
 however, that ' no man's right of property in the lands 
 adjacent should be thereby infringed.' 
 
 About the same time another resolve passed, ' that 
 
99 
 
 the old Colony line (the line of 1664,) be and is here- 
 by declared to be the southerly bounds of the town of 
 Dorchester and of the grant made to the town of Bos- 
 ton, and that the lands lying between the old Colony 
 line southerly and the new Colony line northerly, from 
 the dividing line between the Boston grant and Wey- 
 mouth easterly, and the stake and heap of stones wes- 
 terly, be and hereby is confirmed to the town of Dor- 
 chester and the assigns of the town of Boston respec- 
 tively — provided it interfere not with any former grants, 
 and that the remainder of the said lands to the west- 
 ward of said stake and heap of stones be to the use of 
 the Province.' 
 
 The line, still continuing in a state of uncertainty, be- 
 came the occasion of much difficulty, in settling the 
 line of towns bounded upon it, and especially between 
 Abington and Braintree. The Selectmen of the lat- 
 ter town, in 1734, represented to the General Court, 
 that they had requested the Selectmen of Abington to 
 perambulate the line between the towns, meaning the 
 southerly line, and as they had refused to do so, peti- 
 tioned the court to pass an order to compel Abington 
 to conform to that line. After a hearing, the court dis- 
 missed the Petition, because Braintree ' had a remedy 
 in the common course of law.' Braintree thereupon 
 commenced an action against Abington, but what the 
 result was has not been ascertained. 
 
 Abington, in March, 1735, Voted, ' to stand a trial 
 in the law with Braintree,' but afterwards re-considered 
 the vote and appointed a committee to agree with that 
 town. The issue seems, however, to have been in favor 
 of Braintree, as the Selectmen of the two towns after- 
 
uo 
 
 wards in the. same year perambulated the line, begin- 
 ning at the east end and ending at ' Sturdy Oak,^* and 
 the same line was perambulated again in 1741. 
 
 Abington however did not long acquiesce in the line 
 to Sturdy Oak, and determined to have the controversy 
 settled in ajudicial way. Accordingly, Ephraim Spoon- 
 er, Daniel Reed and John Noyes, Selectmen of Abing- 
 ton, by order of the town, commenced an action of debt 
 on the statute, against John Adams, f Thomas Allen 
 and Samuel Bass, Selectmen of Braintree, for neglect- 
 ing and refusing, after notice, to run and mark the di- 
 viding line of the towns. Abington employed Jere- 
 miah Gridley, one of the ablest, most learned, and re- 
 spected lawyers of that day, as counsel. Upon a trial 
 had before the Superior Court at Plymouth, July Term, 
 1754, a verdict and judgment was rendered in favor of 
 Abington for £30damages and £13 135. 1 If?, costs of suit. 
 This decision settled the matter so far as Abington was 
 concerned, as the Selectmen of both towns, on the 8th 
 of October following, perambulated the line run by 
 Thaxter and Thompson in 1713, as the true line be- 
 tween them. The judgment of court having been ac- 
 (juiesced in, Abington very honorably relinquished the 
 £30 damages, the object being merely to ascertain the 
 right in dispute. 
 
 From this time to 1772, there appears to have been 
 some abatement of the controversy. Litigation having 
 then recommenced, several individuals interested, peti- 
 
 ** Sturdy Oak stood 260 rods easterly from the stake and heap of stones in 
 the line of 1664, and at a point therein which would be intersected by ex- 
 tending the line between Abington and Braintree, (now Randolph,) sontherly 
 from Beach Tree. 
 
 t Father nf the first I'resideTit Adams. 
 
tioned the Legislature to ascertain the line and estab- 
 lish it by a law. Some of the reasons assigned were, 
 that different lines had been established at different 
 times by the Superior Court — that several suits were 
 then pending and that there was no prospect of an end 
 to litigation, without the interposition of the Legisla- 
 ture. The court thereupon appointed Artemas Ward, 
 Esq., Col. Whitcomb and Maj. Fuller, a committee, to 
 be assisted by John Child, jr., as surveyor, to run the 
 line from Accord Pond to Angle Tree. In the con- 
 cluding part of their report they say — ' your committee 
 find, to run from the monument aforesaid at Accord 
 Pond west 2O2 degrees south, will lead on to many of 
 the bounds said to be made by Col. Thaxter and Capt. 
 Thompson, in the line run in 1713, and strike the tree 
 aforesaid. And your committee are of opinion, that the 
 return of the doings of the committee in the year 1664, 
 is vague and uncertain, and that the line run in 1713, is 
 the only line that has been properly run out and marked.' 
 After a full hearing of all parties concerned before 
 the whole court, an act passed 6th March, 1773, ' for 
 establishing a line of jurisdiction between the county of 
 vSuffolk and the counties of Plymouth and Bristol, so 
 far as the line heretofore described shall extend.' The 
 act provided ' that for the future, a line beginning at a 
 certain heap of stones on the west side of and within five 
 or six feet or thereabouts of a pond called Accord Pond, 
 being a known and anciently reputed bound between 
 the town of Hingham and the town of Abington, and 
 running from said monument west 2O2 degrees south, 
 leaving the towns of Weymouth, Braintree, Stoughton 
 and Wrentham adjoining on the north, and Abington, 
 
102 
 
 Bridge water, IMansfield and Attleborough on the south, 
 to a certain old white oak tree anciently marked, now 
 standing and being a boundary between the towns of 
 Wrentham and Attleborough, by some called Station 
 Tree and by others Angle Tree, shall forever hereafter 
 be the bounds between the county of Suffolk and the 
 counties of Plymouth and Bristol, so far as said line 
 extends, any law, usage or custom to the contrary not- 
 withstanding.' The act concludes with a proviso — 
 that nothing therein should have any effect in determin- 
 ing the right of property in the lands bounded on the 
 line of 1664. 
 
 The account here given illustrates the importance of 
 accurate surveys — precise descriptions and fixed and 
 permanent bound marks, particularly in the early set- 
 tlement of a country. The want of these, not only in 
 regard to this line, but also in very many instances to 
 the dividing lines of towns, legislative grants, and the 
 adjoining lands of individuals, has been the frequent oc- 
 casion of conflicting titles, vexatious litigation — im- 
 mense waste of time and money, and what is of higher 
 consideration, the destruction of the quiet and peace of 
 individuals and neighborhoods. 
 
FRENCH WAR. 
 
 During the seven jears' war between Great Britain 
 and France, which terminated in 1763, Massachusetts 
 contributed largely to the various expeditions fitted out 
 for the defence of the colonies, and the conquest of the 
 dominions of France, on this continent and in the West 
 Indies. In 1758, she raised by enlistment, or, when 
 that failed, by impress,* and had actually in the field, 
 6925 men, besides a large number of artificers, seamen 
 and others already in the service — a force equal to about 
 one third of the entire effective strength of the Prov- 
 ince. Her whole military and naval expenses, that 
 year, were £140,200. During the war they amounted, 
 exclusive of the cost of many forts and garrisons, and 
 premiums for enlistments, to £1,039,390. The monies 
 received from the mother country, by way of reimburse- 
 ment, fell short of these expenditures by over £400,000. f 
 
 The Province was stimulated to these great and dis- 
 proportionate exertions, by jealousy and hatred of the 
 French. On the ocean, they were our rivals in the 
 
 ' March 23d, 1748. Nicholas Shaw and Peleg Stetson, it is said, ' were im- 
 pressed into tlie king's service to the eastward, but were released on paying a 
 certain sum, and agreeing each one to pay £7 Ifls. more the next impress.' 
 
 t See ' a brief statement of the merits and services of the Province of Mas- 
 sachusetts Bay, their exertions and expenses in the common cause,' drawn up 
 by Thomas Hutchinson, chairman of a committee of the Legislature, and for- 
 warded by their ordt>r, 17lh December, 17(54, to Jasper Maudit, agent ol' thf 
 Province in England. 
 
04 
 
 fisheries, while on the land, all our frontier settlements 
 from Nova Scotia around to the Lakes, were subject, 
 through French influence, to constant anxiety and alarm ; 
 and sometimes to all the horrors and calamities of a 
 barbarous Indian warfare. These causes of enmity 
 were strengthened by long standing and deep rooted 
 prejudices against them, on account of their religion. 
 
 Abington contributed largely of her strength to carry 
 on this war. The following persons were in the service, 
 and died therein, or on their way home : 
 
 Abraham and Humphries, sons of Capt. John Burrilt. 
 
 Joseph Clark. 
 
 Peleg Cain. 
 
 David, (colored,) son of Anthony Dwight. 
 
 Noah, son of Jacob Ford. 
 
 James, grandfather of the late Col. D. Gloyd. 
 
 Jacob, son of Capt. Elisha Hersey, drowned near 
 Cape Sable Harbor. 
 
 Nathaniel Joy. 
 
 Noah, son of Gideon Parkman. 
 
 Asa, sonof dea. Samuel Pool, died at Halifax, 1762. 
 
 Ichabod, son of Capt. Ebenezer Reed. 
 
 Ezekiel, son of John Reed. 
 
 Samuel, son of William Sprague. 
 
 Job, son of Samuel Tirrill, killed by the Indians, 
 while crossing Lake Ontario in a Batteau. 
 
 Jonathan Torrey, jr. 
 
 Robert Townsend, jr. died of a wound received in 
 the Crown Point Expedition. 
 
 Jacob White.* 
 
 " There are among Mr. Dodge a nianuscript sermons, several having special 
 reference to the events of this war. One preaclied '2'3d March, 1755, is enti- 
 
105 
 
 The following persons survived the service : 
 
 Christopher Askins, jr. 
 
 George Askins. 
 
 Jeremiah Campbell, at St. Johns, N. S. 1759. 
 
 Caleb Chard. 
 
 Jonathan Chubbuck, at Newfoundland, 1762. 
 
 Greenwood Gushing, at Halifax and Newfoundland. 
 
 Elisha Hersey, captain of a company in the Western 
 Expeditions. 
 
 Edmund Jackson, jr. 
 
 Abraham Josselyn. 
 
 Peter Nash. 
 
 Samuel Noyes. 
 
 Jacob Pool, at the taking of Fort Frontinac, under 
 Col. Bradstreet, 1758, and at St. Johns, N. S. 
 
 Samuel Pool. 
 
 Joseph Richards. 
 
 Isaac Stetson, under Gen. Wolf, at the taking of 
 Quebec. 
 
 Jacob Tirrell, at Halifax, 1759. 
 
 Prince Stetson. 
 
 tied — •' Sermon on account of 13 of the congregations' going into his majesty's 
 service.' In the conclusion of an appropriate address to the soldiers, he says 
 — ' we, your relatives, friends, and acquaintances, by the grace of God, will 
 send up our prayers to the throne of grace, that the God of power and good- 
 ness would encourage your hearts, cover your heads, strengthen your arms, 
 and above all pardon your sins, and save your souls in the day of battle.' 
 
 July 3d, 1755, (Fast day,) he preached a ' sermon occasioned by an expedi- 
 tion against divers of the French fortifications on his majesty's territories in 
 North America.' 
 
 October 5th, 1759. A ' Thanksgiving sermon, occasioned by the reduction 
 of Quebec, the capital of Canada, and the neighboring villages and country— 
 Laus Deo.' 
 
 7th October, 1762. A ' Thanksgiving sermon, upon the reduction of Mar- 
 tineco, and more especially the late surrender of the Havanna to his Brittian- 
 ick Majesty's arras, together with the adjacent villages upon the Island of 
 Cuba.' 
 
 14 
 
106 
 
 Ezekiel Townseiid. 
 
 Robert Townsend, ensign of Capt. Benjamin Piatt's 
 company at the westward. 
 
 Jeremiah White. 
 
 This list is very incomplete, as will appear by the 
 following, extracted from the Journals of the House of 
 Representatives. 
 
 December 28, 1763. There was presented ' a peti- 
 tion of Elisha Hersey and sixty others, all of Ahington, 
 who had been in his majesty's service in the late wars, 
 praying for a grant of land for a township, eastward of 
 the Penobscot river, in consideration of their services 
 rendered.' 
 
REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 
 
 POLITICAL AFFAIRS. 
 
 The American revolution consisted in that change 
 in the political relations of Great Britain and her Amer- 
 ican colonies, which grew out of the controversy be- 
 tween them, about the authority of Parliament ; and 
 which resulted in the declaration and final acknowledg- 
 ment of our independence. A very brief, though im- 
 perfect account of some of the grounds of this contro- 
 versy, it is hoped, will not be deemed altogether out of 
 place. 
 
 On the side of the mother country, the power of 
 Parliament over the colonies was declared to be su- 
 preme. In support of this claim, it was said — 
 
 1. That this country having been taken possession 
 of and settled by British subjects, became a part of the 
 British empire, and as such was under the control of 
 the supreme power of the state, vested in parliament. 
 
 2. That the Charter of the Massachusetts colony, 
 by the 1st Charles, in 1628, after confirming the grant 
 of the soil by the council of Plymouth, gave the colony 
 power to make laws in particular cases — provided such 
 laws ivere not repugnant to the laws of England — also 
 freedom from taxation in New England, for seven years, 
 and on imports from and exports to Great Britain, for 
 
108 
 
 twenty-one years — exemptions implying, as was said, 
 a liability to parliamentary taxation afterwards. 
 
 3. That the charter gave no power to lay taxes, and 
 that the assumption of the right was one of the reasons 
 why the Court of Chancery, in 1684, declared the 
 charter forfeited. 
 
 4. That parliament, from the first, had passed laws 
 for regulating the foreign trade of the colonies, among 
 which were the following — 
 
 The celebrated Navigation Act of 12 Charles 2d, 
 chap. 18. It provided, that no merchandize should be 
 imported into, or exported from, the colonies, but in 
 vessels belonging to British subjects, living either in 
 England or the plantations. 
 
 Act 15, Charles 2d, chap. 7. According to this act, 
 no product or manufacture of Europe, could be brought 
 into the colonies, excepting such as had been shipped 
 in England, on board English built ships. 
 
 Act 7 and 8, William and Mary, chap. 22d, requir- 
 ing seamen, in vessels owned by British subjects, living 
 either in England or the colonies, to pay annually out 
 of their wages, a tax for the support of Greenwich Hos- 
 pital, in England. 
 
 Act 6, George 2d, chap. 13, providing, that rum, 
 the produce or manufacture of any colony, not belong- 
 ing to Great Britain, when brought into any of the 
 American colonies, should pay a tax of 9 pence, and 
 molasses 6 pence a gallon, and sugar 5 shillings a hun- 
 dred. 
 
 5. That laws had been passed at various times, for 
 regulating the internal trade and domestic concerns of 
 the colonies. Their wool and woollen manufactures were 
 
109 
 
 not to be exported. Their furs were to be sent to 
 England for a market. Hats were not to be carried 
 from one plantation to another for sale — and no hatter 
 in America was to have more than two apprentices.* 
 By an act of 23, George 2d, chap. 29, the colonists 
 were prohibited, under a penalty of £200 sterling, from 
 erecting any rolling or slitting mill, or any plating forge 
 to work with a tilt hammer ; and all such as had been 
 erected were to be abated as nuisances.^ In the 9 of 
 Queen Ann, a post office was established and a tax im- 
 posed on letters carried by mail. 
 
 On our side, it was in the end, generally contended, 
 that parliament had no rightful legislative authority 
 over the colonies whatever. 
 
 Our ancestors, when they came here, were by char- 
 acter, entitled to all the liberties and immunities of free 
 and natural subjects of Great Britain. They had not 
 by coming to this country, forfeited any of these rights, 
 but were, and their descendants were, entitled to enjoy 
 all such of them, as were applicable to their circum- 
 stances and condition here. English liberty was found- 
 ed on the right of the people to participate in their leg- 
 islative councils ; and as the colonies were not, and 
 from their local situation could not be, represented in 
 
 * The elder President Adams says, tliat James Otis, in his celebrated argu- 
 ment against writs of assistance, in 17(50, alternately laughed and raged against 
 these ' mincing laws.' A member of parliament, he said, had declared, that 
 a hob nail should not be made in America. Another had moved, that the 
 Americans should be compelled to bring their horses to England to bo shod. 
 This last was a man of sense, and meant by this admirable irony, to ridicule 
 the whole selfish, partial, and contracted system of parliamentary regulations 
 in America. 
 
 t At the time this law passed, there were only 4 of tiicse prohibited manu- 
 factories in the Province — 2 in Middleborough,! in Hanover, and 1 in Milton. 
 
110 
 
 parliament, they had tlie sole and exclusive right of 
 making laws for their own government, in all cases 
 whatever, subject only to the king's negative, in the 
 way provided for by the charter of William and Mary. 
 
 The allegiance of the colonies was due, not to the 
 parliament, but to the person of the king, because he 
 was entitled to the crown ; and because they had bound 
 themselves in allegiance to him in that capacity. 
 
 Such of the acts of trade as had been executed here 
 derived their force, it was said, not from any inherent 
 right in parliament to pass them, but from the assent of 
 the colonies. After the acts of 12 and 15 of Charles 
 2d, had lain dormant for fifteen years, the Legislature 
 passed a law requiring their observance. At the same 
 time, they said, in a letter to their agent in London, 
 they ' apprehended these acts were an invasion of the 
 rights, liberties, and properties of the subjects of his 
 majesty in the colony, they not being represented in par- 
 liament. However, as his majesty had signified his 
 pleasure, that these acts should be observed in Massa- 
 chusetts, they had made provision by a law of the 
 colony, that they should be strictly attended to, from 
 time to time, although they greatly discouraged trade, 
 and were a great damage to his majesty's plantation.' 
 
 The molasses and sugar act was a revenue measure, 
 and as such was pronounced to be a violation of natural 
 right — the English constitution, and all the charters and 
 compacts with the colonies. For many years, it was 
 entirely disregarded. When, finally, an order came for 
 its strict execution, a greater alarm is said to have been 
 produced than that occasioned by the taking of Fort 
 William Henry, in 1757. So strong and determined 
 
Ill 
 
 was the opposition to this act, that James Otis, by a 
 bold figure, which might now be thought exaggeration, 
 declared, that if the king of England in person, was 
 encamped on Boston common, at the head of 20,000 
 men, with all his navy on our coast, he would not be 
 able to execute it. 
 
 As to the laws for regulating our internal policy, some 
 of them, as the hatter's act, and the act against rolling 
 and slitting mills and forges, were never carried into 
 effect. The post office law was submitted to, because 
 found to be a useful regulation, only a few persons pay- 
 ing the tax, and they deriving a benefit from it. Yet 
 all, who considered the matter, believed it to be an usur- 
 pation. 
 
 After the peace of 1763, parliament, in pursuance of 
 a plan for new modeling the colonial governments, re- 
 solved to assert, and not only assert, but to maintain 
 her claim of supremacy over us, in all cases whatso- 
 ever. 
 
 Accordingly, orders were issued to the custom house 
 officers here, to execute strictly the various acts of 
 trade. Parliament modified and made perpetual, the 
 sugar and molasses act, and successively passed laws 
 imposing duties on silks and calicoes — wines and coffee 
 — stamped paper — paints, glass, and teas, with penal- 
 ties recoverable in any admiralty or vice-admiralty court, 
 without trial by jury. They authorised the sending of 
 persons indicted for murder, to a neighboring colony or 
 to England, for trial, if the homicide was committed in 
 attempts to suppress a riot, or execute a revenue law. 
 The province charter was altered, by increasing the 
 number of counsellors from twenty-eight to thirty-six, 
 
112 
 
 and taking their appointment from the General Court and 
 vesting it in the king. All town meetings, except the 
 annual meeting in March, for the choice of town offi- 
 cers, were forbidden, without the written consent of the 
 governor ; and grand and petty jurors, instead of being 
 appointed by the towns, were to be returned by the 
 sheriff. 
 
 These and other oppressive measures of Parliament, 
 it was clearly perceived, would if submitted to, plunge 
 us at once, into what Mr. Burke called a perfect un- 
 compensated slavery, by joining together the restraints 
 of an universal internal and external monopoly, with an 
 universal internal and external taxation. They were 
 therefore firmly resisted. The officers charged with 
 the execution of the Stamp Act were compelled to 
 resign. Voluntary associations were entered into, 
 throughout the Province, not to import or use any foreign 
 merchandise subject to a tax. 
 
 The teas sent to Boston by the East-India Company, 
 were taken by force out of the vessels in which they 
 were imported, and thrown into the dock. Many of 
 the Counsellors appointed by the King were compelled 
 to decline* — and the courts of justice generally, were 
 prevented by public opinion, expressed in a way not to 
 
 * The writer is informed by an aged uncle of his, lately deceased — that in 
 September, 1774, he and many others from Abington went on an expedition to 
 Marshfield. The object of the party, consisting of seven or 'eight liundred 
 persons from various parts of the country, was to compel J^atkanid Ray Thomas, 
 Esq., one of the Mandamus Counsellors, to decline his appointment. His house 
 was searched, but the bird had flown. In anticipation of this visit, he had the 
 day before made his escape to Boston. His wife and other members of liis 
 family were required to certify his absence under oath, administered by Judge 
 Turner, of Pembroke. 
 
113 
 
 be disregarded, from sitting and carrying into effect the 
 obnoxious acts of Parliament. 
 
 Finding that all their arguments, complaints, peti- 
 tions, remonstrances and threatenings were waste water 
 in England — that there was no middle course, between 
 unlimited submission to the will of the mother country 
 and a total independence of her claims, the colonists 
 declared, and after a seven years war compelled Great 
 Britain to acknowledge, their independence. 
 
 The part taken in the contest by the people of Abing- 
 ton, as will be seen by the following account, was hon- 
 orable to their zeal, firmness and patriotism. A few 
 indeed there were, who were lukewarm in the cause, 
 from an apprehension, that the power of Great Britain 
 was too great and overwhelming to admit the hope of 
 a successful resistance. It is indeed wonderful, there 
 were not more of this description. In general, however, 
 and almost universally, they were ready and willing to 
 meet the dangers and responsibility of the crisis, and 
 make the sacrifices it demanded. With the country, 
 they resolved to break the yoke which was attempted 
 to be fastened upon them, or perish in the attempt. 
 
 March 19, 1770. The following spirited resolves* 
 were adopted by the town unanimously. 
 
 1st. Voted, As the opinion of this town that all Na- 
 
 " The Committee who reported the resjolvcs were Daniel Noyes, Samuel 
 Fool, Aaron Hobart, David Jones, jr., James Ilersey, Joseph Grcenleaf, and 
 Thomas Wilkes. These resolves were published in the Boston Gazette. 
 In the margin of a paper containing them in tlie library of the Massachusetts 
 Historical Society, there is the following note. * Noble resolves and all war- 
 ranted by the English Constitution, drawn by Joseph Greenleaf, Esq.' Green- 
 leaf lived in Abington about twenty years. A little before the commencement 
 of the Revolutionary War, he moved to Boston. His wife was sister to the 
 late Judge R. T. Paine. A daughter of his married the late Rev. Mr. Wehl, 
 of Braintree. 
 
 15 
 
114 
 
 tions of men, who dwell [upon the face of the whole 
 earth, and each individual of them naturally are free, 
 and while in a state of nature have a right to do them- 
 selves justice, when their natural rights are invaded. 
 
 2d. Voted, That mankind while in their natural state 
 always had and now have a right to enter into com- 
 pacts and form societies, and erect such kind of govern- 
 ment as the majority of them shall judge most for the 
 public good. 
 
 3d. Voted, That Great Britain had an undoubted 
 right to erect a monarchical government or any other 
 mode of government, had they thought proper, appoint 
 a King and subject him to laws of their own ordaining ; 
 and always had and now have, upon just occasions, a 
 right to alter the Royal succession. 
 
 4th. Voted, That the right of sovereignty over the in- 
 habitants of this province claimed by any former British 
 King, or by his present majesty by succession, was derived 
 to him by the recognition of the forefathers of this coun- 
 try of his then majesty as their sovereign, upon the plan 
 of the British constitution, who accordingly plighted his 
 royal faith, that himself, his heirs and successors had, 
 and would grant, establish and ordain, that all and 
 every of his subjects, who should go to and inhabit this 
 province and every of their children, who should hap- 
 pen to be born here or on the sea in going hither or in 
 returning from thence, should have and enjoy all liber- 
 ties and immunities of free and natural subjects within 
 any of their dominions, to all intents, construction and 
 purposes whatsoever, as if they and every of them were 
 born in the realm of England. 
 
 5th. Voted, That the late acts of the Parliament of 
 
115 
 
 Great Britain imposing duties on American subjects, 
 for the sole purpose of raising a revenue, are an in- 
 fringement of our natural and constitutional liberty, and 
 contrary to the spirit and letter of the above mentioned 
 royal grant, ordination and establishment, of having and 
 enjoying all the liberties and immunities of free and 
 natural born subjects. 
 
 6th. Voted, That no acts passed in either the par- 
 liaments of France, Spain or England, for the aforesaid 
 purpose of raising a revenue, are binding on us, and that 
 the obedience due from us to his present majesty is no 
 other in kind or degree, than such as he has a constitu- 
 tional right to, from our fellow subjects in Great 
 Britain. 
 
 7th. Voted, That therefore, the abovementioned acts 
 are in themselves a mere nullity, and that he who, vi et 
 armis, seizes the property of an American subject for 
 not paying the duties imposed on him by said acts, 
 ought to be deemed no better than a highwayman, and 
 should be proceeded against in due course of law. 
 
 8th. Voted, That the sending of troops (may they 
 not more properly be called murderers) to Boston by 
 Lord Hillsborough, at the request of Gov. Bernard, to 
 aid and protect the Commissioners of the Customs in 
 levying the taxes imposed on us by said acts, amounts 
 to an open declaration of war against the liberties of 
 America, and an unjust invasion of them ; and as we 
 are refused any legal redress of grievances, we are in 
 this instance reduced to a state of nature, whereby our 
 natural right of opposing force is again devolved upon us. 
 
 9th. Voted, That the agreement of the merchants and 
 traders of Boston, relative to the non-importation, has a 
 
116 
 
 natural and righteous tendency to frustrate the schemes 
 of the enemies of the Constitution, and to render inef- 
 fectual the said unconstitutional and unrighteous acts ; 
 and is a superlative instance of self-denial and public 
 virtue, which we hope will be handed down to pos- 
 terity, even to the latest generation, to their immortal 
 honor. 
 
 10th. Voted, That those persons, who have always 
 persisted in the scheme of importation, and those also, 
 who have acceded to the agreement of non-importa- 
 tion and have violated their promises, and as it were 
 stolen their own goods and sold them to purchase chains 
 and fetters, ought to be by us held in the utmost con- 
 tempt, and that we will have no sort of commercial 
 connexion with them, or any that deal with them ; and 
 their names shall stand recorded in the town books and 
 be posted up in all public places in town, as enemies of 
 their country. 
 
 11th. Voted, That we are m duty bound not to use 
 or consume any articles from Great Britain, subject to 
 duties on the foregoing plan ; and that we will not 
 knowingly purchase, of any person wdiatever, any such 
 articles until said acts are repealed ; neither will we 
 use or suffer willingly to be used in our families any 
 bohea tea, cases of sickness only excepted. 
 
 12th. Voted, That a respectful letter of thanks be 
 addressed to the merchants and traders of the town of 
 Boston, for the noble and disinterested and very expen- 
 sive opposition made by them to the late attempts to en- 
 slave America ; and whereas it appears probable to us, 
 that the goods of the infamous importers, both in this 
 
117 
 
 and the neighboring governments, are vended among 
 us by pedlers, therefore, 
 
 13th. Voted, That we will not purchase any thing 
 of them, or suffer any person under us to trade with 
 them, but that we will as much as in us lies, discourage 
 them and endeavour to have the law executed against 
 them, and all such innholders as entertain them contrary 
 to the law. 
 
 14th. Voted, That a committee be chosen to en- 
 quire, who among us act contrary to the foregoing votes, 
 and return their names to the town clerk, to be entered 
 in the town books, and published in Messrs. Edes's and 
 Gill's paper, as persons confederating with the import- 
 ers to ruin their country ; and whereas the ears of our 
 earthly sovereign, by the intervention of his wicked min- 
 isters, are rendered deaf to the cries of his oppressed 
 American subjects, and as we apprehend we have a 
 righteous cause, and as we are assured that the ears of 
 the King of Kings are always opened to the cries of the 
 oppressed, therefore, 
 
 15th. Voted, That we will unitedly petition the 
 throne of grace for protection, against encroaching pow- 
 er, whereby our civil liberties are so violently attacked, 
 and our religious liberties endangered ; and that Thurs- 
 day, the 3d day of May next, be set apart by this town 
 for said purpose ; and that the Selectmen be a commit- 
 tee to wait upon our Rev. Pastor, desiring him to lead 
 in the exercises of the day, and that by an advertise- 
 ment, they invite the neighboring towns to join with 
 us in similar exercises, on said day. 
 
 16th. Voted, That the foregoing votes be recorded, 
 and a copy thereof be forthwith transmitted to the com- 
 
118 
 
 mittee of inspection in Boston, together with our letter 
 of thanks to the merchants and traders there.' 
 
 11th January, 1773. The town accepted the report 
 of a committee appointed to draft an answer to a com- 
 munication from the town of Boston. The following 
 is an extract from the report. ' We view ourselves un- 
 der indispensable obligations to give our testimony 
 against all those arbitrary measures and despotic inno- 
 vations, lately taken place in the Province, viz. such as 
 the appointment of a Board of Commissioners, invested 
 with such exorbitant power, to force from us our prop- 
 erty without our consent, for the purpose of raising a 
 revenue. The extension of the admiralty courts be- 
 yond all rational limits. The quartering a standing 
 army of regular troops in our metropolis, over whom 
 our Governor declared he had no control, without the 
 consent and in opposition to the remonstrances of 
 the people, which has been the unhappy occasion of 
 blood-shed and murder. The making our Governor 
 (and as we hear the Judges of the Superior Court and 
 others) independent of the grants of the people, and the 
 restraining of his Majesty's Council from meeting upon 
 matters of public concern, unless called by the Gov- 
 ernor.' 
 
 At the same time, a committee of safety and corres- 
 pondence was chosen, consisting of Mr. David Jenkins, 
 Capt. Daniel Noyes, Lieut. Nathaniel Pratt, Dr. Da- 
 vid Jones, Capt. Edward Cobb, Capt. William Reed, jr. 
 and Mr. Thomas Wilkes.* 
 
 * In 1776, the committee were, Dea. Samuel Pool, Mr. Daniel Lane, Mr. 
 Micali Hunt, Mr. Joseph Richards, Lieut. Samuel Brown, Mr. James Herscy, 
 Mr. Thomas Reed, Capt John Harden and Mr. Thomas Wilkes. 
 
119 
 
 18th January, 1774. The town accepted the fol- 
 lowing report of their committee. 
 
 The committee of correspondence of Abington having 
 received an address, together with the votes of the town 
 of Boston, at their several meetings relative to the late 
 act of Parliament, granting license to the East India 
 Company to export their teas into the American colo- 
 nies for sale, subject to a duty to be paid by us, for the 
 sole purpose of raising a revenue for the support of 
 government — the address and votes before mentioned 
 being presented and read to the town, at a legal meet- 
 ing called for that purpose, January 18, 1774, after due 
 consideration and debate thereon, the inhabitants came 
 into the following Resolves. 
 
 1. That it is the opinion of this town, that the 
 East India Company's tea being sent here (or any 
 other commodity whatever) for sale, subject to a duty 
 to be paid by us, for the sole purpose of raising a reve- 
 nue for the support of government, is a new and uncon- 
 stitutional innovation, and is greatly injurious to the just 
 rights of America. 
 
 2. That such measures continued and persisted in, 
 will have a direct tendency to alienate the affections 
 of Americans from their parent state, and will be the 
 most likely method to dissolve their union, and finally 
 break and destroy the British empire. 
 
 3. That it is the duty of every individual in the com- 
 munity as a christian, and a good and loyal subject to 
 his King, and as a freeman, to use all lawful endeavors 
 to oppose such measures. 
 
 4. That all the contrivers, promoters and abettors of 
 such schemes ought, by all men, to be avoided as being 
 
120 
 
 at heart inimical to their country and treated as those, 
 who have a premeditated design against the national 
 interest. 
 
 5. That it is the firm resolution of this town closely 
 and strictly to adhere to their rights and privileges, and 
 as far as in their power lies, to frustrate the designs of 
 their enemies, who attack them. And to that end, we 
 resolve carefully to avoid purchasing, expending or im- 
 proving any of the said East India Company's tea, or 
 any other commodity whatever, brought to America by 
 them, or any person or party whatsoever, on such an 
 injurious and insiduous plan. 
 
 6. That it is the united determination of this town, 
 as good and loyal subjects, to yield all that obedience 
 to our rightful sovereign, the king, which the gospel 
 requires ; and as a means conducive to that end, to 
 stand by, maintain and uphold the good and wholesome 
 laws of the land, by which we are governed, in opposi- 
 tion to all those arbitrary, tyrannical, and oppressive 
 measures lately entered into, which so shamefully eclipse 
 the glory of the British crown, and in a very awful 
 manner destroy the peace, happiness and tranquillity of 
 the nation — humbly relying on the God of Providence, 
 who governs all events in the natural and moral world, 
 for safety and protection. 
 
 September 30, 1774. The town voted, ' That none 
 of the inhabitants should afford the (British) troops any 
 aid or assistance, by labor, timber, or any other materi- 
 als, that might be requisite to enable them to fortify 
 against us, or build barracks for their conveniency and 
 shelter.' 
 
 November 14, 1774. 'Voted an acceptance of (the 
 
121 
 
 doings) of the county Congress, held September 26th 
 
 and 27th last past.'* 
 May 27, 1776. The General Court having, by an 
 
 order, called on the several towns to express an opinion 
 and give their representatives instructions on the sub- 
 ject of independence, the town directed their represen- 
 tative to vote for that measure, and pledged themselves 
 in support of it, ' to stand by the united colonies with 
 their lives and fortunes.' 
 
 MILITARY AFFAIRS. 
 
 July 24, 1776. A bounty of £5 10s. was voted by 
 the town, to each man that should enlist into the expe- 
 dition to New York ; and 29th, a similar bounty to such 
 as enlisted into the expedition against Canada. 
 
 The Continental Congress, 16th September, 1776, 
 resolved to raise by enlistment, 88 battalionsf of troops, 
 to serve during the war. Of these, 15 were to be 
 raised by Massachusetts. The proportion of Abington 
 was 46 men. To encourage enlistments, the town, 3d 
 March, 1777, voted to each soldier a bounty of £24, 
 in addition to the state and continental pay. From the 
 records in the secretary's office, at Boston, it appears, 
 that the whole number required were raised. 11 be- 
 longed to Abington, and 35 to other places. 
 
 February 26, 1778. The States were required to 
 fill up their respective battalions, by enlistments for 9 
 months. The quota of Abington, 8 men, were procur- 
 
 * See Appendix C. 
 
 + Under a new organization of the army, that took effect 1st January, 1781 
 *hese battalions were changed into regiments. 
 
 16 
 
122 
 
 ed lor the town by a committee, consisting of the mih- 
 tia officers and others. 
 
 23d March, 1778. The town 'voted to provide 
 shirts, shoes and stockings, for 46 men.' 
 
 26th June, 1780. Voted 'to raise £30,000, (in the 
 paper money of the day,*) to hire soldiers for six months, 
 to join Gen. Washington's army,' in compliance with a 
 resolve of the General Court of 5th of June previous. 
 The committee chosen to procure the men, were em- 
 powered to agree to pay them ' in paper money or silver 
 money, or produce.' Abington enlisted 14 men under 
 this resolve. 
 
 11th October, 1780. Voted to raise 'one hundred 
 thousand pounds, to pay soldiers, and purchase beef to 
 supply the continental army.' 
 
 2d December, 1780, the town was required to raise 
 16 men, to serve 3 years, or during the war. The fol- 
 lowing extract from the selectmen's return, dated 21st 
 January, 1782, shows a compliance with the order. — 
 * The town, immediately upon receiving the orders for 
 raising them, assembled in legal town meeting, and vo- 
 ted, as an encouragement to said men, that they should 
 be paid one hundred dollars upon their passing muster; 
 and that, in addition to the state wages, they should be 
 paid three pounds by the town, for every month they 
 should serve. Accordingly, they have paid the hundred 
 dollars down to each man, and now stand obligated to 
 said soldiers for the fulfilment of their agreement with 
 them.' The names of the persons enlisted are subjoin- 
 ed to the return. To raise them, the inhabitants were 
 divided into 16 classes. Each class procured one man, 
 
 ** See Appendix D. 
 
123 
 
 and raised the mone}' to pay his bounty and wages, 
 which the town afterwards reimbursed. 
 
 January 18, 1781. Voted ' to raise eighteen hundred 
 dollars, in silver or gold, for a bounty or advance pay 
 for our continental soldiers, that shall be procured for 
 three years, or during the war.' 14th February follow- 
 ing, it was voted to assess the above sum immediately, 
 to be paid in by 1st May. 
 
 The officers from Abington, in the continental ser- 
 vice, were — 
 
 Jacob Pool, Captain. 
 Luke Bicknell, Captain. 
 John Ford, Lieutenant. 
 David Jones, jr. Surgeon. 
 Among those who died in the service, are the follow- 
 ing- 
 George Bennett, 
 
 Nathaniel Bicknell, jr. 
 
 James Clark, 
 
 Gershom, son of Benjamin Farrow, 
 
 Samuel Green, 
 
 David, son of Benjamin Gardner, 
 
 Thomas Hunt, jr. 
 
 Solomon, son of Samuel Nash, 
 
 David, son of Peter Nash, 
 
 Jacob Noyes, jr. 
 
 Moses, son of deacon John Noyes, 
 
 Prince Palmer, 
 
 Abner Porter, jr. 
 
 Nathaniel, son of Whitcomb Pratt, 
 
 Abel, son of James Reed, 
 
 Cuff Rozarer, 
 
124 
 
 Jesse Stoddard, 
 
 Thomas White, 
 
 Jonathan, son of Thomas Whitmarsh. 
 The services of the militia were, perhaps, more im- 
 portant and expensive, than those of the continental 
 troops raised by the town. Immediately after Bunker 
 hill battle, a company, consisting of 58 non-commis- 
 sioned officers and privates, enlisted for 8 months, and 
 served at Roxbury. The officers were, William Reed, 
 Captain, Samuel Brown, Lieutenant, David Cobb, En- 
 sign. Various other tours of duty were performed at 
 different times, and for different periods of service, 
 either about Boston, or at Rhode Island, in 1777-78- 
 80 and 81. Almost every man in town capable of bear- 
 ing arms, was in the service, for a longer or shorter 
 time. 
 
REPRESENTATIVES. 
 
 The town does not appear to have been represented 
 in the Legislature before 1735; and afterwards not 
 until 1753. The following list has been mostly taken 
 from the general court records. It became necessary 
 to resort to them, as there is no record in the town 
 books of the choice of any representative, except the 
 first in 1735, until 1796. 
 
 1735. Samuel Pool, Esq. 
 
 1753. Mr. Jacob Porter. 
 
 1754. Mr. Jacob Porter. 
 1735. 
 
 1756. Mr. Jacob Porter. 
 
 1757. 
 
 1758. Mr. Jacob Porter. 
 
 1759. Capt. Woodbridge Brown. 
 
 1760. Capt. Woodbridge Brown. 
 
 1761. Capt. Woodbridge Brown. 
 
 1762. Capt. Woodbridge Brown. 
 
 1763. Capt. Woodbridge Brown. 
 1764. 
 
 1765. Dea. Samuel Pool. 
 
 1766. Capt. Woodbridge Brown. 
 
 1767. Capt. Woodbridge Brown. 
 
 1768. Capt. Woodbridge Brown. 
 
 1769. Capt. Woodbridge Brown. 
 
126 
 
 1770. Capt. Woodbridge Brown. 
 
 1771. Capt. Woodbridge Brown.* 
 
 1772. Capt. Woodbridge Brown. 
 
 1773. Capt. Woodbridge Brown. 
 
 1774. Capt. Woodbridge Brown. 
 Delegates to the 1st Provincial Congress, at Salem, 
 
 October 5, 1774, 
 
 Capt. Woodbridge Brown, 
 
 Dr. David Jones. 
 To the 2d, at Cambridge, 1st February, 1775, 
 
 Capt. Woodbridge Brown. 
 To the 3d, at Watertown, 31st July. 1775, 
 
 Dr. David Jones. 
 
 REPRESENTATIVES CONTINUED. 
 
 1776. Capt. Woodbridge Brown. 
 
 1777. Capt. William Reed. 
 
 1778. Dea. Samuel Pool. 
 1779. 
 
 1780. 
 
 1781. Lieut. Samuel Brown. 
 
 1782. Lieut. Samuel Brown. 
 
 1783. Lieut. Samuel Brown. 
 
 1784. Lieut. Samuel Brown. 
 
 1785. Lieut. Samuel Brown. 
 
 1786. Lieut. Samuel Brown. 
 
 1787. Jacob Smith, Esq. 
 
 1788. Jacob Smith, Esq. 
 
 * Hutchinson, in a note in the 3d volume of his History of Massachusetts, 
 says, — ' The principal friends of the British administration in the Legislature, 
 were, Israel Williams, John Worthington, John Murray, Josiah Edson, Timo- 
 thy Woodbridge, William Williams, Thomas Gilbert, and Edward Hartwell. 
 On the other side, the Representatives of Boston, with Joseph Hawley, James 
 Warren, Jerathmiel Bowers, James Prescot, John Whitcomb, Joseph Gerrish, 
 William Heath, Woodbridge Brown, Thomas Gardiner, Timothy Danielson, 
 and Thomas Uennie.' 
 
127 
 
 1789. Jacob Smith, Esq. 
 
 1790. Jacob Smith, Esq. 
 
 1791. Jacob Smith, Esq. 
 
 1792. Col. Luke Bicknell. 
 
 1793. Col. Aaron Hobart. 
 
 1794. Col. Aaron Hobart. 
 
 1795. Col. Aaron Hobart. 
 
 1796. Col. Aaron Hobart. 
 
 1797. Col. Aaron Hobart. 
 
 1798. Col. Aaron Hobart. 
 
 1799. Col. Aaron Hobart. 
 
 1800. Col. Aaron Hobart. 
 
 1801. Col Aaron Hobart. 
 
 1802. Col. Aaron Hobart. 
 
 1803. Ccl. Aaron Hobart. 
 
 1804. Col. Aaron Hobart. 
 
 1805. Col. Aaron Hobart. 
 
 1806. Col. Aaron Hobart. 
 
 1807. Nathan Gurney, jr., Esq. 
 
 1808. Rev. Samuel Niles. 
 180?. Rev. Samuel Niles. 
 
 Nathan Gurney, jr., Esq. 
 
 1810. Rev. Samuel Nfles. 
 Nathan Gurney, jr., Esq. 
 
 1811. Rev. Samuel Niles. 
 Nathan Gurney, jr., Esq. 
 
 1812. Nathan Gurney, jr., Esq. 
 James Bates, Esq. 
 
 1813. Nathan Gurney, jr., Esq. 
 
 1814. Nathan Gurney, jr., Esq. 
 
 1815. Nathan Gurney, jr., Esq. 
 
 1816. Nathan Gurney, jr., Esq. 
 
128 
 
 1817. 
 1818. 
 1819. 
 1820. 
 
 1821. 
 
 1822. 
 1823. 
 1824. 
 1825. 
 1826. 
 
 1827. 
 
 1828. 
 
 1829. 
 1830. 
 
 1831. 
 
 not represented. 
 
 Nathan Gurney, Esq. 
 
 not represented. 
 
 Jared Whitman, Esq. 
 Benjamin Hobart, Esq. 
 Micah Pool, Esq. 
 James Bates, Esq. 
 James Bates, Esq. 
 Micah Pool, Esq. 
 James Bates, Esq. 
 Micah Pool, Esq. 
 John Gushing, Esq. 
 1832.* James Bates, Esq. 
 Micah Pool, Esq. 
 John Gushing, Esq. 
 James Bates, Esq. 
 Micah Pool, Esq. 
 John Gushing, Esq. 
 James Bates, Esq. 
 Micah Pool, Esq. 
 John Gushing, Esq. 
 James Bates, Esq. 
 Micah Pool, Esq. 
 
 1833. 
 
 1834. 
 
 1835. 
 
 * In 1831, the Constitution was so altered, as to change the commencement 
 of the political year from the last Wednesday in May, to the first Wednesday 
 in January ; and the time of electing Representatives, from May, to the 2d 
 Monday in November. 
 
129 
 
 John Gushing, Esq. 
 
 1836. John Gushing, Esq. 
 
 1837. Not represented. 
 
 1838. James Bates, Esq. 
 Mr. Harvey Torrey. 
 
 1839. Mr. Harvey Torrey. 
 Elihu Hobart, Esq. 
 James Ford, jr., Esq. 
 
 Woodbridge Brown, delegate to the Gonvention held 
 at Faneuil Hall, in Boston, 22d September, 1768.* 
 
 Dr. David Jones, delegate to the convention at Gon- 
 cord, in 1779, assembled to take into consideration the 
 depreciated state of the currency. 
 
 Dr. David Jones, delegate to the convention at Gam- 
 bridge, in September, 1779, to form a state constitution. 
 
 Rev. Samuel Niles, delegate to the convention at 
 Boston, in 1788, to act on the ratification of the Fed- 
 eral Gonstitution. 
 
 Nathan Gurney and Jared Whitman, Esqrs., delegates 
 to the convention assembled at Boston, November 15th, 
 1820, to revise the constitution of the Gommonwealth. 
 
 * Gov. Bernard, in June, 1768, had prorogued and then dissolved the Gen- 
 eral Court, because they refused to rescind, as they were required to do, the 
 Resolution, which gave birth to the circular letter from the House of Repre- 
 sentatives to the legislative assemblies of the other colonies. Application was 
 made to the governor, to convene them again, but he declined doing it without 
 the express order of the king. A large body of troops had been ordered to 
 Boston, to enforce the various acts of trade, at the point of the bayonet. In 
 this very critical state of affairs, at the instance of the town of Boston, dele- 
 gates from 96 towns and 8 districts, met at Faneuil Hall. Being a voluntary 
 assembly, and of course without power, all they could do was to state their 
 grievances ' felt and feared.' Beside addressing the people, they sent an able 
 letter to Mr. Debert, agent of the province, in England, and a petition to the 
 king, which they desired the agent to deliver with his own hand. The con- 
 vention sat about a week. The day after their adjournment, two British regi- 
 ments arrived at Boston, and before the end of the year, the town was garri- 
 soned by about 4000 regular troops. 
 
 17 
 
MISCELLANEOUS PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 
 TOWN. 
 
 The first town meeting was held 2d March, 1713. 
 
 The town officers then chosen were — 
 
 William Hersey, Moderator. 
 
 William Hersey, ^ 
 
 William Tirrill, > Selectmen. 
 
 William Reed, ) 
 
 William Reed, Town Clerk. 
 
 James Nash, Town Treasurer. 
 
 Joseph Josselyn, Constable. 
 
 Edmund Jackson, > ^ r tr- u 
 
 Nicholas Porter, ] Surveyors of Highways. 
 
 Ebenezer Whitmarsh, > t- -xt- 
 
 T?j J r» * > lence- Viewers. 
 
 Edward Joates, ) 
 
 7th March, 1715. William Hersey, William Reed, 
 Joseph Lincoln and Nicholas Shaw, were chosen a com- 
 mittee with the Selectmen ' to lay out ways, where it 
 shall be most convenient, with least damage.' 
 
 5th March, 1716. Voted, ' That every man sixteen 
 years old and upwards, shall kill twelve black-birds, or 
 pay two shillings to the town charge, more than their 
 part.' 
 
 1st August, 1716. A Lecture day, ' the town voted, 
 that the town rate should be six pounds.' 
 
 5th March, 1721. Samuel French, James Nash and 
 
131 
 
 Joseph Lincoln, were chosen Trustees of the money 
 loaned the town, by the Province. 
 
 4th March, 1723. Jeremiah Hatch was appointed 
 Pound-keeper, with ' liberty to make use of his Barn 
 in the room of a Pound' 
 
 2d March, 1724. Voted, 'That the Drinkwater 
 people* shall have liberty to make a Pound upon their 
 own cost, and Isaac Hatch was chosen keeper of said 
 Pound.' 
 
 5th September, 1726. ' Lieutenant William Reed, 
 Mathew Pratt, Edward Bates and Samuel Noyes, were 
 chosen a committee to draw up objections, in answer to 
 the Drinkwater people's petition to draw off from them.' 
 And it was voted, that ' Mathew Pratt and Samuel 
 Noyes should carry the answer to the court.' 
 
 This remonstrance against setting off a part of the 
 town to Hanover, a copy of which is before me, 
 states that there were then in Abington 53 heads of 
 families. Five of them had been then lately married, 
 and had ' neither house nor home, but as they sojourned 
 under the roofs of others.' Six were widows, ' whose 
 families were much reduced and in low circumstances,' 
 leaving but 34 ' to support the public charges.' That 
 the town contained a considerable tract of land, yet 
 that little of it was capable of settlement, except the 
 easterly part, ' which was chiefly in gentlemen proprie- 
 tors' hands, who did neither sell nor settle their lands, 
 they living in other towns.' That the eight petition- 
 
 * The people here referred to, lived in the neighborhood of Drinkwater river, 
 now in Hanover and Hanson. According to tradition, this river derived its name, 
 from the circumstance , that the first mill upon it, was raised without the use 
 of ardent spirits. 
 
132 
 
 ers* were ' but about four miles distant from the Meet- 
 ing-house — and if it were objected, that the way was 
 difficult and impassable, yet several responsible men 
 had offered to make it good and passable for horse and 
 man, for £5 charge.' 
 
 17th April, 1727. Voted, That Mr. Mathew Pratt, 
 Dea. Samuel French, Dea. Edward Bates, Mr. Samuel 
 Pool and Samuel Noyes' ' be agents to meet the com- 
 mittee,! that are appointed by the General Court to 
 view our town, in order to take off the petitioners of 
 the east part of said town, and to offer the reasons, they 
 shall agree upon, why the town are not willing they 
 should be set off.' 
 
 28th March, 1735. Christopher Dyer and Obadiah 
 Reed, were chosen ' to agree with the Selectmen of 
 Braintree, about the line between our town and Brain- 
 tree, and renew the line with them, as they think 
 best, if they will not exact the line, they have sued our 
 town for.' Also, 'to indemnify and clear Nicholas 
 Shaw, Jacob Reed and Edmund Jackson of all charges, 
 that shall arise, about their being sued by Braintree, if 
 our town do not stand a trial with them, in the law. 
 Jacob Ford entered his contrary detest against the pro- 
 ceedings of the meeting.' 
 
 * They were, Elijah Gushing, Jeremiah Hatch, Nathaniel Davis, Joseph 
 Bryant, Job Otis, Nehemiah Gushing, Benjamin Loring and Isaac Hatch. 
 
 t This viewing Gommittee were, Lieut. Gov. Tailor and Elisha Gooke, 
 Esq., of the Council, and Ezra Bourne, Esq., Maj. Tileston and Edward Ar- 
 nold, Esq., of the House. They reported in favor of the petitioners, although 
 they said ' it would put the Inhabitants of Abington under some difficulties, 
 respecting their supporting the public worship of God, for that several large 
 tracts of land within the town, did not pay towards the maintenance of the 
 minister.' Abington afterwards petitioned for leave to tax the ' dormant 
 lands,' and for a grant of ' a small piece of Province land in the north-east of 
 the town, called Waldo's farm.' Their request was so far granted as to allow 
 the town to tax the dormant lands an half-penny an acre for three years. The 
 tax was to be applied to the support of the ministry. 
 
133 
 
 17th November, 1735. Voted, * to send a Petition 
 to the General Court, that we may be eased upon the 
 Province taxes.' The Petition was presented and a 
 Resolve passed thereon, 13th January, 1736, 'That the 
 sum of £32 I6s. be granted and paid out of the public 
 Treasury to the Selectmen of Abington, to re-imburse 
 the like sum, they had paid as a fine for not sending 
 a Representative, anno 1734, and what they were over 
 charged in the Province tax.' 
 
 31st May, 1736. ' It was put to vote, whether the 
 town would do any thing towards taking care of Sim- 
 eon Nash, and fitting up a place at his house or at the 
 School-house, and it was voted in the affirmative. And 
 the town passed a vote, that they would do nothing for 
 him, provided he was carried to Weymouth — and the 
 town chose Esquire Pool and Jacob Reed to go and tell 
 Simeon Nash's wife, what they had agreed upon at the 
 meeting.' 
 
 7th March, 1737. Voted, 'That any person, that 
 shall kill any grown wild cat this year, within our town, 
 shall have twenty shillings.' 
 
 22d May, 1738. Voted, to petition the General 
 Court ' for a straight line from Accord Pond to Angle 
 Tree.'' 
 
 31st March, 1741. Voted, 'That the manufactory 
 money shall pay our town charges this year.'* 
 
 28th May, 1744. Mr. William Sprague was chosen 
 ' to carry in a Petition to the General Court, to have a 
 line stretched from Accord Pond to Angle Tree.'' 
 
 26th May, 1746. The town voted off ' a part of their 
 
 * See Appendix E. 
 
134 
 
 township to a number of Petitioners.' The part taken 
 off was at the south end of the town. It was annexed 
 to the corners of four of the neighboring towns to form, 
 what was for many years called, Tunk Parish in Pem- 
 broke, now Hanson. 
 
 27th December, 1748. Lieut. Ephraim Spooner was 
 chosen to meet delegates from other towns, at ' Mr. Sil- 
 vester's in Hanover, to see if they can put a stop, to 
 the speedy building of a Court House at Plymouth.' 
 
 20th August, 1750. Voted, ' to send in a Petition 
 to the great and General Court, in order to see, if the 
 court will take off the fines, laid upon us in the years 
 1749 and 1750.' 
 
 27th June, 1751. Voted, ' that Woodbridge Brown 
 should have that half acre of land, that the old Meet- 
 ing-house now stands on ;' — he paying Peter Nash for 
 the land to sit the new one on. 
 
 27th November, 1753. Voted, ' to join with Brain- 
 tree, to send a Petition unto the General Court, to see 
 if the court will settle the Patent line, between Brain- 
 tree and Abington.' Afterwards, in the same year, an 
 agent was appointed ' to answer a law suit commenced 
 against Abington by Braintree, and carry on a law suit 
 against Braintree, in order to settle the Colony line, 
 which is the bounds between said towns.' 
 
 14th May, 1753. Voted, 'that the foxes shall be 
 killed, and he that kills them shall have two shillings 
 per head, for grown ones.' 
 
 16th May, 1754. Voted not to set off ' the south- 
 east corner of the town to Pembroke.' 
 
 5th September, 1756. Voted, 'that the men that 
 went unto Nova-Scotia, shall draw the money out of 
 
135 
 
 the Treasury for the tax, that was laid upon their heads.' 
 These men were with Col. Winslow. 
 
 10th January, 1760. ' The town chose Dr. David 
 Jones to purchase a bell of about 600 lbs. weight.' 
 
 28th December, 1761. Voted, 'that John White, 
 a neutral Frenchman,^ should receive out of the Trea- 
 sury two shillings per week, for keeping his mother.' 
 
 25th August, 1766. Dr. Jones, Capt. Ebenezer 
 Reed and Mr. Ebenezer Whitmarsh, were chosen a 
 committee 'to give the Representative instructions, rela- 
 tive to making good the damage done in Boston, to a 
 number of gentlemen.' This refers to the damages in 
 August, 1765, to the office and dwelling-house of the 
 distributor of stamped paper, and the house and other 
 property of Gov. Hutchinson. 
 
 8th January, 1770. Voted, ' to accept of the Meet- 
 ing-house bell, that was new run by Mr. Aaron Hobart.' 
 
 25th May, 1775. Voted, ' that it was an indecent 
 way, that the female sex do sit in their hats and bon- 
 nets, to worship God in his house ; and offensive to 
 many of the good people of this town.' Before this 
 censure upon fashion, it had been the custom for fe- 
 males as well as males, to sit in meeting uncovered. 
 Our fathers' notions of decorum might be very proper, 
 in the abstract. If, however, personal comfort had been 
 regarded, it might have been thought, that in the spa- 
 cious unwarmed Meeting-houses of former days, all, 
 who did not believe in the utility of ' mortifying the 
 body for the sins of the soul,' would have felt the ne- 
 cessity of covering the head, at least in winter. 
 
 * See Appendix F. 
 
136 
 
 February 11th, 1777. The currency of the country 
 being in a state of rapid depreciation, the town agreed 
 on the prices of labor, provisions, and various articles 
 of merchandize — a list is on record. 
 
 1st June, 1778. 'It was put to vote, to see if the 
 town would accept of the constitution ; and it passed 
 in the negative.' This was the constitution agreed 
 upon by the council and house of representatives in 
 convention, February 28th, 1778. The principal ob- 
 jections to it were, the want of a bill of rights, and not 
 vesting the executive powers exclusively in the Gov- 
 ernor. 
 
 2d August, 1779. Voted ' to accept and put in force 
 the resolves of the state convention, that met at Con- 
 cord on the 14th of July,' to adopt measures relative 
 to the depreciation of the currency. 
 
 29th May, 1780. The town voted their acceptance 
 of the constitution agreed on by the convention, but 
 were for so modifying the 3d article in the bill of rights, 
 as to allow every one to pay his money for the support 
 of public worship, where he attended. They were, also, 
 for limiting the number of counsellors and senators to 
 34. 
 
 6th September, 1781. The constables were ordered 
 to receive for taxes, ' one new emission dollar, in the 
 room of 40, old emission.' 
 
 25th September, 1786, a meeting was holden to act 
 on a circular letter from the selectmen of Boston, rela- 
 tive to ' the commotions in the commonwealth.' The 
 following votes were passed — 
 
 1 . ' That the exhorbitant salary given the Governor, 
 is a grievance. 
 
137 
 
 2. That the money raised by excise and impost, not 
 being appropriated to the discharge of our foreign debt 
 and interest, is a grievance. 
 
 3. That the fee-table being so high, is a grievance. 
 
 4. That having four inferior courts, in this county, 
 when two might answer the same purpose, is a griev- 
 ance. 
 
 5. That we esteem it a grievance, that a debtor 
 should be exposed to be confined in jail, when he has 
 real estate to satisfy the creditor's demand. 
 
 6. That we will inviolably adhere to our happy con- 
 stitution, and ever seek for redress of any grievances, 
 that may exist, in some orderly way.' 
 
 9th June, 1788. Voted ' that no person shall set up 
 any cake or cakes, or any thing in imitation of cakes, 
 or throw any stones or sticks at them, within half a 
 mile of the meeting house, each way on the public road, 
 or on the green, near the meeting house. Any person 
 so offending, shall pay a fine of 5 shillings, for the use 
 of the town.' It is not very apparent, what was the 
 object of this attempt at legislation. It might have 
 been, to check, on town meeting days, a practice, the 
 tendency of which was, to promote in the young a spirit 
 of gambling.* 
 
 14th January, 1793. Mr. Niles, Col. Hobart, and 
 Mr. Jacob Dyer, were appointed a committee to pre- 
 pare instructions to the representative, regarding the re- 
 peal of the then law against theatrical exhibitions. — 
 
 " This vote reminds of a law of the Old Colony, in 1669, prohibiting all 
 persons, going to or coming from tiie meeting house on the sabbath, from 
 smoking tobacco, within two miles of the meeting house, under a penalty of 
 12 pence. 
 
 18 
 
138 
 
 Their report is said to bo on file — but, like most of the 
 many other reports made to the town, is not to be 
 found. 
 
 1st April, 1793. Voted ' that all persons that suffer 
 their dog or dogs to go to meeting, at the meeting house, 
 when the people assemble for public worship, shall pay 
 the same fine as is provided for breach of the sabbath.' 
 This is another attempt at legislation. 
 
 11th March, 1805. Voted 'to divide the town of 
 Abington into two separate towns ; 68 in favor of a 
 division, and 47 against it.' At the same time, a com- 
 mittee of five persons, not residents of the town, were 
 appointed, to run the dividing line. 
 
 6th April, 1807. The town refused to 'vote off 
 Aaron Hobart and others, as a separate religious society 
 in the south part of the town '; and appointed Daniel 
 Lane, jr. and John King, Esqrs., agents to attend the 
 Legislature, and oppose their petition to be set off. 
 
 15th September, 1812. The town adopted a pre- 
 amble and resolves, reported by a committee, relative 
 to the war, then recently declared against Great Brit- 
 ain. In these, the war, which had been waged against 
 ' paper blockades,' in derogation of our rights as a neu- 
 tral nation, and against the British claim of a right to 
 impress her own seamen out of American vessels on 
 the ocean, and her practice, under that claim, of im- 
 pressing naturalized and native American citizens, was 
 declared to be both just and necessary. The town 
 pledged their support in carrying it on — inculcated obe- 
 dience to the constitution and laws of the land — depre- 
 cated all opposition to the war in the shape of mobs, 
 
139 
 
 and all measures that tended in any way to destroy the 
 union of the states, &c. &c. 
 
 5th April, 1813. Certain rules, eleven in number, 
 were adopted by the town, for the regulation and orderly 
 government of their town meetings. 
 
 5th April, 1819. The towns in Plymouth County 
 were required, by a resolve of the Legislature, passed 
 on several petitions presented, to vote on the question 
 of establishing a new county town. In Abington, there 
 were 196 in favor of the measure, and 6 against it. 
 
 9th March, 1835. Voted ' to build a house for hold- 
 ing future town meetings in.' Subsequently, it was 
 agreed to build the house on a half acre of land given 
 by Capt. Thomas Hunt, and situated on the northerly 
 side of the road, near Jesse Dunham's. The cost of 
 the house was about ^3,000. 
 
SELECTMEN. 
 
 The Selectmen were generally, if not without excep- 
 
 tion, Assessors. 
 
 . To avoid repetition, 
 
 , their names are 
 
 given, the first 
 
 year they were chosen. 
 
 and the number 
 
 of years they served, without noticing 
 
 the yearly chan- 
 
 ges. 
 
 
 
 1713. 
 
 William Hersey, 
 
 2 
 
 1713. 
 
 William Tirrill, 
 
 2 
 
 1713. 
 
 William Reed, 
 
 10 
 
 1714. 
 
 Samuel Porter, 
 
 3 
 
 1714. 
 
 Edmund Jackson, 
 
 1 
 
 1715. 
 
 Andrew Ford, 
 
 1 
 
 1715. 
 
 Edward Bates, 
 
 10 
 
 1716. 
 
 Samuel French, 
 
 7 
 
 1716. 
 
 James Nash, 
 
 2 
 
 1718. 
 
 Nicholas Noyes, 
 
 1 
 
 1718. 
 
 Samuel Pool, 
 
 6 
 
 1719. 
 
 Joseph Josselyn, 
 
 1 
 
 1719. 
 
 Samuel Noyes, 
 
 1 
 
 1720, 
 
 Joseph Lincoln, 
 
 2 
 
 1720. 
 
 Hezekiah Ford, 
 
 1 
 
 1721. 
 
 Edmund Jackson, 
 
 3 
 
 1723. 
 
 James Nash, 
 
 1 
 
 1728. 
 
 Mathew Pratt, 
 
 1 
 
 1728. 
 
 Jacob Reed, 
 
 8 
 
 1729. 
 
 Joshua Shaw, 
 
 11 
 
141 
 
 1729. 
 
 Samuel Jackson, 
 
 3 
 
 1730. 
 
 Samuel Reed, 
 
 2 
 
 1730. 
 
 Thomas Tirrill, 
 
 1 
 
 1733. 
 
 Christopher Dyer, 
 
 4 
 
 1734. 
 
 Nicholas Shaw, 
 
 3 
 
 1735. 
 
 Ebenezer Bates, 
 
 1 
 
 1735. 
 
 Obadiah Reed, 
 
 8 
 
 1736. 
 
 Jacob Porter, 
 
 3 
 
 1737. 
 
 Joseph Hersey, 
 
 4 
 
 1739. 
 
 John Noyes, 
 
 12 
 
 1740. 
 
 Ephraim Spooner, 
 
 8 
 
 1744. 
 
 Daniel Reed, 
 
 15 
 
 1752. 
 
 Nathaniel Pratt, 
 
 1 
 
 1755. 
 
 Woodbridge Brown, 
 
 11 
 
 1756. 
 
 Samuel Norton, 
 
 8 
 
 1758. 
 
 Samuel Pool, 
 
 6 
 
 1760. 
 
 David Jones, 
 
 6 
 
 1763. 
 
 Josiah Torrey, 
 
 10 
 
 1771. 
 
 William Reed, jr. 
 
 4 
 
 1772. 
 
 Samuel Brown, 
 
 5 
 
 1775. 
 
 Joshua Howe, 
 
 5 
 
 1775. 
 
 Benjamin Bates, jr. 
 
 3 
 
 1775. 
 
 Joshua Shaw, 
 
 3 
 
 1778. 
 
 Daniel Reed, 
 
 2 
 
 1780. 
 
 Daniel Shaw, 
 
 12 
 
 1780. 
 
 Jacob Smith, 
 
 11 
 
 1783. 
 
 Jacob Pool, 
 
 10 
 
 1785. 
 
 Luke Bicknell, 
 
 1 
 
 1786. 
 
 Jacob Dyer, 
 
 1 
 
 1786. 
 
 Thomas Reed, 
 
 1 
 
 1786. 
 
 Edward Cobb, 
 
 1 
 
 1790. 
 
 Josiah Torrey, 
 
 4 
 
142 
 
 1792. 
 
 Benjamin Thaxter, 
 
 1 
 
 1793. 
 
 Nathaniel Howe, 
 
 1 
 
 1794. 
 
 Ephraim Noyes, 
 
 6 
 
 1794. 
 
 Daniel Lane, jr. 
 
 13 
 
 1798. 
 
 Samuel Norton, 
 
 12 
 
 1799. 
 
 Noah Ford, 
 
 1 
 
 1799. 
 
 Nathan Gurney, jr. 
 
 24* 
 
 1806. 
 
 William Wales, 
 
 10 
 
 1813. 
 
 Micah Pool, 
 
 11 
 
 1816. 
 
 James Bates, 
 
 12 
 
 1819. 
 
 Jared Whitman, 
 
 5 
 
 1821. 
 
 John Gushing, 
 
 9 
 
 1824. 
 
 David Beal, 
 
 14 
 
 1830. 
 
 Asaph Dunbar, 
 
 1 
 
 1833. 
 
 Joseph Gleverly, 
 
 6 
 
 1833. 
 
 Spencer Vining. 
 
 6 
 
 * Of the above period of service 22 years were in succession. Mr. Gurney 
 now resides in Boston, and is a member of the Board of Aldermen, and also a 
 member of the Senate for the County of Suffolk. 
 
143 
 
 TOWN CLERKS. 
 
 William Reed, from 1713 to 1718, both years included. 
 
 Edward Jackson, 1 7 1 9 to 1 723. 
 
 Samuel Noyes, 1724 to 1729. 
 
 Jacob Reed, 1730. 
 
 Thomas Tirrill, 1731. 
 
 Jacob Reed, 1732 to 1749. 
 
 Woodbridge Brown, 1750 to 1754. 
 
 Josiah Torrey, 1755. 
 
 Woodbridge Brown, 1756 to 1777. 
 
 Samuel Brown, 1778 to 1783. 
 
 Luke Bicknell, 1784 to 1798. 
 
 Richard Briggs, 1799. 
 
 Luke Bicknell, 1800 to 1814. 
 
 Samuel Norton, 1815 to 1820. 
 
 Ezekiel Thaxter, 1821 to 1832. 
 
 John Nash. 1833. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 A. 
 OLD AND NEW STYLE. 
 
 To explain double dating, some account is necessary 
 of the old and new style. 
 
 The solar year, being the exact time in which the 
 sun moves from one equinox to the same again, is equal 
 to 365 days, 5 hours, 48 minutes and 50 seconds. As 
 that period did not consist of a number of entire days, 
 Julius Caesar ordered, that in every period of 4 years, 
 3 of the years succeeding each other should contain 
 365 days, and the 4th, 366. The additional day in the 
 latter year was to be added to the 23d of February, 
 and that day reckoned twice. As the Romans had, 
 therefore, two sixth days, preceding the calends of 
 March, that year was called (from bis and sextus) a 
 Bissextile year. 
 
 As the addition of one day in 4 years was too much, 
 by 44m. 44s. amounting to one entire day in about 129 
 years, the vernal equinox was constantly falling back, 
 so that in 1751, instead of occurring about the 20th, it 
 fell on the 9th or 10th of March, making the difference 
 between the solar and civil year, about 1 1 days. 
 19 
 
146 
 
 This mode of reckoning, called the Julian style, pre- 
 vailed in England and the colonies, until 1752, when, 
 by an act of parliament passed the preceding year, the 
 alterations in the calendar, made by Pope Gregory \3th 
 in 1582, were adopted. The act provided, that in fu- 
 ture the year should commence the 1st of January, in- 
 stead of the 25th of March, according to the old style, 
 and in order that the equinoxes and solstices should fall 
 at the same time in the civil year, the 3d of September, 
 1752, was to be reckoned the 14th, the intermediate 
 days being suppressed ; and the years 1800, 1900, 2100, 
 2200, and 2300, or any other hundredth year to come, 
 except every 4th hundredth year, the year 2000 to be the 
 first, were not to be bissextile or leap years, but com- 
 mon years, consisting of 365 days — and the years 2000, 
 2400, 2800, and every 4th hundredth year from the 
 year 2000 inclusive, and all other years, which, accor- 
 ding to the Julian style, were bissextile years, were to 
 be bissextile or leap years, of 366 days. 
 
 As the Gregorian style had been adopted by most of 
 the nations on the continent of Europe, and by Scot- 
 land, long before 1752, and was in common though net 
 legal use in England and the colonies, it was the prac- 
 tice there and here, in regard to dates between the 1st 
 of January and the 25th of March, to state the year, 
 as in the passage from whence reference hereto is made, 
 according both to the old and new style. In dates be- 
 fore 1752, we have given the year according to the 
 latter. 
 
B. 
 PROVINCIAL PAPER MONEY. 
 
 To understand the real compared with the nominal 
 value of the circulating medium of the country, before 
 the revolutionary war, requires some knowledge of the 
 paper currency of the times. 
 
 Sir William Phipps's disastrous expedition against 
 Canada, in 1690, was attended with great expense to 
 the Province. As his success had been confidently an- 
 ticipated, no adequate provision had been made to pay 
 the troops on their return ; in consequence of which, 
 there were symptoms of mutiny among them. In this 
 exigency, resort was had to an issue of hills of credit, 
 as a substitute for money, to be redeemed at the end of 
 the year by a tax. The first and subsequent issues 
 were punctually redeemed until 1704, when the Gen- 
 eral Court were induced to defer the taxes pledged for 
 their redemption for two years, and afterwards for longer 
 periods. Beside the emissions for ordinary purposes, 
 there were others by way of loans to the towns. In 
 1727, £60,000 were loaned, to be drawn in by a tax of 
 £12,000 in 1734, and a like sum in each of the four 
 succeeding years. 
 
 All the various issues, under the different denomina- 
 tions of old tenor, middle tenor, and new tenor, ' slid 
 down the same lapse of depreciation.' 
 
 In 1702, an ounce of coined silver was equal to 6s. 
 lOd. in bills of credit. 
 
148 
 
 1705, 
 
 7s. 
 
 1728, 
 
 18s. 
 
 1713, 
 
 8 
 
 1730, 
 
 20 
 
 1716, 
 
 9 
 
 1737, 
 
 26 
 
 1717, 
 
 12 
 
 1741, 
 
 28 
 
 1722, 
 
 14 , 
 
 1749, 
 
 60 
 
 The mischiefs of this fluctuatuig currency were com- 
 plicated and extensive. All classes felt them, but es- 
 pecially money-lenders — public institutions supported 
 by funds — clergymen, and all others who depended for 
 a living on a stated income.* 
 
 At the close of the war, which terminated in 1 748, 
 the nominal value of the paper money in circulation, 
 was £2,200,000. Its real value when issued, about 
 £400,000 sterling. 
 
 By an act passed December, 1748, provision was 
 made for drawing into the Treasury all the outstanding 
 bills of credit, and ascertaining the rate, in future, of 
 coined silver. 
 
 It enacted, that after 31st March, 1750, the bills 
 should he paid at the treasury in silver, at the rate of 
 45 shillings in bills of the old form and tenor, and 11 
 shillings and three pence in bills, either of the middle 
 or new form and tenor, for 07ie piece of eight.f 
 
 * The Rev. Mr. Appleton, of Cambridge, in a note to a Fast sermon, in 
 1748, illustrated the wretched condition of the currency at that time, Jay sta- 
 ting the case of a widow then alive, whose husband died 40 years before, leav- 
 ing her a legacy of £3 a year, in lieu of her dower. That sum, he said, would 
 at the time of her husband's death, ' procure towards her support the following 
 articles,viz.2coidsofwood,4 bushels of Indian corn, 1 bushel of rye, 1 bushel of 
 malt, 50 pounds of pork, and GO pounds of beef. Then, she could, at most, 
 demand seventeen shillings and three pence, new tenor, which was but about one- 
 eighth part of the original three pounds, and besure would not purchase more 
 than half a quarter of the above necessaries of life ; and this she must take up 
 with, because there was no remedy in law for her. And this was, in a meas- 
 ure, the deplorable case of many widows in the land.' 
 
 t The piece of eight was the name by which the Spanish dollar was then 
 called. 
 
149 
 
 The funds to redeem the bills were, the money voted 
 by Parliament to reimburse the expenditures of the 
 province, incurred in taking and securing Cape Briton,* 
 and a province tax of £75,000, which, in the way it 
 was paid, was equal to about £30,000 sterling. 
 
 As this act was designed to put an end to paper 
 money, and establish an invariable silver currency for 
 the future, it provided, that after the 31st of March, 
 1750, all debts should be understood to be payable in 
 coined silver, at the rate of six shillings and eight pence 
 per ounce, the bills to be estimated at the rates estab- 
 lished for their redemption by the province ; and that 
 all future debts should be payable in coined silver at 
 the same rate. Three ounces of coined silver, the 
 weight of three English crowns, were therefore equal 
 to 20 shillings, or one pound, in the money of account.f 
 
 It is remarkable that this act, by which the most im- 
 portant interests of the public were promoted, and the 
 principles of commutative justice settled on a firm basis, 
 by the establishment of a sound and stable currency, 
 was strongly opposed — attempts were even made to re- 
 sist it by force. 
 
 * In 1749, this money arrived at Boston, and was conveyed to the treasury. 
 The sum was £183,649 2s. T^d. sterling. ' It consisted of 215 chests (HOOO 
 pieces of eight, at a medium, in each chest) of milled pieces of eight, and 100 
 casks of copper. There were 17 cart and truck loads of silver, and 10 truck 
 loads of copper.' 
 
 i This is sometimes said to have been the origin of lawful money, but it is 
 supposed to have had a much earlier date. Queen Anne, in 1704, by procla- 
 mation, declared that the Seville, pillar, and Mexico pieces of eight, should not 
 pass in the colonies for more than G shillings each. An act of Parliament, in 
 1707, ' for ascertaining the rates of foreign coin in her majesty's plantations in 
 America,' and printed with the statutes of the province, corroborated by pen- 
 alties the prohibition in the proclamation. Six shillings for the Spanish dollar 
 thenceforth became the standard of reckoning, and the lawful money of the 
 country. 
 
c. 
 
 PLYMOUTH COUNTY CONGRESS. 
 
 The following is a list of the delegates to this Con- 
 gress, from the several towns in the county. 
 
 Abington — Dr. David Jones, Capt. Woodbridge 
 Brown, Mr. William Reed, jr. 
 
 Bridgewater — Capt. Edward Mitchell, Mr. Nathan- 
 iel Reynolds, Mr. Nathan Mitchell, Mr. Thos. Hooper. 
 
 Duxbury — Capt. Wait Wadsworth, Mr. George Par- 
 tridge, Mr. Peleg Wadsworth. 
 
 Halifax — Mr. Barnabas Thompson, Mr. Moses In- 
 glee, Mr. Ebenezer Thomas. 
 
 Hanover — Capt. Joseph Gushing, Mr. Joseph Rams- 
 dell, Mr. Joshua Simmons, Capt. Robert Eells, Dr. 
 Lemuel Gushing. 
 
 Kingston — John Thomas Esq., Capt. John Gray, 
 Mr. William Drew. 
 
 Marshjield — Capt. Anthony Thomas, Capt. William 
 Thomas. 
 
 Middleborough — Capt. Ebenezer Sprout, Mr. John 
 Miller, Mr. Ebenezer Wood, Mr. Benjamin Tucker, 
 Mr. Nathaniel Foster. 
 
 Pembroke — Capt. John Turner, Dr. Jeremiah Hall, 
 Mr. Seth Briggs, Capt. Edward Thomas, Capt. Elijah 
 Gushing. 
 
 Plympton — Mr. William Ripley, Mr. Samuel Lucas, 
 Mr. Seth Gushing. 
 
151 
 
 Plymouth — Hon. James Warren, Esq. (Chairman,) 
 Mr. John Torrey, Capt. Thcophilus Cotton, William 
 Watson, Esq., Mr. Thomas Lothrop, (Clerk.) 
 
 Rochester — Capt. Ebenezer White, Mr. Nathaniel 
 Hammond, Mr. Nathan Nye. 
 
 Scitiiate — Nathan Cushing, Esq., John Cushing, jr. 
 Esq., Capt. Israel Vinal, jr., Mr. Barnabas Little, Mr. 
 William Turner, Capt. Joseph Tolman. 
 
 Wareham — Mr. Ebenezer Briggs, Mr. Barnabas 
 Bates. 
 
 This Congress met at Plympton, 26th September, 
 1774, and by adjournment, at the Court House, in Ply- 
 mouth, the next day ; when the following preamble and 
 resolves,* well suited to the very critical state of the 
 times, were unanimously adopted. 
 
 WHEREAS the British administration, instead of 
 cultivating that harmony and affection, which have so 
 long subsisted, to the great mutual advantage of both 
 Britain and the colonies, have for a series of years, 
 without provocation, without justice or good policy, in 
 breach of faith, the laws of gratitude, the natural con- 
 nections and commercial interests of both countries, 
 been attacking with persevering and unrelenting injus- 
 tice the rights of the colonists ; and have added from 
 one time to another, insults to oppressions, till both have 
 become '(more especially in this colony,) intolerable, 
 and every person who has the feelings of a man, and 
 any sense of the rights of mankind, and the value of 
 
 * They were reported by a committee, consisting of Jamca Warren, Nathan 
 Cushing, Joseph Cushing, John Tliomas, David Jones, John Torrey, Thomas 
 Lothrop, George Partridge, and Jeremiali Hall. 
 
162 
 
 our happy constitution, finds it now necessary to exert 
 himself, to the utmost of his power, to preserve them. 
 We who are returned from the several towns in the 
 county of Plymouth, and now met on the ground, first 
 trod by our venerable ancestors, and at the place, prov- 
 idence directed them to, as an asylum from the perse- 
 cuting rage and oppression of their contemporaries in 
 Britain ; feeling the same spirit, and actuated in defence 
 of our rights, by the same principles which animated 
 them in acquiring and transmitting them to us, and suc- 
 ceeding posterity, in a manner which ever distinguish 
 the heroism and virtue of their characters, DO RE- 
 SOLVE. 
 
 1. That the inhabitants of the American colonies, 
 are intitled to all the natural rights of mankind, and are 
 by right subject to the control of no power on earth, 
 but by their own consent. 
 
 2. That the inhabitants of this province have no 
 other political connection with, or dependance on Brit- 
 ain, than what was originally by our ancestors, for them- 
 selves and posterity, stipulated with the king, and in the 
 form of a grant from him expressed in the charter. 
 
 3. That the interposition of any other power on earth 
 in our affairs, and more especially in attempts to tax or 
 even legislate for us — and that of the king himself, in 
 any other manner than is expressed and provided for in 
 the original compact, is an infraction of our natural and 
 constitutional rights. 
 
 4. That the people of this province have at all times 
 been loyal and dutiful subjects to the king of Great 
 Britain, have observed all the conditions of their origi- 
 nal compact, borne great affection to his other subjects, 
 
153 
 
 in all parts of his dominions, and are ready, at all times, 
 to render him that allegiance, which his protection of 
 our rights entitle him to, and to sacrifice our lives and 
 fortunes in defence of his person and constitutional gov- 
 ernment. 
 
 5. That the Parliament of Great Britain has not only 
 assumed, but exercised with unexampled severity, a 
 power over these colonies, to legislate for, and tax them 
 without their own consent, and by several acts passed 
 in the late session of parliament, for blocking up the 
 port of Boston, the better regulating the government of 
 the province of the Massachusetts Bay, the screening 
 the most flagitious violators of the laws of the province 
 from a legal trial, and the establishing the Roman 
 Catholic religion in that extensive country called Can- 
 ada, has shown their determination to deprive us of both 
 our civil and religious rights. 
 
 6. That it is a duty every man, and body of men, 
 owes to posterity, as well as to God and their country, 
 to oppose with all their power the execution of said 
 acts, and that we strongly recommend it to the inhabit- 
 ants of the province, never to submit to them in any 
 instance whatever. 
 
 7. That the provision made in one of said acts, for 
 the appointment of a council and of civil officers, in this 
 province, and the tenure of their several offices, togeth- 
 er with the manner of returning jurors, at once destroys 
 every idea of free legislation, and an impartial adminis- 
 tration of justice, and breaks down that inestimable 
 barrier of liberty, and security of life and property, a 
 trial by our peers, by rendering the whole of them a 
 
 set of ministerial tools and hirelings. 
 20 
 
154 
 
 8. Tliat those persons, who have accepted seats at 
 the council board, by mandamus from the king, in con- 
 formity to a late act of the British parliament, have vi- 
 olated the fundamental rights of the society they be- 
 longed to, have traitorously attempted to destroy the 
 constitution of their country, which they were bound 
 by the laws of God and man to defend ; and have, by 
 their persevering obstinacy, against the entreaties of 
 their fellow-countrymen, exposed themselves to their 
 just resentment and indignation. 
 
 9. That the judges, justices, sheriffs, and other civil 
 officers in the province, who were appointed to their 
 several offices, agreeable to the charter and laws of the 
 same, and refuse to act in conformity to the acts of par- 
 liament, or to assist administration in the execution of 
 them, are the only proper persons who are entitled to 
 the obedience of the people ; and that we will aid and 
 support them in the execution of their offices, in the 
 manner usual, before the attempt to alter the constitu- 
 tion of the province, and indemnify their persons and 
 property ; and that no legal authority can remove them 
 from their respective offices, except that which is con- 
 stituted pursuant to the charter, and the laws of this 
 province. 
 
 10. That all officers and private persons, who shall 
 presume to conform to, or by any means aid and assist 
 the execution of the late acts of parliament, do by such 
 conduct forfeit that protection and friendship good men 
 in society are entitled to, are and ought to be considered 
 and treated as our inveterate enemies, as men lost to 
 every sense of virtue, and the obligations due to God 
 and man. 
 
155 
 
 11. That every people have a right to meet together 
 when they please, to consult upon their grievances, and 
 the proper methods to be taken for their removal ; and 
 that any act which prohibits such meeting, strikes at 
 the foundation of freedom, and will reduce to slavery 
 and misery such as submit to it. 
 
 1 2. That the present exigencies of our public affairs 
 renders it absolutely necessary that there be a provin- 
 cial congress ; and we do recommend it to the several 
 towns in this county, to instruct their representatives 
 to form themselves into such a congress, agreeable to 
 the seventh resolve of the delegates for the county of 
 Essex, for the purposes there mentioned. 
 
 13. That our enemies may be disappointed, and we 
 be the better enabled to make that last appeal which 
 the laws of God and nature will justify — We recom- 
 mend it to the people of this county, to apply them- 
 selves with all diligence, and in the most effectual man- 
 ner, to learn military discipline, and to equip themselves 
 immediately with arms and ammunition according to 
 law. 
 
 14. That whereas the present circumstances of the 
 province are such, that if the public monies now raised 
 should be paid into the public treasuries, they may be 
 misapplied, perhaps, to purposes detrimental to the in- 
 terest of the people — We therefore recommend to the 
 collectors of taxes, sheriffs, and other officers in this 
 county, to retain the same in their hands, and not to 
 make any payment thereof to the province treasurer, 
 until the civil government of the province is placed up- 
 on a constitutional foundation, or until it shall otherwise 
 be ordered by the proposed provincial congress ; and 
 
166 
 
 that they be indemnified in their persons and property 
 for so doing. 
 
 15. That the fortifications erected on Boston neck, 
 the seizing the powder in the magazine at Charlestown, 
 the prohibiting the keeper of the magazine at Boston 
 to deliver out powder which is private property, and 
 many other instances of the conduct of the army and 
 commander in chief, are justly alarming, and give us 
 the strongest reasons to apprehend hostile intentions 
 against the town of Boston in particular, and the prov- 
 ince in general. 
 
 16. That if any persons who have distinguished them- 
 selves by virtuously contending for the violated rights 
 and liberties of this country, should be seized, in order 
 to be transported to England, or in any way subjected 
 to the tyrannical power of administration now prevail- 
 ing — We do recommend that the good people of this 
 county immediately make reprisals, by seizing and keep- 
 ing in safe custody, every servant of the present tyran- 
 nical government, and all such as are known to have 
 favoured and abetted their measures, and detain them 
 till our friends are restored safe and uninjured to their 
 respective families. 
 
 17. That it is highly proper and necessary for the 
 towns to continue to meet and transact their affairs as 
 usual, and we recommend to the selectmen of the sev- 
 eral towns in this county, to issue their warrants for 
 calling town meetings, agreeable to the laws of the prov- 
 ince, and former usages, and to the constables to warn 
 the same, whenever their circumstances require it, and 
 to the people in the county to support each other in the 
 
157 
 
 exercise of a privilege and a right, by long experience 
 found so beneficial to their interest and happiness. 
 
 18. That it is justifiable in, and proper for, the peo- 
 ple at such a time as this, to prevent any courts sitting 
 and proceeding to business, or any officer of any court 
 executing his office, who shall refuse v^'hen requested 
 to make and sign a full and ample declaration, expres- 
 sing their abhorrence of the late innovations attempted 
 in our constitution, and that they do not now, nor will 
 at any time hereafter, hold their commissions in any 
 other way, than what is prescribed by the charter and 
 well known constitution of this province, and that they 
 will not in any way countenance, aid or support the ex- 
 ecution of the late acts of parliament. 
 
 19. That the circumstances of the country require 
 and make it necessary that we should (until our rights 
 are fully restored) withhold all commercial intercourse 
 with Great Britain and Ireland, and refrain from the 
 consumption of British manufactures and merchandize, 
 especially East India teas, and other goods, subject to 
 such additions, alterations and exceptions only, as the 
 Grand Congress of the colonies may agree to. 
 
 20. We recommend to the several towns in this coun- 
 ty, to make provision for, and to order the payment of 
 their several representatives out of their town treasuries, 
 in order to do justice to them, and at the same time de- 
 feat one of the machinations of our enemies. 
 
 21. That those justices of the courts of general ses- 
 sions of peace and common pleas, for this county, who, 
 at the last term, in the name of the whole, addressed 
 his Excellency Governor Gage, have therein, wantonly, 
 without reason and without provocation, aspersed the 
 
158 
 
 clergy, the committees of correspondence, and other 
 good people of this county, and thereby shown that 
 they have no tender feelings for the distresses of their 
 country, and can rejoice at their calamities. 
 
 22. That this county should entertain a high sense 
 of gratitude for the benevolent alacrity and readiness 
 shewn by our brethren in the other colonies, to aid and 
 support this province under our present distresses, and 
 to come to our relief, whenever the blood-thirsty malice 
 of our enemies shall make it necessary. 
 
 23. That Edward Winslow, jr. one of the two clerks 
 of the court of general sessions of the peace, and court 
 of common pleas, for this county, has, by refusing this 
 body a copy of an address made at the last term in this 
 county, to Thomas Hutchinson, Esq. betrayed the trust 
 reposed in him, and by refusing his attendance when 
 requested, treated the body of this county with insult 
 and contempt, and by that means rendered himself un- 
 worthy to serve the county in said office. 
 
 24. That it be earnestly recommended to the inhab- 
 itants of this county, that they carefully avoid all riots, 
 routs, tumults, and disturbances, under our present dis- 
 tressed circumstances, and that they maintain all that 
 peace and good order that the nature of our present sit- 
 uation will admit.' 
 
 The congress met again at Plymouth, the 4th of Oc- 
 tober, the stated time for holding the courts of common 
 pleas, and general sessions of the peace. They imme- 
 diately sent to their courts a copy of their 18th resolve, 
 and requested a compliance therewith. The justices 
 soon after returned the following declaration, which was 
 voted to be satisfactory. 
 
159 
 
 WE the subscribers, justices of the Court of Gen- 
 eral Sessions of the Peace, and Court of Common Pleas 
 for the County of Plymouth, do hereby express and de- 
 clare our abhorrence and detestation of the late innova- 
 tions attempted in our constitution, by sundry late acts 
 of parliament ; and that we do not now, nor will at any 
 time hereafter, hold or exercise our commissions in any 
 other way than what is prescribed by our charter and 
 well known constitution ; and that we will not in any 
 way countenance, aid or support, the execution of the late 
 acts of parliament, for altering the charter and govern- 
 ment of this province. Thomas Foster, Gamaliel Brad- 
 ford, Thomas Mayhew, Edward Winslow, Joseph Jos- 
 selyn, Daniel Johnson, Briggs Alden, John Gushing, jr. 
 Nathan Gushing, John Cotton, William Sever, Abijah 
 White, Gideon Bradford, John Thomas, Nath'l Clapp, 
 Pelham Winslow, Josiah Gushing, Nathan Howard. 
 
 After several messages between the two bodies, the 
 congress voted it to be inexpedient for the courts to set 
 at that time, or adjourn. At the same time, they re- 
 quired such of the justices as had been concerned in 
 the addresses then recently made to Gov. Gage, and 
 the late Gov. Hutchinson, to make, so far as was in 
 their power, full and ample reparation for the ' asper- 
 sions cast ' by them on the country. This, they said, 
 could be done by nothing short of a written confession 
 under their hands, of their misconduct. 
 
 To these proceedings, the courts returned this an- 
 swer — 
 
 The Justices of the courts of General Sessions of 
 the Peace and inferior court of Common Picas, now 
 
160 
 
 met at Plymouth, for the county of Plymouth, taking 
 into consideration the great uneasiness the county in 
 general is in, on account of the late oppressive acts of 
 parliament, and agreeable to the request of a committee, 
 from the body of the people, and the advice of the 
 county congress, now assembled in Plymouth, do hereby 
 declare, that we will not open, set, act or do, or adjourn 
 either of said courts, till the determination of the con- 
 tinential congress is known. 
 
 By order of the Justices of the Courts of Common 
 Pleas, and General Sessions of the Peace. 
 
 Edward Winslow, Clerk. 
 Plymouth, October 4, 1774. 
 
 The congress having been baffled in their various at- 
 tempts to procure a copy of the address to Hutchinson, 
 gave the justices who had signed it notice, that not- 
 withstanding their failure, there was sufficient evidence 
 that the address contained a full justification of Hutch- 
 inson's administration ; and that they had therefore re- 
 solved, 'that the authors of it had shown a disregard to 
 truth, as well as to the liberties and happiness of their 
 country, and their acquiescence in that well known prin- 
 ciple of Hutchinson, viz. the necessity of an abridge- 
 ment of, what were called, English liberties.' This 
 produced the following recantation, signed by all the 
 justices who addressed the Governors. 
 
 WHEREAS, we the subscribers, at the last court 
 of General Session of the Peace, and court of Common 
 Pleas, held at Plymouth, &c. on the first Tuesday of 
 July last, voted addresses to Governor Gage and Gov- 
 ernor Hutchinson, WE do now solemnly declare, that 
 
161 
 
 what induced us so to do, was the hopes, by means of 
 their influence and assistance, we might get rid of the 
 oppressive acts of parliament lately made, since which 
 we are fully convinced that we were mistaken, and 
 guilty of an error in judgment ; and are heartily sorry 
 that we were any ways aiding or assisting therein ; and 
 humbly ask the forgiveness of town, county, and prov- 
 ince, that we may be reinstated in their esteem and fa- 
 vor, and hereby promise that we will not do any thing 
 to enforce the late unconstitutional acts of parliament ; 
 and wherein we have given offence to the clergy and 
 committees of correspondence, we do hereby ask their 
 forgiveness. 
 
 Thomas Foster, Gamaliel Bradford, Joseph Josselyn, 
 Briggs Alden, Abijah White, Edward Winslow, Pelham 
 Winslow, Gideon Bradford. 
 21 
 
D. 
 
 REVOLUTIONARY PAPER MONEY. 
 
 When the revolutionary war began, the continental 
 congress had no money, and having no power to lay 
 taxes, their only resource vv^as to issue bills of credit, 
 and pledge the faith of the colonies for their redemp- 
 tion. This paper was, for a time, equal to gold and 
 silver ; but as the amount necessary to carry on the war 
 very much exceeded the usual quantity of the circula- 
 ting medium, and as no funds were provided for its re- 
 demption, the bills began and continued to depreciate, 
 until finally, in the latter part of 1780, the whole gigan- 
 tic mass ceased to circulate, and was ' quietly interred 
 in its grave.'* 
 
 The sums emitted at various times amounted to 200 
 millions of dollars. It would not be true, however, to 
 suppose, that value to that amount was received by con- 
 gress. To know what the bills were actually worth to 
 the people when issued, it is necessary to know the 
 date and amount of all the several emissions, and the 
 depreciation at the time of the issue. 
 
 From these data, it appears, that all the bills of credit 
 emitted by congress, were worth, in gold and silver, 
 
 * By an act of congress passed 4tli August, 1790, provision was made for 
 redeeming this paper, at the rate of 100 in bills for 1 in specie. In this way 2 
 millions were made to redeem 200 millions. 
 
163 
 
 36,367,719 dollars. If the like sum of 200 millions, 
 supposed to have been issued bj the states, be estima- 
 ted in the same way ; and the revolutionary federal 
 debt, foreign and domestic, be set at 43 millions, (it ap- 
 peared by the report of a committee of congress at the 
 close of the war, to be near that sum,) and the debts 
 of the states at 25 millions, then the whole cost of in- 
 dependence to the people of the United States, would 
 be about 140 millions of dollars. 
 
E. 
 LAND BANK OR MANUFACTORY SCHEME. 
 
 In consequence of the deranged condition of the 
 province currency, in the beginning of 1740 ; and with 
 the professed design of providing a remedy for the great 
 inconveniences, that were expected to arise from with- 
 drawing from circulation, in 1741, all the various emis- 
 sions of paper money, without substituting any other 
 medium of trade than gold and silver, a company was 
 formed for the purpose of issuing notes or bills of credit, 
 on land security, to an amount not exceeding £150,- 
 000.* 
 
 The subscribers for stock were to receive the sums 
 subscribed in the notes of the company, and for securi- 
 ty, mortgage to the directors' real estate to their satis- 
 faction, with the condition to pay annually, for 20 years, 
 5 per cent, of the principal lent, and 3 per cent, interest, 
 either in such notes or any of the following articles, the 
 produce of the country, viz. ' hemp, flax, cordage, bar- 
 iron, cast-iron, linen, sheep's wool, copper, tanned leath- 
 er, flaxseed, bees-wax, baberry-wax, sail cloth or canvass, 
 nails, tallow, timber or cord wood, and logwood, though 
 from New Spain.' These articles were to be delivered 
 
 * The amount of bills actually issued, in sums from 20 shillings down to 3 
 pence, was Je49,250 10s. 
 
165 
 
 to the directors, or their agents, to be by them employed 
 in trade. 
 
 There were 863 partners in this scheme. About 400 
 belonged to Boston, and the rest to various towns 
 throughout the province. In Abington, there were 3, 
 if not more, viz. Hezekiah Ford, Ebenezer Josselyn, 
 and William Tirrill. 
 
 This scheme was obnoxious to Gov. Belcher, and 
 great exertions were made to crush it. 
 
 In July, 1 740, he issued a proclamation, warning the 
 people not to receive or pass the notes of the company, 
 because, as was alleged, their circulation would tend 
 ' to defraud men of their estates, and disturb the peace 
 and order of the people.' 
 
 Another proclamation was issued in November, in 
 which all officers of the militia were cautioned against 
 giving currency, in any way, to this paper, under a pen- 
 alty of dismission from office. 
 
 Circular letters were addressed to the courts of Gen- 
 eral Sessions of the Peace, desiring them ' to caution 
 all such as were taverners, retailers, and common vict- 
 uallers, against passing or receiving any of these bills ;' 
 and requesting them not to grant licenses to such as 
 might ' despise government, and disturb peace and good 
 order, contrary to the nature and design of their office.' 
 
 By a vote of the council, no attorney, or counsellor, 
 was to be permitted to appear before them, in that ca- 
 pacity, who should pass, receive, or give encouragement 
 to the circulation of land bank money. 
 
 The opposition to the bank was made to bear upon 
 the legislature. In May, 1741, the house of represen- 
 tatives chose for their speaker, Samuel Watts, Esq. one 
 
166 
 
 of the directors of the bank, and thirteen new counsel- 
 lors, who were directors or partners, or were supposed 
 to be favorers of it. The Governor, in the exercise of 
 his prerogative, negatived their appointment. And so 
 much, indeed, was he piqued at these elections, that the 
 next day he sent a message and dissolved the legisla- 
 ture. 
 
 These great efforts to prevent the currency of this 
 money, doubtless had some effect ; but a large portion, 
 and probably a majority of the people, were disposed to 
 sustain the bank. It therefore became necessary, in 
 the Governor's estimation, to execute the threats con- 
 tained in his proclamations. 
 
 Accordingly, many judicial and military officers were 
 removed from office. Among the former, were Samuel 
 Adams, (father of the late Gov. Adams,) and William 
 Stoddard, of Boston, Samuel Watts, of Chelsea, Rob- 
 ert Hale, of Beverly, John Choate, of Ipswich, and 
 George Leonard, of Norton. They, with Robert Auch- 
 muty, of Roxbury, Peter Chardon, of Boston, and 
 Thomas Cheever, of Lynn, were at the time, di- 
 rectors of the bank. Leonard was removed from two 
 offices — that of justice of the peace, and judge of the 
 inferior court of common pleas for the county of Bris- 
 tol. It is not known that any one was removed from 
 office in Plymouth county, excepting Elkanah Leonard, 
 Esq. of Middleborough. 
 
 The strong measures taken by the Governor, on the 
 one hand, to put down this currency, and by the bank 
 and its friends on the other, to sustain it, were leading 
 on the people to disturbances of the public peace. In- 
 formation was given the executive, of movements tend- 
 
167 
 
 iiig to such an issue, in the counties of Suffolk and 
 Plymouth. To ascertain their character and object, 
 several persons were examined under oath, before the 
 Governor and Council. 
 
 The follov^^ing extracts from some of the testimony, 
 mostly taken 11th and 12th of May, 1741, shows the 
 existence of a combination to enforce the circulation of 
 the prohibited currency, by violent means. 
 
 Seth Gushing, of Hingham — 'On the 3d inst. being 
 Lord's day, John Lewis asked him, whether he had 
 heard any thing of the dreamers — and said he had heard 
 that there was to be a mob at Boston, the 19th instant; 
 and that he had heard, that 1000 men would rise in 
 Boston, and 20,000 in the country, and that they had 
 now got the dream in writing. And said Gushing said, 
 he had heard several men, whose names he cannot 
 remember, say, that they would come to Boston, and if 
 corn was there, and the merchants would not let them 
 have it, they would throw them into the dock.' 
 
 Samuel Bates, jr., of Weymouth — 'had heard a re- 
 port in that town, of a confederacy in the country of 
 about 5000 men, who designed to come to Boston to 
 know the reason why there was not a currency for land 
 bank money ; and that Samuel Bates, senior, assured 
 him that he saw a paper to this purpose, and that David 
 French carried it to Abington, last night.' 
 
 Robert Brown, of Plymouth — stated, that the week 
 before, he was in Kingston, and there met one Latham, 
 from Bridgewater, of middle age, who asked him if he 
 would take land bank money for corn. He said if he 
 would, his house would stand. The declarant asked 
 him what he meant, but got no answer. He further 
 
168 
 
 stated, that on the Monday before, one Nathaniel Cobb, 
 of Plympton, said in his house, at Plymouth, that 300 
 men had signed. 
 
 Deacon Thomas Josselyn, of Hanover — ' At Capt. 
 Thomas Bardin's, in said town, he met Joseph Gurney, 
 of Abington, on the 2d of May, inst. as he remembers, 
 who told him there was a number of men, that were to 
 come to Boston to buy corn, (as the declarant supposed) 
 with land bank money, and upon the declarant's dis- 
 countenancing the affair, the said Gurney, after he left 
 him, as Capt. Adam Cushing and Capt. Bardin inform- 
 ed him, cursed him, and called him puppy-, because 
 he was concerned in the land bank, and would not 
 support it.' 
 
 Capt. Thomas Bardin — ' About five weeks ago, di- 
 vers Abington men being at his house, made great com- 
 plaints of the merchants at Boston, for imposing upon 
 them in their trade, and seemed to be under discontent 
 for want of a medium of trade. That about the 1st of 
 May instant, there were divers Bridgewater and Abing- 
 ton men at his house, and among others, one Joseph 
 Gurney, an Abington man, who asked the declarant, 
 whether he was not acquainted with the design. Upon 
 which, the declarant asked him — what design? He 
 answered — to go to Boston to trade for corn, and asked, 
 where would be the harm, if 500 men should go and 
 behave themselves civilly ? The declarant said, none 
 at all, as he knew of. But, what is your design in go- 
 ing ? He answered, to see if the merchants will trade 
 with us, and we want you to go with us, for Capt. Ad- 
 am Cushing, and Dr. White, (of Weymouth,) and Capt. 
 Pierce, of Milton, will go with us. The declarant re- 
 
169 
 
 plied, I doubt whether any of these persons will be 
 concerned in that affair. Gurney, as well as the rest, 
 said, this mediunni (meaning the manufacturing bills, as 
 the declarant understood,) must pass. Gurney further 
 said, you are in every man's mouth, and you must go 
 with us.' ' One Spear, a Hanover man, in the compa- 
 ny, told the declarant, that he must go on this business, 
 for every body depended upon him, or words to that 
 effect. The declarant was afterwards informed, that 
 the names they gave their leaders were^ Little John, 
 Robin Hood, and Whalebone.^ 
 
 William Royal, of Stoughton — ' had heard a young 
 man that came from Bridgewater, say, that the people 
 at Bridgewater were very much engaged in the same 
 affair, and that it was to be prosecuted the 19th inst.' 
 
 Immediately after these examinations, a warrant was 
 issued by Edward Hutchinson, Jacob Wendell, and An- 
 thony Stoddard, justices of the peace throughout the 
 province, against Joseph Gurney* and Nathaniel Spear. 
 The charge against them was, for being concerned in a 
 design and combination with a number of evil minded 
 persons, to come into the town of Boston, in a tumul- 
 tuous manner, tending to the disturbance and disquiet 
 of his majesty's good subjects, and against the king's 
 peace and dignity.' 
 
 Gurney was arrested, and on the 14th of May, 
 brought before the Governor and council — but what was 
 done is not known, though it is probable he was acquit- 
 ted. A similar warrant was issued against other indi- 
 viduals. 
 
 * Gurney was killed instantly, by the fall of a tree, in 1770, at the age of 71 . 
 
 22 
 
170 
 
 The promptness and energy of these proceedings, 
 broke up the confederacy, and possibly saved the com- 
 munity from disorder and violence. Soon after, the 
 company was dissolved by act of parliament* ; and in 
 1743, the general court took the settlement of their af- 
 fairs out of the hands of the directors, and vested it in 
 a board of commissioners. After the lapse of about 30 
 years, by means of assessments on the partners,! and a 
 lottery, the concerns of the bank were brought to a 
 close. Numerous traces, however, were left, of the 
 * incurable confusion it had produced,' and the ruin it 
 had brought on individuals and families. 
 
 * The elder President Adams, in one of the numbers of JYovanglus, says, this 
 act ' raised a greater ferment in the province, than the stamp act.' The objec- 
 tions were, to the rightofparhamentto pass such a law, and, admitting the right, 
 to the character of some of its particular provisions. It is understood to have 
 given the bill holders a right of action, against any partner, for the full sum 
 expressed in the bills, with interest. As they had been issued for less than their 
 nominal value, and many of the holders had received them at a great discount, 
 the individual members of the company had some reason to complain of in- 
 justice, though so far as the company were concerned, it might not have been 
 unreasonable that they should sustain some losses, by way of penalty, for 
 their unwarrantable undertaking. 
 
 I Gov. Hutchinson says, in the 3d volume of his History of Massachusetts, 
 that after the death of Samuel Adams, senior, his estate was advertised for sale 
 by the sheriff, to pay a land bank debt. His son, the late governor, then a 
 young man, attended the auction, and threatened to sue the officer if he pro- 
 ceeded in the sale, and all who should presume to enter on the estate under 
 pretence of a purchase. ' By intimidating both the sheriff and those persons 
 who intended to purchase, he kept the estate in his own possession.' 
 
F. 
 FRENCH NEUTRALS. 
 
 In the latter part of 1755, several transports arrived 
 at Boston, with a large number of Acadians, or French 
 inhabitants of Nova Scotia. No provision having been 
 made for their support here, the legislature, then in ses- 
 sion, ordered them to be distributed most conveniently 
 among the towns, and directed the selectmen, or over- 
 seers of the poor, to receive, employ, and support them, 
 so as to incur the least expense to the province. Nine 
 persons were sent to Abington, viz. John White, his 
 wife and six children, and Mary Laundry, probably his 
 mother-in-law. This distribution among the towns 
 was unequal, and, in 1760, a new one was made, accor- 
 ding to their respective proportions of the province tax. 
 As Abington had more than her share, six of this family 
 were ordered to be removed — three to Freetown, and 
 three to Berkly, in the county of Bristol. The order 
 was never complied with, probably because it was not 
 thought desirable to divide the family.* 
 
 At the time these neutrals arrived, Gov. Shirley was 
 absent on the Crown Point Expedition. On his return, 
 the legislature made him an address, in which they 
 spoke of these people. Alluding to their destitute con- 
 
 ■ This fiiinily, while at Abington, lived at Cupt. ElishaHersey's,and at Jacob 
 and David Porter's. 
 
172 
 
 dition, they say, ' their live stock, husbandry tools, and 
 most of their household furniture, were left in the prov- 
 ince of Nova Scotia ; and very few of them brought 
 with them any goods or estate of any kind.' Their 
 poverty, however, seems to have been less regarded, 
 than the danger to be apprehended from their intermix- 
 ture and association with our own people. ' The re- 
 ceiving,' they say, ' among us so great a number of per- 
 sons, whose gross bigotry to the Catholic religion 
 is notorious, and whose loyalty to the king is sus- 
 pected, is a thing very disagreeable to us.' It was, 
 probably, to avoid as much as possible the evil feared 
 from this source, that an order was passed June, 1756, 
 providing, ' that none of the French neutrals should be 
 permitted to travel from town to town, without leave 
 first had of the selectmen, or overseers of the poor, cer- 
 tified in writing, or they may be stopped and returned 
 by one or two English householders.' 
 
 The whole number of neutrals here, in 1760, is sta- 
 ted by Gov. Pownall, in a speech to the legislature, to 
 have been 1017. The expense to the province of their 
 support, to August, 1763, was £9563 sterling. 
 
 These people remained here till the close of the 
 French war, in 1763, when they generally left the coun- 
 try. Some went to France, some to the West Indies, 
 some to Canada, and a few returned to their native coun- 
 try. 
 
 A brief account of the causes of their removal, and 
 some of the circumstances attending it, if not very ap- 
 propriate, it is hoped may not be altogether uninterest- 
 ing- 
 
173 
 
 Nova Scotia, under the name of Acadia, was origi- 
 nally settled by the French. After the treaty of Utrecht, 
 in 1713, by which that country was ceded to Great 
 Britain, many of the French inhabitants moved to Can- 
 ada and elsewhere. Those who chose to remain, were 
 permitted to retain their possessions, and allowed the 
 free exercise of their religion, upon taking an oath of 
 allegiance to the king of Great Britain, with a distinct 
 understanding on their part, that they were not to be 
 required to bear arms either against the French or In- 
 dians. This contract was afterwards renewed with 
 their children, and so notorious was the compact, that 
 they acquired the name of French Neutrals. 
 
 After the settlement of Halifax, commenced in 1749, 
 (a measure which excited the jealousy of the French, and 
 induced them to make incursions through the country 
 of the neutrals, to annoy that place,) the then governor 
 of the province, the more effectually to secure the loy- 
 alty of the Acadians, required them to take the oath of 
 allegiance anew, and without any qualification whatev- 
 er. This they objected to, as contrary to the conditions 
 upon which their fathers agreed to settle under the Brit- 
 ish government ; and they said, ' if they should under- 
 take to aid the English in suppressing the Indians, the 
 savages would pursue them with unrelenting hostility — 
 that neither they nor their children would be secure 
 from their vengeance. That to bear arms against their 
 countrymen, was a condition repugnant to the feelings 
 of human nature. They, therefore, requested to be in- 
 formed, if they chose the alternative of quitting their 
 country, whether they would be permitted to sell their 
 lands and personal effects.' They were told in reply — 
 ' that by the treaty of Utrecht, one year was allowed 
 
174 
 
 them for disposing of tlieir property, which period hav- 
 ing elapsed, they could neither part with their effects, 
 nor leave the province.' 
 
 Subsequently, and as a measure preparatory to tlieir 
 removal, they were disarmed, their records, title deeds 
 and other papers, taken from them ; and finally, after 
 the Massachusetts troops* under Lieut. Col. John Wins- 
 low, of Marshfield, had taken Beau-Sejour, and anoth- 
 er fort on the river Gaspereaux, the provincial govern- 
 ment secretly resolved to remove the whole body of the 
 neutrals from the country, and disperse them among the 
 other British provinces. It was probably thought bet- 
 ter to send them to the other colonies as prisoners of 
 war, than simply to exile them, as in the latter case, 
 they might go to Canada, and there help recruit the 
 strength of the enemy. 
 
 The reasons offered in justification of this measure, 
 were, that the Acadians had refused to take the oath of 
 allegiance, without the qualification before mentioned — 
 that they had furnished the French and Indians intelli- 
 gence, quarters and provisions, and that 300 of them 
 were taken, with arms in their hands, at the capture of 
 Beau-Sejour. 
 
 The execution of this resolution was confided to Col. 
 Winslow. He issued a proclamation, requiring the 
 French inhabitants in the various settlements, to appear 
 at several specified places, on the same day. One por- 
 tion was to assemble in the church, at Grand Pre, Sep- 
 tember 5th, 1755, at 3, P. M. In accordance with this 
 
 *• Several of Winslow's soldiers were from Abington. In the selectmen's 
 book, under date June, 1757, is the following-' then paid Jonathan Torrey 
 £2 14s. 2d. for the soldieis, that were rated in his rate bill, that went to Mmas, 
 according to a vote of the town.' 
 
175 
 
 summons, 41 8 able bodied men entered the church, at the 
 appomted time, and the doors were shut. The colonel 
 then addressed them. ' That part of duty he was then 
 upon was very disagreeable to his natural make and 
 temper, as he knew it must be grievous to them,' &c. 
 It was not, however, for him to animadvert, but to obey 
 his orders, and he proceeded to inform them that ' their 
 lands and tenements, cattle of all kinds, and live stock 
 of all sorts, were forfeited to the crown, with all their 
 other effects, saving their money and household goods, 
 and that they were to be removed from the province.' 
 
 The whole number, who were entrapped in this way 
 at Grand Pre, and other places, with those who were 
 hunted and taken from their hiding places in the depths 
 of the forests, were 7000. 
 
 The sufferings of these unfortunate people, in the 
 circumstances of their removal — in their passage to this 
 country, and in their separate and scattered condition 
 here, cannot well be conceived. From the enjoyment 
 of a competency, and, in many instances, affluence, ' in 
 the beautiful prairies which they had diked out from the 
 sea, and made fruitful and luxuriant fields,' they were 
 at once reduced to abject poverty, and obliged to de- 
 pend, in their dispersion in a strange land, on public 
 charity for the means of living. 
 
 All suffered, but not alike. The case of one Rene 
 Le Blanc* was peculiar. He had been a notary public 
 in Nova Scotia. While in the service of the govern- 
 
 * Col. Winslow, in a letter to the Governor of Nova Scotia, dated Grand 
 
 Pre, August 30, 1755, says, ' as to poor father Le Blanc, I shall, with your 
 
 Excellency's permission, send him to ray own place.' What prevented him 
 from so doing, does not appear. 
 
176 
 
 ment, he was taken by the Indians, and carried to a 
 French fort, and there held in captivity four years. In 
 a petition of the neutrals sent to Pennsylvania, to the 
 king, it was said of him — ' Father Le Blanc was seized, 
 confined, and brought away among the rest of the peo- 
 ple, and his family, consisting of 20 children, and about 
 150 grand-children, were scattered in the different col- 
 onies. He was put on shore at New York, with only 
 his wife and two youngest children, in an infirm state 
 of health, from whence he joined three more of his 
 children, at Philadelphia — where he died, without any 
 more notice being taken of him, than any of us, not- 
 withstanding his many years labor and deep sufferings 
 in your majesty's service.' 
 
 The removal of the Acadians, in the way it was ef- 
 fected, cannot but be considered an act of great cruelty 
 and injustice. It was the infliction of a terrible pun- 
 ishment on a whole community, most of whom were 
 innocent, for the misconduct of a part. Well has it 
 been said, that the reasons of State, upon which it was 
 sought to be justified, 'were never more cheaply urged 
 nor more odiously triumphant.' 
 
 See Halliburton's History of Nova Scotia, and Walsh's 
 appeal. 
 
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