n (^ P 685 I.U561 Copy 1 IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES. FEBRUARY 18, 1858.— ORDERf^D TO BE PRINTED. Mr. CoLLAMEK, from the Committee on Territories, submitted ■'"'''- the following as the VIEWS OF THE MmORITY On the Constitution of Kansas, "adojUed h/ the Convention tvhich met at Lecompton on Monday/, the M of September, 1857, Congress has passed laws in relation to slavery ia the Territories at all periods of its existence. When the territory was held by grant or treaty that in no way alfected sla- very, and where such an institution existed, if at all, to a very limited extent; there Congress entirely prohibited it. If slavery existed, and especially if the territory was holden by a title or treaty which forbade abolition, there sla- very wag suffered to continue j but even there Congress often adopted measures to prevent or check further additions, and often, and before 1820, the taking of slaves into a Territory for sale wag forbidden. It is most observable, however, that in no case was the condition of a Territory, as to slavery, ever left to be a matter of contention to the people therein. It was regarded as a question of too much interest to the whole country to be left to local legislation. At no period in our history has it ever, by any party, been insisted that the people were not at liber- ty to arrange this matter, like all others, in their own way, in the formation or alteration of their State Constitution. In all the Terri- tories north of the Ohio slaver-> vaa utterly forbidden by Congress from they were formed, and in r- dinance of 1787. In Mip- gress prohibited the which they could np 1808. This was dir in Orleans Terrif/ adopted three ey Slaves were forb. with the owner' not to be imp< States; none ■v manner, if im of either of t. 'dfre time, as «f the or- \98, Con- 'ntil I bidden north of 3G° 30' in the country ceded I to us by France. This was done by the South- I ern vote by a large majority, with a small minority of the North, and so a Southern meas- ure. This settled the condition of all the ter- ritory we then owned, and was the bond of peace on the subject for more than one-third of a century. When Texas was acquired, the same provision, by a line on ZQ9 30', was made for peace. When, by arrangement with Great Britain,, we obtained the exclusive right to Oregon, it was formed into a Territory, and slavery ut- terly prohibited. After our acquisition by the treaty of peace with Mexico, difficulty and trouble on this subject was renewed. In 1850 this was arranged by the admission of Califor- nia as a free State, and forming New Mexico and Utah into Territories, with the right, when forming State Constitutions, at the proper time, to be admitted either with or without slavery, as such Constitution should provide. This was also a Southern measure ; and it, together with the former measures then in force, again settled the condition of all our territory as to slavery. It was claimed and sustained aa a finality of this subject. In 1854 a measure was adopted, at the claim of the slaveholding States, by which, in effect, both and all the settlements were broken up, and the whole policy of the Government on this subject changed. The country south of 3^6° 30' — Missouri, Arkansas, Louisiana, and lorida — obtained from Spain, had been mado "> slave States; but the country north of lino was mostly unsettled, Iowa only ' beep formed therefrom. The Kansas- * act -vv^s passed, the Missouri com- ^ne declared inoperative, and tha lavery was professedly turned over who should go and inhabit that was an invitation to all mea i ' competition for. f»ee or ' was to be expected ? L J.. „■ w that the friends and promoters of these two systems would make vigorous exertions in the struggle, and that settlement, by friends of each, would fe'e highly stimulated by all lawful means. Hence associations and societies have been put in operation, both North and South, to promote such settlement by their respective friends. This was, however, neither unlawful nor censurable. That provision of the Kansas act is as follows : "The eighth section of the act preparatory ' to the admission of Missouri into the Union '.(which being inconsistent with the principle 'of non-intervention by Congress with sla- • very in the States and Territories, as required * by the legislation of 1850, commonly called ' the compromise measure) is hei-eby declared ' inoperative and void, it being the true intent ' and meaning of this act not to legislate sla. borne down by said violence and intimiu. scattered and discouraged, and laboring unde* apprehensions of personal violence, refrained and desisted from presenting any protest to the Governor in relation thereto, and he, then uninformed in relation thereto,' issued cer- tificates to the members who appeared by said formal returns to have been elected. In relation to those districts which the Gov- ernor so set aside, orders were by him issued for new elections. In one of these districts the same proceedings were repeated by men from Missouri, and in others not, and certifi- cates were issued to the persons elected. This Legislative Assembly, so elected, as- sembled at Pawnee on the 2d day of July, 1855, that being the time and place for hold- ing the meeting, as fixed by the Governor, by authority of law. On assembling, the Houses very into said Territory, or to exclude it there- | proceeded to set aside and reject those mem- \. ' from, but'to leave the people thereof perfectly ' free to form and regulate their domestic in- ' stitutions in their own way, subject only to ' the Constitution of the United States : Fro- ' videdj That nothing herein contained shall ' be construed to revive or put in force any 'law or regulation which may have existed ''prior to the act of March 6, 1820, either pro- ' tecting, establishing, prohibiting, or abolish- ' ing slavery." Without now inquiring into the propriety, expediency, or moral justice, of this law, clear it is that it Contains the plighted public faith of this nation that the people of Kansas shall have the right of self-government consistent with the Constitution. Plighted public faith and just laws, how- ever, secure no rights to men. These are found only in the just and fair execution of such | laws; and we will now briefly inquire how tlifit has been done in relation to that people. Hanre they been permitted to exercise their promised freedom, even in the initiation of the Government provided for them ? The Governor of Kansas having, in pursu- ance of law, divided the Territory into dis- tricts, and procured a census thereof, issued bis proclamation for the election of a Legisla- tive Assembly therein, to take place on the 30th day of March, 1855, and directed howth^ same should be conducted, and the returns made to him, agreeable to the law establishing said Territory. On the day of election, large bodies of armed men from the State of Mis- souri appeared at the polls in most of the dis- tricts, and, by most violent and tumultuous carriage and demeanor, overawed the defence- less inhabitants, and by their own votes elected. a large majority of the members of both Hous/ of said Assembly. On the returns of ir election being made to the Governor, pr and objections were made to him in to a part of said districts ; and as to set aside such, and such only, as by appeared to be bad. In relatiOy covering, in all, a majority of equally vicious in fact, but by formal returns, t^*^ ' ^V^ bers so elected on said second election, except in the district Avhere the men from Missouri had, at said election, chosen the same persons they had elected at the said first election, and they admitted all of the said first-elected mem- bers. A Legislative Assembly, so created by mili- tary force, by a foreign invasioh, in violation of the organic law, was but a usurpation. No • act of its own, 50 act or neglect of the Gov- ernor, could legalize or sanctify it. Its own decisions as to its own legality are, like its laws, but the fruits of its own usurpation, which no Governor could legitimate. That Territorial Legislature passed the fol- lowing law: "Sec. 11. If any person print, write, intro- duce into, publish, or circulate, or cause to be brought into, printed, written, published, or circulated, or shall knowingly aid or assist in bringing into, printing, publishing, or cir-' culating, within this Territory, any book, paper, pamphlet, magazine, hand-bill, or cir- cular, containing any statements, arguments, opinions, sentiments, doctrines, advice, or in- nuendo, calculated to promote a disorderly, dangerous, or rebellious disaffection among the slaves in this Territory, or to induce such slaves V) escape from the service of their masters (k to resist their authority, he shall be guilty # '' felony, and be punished by im- prisonmg/ ' hard labor for a term not less ths ""ree person, by speaking or maintain that per- to hold slaves in this ^uce into this Terri- circulate, or cause 'erritory, written, ited, in this Ter- -zine, pamphlet, lial of the right this Territory, lilty of felony, : at hard labor -var,'' ' / %s^ >/ .a jurov in the trial of any cause founded on a jA' breacli of the foregoing law. They further / provided, that all officers and attorneys should be sworn not only to support the Constitution of the United States, but also to support and sustain the organic law of the Territory, and tlie fugitive slave laws; and that any person offering to vote shall be presumed to be en- titled to vote until the contrary is shown; and if any one, when required, shall refuse to take oath to sustain the fugitive slave laws, he shall not be permitted to vote. Although they passed a law that none but an inhabitant, who had paid a tax, should vote, vet they required no ttme of residence necessary, and prt)vided for the immediate payment of a poll-tax; so pro- viding, in effect, that on the eve of an election the people of a neighboring State could come in, in unlimited numbers, and, by taking up a residence of a day or an hour, pay a poll-tax, and thus become legal voters, and then, after voting, return to their own State. They thus, )tf in practical effect, provided for the people of ■n llissouri to control elections at their pleasure, and permitted such only of the real inhabitants of the Territory to vote as are friendly to the holding of slaves. They permitted no election of any of the officers in the Tcrritoiy to be made by the peo- ple thereof, but created the offices and filled them, or appointed oflicers to fill them for long periods, and provided that the next annual election should be holden in October, 1856, and the Assembly to meet in January, 1857; so that none of these laws could be changed until the lower House might be changed, in 1856; hut the Council, which is elected for two years, could not be changed so as to allow a change of the laws or officers until the ses- Biou of 1858, however much the inhabitants of the Territory might desire it. These laws, made by an Assembly created by a foreign force, are but a manifestation of the spirit of oppression which was the parent of the whole transaction. They were obviously made to oppress and drive out all who were inclined to tlie exclu- sion of slavery'; and if they remained, to silence them on this subject, and subject them to tlie will and control of the people of Missouri. These are the laws which the President says must be enforced by the army and whole power of this nation. The people of Kansas, thus invaded, sub- dued, oppressed, and insulted, seeing their Territorial Government (such only in form) perverted into an engine to crush them in the dust, and to defeat and destroy the professed object of their organic law, by depriving them of the '■'■ perfect freedom" therein provided; and finding no ground to hope fur rights in that organization, they proceeded, under the guar- antee of the United States Constitution, "peace- ably to assemble to petition the Government for the redress of (their) grievances." They saw no earthly source of relief but in the formation of a State Government by the peo- ple, and the acceptance and ratification thereof by Congress. It is true that, in several instances in our political history, the people of a Territory have been authorized by an act of Congress to form a State Constitution, and, after so doing, were admitted by Congress. It is quite obvious that no such authority could be given by the act of the Territorial Government. That clear- ly has no power to create another Government paramount to itself. It is equally true that, in numerous instances in our history, the people of a Territory have, without any previous act of Congress, proceeded to call a Convention of the people by their delegates; have formed a State Constitution, which has been adopted by the people, and a State Legislature assem- bled under it, and chosen Senators to Congres.s, and then have presented said Constitution to Congress, who has approved the same, and re- ceived the Senators and members of Congress who were chosen under it before Congress had approved tiie same. Such was the case of Tennessee; such was the case of Michigan, wlicKe the people not only formed a State Con- stitutiou without an act of Congress, and with- out any act of the Territorial Government, but they also put the State Government into full operation, and superseded the Territorial Gov- evrnment, and it was approved by Congress by receiving it as a State. This was then sustained in the Senate by the present President Buchanan, who there declared that any act of the Territorial Legis- lature for the calling a Convention to form a Constitution, would be an act of usurpation. The people of Florida formed their Consti- tution, without any act of Congress therefor, six years before tbej- were admitted into the Union. When the people of Arkansas were about form- ing a State Constitution without a previous act of Congress, in 1835, the Territorial Gov- ernor applied to the President on the subject, who referred the matter to the Attorney G'-n- eral, and his opinion, as then expressed and published, contained the following: ''It is not in the power of the General As- ' sembly of Arkansas to pass any law fyr the ' pur])ose of electing members to a Conventiouy ' to form a Constitution and State Government/- ' nor to do any other act, directly or indirect!,^ ' to create such Government. Every such lo/^, ' even though it were approved by the VM- ' ernor of the Territory, would be nulj'^and ' void; if passed by them, notwithstandi-ig his ' veto, by a vote of two-thirds of each /ranch, ' it would still be equally void." / He further decided that it was not/ebellious or ins)irrectiouary, or even unlawful, for the people peaceably to proceed, even without an act of Congress, in forming a Constitution, and that the so forming a State ^institution, arid so far organizing under the same as to choose the officers necessary for its representatip(n in Congress, with a view to present the same to Congress for admission, was a power which fell clearly within the right of the people to assemble and petition for redress. The peo- ,\ pie of Arkansas proaeoded -n-ithout an act of Congress, and were received into the Union accordinglJ^ If any rights were derived to the people of Arkansas from the terms of the French treaty of cession, they equally extended to the people of Kansas, it being a part of the samo cession. In this view of the subject, the people as- sembled at Topeka, in said Territory, by dele- gates chosen in the several counties, in public meetings assembled for that purpose, in Sep- tember, 1855, who formed a Constitution which Avas submitted to the people for their ratifica- tion or rejection, and which wag duly ratified by a large majority of all who thought proper to vote, being, as we believe, a majority of all the voters then in the Territory. Unde« that Constitution an election of a Governor and Legislature was made, and offi- cers appointed, arid an organization made, for the purpose of petitioning Congress for admis- sion to the Union; and a memorial was made and presented to Congress, with said Consti- tution, for that purpose. That memorial or petition for the admision of Kansas as a State, under the Topeka Con- stitution, formed as before stated, and so pre- sented to Congress, though agreed to by the House of Representatives, was rejected by the Senate. The investigation, the evidence, and the facts, as to the invasion and subjuga- tion of Kansas at the Marcli election of 1855, as presented by the committee of the House of Representatives, appointed for such investi- gations, fully discloses its enormity and out- rage, as before stated, and shows that the in- vasion extended to every election district but one, yet the Senate entirely refrained from investigation, and all redress for that people failed. No provision was made to correct the wrong, and they were left to suffer under the oppres- sion of the tyrannical laws and usurped power of the unscrupulous minority Avhich force and fraud had there installed in official position, with the power and army of the United States pledged to sustain them. Thus ended the ses- sion of Congress in the summer of 1856. In that summer this usurped power in Kansas ^was exercised over the people there in the tame spirit in which it originated, and, as ' lifested in the laws before mentioned, to dljAe the Free State people from the Territory, an)|Anrevent their emigration thereto. Aided by i\\ people in Missouri, who had first subju- gatecMhe Territory, and by otliers like minded, under Vretended color of the laws so made, freedomw speech was crushed, printing presses were destroyed, and pillage, conflagration, and lpurde^•, spiad over the land. Every attempt f*t self-defei^ce by the Free State people was y(:(miii\mced " constructive treason," and large nt^mbers were long imprisoned and guarded by United States troops theref»r. •Many of the people were compelled to flee, and the Missouri river, the usual means of access to the Territory, Avas blockaded, and emigrants prevented ft-om proceeding; Thus closed the gloomy autumn of 1856, and duriil the succeeding winter a large part of the peo\ pie were dependent for their necessary suppliesV on the charitable ccJntributions of the people ^ of distant States. In October, 1856, a Terri- torial election for members of its House of Representatives occurred; but persecuted, scattered, and imprisoned, and the oppression of the tyrannical statutes of test oaths and gag laws continning, entirely deprived the Free State people from any participation therein, and so the usurpation continued. The people who had formed the Topeka Con- stitution for presentation to Congress, and which thej' presented to Congress, not despair- ing of the justice of their country, and yet hoping that Congress might accept it, contin- ued from time to tinje their provisional organ- ization under the same, in order again to present the same, and the same has again been submitted to the people for ratification, " and all invited to participate therein ; and the same was again ratified by the majority of all who thought proper to vote in August, 1857. But no Government under the same has ever, in any respect, been attempted to be put in operation, or the same in any manner been assorted against the existing ofiicers of the United States, or its. laws, including that es- tablisljiing Kansas Territory. It was, and ever has been, preliminary and provisional, subject to the action of Congress. It is indeed true that a large part, and probably a large major- ity, of that people were attached to that Constitution, which they have repeatedly re- quested Congress to accept, but that they have ever attempted, in any act or spirit of rebel- lion, forcibly to put in operation a Government under it, is entirely untrue ; although indi- vidual wishes or ultimate purposes to such an end, on some possible contingencies, have, at times, been expressed. It is, however, true that the people have ever regarded the acts of the Territoral legislation, so usurped as afore- said, as utterly without legal force, and have not held themselves bound in obedience there- to ; and the same have been in effect generally inoperative in the Territory, except so far as enforced by United States troops. In February, 185'7,the Territorial Legislature passed a law for the election of a Convention to form a Constitution for Kansas, as a State, with a view to apply to Congress for admis- sion. This was done without any act of Con- gress for that purpese, Congress having re- cently refused to pass such a lawj though recommended by the President ; and the pro- ceeding was therefore, though not unlawful, in no way authoritative, and its result entitled to the consideration of Congress only so far as it was sanctioned by the votes and ex- pressed the free will of the people of the Territory, or a majority thereof, in a full elec- tion, fairly conducted. Such a result could not be ascertained but by subjecting the Con- stitution to the full and unconditional vote of the whole people, for ratification or rejection. This is more especially true when conflicting I / 6 opinions on the subject are well known exist, as was the case with this Territory. large part of the people, and, from what stib- eequently occurred, it is apparent a large majority of the people, did not participate ia the election of these delegates ; and a stiffi- cient reason for that course was found in these considerations : 1st. The supervision and returns of the election was in power of men appointed by a Legislature in whose election a large part of the people never participated, in whom, for thi< cause, and from the manner in which they conducted elections, they had no confidence. 2d. •The United States officers there, the Governor and Secretary, had no control over these judges of the election. 3d. The Territorial Legislature, in dircctiug the election of delegates to the Convention, had provided for the taking a census for the apportionment of delegates, and making a voting list in the several counties. This was, by accident or design, very imperfectly done in any county, and in almost one-half of the counties, some of which were among the most populous in the Territory, it was entirely neglected, and therefore a large part of the people were entirely prevented from acting. 4th. The people were often, repeatedly, ajid officially assured by the Governor and Secre- tary, whom they regard as the organs of the General Government, that the Constitution, when formed, must be and should be sub- mitted unconditionally to the whole actual resident people, for their ratification or rejec- tion. Under these circumstances, relying on these official assurances, they awaited quietly that day, and promised opportunity to exer- cise their acknowledged inalienable right to vote on their own Constitution. The result has shown this Avas an unreliable security, for the Constitution, as formed by the Con- vention, was by them never so submitted to the people, but in the conditional and decep- tive manner hereafter described. The Con- vention, so elected, met in September, 1857, at Lecompton, and adjourned until after the Territorial election of a Legislature in Octo- ber, 1857. The mass, of the people of that Territory have always placed confidence in the fidelity and integrity of the Governors whom the President has appointed, whenever the same have been long enough in the Territory, from personal acquaintance with its people and condition, to become disabused of the delusion in relation to them Avhich seems to be enter- tained and cherished with so much pertinacity by the dominant power in Washington. When Governor Walker and acting Governor Stan- ton had personally and clearly ascertained — as Governor Reeder and Governor Geary had done before them — that the great body of the people, including most of its worthy and relia- ble inhabitants of both political parties, truly regarded themselves as oppressed and domi- neered over by a small and unscrupulous minority, inaugurat'ed by violence and perpet- ai>d supported by and that this great uated by frnud, backed United States dragoons, body of the people had, with long forbearance, waited for a fair opportunity peaceably, at the ballot-box, to manifest their opinions and their strength, and reclaim their rights, then it was that they honestly resolved to endeavor to give to that people such an opportunity, as far as they were able. They proceeded indus- triously arid faithfully to exhort the people to participate in the election of a Territorial Leg- islature in October, 1857, not under the Ter- ritorial acts, but under the laws of Congress, and gave the most authoritative assurances of freedom and fairness. That people knew, indeed, that the supervision and control of the election was in the hands of officers never appointed by them or the Governor, and not under their control, and that they were subject to being outvoted by voters, by such officers admitted to vote, from Missouri, or by the insertion of fictitious votes, or bj' false returns. Unwilling, however, to be longer taunted from abroad with the charge of cowardly or factious inaction, and relying on the assurances of the Governor, and their own well-known superi- ority of numbers, they generally concluded to proceed to the polls, and attempt once more to exercise their rights under the laws of Con- gress. And what does the result disclose ? It shows that, notwithstanding many declined to vote, lest thereby they should impliedly recognise as lawful the existing usurpation, over 11,000 votes were cast, and a Free State Legislature elected. In the next place, the result showed that all the apprehensions of that people as to fraudulent voting and re- turns, under the auspices of these judges of the elections, were well founded. We are well informed by Governor AValker and Secretary Stanton, that votes to the amount of 1,600 in one case, and over 1,000 in an«ther, came cer- tified from precincts where, from personal ex- amination, they found a limited population of but a few hundred. A large part of these votes were obviously fictitious ; and those re- turns were set aside, being informally certified. Had not this been done by the Governor, tb« original usurpation would again have b^i renewed and perpetuated by fraud. The result of this election was regarded' '^y all candid men there as settling the cont^'tion of Kansas, and, accordingly, when the Con- ventien assembled at Lecompton, on its ad- journment, it was difficult to obtair even a bare majority to constitute a quorum. A majority of this quorum, but not of whole elected delegates, proceeded witi the spirit of desperation to defeat and evade the well- known and clearly-expressed will of the peo- ple, and, by ingenious devices and cunnjng forms, to fasten upon them a State Cons^tu- tion abhorrent to their feelings, and a^ the same time redeem, in a delusive form only, the pledges which had been given that it should be submitted to the people. In order to evade and frustrate the will of that people, thus impose upon them a Constitution against « ( i their consent, five, apparently certain legal securities, -n-ere to be evaded or demolished. 1st. The Constitution with slavery must not be submitted to the people in any such way that a majority could reject it ; and yet it must be submitted to them, to redeem pledges and keep up appearances of fairness. 2d. The conduct of Governor Walker having shown that he would not prostitute his official duty by aiding in the success of fictitious votes and illegal returns, a course must be taken to avoid any use of his official action. 3d. The use of the legal officers for conducting the elections and making returns must be avoided, as they might be subjected to penalties if guilty offraud, and possibly the new Territorial Legis- lature might make appointment of honest men. 4th. In order to supersede the Legislature, so recently elected by the people, and restore power to the usurpation it had overcome, it was necessary so to make the apportionment of Representatives, under the proposed State Government, as to overcome the actual Free State majority, now well known to exist, and keep the supervision of the election out of their hands. 5th. To so arrange it as to render anj' action of the new Legislature unavailable, and to perpetuate the laws w;hich the long-continued usurpation had adopted. To effect these purposes, the Convention ad- dressed themselves with unscrupulous inge- nuity, and whether with success, it remains for Congress to determine. They framed a Constitution establishing sla- very in two forms : First, for perpetuating in slavery all slaves then in the Territory, and their progenj"-, and prohibiting abolition. Second, al- lowing their unlimited introduction with their owners, for settlement. They then provided for submitting this Constitution to the people, professedly- for their approval or rejection, on the 21st day of*December, 1857; but, in this form onl}"-, that they might vote "the Cojisti- tution witli slavery," or "the Constitution with ^no slaverJ^" If the former had a majority, the Constitution was adopted ; if the latter jd a majority, it rejected only tha.t clause al- ag the further importation of slaves. They not allowed to vote against the Constitu- so it was to be adopted, however objec- 3, and to be a slaveholdiug State in any cveniv In this manner, the first object was to be eff^ed. TheyVovided that the election was to be conductel and returns made, by men appointed by the Prdddent of the Convention, (Calhoun,) after the Convention had closed, and thereby he out of ofBsje, and the returns to be made to him. Thus was the Governor got rid of, and tlie second object effected. This mode of making and using supervisors, or judges of election, unknown to law, secured the third object. The provision by them that such men should be subjected to prosecution for frauds, &c., was an idle show of legislation, entirely inoperative. To secure the fourth purpose, the Convention based their apportion- ment of Representatives in the State election, to take pxace m January, 1858, upon the sam« spurious, fraudulent, and fictitious votes so returned and rejected in the late Territorial election. To secure the fifth object, they pro- vided that all laws then existing (not those existing when the State should be admitted) should remain in force until repealed by a State Legislature, under the Constitution. The great mass of the people, unwilling to bo the dupes of such trickery, declined voting in the manner proposed, on that Constitution, December 21, 1857 ; and the Territorial Legis- lature was assembled by the call of Acting Governor Stanton. A vote was taken «n the 21st December, by the men appointed by Cal- houn, who returned to him that there was cast some 6,000 votes, adopting the Constitution with slavery, as formed. What proportion of these votes, or of those cast for the delegates, were fraudulent and spurious, we have no cer- tain means of determining, as the Senate has declined instructing or authorizing the com- mittee to obtain full information, or clothing them with the means for that purpose. We have, however, the authority of the presiding officers of the two branches of the Legislature, who were present at the counting of the votes' on the Constitution, by invitation of said Cal- houn, for saying that not more than two thou- sand of these were cast by legal voters of the Territory. The Territorial Legislature, so assembled by Acting Governor Stanton, passed an act pro- viding that the people, on the 4th of January, 1858, should cast their votes on said Constitu- tion, either for it with slaverj', for ii without slavery, or against the Constitution. That vote was taken, and the vote against the Constitution was more than ten thousand majority. The Convention provided for the election of State officers and a Legislature under the Con- stitution on the 4th daj^ of January, 1858, but it was to be conducted by the same men so appointed by said Calhoun, and the returns made to him. As to the vsting at this State election, the Free State people were much di- vided in opinion. A large num.ber declined to- vote, as they feared the so doing would be un- fairly insisted on by their opponents as a ratifi- cation of the Constitution, to which they were opposed. A part of the Free State people, who had thus voted against the Constitution, ap- prehending, more especially from what was contained in the President's annual message, that Congress might admit Kansas as a State, and with this Constitution, even though con- trary to the will of the majority of the people tlieie; and unwilling, in that event, to leave the State officers and Legislature in the hands of the minority who framed and adopted that Constitution, proceeded to vote at the election of those State officers at the polls conducted by the men so appointed by said Calhoun. The returns of this election have been made to said Calhoun, but, as the committee have received no power to institute inquiry into the true character of that election, we are unable \ ) / i i \ (; ^'^y bow far the yrell-prepared arranfrements •^uocfeasfui imposition have beeu earned into - p^J'ion >>^iuipunity. Testip"^-^^'^'^^"^ ^^'^^ disclosed by the in- we fe- r'''^ before the Territorial Lejfislaturc, tioijgi;! authoi-ized to believe that the prepara- beer/ ^^ defeat the will of that people have re.«/i extensively executed, an^ their ultimate ]. ynilts depend on the action of said Calhoun, A a capacity nuknown as a legal officer, and in no way subject to a prosecution or impeach- ment. That he will bo faithful to the ultimate purposes for which he has so long and un- scrupulously labored — that is, the making of Kansas a permanent slaveholding State, whether its people desire or not — we hav« little reason to doubt, so far as ho can do it with impunity. The Territorial Government of Kansas wag never organized as provided in its organic act — that is, by its own people — but was usurped by a foreign force, conquered, subdued by arms, and a minority installed in power, which has ever since been sustained by the General Gov- enment, instead of being examined into and corrected. This has been done and sustained to establish and perpetuate slavery. The Lecompton Constitution is tho result of this proceeding, and is contrary to the will of a great majority of that people, legally ex- pressed; and the proceeding of Congress, at its discretion, to consummate this protracted atrocity, ami especially for such a purpose, is a violation of the fundamental principle of republican government, and can produce no permanent repose or satisfaction. The people of that Tei'ritory, in the late Ter- ritorial election, have reclaimed their rights, and that Territorial Government is for the first time now moving peaceably on in its legiti- mate sphere of promised freedom. This Lecompton Constitution and its adop- tion was concocted and executed to supersede this triumph of justice. To admit it by Con- gress, is but to give success to fraud and en- couragement to iniquity; and to turn over that people, not to an election fairly and legally conducted, but to such State officers and legis- ■lators as said Calhoun shall hereafter proclaim, and on such contingency as he shall determine ; and his long, mysterious, and inexcusable in- decision and reserve, but encourages expecta- tation in both parties, one of whjich is certainly doomed to disappointment. J. COLLAMEB. B. F. Wadh. \ ' ■ ^ \