v^m Baccalaureate Sermon, AND Oration and Poem. CLASS OF 1875. CAMBRIDGE: PRESS OF JOHN WILSON AND SON. 1875. Baccalaureate Sermon, AND Oration and Poem. Ho>uuojdi UA\!uvot4Jfop L A S S OF 1875. CAMBRIDGE: PRESS OF JOHN WILSON AND SON. 1875. ■\ H M i^Vrt* ■ i vrtfzJzxj D^ »S"« Class Commtttee* JAMES ALBERT HODGE. BENJAMIN ROBBINS CURTIS. MANLEY AMSDEN RAYMOND. Class Secretary. WARREN AUGUSTUS REED. £ OUR COUNTRY'S PERILS, NEEDS, AND CLAIMS. A SERMON PREACHED IN THE CHAPEL OF HARVARD COLLEGE TO THE GRADUATING CLASS OF 1875, BY ANDREW P. PEABODY. SERMON. "Instead of thy fathers shall be thy children." — Psalm xlv. 16. THE centennial celebrations of epochs in the conflict through which our country struggled into being have recalled my attention to the history of those times and the lives of the prin- cipal actors ; and I am strongly impressed with the prominent part then borne in public affairs by graduates of Harvard Col- lege. The earliest resistance to oppressive laws and arbitrary officials was, as you know, in Massachusetts ; and there is not an important patriotic measure or movement on record in which our University is not represented. Some of those who were con- spicuous in the opening scenes, as Joseph Warren and Josiah Quincy, were still young men, having passed directly from col- lege into the arena of verbal strife, on which the great drama was rehearsed before the first shot was fired. Of others, their seniors, like Samuel and John Adams, we find abundant evidence that they were in their earliest manhood known for advanced opin- ions in the direction of liberty, and for weight and power of char- acter and influence. At the same time the clergy of the province, who were almost all educated here, were, with few exceptions, leaders in the cause of the people, and that with a discretion fully equal to their zeal, and with a courage and self-devotion which quickened more languid, energized colder, and sustained fainter hearts in their congregations. Felix prole virum, "Happy in her progeny of men worthy of the name," would have been the appropriate motto for our University in the last century. There are some reasons why the manhood of the graduates of that day seems precocious by the standard of our time. There were then few amusements, little news, no collateral interests, tastes, or pursuits ; and the college studies of that period, re- stricted though they were in compass and deficient in accuracy, yet were stimulating, and supplied highly concentrated food for thought and feeling. There was a decided predilection for clas- sical reading, not to say study (which would be a misnomer) ; and there was an easy, uncritical faith in the freedom, civic virtue, and untarnished fame of the ancient republics, which made their literature a perpetual source of inspiration to the ardent youth of the republic yet to be born. And there was a much more potent influence at work. There is no such ripener of mind and char- acter as impending emergency, impatience of the present, and earnest aspiration for a better future. Have we not had experience of this power in our recent his- tory? When the news of Fort Sumter flashed through the land, there were in these halls those who seemed to their teachers mere boys, who started at once into vigorous manhood, grew by gradations more rapid than we could trace into high places of command, sought posts of the most perilous service, won ever- green laurels, — many, alas ! only to deck their graves, — w T hile those who survived achieved for themselves a culture for which twice the term of peaceful civic life would have been inadequate. We had one with us at our last Commencement, the mere muti- lated trunk of a man, whose after-dinner speech, with the fervor and fire of youth, which his maimed and suffering life had not chilled or dimmed, had a depth of prescient wisdom which would have found fit utterance from the lips of the elders in the gravest councils of the nation. Indeed, in none of her sons can our University take a more honest pride than in those who gained in war the virtues and endowments that can best adorn and fruc- tify the era of restored peace and renewed prosperity. If we could only view them aright, there are now for our re- public emergencies, perils intense though insidious, a present to be spurned, a future to be striven for, which ought to awaken the patriotic feeling of our young men, and to urge them on to early maturity for efficient public service. I avail myself of the pres- ent as a fit opportunity to speak of the claims of our country on her educated men. Our imminent dangers are from popular ignorance, financial folly, political corruption, and religious lati- tudinarianism and indifference. If I can only arouse in those of whom we to-day take leave a sense of the responsibility which rests upon them as to these sources of evil, I am sure that I shall not have spoken in vain as regards the public and even the national well-being ; for, though a hundred and fifty right- minded youth seem of no account or weight among the millions of our people, there may be among them single minds and voices that shall make themselves felt and heard through the whole length and breadth of the land, as there were, a hundred years ago, individual young men fresh from our halls, but for whom certain most momentous passages of our history would have remained unwritten. i. I named popular ignorance among our chief dangers. Our unlimited freedom of suffrage — in theory plausible, if not fitting, and, whether right or wrong, irreversible — is safe only with an intelligent people, and is fraught with peril if the voters know not what they do. The early settlements on every part of our soil, with hardly an exception, were made for causes that implied not inferior, but even superior intelligence on the part of the im- migrants, who were drawn or driven hither, not by poverty and by the pressure of a population outgrowing the supply of its needs, but by political or religious dissent, persecution, or ambition. In their posterity, intelligence and the aptitude for it were a tra- dition and an inheritance, — not, as has sometimes been said, created and sustained by the common-school system, but originat- ing, energizing, and supplementing that system, which else would either have never come into being, or have died early of inanition. The posterity of those colonists is now nearly equalled, if not outnumbered, by the descendants of exiles forced from their native homes by poverty, and of captives sold into slavery, who had no culture to transmit, and whose homes can have furnished only the most scanty educational inducements and helps. The com- mon schools accomplished for the majority of their pupils, in an earlier generation, very much more than they can do now. They taught fewer things, indeed, but the few more thoroughly : not that schools or teachers were better, but they had more receptive pupils, — for the most part children from families where there was, if not extended knowledge, mental activity, — where, if there were not many books, there was at least the English Bible, which every child was trained, expected, nay, required to read, and which (to say nothing of its religious uses) expanded and deepened the thought of its readers, gave them a rich vocabulary to think with, checked the growth of provincialisms and vulgarisms in diction, - 8 and imparted a higher, purer tone to common intercourse and daily life. But the system, which seemed so efficient when buttressed and subsidized by home-influences, is inadequate to its assigned work for the children of the unprivileged, even here in New England, much more so in the western and south-western sections of the country ; yet it might be made adequate without any added ex- penditure of time or money. When, nearly forty years ago, the public schools were thought to have fallen behind the demands of the age, a reform-movement was started, and a new spirit was infused into the whole system, mainly through the labors of Hor- ace Mann. That spirit has been so materialized and solidified into soulless formalisms, organisms, routines, and repetitions, that, were he to reappear among us, he would recognize but little of what is still called his work. More red tape is now used in many single schools than would have sufficed for the whole State half a century ago. By a Mezentian classification, the children that are capable of progress are kept at the snail's pace of their dull and immobile schoolmates, and the slowest of the flock mark time for all the rest. Meanwhile, public munificence wastes in costly structures, that are hardly, built before some fresh pre- vailing fancy requires that they be remodelled, the funds which, expended in brain-power, might perform efficient service. A large proportion of the pupils leave school without having even learned to read with sufficient ease for the art to be of any prac- tical benefit. They have, indeed, by dint of wearisome and use- less reperusal memorized a few fragments of prose and verse, generally of second or third rate literary merit, but have not ac- quired the ability to read understandingly a common newspaper paragraph. The fault lies not with the teachers, who perform their appointed routine-work with fidelity and zeal, many of them with amazing skill ; but the very best of them, under the require- ments of a lifeless, obsolete, yet imperatively exacting system, are cramped as David was when he put on Saul's armor to go into battle with the Philistine giant. Our schools, to do their work, must be emancipated from dead prescription and Procrustean methods and standards ; they must be officered throughout by teachers who are enamoured of their profession and magnify their calling ; and those teachers must be left free to do the very best that is in them for children of all types and grades of capacity, disposition, and home-training. This is 9 an interest which craves the attention and effort of our educated men, and especially of the young men of high culture, who are soon to fill foremost places of trust and influence in the commu- nity, and to whom we are to look for reform and renovation. Many of you will occupy positions in which you will be called to bear part in the charge and oversight of public education ; and there is no service that } 7 ou can render which will be more fruitful of benefit than the endeavor to make our schools the nurseries of citizens worthy of their trust, — the seats of a culture thorough in its rudiments, stimulating in its processes, direct in its aims, definite in its results, and such as shall impart the desire and capacity for a prolonged self-culture. If there be among you one who shall have the genius and ability so to demonstrate the defects of our present system, and so to point out the better way, that he can gain the public ear and act on the general mind, he can do no nobler work, and win no higher praise. 2. Second on the list of our imminent perils I named financial folly. Whether it was necessary for us in the late war to set aside our fixed standard of value, is perhaps an open question, though to me it does not seem so. But to remain without such a standard, and to take no measures for its restoration, is at once foolish and atrociously criminal. It incapacitates us for knowing our actual condition, and the fact and rate of our progress or decline in national wealth ; it leads to individual extravagance, by exag- gerating the nominal and reputed value of property and income ; it encourages over-trading and rash adventure, by the frequent fluctuation of our irredeemable currency ; it adds to every ex- tended commercial operation that element of pure hazard, which constitutes the difference between legitimate speculation founded on calculating foresight, and gambling, which trusts to incalculable chance ; it thus compels many of our merchants to be gamblers against their will, and vitiates the moral natures of the rest with the foul passions that preside over the orgies of the roulette-table ; it generates the state of mind, and nourishes the habits of thought and life, which induce embezzlements, peculations, forgeries, and the whole dark brood of pecuniary crimes; and the fearful multi- plication of these crimes within the last few years is chargeable much more to our financial condition than to all other demoral- izing influences combined. I think myself authorized in saying this, by the admitted fact that more than half a century ago pecuniary crimes of all kinds grew with an appalling rapidity in 2 IO Great Britain during a like condition of the currency, and be- came again infrequent when the metallic standard of value was restored. Our present financial regime is sustained in part by the pre- ponderant influence of the debtor class, always far outnumbering the creditor class, and always ready to advocate the policy which will enable them to pay or compound their dues at the lowest rate. But it could not retain its hold, were it not for the lament- able ignorance of a large part of those who are intrusted with the management of our public affairs. We have been doomed, over and over again, to see the first principles of financial science not denied, not disputed, but qufetly ignored by our political leaders. Men have undertaken the management of our national treasurv, who have shown no knowledge of even the existence of such a science as political economy. Therefore is it that I name our financial interests as among the responsibilities of our edu- cated men. You, my friends, have learned better things. You have been made conversant in the lecture-room with the princi- ples that have been so shamelessly violated in our public policy. Sooner than you think, you will fill places in which your opinions and influence will have an appreciable weight. Our present sys- tem, or abnegation of system, may continue long enough for you to take part in the inauguration of a sounder policy. If not so, subsequent crises may claim the preventive energy of those who can understand the true financial interests of the community. There is no part of your culture here that better deserves to be cherished, expanded, and utilized in your future life as citizens, as office-bearers, as men of standing and influence, than that which relates to the principles and laws that underlie commerce, trade, and currency. They have a bearing upon the moral well-being of the people fully equal to that which concerns their material prosperity. They demand for their conservation and their prac- tical working the highest intelligence, no less than the integrity and patriotism of those who would do the good service which the country will demand of you, as you become what you are trained, and, I trust, destined to be, leaders in opinion and action, — reformers, or rather rebuilders in the fabric of the body politic. 3. Political corruption is another of our dominant evils and imminent perils. Unscrupulous ambition, cupidity, and venality have attained a most portentous magnitude. Entire departments of our government seem to be administered with hardly an inci- II dental reference to the service of the people, certainly with the prime intent to buttress party, to reward adherents, and to appro- priate public funds for private emolument. The integrity of the suffrage is constantly assailed ; elections are secured by bribery ; offices are openly bought and sold ; and every political triumph is succeeded, or oftener preceded and effected, by a scramble for its spoils. Instead of a government by the people, we are threat- ened — if the threat be not already fulfilled — with an oligarchy of demagogues, from which a decent constitutional monarchy would be a welcome relief and refuge. You are, all of you, as I suppose, already citizens ; and I would have you possessed of a profound sense of the sacredness of the trust and obligation incumbent on the citizen, the co-sovereign of a free people. It is a kingly office and function ; preserve it then in all its purity and dignity. Your every vote is an exertion of your moral agency for good or for evil. You assume responsibility for the man whom you help choose, for the measure which you help carry. Your accountability is the same as if you yourself chose the man, or enacted the measure. Dare, then, to dissent where you cannot approve. It is because honest citizens forbear to let their protest be heard, or to register it by their ballots, that corrupt men gain the ascendency, and evil counsels prevail. There are among the less informed many who would gladly follow the intelligent leading of upright and public-spirited citizens. Follow they will at all events, and they ought never to lack leaders worthy of their confidence. As regards public office, many cultivated and high-minded men greatly err by refusing it, when they might obtain, it without unworthy concessions, and hold it for the welfare of the com- munity. I would have you prospectively look upon public charges as positions not of emolument or ambition, but of ser- vice to be rendered, if need be, with the sacrifice of personal aims for the general good. I would have you, in the future, shrink from no trust which you are adequate to discharge, and assume none which you cannot consciously occupy as a post of duty. The country, whose protection you share, whose honor or shame is yours, whose glory should be your ambition, whose prosperity you should regard as identical with your own, has indefeasible claims on your conscientious fidelity, whether in a private or a public station, whether in the wary and judicious exercise of the right of suffrage, in your voice and influence in behalf of the true 12 and the good, or in your performance of whatever functions of whatever grade may be devolved upon you. It was said not long ago of one of our best and foremost men, that he would not lift his ringer to evade the meanest or to win the highest office in the nation's gift ; and that, in either, his only question would be, not how the place ranked or what revenue it yielded, but how much of sincere and thorough work he could put into it. Such a man is the true citizen of a republic ; such were the men whose names have been preserved for us from the earliest time in unfading honor ; such are the men whom our seminaries of liberal culture should train for the service of the state. Loyalty is a term which has been too exclusively employed in connection with kingship, and in our history loyalist and royalist have been generally treated as synonymes. They are very far from being synonymes. There is a heaven-wide difference be- tween blind devotion to a sovereign who may be a usurper or a tyrant, and firm allegiance to impersonal, or rather multi-personal, sacred, venerable, eternal law. The true loyalists of our Revolu- tionary epoch were the men who armed themselves against the oppression, which was galling mainly because it was in defiance of fundamental law and constitutional right. Such loyalty is now our nation's need, in antagonism to mal-administration and usur- pation, to the abuse of trust and the invasion of right, to bribery, corruption, and favoritism. As loyal citizens of the republic, you can have no better models, no more worthy examples, than those who a century ago did honor to their nurture here by services and sacrifices that won for them imperishable renown. Be it your care that equally honored names shall appear on your list in the Catalogue, a century hence. 4. 1 should suppress my most profound conviction, did I not number religious latitudinarianism and indifference among the imminent perils of our time. A century ago, there was free-think- ing, loose thinking, infidelity in our land ; and there are well- known names of that period, which have been transmitted with the very reverse of the odor of sanctity. The undoubted services of Thomas Paine, and the merited popularity and efficiency of his political writings, hold a prominent place in our history ; though his scurrilous and profane assaults on Christianity did not appear till several years after the close of the war, his opinions were proclaimed much earlier, and were shared by some of the foremost men in our Revolutionary crisis ; and iconoclastic, de- 13 structive work, though in the cause of truth and righteousness, nay, of religion and piety, always enlists among its zealous co- adjutors those who are mere destructives and nihilists. On the other hand, there is at the present moment among religious people a higher type of piety, a more intelligent, and therefore a more steadfast faith, a more energetic propagandism, than existed a hundred years ago ; and if men would only own the kindred of spirit which remains intact in and through wide divergencies of creed and form, it would be seen that there never was a stronger array than now of those who are ready, without compromise, doubt, or qualification, to take their stand in life and death, and to identify themselves, for time and eternity, with Christ and his Gospel. But, a century ago, the vast majority of families and of men and women in our land, especially in New England, believed in the Christian revelation as of divine origin and authority, accepted its moral laws as of binding validity, and conscientiously did and refrained from doing many things solely from a sense of religious restraint and obligation. There was, indeed, a transition-period, when human law and authority were feeble, doubtful, and vacil- lating, during which our people were saved from anarchy mainly by a surviving, though declining, loyalty to the rigid theocratic discipline of their founders and fathers. This has all passed away. The sense of spiritual and divine realities has ceased to pervade the mass of our people, and seems utterly wanting in the greater number of those by whom it is not distinctly and emphat- ically recognized. In many circles, indifference to all religious subjects and interests is regarded as the normal state ; and utter unbelief, even blank atheism, or some euphemistic alias for it, is not considered even as regrettable, or as impairing the soundness of one's judgment or the safety of his influence. Much of our current literature deals irreverently and flippantly with the objects of Christian faith ; and not a little of our popular poetry is utterly heathenish. Religion as a life-power — never stronger than now in individual hearts — is no longer, as formerly, a shaping and controlling force in society and government. But no government has yet lived, no society has yet prospered, without it. Nowhere in human history has the experiment been thoroughly and persist- ently tried but in France ; and she, after her baptism in the blood- bath of infidelity, was only too happy to rebuild her shattered altars, to recall her banished priesthood, and to adopt the Church as an ally of the State. 14 Above all, in a free country, where no man or body of men can claim superior reverence, where in its human aspects law has no higher source or sanction than the mind and will of the people, is there intense need that there be a public and general recognition of its source beside the throne of God, and its sanction in his eternal justice and retributive providence. He who fears not God will cease to regard man ; and wanton, law-despising autonomy is the natural and inevitable outgrowth and expression of religious unbelief. While an ambiguous, undefined position as to religion, an in- difference tantamount to denial, can be at the present moment affirmed of large numbers of persons of (so-called) liberal culture, it is a position unworthy of them, even pre-eminently. For abso- lute unbelief, if it be reached by inquiry and reasoning, I blame no one. But I do regard him as intensely blameworthy, who of his own choice remains indifferent and undecided, — who treats the whole subject as one of those inferior interests from which it is the part of a wise man to keep aloof. Be it true or false, religion, Christianity, has a paramount claim above all things else on inquiry, decision, and corresponding action. It is either God's best gift, or man's most sorry and despicable delusion ; and he w T ho cannot be for it ought to be with his whole heart and soul against it. I fear not for you, my friends, any results from the faithful study of Christianity, its records, proofs, and claims. But I do deprecate your indifference to it, in part because the community needs the strength which such as you can give to the cause of Christian truth, yet still more for your own sakes. You are to build for yourselves character, reputation, influence ; and I know that Christian faith and piety are the only foundation on which you can build with assured safety. Structures outwardly as fair and as strong as any of you can hope to rear have, in the sight of those who have gone before you, been swept away by the onrush of sudden temptation, or have collapsed because the sand on which they stood has been washed from under them. The time will come when, if you build on any other foundation than the living, eternal Rock, you will know and own that it was the one fatal and irretrievable mistake and calamity of your life. You are capable of determining for yourselves whether I speak the truth. To know whether it is the truth is of so unutterable moment to you that no subject ought to lie closer in your regard. i5 Not one of you ought to go forth into active life indifferent to religion. Not one of you should fail to be either an earnest friend, advocate, exemplar of Christianity, or its avowed and open ene- my. Were you to go hence determined, each of you, to choose his position with conscientious wariness, and then to take his stand frankly, honestly, manfully, I feel persuaded that there would be among you but one heart and voice, one aim and purpose, — that of loyal devotion and lifelong service to God in Christ. My friends, though I may seem from year to year to repeat the same formulary of greetings and good wishes, I can assure you that the old words come to my lips with an always new and ever profounder feeling. Years only strengthen the affections and deepen the sympathies ; and every new wave of the life-tide that flows from our inlet into the great sea carries with it more and more of my loving remembrance, dear appreciation, and fond hope. I wish that those who go from us knew how much joy they give here by their success and honor. Believe me, my friends, that nothing that concerns you can be indifferent to us, and take with you from each and all of your teachers a hearty godspeed on your several careers. May our Father's loving Providence and guiding Spirit be ever over you and with you. May your powers and attainments be so consecrated to the ser- vice of your age, your country, and your God, that the approval of good men and the blessing of Heaven may be with you through your earthly pilgrimage, and that by your fidelity here you may be trained for the higher trusts and nobler stewardships of the life eternal. BACCALAUREATE HYMN. Tune, — " Eva." i. TOGETHER, Lord, before Thy throne, Our heads in reverence bent, With grateful hearts and lips we own The blessings Thou hast sent. ii. Thy kindly hand for ever spreads Fresh flowers our path along ; Thy love its sunlight o'er us sheds, And fills our lips with song. in. And though our common path must now In many ways divide, As ever in the past be Thou Henceforth our God and guide. IV. Thy presence, Lord, alone we ask, If days be dark or bright ; And in Thy strength shall ev'ry task Thy hand allots be light. CLASS-DAY EXERCISES. JUNE 25, 1875. Artier of exercises. >>*