vO 35 ^^^ ' ^, v-^' ^'/'^ s^" -^-^ \V .-x- ■■ ..^r.\r^<^ ,.^ ,0-' . . ■t \ ^ N. SM/K^ '^'^ s-^" -• .»;-/~«:.^ <30 ^Ni„ ..o'^ mmi^^^'^ ^. -■^o^ ^"^^ .^ ,0-' ..-'■ " cP^ .^^ V\-' " :. s ^ ^# vOo. V ^ ^ '^ " aV •/'. 'a' o ,~^ <. "^ ,0 c ,0c X^°- «'♦ '^o C • V o. C' fp^ / ■0- 'bo A ^^^^. \' :x<^' < % C;_ V ' <- « . ^. .Oc a"^^ , ^ ' ' ' * -/^ ^^-"^^ ^O 0^' \^ J> '^c. "°.^*; o i* /.-.. x^^°<. <>^ ^^^ .^^^ ^LJ; "-^A v^ •.^' >''^. Oo \^ ■^^. SI ' » * '^o. O ■^^ .p^ A- .^^ . * ■, s o ^ av- ^•y. .V .^^^. •-^>^^ A^^- ^ V'^ * 9 ■%^^ VS- s^%. ^0^ A '';;■« .,v^^^ .V •^^. >* c^. "b 0^ ^^ ..s^ S^^. °V' ^^ ^^ -^^^ t^' A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY FROM 1897 TO 1909 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY FROM 1897 TO 1909 BY EDWARD STANWOOD, Litt.D. (Bowdoin) BOSTON AND NEW YORK HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY ^\)e RitcrjSJDe prcjSjS Cambrilioe 1912 O.^r--' ^^^ 'W"^ COPYRIGHT, 1912, BY EDWARD STANWOOD \j -l ^^'^ ALL RIGHTS RESERVED Published October iQia i : :<6 13^ <93^^-^ gCI.A327304 PREFACE This continuation of the "History of the Presidency" covers the three presidential campaigns of 1900, 1904, and 1908, together with a somewhat compreliensive notice of the important political events of the whole period, whether they did or did not have a perceptible influence upon the result of a general election, and a discussion of the evolution of the presidential office. It has tluis the advantages and the disad- vantages of an attempt to present the political history of the most recent times. Any one competent to prepare such a his- tory must have been by conviction a member of one of the two great parties ; but it is hoped that any views herein expressed will be found not to be colored by offensive partisanship. CONTENTS CHAPTER I. " Imperialism " the " Paramount " Issue . II. Roosevelt's Election for a " Second Term " III. The Era of " Progressive " Insurgency . IV. The Evolution of the Presidency . Appendix Index 1 77 141 214 247 293 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY FROM 1897 TO 1909 "IMPERIALISM" THE "PARAMOUNT" ISSUE The election of 1896 restored to the Republican party the full control of tlie national government in all its departments. The situation during the second half of President Cleveland's second administration was abnormal and unsatisfactory, for the government was divided against itself to an unprecedented de- gree. The Senate was still controlled by the Democrats and their Populist allies, by the narrowest of majorities, and the President was a Democrat ; but the House of Representatives was Republican in the proportion of five of that party to two of the combined opposition. ^ Moreover, there was no real political accord between the Senate and the President. On the great issue of the times, the free and unlimited coinage of sil- ver, they Avere actively antagonistic ; and the closing chapter of the history of the Tariff Act of 1894 Avas still remembered by some leading Democratic senators, and the breach in their relations with Mr. Cleveland remained. In such circumstances no legislation having a savor of party politics could be passed. The President was forced to rely upon Republican aid to deal with the fiscal situation — a seri- ous deficit ; and that aid was given, although the President and the Republican leaders disputed almost angrily the cause of .the depletion of the gold reserve. Mr. Cleveland was no defender of the Tariff Act of 1894 ; but he contended that it was not true that the repeated gold loans were rendered necessary, and were made, and that their proceeds were used, to meet the de- ficiency in the revenue. The Repiiblicans, on the other hand, 1 Fiftj'-fourth Congress. Senate, Democrats, 39; Populists, 6; Republi- cans, 44; one vacancy. House of Representatives, Repul)licans, 252; Demo- crats, 93; Populists, 8; Silver, 1; Fusion, 1 ; vacancies, 2. 2 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY maintained that if the revenue had been sufficient the gold re- serve could not have been drawn upon as it vi^as, and that consequently the loans would not have been necessary. The difficult situation was brought to an end when the new administration came into power. Congress was Republican in both branches,^ and both the majority and the minority parties were more united than had been the case for a long time. The declaration in favor of free silver in the Democratic platform, and in favor of the single gold standard in that of the Repub- licans, in the canvass of 1896, caused a serious secession from each party, and the nominating conventions on both sides had therefore been careful to choose as candidates for seats in Con- gress men who could be relied upon to support the party policy on the great issue of the day. Nevertheless the silver question was not the sole issue in the canvass of 1896, and the importance of the tariff issue must not be overlooked. In the far Western States, where the sen- timent was almost unanimous in favor of free silver, the Repub- lican campaign was conducted on the issue of Protection, as against the Wilson-Gorman tariff, and its free wool feature. It was not a successful campaign, so far as electoral votes were concerned, but it served to preserve a nucleus around which the temporary deserters clustered, at the next election. On the other side of the political fence the situation was different. Many thousands of "Old line" Democrats voted for Mr. McKinley because of their opposition to free silver and the other radical policies championed by Mr. Bryan, and in spite of their only less serious objection to a protective tariff of which, in popular opinion, Mr. McKinley was the protag- onist. Others, who could not forego that objection, voted for General Palmer. No Democrat of either of the classes opposed to Mr. Bryan was elected to Congress. But in the country, and in a certain portion of the press, the dissentient Democratic opinion made itself felt. It was urged, of course without avail, that the election had decided primarily that the people desired the establishment of the single gold standard of money, and only secondarily, if at all, that they were in favor of a protective tariff. Those who took that view maintained, accordingly, that 1 Fiftj'-fifth Congress. Senate, Republicans, 46; Democrats, 34; Populists, 5; Independents, 3; Silver party, 2. House of Representatives, Republicans, 202; Democrats, 130; Populists, 21; Silver party, 3; Fusion, 1. Two of the Independents in the Senate usually acted with the Republicans. "IMPERIALISM" THE "PARAMOUNT" ISSUE 3 the reformation of the currency system was the first duty of Congress and of the President, and tliey denounced the reversal of the programme as a virtual betrayal of the people whose man- date they had received. Mr. McKinley made it evident in his inaugural address that he regarded a revision of the tariff' as the immediate duty of the law. Undoubtedly he personally deemed it of greater im- portance than the reform of the money system. But that is to be inferred rather from his speeches in Congress^ and as a can- didate for the presidency than from his language at his in- auguration. Indeed, his attitude toward the silver question was somewhat timid. He still spoke of keeping silver at parity with gold. But as for the tariff" he was decided. '' The people," he said, " have decided that such legislation should be had as will give ample protection and encouragement to the industries and development of our country. It is therefore earnestly hoped and expected that Congress will, at the earliest practicable mo- ment, enact revenue legislation that shall be fair, reasonable, conservative, and just, and which, while supplying sufficient revenue for public purposes, will still be signally beneficial and helpful to every section and every enterprise of the people." He discussed the existing financial system, referred to the succession of annual deficits, assumed, without making an un- necessary argument upon the subject, that expenditures should be met by revenue rather than by loans, and set forth his opinion on the general question by remarking that " with ade- quate revenue secured, but not until then, we can enter upon changes in our fiscal laws." Undoubtedly, in thus placing tariff" revision first on his pro- gramme, he was in accord with the great majority of his sup- porters both in Congress and in the country at large. But there were two excellent reasons, from a practical point of view, why his preference was natural and wise. An attempt to establish the gold standard during the first half of Mr. McKinley's term would have been foredoomed to failure. The House of Representatives of the Fifty-fifth Congress was strongly anti-silver. If the question had been brought to a test it is doubtful if any Republican meml^er of that body Avould have voted for free silver. But in the Senate it was different. As has been noted, there were 46 Republican sen- ators, and 44 of the combined opposition, every member of which was a declared advocate of free silver. Four of the Re- 4 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY publicans were also determined advocates of the measure, be- side two other senators who supported it conditionally. It would have been most unwise to submit a gold-standard bill to a Senate so constituted. Indeed, it soon appeared that the silver senators practically held the balance of power, and were resolved to make their own power felt. The other reason for the preference of the tariff question over the currency question — if the reason just given had not been all-powerful — was the fact that the way had already been prepared for immediate action upon it. In anticipation of that which actually occurred, the Committee on Ways and Means of the Fifty-fourth Congress had for months been pre- paring a tariff bill. Protracted hearings were held, and a great amount of testimony was taken, no doubt with an understand- ing between the Committee and Mr. McKinley that an ex- traordinary session of Congress would be held almost immedi- ately after the inauguration. On the 6th of March the President issued a proclamation summoning the Fifty-fifth Congress to meet on the loth of the same month. At the beginning of the session he sent a message on the subject of the deficiency in the revenues of the government, and urged the speedy pass- age of a tariff act. All the Republican members of the Ways and Means Committee had been reelected, and Mr. Speaker Reed ^ reappointed them on the committee. The bill was practically ready, and on the 19th it was reported to the House. The modern practice of the House of Representatives in dealing with measures which are both complicated and of a partisan character, is to curb and limit actual debate by means of special rules. In this case the Committee on Rules brought in a resolution that the bill should be taken up for considera-r tion on March 22; that "general debate" should continue for four days ; that from March 26 the bill should be open to amendment in Committee of the Whole, — amendments pro- posed by the Committee on Ways and Means to 'have the pre- ference; and that on March 31 at three o'clock the House should come to a final vote on the passage of the bill. A course of action precisely similar was laid out by the Committee on Rules of the Fifty-third Congress, when the Wilson tariff bill Avas brought in, in 1894, but the time allowed for proposing 1 Reelected Speaker by 199 votes, to 114 for Mr. Bailey of Texas, 21 for Mr. Bell of Colorado^ and 1 for Mr. Newlands of Nevada. "IMPERIALISM" THE "PARAMOUNT" ISSUE 5 and discussing amendments was longer. In neither case was the privilege of presenting amendments of the slightest benefit to the opposition, for the obvious reason that every such amendment, however meritorious, was certain to be rejected. There is much to be said both for and against such a method of procedure. The traditional practice of parliamentary bodies is violated in a fundamental principle by a system which for- bids a detailed examination of a revenue measure. The rights of the minority are practically abrogated, since they are con- ceded in such a restricted form that they are ineffective. The body which passes upon the measures before it under such rules has really ceased to be a deliberative body. The meas- ures are drawn by a committee, or rather by the majority of a committee, and are virtually unamendable save by the consent of those members of the committee. Should any amendment not acceptable to them be agreed to in a snap division in com- mittee of the whole, they are usually if not invariably able to reverse the decision when the bill is reported to the House. On the other hand, experience has shown that the choice is not between this system and the former one, if a tariff bill is to be passed, but between the new system and failure to pass the bill. The House of Representatives is almost twice as num- erous a body as it was when Clay brought in his compromise tariff bill, and there are probably more than five times as many talking members now as there were then. At the same time the volume of business to be transacted has certainly in- creased tenfold. If, then, a tariff bill were to be thrown open to detailed discussion, paragraph by paragraph, and article by article, it would not be possible to pass it even through the House of Representatives at a single session. It is also a per- tinent suggestion that on such a subject as the tariff every member's mind is made up before consideration of the bill be- gins, that no member expects by his eloquence to influence the action of any fellow member, and therefore debate is wasted, so far as the theoretical purpose of debate is concerned. Moreover, a tariff measure is to be considered as a whole, nol^ acceptable in every detail to any member, not to be rendered acceptable to any opponent of the protection or free trade prin- ciple on which it may be based, by one or a dozen amend- ments. Consequently every hostile amendment is sure to be rejected. Finally, as the only practical purpose of debate in the House of Representatives is to influence public opinion 6 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY outside, that purpose may be and is accomplished quite as well by the general "leave to print" undelivered speeches in the " Congressional Record, " as by giving up time to their de- livery. These arguments have been convincing to both the great parties in the country, and the practice of cutting off de- bate is so well established and has been so useful that it is not likely to be abandoned. The programme prepared by the Committee on Rules was adopted by the House and strictly carried out. " General de- bate" was exceedingly general, being chiefly discussion of the vast benefits and the unrelieved wickedness of the protective system. More than half the time allowed for amendments was occupied in the consideration of changes proposed by the Committee on Ways and Means, and the opposition had no opportunity to discuss anything but the first schedule, devoted to chemicals, and a few paragraphs of the glass schedule. One important amendment, designed to levy the duties to be im- posed by the bill on goods purchased and hurried into the country before the act should take effect, was adopted by the Committee of the Whole, but was thrown out by the House on the ground that, being retroactive, it was probably unconsti- tutional. An attempt was made to put on the free list articles the domestic production of which was controlled by " trusts," but the motion was defeated, yeas 148, nays 197. The bill was then passed, yeas 205, nays 122. Five Democrats voted for the bill ; three Populists only voted against it. The others, 21 in number, answered " present." The history of the bill in the Senate was remarkable. As it passed the House of Representatives it established duties ap- preciably lower than those imposed by the McKinley act of 1890. The Finance Committee of the Senate deemed even that scale of duties too high, and Mr. Aldrich, in explaining the action of the committee in proposing further reductions, urged that protection should be given in a moderate and con- servative spirit, in order to " insvire a much greater degree of permanence to our tariff legislation." But that policy was not to prevail. The " Silver Republicans " were among the most radical protectionists in the Senate, and they soon found that they held the balance of power. Indeed Mr. Jones of Nevada, one of them, could control the action of the Commit- tee on Finance by giving his vote either with the six Repub- licans or with the six Democrats. In these circumstances the "IMPERIALISM" THE "PARAMOUNT" ISSUE 7 Republicans both in the committee and in the Senate were forced to make concessions to the Silver men, with the result that the original policy of the committee was overthrown, the committee itself withdrew amendments reducing duties and of- fered others increasing them, and the Senate was compelled to agree in order to save the bill. Mr. Aldrich, whose health was greatly impaired by work and worry, retired from the man- agement of the bill, — not unwillingly, in all probability, — withdrew to his home, and returned only on the day the meas- ure was put on its passage. The vote was taken on July 7, and the bill was passed by yeas 38, nays 28. One Democrat voted for it, six Populist and Silver senators withheld their votes. In conference duties were raised in some cases higher than they had been placed by either the House or the Senate. The bill was signed by President McKinley on July 14. Thus was enacted the Dingley tariff, which was destined to remain in force for a longer period than any other tariff act in the his- tory of the government. For save for the imposition of some duties as a measure of war finance, during the Spanish war — duties which were removed after peace was restored — the act was unchanged until it was superseded by the tariff of 1909. Silver had been chosen by the Democrats as the *' para- mount " issue in 1896, but a question of vastly greater and more permanent importance was soon to be introduced. Events were already preparing for a contest which was to change for all time the^iosition of the United States in the family of nations. Washington's injunction against the formation of ''entangling alliances " with other nations had always been popularly and even officially interpreted as advice to hold aloof from interna- tional politics in any form. The Monroe Doctrine M'as not merely an assertion of a certain guardianship over the other American republics, to the extent of protecting them against European aggression, but it was also an expression of an inten- tion to discharge that self-assumed duty alone, without asking or permitting assistance. The only instance where there was any departure from that attitude was in the case of the Clay- ton-Bulwer treaty, which postponed rather than promoted the building of an isthmian canal, and which many secretaries of state tried in vain to abrogate. That the attitude of national isolation was in many respects beneficial to the United States, admits of no dispute. Interfer- ing in no controversies in which it was not directly concerned, 8 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY it had no fear of interference or aggression by other nations, and was thus enabled to dispense with a great army and navy. In other ways that need not be specified it profited by its exemp- tion from the duties and the tasks which other governmentsj from choice or from necessity, were performing. But in another aspect of the matter the course of the govern- ment was not admirable. Students of history know that out of the original chaos of society, peace, order and law have been established. In enlightened communities every member has a duty to contribute his share to the maintenance of a system which assures protection of life and property to all, and which punishes malefactors and mischief-makers. Just so a commun- ity of nations has been gradually evolving, by no means perfect as yet, which more and more tends to concerted action for the preservation of peace, and to the curbing of reckless and aggress- ive sovereigns and peoples. If the citizen who refuses to bear his part in maintaining social order and in the support of good government is deemed unfaithful, what is to be said of a nation, boasting itself to be the freest in the world, Avhich sends mess- ages of encouragement to every band of insurgents in the world, on the plea that they are fighting for liberty, but which never lifts a finger to compose international quarrels, to help a weak neighbor attacked by an arrogant prince, or to punish violations of international justice ? That was practically the position of the United States before it was awakened to the conviction that to be great and powerful and rich imposed upon it the duty to join with other nations in maintaining the peace of the world. The people had no idea that impending events were to plunge the country into world-politics and to enforce a changed relation of their government toward other powers. But both parties were equally responsible for the course of action which brought about that result. The geographical position of the Island of Cuba, the western end of which penetrates the Gulf of Mexico only a few miles from the Florida coast, has made it always an object of interest, and frequently of apprehension or annoyance, to the govern- ment of the United States. There was a fear, during the ad- ministration of Mr. Monroe, that Great Britain had a design to acquire the island from Spain. Mr. Adams, then Secretary of State, wrote to Mr. Nelson, the minister to Madrid, that the transfer " would be an event unpropitious to the interests of this Union" ; and that "it is scarcely possible to resist the "IMPERIALISM" THE "PARAMOUNT" ISSUE 9 conviction that the annexation of Cuba to our Federal Repub- lic will be indispensable to the continuance and integrity of the Union itself." Jefferson shared this view to the full ex- tent, for about the same time he wrote to Monroe that " its possession by Great Britain would indeed be a great calamity to us," and that " her addition to our confederacy is exactly what is wanted to round out our power as a nation to the point of its utmost interest." For many years, indeed until the crisis came in the last decade of the eighteenth century, the chief interest of the United States in Cuba may be likened to that of a landowner who is put to trouble and expense in preventing his unruly boys from helping the sons of a neighbor to turn him out of his property. To be sure, during the period when the slavery question was at its most acute stage, the " Ostend Manifesto " of 1854, — declaring the right of the United States to compel Spain to sell the island to this country, or, on a refusal to sell it, to wrest it from Spain by force, — was intended as a move preliminary to the acquisition of more slave territory. But in the main the government maintained a correct diplomatic atti- tude, and it did not fail to take measures to prevent aid being sent from its ports to the frequent and prolonged insurrections. Such measures were not always effectual, but the United States was the sufferer when that was the case. The incident of the Virginius, during the ten years' war from 1868 to 1878, was an instance in point. A fresh insurrection broke out in 1895. It was different in method from any one which had preceded it, and more strongly supported by the Cubans, although the people of the United States were slow to perceive the differences. The insurgents overran almost the whole island, and audaciously approached even to the outskirts of Havana. They avoided engagements with large bodies of Spanish troops, but waged a successful guerilla Avarfare. They also set up the semblance of a govern- ment. From the very beginning Cuba was in a state little better than anarchy. Such a condition was intolerable to the United States. Aside from the horrors of the situation, — the destruction of life and -property, — this country had a most material interest in the struggle. American citizens were seized and thrown into prison by the Spanish authorities, and the sugar plantations which were devastated and burned over by the insurgent bands were largely owned by Americans. Pres- 10 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY ident Cleveland, in his last annual message, in December, 1896, estimated the American investments in Cuba at from thirty to fifty millions. This is not the place to give an account of the progress of the rebellion, nor to mention in detail the steps, marked by relentless cruelty, taken by Spain to put down the rebellion. There were in all about one hundred and fifty thousand Span- ish troops in the island, but although they vastly outnumbered the insurrectionary forces, they were badly led and made but little headway. The insurrection attracted but little attention in the United States at first. To a large number of the people it seemed only another rising, not essentially unlike, or more important than, the scores of revolutions which have been a feature of the history of all the republics of Latin America. It was to them a trial, an annoyance, like that which a peaceable house- holder experiences when a noisy and bloody quarrel is going on in the next house, — something to be endured with patience but without interference until peace should be restored. Many men held this opinion to the end, and rejected every suggestion that in the interest of humanity, and of a quiet neighborhood, the disturbance must be stopped. But the great body of the people, of every shade of political opinion, was swept ofi" its feet in a burst of enthusiastic determination that the evil should be endured no longer. The growing interest in the struggle and the change in the popular temper are reflected in the official papers of the pres- idents. In December, 1895, Mr. Cleveland recognized the sym- pathy of his countrymen with the insurgents, but urged that however ardent that feeling might be it should not deter the government from performing scrupulously its duty to a friendly power by preventing any hostile acts by its own citizens. The tone of his message in December, 1896, was not markedly dif- ferent, but it contained some expressions which would have been inconsistent with the message of the preceding year. He discussed the situation in Cuba at great length, and in a spirit friendly to Spain, and examined, only to reject, the suggestion of forcible intervention. Nevertheless he added, at the conclu- sion " That it cannot be reasonably assumed that the hitherto expectant attitude of the United States will be indefinitely maintained," and that, "while we are anxious to accord all due respect to the sovereignty of Spain, we cannot view the "IMPERIALISM" THE "PARAMOUNT" ISSUE 11 pending conflict in all its features, and properly apprehend our inevitably close relations to it and its possible results, without considering that by the course of events we may be drawn into such an unusual and unprecedented condition as will fix a limit to our patient waiting for Spain to end the contest either alone and in her own way or with our friendly cooperation." The Cuban question occupied a large part of the time of the Fifty-fourth Congress, — the last of Mr. Cleveland's second term. There was a minority, not a large but an aggressive minority, which desired the immediate recognition of Cuban independ- ence ; there were many others who wished to accord belliger- ent rights to the insurgents. Including those two classes there was a large majority of members of both Houses who wished that something should be done to show the impatience of the Amer- ican people at the situation. At the first session, after a pro- tracted debate, a concurrent resolution was passed ^ after un- dergoing many changes, both in purport and in phraseology, declaring that a state of war existed in Cuba, that the United States would observe strict neutrality, and that the President should offer the good offices of the United States to secure the independence of Cuba. The form of a " concurrent resolution " was chosen because it did not require that the resolution should be submitted to the President for his approval as a "joint res- olution " must have been. The President's attitude was well known. He took no action in accordance with the advice of Congress at the time. Later in the year he did take a step in that direction. 2 His unwillingness to do anything that would permit the Spanish government to suppose that the United States government was in sympathy with the movement for forcible intervention, was severely criticised, by members of his own party more than by Republicans ; for those who were most determined upon a conservative course at this time were chiefly Republicans. The judgment of history will be that Mr. Cleveland's course was wise. It was something more than that, from a political point of view. It was eminently considerate, in 1 Passed by the Senate, February 28, by yeas 64, nays 6; by the House of Representatives, March 2, by yeas 262, nays 17; conference report agreed to b}' the House, April 6, bj' yeas 247, nays 27; by the Senate without a division. 2 " It was intimated by this government to the government of Spain some months ago that if a satisfactory measure of home rule were tendered to the Cuban insurgents and would be accepted by them upon a guaranty of its ex- ecution, the United States would endeavor to find a way not objectionable to Spain of furnishing such a guaranty." President's Message, December, 1896. 12 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY that it was precisely the course which was likely to be least embarrassing to his successor in office. When the second session of the Fifty-fourth Congress began, in December, 1896, numerous resolutions were introduced de- manding that the independence of Cuba be immediately recog- nized. On the 19th of that month, Mr, Olney, the Secretary of State, caused it to be stated in the public press that the power and the right to recognize foreign governments was vested ex- clusively in the President. That contention was hotly disputed by the more radical advocates of Cuban independence. Early in January Senator Eugene Hale, of Maine, presented an ex- haustive historical memorandum which sustained the admin- istration in its position on that point. He also introduced, January 6, a resolution, which was passed, calling on the Secre- tary of State for a report on the precedents covering the matter of recognition of a foreign government.^ On the following day Mr. Mills of Texas offered a resolution, which was subsequently debated but never acted upon, asserting that the expediency of such recognition belongs to Congress ; that when Congress should determine in favor of recognition the executive should act in harmony with the legislative department; and "that the inde- pendence of Cuba ought to be and hereby is recognized." The resolution throws light upon the political situation in the clos- ing months of Mr. Cleveland's administration. Hardly at any other time in the history of the country would a leading sen- ator, in full and regular standing in his party, have urged a resolution making such a direct and aggressive attack upon a position held by the president chosen by that party. But, as is well known, the convention and the election of 1896 had left a breach between the President and the controlling wing of the Democratic party that was almost as wide as that between the Democrats and the Republicans. Both the great parties of the country, meanwhile, had ex- pressed themselves strongly in their national platforms on the subject of Cuba, The Democrats merely expressed their hearty sympathy with the Cubans in their struggle for independence. The Republicans went further, and concluded their resolution on the subject by urging that the government " should actively use its influence and good offices to restore peace and give inde- pendence to the island," It would not be true, nevertheless, to say that these expressions represented a unanimous wish of 1 It does not appear that the inquiry was ever answered. "IMPERIALISM" THE "PARAMOUNT" ISSUE 13 the people. There were still many men in public and private life who held that the contest was one in which it was per- mitted to all citizens to feel a deep sympathy with the insurg- ents and horror at the cruelties of the Spanish administration ; but that as a government the United States had neither a duty nor a right to dictate to Spain how it should deal with a col- ony in revolt. But these men did not undertake to prevent the adoption of the resolutions of sympathy by the national conventions. The attitude of Mr. McKinley on the Cuban question was not noticeably different from that of Mr. Cleveland. His in- structions to Mr. Woodford, the new minister to Spain, were conservative and conciliatory. He was " to impress upon that government the sincere wish of the United States to lend its aid toward the ending of the war in Cuba by reaching a peace- ful and lasting result, just and honorable alike to Spain and to the Cuban people," and was to represent " that at this juncture our government was constrained to seriously inquire if the time was not ripe when Spain, of her own volition, moved by her own interests and every sentiment of humanity, should put a stop to this destructive war, and make proposals of settlement honorable to herself and just to her Cuban colony." ^ General Woodford, acting upon these instructions, had the good fortune to deal with Sefior Sagasta, the new Prime Minister of Spain, who succeeded Senor Canovas, who was assassinated in August, 1897. The new Spanish government was certainly better dis- posed toward Cuba and toward the United States than that which preceded it. The suggestions were received in an amica- ble spirit. The government did recall General Weyler, the governor-general of Cuba, whose administration had been ex- tremely cruel, particularly in the policy of removing the entire population from their rural homes and concentrating them in the cities and in camps. It also decreed the establishment of a local home rule government, and released all the Americans who had been in confinement. But it did not relax or propose to relax any military measures against the insurgents in arms who, in turn, spurned any concessions short of complete inde- pendence. In effect, therefore, the situation was unchanged. The war continued. The Spanish government was unable, as it had been from the beginning, to pacify Cuba. The crisis was approaching. Two events in the month of 1 Mp-snore of December. 1897. 14 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY February, 1898, had a most profound effect upon the people of the United States. On the 9th a private letter by Senor De Lome, the Spanish minister at Washington, Avas made public, in which he characterized the President as " weak and yielding to the rabble," and as a " bad politician." He was at once recalled, and his sentiments were disavowed by the Spanish government ; but the people were in a mood to be absolutely distrustful of the Spanish government. On the 10th, in con- sequence of this disclosure, Mr. Cannon of Illinois, since Speaker of the House of Representatives, introduced a resolu- tion urging the sending of an ultimatum to Spain, and a rec- ognition of the independence of Cuba before the 4th of March. But that incident created a mere flurry of popular excite- ment in comparison with the startling event which took place on the evening of February 15. The battleship Maine arrived in the port of Havana on January 25. It was sent thither after consultation with the Spanish government, and with the full consent of that government, as a mark of friendliness and good will. On the night of February 15 it was blown up in Havana harbor, and sunk, and two officers and 264 of the crew per- ished, as a result of the catastrophe. A court of inquiry was instituted, which reported that the " effect could have been produced only by the explosion of a mine situated under the bottom of the ship." On the whole the people of the United States received the intelligence of the dreadful disaster with horror rather than with indignation. They waited, without a general prejudge- ment against Spain as the author of the calamity, until the facts should be known. But it had already become clear that there was a dire prospect that forcible intervention, which meant war, must ensue before the questions at issue were de- cided; and Congress was prompt to take precautions against that event. On March 8 the House of Representatives by a unanimous vote, yeas 311, nays none, passed a bill containing an appropriation of fifty million dollars for national defence, to be at the disposal of the President, and the Senate passed the bill on the next day, without change or debate, and with equal unanimity. The President communicated the facts re- garding the destruction of the Maine and the finding of the court, in a message to Congress on March 28. The affair made a deep impression upon the minds of the people and greatly intensified the feeling that intervention in Cuba could not, "IMPERIALISM" THE "PARAMOUNT" ISSUE 15 and should not, be long delayed. That feeling was rather in- creased than allayed by the fact that the Spanish government made an inquiry of its own, the result of which was a finding that the explosion which caused the destruction of the battle- ship was from the inside, that there were no mines in Havana harbor, and that no responsibility for the disaster rested on Spain or Spaniards. Meantime public sentiment hostile to Spain was still further augmented both in volume and in intensity, by a speech made in the Senate on March 17, by Senator Proctor of Vermont. Mr. Proctor had lately returned from Cuba where he had made extensive observations of conditions. In particular he had studied the results of the Spanish treatment of the peasantry. He gave a harrowing account of the desolation and distress caused by the cruel policy of concentration, and estimated the loss of life during the three years of anarchy at several hun- dred thousand. In a short time the demand for action on the part of the United States to put an end to the disturbance by removing its cause, became overwhelming. In the popular view the only possible remedy was the absolute abandonment of Cuba by Spain. The tension that existed between the two governments at this time is illustrated by another incident. Early in March the Spanish minister at Washington asked that the Consul-General at Havana, General Fitzhugh Lee, be recalled, and that mer- chant vessels should be substituted for the naval vessels that were carrying relief to the distressed people of Cuba. Both re- quests were denied, and were not pressed. On March 23 General Woodford presented to the Spanish Minister of Foreign Affairs a formal statement to the effect that unless an agreement ensuring immediate and honorable peace in Cuba were reached within a short time, the President would be constrained to submit to the consideration of Con- gress the whole question of the relations between the United States and Spain, including the affair of the Maine. The Span- ish Minister replied on the 25th, asking that the report on the Maine should not be sent to Congress, and that the question of the future of Cuba should be left to diplomacy. General Woodford asked if Spain would grant an armistice, meantime. The answer of Spain to these latest propositions was received on April 1. It was thoroughly unsatisfactory. Although pa- cific in tone it contained nothing more than promises to con- 16 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDEXCY sider the questions at issue at a future time. Spain would not object to an armistice if it were asked for by the insurgents — an impossible condition as was well known by both parties to the controversy. As for the question of the future relations between Spain and Cuba, that was to be committed to the consideration of the courts, which would not assemble until May. From the time when this reply of Spain was made public, war was inevitable, although the fact was not fully perceived or universally admitted. The President did not abandon hope. The pressure upon him to act instantly and vigorously, was tremendous. It came from both sides of the Senate and House, and from most of the newspapers of the country. But he ap- pealed to those who were demanding importunately that he should act at once, to permit him to work out the matter in his own way without interference. To a certain extent they complied with his request, for a time. In his desire to avoid war he was stoutly supported by a group of senators,^ all of them, it is believed, members of the Republican party. The imminence of war had by this time attracted the notice of the European governments. The Pope made a proposition to some of the powers that they should unite in a movement for mediation between the United States and Spain. The at- tempt failed. It is not known precisely what attitude was taken by the several powers, but it is known that Great Britain re- fused to be a party to the movement, a refusal which alone was fatal to it ; and the United States was averse to it, which, also, if the powers had come to an agreement, would have in- sured its failure. But on the 7th of April a deputation of the diplomatic representatives of foreign governments in Washing- ton, called upon the President, and through Sir Julian Paunce- fote, the British minister, expressed their hope that a peace- ful solution of the difficulty would be reached. The President made a judicious and non-committal but pacific reply, and that was the end of foreign mediation. The situation was now that which the President had in- formed the Spanish government would constrain him to sub- mit to Congress the whole question of the relations between the two countries. But he still hesitated, and delayed carrying out his announced purpose. Fearing that in the excited state 1 Among them were Senators Allison, Aldrich, Fairbanks, Hale, Hanna, Piatt of Connecticut, and Spooner. "IMPERIALISM" THE "PARAMOUNT" ISSUE 17 of public feeling insults and possibly physical injury would be suffered by his countrymen in Cuba, the President recalled Consul-General Lee, on April 5, and directed him to bring to the United States with him all American citizens who desired to return. Even after they had left Havana he withheld his message. The chances of peace and war seemed to vary from day to day. The Spanish ministry, urged thereto by the for- eign ambassadors in Madrid, decided on April 9 to grant an armistice to the Cuban insurgents, but took no step toward an agreement with the United States on the subject of the future control of Cuba, which was regarded at Washington as an in- dispensable part of a settlement. The government also caused it to be published that it had reached the limit of concessions to the United States. It therefore only remained for the Pres- ident to submit the whole matter to Congress. This he did in a message to the two Houses on April 11. Having given a summary account of the negotiations, he remarked, referring to the answer given to General Woodford to his ultimatum, " with this last overture in the direction of immediate peace, and its disappointing reception by Spain, the Executive is brought to the end of his effort." He assigned four reasons why intervention to restore peace was justifiable : intervention was demanded in the interest of humanity, and it was " no answer to say this is all in another country, be- longing to another nation, and is therefore none of our busi- ness," for "it is right at our door"; it was required for the protection of American citizens and property in Cuba ; it was justified by the injury to American commerce and business ; and " the present condition of affairs in Cuba is a constant menace to our peace, and entails upon this government an enormous expense." The most pregnant passage in the mess- age is the following paragraphs : — The long trial has proved that the object for which Spain has waged the war, cannot be attained. The fire of insurrection may flame or may smoulder with varying seasons, but it has not been and it is plain that it cannot be extinguished by present methods. The only hope of relief and repose from a condition which can be no longer endured is the enforced pacification of Cuba. In the name of humanity, in the name of civilization, in behalf of en- dangered American interests which give us the right and the duty to speak and to act, the war in Cuba must stop. In view of these facts and of these considerations I ask the Con- 18 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY gress to authorize and empower the President to take measures to secure in the island the establishment of a stable government, capable of maintaining order and observing its international obliga- tions, insuring peace and tranquillity and the security of its citi- zens as well as our own, and to use the military and naval forces of the United States as may be necessary for these purposes. On the 13tli of April the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the House of Representatives, and the Committee on Foreign Relations of the Senate, each reported a preamble and resolu- tions on the subject of Cuba. The debate proceeded simultan- eously in both branches. The House resolution — the pream- ble and that of the Senate were similar in tone — was as follows : — That the President is hereby authorized and directed to inter- vene at once to stop the war in Cuba, to the end and with the pur- pose of securing permanent peace and order there and establishing by the free action of the people thereof a stable and independent government of their own in the island of Cuba. And the Pres- ident is hereby authorized and empowered to use the land and naval forces of the United States to execute the purpose of this resolution. The Democratic members of the committee, representing the universal sentiment within their party that there should be no in- ter vention without recognizing the insurgent government of Cuba, proposed a substitute for the foregoing resolution, namely : — Section 1. That the United States government hereby recog- nizes the independence of the republic of Cuba. Section 2. That, moved thereto by many considerations of hu- manity, of interest, and of provocation, among which are the de- liberate mooring of our battle-ship the ' Maine ' over a submarine mine, and its destruction in the harbor of Havana, the President of the United States be, and he is hereby, directed to employ imme- diately the land and naval forces of the United States in aiding the republic of Cuba to maintain the independence hereby recognized. Section 3. That the President of the United States is hereby authorized and directed to extend immediate relief to the starving people of Cuba. When the question was brought to a vote in the House substitution of the Democratic resolution was refused by yeas 1 50, nays 190. Only thirteen members were absent when the vote was taken. Every Democrat and Populist and four Republicans voted for substitution. The negative vote was of course exclu- "IMPERIALISM" THE "PARAMOUNT" ISSUE 19 sively Republican. The majority resolution was adopted, yeas 322, nays 19. The negative votes were given by sixteen Dem- ocrats, who probably so voted to express their dissatisfaction with the terms of the resolution, and three Kepublicaus who were opposed altogether to intervention. The Senate Committee presented its own resolution, which in effect was more like that of the Democratic substitute in the House than like the resolution which the House passed. The Senate was more — and ditferently — divided in sentiment than was the House. The opposition to immediate intervention was much stronger, and on the other hand there was more support on the Republican side to the policy of recognizing the insurgent government of Cuba than was the case in the House of Representatives. The resolution as reported by the Com- mittee on Foreign Relations was in the following terms : — First, That the people of the island of Cuba are, and of right ought to be free and independent. Second, That it is the duty of the United States to demand, and the government of the United States does hereby demand, that the government of Spain at once relinquish its authority and govern- ment in the island of Cuba, and withdraw its land and naval forces from Cuba and Cuban waters. Third, That the President of the United States be, and he hereby is, directed and empowered to use the entire land and naval forces of the United States, and to call into the actual service of the United States, the militia of the several states, to such an extent as may be necessary to carry these resolutions into effect. A minority of the committee, three Democrats and one Re- publican, while cordially approving the resolution, as far as it went, were in favor of a recognition of the nominal government of Cuba, and proposed to amend the first paragraph of the res- olution as printed above, by adding — and that the government of the United States hereby recognizes the republic of .Cuba as the true and lawful government of the island. After a long debate the amendment was carried by a vote of yeas 51 (41 Democrats and Free Silver men, 10 Republicans), nays 37 (33 Republicans, 4 Democrats). Without opposition or a division the Senate added the famous Teller clause, as follows : — Fourth, that the United States hereby disclaims any disposition or intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control over 20 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY said island, except for the pacification thereof, and asserts its determination, when that is accomplished to leave the government and control of the island to its people. Thus amended, the resolution was substituted for that of the House of Representatives, and was passed by a vote of yeas 67, nays 21. Forty-three Democrats and Populists, and twenty-four Republicans constituted the majority ; nineteen Republicans and two Democrats the minority. The opposition in the House to recognition of the republic of Cuba was suffi- ciently strong to secure a rejection of that clause of the first paragraph. The Committee of Conference recommended that the clause be omitted. Although that course was highly unsatisfactory to the advocates of recognition the conference report was agreed to by the House by yeas 311, nays 6. But in the Senate only three Democrats voted aye, and the result was yeas 42, nays 35 — all Democrats and Populists. The resolution finally adopted was in the form originally proposed by a majority of the Senate committee, with the addition of the Teller amendment. The President approved it on April 20. The resolution meant war. Probably no senator or member of the House doubted that when he voted, whether for or against it. Nor was there any doubt on that point on the part of the Spanish government. It had already declared, in response to a joint note by the ambassadors of France, Germany, Italy, and Russia, that it had reached the limit of concession to the demands and pretensions of the United States. Only eleven minutes after the President signed the joint resolution Senor Polo y Bernabe, the Spanish minister, demanded his passports. The resolution was cabled to Madrid, to Minister Woodford, to- gether with an ultimatum, allowing three days only for Spain to accede to the terms of the resolution, failing which he would proceed to act upon the authority it conferred upon him. The delivery of the note was purposely withheld in order to enable the Spanish government to act first if it should wish to do so. It did so wish, and accordingly sent General Woodford his passports. Thus diplomatic relations between the two govern- ments were severed, and war began. This is not the place to give, even in the barest outline, a history of the war. The events which led up to the war were strictly political events, but in no sense or degree partisan. They were of the utmost importance in changing the attitude of the United States toward other powers, and toward the world at "IMPERIALISM" THE "PARAMOUNT" ISSUE 21 large. But in bringing them about both parties, or rather all parties, shared the responsibility. They took place under a Re- publican administration, but the Democratic and Populist sen- ators and members were more eager for the conflict and more nearly unanimous in supporting warlike measures and threats than were the Republicans. Although on the final vote in the Senate they opposed the acceptance of the conference report which ensured the passage of the war resolution, they opposed it solely because it did not go so far as they desired. In January, 1893, a revolution took place in the kingdom of Hawaii, and Queen Liliuokalani was forced to abdicate. It was alleged by the Democrats that the revolution was promoted, was even made possible, by the landing of United States ma- rines, at the request of Mr. John L. Stevens, the American minister to the island kingdom. The accusation was denied by M^. Stevens and was generally held by Republicans to be false, although the fact that the marines were landed in Honolulu was not disputed. It was also not disputed that the revolution was in the interest of annexation of the islands to the United States. The leaders were all, or nearly all, Americans by birth or descent. Soon after the provisional government was organ- ized a treaty of annexation was concluded between the two governments, subject to the usual ratifications. It was promptly ratified by the Hawaiian government, but was warmly opposed by the Democrats of the United States, and by the members of that party in the Senate. One of the early acts of President Cleveland after taking office in 1893 was to withdraw the treaty from the Senate where it was pending. During the year or two following the withdrawal questions relating to Hawaii were hotly discussed by the two parties, the Democrats attack- ing the Republicans as being responsible for the dethronement of the queen, the Republicans retorting with accusations that the statements made by commissioners sent to Honolulu by Mr. Cleveland distorted the facts. Upon the accession of Mr. Mc- Kinley to the presidency another treaty of annexation was negotiated with the republican government that had been organized in 1894, and proclaimed on July 4 of that year, in succession to the provisional government. But that treaty encountered the opposition not only of Democratic senators,* but also of some influential Republicans, Although it was concluded and sent to the Senate on June 16, 1897, and was 1 They were not all opposed to it. 22 A HISTORY OF THE PKESIDENCY unanimously ratified by both houses of the Hawaiian legislature on September 10, it had not been brought to a vote in the United States Senate when the war with Spain broke out. It was feared by the advocates of the treaty that it would not command the necessary two-thirds vote. The naval battle in Manila Bay introduced a new and power- ful argument in favor of the annexation of Hawaii. In all^ob- ability no senator or congressman had any idea in the eaSy summer of 1898 that the United States would require a ceiSi^on of the Philippine Islands by Spain, or that it would accept sovereignty over them. But the country was engaged in oper- ations in the Pacific Ocean which made it imperative that it should be secure against hostile movements, and that advantage should not be taken of its entanglement with Spain to transfer the Hawaiian Islands to any other power. The importance of acting promptly was appreciated by the administration, and 'ac- cordingly resort was had to the method which was adopted in the case of Texas. On May 17, 1898. Mr. Hitt of Illinois re- ported from the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the House of Representatives a joint resolution providing that, as the gov- ernment of Hawaii had consented in due form to the cession to the United States of all rights of sovereignty over the islands,! the cession was " accepted, ratified and confirmed." The resolution covered much ground in the matter of the future government of the islands, and provided for commissioners to carry the resolution into eff"ect. The policy of annexation was debated with great vigor on both sides. The opposition, con- sisting chiefly of Democrats, argued strongly against the con- stitutionality of an absorption of distant territory, as well as against the expediency of the measure. The advocates of the resolution dwelt upon the predominance of American interests in the islands, and the danger of their conquest by Japan in the event of a failure by the United States to accept the cession when it was off'ered. A vote upon the resolution was not taken until June 15, when a substitute proposed by the minority was rejected, yeas 96, nays 204. The substitute declared that the United States would " regard as an act of hostility any attempt upon the part of any government of Europe or Asia to take or hold possession of the Hawaiian Islands, or to exercise upon any pretext or under any conditions sovereign authority there- in." It also announced a purpose to guarantee and maintain 1 B}' its ratification of the treatj* of annexation, September 10, 1897. "IMPERIALISM" THE "PARAMOUNT" ISSUE 23 the independence of the people of the islands. The substitute having been rejected, the resolution was passed, yeas 209, nays 91. Thirty -one Democrats and Populists voted in the affirm- ative, and three Republicans in the negative. Otherwise it was a party vote. The resolution was taken up for discussion by the Senate on June 20, and the debate continued until July 6, when, many hostile amendments having been rejected, it was passed, yeas 42, nays 21. On this vote six Democrats and two Independents voted with the majority, and two Republicans with the minority. The President approved the joint resolution on June 7. The transfer took place and the flag of the United States was raised at Honolulu on the 12th of August. Thus, before the close of the Spanish war which was to carry the country much further in the same direction, the government entered upon the policy of so-called imperialism, — the sover- eignty over and control of distant territory inhabited by an alien race. Negotiations for the restoration of peace with Spain were opened on July 26 by M. Jules Cambon, the French minister at Washington, at the instance of the Spanish government. A protocol was signed by Mr. Day, Secretary of State, and M. Cambon on August 12. On the 26th the President appointed five commissioners to conclude a treaty of peace with an equal number of commissioners on the part of Spain. They met in Paris on October 1, but it was not until December 10 that the treaty was drawn up and signed. The Spanish commissioners found many of the demands inadmissible, and protested strongly against their harshness, but the President was unyielding, and in the end the Spanish government was forced to accept the terms imposed on it. Nearly a full month was occupied in contention over the question of the future of the Philippine Islands, which had been left open in the protocol. ^ It became known during the discussion of the treaty that the instructions of the President to the commissioners had been that they were to demand the cession of the island of Luzon only. But it seemed to the com- missioners that there were grave objections to that course, and upon their recommendation the President authorized them to 1 The third article of the protocol was as follows: "That the United States will occupy and hold the city, bay and harbor of Manila, pending the conclu- sion of a treat}' of peace which shall determine the control, disposition and government of the Philippines." 24 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY require the cession of the entire group of islands. The decision was a momentous one, for it introduced a fundamental change in the character of the government, and will affect its history in all future time. Prior to the time when the demand for the cession of the whole archipelago was made there seems to have been practi- cally no public opinion in the country favorable to the acqui- sition, and no expectation that it would be made a condition of peace. The President himself acceded to the representations of the commissioners with reluctance. The problem before him was most difficult. The acquisition of Luzon alone, it was easy to see, was not a solution. It would weaken Spain, and prob- ably give over the other islands of the group to anarchy ; and would not strengthen the United States materially. The only really available solutions were to take the whole of the islands or none. The decision to take the whole came as a surprise to the people, and found a large number of them either instantly hostile to the enterprise or quite unprepared to defend it. An examination of the political platforms adopted at the State conventions in 1898 shows that in only two States did the Eepublicans favor the acquisition of the Philippines.-^ Many of the conventions approved the annexation of Hawaii, but New York and Tennessee only favored that of the Philippines. The Massachusetts Republicans hoped that the negotiations would " be so conducted and terminated as to secure to the Philippine Islands and to Cuba in amplest measure the blessings of liberty and self-government." The opponents of the Philippine policy were first in the field. Early in November, 1898, an Anti-Imperialist League was formed in Boston. Its principles were opposition to wars 1 New York Republican convention: " We realize that when the necessities of war compelled our nation to destroy Spanish authority in the Antilles'and in the Philippines we assumed solemn duties and responsibilities alike to the people of the islands we conquered and to the civilized world. We cannot turn these islands back to Spain. We cannot leave them, unarmed for defence and untried in statecraft, to the horrors of domestic strife or to partition among European Powers. We have assumed the responsibilities of vietorj', and wher- ever our flag has gone there the libertj', the humanitj' and the civilization which that flag embodies and represents must remain and abide forever." Tennessee Republican convention: "We declare in favor of the annexation of Porto Rico and all the West Indian islands, and ultimate annexation of Cuba by the free suffrage of the people of the island, and such islands of the Philippines and other islands that mav procure to the United States the trade and commerce of those islands and the good government of their people." "IMPERIALISM" THE "PARAMOUNT" ISSUE 25 of conquest and to the acquisition of any colonial dependencies, and a rigid adherence to the doctrine of the Declaration of Independence that governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed. The venerable George S, Bout- well, formerly Secretary of the Treasury under General Grant, was the president of the League, which had members in many States of the Union. They included a certain number of Re- publicans, but were for the most part men who had participated in the mugwump movement of 1884 and subsequent years. Undoubtedly a great majority of those who ultimately de- fended the Philippine annexation policy were convinced of its wisdom, even of its necessity, against their will. There were, it is true, a great many persons who welcomed it from a senti- ment which is akin to patriotism, — from a feeling that the possession of distant territory, of colonies, increases the grandeur and importance of the nation, and that the lowering of the flag where once it had been raised even for an hour implies national humiliation. But the real strength of the policy was in some- thing far different from chauvinism. A serious consideration of the actual condition of affairs in the Philippines led them to pause before " turning them back to Spain," — the phrase of the New York Republicans. Like Cuba, the islands had been in a chronic state of disorder and insurrection. To abandon them was to increase the evil. The hold upon them by Spain, weak at the best, would have been weakened by the defeat that country had sustained. The outlook was anarchy or a despotism, pro- bably to be followed by conquest by Japan or some European power, which would exploit the islands for its own enrichment. On the other hand the United States was responsible for de- stroying the authority of Spain, and it thereby came under an obligation not to make worse the bad condition of the islands. To all this those who took the anti-imperialist view had a ready answer. To assume sovereignty over an alien race by the purchase of their territory ^ was a distinct denial of the principles of the Declaration of Independence ; it was a sufficient discharge of the national duty to treat the islands as Congress had agreed to treat Cuba, namely, to enable the people to form a government of their own ; the ** white man's burden " was a burden self-assumed, and the altruistic motives professed by those who advocated the acquisition, were a pretence. Moreover, 1 By the treaty the United States was to pay twenty million dollars to Spain reallj', though not in terms, for the cession of the Philippines. 26 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY the success of the policy would involve the country in enormous expenditures ; it would demand a great increase in military and naval forces; it would lead to " entangling alliances " with other powers, which the people, warned by Washington, had avoided for more than a century. These are but a few of the arguments they urged, — and if, in this summary, they seem to be phrased too broadly, the limits of space to put them as they did, ipsissiviis verbis, may fairly be pleaded. In rejoinder those who supported the President and the commissioners made the point that the alternative policy of the anti-imperialists, the organization of a native government in the Philippines was grotesquely impracticable, as the natives were incapable of governing themselves. The treaty was delivered to the President on the 24th of December, but as Congress was not then in session it was not sent to the Senate until January 4. Although the text of the agreement was not made public until a week later the terms were accurately known and the open opposition to it had begun. Mr. Bryan, who held the rank of colonel in the army during the war, took the position of favoring the ratification of the treaty, but at the same time arguing against expansion and im- perialism. In an interview on December 13 he held that rati- fication was advisable on the ground that otherwise the two countries would still be nominally in a state of war, and that a renewal of negotiations would postpone unduly the declaration of peace. With respect to Porto Rico he would have the people freely decide Avhether or not they would be annexed to the United States. The Philippines were "too far away," and the country could not afford to accept them. Moreover, if the people of the United States were entitled to self-government, so were the Filipinos. This view was not approved by the Dem- ocrats in general, but the authority with which Mr. Bryan spoke undoubtedly had much influence with some of the Dem- ocratic senators, and ensured the ratification of the treaty. A debate sprang up in the Senate before the treaty was submitted to it. Several of the Democratic senators strongly opposed the policy of expansion beyond the sea, and argued that no consti- tutional power existed to authorize the acquisition of distant and detached territory. After the treaty was received the subject was debated both in open Senate and in secret session for a full month. Under instruction by the President General Otis, commanding in the "IMPERIALISM" THE "PARAMOUNT" ISSUE 27 Philippines, issued a proclamation to the people setting forth the benevolent intentions of the government and people of the United States tovvard them. The proclamation was hotly re- sented by the Filipinos who acknowledged the leadership of Aguinaldo. Aguinaldo had been a leader of insurgents in a former rebellion, and at the outbreak of the Spanish-American war was living at Hong-Kong. He returned to the Philippines under a certain arrangement with an American consul, to assist in the destruction of the Spanish control of the islands. He maintained that he was assured that the Americans would turn over the archipelago to the natives after conquest. Manifestly no person was authorized to give such an assurance, and the United States would not be bound by it if it were given. That fact, however, might well not be grasped by Aguinaldo, and the result of the misconception of the power of a consul was mischievous in the extreme. Aguinaldo and his followers would not be appeased. They insisted upon a course of action to which the United States could not consent. Such at least was the opinion of the President and his supporters. He and they had reluctantly taken the sovereignty of the Philippines, so they declared, not with any purpose of territorial and colonial ag- grandizement, but solely because that seemed the only way to save the islands from anarchy, — not from a wish to govern them, but from a sense of duty. The opponents of the treaty derided and disbelieved the assertion, and maintained that the real motive was a desire for national expansion, — a manifes- tation of a mad passion for national glory, to be satisfied by a denial of all the fine principles on which the government had always before been conducted. There were frequent conferences between the military au- thorities at Manila and Aguinaldo, but in the circumstances an agreement was impossible. In the evening of Saturday, Feb- ruary 4, 1899, a determined and concerted attack was made by the Filipinos upon the American forces. That was the beginning of a long, bloody and exasperating struggle, upon the course and incidents of which it is unnecessary to enter in this place. Undoubtedly it affected public opinion at home. The enterprise of reducing to subjection alien peoples, who seemed to be fight- ing for liberty and the right of self-government, was extremely obnoxious to a large number of citizens, perhaps to a large majority of them, including a great many who strongly sup- ported the administration and its war policy. Those of that 28 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY class held that the natives of the islands were incapahle of self- government, that Aguinaldo and his supporters were self-ap- pointed leaders who at best represented but a small fraction of one race out of many in the Philippines, and that it would be a humiliation to the United States and a base shirking of duty to abandon the islands, in the face of hostilities, to in- surgents who possessed so little authority. But the outbreak of hostilities made it certain that the treaty would be ratified. The Senate came to a vote on Monday, the 6th, and the necessary two-thirds vote was obtained for ratifi- cation, — yeas 57, nays 27. Sixteen Democrats and Populists joined with forty -one Republicans in the affirmative. Two Re- publicans were with twenty-five Democrats and Populists in the negative. In spite of the cross-voting on this division the question of " imperialism," as the policy of expansion was de- nominated by its opponents, was to be the " paramount " issue in the ensuing presidential election ; yet on neither side of the division did any senator who had dissented from the action of a majority of his own party, separate from them in the canvass of 1900. Some of the Democratic senators were avowedly in favor of the expansion. Others endeavored to procure the pass- age of a resolution — offered by one of them — declaring the purpose of the United States to oversee the organization of a stable government in the Philippines by the natives, and to turn the islands over to that government, following the course it was proposed to pursue in the case of Cuba. Although the resolution was debated at some length it was never brought to a vote. A mild, non-committal resolution was passed after the treaty was ratified. Although the opponents of the Philippine policy made many efforts to secure an amendment, pledging the government to give the Filipinos independence, all such propo- sitions were rejected, and the resolution as passed went no further than to promise such disposition of the islands as should be best for the natives and the interest of the United States. The election of the Fifty-sixth Congress took place in No- vember, 1898. It was entirely unaffected by any question of imperialism, since there was practically no opposition, certainly no partisan opposition, to the acquisition of Porto Rico, and the intention to demand a cession of the Philippines had hardly taken definite shape in the mind of the President, and was wholly unknown by the people. The issue in the election was "IMPERIALISM" THE "PARAMOUNT" ISSUE 29 chiefly on the silver question. Although the Republican ma- jority in the House of Representatives vv^as reduced, the actual majority against the free coinage ol silver was increased.^ The House of Representatives of the Fifty-fifth Congress would have passed an act establishing the gold standard, but there was a majority in favor of silver free coinage in the Senate, — a majority probably of eight or ten. But the election of sen- ators by the State legislatures in the winter of 1898-99 changed the complexion of the Senate completely. No less than eight silver men were replaced by advocates of the gold standard, and there was no change in the opposite direction. The President in his annual message to Congress, December 5, 1899, gave the first place to a consideration of the financial condition of the government, and the opportunity to make se- cure the gold standard of value. He wrote : — While there is now no commercial fright which withdraws gold from the government, but, on the contrary, such widespread con- fidence that gold seeks the Treasury demanding paper money in exchange, yet the very situation points to the present as the most fitting time to make adequate provision to insure the continuance of the gold standard and of public confidence in the ability and purpose of the government to meet all its obligations in the money which the civilized world recognizes as the best. The finan- cial transactions of the government are conducted on a gold basis. We receive gold when we sell United States bonds, and use gold for their payment. The Republicans were resolved to use the opportunity to carry out one of the pledges in their national platform of 1896, which it was not possible to do in the preceding Congress. The very first bill introduced in either House was presented by Mr. Overstreet of Indiana, — "To define and fix the standard of value, to maintain the parity of all forms of money issued or coined by the United States, and for other purposes." It made " the dollar consisting of 25.8 grains of gold, nine-tenths fine " the standard of value. It was a long bill, and dealt with many other branches of the financial question, but the declaration that gold was the standard, and the pledge that all forms of money should be maintained at par with gold, were the chief points in the contest that followed. 1 The House in the Fifty-fifth Congress consisted of 207 Republicans, 122 Democrats, 21 Populists, 3 Silverites, 3 Fusion, and there was one vacancy. In the Fifty-Sixth Congress there were 186 Republicans, 162 Democrats, 7 Populists, and 2 Silverites. 30 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY The bill was not referred to a committee, but on December 8, four days after it was introduced, the Committee on Rules brought in a special rule, w,hich was adopted, allowing general debate on the bill from the 11th until the loth, debate under the five minute rule on the 16th, and requiring the bill to be brought to a vote immediately after the reading of the journal on Monday the 18th. The programme was carried out strictly. The debate was conducted on party lines, and all the arguments on either side of the question were rehearsed and repeated by scores of members. At the close of the period assigned for con- sideration of the measure, all propositions of a hostile character having been defeated, the bill was passed, yeas 190, nays 150. Save that eleven Democrats ^ voted for the bill, the division was strictly on party lines. But a certain number of Democrats who were known to be opponents of free silver and advocates of the single gold standard, voted against the bill because it contained provisions to which they entertained objections. The bill was more fully considered in detail in the Senate. It was referred in that body to the Committee on Finance, which re- ported a substitute, containing provision for the refunding of the national debt. A prolonged debate came to an end on Feb- ruary 15, 1900, and the bill was passed, yeas 46, nays 29. Two Democrats voted in the affirmative and one Republican in the negative. It was not until March 13 that the conference report was adopted by both branches of Congress. The Pres- ident approved the bill on the 14th. In one respect the situation at the beginning of the presi- dential canvass of 1900 was without precedent since the adop- tion of the convention system. The candidate for President of each of the two great parties was designated in advance, with- out the semblance of opposition. After Jack*on, who was elected for his second term without a formal nomination, only four presidents had been nominated for a second term. In the cases of Van Buren, Lincoln and Grant the choice of the op- posing candidate was not predetermined ; and the nominations of Cleveland and Harrison in 1888, although anticipated con- fidently, met with strong opposition. But in 1900, and even two years earlier, the selection of McKinley and Bryan to lead their respective parties again was seen to be inevitable. The 1 Eight New York members^ and one each from Maryland, Massachusetts, and Pennsylvania. "IMPERIALISM" THE "PARAMOUNT" ISSUE 31 President had not taken a course acceptable to all those who supported him in 1896, but the dissenters were comparatively few, and were not generally men whose influence would be perceptible in the choice of delegates to the national conven- tion. The vast majority of the party regarded the administra- tion as eminently successful and worthy of support, and Mr. McKinley was personally extremely popular. Some of his pre- decessors in office had been compelled to encounter the opposi- tion of leaders of their own party by reason of their lack of the quality which enables men to be on terms of personal friend- ship with political friends and foes. Mr. Bryan developed such a capacity for leadership in the canvass of 1896 that it was natural for him to continue in the position of leader after his defeat. Not only so, but it was natural for his followers in that canvass to accept his leader- ship. No other defeated candidate had ever assumed such authority. To no other had such authority been conceded. The Democrats, after the election of 1840, announced their intention of electing Van Buren in 1844, but they did not look to him for political advice, nor follow his advice on the few occasions when he gave it. Tilden and Blaine who Avere not elected, and Harrison and Cleveland who were defeated after a first term, were all more or less qualified to take upon them- selves a measure of authority in guiding their party, but not one of them sought or exercised a tithe of the influence that Mr. Bryan held, with the full consent of an overwhelming ma- jority of the Democrats. During the whole period between the election of 1896 and the convention of 1900, his nomination was never for a moment in doubt. There was far less assurance as to the result of the coming election. An issue completely new had been injected into na- tional politics. On the Democratic side, under the leadership of Mr. Bryan, a determination was expressed, in case the party should obtain the power, to reverse the action of the adminis- tration with respect to the Philippines — to dispossess the United States of the sovereignty of the islands by setting up a native government. The war which the United States was waging to reduce those natives to subjection was denounced in unmeasured terms. The Republicans maintained that the country was under an obligation to civilization not to permit the Philippines to lapse into anarchy, which they were sure would be the result of the Democratic policy, and that the 32 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY restoration of authority and order by a suppression of the re- bellion was an indispensable preliminary even to the establish- ment of self-government in the islands, w^ere that to be the purpose of the United States. The question of the time was how far the new issue would cause secession from the ranks of either party. Some of the strongest, most earnest and most energetic anti-imperialists were lifelong Republicans. The Spanish treaty had been strenuously opposed in Congress by such well known and in- fluential men as Senators Hoar and Hale and Mr. Speaker Keed. Their views on the subject of taking and governing distant territory and alien races were shared by many of their fellow members of the party ; but, as it ultimately became evident, the sentiment developed chiefly in New England and the Middle States. Moreover, not one of the leaders named proposed to leave his party and support Mr. Bryan. His con- tinued outspoken advocacy of free silver coinage made him, for them, an impossible candidate. They hoped that in the end their own party would adopt their view and treat the Filipinos in accordance with the principles of the Declaration of Independence. On the other hand a period of great prosperity throughout the country had rendered a large number of those who in 1896 had looked to the free coinage of silver as a cure of the prevailing hard times, quite indifi'erent to the application of that remedy. Consequently a return to allegiance to the Republican party by many men in the so-called Silver States, was confidently expected. Finally, there were many Democrats who upheld the policy of expansion, but they were not ex- pected to vote for Mr. McKinley, — certainly not in large numbers. But the issue on which the canvass was avowedly to be made was so new that the result could not be predicted with confidence. As has usually been the case the new parties — those which are based on dissent from the principles of both the leading parties, and those which deem most important other reforms than those which are in the minds of Democrats and Republicans — were earliest in the field. The first step in the canvass was taken at the fourth annual session of the Supreme Council of the Farmers' Alliance and Industrial Union, which was held at Washington on Feb- ruary 6 and the two following days. The Council pledged the support of the Alliance to the Candidates to be nominated by the Democrats, and adopted the following platform': — *« IMPERIALISM" THE "PARAMOUNT" ISSUE 33 Whereas, The Declaration of Independence, as a basis of a republi- can form of government that might be progessive and perpetual, holds " That all men are created equal, that they are endowed with certain inalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty and the pur- suit of happiness, that to secure these rights governments are insti- tuted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed," We hold, therefore, that to restore and preserve these rights un- der a republican form of government, private monopolies of public necessities for speculative purposes, whether of the means of pro- duction, distribution or exchange, should be prohibited, and when- ever such public necessity or utility becomes a monopoly in private hands, the people of the municipality, State or Union, as the case may be, shall appropriate the same by right of eminent domain, paying a just value therefor, and operate them for and in the in- terest of the whole people. We demand a National currency, safe, sound and flexible ; issued by the general Government only, a full legal tender for all debts and receivable for all dues, and an equitable and efficient means of distribution of this currency, directly to the people, at the mini- mum of expense and without the intervention of banking corpora- tions and in sufficient volume to transact the business of the coun- try on a cash basis. We demand the free and unlimited coinage of silver and gold at the legal ratio of 16 to 1. We demand a graduated income tax. That our National legislation shall be so framed in the future as not to build up one industry at the expense of another. We believe that the money of the country should be kept as much as possible in the hands of the people, and hence we demand that all National and State revenues shall be limited to the neces- sary expenses of the Government economically and honestly ad- ministered. We demand that postal savings banks be established by the Gov- ernment for the safe deposit of the savings of the people, and to facilitate exchange. We are unalterably opposed to the issue by the United States of interest-bearing bonds, and demand the payment of all coin obli- gations of the United States, as provided by existing laws, in either gold or silver coin, at the option of the Government and not at the option of the creditor. The Government shall purchase or construct and operate a suf- ficient mileage of railroads to effectually control all rates of trans- portation on a just and equitable basis. The telegraph and telephone, like the postoffice system, being a 34 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY necessity for the transmission of intelligence, should be owned and operated by the Government in the interest of the people. We demand that no laud shall be held by corporations for spec- ulative purposes or by railroads in excess of their needs as carriers, and all lands now owned by aliens should be reclaimed by the Government and held for actual settlers only. We demand the election of United States Senators by a direct vote of the people ; that each State shall be divided into two dis- tricts of nearly equal voting population, and that a Senator from each shall be elected by the people of the district. Relying upon the good common sense of the American people, and believing that a majority of them, when uninfluenced by party prejudice, will vote right on all questions submitted to them on their merits ; and further to effectually annihilate the pernicious lobby in legislation, we demand direct legislation by means of the initiative referendum. We demand free mail delivery in the rural districts. We demand that the inhabitants of all the territory com- ing to the United States as a result of the war with Spain be as speedily as possible permitted to organize a free government of their own, based upon the consent of the governed. In January, 1900, a convention of the Social Democratic party was held at Rochester, New York, and a committee was appointed to attend the convention of the Social Democratic party to be held at Indianapolis on March 6, for the purpose of effecting a union of the two parties. The Indianapolis con- vention appointed a similar committee, and at a joint meeting of the two committees held in New York on March 26 a plan of union was agreed upon, to be submitted to the two parties. The plan was adopted on June 10, and at Chicago, on Septem- ber 29, the ticket nominated at the Indianapolis convention in March, and the platform then adopted, were both ratified. By this action Eugene V. Debs, of Illinois, became the candidate of the amalgamated party for President, and Job Harriman, of California, was the candidate for Vice-President. The platform of the party, which retained the name " Social Democratic," was as follow^s : — The Social Democratic party of the United States, in convention assembled, reaffirms its allegiance to the revolutionary principles of International Socialism and declares the supreme political issue in America to-day to be the contest between the working class and the capitalist class for the possession of the powers of government. The party affirms its steadfast purpose to use those powers, once achieved, to destroy wage slavery, abolish the institution of pri- "IMPERIALISM" THE "PARAMOUNT" ISSUE 35 vate property in the means of production, and establish the coop- erative Commonwealth. In the United States, as in all other civilized countries, the nat- ural order of economic development has separated society into two antagonistic classes — the capitalists, a comparatively small class, the possessors of all the modern means of production and distribu- tion (land, mines, machinery and meaiTs of transportation and communication), and the large and ever increasing class of wage workers, possessing no means of production. This economic su- premacy has secured to the dominant class the full control of the government, the pulpit, the schools, and the public press ; it has thus made the capitalist class the arbiter of the fate of the work- ers, whom it is reducing to a condition of dependence, economic- ally exploited and oppressed, intellectually and physically crippled and degraded, and their political equality rendered a bitter mock- ery. The contest between these two classes grows ever sharper. Hand in hand with the growth of monopolies goes the annihilation of small industries and of tlie middle class depending upon them ; ever larger grows the multitude of destitute wage workers and of the unemployed, and ever fiercer the struggle between the class of the exploiter and the exploited, the capitalists and the wage workers. The evil effects of capitalist production are intensified by the recurring industrial crises wliich render the existence of the greater part of the population still more precarious and uncertain. These facts amply prove that the modern means of production have out- grown the existing social order based on production for profit. Human energy and natural resources are wasted for individual gain. Ignorance is fostered that wage slavery may be perpetuated. Science and invention are perverted to the exploitation of men, women, and children. The lives and liberties of the working class are recklessly sacrificed for profit. Wars are fomented between nations ; indiscriminate slaughter is encouraged ; the destruction of whole races is sanctioned, in order that the capitalist class may extend its commercial dominion abroad and enhance its supremacy at home. The introduction of a new and higher order of society is the his- toric mission of the working class. All other classes, despite their apparent or actual conflicts, are interested in upholding the system of private ownership in the means of production. The Demo- cratic, Republican, and all other parties which do not stand for the complete overthrow of the capitalist system of production are alike the tools of the capitalist class. Their policies are injurious to the interest of the working class, which can be served only by the abolition of the profit system. The workers can most effectively act as a class in their struggle against the collective power of the 36 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY capitalist class only by constituting themselves into a political party, distinct and opposed to all parties formed by the propertied classes. We, therefore, call upon the wage workers of the United States, without distinction of color, race, sex, or creed, and upon all citi- zens in sympathy with the historic mission of the working class, to organize under the banner of the Social Democratic party, as a party truly representing the interests of the toiling masses and un- compromisingly waging war upon the exploiting class, until the system of wage slavery shall be abolished and the cooperative Connnonwealth shall be set up. Pending the accomplishment of this our ultimate purpose, we pledge every effort of the Social Democratic party for the immediate improvement of the condition of labor and for the securing of its progressive demands. As steps in that direction, we make the following demands : First — Revision of our Federal Constitution, in order to remove the obstacles to complete control of government by the people, ir- respective of sex. Second — The public ownership of all industries controlled by monopolies, trusts and combines. Third — The public ownership of all railroads, telegraphs and telephones ; all means of transportation ; all watei'works, gas and electric plants, and other public utilities. Fourth — The public ownership of all gold, silver, copper, lead, iron, coal and other mines, and all oil and gas wells. Fifth — The reduction of the hours of labor in proportion to the increasing facilities of production. Sixth — The inauguration of a system of public works and im- provements for the employment of the unemployed, the public credit to be utilized for that purpose. Seventh — Useful inventions to be free, the inventors to be re- munerated by the public. Eighth — Labor legislation to be National, instead of local, and international when possible. Ninth — National insurance of working people against acci- dents, lack of employment, and want in old age. Tenth — Equal civil and political rights for men and women, and the abolition of all laws discriminating against women. Eleventh — The adoption of the initiative and referendum, pro- portional representation, and the right of recall of representatives by the voters. Twelfth — Abolition of war and the introduction of international arbitration. As early as January, 1900, the national committee of the Union Reform party, an organization which had no visible ex- "IMPERIALISM" THE "PARAMOUNT" ISSUE 37 istence at the preceding election, sent out ballots to members of the party asking them to express their preference for candi- dates for President and Vice-President. The ballots were re- turned in February and March, and in April the committee reported that the choice had fallen upon Seth H. Ellis, of Ohio, for President, and Samuel T. Nicholson, of Pennsylvania, for Vice-President. The number of votes given to them was not announced. The platform on which the party went to the polls had been previously adopted at a convention held at Cincinnati in March, 1899. As will be seen it had but a single plank, which was to be found in the platform of more than one of the other minor parties. It was as follows : — Direct legislation under the system known as the initiative and referendum. Under the " initiative " the people can compel the submission to themselves of any desired law, when, if it receives a majority of the votes cast, it is thereby enacted. Under the " refer- endum '■ the people can compel the submission to themselves of any law which has been adopted by any legislative body, when, if such law fails to receive a majority of the votes cast, it will be thereby rejected. Agreeably to a call issued at Chicago in December 1899, a convention of the United Christian party was held at Rockford, Illinois, on May 1, 1900. Delegates Avere present from Colorado, Illinois, Iowa, Michigan and Montana, and possibly from other States. As nearly as can be ascertained from the newspapers of the time they numbered thirty-one in all. Mr. W. H. Benkert, of Iowa, was the chairman. The convention nominated Rev. Silas C. Swallow, of Pennsylvania, for President, and John G. Woolley, of Illinois, for Vice-President. They both withdrew and Jonah F. R. Leonard, of Iowa, and David H. Martin, of Pennsylvania, were nominated for the two offices respectively. The platform adopted was as follows : — We, the United Christian party, in national convention assem- bled, acknowledging Almighty God as the source of all power and authority, the Lord Jesus Christ as the sovereign ruler of nations, and the Bible as the standard by which to decide moral issues in our political life, do make the following declaration : — We believe the time to have arrived when the eternal principles of justice, mercy and love as exemplified in the life and teachings of Jesus Christ should be embodied in the Constitution of our Na- tion and applied in concrete form to every function of our Govern- ment. 38 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY We deprecate certain immoral laws which have grown out of the failure of our Nation to recognize these principles, notably such as require the desecration of the Christian Sabbath, authorize un- scriptural marriage and divorce, license the manufacture and sale of intoxicating liquors as a beverage, and permit the sale of cigar- ettes or tobacco in any form to minors. As an expression of con- sent or allegiance on the part of the governed, in harmony with the above statements, we declare for the adoption and use of the system of direct legislation known as the " initiative and referendum," to- gether with " proportionate representation " and the " imperative mandate." We hold that all men and women are created free and with equal rights, and declare for the establishment of such political, indus- trial and social conditions as shall guarantee to every person civic equality, the full fruits of his or her honest toil, and opportunity for the righteous enjoyment of the same ; and we especially con- demn mob violence and outrages against any individual or class of individuals in our country. We declare against war and for the arbitration of all National and international disputes. We hold that the legalized liquor traffic is the crowning infamy of civilization, and we declare for the im- mediate abolition of the manufacture and sale of intoxicating liquors as a beverage. We are gratified to note the widespread agi- tation of the cigarette question, and declare ourselves in favor of the enactment of laws prohibiting the sale of cigarettes or tobacco in any form to minors. AVe declare for the daily reading of the Bible in the public schools and institutions of learning under control of the State. We declare for the Government ownership of public utilities. We declare for the election of the President and Vice-President and United States Senators by the direct vote of the people. We declare for such amendment of the United States Consti- tution as shall be necessary to give the principles herein set forth an undeniable legal basis in the fundamental law of our land. We invite into the United Christian party every honest man and woman who believes in Christ and His golden rule and standard of righteousness. The Populist party, which became divided into two factions in 1896, consisting of those who favored a complete fusion with the Democrats, so far as a support of the candidates of that party were concerned, and those who favored a " middle-of-the road," that is, an independent policy, continued to be divided in 1900. The two wings of the party held conventions on the "IMPERIALISM" THE "PARAMOUNT" ISSUE 39 same day, May 9, — the Fusionists at Sioux Falls, South Da- kota, and the " Middle-of-the-Road " faction at Cincinnati. Mr. P. M. Kingdahl, of Minnesota, presided over the Sioux Falls convention. There was no opposition whatever to the nomination of Mr, Bryan as a candidate for President, but there was much dissension over the question of making a nom- ination for Vice-President. Those who regarded it as of great importance not to take action that would embarrass the Demo- crats, were opposed to the plan of making a nomination. On the other hand it was urged that by making a nomination the party would emphasize the fact of its separate and independent exist- ence, and that the Democratic convention might, in order to secure the full support of the Populists, adopt the candidate selected by them. A motion to defer the nomination was de- feated by 496 to 492 votes. Although the convention was at- tended by a large number of delegates, it should not be sup- posed that 988 persons were actually present. The delegates from any State, few or many, were allowed to cast all the votes to which that State would be entitled if the representation were full. As Mr. Bryan had already been nominated by acclamation the convention proceeded to the nomination of a candidate for Vice-President. Several gentlemen whose names had been pre- sented having withdrawn, Mr. Charles A. Towne, of Minnesota, was nominated, also by acclamation. On August 8, after the Democratic national convention, Mr. Towne withdrew, and the support of the Fusionist Populists was given to the whole Democratic ticket. The following platform was adopted : — Resolved, That we denounce the act of March 14, 1900, as the cul- mination of a long series of conspiracies to deprive the people of their constitutional rights over the money of the nation, and rele- gate to a gigantic money trust the control of the purse, and hence of the people. We denounce this act, flrst, for making all money obligations, domestic and foreign, payable in gold coin or its equi- valent, thus enormously fncreasing the burdens of the debtors and enriching the creditors. Second, for refunding coin bonds not to mature for years into long-time gold bonds, so as to make their payment improbable and our debt perpetual. Third, for taking from the Treasury over $50,000,000 in a time of war and presenting it as a premium to bond holders to accomplish the refunding of bonds not due. Fourth, for doubling the capital of bankers by re- turning them the face value of their bonds in current money notes, so that they may draw one interest from the government and an- 40 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY other from the people. Fifth, for allowing banks to expand and contract their circulation at pleasure, thus controlling prices of all products. Sixth, for authorizing the Secretary of the Treasury to issue new gold bonds to an unlimited amount whenever he deems it necessary to replenish the gold hoard, thus enabling usurers to secure more bonds and more bank currency by drawing gold from the Treasury, thereby creating an endless chain for perpetually adding to a perpetual debt. Seventh, for striking down the green- back in order to force the people to borrow $346,000,000 more from the banks at an annual cost of over .120,000,000. While barring out the money of the Constitution, this law opens the printing mints of the Treasury to the free coinage of bank pa- per money, to enrich the few and impoverish the many. We pledge anew the People's party never to cease the agitation until this great financial conspiracy is blotted from the statute books, the Lincoln greenback restored, the bonds all paid, and all corporation money forever retired. We affirm the demand for the reopening of the mints of the United States for the free and unlimited coinage of silver and gold at the present legal ratio of 16 to 1, the immediate increase in the volume of silver coins and cei'tificates thus created, to be sub- stituted, dollar for dollar, for the bank notes issued by private corporations, under special privilege granted by law of March 14, 1900, and prior national banking laws, the remaining portion of the banknotes to be replaced with full legal tender government paper money, and its volume so controlled as to maintain at all times a stable money market and a stable price level. We demand a graduated income and inheritance tax, to the end that aggregated wealth shall bear its just proportion of tax- ation. We demand that postal savings banks shall be established by government for the safe deposit of the savings of the people and to facilitate exchange. With Thomas Jefferson we declare the land, including all na- tural sources of wealth, the inalienable heritage of the people. Government should so act as to secure homes for the people and prevent land monopoly. The original homestead policy should be enforced, and future settlers upon the public domain should be entitled to a free homestead, while all who have paid an acreage price to the government under existing laws should have their homestead rights restored. Transportation, being a means of exchange and a public neces- sity, the government should own and operate the railroads in the interest of the people, and on a non-partisan basis, to the end that all may be accorded the same treatment in transportation, "IMPERIALISM" THE "PARAMOUNT" ISSUE 41 and that the extortion, tyranny and political power now exercised by the great railroad corporations, which result in the impairment, if not the destruction, of the political rights and personal liberty of the citizen, may be destroyed. Such ownership is to be accom- plished in a manner consistent with sound public policy. Trusts, the overshadowing evil of the age, are the result and the culmin- ation of the private ownership and control of these great instru- ments of commerce — money, transportation, and the means of transmission of information — which instruments of commerce are public functions, and which our forefathers declared in the Constitution should be controlled by the people through their Congress, for the public welfare. The one remedy for the trusts is that the ownership and control be assumed and exercised by the people. We further demand that all tariffs on goods controlled by a trust shall be abolished. To cope with the trust evil the people must act directly without the intervention of representatives, who may be controlled or influenced. We therefore demand direct legis- lation, giving the people the law-making and veto power under the initiative and referendum. A majority of the people can never be corruptly influenced. Applauding the valor of our army and navy in the Spanish war, we denounce the conduct of the administration in changing a war for humanity into a war of conquest. The action of the adminis- tration in the Philippines is in conflict with all the precedents of our national life ; at war with the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution, and the plain precepts of humanity. Murder and ar- son have been our response to the appeals of the people, who asked only to establish a free government in their own land. AVe demand a stoppage of this war of extermination by the assurance to the Philippines of independence and the protection under a stable government of their own creation. The Declaration of Independ- ence, the Constitution and the American flag are one and insep- arable. The island of Porto Rico is a part of the territory of the United States, and by levying special and extraordinary customs duties on the commerce of that island, the administration has violated the Constitution, abandoned the fundamental principles of American liberty, and has striven to give the lie to the conten- tion of our forefathers that there should be no taxation without representation. Out of the imperialism that would force an unde- sired domination upon the people of the Philippines springs the un-American cry for a large standing army. Nothing in the char- acter or purposes of our people justifies us in ignoring the plain lesson of history, and putting our liberties in jeopardy by assum- ing the burden of imperialism which is crushing the people of the 42 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY Old World. We denounce the administration for its sinister efforts to substitute a standing army for the citizen soldiery, which is the best safeguard of the Republic. We extend to the brave Boers of South Africa our sympathy and moral support in their patriotic struggle for the right of self- government, and we are unalterably opposed to any alliance, open or covert, between the United States and any other nation that will tend to the destruction of liberty. And a further manifestation of imperialism is to be found ta the mining districts of Idaho. In the Coeur d'Alene soldiers have been used to override miners striving for a greater measure of in- dustrial independence. And we denounce the State government of Idaho, and the federal government for employing the military arm of the government to abridge the civil rights of the people, and to enforce an infamous permit system which denies to laborers their inherent ability and compels them to forswear their manhood and their right before being permitted to seek employment. The importation of Japanese and other laborers under contract to serve monopolistic corporations is a notorious and flagrant vio- lation of the immigrant laws. We demand that the federal govern- ment shall take cognizance of this menacing evil, and suppress it, under existing laws. We further pledge ourselves to strive for the enactment of more stringent laws for the exclusion of Mongolian and Malayan immigration. We endorse municipal ownership of public utilities, and declare that the advantages which have accrued to the public under that system would be multiplied a hundredfold by its extension to nat- ural inter-State monopolies. Mr. Milford W. Howard, of Alabama, was the temporary, and Mr. W. L. Peck, of Georgia, the permanent, president of the convention of Middle-of-the-Road Populists at Cincinnati, on May 9. It was reported that about seven hundred delegates were in attendance, and that every State and Territory in the Union was represented, except Arizona, New Mexico, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Vermont. Evidently the States were quite irregularly represented, inasmuch as objection was made to the one delegate from Kansas casting the entire num- ber of votes, eighty-six, to which the State was entitled, and he was obliged to be satisfied with the eleven votes assigned to his congressional district. Two votes were taken for a nom- ination of a candidate for President. On the second trial Wharton Barker, of Pennsylvania, received 370 votes to 336 for Milford W. Howard, of Alabama. Ignatius Donnelly, of "IMPERIALISM" THE "PARAMOUNT" ISSUE 43 Minnesota, was nominated by acclamation for Vice-President. The following platform was adopted : — The People's party of the United States, assembled in national convention this 10th day of May, 1900, affirming our unshaken be- lief in the cardinal tenets of the People's party as set forth in the Omaha platform, and pledging ourselves anew to continued advo- cacy of these grand principles of human liberty, until right shall triumph over might and love over greed, do adopt and proclaim this declaration of faith : We demand the initiative and referendum and the imperative mandate for such changes of existing fundamental and statute law as will enable the people in their sovereign capacity to propose and compel the enactment of such laws as they desire, to reject such as they deem injurious to their interests, and to recall unfaithful public servants. We demand the public ownership and operation of those means of communication, transportation and production which the people may elect, such as railroads, telegraph and telephone lines, coal mines, etc. The land, including all natural sources of wealth, is a heritage of the people, and should not be monopolized for speculative pur- poses, and alien ownership of land should be prohibited. All land now held by railroads and other corporations in excess of their ac- tual needs and all lands now owned by aliens should be reclaimed by the Government and held for actual settlers only. A scientific and absolute paper money, based upon the entire wealth and population of the Nation, not redeemable in any specific commodity, but made a full legal tender for all debts and receivable for all taxes and public dues and issued by the (iovernment only without the intervention of banks and in sufficient quantity to meet the demands of commerce, is the best currency that can be devised ; but until such a financial system is secured, which we shall press for adoption, we favor the free and unlimited coinage of both silver and gold at the legal ratio of 16 to 1. We demand the levy and collection of a graduated tax on in- comes and inheritances, and a, constitutional amendment to secure the same, if necessary. We demand the election of President, Vice-President, Federal Judges and United States Senators by direct vote of the people. We are opposed to trusts, and declare the contention between the old parties on the monopoly question is a sham battle, and that no solution of this mighty problem is possible without the adop- tion of the principles of public ownership of public utilities. The next convention, in point of time, was that of the So- 44 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY cialist-Labor party, which was held in New York city on June 2. On the 6th it nominated for President Joseph Malloney of Massachusetts, and for Vice-President Valentine Eenimel of Pennsylvania. It readopted the platform, of 1896, as follows : — The Socialist Labor party of the United States, in convention assembled, reasserts the inalienable right of all men to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. With the founders of the American Republic we hold that the purpose of government is to secure every citizen in the enjoyment of this right ; but in the light of our social conditions we hold, furthermore, that no such right can be exer- cised under a system of economic inequality, essentially destructive of life, of liberty and of happiness. With the founders of this Republic we hold that the true theory of politics is that the machinei-y of government must be owned and controlled by the whole people ; but in the light of our industrial development we hold, furthermore, that the true theory of econo- mics is that the machinery of production must likewise belong to the people in common. To the obvious fact that our despotic sys- tem of economics is the direct opposite of our democratic system of politics can plainly be traced the existence of a privileged class, the corruption of government by that class, the alienation of public property, public franchises and public functions to that class, and the abject dependence of the mightiest of nations upon that class. Again, through the perversion of democracy to the ends of plu- tocracy, labor is robbed of the wealth which it alone produces, is denied the means of self-employment, and, by compulsory idleness in wage slavery, is even deprived of the necessaries of life. Human power and natural forces are thus wasted, that the plutocracy may rule. Ignorance and misery, with all their concomitant evils, are perpetuated, that the people may be kept in bondage. Science and invention are diverted from their humane purpose to the enslave- ment of women and children. Against such a system the Socialist Labor party once more en- ters its protest. Once more it reiterates its fundamental declaration that private property in the natural sources of production and in the instruments of labor is the obvious cause of all economic servi- tude and political dependence. The time is fast coming when, in the natural course of social evolution, this system, through the de- structive action of its failures and crises on the one hand, and the constructive tendencies of its trusts and other capitalistic combi- nations on the other hand, shall have worked out its own down- fall. We therefore call upon the wage workers of the United States, and upon all other honest citizens, to organize upder th? banner "IMPERIALISM" THE "PARAMOUNT" ISSUE 45 of the Socialist Labor party into a class-conscious body, aware of its rights and determined to conquer them by taking possession of the public powers ; so that, held together by an indomitable spirit of solidarity under the most trying conditions of the present class struggle, we may put a summary end to that barbarous struggle by the abolition of classes, the restoration of the land and of all the means of production, transportation and distribution to the people as a collective body, and the substitution of the cooperative Commonwealth for the present state of planless production, in- dustrial war and social disorder ; a Commonwealth in which every worker shall have the free exercise and full benefit of his faculties, multiplied by all the modern factors of civilization. The Republican National Convention met at Philadelphia on 'June 19. There was no contention over the platform, as there was in the convention of 1896, and the nomination of Mr. McKinley for a second term with absolute unanimity on the part of the delegates and the Republicans of the country, was fully assured. Almost the only active interest in the pro- ceedings of the convention was aroused over the nomination for Vice-President. Many names were proposed, and there was eager canvassing in behalf of some of them. But the movement in favor of Theodore Roosevelt, of New York, enlisted the most ardent support. Mr. Roosevelt was at the time governor of New York, and openly avowed his anxious desire to be nomi- nated and reelected to that position. He expressed with equal frankness his unwillingness to be nominated as a candidate for Vice-President. There was a strong pressure on the part of his fellow delegates from New York — for he was a member of the convention — to give him the national nomination ; but that movement was credited to a desire on the part of the so- called leaders of the party in New York to get rid of him as a candidate for governor. Had the sentiment in his favor been confined to his own State he would have resisted to the last and refused to accept a nomination. But the West and South were equally favorable to him, and to them, ultimately, he yielded. The temporary chairman was Senator Edward 0. Wolcott, of Colorado, and the permanent president was Senator Henry Cabot Lodge, of Massachusetts. On the second day of the con- vention a proposition was made, similar to the propositions submitted to previous conventions, to change the system of re- presentation by allowing each State to send four delegates at 46 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY large and " one additional delegate for each ten thousand votes, or majority fraction thereof cast at the last preceding presi- dential election for Republican electors." The proposed change was intended to reduce the representation of the Southern States, which furnish few electoral votes to the Republican candidates. It would have reduced the representation of South Carolina and Mississippi each from 18 to 5 ; of Louisiana from 16 to 6 ; and of Texas from SO to 21. It was opposed by the members from the Southern States, and was withdrawn, after a brief discussion. The Committee on Resolutions reported the following plat- form, which was unanimously adopted: — The Republicans of the United States, through their chosen representatives, met in National Convention, looking back upon an unsurpassed record of achievement and looking forward into a great field of duty and opportunity, and appealing to the judg- ment of their countrymen, make these declarations : The expectation in which the American people, turning from the Democratic party, intrusted power four years ago to a Repub- lican Chief Magistrate and a Republican Congress has been met and satisfied. AVhen the people then assembled at the polls, after a term of Democratic legislation and administration, business was dead, industry paralyzed and the National credit disastrously im- paired. The country's capital was hidden away, and its labor dis- tressed and unemployed. The Democrats had no other plan with which to improve the ruinous conditions which they had them- selves produced than to coin silver at the ratio of 16 to 1. The Re- publican party, denouncing this plan as sure to produce conditions even worse than those from which relief was sought, promised to restore prosperity by means of two legislative measures — a pro- tective tariff and a law making gold the standard of value. The people by great majorities issued to the Republican party a com- mission to enact these laws. This commission has been executed, and the Republican promise is redeemed. Prosperity more general and more abundant than we have ever known has followed these enactments. There is no longer controversy as to the value of any Government obligation. Every American dollar is a gold dollar, or its assured equivalent, and American credit stands higher than that of any nation. Capital is fully employed and labor every- where is profitably occupied. No single fact can more strikingly tell the story of what Republican government means to the coun- try than this — that while during the whole period of one hundred and seven years, from 1790 to 1897, there was an excess of exports "IMPERIALISM" THE "PARAMOUNT" ISSUE 47 over imports of only $383,028,497, there has been in the short three years of the present Republican Administration an excess of exports over imports in the enormous sum of $1,483,537,094. And while the American people, sustained by this Republican legislation, have been achieving these splendid triumphs in their business and commerce, they have conducted, and in victory con- cluded, a war for liberty and human rights. No thought of Na- tional aggrandizement tarnished the high purpose with which American standards were unfurled. It w'as a war unsought and patiently resisted, but when it came the American Government was ready. Its fleets were cleared for action. Its armies were in the field, and the quick and signal triumph of its forces on land and sea bore equal tribute to the courage of American soldiers and sailors and to the skill and foresight of Republican statesman- ship. To ten millions of the human race there was given "a new birth of freedom," and to the American people a new and noble responsibility. We indorse the Administration of William McKinley. Its acts have been established in wisdom and in patriotism, and at home and abroad it has distinctly elevated and extended the influence of the American Nation. Walking untried paths and facing un- foreseen responsibilities. President McKinley has been in every situation the true American patriot and the upright statesman, clear in vision, strong in judgment, firm in action, always inspir- ing and deserving the confidence of his countrymen. In asking the American people to indorse this Republican record and to renew their commission to the Republican party, we remind them of the fact that the menace to their prosperity has always resided in Democratic principles, and no less in the general inca- pacity of the Democratic party to conduct public affairs. The prime essential of business prosperity is public confidence in the good sense of the Government and in its ability to deal intelligently "with each new problem of administration and legislation. That confidence the Democratic party has never earned. It is hopelessly inadequate, and the coimtry's prosperity when Democratic success at the polls is announced halts and ceases in mere anticipation of Democratic blunders and failures. We renew our allegiance to the principle of the gold standard, and declare our confidence in the wisdom of the legislation of the LVIth Congress, by which the parity of all our money and the stability of our currency upon a gold basis have been secured. We recognize that interest rates are a potent factor in production and business activity, and for the purpose of further equalizing and of further lowering the rates of interest we favor such monetary leg- islation as will enable the varying needs of the season and of all 48 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY sections to be promptly met, in order that trade may be evenly sustained, labor steadily employed and commerce enlarged. The volume of money in circulation was never so great per capita as it is to-day. We declare our steadfast opposition to the free and un- limited coinage of silver. No measure to that end could be consid- ered which was without the support of the leading commercial countries of the world. However firmly Republican legislation may seem to have secured the country against the peril of base and discredited currency, the election of a Democratic President could not fail to impair the country's credit and to bring once more into question the intention of the American people to main- tain upon the gold standard the parity of their money circulation. The Democratic party must be convinced that the American people will never tolerate the Chicago platform. We recognize the necessity and propriety of the honest cooper- ation of capital to meet new business conditions, and especially to extend our rapidly increasing foreign trade, but we condemn all conspiracies and combinations intended to restrict business, to create monopolies, to limit production or to control prices, and favor such legislation as will effectively restrain and prevent all such abuses, protect and promote competition and secure the rights of producers, laborers and all who are engaged in industry and commerce. We renew our faith in the policy of protection to American labor. In that policy our industries have been established, diversi- fied and maintained. By protecting the home market competition has been stimulated and production cheapened. Opportunity for the inventive genius of our people has been secured and wages in every department of labor maintained at high rates, higher now than ever before, and always distinguishing our working people in their better conditions of life from those of any competing country. Enjoying the blessings of the American common school, secure in the right of self-government and protected in the occu- pancy of their own markets, their constantly increasing knowledge and skill have enabled them finally to enter the markets of the world. We favor the associated policy of reciprocity so directed as to open our markets on favorable terms for what we do not ourselves produce, in return for free foreign markets. In the further interest of American workmen we favor a more effective restriction of the immigration of cheap labor from foreign lands, the extension of opportunities of education for working children, the raising of the age limit for child labor, the protection of free labor as against contract convict labor, and an effective system of labor insurance. "IMPERIALISM" THE "PARAMOUNT" ISSUE 49 Our present dependence upon foreign shipping for nine-tenths of our foreign carrying is a great loss to the industry of this coun- try. It is also a serious danger to our trade, for its sudden with- drawal in the eveiTt of European war would seriously cripple our expanding foreign commerce. The National defence and naval efficiency of this country, moreover, supply a compelling reason for legislation which will enable us to recover our former place among the trade carrying fleets of the world. The Nation owes a debt of profound gratitude to the soldiers and sailors who have fought its battles, and it is the Government's duty to provide for the survivors and for the widows and orphans of those who have fallen in the country's wars. The pension laws, founded in this just sentiment, should be liberal, and should be liberally administered, and preference should be given wherever practicable with respect to employment in the public service to soldiers and sailors and to their widows and orphans. We commend the policy of the Republican party in maintaining the efficiency of the Civil Service. The Administration has acted wisely in its effort to secure for public service in Cuba, Porto Rico, Hawaii and the Philippine Islands only those whose fitness has been determined by training and experience. We believe that em- ployment in the public service in these territories should be con- fined as far as practicable to their inhabitants. It was the plain purpose of the Fifteenth Amendment to the Constitution to prevent discrimination on account of race or color in regulating the elective franchise. Devices of State governments, whether by statutory or constitutional enactment, to avoid the purpose of this amendment are revolutionary and should be con- demned. Public movements looking to a permanent improvement of the roads and highways of the country meet with our cordial approval, and we recommend this subject to the earnest consideration of the people and of the Legislatures of the several States. We favor the extension of the rural free delivery service where- ever its extension may be justified. In further pursuance of the constant policy of the Republican party to provide free homes on the public domain, we recommend adequate National legislation to reclaim the arid lands of the United States, reserving control of the distribution of water for irrigation to the respective States and Territories. We favor home rule for and the early admission to Statehood of the Territories of New Mexico, Arizona and Oklahoma. The Dingley act, amended to provide sufficient revenue for the conduct of the war, has so well performed its work that it has been possible to reinm th& 'w.ar debt in the sum of f 40,000,000. So ample 50 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY are the Government's revenues and so great is the public confidence iu the integrity of its obligations that its newly funded 2 per cent bonds sell at a premium. The country is now justified in expecting, and it will be the policy of the Republican party to bring about, a reduction of the war taxes. We favor the construction, ownership, control and protection of an isthmian canal by the Government of the United States. New markets are necessary for the increasing surplus of our farm pro- ducts. Every effort should be made to open and obtain new markets, especially iu the Orient, and the Administration is warmly to be commended for its successful effort to commit all trading and col- onizing nations to the policy of the open door in China. In the interest of our expanding commerce we recommend that Congress create a department of commerce and industries in the charge of a secretary with a seat in the Cabinet. The United States consular system should be reorganized under the supervision of this new department, upon such a basis of ap- pointment and tenure as will render it still more serviceable to the Nation's increasing trade. The American Government must protect the person and property of every citizen wherever they are wrongfully violated or placed in peril. We congratulate the women of America upon their splendid rec- ord of public service in the volunteer aid association, and as nurses in camp and hospital during the recent campaigns of our armies in the Eastern and Western Indies, and we appreciate their faith- ful cooperation in all works of education and industry. President McKinley has conducted the foreign affairs of the United States with distinguished credit to the American people. In releasing us from the vexatious conditions of a European alli- ance for the government of Samoa his course is especially to be commended. By securing to our undivided control the most im- portant island of the Samoan group and the best harbor in the Southern Pacific, every American interest has been safeguarded. We approve the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands to the United States. We commend the part taken by our Government in the Peace Conference at The Hagiie. AVe assert our steadfast adherence to the policy announced in the Monroe Doctrine. The provisions of The Hague Convention were wisely regarded when President McKinley tendered his friendly offices in the interest of peace between Great Britain and the South African republics. While the American Government must continue the policy prescribed by Washington, affirmed by every succeeding President and imposed upon us by The Hague "IMPERIALISM" THE "PARAMOUNT" ISSUE 51 Treaty, of non-intervention in European controversies, the Ameri- can people earnestly hope that a way may soon be found, honorable alike to both contending parties, to terminate the strife between them. In accepting by the Treaty of Paris the just responsibility of our victories in the Spanish war the President and the Senate won the undoubted approval of the American people. No other course was possible than to destroy Spain's sovereignty throughout the West Indies and in the Philippine Islands. That course created our responsibility before the world, and with the unorganized population whom our intervention had freed from Spain, to pro- vide for the maintenance of law and order, and for the establish- ment of good government and for the performance of international obligations. Our authority could not be less than our responsibility, and wherever sovereign rights were extended it became the high duty of the Government to maintain its authority, to put down armed insurrection and to confer the blessings of liberty and civ- ilization upon all the rescued peoples. The largest measure of self-government consistent with their welfare and our duties shall be secured to them by law. To Cuba independence and self-government were assured in the same voice by which war was declared, and to the letter this pledge will be performed. The Republican party upon its history, and upon this declaration of its principles and policies, confidently invokes the considerate and approving judgment of the American people. On the third day of the convention William McKinley, of Ohio, was nominated for President and Theodore Roosevelt, of New York, for Vice-President. In each case the roll of the States was called and the vote was unanimous. But Mr. Roose- velt received one vote less than the 926 given to Mr. McKin- ley, as his own vote was withheld. The National Prohibition party held its convention at Chi- cago on June 27, and the following day. Samuel Dickie, of Michigan, was the president of the convention, which consisted of more than seven hundred delegates, representing forty States of the Union. There was an earnest contest in the com- mittee on Resolutions over the question whether the platform should express the principles of the party on the single sub- ject of th« liquor traffic, or should be a "broad" platform and treat of other questions of the day, as had been the custom of the party in the past. In the end the victory was with those who adviaeaied a platform of a single plank. The controversy 52 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY was not carried into the convention, and the platform as re- ported, was adopted, in the following terms : — The National Prohibition party, in convention represented at Chicago, June 27 and 28, 1900, acknowledges Almighty God as the supreme source of all just government. Realizing that this Republic was founded upon Christian principles, and can endure only as it embodies justice and righteousness, and asserting that all authority should seek the best good of all the governed, to this end wisely prohibiting what is wrong and permitting only what is right, hereby records and proclaims : First, We accept and assert the definition given by Edward Burke, that a party is " a body of men joined together for the pur- pose of protecting by their joint endeavor the national interest upon some particular principle upon wliich they are all agreed." We declare that there is no principle now advocated by any other party which could be made a fact in government with such beneficent moral and material results as the principle of prohibi- tion applied to the beverage liquor traffic ; that the national inter- est could be promoted in no other way so surely and so widely as by its adoption and assertion through a national policy, and a co- operation therein by every state, forbidding the manufacture, sale, exportation, importation and transportation of intoxicating liquor for beverage purposes ; that we stand for this as the only principle proposed by any party anywhere for the settlement of a question greater and graver than any other before the American people, and involving more profoundly than any other their moral future and financial welfare ; and that all the patriotic citizenship of this country agreed upon this principle, however much disagreement there may be as to minor considerations and issues, should stand together at the ballot box from this time forward, until prohibi- tion is the established policy of the United States, with a party in power to enforce it and to insure its moral and material benefits. We insist that such a party, agreed upon this principle and policy, having sober leadership, without any obligation for suc- cess to the saloon vote and to those demoralizing combinations, can successfully cope with all other and lesser problems of gov- ernment, in legislative halls and in the executive chair, and that it is useless for any party to make declarations in its platform as to any questions concerning which there may be serious differ- ences of opinion in its own membership, and as to which, because of such differences, the party could legislate only on a basis of mutual concessions when coming into power. We submit that the Democratic and Republican parties are alike insincere in their assumed hostility to trusts and monopolies. "IMPERIALISM" THE "PARAMOUNT" ISSUE 53 They dare not and do not attack the most dangerous of them all, the liquor power. So long as the saloon debauches the citizen and breeds the purchaseable voter, money will continue to buy its way to power. Break down this traffic, elevate manhood, and a sober citizenship wiU find a way to control dangerous combinations of capital. We propose, as a first step in the financial problem of the na- tion, to save more than a billion dollars every year, now annually expended to support the liquor traffic and to demoralize our peo- ple. When that is accomplished, conditions w ill have so improved that with a clearer atmosphere the country can address itself to the questions as to the kind and quantity of currency needed. Second. AVe reaffirm as true indisputably the declaration of William Windom when Secretary of the Treasury in the Cabinet of President Arthur, that " Considered socially, financially, po- litically or morally, the licensed liquor traffic is or ought to be the overwhelming issue in American politics," and that " the destruc- tion of this iniquity stands next on the calendar of the world's progress." We hold that the existence of our party presents this issue squarely to the American people, and lays upon them the responsibility of choice between liquor parties, dominated by dis- tillers and brewers, with their policy of saloon perpetuation, breed- ing waste, wickedness, woe, pauperism, taxation, corruption and crime, and our one party of patriotic and moral principle, with a policy which defends it from domination by corrupt bosses and which insures it forever against the blighting control of saloon politics. We face with sorrow, shame and fear the awful fact that this liquor traffic has a grip on our government, municipal. State and National, through the revenue system and saloon sovereignty, which no other party dares to dispute ; a grip which dominates the party now in power, from caucus to Congress, from policeman to President, from the rumshop to the White House ; a grip which compels the Chief Executive to consent that law shall be nullified in behalf of the brewer, that the canteen shall curse our Armv and spread intemperance across the seas, and that our flag shall ■wave as the symbol of partnership at home and abroad between this Government and the men who defy and defile it for their un- holy gain. Third. We charge upon President McKinley, who was elected to his high office by appeals to Christian sentiment and patriotism almost unprecedented, and by a combination of moral influences never before seen in this country, that, by his conspicuous exam- ple as a winedrinker at public banquets and as a wine-serving host in the White House, he has done more to encourage the liquor 54 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY business, to demoralize the temperance habits of young men, and to bring Christian practices and requirements into disrepute, than any other President this Republic has ever had. We further charge upon President McKinley responsibility for the Army canteen, with all its dire brood of disease, immorality, sin and death, in this country, in Cuba, in Porto Rico and the Philippines ; and we in- sist that by his attitude concerning the canteen, and his apparent contempt for the vast number of petitions and petitioners protest- ing against it, he has outraged and insulted the moral sentiment of this country in such a manner and to such a degree as calls for its righteous uprising and his indignant and effective rebuke. We challenge denial of the fact that our Chief Executive, as commander in chief of the military forces of the United States, at any time prior to or since JMarch 2, 1899, could have closed every army saloon, called a canteen, by executive order, as President Hayes in effect did before him, and should have closed them, for the same reason that actuated President Hayes ; we assert that the act of Congress passed JNIarch 2, 1899, forbidding the sale of liquor, "in any post exchange or canteen," by any "officer or private soldier " or by " any other person on any premises used for mili- tary purposes in the United States," was and is as explicit an act of prohibition as the English language can frame. We declare our solemn belief tliat the Attorney-General of the United States in his interpretation of that law, and the Secretary of War in his acceptance of that interpretation and his refusal to enforce the law, were and are guilty of treasonable nullification thereof, and that President ]\IcKinley, through his assent to and indorsement of such interpretation and refusal on the part of offi- cials appointed by and responsible to him, shares responsibility in their guilt ; and we record our conviction that a new and seri- ous peril confronts our country, in the fact that its President, at the behest of the beer power, dare and does abrogate a law of Con- gress, through subordinates removable at will by him and whose acts become his, and thus virtually confesses that laws are to be administered or to be nullified in the interest of a law-defying business, by an Administration under mortgage to such business for support. Fourth. We deplore the fact that an Administration of this Re- public claiming the right and power to carry our flag across seas, and to conquer and annex new territory, should admit its lack of power to prohibit the American saloon on subjugated soil, or should openly confess itself subject to liquor sovereignty under that flag. We are humiliated, exasperated and grieved by the evidence pain- fully abundant that this Administration's policy of expansion is bearing so rapidly its first fruits of drunkenness, insanity and "IMPERIALISM" THE "PARAMOUNT" ISSUE 55 crime under the hothouse sun of the tropics; and when the presi- dent of the first Philippine Commission says "It was unfortunate that we introduced and established the saloon there, to corrupt the natives and to exliibit the vices of our race," we charge the inhu- manity and un-Christianity of this act upon the Administration of William McKinley and upon the party which elected and would perpetuate the same. Fifth. We declare that the only policy which the Government of the United States can of right uphold as to the liquor traffic, under the National Constitution, upon any territory under the military or civil control of that Government, is the policy of pro- hibition ; that " to establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity," as the Constitution provides, the liquor traffic must neither be sanc- tioned nor tolerated, and that the revenue policy which makes our Government a partner with distillers and brewers and barkeepers is a disgrace to our civilization, an outrage upon humanity and a crime against God. We condemn the present Administration at "Washington because it has repealed the prohibitory laws in Alaska, and has given over the partly civilized tribes there to be the prey of the American grog shop ; and because it has entered upon a license policy in our new possessions by incorporating the same in the recent act of Congress in the code of laws for the government of the Hawaiian Islands. We call general attention to the fearful fact that exportation of liquors from the United States to the Philippine Islands increased in value from ?337 in 1898 to .?467,198 in the first ten months of the fiscal year ending June 30, 1900; and that while our exporta- tion of liquors to Cuba never reached 830,000 a year previous to American occupation of that island, our exports of such liquors to Cuba during the fiscal year of 1899 reached the sum of §629,855. Sixth. Oue great religious body (the Baptist) having truly de- clared of the liquor traffic " that it has no defensible right to exist, that it can never be reformed, and that it stands condemned by its unrighteous fruits as a thing uu-Christian, un-American, and per- ilous utterly to every interest in life ; " another great religious body (the Methodist) having as truly asserted and reiterated that " no political party has a right to expect, nor should it receive, the votes of Christian men so long as it stands committed to the license sys- tem, or refuses to put itself on record in an attitude of open hos- tility to the saloon ; " other great religious bodies having made similar deliverances, in language plain and unequivocal, as to the liquor traffic and the duty of Christian citizenship in opposition thereto ; and the fact being plain and undeniable that the Demo- 56 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY cratic party stands for license, the saloon and the canteen, while the Republican party, in policy and administration, stand for the canteen, the saloon and the revenue therefrom, we declare our- selves justified in expecting that Christian voters everywhere shall cease their complicity with the liquor curse by refusing to uphold a liquor party, and shall unite themselves with the only party which upholds the prohibition policy, and which for nearly thirty years has been the faithful defender of the Church, the State, the home and the school, against the saloon, its expanders andperpet- uators, their actual and persistent foes. ^Ve insist that no differences of belief as to any other question or concern of government should stand in the way of such a union of moral and Christian citizenship as we hereby invite for the speedy settlement of this paramount moral, industrial, financial and polit- ical issue which our party presents ; and we refrain from declaring ourselves upon all minor matters as to which differences of opinion may exist that thereby we may offer to the American people a plat- form so broad that all can stand upon it who desire to see sober citizenship actuall}' sovereign over the allied hosts of evil, sin and crime, in a government of the people, by the people, and for the people. We declare that there are but two real parties to-day concerning the liquor traffic — perpetuationists and Prohibitionists ; and that patriotism, Christianity, and every interest of genuine and of pure democracy, besides the loyal demands of our common humanity, require the speedy union, in one solid phalanx at the ballot box, of all who oppose the liquor traffic's perpetuation, and who covet endurance for this Republic. There was a short contest over the nominations, but John G. Woolley, of Illinois, was chosen as the candidate for Presi- dent by 380 votes to 329 given to Silas C. Swallow, of Penn- sylvania ; and Henry B. Metcalf, of Ehode Island, was nomi- nated for Vice-President over Thomas R. Carskadden, of West Virginia, and E. L. Eaton, of Iowa, The Democratic National Convention met at Kansas City on the 4th of July. Governor Charles S. Thomas, of Colorado, was the temporary chairman and James D. Richardson, of Ten- nessee, the permanent president of the convention. The unanimous nomination of ]\Ir. William J. Brj^an as can- didate for President was assured, but there was a most earnest controversy over the platform during the period just preceding the convention. A large number of the members of the party, "IMPERIALISM" THE "PARAMOUNT" ISSUE 57 many of them prominent delegates to the convention were in favor of making the silver issue much less prominent than it was in 1896. Some of these men had supported the ticket four years before, others had not. Some of them were advocates of free coinage, others were not. But they were all opposed to an explicit declaration in favor of free coinage at the ratio of 16 to 1. Those who still adhered in theory to that measure be- lieved that it would be good policy to subordinate that issue to the newer one of anti-imperialism; and although they did not object to a vague declaration on the silver issue, they did urge that a repetition of the 1896 platform would continue to alienate many voters who would willingly return to their old party allegiance. Former Governor and Senator David B. Hill, of New York, was prominent in pressing this view upon the dele- gates, as they arrived in Kansas City. Either on his own motion, or at the request of Mr. Bryan, he made the journey to Lincoln, Xebraska, for a consultation with the prospective candidate. His mission was fruitless. Mr. Bryan maintained that the position taken by the party in 1896 was right ; that thousands upon thousands of his supporters in that campaign still re- garded the silver issue as the most important of all ; and that they would justly denounce it as an act of treachery on his part if he were to accept a nomination on a platform less explicit than that of the preceding canvass. He was unmoved by the argu- ment that by yielding the point he would gain votes in States where an increase of the Democratic strength was greatly needed, and was indispensable to victory. H he agreed that such would be the result, he was also sure that his surrender Avould be followed by a serious loss of votes in States where he had alread}' gained them on the silver issue. Notwithstanding the failure to persuade Mr, Bryan to take the view that it would be good policy to let the silver issue drop partly out of sight, and notwithstanding the sentiment that the candidate should have a controlling part in the con- struction of the platform, the contest was carried into the Committee on Resolutions and the matter was debated long and earnestly. Ultimately Mr. Bryan's wishes were respected, but the vote was close, and attention was called to the fact that the majority in favor of the silver clauses was obtained by the votes of members from States which could by no possibility give Mr, Bryan a single electoral vote. The platform, on which there was no contest in the convention was as follows : — 58 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY We, the representatives of the Democratic party of the United States, assembled in National Convention on the anniversary of the adoption of the Declaration of Independence, do reaffirm our faith in that immortal proclamation of the inalienable rights of man, and onr allegiance to the Constitution framed in harmony therewith by the fathers of the Republic. We hold with the United States Supreme Court that the De- claration of Independence is the spirit of our Government, of which the Constitution is the form and letter. We declare again that all governments instituted among men derive their just powers from the consent of the governed ; that any government not based upon the consent of the governed is a tyranny ; and that to impose upon any people a government of force is to substitute the methods of im- perialism for those of a republic. We hold that the Constitution follows the flag and denounce the doctrine that an Executive or Congress, deriving their existence and their powers from the Constitution, can exercise lawful authority beyond it, or in vio- lation of it. We assert that no nation can long endure half republic and half empire, and we warn the American people that imperialism abroad will lead quickly and inevitably to despotism at home. Believing in these fundamental principles, we denounce the Porto Rican law, enacted by a Republican Congress against the protest and opposition of the Democratic minority, as a bold and open violation of the Nation's organic law and a flagrant breach of National good faith. It imposes upon the people of Porto Rico a government without their consent, and taxation without representation. It dishonors the American people by repudiating a solemn pledge made in their behalf by the commanding general of our Army, w'hich the Porto Ricans welcomed to a peaceful and unresisted occupation of their land. It dooms to poverty and distress a people whose helplessness appeals with peculiar force to our justice and magnanimity. In this, the first act of its imperialistic programme, the Republican party seeks to commit the United States to a colonial policy incon- sistent with republican institutions and condemned by the Supreme Court in numerous decisions. We demand the prompt and honest fulfilment of onr pledge to the Cuban people and the world, that tiie United States has no disposition nor intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or conti'ol over the island of Cuba, except for its pacification. The war ended nearly two years ago, profound peace reigns over all the island, and still the Administration keeps the government of the island from its people, while Republican carpetbag olficials plan- "IMPERIALISM" THE "PARAMOUNT" ISSUE 59 der its revenues and exploit the colonial theory to the disgrace of the American people. "We condemn and denounce the Philippine policy of the present Administration. It has embroiled the Republic in an unnece.ssary war, sacrificed the lives of many of its noblest sons, and placed the United States, previously known and applauded throughout the world as the champion of freedom, in the false and un-American position of crushing with military force the efforts of our former allies to achieve liberty and self-government. The Filipinos cannot be citizens without endangering our civ- ilization ; they cannot be suVjjects without imperilling our form of government ; and as we are not willing to surrender our civilization, or to convert the Republic into an empire, we favor an immediate declaration of the Nation's purpose to give to the Filipinos, first, a stable form of government ; second, independence ; and third, pro- tection from outside interference such as has been given for nearly a century to the republics of Central and South America. The greedy commercialism which dictated the Philippine policy of the Republican Administration attempts to justify- it with the plea that it will pay, but even this sordid and unworthy plea fails when brought to the test of facts. The war of '-criminal aggression " against the Filipinos, entail- ing an annual expense of many millions, has already cost more than any possible profit that could accrue from the entire Philip- pine trade for years to come. Furthermore, when trade is extended at the expense of liberty the price is always too high. We are not opposed to territorial expansion, when it takes in desirable territory which can be erected into States in the Union, and whose people are willing and fit to become American citizens. We favor trade expansion by every peaceful and legitimate means. But we are unalterably opposed to the seizing or purchasing of distant islands to be governed outside the Constitution and whose people can never become citizens. We are in favor of extending the Republic's influence among the nations, but believe that influence should be extended not by force and violence, but through the persuasive power of a high and honorable example. The importance of other questions now pending before the American people is in nowise diminished and the Democratic party takes no backward step from its position on them ; but the burn- ing issue of imperialism, growing out of the Spanish war, involves the very existence of the Republic and the destruction of our free institutions, ^^'e regard it as the paramount issue of the campaign. The declaration of the Republican platform adopted at the Phila- delphia Convention, held in June, 1900, that the Republican party 60 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY " steadfastly adheres to the policy announced in the Monroe Doc- trine," is manifestly insincere and deceptive. This profession is contradicted by'the avowed policy of that party, in opposition to the spirit of the Monroe Doctrine, to acquire and hold sovereignty over large areas of territory and large numbers of people in the Eastern Hemisphere. We insist on the strict maintenance of the Monroe Doctrine in all its integrity, both in letter and in spirit, as necessary to pre- vent the extension of European authority on these continents and as essential to our supremacy in American affairs. At the same time we declare that no American people shall ever be held by force in unwilling subjection to European authority. We oppose militarism. It means conquest abroad and intimida- tion and oppression at home. It means the strong arm which has ever been fatal to free institutions. It is what millions of our citi- zens have fled from in Europe. It will impose upon our peace- loving people a large standing army, an unnecessary burden of taxation, and would be a constant menace to their liberties. A small standing army and a well disciplined State militia are amply sufficient in time of peace. This Republic has no place for a vast military establishment, a sure forerunner of compulsory military service and conscription. When the Nation is in danger the volunteer soldier is his country's best defender. The National Guard of the United States should ever be cherished in the patriotic hearts of a free people. Such or- ganizations are ever an element of strength and safety. For the first time in our history and coeval with the Philippine conquest has there been a wholesale departure from our time-honored and approved system of volunteer organization. We denounce it as un- American, undemocratic and unrepublican and as a subversion of the ancient and fixed principles of a free people. Private monopolies are indefensible and intolerable. They de- stroy competition, control the price of raw material and of the finished product, thus robbing, both producer and consumer. They lessen the employment of labor and arbitrarily fix the terms and conditions thereof ; and deprive individual energy and small capi- tal of their opportunity for betterment. They are the most efficient means yet devised for appropriating the fruits of industry to the benefit of the few at the expense of the many, and, unless their insatiate greed is checked, all wealth will be aggregated in a few hands and the Republic destroyed. The dishonest paltering with the trust evil by the Republican party in its State and National platforms is conclusive proof of the truth of the charge that trusts are the legitimate product of Repub- lican policies, that they are fostered by Republican laws, and that "IMPERIALISM" THE "PARAMOUNT" ISSUE 61 they are protected by the Republican Administration in return for campaign subscriptions and political support. We pledge the Democratic party to an unceasing warfare in Na- tion, State, and city against private monopoly in every form. Exist- ing laws against trusts must be enforced and more stringent ones must be enacted providing for publicity as to the affairs of corpo- rations engaged in interstate commerce and requiring all corpora- tions to show, before doing business outside of the State of their origin, that they have no water in their stock, and that they have not attempted and are not attempting to monopolize any branch of business or the production of any articles of merchandise ; and the whole constitutional power of Congress over interstate com- merce, the mails and all modes of interstate communication shall be exercised by the enactment of comprehensive laws upon the sub- ject of trusts. Tariff laws should be amended by putting the pro- ducts of trusts upon the free list, to prevent monopoly under the plea of protection. The failure of the present Republican Administration, with an absolute control over all the branches of the National Government, to enact any legislation designed to prevent or even curtail the ab- sorbing power of trusts and illegal combinations, or to enforce the anti-trust laws already on the statute books, proves the insincerity of the high-sounding phrases of the Republican platform. Corporations should be protected in all their rights and their legitimate interests should be respected, but any attempt by cor- porations to interfere with the public affairs of the people or to control the sovereignty which creates them should be forbidden under such penalties as will make such attempts impossible. We condemn the Dingley tariff law as a trust-breeding measure skilfully devised to give to the few favors which they do not deserve, and to place upon the many burdens which they should not bear. We favor such an enlargement of tlie scope of the Interstate Commerce law as will enable the Commission to protect individu- als and communities from discrimination and the public from un- just and unfair transportation rates. We reaffirm and indorse the principles of the National Demo- cratic platform adopted at Chicago in 1896 and we reiterate the demand of that platform for an American financial system made by the American people for themselves, which shall restore and maintain a bimetallic price level, and as part of such system the immediate restoration of the free and unlimited coinage of silver and gold at the present legal ratio of 16 to 1, without waiting for the aid or consent of any other nation. We denounce the currency bill enacted at the last session of Con- gress as a step forward in the Republican policy which aims to 62 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY discredit the sovereign right of the National Government to issue all money, whether coin or paper, and to bestow upon National banks the power to issue and control the volume of paper money for their own benefit. A permanent National bank currency, se- cured by Government bonds, must have a permanent debt to rest upon, and, if tlie bank currency is to increase with population and business, the debt must also increase. The Republican currency scheme is, therefore, a scheme for fastening upon the taxpayers a perpetual and growing debt for the benefit of the banks. We are opposed to this private corporation paper circulated as money, but without legal tender qualities, and demand the retirement of Na- tional bank notes as fast as Government paper or silver certificates can be substituted for them. We favor an amendment to the Federal Constitution providing for the election of United States Senators by direct vote of the people, and we favor direct legislation wherever practicable. We are opposed to government by injunction ; we denounce the black-list, and favor arbitration as a means of settling disputes between corporations and their employees. In the interest of American labor and the upbuilding of the workingman as the cornerstone of the prosperity of our country, we recommend that Congress create a Department of Labor, in charge of a Secretary, with a seat in the Cabinet, believing that the elevation of the American laborer will bring with it increased pro- duction and increased prosperity to our country at home and to our commerce abroad. We are proud of the courage and fidelity of the American sol- diers and sailors in all our wars ; we favor liberal pensions to them and their dependents ; and we reiterate the position taken in the Chicago platform in 1896, that the fact of enlistment and service shall be deemed conclusive evidence against disease and disability before enlistment. We favor the immediate construction, ownership and control of the Nicaraguan Canal by the United States, and we denounce the insincerity of the plank in the Republican National platform for an Isthmian canal, in the ff^ce of the failure of the Republican majority to pass the bill pending in Congress. We condemn the Hay-Pauncefote treaty as a surrender of American rights and in- terests, not to be tolerated by the American people. We denounce the failure of the Republican party to carry out its pledges to grant statehood to the Territories of Arizona, New MeX" ico and Oklahoma, and we promise the people of those Territories immediate statehood, and home rule during their condition as Ter- ritories ; and we favor home rule and a territorial form of govern- ment for Alaska and Porto Rico. "IMPERIALISM" THE "PARAMOUNT" ISSUE 63 We favor an intelligent system of improving the arid lands of the West, storing the waters for the pur^joses of irrigation, and the holding of such lands for actual settlers. We favor the continuance and strict enforcement of the Chinese Exclusion law and its application to the same classes of all Asiatic races. Jefferson said : " Peace, commerce and honest friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none." We approve this whole- some doctrine and earnestly protest against the Republican depart- ure which has involved us in so-called world politics, including the diplomacy of Europe and the intrigue and land grabbing in Asia, and we especially condemn the ill concealed Republican alliance with England, which must mean discrimination against other friendly nations, and which has already stifled the Nation's voice while liberty is being strangled in Africa. Believing in the principles of self-government and rejecting, as did our forefathers, the claims of monarchy, we view with indigna- tion the purpose of England to overwhelm with force the South African Republics. Speaking, as we believe, for the entire Ameri- can Nation, except its Republican officeholders, and for all free men everywhere, we extend our sympathy to the heroic burghers in their unequal struggle to maintain their liberty and independ- ence. We denounce the lavish appropriations of recent Republican Congresses, which have kept taxes high and which threaten the perpetuation of the oppressive war levies. We oppose the accumu- lation of a surplus to be squandered in such barefaced frauds upon the taxpayers as the Shipping Subsidy bill, which, under the false pretence of fostering American shipbuilding, would put unearned millions into the pockets of favorite contributors to the Republican campaign fund. We favor the reduction and speedy repeal of the war taxes, and a return to the time-honored Democratic policy of strict economy in governmental expenditures. Believing that our most cherished institutions are in great peril, that the very existence of our constitutional Republic is at stake, and that the decision now to be rendered will determine whether or not our children are to enjoy those blessed privileges of free government which have made the United States great, prosperous and honored, we earnestly ask for the foregoing declaration of prin- ciples the hearty support of the liberty-loving American people, regardless of previous party affiliations. On the third day of the convention, July 6, William J. Bryan was unanimously nominated as a candidate for President. The convention voted for a candidate for Vice-President with the 64 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY result that Adlai E. Stevenson, of Illinois, had 559 j^ votes, David B. Hill, of Xew York, 200, Charles A. Towne, of Minne- sota, 112]/^, and there were many scattering votes. Before the result was declared all the votes for other candidates were trans- ferred to Mr. Stevenson, and he was unanimously nominated. The Silver Eepublican party also held its convention at Kan- sas City on July 4. Senator Henry M. Teller, of Colorado, was the temporary Chairman, and Judge L. W. Brown, of Ohio, the permanent President. It was a mass convention rather than one made up of duly elected delegates. Although twenty-one States were reported to be represented, the number of persons who acted in the convention from the several States varied greatly, from 287 reported from Kansas, and one hundred or more from three other States to less than a score each from ten other States, one of which, Texas, sent but two members. The whole number reported was 1057. The convention, on July 6, accepted Mr. Bryan as candidate for President. Many of the members wished to add to the ticket the name of Mr. Towne, the candidate of the Pusion Populists for Vice-President, and that action was prevented only by the most earnest argument and persuasion by those who regarded such action as a disas- trous division of the voters who favored Mr. Bryan's candi- dacy. Mr. Towne joined in the opposition to the designation of himself as a candidate. Ultimately the convention referred the nomination of a candidate for Vice-President to the national committee, by which the nomination of Mr. Stevenson was en- dorsed. The following platform was adopted : — We, the Silver Republican party, in National Convention assem- bled, declare these as our principles, and invite the cooperation of all who agree therewith : We recognize that the principles set forth in the Declaration of American Independence are fundamental and everlastingly true in their application to governments among men. We believe the patri- otic words of Washington's farewell address to be the words of soberness and wisdom, inspired by the spirit of right and truth. We treasure the words of Jefferson as priceless gems of American statesmanship. We hold in sacred remembrance the patriotism of Lincoln, who was the great interpreter of American history and the apostle of human rights and of industrial freedom, and we de- clare, as was declared by the convention that nominated the great Emancipator, that the maintenance of the principles promulgated in the Declaration of Independence and embodied in the Federal "IMPERIALISM" THE "PARAMOUNT" ISSUE 65 Constitution, " that all men are created equal ; that they are en- dowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights ; that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness ; that to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed," is essential to the preservation of our republican institutions. We declare our adherence to the principles of bimetallism as the right basis of a monetary system under our National Consti- tution, a princij^le that found place repeatedly in Republican plat- forms from the demonetization of silver in 1873 to the St. Louis Republican Convention of 1896. Since that Convention a Republi- can Congress and a Republican President, at the dictation of the trusts and money power, have passed and approved a currency bill which in itself is a repudiation of the docrine of bimetallism ad- vocated theretofore by the President and every great leader of his party. This currency law destroys the full money power of the silver dollar, provides for the payment of all Government obliga- tions and the redemption of all forms of paper money in gold alone, retires the time-honored and patriotic greenback, constitut- ing one-sixth of the money in circulation, and surrenders to bank- ing corporations the sovereign function of issuing all paper money, thus enabling these corporations to control the prices of labor and property, and increasing the power of the banks to create panics and bring disaster upon business enterprises. The provision of this currency law making the bonded debt of the Nation payable in gold alone changes the contract between the Government and the bondholders to the advantage of the latter, and is in direct oppo- sition to the declaration of the Matthews resolution passed by Con- gress in 1878, for which resolution the present Republican Presi- dent, then a member of Congress, voted, as did also all leading Republicans, both in the House and Senate. We demand the repeal of this currency law, and declare that we shall not cease our efforts until there has been established in its place a monetary system based upon the free and unlimited coinage of silver and gold into money at the present legal ratio of 16 to 1, by the independent action of the United States, under which system all money shall be issued by the Government, and all money coined and issued shall be a full legal tender in payment of all debts, public and pri- vate, without exception. We approve a graduated tax upon incomes ; and if necessary to accomplish this., we favor an amendment to the Constitution. We believe that United States Senators should be elected by direct vote of the people, and we favor such amendment of the Con- stitution and such legislation as may be necessary to that end. We favor the maintenance and the extension wherever prac- 66 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY ticable of the merit system in public service, appointments to be made according to fitness, competitively ascertained, and public servants to be retained in office only so long as shall be compatible with the efficiency of the service. Combinations, trusts and monopolies, contrived and created for the purpose of controlling the prices and quantity of articles sup- plied to the public, are unjust, oppressive and unlawful. Not only do these unlawful conspiracies fix the prices of commodities, but they invade every branch of State and National government with their polluting influences, and control the actions of their employes and dependents, politically, until such control imperils society and the liberty of the citizen. We demand the most stringent laws for their suppression and the most severe punishment of their pro- moters and maintainers and the energetic enforcement of such laws by the courts. We believe the Monroe Doctrine to be sound in principle and a wise National policy, and we demand a firm adherence thereto. We condemn those acts of the Administration inconsistent with it, and which have tended to make us parties to the interests, and to involve us in the controversies of European nations, and especially the recognition by pending treaty of the right of England to be considered in the construction of an interoceanic canal. We are in favor of the speedy construction of the Nicaragua Canal, to be built, owned and defended by the government of the United States. We observe with anxiety, and regard with disapproval, the in- creasing ownership of American lands by aliens ; and their grow- ing control over our internal transportation, natural resources and public utilities. We demand legislation to protect our public do- main, our natural resources, our franchises and our internal com- merce ; and to keep them free from, and to maintain their inde- pendence of, all foreign monopolies, institutions and influences ; and we declare our opposition to the leasing of the public lands of the United States, whereby corporations and syndicates shall be able to secure control thereof, and thus monopolize the public do- main, the heritage of the people. We approve of the principle of direct legislation, and favor the application of the same to nominations. In view of their great sacrifices made, and patriotic services ren- dered, we are in favor of liberal pensions to deserving soldiers and sailors, their widows, orphans and other dependents. We believe that enlistment and service should be accepted as conclusive proof that the soldier was free from disease and disability^ at the time of his enlistment. We condemn the present administration of the pension laws. "IMPERIALISM" THE "PARAMOUNT" ISSUE 67 We tender to the patriotic people of the South African republics our sympathy, and express our admiration for them in their heroic struggle to preserve their political freedom and maintain their national existence. We declare the destruction of these republics and the subjugation of their people to be a crime against civiliza- tion. We believe this sympathy should have been voiced by the American Congress, as was done in the case of the French, Greeks, Hungarians, Poles, Armenians and the Cubans, and as the tradi- tions of this country would have dictated. We declare the Porto Rican tariff law to be not only a serious but a dangerous departure from the principles of our form of gov- ernment. We believe in the republican form of government ; and we are opposed to monarchy, and to the whole theory of imperialistic control. We believe in self-government, a government by the con- sent of the governed ; and are unalterably opposed to a government based upon force. It is incontrovertible that the inhabitants of the Philippine archipelago cannot be made citizens of the United States without endangering our civilization. We are therefore in favor of applying to the Philippines the principle we are solemnly and publicly pledged to observe in the case of Cuba. We demand that our Nation's promise to Cuba shall be fulfilled in every particular. There being no longer any necessity for collecting war taxes, we demand relief from the taxes levied to carry on the war with Spain. We favor the immediate admission into the Union of States of the Territories of Arizona, New Mexico and Oklahoma. We believe the National Government should lend encourage- ment and assistance toward the reclamation of the arid lands of the United States ; and to that end, we are in favor of a compre- hensive survey thereof, and an immediate ascertainment of the water supply available for such reclamation, and we believe it to be the duty of the general Government to provide for the con- struction of storage reservoirs and- irrigation works so that the water supply of the arid region may be utilized to the greatest pos- sible extent in the interest of the people, while preserving all rights of the States. Transportation is a public necessity, and the means and methods of it are matters of public concern. Transportation companies ex- ercise an unwarranted power over industries, business and com- merce, and should be made to serve the public interests without making unreasonable charges or unjust discriminations. We observe with satisfaction the growing sentiment among the people in favor of the public ownership and operation of public utilities, 68 A HISTOEY OF THE PRESIDENCY We are in favor of expanding our commerce in the interest of American labor and for the benefit of all our people by every honest and peaceful means. We are opposed to the importation of Asiatic laborers in compe- tition with American labor ; and favor a more rigid enforcement of the laws relating thereto. Our creed and our history justify the nations of the earth in expecting that, wherever the American flag is unfurled in author- ity, there human liberty and political freedom shall be found. We protest against the adoption of any policy that will change, in the thought of the world, the meaning of our flag. We insist that it shall never float over any ship or wave at the head of any column directed against the political independence of any people of any race or in any clime. The Silver Republican party of the United States, in the foregoing principles, seeks to perpetuate the spirit, and to adhere to the teachings of Abraham Lincoln. On July 18 a number of Anti -Imperialists and Gold Demo- crats met at New York and adopted a declaration to be submitted to the national committee of the organization which nominated Palmer and Buckner in 1896. Inasmuch as it was a select gathering, and as it did not accomplish the object aimed at, the declaration is not given in full. But as, on the other hand, the number of those who held the sentiments expressed in the declaration was undoubtedly larger than that of one or more of the parties which put a ticket in the field, a summary of it deserves a place in the history of the canvass. We are met [they declared] to devise means to place in nomin- ation a third presidential ticket. We take this course because we are at present faced with the necessity of choosing between two candidates for neither of whom can we conscientiously vote. The declaration then proceeds to characterize Mr. McKin- ley, Mr. Roosevelt and Mr. Bryan in most uncomplimentary terms, which it is not necessary to reproduce, and it announced the purposes of those who adopted it as follows : — First, a return to the political doctrines of the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution. Second, the recognition that not only Cuba and the Philippines, but Porto Rico and Hawaii are entitled to independence. Third, genuine monetary reform. Fourth, civil service reform. Fifth, the abolition of special privilege, whether of tariff or any other origin. "IMPERIALISM" THE "PARAMOUNT" ISSUE 69 Some of the gentlemen present at this meeting attended the meeting of the national committee of the *' National Demo- cratic " party, the name adopted by the Gold Democrats of 1896, who met at Indianapolis on July 25. But after full consideration the committee adopted the following resolutions Avhich, as will be seen, made no reference to the anti-imperial issue : Resolved. That in the opinion of this committee the nomination of candidates by the National Democratic party for the otRces of President and Vice-President is unwise and inexpedient. Second — That we reaffirm the Indianapolis platform of 1896. Third — We recommend the State Committees in their respect- ive States to preserve their organizations and take such steps as in their opinion may best subserve the principles of our party, espec- ially in the maintenance of a sound currency, the right of private contract, the independence of the judiciary, and the authority of the President to enforce Federal laws, a covert attack on which is made under the guise of the denunciation of government by injunction. We urge the voters not to be deceived by the plea that the money question has been finally settled. The specific reiteration of the demand for the free coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to 1 by the Kansas City Convention, and the history known of all men in con- nection therewith, emphasize the danger of this demand. We in- dorse the action of Congress in passing a bill embodying the gold standard as a step in the right direction. We feel it would be dan- gerous to elevate to executive power any one hostile to the main' tenance and enforcement of this law. The Anti- Imperialist League held a convention at Indian- apolis on August 16, and accepted the nomination of Mr. Bryan, and adopted the following platform: — This Liberty Congress of Anti-Imperialists recognizes a great National crisis, which menaces the Republic, upon whose future depends in such large measure the hope of freedom throughout the world. For the first time in our country's history the President has undertaken to subjugate a foreign people and to rule them by despotic power. He has thrown the protection of the flag over slav- ery and polygamy in the Sulu Islands. He has arrogated to him- self the power to impose upon the inhabitants of the Philippines government without their consent and taxation without represent- ation. He is waging war upon them for asserting the very principles for the maintenance of which our forefathers pledged their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor. He claims for himself and 70 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY Congress authority to govern the territories of the United States without constitutional restraint. We believe in the Declaration of Independence. Its truths, not less self-evident to-day than when first announced by our fa- thers, are of universal application and cannot be abandoned while government by the people endures. We believe in the Constitution of the United States. It gives the President and Congress certain limited powers and secures to every man within the jurisdiction of our Government certain es- sential rights. We deny that either the President or Congress can govern any person outside the Constitution. We are absolutely opposed to the policy of President McKinley, which proposes to govern millions of men without their consent, which in Porto Rico establishes taxation without representation, and government by the arbitrary will of a legislature unfettered by constitutional restraint, and in the Philippines prosecutes a war of conquest and demands unconditional surrender from a people who are of right free and independent. The struggle of men for freedom has ever been a struggle for constitutional lib- erty. There is no liberty if the citizen has no right which the Leg- islature may not invade, if he may be taxed by the Legislature in which he is not represented, or if he is not protected by funda- mental law against the arbitrary action of executive power. The policy of the President offers the inhabitants of Porto Rico, Hawaii, and the Philippines no hope of independence, no prospect of Amer- ican citizenship, no constitutional protection, no representation in the Congress which taxes them. This is the government of men by arbitrary power without their consent. This is imperialism. There is no room under the free flag of America for subjects. The President and Congress, who derive all their powers from the Constitution, can govern no man without regard to its limitations. We believe the greatest safeguard of liberty is a free press, and we demand that the censorship in the Philippines, which keeps from the American people the knowledge of what is done in their name, be abolished. We are entitled to know the truth, and we insist that the powers which the President holds in trust for us shall be not used to suppress it. Because we thus believe, we oppose the reelection of Mr. McKin- ley. The supreme purpose of the people in this momentous cam- paign should be to stamp with their final disapproval his attempt to grasp imperial power. A self-governing people can have no more imperative duty than to drive from public life a Chief Mag- istrate who, whether in weakness or of wicked purpose, has used his temporary authority to subvert the character of their govern- ment and to destroy their National ideals. "IMPERIALISM" THE "PARAMOUNT" ISSUE 71 We, therefore, in the belief that it is essential at this crisis for the American people again to declare their faith in the universal application of the Declaration of Independence and to reassert their will that their servants shall not have or exercise any powers whatever other than those conferred by the Constitution, earnestly make the following recommendations to our countrymen : First, that, without regard to their views on minor questions of domestic policy, they withhold their votes from Mr. ]\lcKinley, in order to stamp with their disapproval what he has done. Second, that they vote for those candidates for Congress in their respective districts who will oppose the policy of imperialism. Third, while we welcome any other method of opposing the re- election of Mr. McKinley, we advise direct support of JMr. Bryan as the most effective means of crushing imperialism. We are convinced of Mr. Bryan's sincerity and of his earnest purpose to secure to the Filipinos their independence. His posi- tion and the declarations contained in the platform of his party on the vital issue of the campaign meet our unqualified approval. We recommend that the Executive committees of the American Anti-Imperialist League and its allied leagues continue and extend their organizations, preserving the independence of the movement ; and that they take the most active part possible in the pending political campaign. Until now the policy which has turned the Filipinos from warm friends to bitter enemies, which has slaughtered thousands of them and laid waste their country, has been the policy of the President. After the next election it becomes the policy of every man who votes to reelect him, and w^ho thus becomes with him responsible for every drop of blood thereafter shed. The following resolution, proposed from the floor, was added to the platform as reported : Resolved, That in declaring that the principles of the Declara- tion of Independence apply to all men, this Congress means to include the negro race in America as well as the Filipinos. We deprecate all efforts, whether in the South or in the North, to de- prive the negro of his rights as a citizen under the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution of the United States. Still another ticket was nominated by about one hundred independent citizens, who claimed no delegated authority, at a meeting in New York, on September 5. This action seems to have been the outcome of the refusal of the '* National Demo- cratic " party, by its national committee, to nominate a ticket in response to the demand of the meeting in New York — 72 A HISTOKY OF THE PRESIDENCY already noticed — of July 18. Senator Donelson Caffery, of Louisiana, was placed in nomination for the presidency, and Archibald M. Howe, of Massachusetts, for the vice-presidency. Both of these gentlemen declined the nomination later in the month, and no further action was taken. The following decla- ration of principles was made : — We, citizens of the United States of America, assembled for the purpose of defending the wise and conservative principles which underlie our Government, thus declare our aims and pur- poses: We find our country threatened with alternative perils. On the one hand is a public opinion misled by organized forces of com- mercialism that have perverted a war intended by the people to be a war of humanity into a war of conquest. On the other is a pub- lic opinion swayed by demagogic appeals to factional and class passions, the most fatal of diseases to a republic. We believe that either of these influences, if unchecked, would ultimately compass the downfall of our country, but we also believe that neither rep- resents the sober conviction of our countrymen. Convinced that the extension of the jurisdiction of the United States for the pur- pose of holding foreign people as colonial dependents is an inno- vation dangerous to our liberties and repugnant to the principles upon which our Government is founded, we pledge our earnest efforts through all constitutional means, First — To procure the renunciation of all imperial or colonial pretensions with regard to foreign countries claimed to have been acquired through or in consequence of naval or military operations of the last two years. Second — We further pledge our efforts to secure a single gold standard and a sound banking system. Third — To secure a public service based on merit only. Fourth — To secure the abolition of all corrupting special priv- ileges, whether under the guise of subsidies, bounties, undeserved pensions, or trust-breeding tariffs. The canvass of the year 1900 was characterized by no un- usual excitement. The number of candidates for the two chief offices was unprecedentedly large, but there was nothing in the situation to divert from the candidates of the two historic part- ies to any one of the minor candidacies any considerable body of citizens. The only large group of men. Democrats and Re- publicans, who could not conscientiously support either Mc- Kinley or Bryan — those who were unalterably opposed to the Philippine policy and equally opposed to free silver — found "IMPERIALISM/' THE "PARAMOUNT" ISSUE 73 nothing to attract them, in the Prohibition principles or in the several socialistic parties. They reluctantly voted for that one of the candidates whose principles were less repugnant to their own, or refrained from voting altogether. It is probable that several important events, or series of events, wholly unconnected with American politics, by divert- ing public attention, rendered the interest in the canvass much less acute than it otherwise would have been. Of these may be mentioned the Boxer uprising in China, the assassination of King Humbert of Italy, the terrible catastrophe at Galveston, and the closing campaigns of the Boer War. The continuance of the war with the Filipino insurgents and the protracted strikes in the anthracite coal region may have had some unascertained effect upon the political sentiments of the people, and upon the vote in November ; but that effect was not only unascertained but un perceived. Aside from the ordinary campaigning by a host of " spell- binders " of both parties, the leading feature of the canvass was the activity of Mr. Bryan on the part of the Democrats, and of Mr. Roosevelt in behalf of the Republicans. Mr. Roosevelt was credited with having made six hundred and seventy-three speeches in twenty-four States. Mr. Bryan's statistics cannot be given, but there were few days when no audiences gathered to hear him, and his travels must have been quite as extensive as those of Mr. Roosevelt. Although anti-imperialism was announced by the Demo- cratic convention to be the paramount issue of the canvass, and although the declaration was made at the expressed wish of Mr. Bryan, it seems not a prejudiced view of the situation to assert that he found the principle less popular than he ex- pected. Not that he abated in the slightest degree the energy of his opposition to the colonial policy, or that he failed at any time to denounce those who preferred — as he put it — an empire to a republic. But he devoted the larger part of most of his speeches on the stump to the question of the trusts, and to the evils to which organized labor was subject. The silver question, on which he usually touched, briefly but emphatic- ally, also seemed not greatly to interest his hearers. But on the other hand it was the leading topic of Republican orators, and the most effective argument they could adduce was the danger that the gold standard would be endangered should Mr. Bryan be successful. The event proved that in the extreme and 74 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY the middle West the sentiment in favor of silver free coinage was far less strong than it was four years before ; and thou- sands of Republicans returned to their allegiance. On the other hand, in the East where such free silver sentiment existed it was to a large degree artificial, and chiefly a product of the desire for party regularity ; the " paramount " and other issues of the canvass were more emphasized, and there the Democratic vote increased. The election took place on November 6. The result is shown in the table on the opposite page. McKinley lost the votes of Kentucky which he had received in 1896, but he gained those of Kansas, Nebraska, South Dakota, Utah and Wyoming which were carried by Bryan four years before. The total popular vote was 13,973,071, which was an in- crease of 36,020 over the vote of 1896. It was to be followed in 1904 by an actual decrease. The causes of the remarkable reversal of a tendency which had always previously been ob- served, are discussed in a later chapter. The resolution of Congress preliminary to the count of the electoral votes was more carefully considered and phrased than were similar resolutions in the past. Indeed, in the form in which it was first passed by the Senate it followed closely the language of the resolution adopted by both Houses in 1896. But it was observed by some members of the House of Represent- atives that it did not use the phraseology of the law, and ac- cordingly it was modified. The difference between the two forms is slight and may seem unimportant at a casual reading. As passed by the Senate, after providing for a joint meeting on the 13th of February, for the appointment of tellers on the part of the two Houses, and for the making of lists of the re- sult by these tellers, the Senate resolution continued : — The result shall be delivered to the President of the Senate, who shall announce the state of the vote and the persons elected, to the two Houses assembled as aforesaid, which shall be deemed a declaration of the persons elected President and Vice-President of the United States. In its modified form there was substituted, for the forego- ing, these words : — The result of the same shall be delivered to the President of the Senate, who shall thereupon announce the state of the vote, "IMPERIALISM" THE "PARAMOUNT" ISSUE 75 POPDLAR VOTB Electo- RAi. Vote ^ ^ Q^ ^^ % § •^ c'-S a ^.1 a a fl > g O 00 "a « S a ^ "33 S « o S States o Pi •a 3 « 3 a a o cs g o § o S3 Co o o c o, c ° .la II u . - « -a >> a a « •a a o n 5cc Q 3 §» ^ S o S >> Alabama . . 65512 97131 2762 4178 11 Arkansas . . 44800 81142 584 27 _ 972 341 _ - 8 Califoruia . . 164755 124985 5087 7572 - _ _ _ 9 _ Colorado . . 93072 122733 3790 714 684 389 _ _ _ 4 Connecticut . 102572 74014 1617 1029 908 - _ - 6 - Delaware . . 22535 18863 546 57 _ _ _ _ 3 _ Florida . . . 7420 28007 2234 601 - 1070 _ _ _ 4 Georgia'. . . 3505G 81700 1396 - - 4584 _ _ _ 13 Idaho . . . 27193 29414 857 - - 232 _ _ _ 3 Illinois . . . 597985 503061 17626 9687 1373 1141 572 352 24 Indiana . . . 336063 309584 13718 2374 663 1438 254 _ 15 _ Iowa .... 307808 209265 9502 2742 259 613 _ 707 13 _ Kansas . . . 185955 162601 3605 1605 _ _ _ 10 _ Kentucky . . 226801 234899 2814 770 299 2017 _ _ _ 13 Louisiana . . 14233 53671 _ - - _ _ _ _ 8 Maine . . . 65412 36822 2585 878 - - _ _ 6 - Maryland . . 136185 122238 4574 904 388 _ 147 _ 8 _ Massachusetts. 239147 157016 6208 9716 2610 - _ _ 15 _ Michigan . . 316269 211685 11859 2826 903 837 - _ 14 _ Minnesota . . 190461 112901 8555 3065 1329 - - - 9 _ Mississippi . . 5753 51706 - _ - 1644 - _ - 9 Missouri. . . 314092 351922 5965 6139 1294 4244 - - - 17 Montana. . . 25373 37145 298 708 169 _ - ^ - 3 Nebraska . . 121835 114013 3655 823 _ 1104 _ „ 8 _ Nevada . . . 3849 6347 - - - - _ _ - 3 New Hampshire 54799 35489 1279 790 - - _ - 4 _ New Jersey . 221754 164879 7190 4611 2081 691 _ - 10 — New York . . 822013 678462 22077 12869 12621 - _ - 36 _ North Carolina 132997 157733 1006 - ~ 830 _ _ - 11 North Dakota. 35898 20531 731 520 - 111 _ - 3 - Ohio .... 643918 474882 10203 4847 1588 251 4284 - 23 — Oregon . . . 46526 33385 2536 1494 - 275 _ _ 4 _ Pennsylvania . 712665 424232 27908 4831 2936 638 _ - 32 _ Rhode Island . 33784 19812 1629 - 1423 - - - 4 - South Carolina 3579 47233 _ _ _ - _ _ _ 9 South Dakota . 54530 39544 1542 169 _ 339 _ - 4 — Tennessee . . 123180 145356 3860 413 - 1322 - - - 12 Texas . . . 130641 267432 2644 1846 162 20981 _ _ - 15 Utah .... 47139 45006 209 720 106 _ _ - 3 _ Vermont . . 42569 12849 383 39 _ 367 _ _ 4 _ Virginia . . 115865 146080 2150 145 167 63 _ _ - 12 Washington . 57456 4483:? 2363 2066 866 - _ _ 4 - West Virginia. 119829 98807 1692 219 - 268 - ~ 6 - Wisconsin . . 265760 159163 10027 7048 503 _ - - 12 — Wyoming . . 14482 10164 - - - - - - 3 - Totals . . 7219525 6358737 209157 94864 33432 50599 5698 1059 292 155 which announcement shall be deemed a sufficient declaration of the persons, if any, elected President and Vice-President of the United States. 76 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY In the one case, it will be seen, the President of the Sen- ate was to declare certain persons elected. It was thought ad- visable, at a time when no question was to arise as to the re- sult, to establish the precedent that the President of the Sen- ate was not to declare any person elected. The procedure thus enjoined was followed strictly at the count of the vote on February 13, 1901, which passed off without an incident out- side of the routine. The inauguration took place on March 4, 1901, with the customary ceremony. But numerous organizations and a vast throng of private citizens made the occasion memorable and impressive. In the procession that accompanied Mr. McKinley from the White House to the Capitol and escorted him back to the official residence were a large number of veterans of the Civil War; the "Rough Riders," — Mr. Roosevelt's regiment during the Spanish War ; — a battalion of Porto Rican sol- diers, representing the new citizens of the United States; and the full corps of West Point cadets and Annapolis midship- men. In the parade after the inauguration were fifteen gov- ernors of States, mounted. The number of private citizens who were attracted to Washington by simple curiosity or by a de- sire to testify their regard for the President and Vice-President elect, was unprecedented. The parade after the inauguration was witnessed by tens of thousands who lined Pennsylvania avenue, many deep, all the way from the Capitol to the White House. The scene in the Senate Chamber when Mr. Roosevelt took the oath as Vice-President was brilliant in the extreme. The Supreme Court, the members of the Cabinet, and the diplo- matic corps headed by Lord Pauncefote, in their court cos- tumes, added dignity to the occasion ; and the ladies of the Chinese and Japanese legations, in their gorgeous native at- tire, gave a quaint touch of color to the diplomatic gallery. After the induction into office of the Vice-President the official and invited witnesses of the ceremony of administering the oath to the President elect proceeded to the east front of the Senate wing of the Capitol. Mr. McKinley took the oath, which was administered by Chief Justice Fuller, and then delivered his inaugural address. Unfortunately a light rain was falling at the time, and the President omitted, in the reading, a part of his address. II ROOSEVELT'S ELECTION FOR A " SECOND TERM " Mr. McKinley began his second term under the happiest auspices. The momentous crisis through which the country- had passed since the beginning of the war with Spain left him secure in the support of a large majority of the people. If the voters had not, in the preceding November, expressed their approval of the policy of expansion which imposed upon the government the care and control of distant possessions and made it a world power, they had certainly not condemned that policy. Congress had passed an act — the act which of all the President most ardently desired — reestablishing the system of a protect- ive tariff according to the Republican standard, and the people had not rejected the party which made the tariff, as they had done in 1884, 1890, and 1896, — the last three tariffs en- acted. The country was so prosperous under the act, — in consequence of it or in spite of it, as one viewed it from the protective or the free-trade point of view, — that there was no imminent danger of a fresh tariff campaign. Moreover, the prosperity of the country served also to reconcile all but the most irreconcilable to the act establishing the gold standard of money, and the consequent elimination of the silver ques- tion from politics, of which it had been a disturbing element for more than twenty years. Although such was the fortunate situation in home affairs the outlook was, if not reassuring, by no means desperate, so far as the relations of the government to its new dependencies and to certain foreign powers Avere concerned. The Philippine revolt was not suppressed, but the clouds in that archipelago began to break before the first month of the new term expired ; for Aguinaldo was captured by a stratagem in March, and there- after the violent opposition to American rule was sporadic and futile. Congress had passed an act throwing the entire control and government of the islands upon the President, and arrangements had already been made to transfer the govern- ment from military to civil authority, a change which took place, 78 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY according to the plans of Governor Taft, on the fourth of July. The possession of distant and insular dependencies raised a group of new and perplexing questions as to the standing of the people inhabiting Porto Rico and the Philippine Islands, and as to their relation to and their rights under the Constitu- tion and the laws of the United States. The questions were carried promptly to the Supreme Court for decision. They reached that tribunal in several distinct cases, each of which was to be determined by a ruling on a single point. It resulted that no general opinion, covering the whole subject, was pos- sible. The two cases of chief importance were decided on the same day, May 27, each by a divided court, five justices against four. But the majority, so far as the personnel of the justices com- prising it was concerned, was not the same in the two cases, and it was therefore easy for the opponents of what they called im- perialism, to maintain that the court overruled itself in the two judgments. Whether they were inconsistent with each other or not, the effect they produced was to sanction all that Congress had done and all that it proposed to do with reference to the government of the outlying territory and the people inhabiting it. The court decided that the territory acquired as the result of the war was a part of the United States, and not foreign ; and that the people were not aliens. But on the other hand it de- cided that, until Congress should so decree, that territory was not a part of the United States in such a sense that the require- ment of the Constitution that the taxes imposed by Congress "shall be uniform throughout the United States" applied to them. Consistency might be asserted for the two decisions by advancing the theory that the new territory was a part of the United States as a whole ; but that the clause just quoted ap- plied only to such part of the country as was organized into States. But the Court did not maintain, nor did it disclaim, consistency. It simply held that Congress possessed authority to pass any laws it might deem necessary for the government of the newly acquired territory. The relations of the United States to other powers were ab- solutely peaceful. But there was one question pending with Great Britain that required delicate handling. The experience of the country during the Spanish War gave a fresh and strong impetus to the public sentiment favorable to the construction of a canal to unite the Atlantic and the Pacific. It was urged with great force that the country must never again be forced, ROOSEVELT'S "SECOND ELECTION" 79 in time of war, to assemble its naval fleets by steaming around South America. The chief obstacle to an enterprise which encountered scarcely any opposition at home, was the so-called Olayton-Bulwer Treaty with Great Britain, Under that treaty, which was made in 1850, and which, as has been said of it, ''has given rise to more questions than it contains articles," the United States was hampered by obligations which success- ive Secretaries of State during a half-century had vainly en- deavored to remove by peaceful negotiation. In its relation to an Isthmian Canal it made Great Britain and the United States partners in the protection and control of such a canal, should a waterway between the oceans be constructed. The treaty was held by American diplomatists to be inconsistent with the un- dertaking of the United States, in its treaty with Colombia, to guarantee the integrity of Colombian territory. Mr. Blaine, when Secretary of State, argued that Great Britain had abro- gated the treaty by certain of its acts, but the British Foreign Secretary did not admit the validity of his argument, and it was never the purpose of any President to act upon the as- sumption that the treaty was abrogated, unless Great Britain conceded the point. As public opinion in the United States after the Spanish War demanded the construction of an inter- oceanic canal as a government work, it became more than ever important that the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty should be abrogated, or at all events modified. For it was clearly against public policy to incur the enormous expense of the undertaking unless, in the end, it would be under the sole control of the govern- ment which had borne the entire burden of cost. On February 5, 1900, Secretary of State John Hay con- cluded a treaty with Lord Pauncefote as British plenipotentiary, modifying in important respects the old treaty of 1850. When the treaty was submitted to the Senate for ratification that body made several amendments to the instrument, one of which declared that the new agreement superseded the treaty of 1850. Great Britain rejected the treaty as amended, assigning several reasons for its action. But it was generally understood that it attached importance to the change just mentioned, and to that only. The Foreign Secretary remarked that it was not custom- ary for one party to a treaty to declare it superseded when the subject of supersession had not been discussed. A new treaty was made by Mr. Hay and Lord Pauncefote, November 18, 1901, which was sent to the Senate at the beginning of the 80 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY December session, and was ratified on December 16, by a vote of 72 to 6. By that treaty the Clayton-Bulwer agreement was formally superseded, the right of the United States to construct, own, operate, and control a canal was conceded, and the clauses relative to the neutralization of the Suez Canal were incorporated in the agreement, save that the clause forbidding a fortification of the canal was omitted. The war with Spain was undertaken with the express pur- pose to liberate Cuba, and with a distinct pledge on the part of Congress not to acquire it as a territory of the United States, but to leave the government to the people of the island. Never- theless Cuba was held by United States troops and was gov- erned temporarily by a general of its army. Notwithstanding the pledge that was given at the outset, there was clearly a moral obligation resting upon the United States to see that the government of the new republic should be truly representative of the people, that its institutions should be founded tipon justice and liberty, and that it should be strong enough, as well as disposed, to maintain justice, liberty and order. It was also the right of the United States, having established the in-. dependence of Cuba, to safeguard its own interests. President McKinley had ordered an election of delegates to frame a con- stitution for Cuba, on July 25, 1900, and the convention met on November 5. It was composed of the most radical and ir- responsible elements of the population, and when, after child- ish dallying with the problem before it, the convention began to consider the details of a constitution the general features of which had been agreed upon, it appeared that there was no purpose on the part of the convention to express obligation, gratitude, or even friendliness to the United States. There was not in the preliminary draft a word of recognition of the service this country had rendered in establishing independence, nor of its interest in the future of the island. The evident intention of the delegates to obtain the sanc- tion of Congress to a constitution which would enable the new government to become — like many of the Spanish- American republics — a lawless member of the family of nations, a scene of frequent revolutions, and absolved from indebtedness of any sort to the United States, caused much anxiety at Washing- ton. Early in February, 1901, there were several conferences among senators who were members of the Committee on Cuban Relations ; and the result was the drafting of an amendment ROOSEVELT'S "SECOND ELECTION" 81 to be proposed to the pending Army Appropriation Bill. There were consultations with the President and Secretary Root, but the original draft Avas made by Senator Orville H. Piatt, of Connecticut, and the final draft was made by Senators Piatt and Spooner, The Democratic senators on the Committee, although opposed to the amendment, patriotically agreed not to filibuster against it, nor to ofi"er factious opposition to it. Mr. Piatt offered the amendment on February 25, when only one week of the session and of the Congress remained. It was adopted on the 27th, by a strict party vote, yeas 43, nays 20, was agreed to by the House of Representatives, and bpcame a law on March 2. The famous " Piatt Amendment " consisted of a preamble and eight clauses. The preamble repeated the declaration of the intention of the government as set forth in the *' Teller Amendment " to *' leave the government and con- trol of the island of Cuba to its people," but added that that action was to be taken " so soon as a government shall have been established in said island under a constitution which, either as a part thereof or in an ordinance appended thereto, shall define the future relations of the United States with Cuba substantially as follows " : — The first three of the following clauses are all that need be quoted in full. L That the government of Cuba shall never enter into any treaty or other compact with any foreign power or powers which will impair or tend to impair the independence of Cuba, nor in any manner authorize or permit any foreign power or powers to obtain by colonization or for military or naval purposes or other- wise lodgment in or control over any portion of the island. II. That said government shall not assume or contract any pub- Hc debt, to pay the interest upon which, and to make reasonable sinking fund provision for the ultimate discharge of which, the ordinary revenues of the island, after defraying the current ex- penses of government, shall be inadequate. , III. That the government of Cuba consents that the United States may exercise the right to intervene for the preservation of Cuban independence, the maintenance of a government adequate for the protection of life, property and individual liberty, and for discharging the obligations with respect to Cuba imposed by the treaty of Paris on the United States, now to be assumed and un- dertaken by the government of Cuba. The fourth clause ratified and validated all the acts of the United States during the military occupation of the island. 82 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY gj By the fifth the government was to bind itself to continue the sanitation work already performed. The sixth omitted the Isle of Pines, for the time being, from the boundaries of Cuba. The seventh provided for the sale or lease to the United States of land for coaling or naval stations. The eighth embodied an engagement to make a permanent treaty with the United States in accordance with the foregoing provisions. Great reluctance to accept the conditions on which the gov- ernment might be established was manifested by the conven- tion. It was once voted not to incorporate the Piatt amend- ment in the constitution, but the futility of the entire proceedings should the convention persist in its refusal finally became so apparent that the amendment was appended to the constitu- tion. An election was held at the end of the year, and the government of the island was turned over to the people on the 4th of July, 1902. In the interval there was not a little angry discussion of the matter by radical Cubans. The motives of the United States in imposing conditions which were de- clared to be humiliating, were attacked. There was a suspicion of sinister intentions. Yet the terms were not harsh; they were calculated to secure the independence of the island, and not to impair it; and in particular that clause which authorized in- tervention by the United States to secure the island from a suc- cession of revolutionary outbreaks, was soon justified by events in Cuba. More than once before the inauguration of Senor Palma as the first president suspicion was entertained both in Cuba and by opposition journals in the United States that the ad- ministration had a secret purpose to bring about the annexation of the island. But events showed that there was no such pur- pose, and the pledge of the government at the time war with Spain was declared, was strictly and honorably performed. There were several other matters in the foreign relations that belong in point of time to the closing months of President McKinley's first, and the beginning of his second term. They had, however, no bearing upon the political situation, and there-'- fore require a brief mention only. The Venezuela trouble, which caused much diplomatic correspondence later, was not yet at an acute stage. Negotiations were on foot, and indeed took the form of a treaty for the cession of the Danish West Indies to the United States ; but in the end King Christian and the Danish Parliament refused to sanction the cession. The government joined with other powers in demanding in- ROOSEVELT'S "SECOND ELECTION" 83 demnity from China on account of losses and expenses suf- fered by reason of the Boxer insurrection. The demands of the United States were moderate, and when it was found that the sum asked for and paid exceeded the actual loss, the excess was returned to China. If it be added that the question of the fisheries on the coasts of Canada and Newfoundland engaged much of the attention of the government, it is a statement that would be true of some period in almost every President's term of office. It will be seen from the foregoing survey of the situation at home and abroad that the administration entered upon its du- ties under extremely favorable conditions. Save for the unsatis- factory outlook in the Philippines there was nothing to cause anxiety. Such foreign questions as were unsettled were fully under control. Politically the party in power was strong, and the several departments worked in harmony. The new House of Representatives, elected at the same time as the President, consisted of 198 Republicans, 153 Democrats, and 5 independ- ents. The Senate, as it met on the 4th of March, consisted of 56 Republicans, 29 Democrats, and 5 independents. There were two vacancies in the Senate, and one in the House. On the 29th of April the President set out for a long tour, in the course of which he was to visit twenty-four States. He was to go by the southern route, by way of New Orleans to the Pacific Coast, and to return by the northern route, and the Yellowstone Park. But Mrs. McKinley, who accompanied him, was taken so seriously ill at San Francisco that the rest of the tour was abandoned, and the party returned East by the short- est line. There is reason to think that the President cherished a definite purpose to make his second term noteworthy by a great increase in the foreign trade of the country, and to reach that end by an important modification of the commercial policy. Such a purpose is hinted at in his inaugural message, and it reappears in more and more developed form in his later speeches. The passage in the inaugural address is brief but pregnant. Our diversified productions are increasing in such unprecedented volume as to admonish us of the necessity of still further enlarg- ing our foreign markets by broader commercial relations. For this purpose reciprocal trade arrangements with other nations should, in liberal spirit, be carefully cultivated and promoted. 84 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY a In his speech at Memphis, on the Western tour just men- tioned, he said, — It is your business as well as mine to see to it that an industrial policy shall be pursued in the United States that shall open up the widest markets in every part of the world for the products of American soil and American manufacture. We can now supply our own markets. . . . We must open new ones for our surplus. By far the fullest expression of what was in his mind is contained in the last speech he ever delivered. It is a singular fact that both parties to the nation-old controversy upon the question of protection and free trade, quote more or less fully from his utterance on that occasion — the one party maintain- ing that he had no intention beyond joining a policy of reci- procity to an unyielding policy of protection ; the other that he perceived that the policy of protection must be modified. Inasmuch as the controversy continues a decade after the words were spoken, the text of his remarks upon the subject should be given in full. The occasion of the speech was a visit to the Buffalo Pan-American Exhibition, on September 5, 1901. Af- ter speaking of the state of " unexampled prosperity '"' in all parts of the country and in every branch of industry, he pro- ceeded : — We have a vast and intricate business built up through years of toil and struggle, in which every part of the country has its stake, which will not permit of either neglect or undue selfishness. No narrow, sordid policy will subserve it. The greatest skill and wis- dom on the part of the manufacturers and producers will be re- quired to hold and increase it. Our industrial enterprises which have grown to such great proportions affect the homes and occu- pations of the people and the welfare of the country. Our capacity to produce has developed so enormously and our products have so multiplied that the problem of more markets requires our urgent and immediate attention. Only a broad and enlightened policy will keep what we have. No other policy will get more. In these times of marvelous business energy and gain we ought to be looking, to the future, strengthening the weak places in our industrial and commercial systems, that we may be ready for any storm or strain. By sensible trade arrangements which will not interrupt our home production, we shall extend the outlets for our increasing surplus. A system which provides a mutual exchange of commodities is manifestly essential to the continued and healthful growth of our export trade. We must not repose in fancied security that we can forever sell everything and buy little or nothing. If such a thing ROOSEVELT'S "SECOND ELECTION" 85 were possible it would not be best for us or for those with whom we deal. We should take from our customers such of their products as we can use without harm to our industries and labor. Recipro- city is the natural outgrowth of our wonderful industrial develop- ment under the domestic policy now firmly established. What we produce beyond our domestic consumption must have a vent abroad. The excess must be relieved through a foreign out- let, and we should sell everywhere we can and buy wherever the buying will enlarge our sales and productions, and thereby make a greater demand for home labor. The period of exclusiveness is past. The expansion of our trade and commerce is the pressing problem. Commercial wars are un- profitable. A policy of good will and friendly trade relations will prevent reprisals. Reciprocity treaties are in harmony with the spirit of the times ; measures of retaliation are not. If perchance some of our tariffs are no longer needed for revenue or to encourage and protect our industries at home, why should they not be employed to extend and promote our markets abroad ? Then, too, we have inadequate steamship service. New lines of steamers have already been put in commission between the Pacific Coast ports of the United States and those on the western coast of Mexico and Central and South America. These should be followed up with direct steamship lines between the eastern coast of the United States and South American ports. One of the needs of the times is direct commercial lines from our vast fields of production to the fields of consumption that we have but barely touched. Next in advantage to having the thing to sell is to have the conveyance to carry it to the buyer. We must increase our merchant marine. We must have more ships. They must be under the American flag, built and manned and owned by Americans. These will not only be profitable in a commercial sense ; they will be messengers of peace and amity wherever they go. We must build the Isthmian Canal, which will unite the two oceans and give a straight line of water communication with the western coasts of Central and South America and INIexico. The construction of a Pacific cable cannot be longer postponed. On the day following the delivery of this speech, September 6, the President was shot twice, while receiving his fellow citizens. At first strong hopes were entertained that he would recover, but his wounds were mortal, and he died on Septem- ber 14. His assassin was an anarchist of foreign extraction, who was executed for his crime during the following month. Vice-President Roosevelt was summoned to Buffalo when the President's condition was seen to be desperate, and when 86 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY death removed him, Mr. Roosevelt immediately took the oatli of office, by the advice of Mr. Root, the Secretary of War. In doing so he said, "It shall be my aim to continue absolutely unbroken the policy of President McKinley, vi'hich has given peace, prosperity, and honor to our beloved country." By pro- clamation he appointed the 19th of September, w^hich was to be the day of the President's funeral, as '* a day of mourning and prayer," and recommended to all the people that on that day they should assemble in their respective houses of vporship and hold a memorial service for the murdered President. The third assassination of a President in office in a period of less than forty years excited universal grief and indignation. Of the three victims Mr. McKinley was the best beloved. The full appreciation of Lincoln's character came after his death. Garfield was greatly honored and respected, and his long fight against death brought him very near to the hearts of the American people. But McKinley's kindly and homely charac- ter rendered him an object of general affection. People of every party and of every religious persuasion observed the day of his funeral with devotional and memorial services in thousands of churches, and the mourning was deep and universal. Although Mr. Roosevelt's pledge was absolutely sincere, and although his severest critics have always admitted that he kept it, loyally, to the best of his ability, it was inevitable that the death of Mr. McKinley should make a vast change in the course of events. The two men were extraordinarily different in train- ing and experience as well as in temperament and tastes and tendencies. The mere difference in their respective estimates of the relative importance of governmental measures would have rendered it impossible that the administration of Theodore Roosevelt should be a continuation of the administration of William McKinley. The new President certainly exercised self-repression during the ensuing three years. Yet in that time he showed enough of the quality of his mind and of the direction his activity would naturally take, if he were under no such restraint as that which he imposed on himself when tak- ing the oath of office, to be free to act his natural self when he became the duly elected head of the nation. Quite early in the new administration there were indications of change not so much of policy as of method. The incident of the invitation to luncheon of the most eminent colored citizen of the time, Mr. Booker Washington, was an illustration. Undoubtedly Mr. \ ROOSEVELT'S "SECOND ELECTION" 87 McKinley held Mr. Washington in as much esteem and honor as did Mr. Koosevelt ; but it is extremely doubtful if he would have shown his esteem in a way which might and did draw down upon the President in the first month of his administra- tion the denunciation of southerners, who are sensitive in such matters. But on the other hand, the entire cabinet of Presi- dent McKinley was retained ; and although changes in two departments took place not long after Mr. Roosevelt's acces- sion, they were caused by voluntary retirement and not by po- litical or personal differences. The session of Congress which followed the accession of President Roosevelt Avas not particularly eventful. In his first message the President touched rather lightly upon the ques- tion which he was to make peculiarly his own during the en- suing seven years, that, namely, of the large corporations, pop- ularly known as " trusts." He thought such combinations of capital should be, not prohibited but supervised and controlled, and that there should be governmental inspection of the work-' ing of great corporations engaged in interstate trade. Congress passed an act establishing a permanent Census bureau, but the bill providing for reciprocity with Cuba was defeated. This was regarded as a defeat of the President, who had urged the measure earnestly. Directly after the assassination of President McKinley there Avas a general advocacy in the press, and almost universal pop- ular support, of a movement to render less easy the commission of such crimes, and more severe the punishment of attempts to commit them. The means proposed to accomplish these ends were various. Many writers advocated the penalty of death for attempts at the life of the President or other high officers of the government. Numerous bills were introduced in Con- gress on the subject, but in the end no action was taken upon any of them. The most important act of the session was that providing for the construction of the Panama Canal. It had for a long time been a question between the Nicaragua and the Panama routes. A commission of engineers reported in favor of Nicar- agua, but it was hardly a secret that the chief reason for the decision was the vastly greater cost of the Panama route. It was evident that the French company would be unable to raise the funds necessary to finish the Panama Canal, but the com- pany demanded an excessively large sum for its franchise and 88 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY for the work already done. The sum asked was $109,000,000. Many of those interested in the general question were never- theless strongly in favor of the Nicaragua route, not only as the cheaper but as the better location for the waterway. Chief among them was the venerable Senator Morgan, of Alabama, who had studied the subject with great care and thoroughness, was most enthusiastic in maintaining his thesis, and had made many long and able speeches in the Senate in favor of Nicar- agua, In December, 1901, it was rumored that the French Company was willing largely to reduce its price, and on Janu- ary 4, 1902, the directors voted to dispose of all the property of the company for forty million dollars. It had become evi- dent to them that the United States was resolved to build a canal, and should the line across Nicaragua be chosen, the dif- ficulty of raising money further to prosecute their own en- terprise would become an impossibility. Notwithstanding the oflfer to sell at a lower price, the House of Representatives, on January 9, 1903, rejected an amendment in favor of Panama, by a vote of yeas 102, nays 170, and passed the Nicaragua bill. But the Senate, to the distress of Senator Morgan, sub- stituted Panama, and the House concurred. It seemed at the time that this action assured the realiza- tion of the dream of centuries. But there was an unexpected obstacle. The Republic of Colombia across the territory of which the canal was to be constructed was believed to be friendly, in spite of the objections and hesitations which had characterized its attitude toward the French company when the question of renewing its franchise was under consideration. Without friction or dissent in any respect from the terms pro- posed, a treaty was concluded between the representatives of the two republics providing for the lease of a strip of territory across the isthmus six miles in width, for a term of one hun- dred years, with the right of renewal ; and the right was con- ceded to the United States to land troops to protect the canal in case Colombia should be unable to preserve order. In con- sideration of these concessions the United States was to pay Colombia a sum of ten million dollars outright, and an annual rental of a quarter of a million, to begin nine years after the ratification of the treaty. This agreement was made in Janu- ary, 1903, and was ratified by the Senate on May 17. To the great surprise of the people and the government of the United States, there were long delays of the consideration of the treaty ROOSEVELT'S "SECOND ELECTION" 89 by the Colombian Congress ; then there were rumors that there was strong opposition to it ; and ultimately the treaty was re- jected by a unanimous vote. No doubt the people of that country were convinced that the United States was determined to construct the canal, and that nothing more than a deter- mined opposition to the terms of the pending treaty would be necessary to obtain a larger sum than was offered and to re- strict somewhat the granted privileges. But the act under which the undertaking was sanctioned provided that unless a satisfactory arrangement should be made with Colombia " in a reasonable time," the alternative plan of a Nicaraguau Canal should be adopted. It was urged that the condition so described existed, and that it was the duty of the President to turn to Nicaragua. Manifestly, however, it was in the discretion of the President to determine what was a reasonable time, and he was not at all disposed to abandon the Panama route. Probably the true history of the events which followed will never be known, so far as the agency in them of any persons connected with or acting for the government of the United States, is concerned. Immediately after the adjournment of the Congress of Colombia, on November 4, 1903, there was a ris- ing in the City of Panama, and the independence of the State of Panama was declared. The revolution was bloodless. It is not known how many of the people were cognizant of the movement before it took place, but there was certainly no op- position to it in the State. Colombia undertook to move troops to the seat of the insurrection, but was prevented from doing so by an order from President Roosevelt directing the use of United States marines, from naval vessels stationed in Col- ombian waters, to oppose the use of the Panama Railroad for moving troops. An old treaty with New Grenada, the prede- cessor of Colombia, by which the United States undertook to guarantee the sovereignty of the republic, and to protect the free transit of the isthmus, was the excuse for this act. The opponents of the administration were not slow to point out that the treaty was used to destroy the sovereignty of the government it was designed to protect. But the order stood, the secession of Panama was accomplished, Colombia was pow- erless to do more than protest, and within a few days the in- dependence of Panama was formally recognized by President Roosevelt. 90 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY It was easy to suspect that the whole movement was planned at Washington ; or at least by agents of the United States gov- ernment ; or, if not so, that information of what was to occur was furnished to the government before the insurrection be- can. This is not the place either to present the facts on which such suspicions were founded, or to analyse those facts in de- fence of the acts of the administration. It may be true to say that the people of the United States were so much in earnest in favor of constructing the canal that they did not wish to know the whole truth. They would probably have said — a large majority of them — that they would justify what was done, even if it were an act of war against a weak and defence- less nation, and even if they would have considered twice be- fore they would have acted in like manner toward a country that was capable of resisting. Ingenious theories were advanced, based on such considerations as this : that the United States proposed to undertake a great work for the welfare of all man- kind, and that the fictions of sovereignty over a small strip of territory should not be allowed to be an obstacle. Another idea, somewhat akin to this, was that the United States was merely acting upon the principle of international eminent do- main. None of these theories convinced or silenced those who refused to be drawn away from the fundamental prin- ciple of the equality of sovereign nations and the practice of equal and exact justice and fair dealing by all. Neverthe- less the people of the United States as a whole pardoned the offence, if offence they deemed it, and there is no evidence whatever that the cause of the President exercised the re- motest adverse influence upon his own political fortunes, or upon tbose of his party. One phase of the affair, however, which persists on any view of the coup made by the United States, has never been excused by those who are sensitive as to the honor of the gov- ernment. Colombia had rights in the isthmus for which the French company was willing to pay, and for which the United States agreed by treaty to pay. It lost those rights by the act of a handful of its citizens following an act of its own which was foolish and arrogant, no doubt, but was by no means un- pardonable. Thereupon this government seized those rights and, a strong nation dealing with a weak one, has never given any compensation to Colombia for them, has persistently re- fused to submit the claim Colombia makes to arbitration^ and ROOSEVELT'S "SECOND ELECTION" 91 leaves the neighbor whom the Monroe Doctrine obliges it to protect against others, defenceless against itself. Even the right of eminent domain provides cempensation for property condemned under its operation. As soon as the new government of Panama was fully organ- ized a treaty was made with it upon much more favorable terms than had been incorporated in the treaty with Colombia. Panama ceded in absolute sovereignty a strip across the conti- nent ten miles wide, and consented to the sanitation of the cities of Colon and Panama by the United States. The ten millions that were to be paid to Colombia, according to the rejected treaty, were promised to Panama. The treaty was concluded in December, 1903, and was ratified by the Senate on February 23, 1904. The payment of that sum, and of the forty millions purchase money to the French Company, was skilfully effected by the Treasury Department without any disturbance of the money market ; and since the transfer of the franchise and property the work of constructing the canal has proceeded without interruption from any quarter. During the period of this administration, the government had upon its hands two important matters in its relations with for- eign governments. The United States had its own difficulty with Venezuela, but at this time the old grievance was not at issue. Venezuela had contracted loans which were held in sev- eral European countries, were long outstanding, long overdue, and not only unpaid but treated by the debtor as though they did not exist. Negotiations having failed, some of the creditors resolved to take measures to enforce payment. In 1902 Great Britain, Germany, and Italy sent naval vessels to the coast of Venezuela for the purpose of enforcing their demands. The British government probably deemed unnecessary any assurance that its action would not be adverse to American interests and policy. Germany, not, of course, under suspicion, but less closely bound to America than Great Britain, gave notice in a friendly spirit of its intention to use forcible means to collect the debts owed to its citizens by Venezuela, and added to the notification this important assurance : " We declare also that under no circumstances do we consider in our proceedings the acquisition or permanent occupation of Venezuelan territory." Secretary Hay, in his reply to the communication, said : "The Monroe Doctrine is a declaration that there must be no territo- rial aggression by any non- American power at the expense of 92 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY any American power on American soil. It is in no wise in- tended as hostile to any nation in the Old World." The British, German, and Italian ships established a "pacific blockade " of the Venezuelan coast, and captured some Vene- zuelan merchant vessels. Less pacific than these acts, which are ordinarily regarded as at least technically war measures, was the action of Germany in bombarding a coast town. President Castro, when he was fully convinced that the United States did not propose to protect him in his denial of justice to his cred- itors, yielded to the demand for a conference and an agreement to meet the obligations of his government. The conference took place, and Venezuela consented to set apart the customs duties from certain ports for the discharge of its foreign debts. A de- mand by the three powers which had extorted the concession that their claims should first be satisfied, was resisted by the other powers concerned, and was referred to the Hague Tribu- nal, which decided that the claim was just. Moreover, the Tri- bunal laid upon the government of the United States the duty of overseeing the settlement and of making sure that Venezuela kept its promises. In that act, it may reasonably be held, was an international recognition of the Monroe Doctrine, as there was a recognition of it by Germany when it disclaimed an in- tention to acquire or occupy permanently Venezuelan territory. No less than ten governments presented claims under the agree- ment, — in addition to the three that took aggressive action, the governments of the United States, France, Spain, Belgium, the Netherlands, Sweden, and Mexico. The other diplomatic matter above referred to was the Alaska boundary question. The line between the United States and the British- American possessions was more or less in con- troversy for a hundred and twenty years after the acknowledg- ment of American independence, and was not finally established until the year 1903. The question as to the Alaskan boundary arose in consequence of the purchase of Russian America, and the discovery of gold in the Klondike, in disputable territory. Canada found itself shut off from access to the sea, not only by the American interpretation of the treaty under which Alaska was ceded, but by every existing map on which the boundary line was drawn. The main question was whether the line should be drawn ten leagues inland following the sinuosities of the coast, or from headland to headland. In the one case Canada would be cut off altogether from tidewater^ Jf th,e line were ROOSEVELT'S "SECOND ELECTION" 93 drawn from headland to headland Canada would gain the im- portant Lynn canal, and would also have access to the sea by numerous bays and estuaries. It is needless to say that Canada maintained the justice of its contention as earnestly as the op- posite contention was maintained in the United States, although historically and cartographically there seemed nothing to sus- tain a claim that had never been even suggested prior to the discovery of gold in the region. But it was a matter to be de- cided, and Great Britain and the United States agreed to sub- mit it to a joint commission of three on each side. From the beginning Canada was dissatisfied with the appointment of com- missioners on the part of the United States whom they regarded as biassed, prejudiced, and incapable of weighing the question judicially. The British commissioners were Lord Chief Justice Alverstone and two Canadians. The commission met in London, and in November, 1903, decided the matter in accordance with the American view, except on a minor point. The majority con- sisted of Lord Alverstone and the three Americans. The deci- sion gave great dissatisfaction in Canada, where the popular displeasure was about equally divided between the American commissioners, Lord Alverstone, and the British government, which was declared once more to have sacrificed Canadian in- terests to American arrogance and greed. One of the most important labor struggles, important both by its magnitude an'd duration and on account of its political consequences, was the strike, in 1902, in the anthracite coal region of Pennsylvania. The history of the strike is long and complicated, but the details — the grievances alleged by the miners and the ultimate settlement — need not here be recited. The strike began in May, 1902, and lasted five months. It was attended with not a little violence. Both sides' were firm and uncompromising. As winter was drawing on, and as a ter- rible scarcity of fuel was seen to be inevitable, the President determined to use his power to the utmost to bring the struggle to a close. He summoned John Mitchell, the representative of the miners, to a conference, on October 3, and a few days later appointed a commission of prominent men to inquire into the whole question, and advise terms of settlement. Meantime the miners were to return to work immediately, the strike being declared " off," and were to accept the settlement to be recom- mended, whatever it might be. The strike did end on October 21 ; the commission recommended concession of some of the 94 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY miner's demands and rejected others, and the settlement was to stand, and did stand, for three years. INIr, Roosevelt's intervention in this labor dispute cost him the permanent loss of some of his former supporters, and brought to his support many -who had previously opposed him. In some quarters his course was regarded as evidence, not merely that he was inclined to sympathize with " organized labor/' even when it assumed the right to something like an equal share in the conduct of the employing business, but also that he would take actively the side of ''labor" against combined " capital." It was also urged with some vehemence that his interference in the coal dispute was officious and unconstitutional. The per- sonal opposition to him that arose from this incident was cer- tainly more than otiset by the support which he gained among those who sympathized with the coal miners ; and in the com- munity at large there was a general feeling of gratitude to him for having brought to a close a dispute which caused most se- rious inconvenience and financial loss through the extreme scarc- ity of coal and an unprecedented cost of the article. There was little or no disposition to quarrel Avith an act which p\it an end to an intolerable situation, and the argument of uncon- stitutionality fell on deaf ears. Altliough these events of the administration have been de- scribed at some length, there is no reason to think that either or all of them had an appreciable influence upon the result of the ensuing election. On a retrospective view it seems safe to say that during the three years of j\Ir. Eoosevelt's first admin- istration the thoughts of leading politicians on both sides were directed — so far as they were thoughts of the election of 1904 — rather to persons than to policies. The sentiment on the Eepublican side has already been sug- gested. Mr, Eoosevelt was undeniably a popular candidate. The movement in his favor began earlier, and developed greater strength than had ever been manifested in the case of a Vice-President who had succeeded to the presidency on the death of the chosen President. Tyler, Fillmore. Johnson, Ar- thur, — all had support in nominating conventions, but not one of them was really expected to become the candidate. So early as June, 1902, Kepublican State conventions in Kansas and Pennsylvania passed resolutions in favor of the reelection of !Mr. Eoosevelt. We should probably have to go as far back as the time of General Jackson to cite similar action, so early in ROOSEVELT'S "SECOND ELECTION" 95 an administration, in favor even of an elected President. Sub- sequently other State conventions urged the reelection of Mr, Roosevelt, most of them, heartily, some — as in the case of New York — with obvious reluctance and with no pretence of enthusiasm. For there was opposition to him. He was accused of impulsiveness and rashness, of over-confidence in his own judgment and discernment of right and wrong; and those who held this opinion of him regarded him as "unsafe." In secret, no doubt, there was plotting to bring forward another candi- date. The person most considered as an alternative was Sen- ator Hanna of Ohio. But it is only the truth to say that all suggestions of that sort were futile. No amount of political management could have brought about the defeat of ]\Ir. Roosevelt. Not only an overwhelming majority of the Kepub- lican rank and file, but a great majority of the active politi- cians were in his favor. Many of the so-called " leaders" in both Houses of Congress were against him, but they led a piti- ful minority of those who were to make the decision. A remarkable situation developed in the Democratic party. Mr. Bryan had twice been the candidate, and twice had been defeated. He was the representative and advocate of an ex- treme radical policy. The conservative element had supported him half-heartedly, or refused to vote, or had gone over for the time being to the Republican candidates. Early in Mr. Roosevelt's administration the conservatives began to urge that the time had come to abandon the policies which had come into Democratic platforms by the way of Populism, and to revert to the ancient and time-honored principles of the party. Some resistance was oflfered to the movement, but on the whole it was successful. Some western Democratic State conventions refused to endorse the national platform of 1900 ; in the South there was much outspoken weariness of the dom- inance of Mr. Bryan in the control of the party. The East had never been particularly earnest in support of the candi- date and the platforms of 1896 and 1900, and was ready to join in the movement for a "safe and sane" candidate and platform. How to make the choice of a candidate was easily argned out. The Democrats could not succeed unless they could carry several large northern States, and their minds turned naturally to the four which had longest remained Democratic or "doubt- ful," — New York, New Jersey, Indiana, and Connecticut. 96 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY They could hardly hope to win anyway unless they could have the electoral vote of New York. So they must have a candi- date who, above all things, must be able to carry that State. He must have a clear record of not having bolted Mr. Bryan or any other Democratic candidate. He must nevertheless not be identified with either wing of the party. He must be a man of high standing and one who commanded general respect. Support — so far as those who took the foregoing view of what was expedient was concerned — was concentrated upon Judge Alton B. Parker of New York. Mr. Parker, after long service as a judge of the supreme court of the State, was, in 1897, elected chief judge of the Court of Appeals, for a term that would end in 1911. Personally and politically he com- manded respect. He was believed to be conservative in his tendencies, but he had not been guilty of deserting his party when it followed Mr. Bryan and professed radical principles. It was therefore believed that he could have the support of both wings of the party, and that he, if any Democratj could carry New York. But it would give a grossly misleading view of the situation to leave the impression that the movement which eventually made Judge Parker the candidate received general acquiescence, or was not stoutly resisted. Mr. Bryan himself, who declared — and maintained his declaration — that he was not a candi- date for the nomination, in a speech at Chicago, on April 23, 1904, attacked the "reorganizers," and taking for his text the platform which the Democratic State Convention had recently adopted, said, '* I am sanguine to believe that I can prove to every unbiassed mind that Judge Parker is not a fit man to be nominated either by the Democratic party or by any other party that stands for honesty and fair dealing in politics." In saying this he assumed what was undoubtedly true, that the platform met with Judge Parker's approval, since the conven- tion was controlled by his friends and supporters for the nom- ination. But if there was to be no reorganization, if the party was to continue to maintain the principles inseparably associated with the name and the advocacy of Mr. Bryan, who was to be the candidate ? The answer introduces us to one of the strang- est episodes in American political history. It is too soon after the event to narrate in detail the rise and progress in national politics of Mr. William R. Hearst. Although it is impossible ROOSEVELT'S "SECOND ELECTION" 97 not to take note of the importance of the movement in his favor in 1904, it is equally impossible to present more than the barest outline of events without being open to an accusa- tion of partisanship on one side or the other. Mr. Hearst was the sole owner of eight daily newspapers in five cities — New York, Chicago, Boston, San Francisco, and Los Angeles. He was elected to Congress from a New York City district in 1902. Both as editor and as congressman he took extreme radical ground. In his newspapers he was a champion of the cause of labor, and an unsparing opponent of corporations and of corporate wealth. He became the president of several sep- arate organizations of political clubs, all of which were formed to promote his fortunes as a candidate for the presidency, and his newspapers were a powerful engine to accomplish the same end. If he did not attach to himself a large number of the leaders of the Democratic party, he did gain the favor and the enthusiastic support of a vast number of the rank and file of the men who had votes. His " boom " made little show at first, for the methods employed by himself and his friends, although consummately efi'ective, were quite unusual in politi- cal manoeuvering. Indeed, Mr. Hearst's boom was for some time treated with derision. It was only when the Democratic war horses discov- ered that the new comer in the field was making great progress, that he was certain to appear in the national convention with a formidable number of delegates, that they began, if not to feel alarm at the result, at least to bestir themselves to defeat him. History told them that more than one national convention had been carried ofi" its feet by a sudden burst of personal en- thusiasna, and they could not afford to take the risk of such a stampede. The first nominating convention of the year 1904 was that of the Socialist party, which met at Chicago on Sunday, May 1, and continued in session six days. The convention consisted of 184 delegates, representing 33 States and two territories. Eight of the delegates were women. The convention was re- markable for the number of editors of socialist journals and periodicals who were members. More than half of all the news- papers of the country engaged in the propagation of socialist principles were represented by members of their staffs. James F. Carej^ .cf JMaasachjaaetts, vvas the temporary chairman of 98 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY the convention. There was no permanent president, but the convention chose a chairman for the day at the opening of each session. The business transacted was much more extensive in amount and scope than that of ordinary national nominating conven- tions. In addition to the platform of principles the convention adopted a constitution for the party, after a detailed discussion, clause by clause. It also presented separate " programs " of State and municipal reforms, and passed many resolutions ex- pressing the opinion of the members on events of the day — the Japanese war, occurrences in Colorado, and the like. The debates upon all these matters were conducted in a manner — be it said without offence — characteristic of the free spoken, sometimes even violent, methods of Socialists. Several of the verbal encounters between speakers and the chair were decidedly unparliamentar}'-, judged by ordinary standards. It was well that the convention had so much business to occupy it, for it was not until the afternoon of the fifth day that the platform was ready to be reported. It was known from the beginning that the sentiment of the convention was divided on two subjects. There was a radical faction which desired to put into the platform a declaration concerning marriage, and the" dissolubility of the marital relation which was strongly opposed by the more conservative delegates. The chairman of the committee was an extreme radical on this question. There was another division on the subject of the relation of socialism and the Socialist party to trade unions. One faction wished to effect an alliance between the party and the organizations re- presenting labor ; the other faction maintained that the trade unionists were endeavoring to effect merely a single reform in their own interest, and that they should receive political as- sistance only on condition of their joining the Socialist party. As will be seen the platform adopted makes no reference what- ever to the marriage relation ; on the trade union question the convention both in independent resolutions, and in the plat- form, followed a course of compromise, strongly approving the demands of labor and urging all members of the " worker class" to become Socialists. The platform, which follows, was unani- mously adopted. 1. The Socialist party, in convention assembled, makes its appeal to.the American people as the defender and preserver of the idea of liberty and self-government, in which the nation was born ; as ROOSEVELT'S "SECOND ELECTION" 99 the only political movement standing for the program and princi- ples by which the liberty of the individual may become a fact ; as the only political organization that is democratic, and that has for its purpose the democratizing of the whole of society. To this idea of liberty the Republican and Democratic parties are equally false. They alike struggle for power to maintain and profit by an industrial system which can be preserved only by the complete overthrow of such liberties as we already have, and by the still further enslavement and degradation of labor. Our American institutions came into the world in the name of freedom. They have been seized upon by the capitalist class as the means of rooting out the idea of freedom from among the people. Our state and national legislatures have become the mere agencies of great propertied interests. These interests control the appoint- ments and decisions of the judges of our courts. They have come into what is practically a private ownership of all the functions and forces of government. They are using these to betray and con- quer foreign and weaker peoples, in order to establish new markets for the surplus goods which the people make, but are too poor to buy. They are gradually so invading and restricting the right of suffrage as to take away unawares the right of the worker to a vote or voice in public affairs. By enacting new and misinterpreting old laws, they are preparing to attack the liberty of the individual even to speak or think for himself, or for the common good. By controlling all the sources of social revenue, the possessing class is able to silence what might be the voice of protest against the passing of liberty and the coming of tyranny. It completely controls the university and public school, the pulpit and the press, and the arts and literatures. By making these economically de- pendent upon itself, it has brought all the forms of public teaching into servile submission to its own interests. Our political institutions are also being used as the 'destroyers of that individual property upon which all liberty and opportunity depend. The promise of economic independence to each man was one of the faiths upon which our institutions were founded. But, under the guise of defending private property, capitalism is using our political institutions to make it impossible for the vast major- ity of human beings ever to become possessors of private property in the means of life. Capitalism is the enemy and destroyer of essential private prop- erty. Its development is through the legalized confiscation of all that the labor of the working class produces, above its subsistence- wage. The private ownership of the means of employment grounds society in an economic slavery which renders intellectual and political tyranny inevitable. 100 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY Socialism comes so to organize industry and society that every individual shall be secure iu that private property in the means of life upon which his liberty of being, thought and action depend. It comes to rescue the people from the fast increasing and success- ful assault of capitalism upon the liberty of the individual. 2. As an American socialist party, we pledge our fidelity to the principles of international socialism, as embodied in the united thought and action of the socialists of all nations. In the industrial development already accomplished, the interests of the world's ■workers are separated by no national boundaries. The condition of the most exploited and oppressed workers, in the most remote places of the earth, inevitably tends to drag down all the workers of the world to the same level. The tendency of the competitive wage system is to make labor's lowest condition the measure or rule of its universal condition. Industry and finance are no longer rational but international, in both organization and results. The chief significance of national boundaries, and of the so-called pa- triotisms which the ruling class of each nation is seeking to revive, is the power which these give to capitalism to keep the workers of the world from uniting, and to throw them against each other in the struggles of contending capitalist interests for the control of the yet unexploited markets of the world, or the remaining sources of profit. The socialist movement, therefore, is a world-movement. It knows of no conflicts of interests between the workers of one na- tion and the workers of another. It stands for the freedom of the workei'S of all nations ; and, in so standing, it makes for the full freedom of all humanity. 3. The socialist movement owes its birth and growth to that eco- nomic development or world-process which is rapidly separating a working or producing class from a possessing or capitalist class. The class that produces nothing possesses labor's fruits, and the opportunities and enjoyments these fruits afford, while the class that does the world's real work has increasing economic uncer-. tainty, and physical and intellectual misery, for its portion. The fact that these two classes have not yet become fully con- scious of their distinction from each other, the fact that the lines of division and interest may not yet be clearly drawn, does not change the fact of the class conflict. This class struggle is due to the private ownership of the means of employment, or the tools of production. "Wherever and when- ever man owned his own land and tools, and by them produced only the things which he used, economic independence was possi- ble. But production, or the making of goods, has long ceased to be individual. The labor of scores, or even thousands, enters into ROOSEVELT'S "SECOND ELECTION" 101 almost every article produced. Production is now social or collect- ive. Practically everything is made or done by many men — sometimes separated by seas or continents — working together for the same end. But this cooperation in production is not for the direct use of the things made by the workers who make them, but for the profit of the owners of the tools and means of production ; and to this is due the present division of society into two classes ; and from it have sprung all the miseries, inharmonies and contra- dictions of our civilization. Between these two classes there can be no possible compromise or identity of interest, any more than there can be peace in the midst of war, or light in the midst of darkness. A society based upon this class division carries in itself the seeds of its own de- struction. Such a society is founded in fundamental injustice. There can be no possible basis for social peace, for individual free- dom, for mental and moral harmonj', except in the conscious and complete triumph of the working class as the only class that has the right or power to be. 4. The socialist program is not a theory imposed upon society for its acceptance or rejection. It is but the interpretation of what is, sooner or later, inevitable. Capitalism is already struggling to its destruction. It is no longer competent to organize or administer the work of the world, or even to preserve itself. The captains of industry are appalled at their own inability to control or direct the rapidly socializing forces of industry. The so-called trust is but a sign and form of the developing socialization of the world's work. The universal increase of the uncertainty of employment, the universal capitalist determination to break down the unity of labor in the trades unions, the widespread apprehensions of impending change, reveal that the institutions of capitalist society are pass- ing under the power of inhering forces that will soon destroy them. Into the midst of the strain and crisis of civilization, the social- ist movement comes as the only conservative force. If the world is to be saved from chaos, from universal disorder and misery, it must be by the union of the workers of all nations in the socialist movement. The socialist party comes with the only proposition or program for intelligently and deliberately organizing the nation for the common good of all its citizens. It is the first time that the mind of man has ever been directed toward the conscious organ- ization of society. Socialism means that all those things upon which the people in common depend shall by the people in common be owned and ad- ministered. It means that the tools of employment shall belong to their creators and users ; that all production shall be for the 102 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY direct use of the producers ; that the making of goods for profit shall come to an end ; that we shall all be workers together ; and that all opportunities shall be open and equal to all men. 5. To the end that the workers may seize every possible advan- tage that may strengthen them to gain complete control of the powers of government, and thereby the sooner establish the coop- erative commonwealth, the Socialist Party pledges itself to watch and work, in both the economic and the political struggle, for each successive immediate interest of the working class ; for shortened days of labor and increases of wages ; for the insurance of the workers against accident, sickness and lack of employment ; for pensions for aged and exhausted workers ; for the public owner- ship of the means of transportation, communication and exchange ; for the graduated taxation of incomes, inheritances, franchises and land values, the proceeds to be applied to the public employ- ment and improvement of the conditions of the workers ; for the complete education of children, and their freedom from the work- shop; for the prevention of the use of the military against labor in the settlement of strikes ; for the free administration of justice ; for popular government, including initiative, referendum, propor- tional representation, equal suffrage of men and women, munici- pal home rule, and the recall of officers by their constituents ; and for every gain or advantage for the workers that may be wrested from the capitalist system, and that may relieve the suffering and strengthen the hands of labor. We lay upon every man elected to any executive or legislative office the first duty of striving to procure whatever is for the workers' most immediate interest, and for whatever will lessen the economic and political powers of the capitalist, and increase the like powers of the worker. But, in so doing, we are using these remedial measures as means to the one great end of the cooperative commonwealth. Such measures of relief as we may be able to force from capital- ism are but a preparation of the workers to seize the whole powers of government, in order that they may thereby lay hold of the whole system of industry, and thus come into their rightful in- heritance. To this end we pledge ourselves, as the party of the working class, to use all political power, as fast as it shall be entrusted to us by our fellow-workers, both for their immediate interests and for their ultimate and complete emancipation. To this end we ap- peal to all the workers of America, and to all who will lend their lives to the service of the workers in their struggle to gain their own, and to all who will nobly and disinterestedly give their days and energies unto the workers' cause, to cast in their lot and faith with the socialist party. Our appeal for the trust and suffrages ROOSEVELT'S "SECOND ELECTION" 103 of our fellow-workers is at once an appeal for their common good and freedom, and for the freedom and blossoming of our common humanity. In pledging ourselves, and those we represent, to be faithful to the appeal which we make, we believe that we are but preparing the soil of that economic freedom from which will spring the freedom of the whole man. It was clear from all the proceedings of the convention that the members regarded the platform as of much greater import- ance than the nominations. In fact, there was at no time any doubt as to the candidates. Immediately after the adoption of the platform, on May 5, Eugene V. Debs, of Indiana, was nominated by acclamation as the candidate for President, and Benjamin Hanford, of New York, was, also by acclamation, named for Vice-President. The convention remained in session another day to finish its business. The United Christian party has for many years held an an- nual convention, the members of which are not in a strict sense delegates. The meeting in 1904 was not reported in any public journal, and it was not possible, even if it were import- ant, to ascertain how many persons attended, nor the nature of the proceedings, except the declaration of principles, which is appended. It was determined not to make any nominations, but to devote the energies of those present to a dissemination of the views of the party, which were announced as follows : — We, the United Christian party, in national mass convention as- sembled, in His name, in the city of St. Louis, Missouri, May 2, 1904, acknowledging Almighty God as our Father and Jesus Christ as our leader, commander, governor and king ; believing that the time has now come when all Christians and patriots should unite on the day of election and vote direct on all questions of vital import- ance, and apply Christian golden rule to all government by and for the people, do hereby declare that the platform and purpose of the United Christian party is and shall be to work and stand for union in His name, according to the Lord's Prayer, for the fulfillment of God's law through direct legislation of the people governed by the golden rule, regardless of sex, creed, color, nationality. As an expression of consent or allegiance on the part of the governed, in harmony with the above statements — We also declare in favor of direct legislation providing for an equal standard of morals for both sexes, and most vigorously op- pose the traffic in girls and all forms of the social evil. We are opposed to war and condemn mob violence. 104 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY We favor government ownership of coal mines, oil wells and public utilities. We are opposed to government revenue from the manufacture and sale of intoxicating liquor as a beverage. We are opposed to all trusts and combines contrary to the wel- fare of the common people, and declare that Christian government through direct legislation will regulate the trusts and labor prob- lem according to the golden rule. The convention of the Republican party, held at Chicago on June 21-23, was uneventful. There was no contest over either the platform or the candidates. It was known in advance that Mr. Roosevelt would be nominated for reelection with complete unanimity ; and as soon as the consent of Mr. Fairbanks was obtained to take the second place on the ticket there was no suggestion that any other person would be proposed. Elihu Root, of New York, was the temporary chairman and Joseph G. Cannon, of Illinois, was the permanent president of the convention. Each of the presiding officers made long and ela- borate addresses, which their eminence in the public service, their ability and their standing in the party combined to ren- der important features of the convention proceedings. On the second day the following platform was reported and unani- mously adopted : — Fifty years ago the Republican party came into existence, dedi- cated, among other purposes, to the great task of arresting the ex- tension of human slavery. In 1860 it elected its first President. During twenty-four years of the forty-four which have elapsed since the election of Lincoln the Republican party has held com- plete control of the government. For eighteen more of the forty- four years it has held partial control through the possession of one or two branches of the government, while the Democratic party during the same period has had complete control for only two years. This long tenure of power by the Republican party is not due to chance. It is a demonstration that the Republican party has commanded the confidence of the American people for nearly two generations to a degree never equalled in our history, and has displayed a high capacity for rule and government which has been made even more conspicuous by the incapacity and infirmity of purpose shown by its opponents. The Republican party entered upon its present period of com- plete supremacy in 1897. We have every right to congratulate our- selves upon the work since then accomplished, for it has added lustre even to the traditions of the party which carried the Gov- ROOSEVELT'S "SECOiND ELECTION" 105 eminent through the storms of civil war. We then found the country, after four years of Democratic rule, in evil plight, op- pressed with misfortune, and doubtful of the future. Public credit had been lowered, the revenues were declining, the debt was grow- ing, the Administration's attitude toward Spain was feeble and mortifying, the standard of values was threatened and uncertain, labor was unemployed, business was sunk in the depression which had succeeded the panic of 1893, hope was faint, and confidence was gone. We met these unhappy conditions vigorously, effectively and at once. We replaced a Democratic tariif law based on free-trade principles and garnished with sectional protection by a consistent protective tariif, and industry, fi-eed from suppression and stimu- lated by the encouragement of wise laws, has expanded to a degree never before known, has conquered new markets and has created a volume of exports which has surpassed imagination. Under the Dingley Tariff labor has been fully employed, wages have risen and all industries have revived and prospered. We firmly established the gold standard, which was then men- aced with destruction. Confidence returned to business, and with confidence an unexampled prosperity. For deficient revenues sup- plemented by improvident issues of bonds we gave the country an income which produced a large surplus, and which enabled us only four years after the Spanish War had closed to remove over one hundred millions of annual war taxes, reduce the public debt and lower the interest charges of the Government. The public credit, which had been so lowered that in time of peace a Democratic ad- ministration made large loans at extravagant rates of interest in order to pay current expenditures, rose under Republican admin- istration to its highest point, and enabled us to borrow at 2 per cent., even in time of war. We refused to palter longer with the miseries of Cuba. We fought a quick and victorious war with Spain. We set Cuba free, governed the island for three years, and then gave it to the Cuban people with order restored, with ample revenues, with education and pub- lic health established, free from debt, and connected with the United States by wise provisions for our mutual interests. We have organized the government of Porto Rico, and its people now enjoy peace, freedom, order and prosperity. In the Philippines we have suppressed insurrection, established order, and given to life and property a security never known there before. We have organized civil government, made it effective and strong in administration, and have conferred upon the people of those islands the largest civil liberty they have ever enjoyed. By our possession of the Philippines we were enabled to take prompt 106 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY and effective action in the relief of the legations at Peking, and a decisive part in preventing the partition and preserving the integr rity of China. The possession of a route for an Isthmian canal, so long thp dream of American statesmanship, is now an accomplished fact. The great work of connecting the Pacilic and Atlantic by a canal is at last begun, and it is due to the Republican party. We have passed laws which will bring the arid lands of the United States within the area of cultivation. We have reorganized the army and put it in the highest state of efficiency. We have passed laws for the improvement and support of the militia. We have pushed forward the building of the navy, the defence and protection of our honor and our interests. Our administration of the great departments of the Government has been honest and efficient, and wherever wrongdoing has been discovered the Republican administration has not hesitated to probe the evil and bring offenders to justice without regard to party or political ties. Laws enacted by the Republican party which the Democratic party failed to enforce, and which were intended for the protection of the public against the unjust discrimination or the illegal en- croachment of vast aggregations of capital, have been fearlessly enforced by a Republican President, and new laws insuring reason- able publicity as to the operations of great corporations and pro- viding additional remedies for the prevention of discrimination in freight rates have been passed by a Republican Congress. In this record of achievement during the past eight years may be read the pledges which the Republican party has fulfilled. We promise to continue these policies and we declare our constant ad- herence to the following principles : Protection which guards and develops our industries is a car- dinal policy of the Republican party. The measure of protection should always at least equal the difference in the cost of produc- tion at home and abroad. We insist upon the maintenance of the principles of protection, and therefore rates of duty should be re- adjusted only when conditions have so changed that the public interest demands their alteration, but this work cannot safely be committed to any other hands than those of the Republican party. To intrust it to the Democratic party is to invite disaster. Whether, as in 1S92, the Democratic party declares the protective tariff unconstitutional, or whether it demands tariff reform or tariff revision, its real object is always the destruction of the protective system. However specious the name, the purpose is ever the ROOSEVELT'S "SECOND ELECTION" 107 same. A Democratic tariff has always been followed by busi- ness adversity ; a Republican tariff by business prosperity. To a Republican Congress and a Republican President this great ques- tion can be safely intrusted. When the only free-trade country among the great nations agitates a return to protection, the chief protective country should not falter in maintaining it. We have extended widely our foreign markets, and we believe in the adoption of all practicable methods for their further exten- sion, including commercial reciprocity wherever reciprocal arrange- ments can be effected consistent with the principles of protection, and without injury to American agriculture, American labor or any American industry. We believe it to be the duty of the Republican party to uphold the gold standard and the integrity and value of our national cur- rency. The maintenance of the gold standard, established by the Republican party, cannot safely be committed to the Democratic party, which resisted its adoption, and has never given any proof since that time of belief in it or fidelity to it. While every other industry has prospered under the fostering aid of Republican legislation, American shipping engaged in foreign trade, in competition with the low cost of construction, low wages and heavy subsidies of foreign governments, has not for many years received from the Government of the United States adequate en- couragement of any kind. We therefore favor legislation which will encourage and build up the American merchant marine, and we cordially approve the legislation of the last Congress, which created the IMerchant Marine Commission to investigate and report upon this subject. A navy powerful enough to defend the United States against any attack, to uphold the Monroe Doctrine, and to watch over our com- merce, is essential to the safety and the welfare of the American people. To maintain such a navy is the fixed policy of the Repub- lican party. We cordially approve the attitude of President Roosevelt and Congress in regard to the exclusion of Chinese labor and promise a continuance of the Republican policy in that direction. The Civil Service Law was placed on the statute books by the Republican party, which has always sustained it, and we renew our former declarations that it shall be thoroughly and honestly en- forced. We are always mindful of the country's debt to the soldiers and sailors of the United States, and we believe in making ample provi- sion for them, and in the liberal administration of the pension laws. W^e favor the peaceful settlement of international differences by arbitration. 108 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY We commend the vigorous efforts made by the Administration to protect American citizens in foreign lands and pledge ourselves to insist upon the just and equal protection of all our citizens abroad. It is the unquestioned duty of the Government to procure for all our citizens, without distinction, the rights of travel and so- journ in friendly countries, and we declare ourselves in favor of all proper efforts tending to that end. Our great interests and our growing commerce in the Orient render the condition of China of high importance to the United States. We cordially commend the policy pursued in that direction by the Administrations of President McKinley and President Roosevelt. We favor such Congressional action as shall determine whether by special discriminations the elective franchise in any State has been unconstitutionally limited, and if such is the case, we demand that representation in Congress and in the Electoral College shall be proportionately reduced as directed by the Constitution of the United States. Combinations of capital and of labor are the results of the eco- nomic movement of the age, but neither must be permitted to in- fringe upon the rights and interests of the people. Such combina- tions, when lawfully formed for lawful purposes, are alike entitled to the protection of the laws, but both are subject to the laws, and neither can be permitted to break them. The great statesman and patriotic American, William McKinley, who was reelected by the Republican party to the Presidency four years ago, was assassinated just at the threshold of his second term. The entire nation mourned his untimely death, and did that jus- tice to his great qualities of mind and character which history will confirm and repeat. The American people were fortunate in his successor, to whom they turned with a trust and confidence which have been fully justified. President Roosevelt brought to the great responsibilities thus sadly forced upon him a clear head, a brave heart, an earnest patriotism and high ideals of public duty and public service. True to the principles of the Republican party and to the policies which that party had declared, he has also shown himself ready for every emergency and has met new and vital questions with ability and with success. The confidence of the people in his justice, inspired by his public career, enabled him to render personally an inestimable service to the country by bringing about a settlement of the coal strike, which threatened such disastrous results at the opening of Winter in 1902. Our foreign policy under his administration has not only been ROOSEVELT'S "SECOND ELECTION" 109 able, vigorous and dignified, but in the highest degree successfuL The complicated questions which arose in Venezuela were settled in such a way by President Roosevelt that the Monroe Doctrine was signally vindicated, and the cause of peace and arbitration greatly advanced. His prompt and vigorous action in Panama, which we commend in the highest terms, not only secured to us the canal route but avoided foreign complications which might have been of a very serious character. He has continued the policy of President McKinley in the Orient and our position in China, signalized by our recent commercial treaty with that empire, has never been so high. He secured the tribunal by which the vexed and perilous ques- tion of the Alaskan boundary was finally settled. Whenever crimes against humanity have been perpetrated which have shocked our people, his protest has been made and our good offices have been tendered, but always with due regard to interna- tional obligations. Under his guidance we find ourselves at peace with all the world, and never were we more respected or our wishes more regarded by foreign nations. Preeminently successful in regard to our foreign relations, he Jias been equally fortunate in dealing with domestic questions. The country has known that the public credit and the national currency were absolutely safe in the hands of his Administration. In the enforcement of the laws he has shown not only courage, but the wisdom which understands that to permit laws to be violated or disregarded opens the door to anarchy, while the just enforcement of the law is the soundest conservatism. He has held firmly to the fundamental American doctrine that all men must obey the law; that there must be no distinction between rich and poor, between strong and weak ; but that justice and equal protection under the law must be secured to every citizen without regard to race, creed or condition. His administration has been throughout vigorous and honor- able, high-minded and patriotic. We commend it without reserva- tion to the considerate judgment of the American people. On June 23, Theodore Roosevelt, of New York, was nomi- nated as the candidate for President by a unanimous viva voce vote of the 994 delegates of the convention. Charles Warren Fairbanks, of Indiana, was nominated by acclamation as the candidate for Vice-President. The Prohibition party held its convention at Indianapolis on June 29. There were 704 delegates in attendance, of whom 110 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY about 60 were women. Most of the States were represented in whole or in part, — all but three, North Carolina, South Caro- lina and Louisiana, according to one account ; according to an- other, there were no delegates present from Montana or Utah. Homer L. Castle, of Pennsylvania, was the temporary chair- man, and A. G. Wolfenbarger, of Nebraska, the permanent president of the convention. The committee on resolutions had great difficulty in coming to an agreement on the platform. It will be seen that those who urged that special, almost exclu- sive, stress should be laid upon the importance of prohibition won a victory over those who favored a more general platform, similar to those in some earlier canvasses. But the platform was generally approved, and was ultimately adopted by a unan- imous vote, as follows : — The Prohibition party, in national convention assembled, at In- dianapolis, June 30, 1904, recognizing that the chief end of all government is the establishment of those principles of righteous- ness and justice which have been revealed to men as the will of the ever-living God, desiring His blessing upon our national life, and believing in the perpetuation of the high ideals of government of the people, by the people and for the people, established by our fathers, makes the following declaration of principles and purposes : The widely prevailing system of the licensed and legalized sale of alcoholic beverages is so ruinous to individual interests, so inimi- cal to public welfare, so destructive of national wealth and so sub- versive of the rights of great masses of our citizenship, that the destruction of the traffic is, and for years has been, the most im- portant question in American politics. We denounce the lack of statesmanship exhibited by the leaders of the Democratic and Republican parties in their refusal to re- cognize the paramount importance of this question, and the cow- ardice with which the leaders of these parties have courted the favor of those whose selfish interests are advanced by the continu- ation and augmentation of the traffic, until to-day the influence of the liquor traffic practically dominates national. State and local government throughout the nation. We declare the truth, demonstrated by the experience of half a century, that all methods of dealing with the liquor traffic which recognize its right to exist, in any form, under any system of li- cense or tax or regulation, have proved powerless to remove its evils, and useless as checks upon its growth, while the insignificant public revenues which have accrued therefrom have seared the public conscience against a recognition of its iniquity. ROOSEVELT'S "SECOND ELECTION" 111 We call public attention to the fact, proved by the experience of more than fifty years, that to secure the enactment and enforce- ment of prohibitory legislation, in which alone lies the hope of the protection of the people from the liquor traffic, it is necessary that the legislative, executive and judicial branches of government should be in the hands of a political party in harmony with the prohibition principle, and pledged to its embodiment in law, and to the execution of those laws. We pledge the Prohibition party, wherever given power by the suffrages of the people, to the enactment and enforcement of laws prohibiting and abolishing the manufacture, importation, trans- portation and sale of alcoholic beverages. We declare that there is not only no other issue of equal im- portance before the American people to-day, but that the so-called issues upon which the Democratic and Republican parties seek to divide the electorate of the country are, in large part, subter- fuges under the cover of which they wrangle for the spoils of office. Recognizing that the intelligent voters of the country may pro- perly ask our attitude upon other questions of public concern, we declare ourselves in favor of : The impartial enforcement of all law. The safeguarding of the people's rights by a rigid application of the principles of justice to all combinations and organizations of capital and labor. The recognition of the fact that the right of suffrage should de- pend upon the mental and moral qualifications of the citizen. A more intimate relation between the people and government, by a wise application of the principle of the initiative and refer- endum. Such changes in our laws as will place tariff schedules in the hands of an omnipartisan commission. The application of uniform laws to all our country and depend- encies. The election of United States Senators by vote of the people. The extension and honest administration of the civil service laws. The safeguarding of every citizen in every place under the gov- ernment of the people of the United States, in all the rights guar- anteed by the laws and the Constitution. International arbitration, and we declare that our nation should contribute, in every manner consistent with national dignity, to the permanent establishment of peace between all nations. The reform of our divorce laws, the final extirpation of poly- gamy, and the total overthrow of the present shameful system of 112 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY the illegal sanction of the social evil, with its unspeakable traffic in girls, by the municipal authorities of almost all our cities. When the convention met there was a strong, but by no means unanimous, sentiment in favor of the nomination of General Nelson A. Miles for President. It was opposed on the ground that General Miles had never declared himself to be a Pro- hibitionist. It was discouraged by the general himself, who, knowing what was proposed, urged, in a letter to Mr. John G. Woolley, of Chicago, that action by the convention should be postponed until after the nominations by the Republican and Democratic parties should have been made. Some of his sug- gestions in the same letter as to the proper policy for the Pro- hibition party to adopt, were not well received. As the sug- gestions were not followed in the platform, General Miles sent a telegram positively declining to accept the nomination. The Miles candidacy had caused a somewhat angry factional con- troversy, which ended suddenly upon the receipt of the general's telegram, and Silas C. Swallow, of Pennsylvania, was then nominated for President by acclamation. There was but one vote by the convention, for Vice-President. George W. Carroll, of Texas, received 626 votes, to 132 for Isaiah H. Amos, of Oregon. The fact that the total number was greater than the number of delegates, has the usual explanation, that the dele- gates present from a State cast the whole number of votes to which the State was entitled. The Socialist-Labor party held its convention in New York City on July 2 and the six following days. Forty-one delegates, representing eighteen States, composed the convention. Mr. William W. Cox, of Illinois, was the temporary Chairman. Under the permanent organization there was a different Chair- man and vice-chairman on each day. There seem to have been long but not by any means angry debates upon a great variety of matters. The platform, which was reported late on July 3, was discussed, paragraph by paragraph, the next day, and finally adopted in the form given it by the Committee on Resolutions, as follows : — The Socialist Labor party of America, in convention assembled, reasserts the inalienable right of man to life, liberty and the pur- suit of happiness. We hold that the purpose of government is to secure to every citizen the enjoyment of this right : but taught by experience we ROOSEVELT'S "SECOND ELECTION" 113 hold furthermore that such right is ilhisory to the majority of the people, to wit, the working class, under the present system of economic inequality that is essentially destructive of their life, their liberty and their happiness. We hold that the true theory of politics is that the machinery of government must be controlled by the whole people ; but again taught by experience we hold furthermore that the true theory of economics is that the means of production must likewise be owned, operated and controlled by the people in common. Man cannot exercise his right of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness with- out the ownership of the land on and the tool with which to work. Deprived of these, his life, his liberty and his fate fall into the hands of the class that owns those essentials for work and production. We hold that the existing contradiction between the theory of democratic government and the fact of a despotic economic system — the private ownership of the natural and social opportunities — divides the people into two classes, the capitalist class and the working class ; throws society into the convulsions of the class struggle, and perverts government to the exclusive benefit of the capitalist class. Thus labor is robbed of the wealth which it alone produces, is denied the means of self-employment, and, by compulsory idleness in wage slavery, is even deprived of the necessaries of life. Against such a system the Socialist Labor party raises the banner of revolt, and demands the unconditional surrender of the capital- ist class. The time is fast coming when, in the natural course of social evolution, this system, through the destructive action of its failures and crises on the one hand, and the constructive tendencies of its trusts and other capitalist combinations on the other hand, will have worked out its own downfall. We, therefore, call upon the wage workers of America to organ- ize under the banner of the Socialist Labor party into a class- conscious body, aware of its rights and determined to conquer them. And we also call upon all other intelligent citizens to place them- selves squarely upon the ground of working class interests, and join us in this mighty and noble work of human emancipation, so that we may put summary end to the existing barbarous class con- flict by placing the land and all the means of production, transpor- tation and distribution into the hands of the people as a collective body, and substituting the cooperative commonwealth for the present state of planless production, industrial war and social dis- order — a commonwealth in which every worker shall have the free exercise and full benefit of his faculties, multiplied by all the modern factors of civilization. 114 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY On July 6 the convention nominated for President of the United States Charles H. Corregan, of New York ; for Vice- President, William W. Cox, of Illinois. It remained in session two days longer amending the constitution of the party and discussing the attitude which should be taken toward trade- unionism, — a subject which — as has been noted — occupied the attention of the rival Socialist party. The viev/s of the Socialist-Labor party may fairly be inferred from a single paragraph of its pronouncement on the topic : " So far from drilling the working class in the theoretic understanding of its interests, Gompers unionism befogs the workingman's intellect with capitalistic economics, and it hounds Socialist or working class economics out of its camp, under the false pretence that such economic teachings are ' politics,' and that they ' divide the working class.' " The Populist party held its convention at Springfield, Illinois, on July 4 and 5. The date seems to have been fixed to signify the intention of those who controlled the organization to have nothing to do with the Democratic party in the approaching canvass. They saw, as the whole country saw, that the Demo- crats were about to rid themselves, for that occasion at least, of what a prominent member of the party referred to as " the taint of populism." Consequently the Populists who had not already joined the Democratic party were practically all of the " middle-of-the-road " faction. Only once in the convention was the suggestion made that it might be well to postpone action until it should be seen whether the Hearst partisans were not a majority of the Democratic delegates. But even that proposition was shouted down with cries — " No, no ; get into the Democratic party, where you belong." There was no hope of an alliance with that party. "About three hundred" delegates are said to have consti- tuted the Populist convention. Twenty-four States and two territories were represented on the general committees. That ' most of the members were residents in States of the central west is evident from the fact that the same person was ap- pointed a member of all four committees from each of the States of New York, New Jersey, Massachusetts, Mississippi, Wisconsin, South Dakota, and Washington — in all probabil- ity because there was but one representative from each of those States. Pennsylvania had apparently two delegates in ROOSEVELT'S "SECOND ELECTION" 115 attendance. The one member from Massachusetts was the only New England man in the convention. L. H. Weller, of Iowa, was the temporary chairman, and J. M. Mallett, of Texas, the permanent President. The committee on resolutions held two protracted sessions, the first lasting until three o'clock in the morning of July 5, and the second nearly the whole of that day from early forenoon until late afternoon. The platform, when it was ready, was received with great applause and was unanimously adopted as follows : — The People's party reaffirms its adherence to the basic truths of the Omaha platform of 1892, and of the subsequent platforms of 1896 and 1900. In session in its fourth national convention on July 4, 1904, in the city of Springfield, 111., it draws inspiration from the day that saw the birth of the nation as well as its own birth as a party, and also from the soul of him who lived at its .present place of meeting. We renew our allegiance to the old-fash- ioned American spirit that gave this nation existence, and made it distinctive among the peoples of the earth. We again sound the key-note of the Declaration of Independence that all men are cre- ated equal in a political sense, which was the sense in which that instrument, being a political document, intended that the utter- ance should be understood. We assert that the departure from this fundamental truth is responsible for the ills from which we suf- fer as a nation, that the giving of special privileges to the few has enabled them to dominate the many, thereby tending to destroy the political equality which is the corner-stone of democratic gov- ernment. Holding fast to the truths of the fathers we vigorously protest against the spirit of mammonism and of thinly veiled monarchy that is invading certain sections of our national life, and of the very administration itself. This is a nation of peace, and we deplore the appeal to the spirit of force and militarism which is shown in ill-advised and vainglorious boasting and in more harmful ways in the denial of the rights of man under martial law. A political democracy and an industrial despotism cannot exist side by side ; and nowhere is this truth more plainly shown than in the gigantic transportation monopolies which have bred all sorts of kindred trusts, subverted the governments of many of the States, or established their official agents in the National Govern- ment. We submit that it is better for the Government to own the railroads than for the railroads to own the Government, and that one > ^ c n P S ^ M ^ Alabama .... 26283 74374 665 1399 1568 495 11 Arkansas 56760 87015 1194 5842 _ 1026 289 _ 9 California . 214398 127492 11770 28659 _ _ 4278 10 _ Colorado . . 123700 126644 5559 7974 _ _ - - 5 Connecticut 112815 68255 2380 5113 608 _ 728 7 _ Delaware 25014 22071 670 239 _ _ 30 3 - Florida . . 10654 31104 553 3747 _ 1946 1356 _ 5 Georgia . . 41692 72413 1059 584 ^ 16969 77 _ 13 Idaho . . . 52621 36162 1986 6400 _ - 119 3 _ Illinois . . 629932 450810 29364 34711 1680 633 7724 27 - Indiana . . 348993 338262 18045 13476 643 1193 514 15 _ Iowa . . . 275210 200771 9837 8287 261 404 13 _ Kansas . . 197216 161209 5033 12420 - 68 10 - Kentucky . 235711 244092 5887 4185 404 333 200 - 13 Louisiana. . 8958 63568 - 2538 - - 82 - 9 Maine . . . 66987 35403 1487 1758 - _ 700 6 - Maryland. . 116513 115908 3302 2323 - - 485 2 6 Massachusetts 265966 155543 4379 10781 1018 - 19239 16 - Michigan . . 333313 174619 10795 11527 1086 _ 734 14 - Minnesota . 195843 109401 11107 14527 _ - 426 11 - Mississippi . 4363 60287 - 978 _ 1276 - - 10 Missouri . . 347203 346574 4284 15431 868 1165 402 18 - Montana . . 32333 29326 827 5855 _ - 481 3 - Nebraska 126997 131099 5179 3524 _ _ _ _ 8 Nevada . . 10775 11212 - 2103 - - 436 - 3 New Hampshir s . 53149 33655 905 1299 _ - 584 4 - New Jersey . 265326 182567 4934 10253 1196 2922 12 - New York . 870070 667468 22667 38451 3877 35817 39 - North Carolina 114887 136928 - 345 - - - _ 12 North Dakota 57680 32885 1496 3421 - - 43 4 _ Ohio . . . 572312 502721 11402 33795 721 162 439 23 - Oklahoma . 110558 122406 - 21779 _ 434 244 - 7 Oregon . . 62530 38049 2682 7339 - - 289 4 _ Pennsylvania 745779 448785 36694 33913 1222 _ 1057 34 _ Bhode Island 43942 24706 1016 1365 183 - 1105 4 - South Carolina 3965 62290 _ 100 _ _ 43 _ 9 South Dakota 67536 40266 4039 2846 - - 88 4 - Tennessee . 118324 135608 300 1870 - 1081 332 - 12 Texas . . . 65666 217302 1634 7870 176 994 115 _ 18 Utah . . . 61165 42601 - 4890 _ _ 92 3 _ Vermont . . 39552 11496 799 _ - - 804 4 - Virginia . . 52573 82946 nil 255 25 105 51 - 12 Washington 106062 58691 4700 14177 - - 249 5 - West Virginia 137869 111418 5139 3679 - - 46 7 - Wisconsin . 247747 166662 11565 28147 314 - - 13 - Wyoming 20846 14918 66 1715 - - 64 3 - Total 7677788 6407982 252511 420890 14021 29146 83651 321 162 election before 1908 — the vote was 434,800 less in 1908 than in 1896. A comparison of the vote of 1908 with that of 1904, either THE ERA OF "PROGRESSIVE" INSURGENCY 209 as a whole or by groups of States, seems to confirm the con- chTsions advanced in the previous cliapter. It was there sug- gested that the "safe and sane" policy of the Democrats led a considerable body of that party to vote for Mr. Roosevelt in preference to Judge Parker, in the belief that the Republi- can candidate was the more radical of the two, and that it also caused a much larger number to Avithhold their votes al- together. The return of Mr. Bryan to the leadership detached from the Republicans those radical Democrats who had sup- ported Mr. Roosevelt four years before, and it also drew to Mr. Taft some conservative Democrats who had voted for Judge Parker. At the same time the abstainers of 1904 now went to the polls for Mr. Bryan. As a result the gains and losses of the Republican candidate virtually offset each other, and the Democratic vote was largely increased. The aggregate vote does not contradict this theory. Mr. Taft's total vote was less than 50,000 more than Roosevelt's, but Mr. Bryan's was 1,323,000 more than Parker's, Comparing, as in the last chapter, the vote for the leading candidates by groups of States, we find that in New England, which is rather more conservative than some other parts of the country, the change was small, as it was between 1900 and 1904. In round numbers the comparison stands thus : — 1904 1908 Republican 569,600 576,400 Democratic 335,000 329,000 If any inference may be drawn it is that a larger number of conservative Democrats deserted their party than had been the case in 1904. But that assertion cannot be made of any other group of States. In New York, Ncav Jersey, and Penn- sylvania the comparison shows : — 1904 1908 Republican 1,945,600 1,881,200 Democratic 1,184,000 1,298,800 Here the Republicans lost 64,400, and the Democrats gained 114,ut there were in the early days no other than the most formal official relations between the President and the Congress. It was the function of Congress to initiate and pass laws; that of the President to approve or disapprove them when presented to him. Students of public and official life in Kew York and Phila- delphia during Washington's presidency know that the parti- san opposition to the Father of his Country dwelt upon his asserted liking for the fashions of a monarchical court; upon his firmness in the conduct of foreign affairs, as in the matter of the Jay Treaty ; upon the vigor displayed in the suppression of the Whiskey insurrection in Pennsylvania. Senator William Maclay criticised him as wishing to "subjugate" the Senate because it was not provided in the bills creating the executive dejiartments that the Senate was to be consulted in the matter of the removal of the heads of those departments.^ The makers of the Constitution devoted much time and dis- cussion to the Executive Department, but hardly any to the consideration of matters with which we are now concerned. They made many contradictory decisions upon the questions whether there should be a single Executive ; how he should be chosen ; the length of his tenure of the office ; whether he should or should not be eligible for reelection ; whether his veto should be absolute or qualified, and if qualified whether a two-thirds or three-fourths vote should be required to over- ride it. There was almost no discussion of the clauses specify- ing his powers and duties — of the clauses in the phraseology finally agreed upon, no discussion at all. Let us now consider in what directions and to what extent the presidency has been extended and developed since the Con- 1 It is interesting: to note, as illustrating the great differences of opinion as to the effect of the Constitution before that effect had manifested itself in prac- tice, that ISIr. James Wilson, also of Pennsylvania, in discussing this very subject of the participation of the Senate in appointments by the President, — in the session of September 6, in the Convention of 1787, — maintained that the proposed Constitution created an aristocracy, by "throwing a dangerous power into the hands of the Senate." 218 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY stitution was put in operation. As for certain plenary powers there could be no expansion. The general command of the mil- itary and naval forces; the grant of pardons; the summoning of one or both houses of Congress in extraordinary session ; the negotiation of treaties to be ratified by the Senate ; and the nomination of officers to be confirmed by the Senate; — these are all powers explicitly conferred without qualification ; and the duty of seeing that the laws be faithfully executed also rests upon the President alone. The right to receive ambassa- dors, as has been said already, was, in early days, construed to give the President power to recognize, or to refuse to recog- nize, a revolutionary government, by deciding whether or not to receive a person accredited as a diplomatic representative of that government. His right thus to fix its relation — or want of relation — to the government of the United States has been often disputed on the floor of both houses of Congress, but there is believed to be no example of an effective overruling of the President's decision. The exercise of the power may be treated as a natural and not unreasonable extension of a power specifically conferred, and the power itself as one which — not being derivable from any grant to Congress, and yet necessarily within the jurisdiction of some department of every sovereign government — falls obviously to that department which has primarily the oversight of foreign relations. Outside of the powers and duties just mentioned, as to only one of which has there ever been any dispute, there are three directions in which the presidency has extended itself largely: in the matter of removals from office ; in the use of the veto power ; and in the relations between the President and Con- gress. We will take them in the above order. The Convention of 1787 discussed repeatedly the method of appointment of the civil officers of the United States, but did not once consider the general subject of removals. Mr. Gouver- neur Morris submitted a plan for a Council of State, consisting of the Chief Justice and five heads of departments, each of whom was to " be liable to impeachment and removal from office, for neglect of duty, malversation, or corruption " ; but it was merely referred to the Committee of Detail and heard from no more. With that exception, and with the further ex- ception of some consideration of the removability of judges, the corollary that appointment in numerous cases implies previous THE EVOLUTION OF THE PRESIDENCY 219 removal from office, was not once mentioned. The omission was quickly perceived by the opponents of the Constitution, who made the objection that whereas appointments were required to have the consent of the Senate, the President would exercise the right of removal alone. Hamilton ^ held the opposite opin- ion. " The consent of that body [the Senate] would be ne- cessary," he wrote, " to displace as well as to appoint." So evidently thought Mr. Justice Story, although he expressed himself in guarded language. His " Commentaries on the Con- stitution " was written during tlie administration of Andrew Jackson, whose wholesale removals from office — characterized by Story as an *' extraordinary change of system" — has, he says, " awakened general attention, and brought back the wliole controversy with regard to the executive power of re- moval to a severe scrutiny. Many of the most eminent states- men in the country have expressed a deliberate opinion that it is utterly indefensible, and that the only sound interpretation of the Constitution is that avowed upon its adoption ; that is to say, that the power of removal belongs to the appointing power." Chancellor Kent wrote his " Commentaries " a few years ear- lier, in the administration of John Quincy Adams, before the *' extraordinary change of system " took place, and his opinion was different. He held that the construction in favor of the President's exclusive power of removal was '' supported by the weighty reason that the subordinate officers in the Executive Department ought to hold at the pleasure of the head of that Department, because he is invested generally with the execu- tive authority, and every participation in that authority by the Senate was an exception to a general principle, and ought to be taken strictly. The President is the great responsible officer for the faithful execution of the law, and the power of removal was incidental to that duty, and might often be requisite to fulfil it." Both Kent and Story refer, with expressions of amazement, to the strangely haphazard way in which the current interpre- tation of the Constitution became effective. But they do not mention the occasion on which the question was first raised. For information on that point we are indebted to the frank and racy diary of William IVfaclay, one of the first senators from Pennsylvania. Less than two months after the inauguration of 1 In No. Lxxvii of the Federalist. 220 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY Washington as President (April 30, 1789), Mr. John Jay — who at that time held no office^ — "came in," wrote Mr. Maclay, and informed the Senate that Mr. Jefferson wished to return from France, and that the President nominated William Short as his successor as Minister to France. This was on June 17. Apparently it was the first nomination ever sent to the Sen- ate, for Mr. Maclay says that the Vice-President immediately began telling the senators how they were to give their " advice and consent." Two days later Mr. Maclay made a speech on the constitutional problem involved. Had the President a right, by himself alone, to give Mr. Jefferson leave of absence ? If the Senate should choose to negative his return it would be neces- sary only to refuse to confirm Mr. Short or any one else in his place. In July the bill for organizing the Department of Foreign Affairs came up to the Senate from the House of Representa- tives. It contained a clause, innocent at first sight, providing that the Secretary should appoint a chief clerk who was to dis- charge the duties of the office " whenever the said principal officer shall be removed from office by the President of the United States." The clause had been vigorously attacked in the House of Representatives, but had been allowed to stand. Now a renewed attack was made upon it. From Mr. Maclay's account of the debate, which lasted several days, it is easy to see that the discussion was animated and angry. There are re- ferences in the diary to the efforts of the ''court party " to save the clause, and certain senators are mentioned by name as hav- ing " recanted" and become supporters of the clause after speak- ing against' it. When the vote was taken it was a tie — ten to ten. " The Vice-President with joy cried out, ' It is not a vote ! ' without giving himself time to declare the division of the House and give his vote in order." The interpretation thus casually put upon the Constitution by the casting vote of the Vice-President was not seriously challenged for more than three quarters of a century. The early Presidents used the power of removal sparinglj'-. Washington removed only nine officers during his eight years of service, and in every case the removal was for cause. The two Adamses, Madison, and Monroe also exercised great for- bearance. Jefferson used his power a little more freely, but he 1 Unless his appointment as Foreign Secretary under the Articles of Con- federation was still effective. THE EVOLUTION OF THE PRESIDENCY 221 expressly disclaimed the right to remove for differences of po- litical opinion, or otherwise than for some clear public good. During the administration of Monroe, the " era of good feel- ings," there were not two parties. All men professed themselves to be Republicans. Party spirit was reinvoked in the adminis- tration of the second Adams ; but he refused to punish with dismissal officers who placed themselves in opposition to his administration, and the officers whom he left in office at the end of his term were not generally men whom he had appointed, and they were by no means persons selected with a view to promoting his own political future. There was therefore no reason, other than to reward those who had supported him in the canvass of 1828, that can be assigned as the motive of General Jackson's immediate and radical change of system. Within one year from the time of his entry upon office he dis- missed two hundred and forty-three officers, including nearly all in the diplomatic, treasury, and civil court services, and his Postmaster-General removed four hundred and ninety-one post- masters. Story, who gives these figures in a note,^ credits them to a speech of Mr. Clayton in the Senate, March 4, 1830, and says that they are " confessedly imperfect." He also says that it is not probable that the aggregate of removals during the forty years preceding Jackson's administration amounted to one third of the number of Jackson's removals in a single year. The opponents of the President regarded his action as a great scandal, but the theory on which it was based Avas de- fended by his supporters. The classic defence was contained in a speech by William L. Marcy in the Senate in January, 1832.^ In speaking of the politicians of the time he said, *' When they are contending for victory, they avow the inten- tion of enjoying the fruits of it. If they are defeated, they expect to retire from office. If they are successful, they claim, as a matter of right, the advantages of success. They see no- thing wrong in the rule that to the victor belong the spoils of the enemy." Although the opposition party protested strongly against the "rule," they followed it when their turn came. Jackson set a fashion which was followed by his successors. For more than forty years every change in the party control of the national government was made the occasion of a political raas- 1 Commentaries, book ill, chapter xxxvii. 2 During^ his first month of service in that body. He took his seat in De- cember, 1831, and resigned to become governor of New York in July, 1832. 222 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY sacre. Possibly there was a better excuse for it when Lincoln became President than on some former occasions, since there was real reason to doubt the loyalty of officers, high and low, in the North as well as in the South. But the rule that offices were a legitimate perquisite not merely of the party in power but of the particular persons who happened to be in the exercise of power as well, engrafted itself upon the simpler rule, and was carried out in a relentless manner during the administra- tion of General Grant. It was not enough that one holding an office should be a loyal, even an active, member of the Repub- lican party. He must also be persona grata to the President, or to the senator to whose share that particular piece of patron- age fell. No more scandalous chapter of political history can be cited than that which covers the story of the New York cus- tom-house in Grant's time. The Jackson regime ended when Harrison and Tyler were installed. Polk turned out all the Whigs who had survived until his time. Taylor and Fillmore gave the Whigs a four years' taste of office, but they all went out under Pierce. Lincoln made a clean sweep of the Democrats,^ — and then came Johnson. His breach with the party that elected him was gradual, but by the autumn of 1866 it was complete, and he began to wreak vengeance upon those who were opposing him in Con- gress by turning out of office those whom they had recom- mended, and filling their places with supporters of his " policy," who, of course, were Democrats. The removals — there were said to be 1283 postmasters and a corresponding number of officers of other departments, in the list — were made during the recess of the Senate, for Congress adjourned on July 28, and did not meet again until December. But when the second session of the Thirty-ninth Congress began there was immediate action to limit the President's power in this as in other direc- tions. The Tenure of Office Act was passed, was vetoed, and was passed again notwithstanding the objections of the Pres- ident, on the last day of the session — March 2, 1867. It was a comprehensive measure. It enacted that persons holding office by and with the advice and consent of the Senate were entitled to hold such office, until their successors should be 1 During that period, when the spoils sj'stem prevailed without dispute, 917 removals were made by two successive collectors of the port of New York. The average number of emploj-es in the custom-house was less than 700. THE EVOLUTION OF THE PRESIDENCY 223 duly appointed in like manner, and qualified; that the mem- bers of the Cabinet should hold their respective offices during the term of the President by -whom they may have been appointed, and for one month thereafter, subject to removal by and with the advice and consent of the Senate ; that, during a recess of the Senate, for specified reasons, the President might suspend officers and designate persons to hold their places temporarily, but he was required to report such suspensions to the Senate, and if the Senate did not concur, the suspended officer resumed his office ; that when the President, in pursuance of his con- stitutional power, filled vacancies which might happen — not those caused by removal — during a recess of the Senate, if no appointment by and with the advice and consent of the Senate should be made during the ensuing session, the office was to remain in abeyance until an appointment should be made by the constitutional method. It was declared to be a high mis- demeanor to accept or exercise the duties of an office in viola- tion of the provisions of the act, punishable by a heavy fine or by imprisonment. The bill was introduced by Thaddeus Stevens, but in its final form was quite different from the original text. In the long debates which took place in both houses of Congress, the point most discussed was the application of the principle of the bill to cabinet officers, though the general constitutional ques- tion was considered in academical arguments. It was contended by the more conservative Republicans that the President should have a free hand so far as the heads of the executive depart- ments were concerned. But although the Senate struck out the clause relating to the secretaries, it was restored by the Com- mittee of Conference. The bill was passed by both branches by votes of about three to one. It was vetoed by President John- son, and passed over his veto by a majority even greater than that on accepting the report of the conference committee. This was the only instance in the constitutional history of the country when the veto power was invoked for what — as will be seen — Mr. Gerry and Hamilton himself regarded as the chief object of granting the President a " revisionary" power, namely, to enable him to resist encroachments on his consti- tutional authority. Inasmuch as Congress held the purse, and could discontinue the salary attached to any office which the President might attempt to fill in violation of the provisions of the act, he was 224 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY forced to comply with it, — though his action in the matter of the removal of Secretary Stanton disregarded it. The debates in the two houses of Congress over the meas- ure make it plain that many members were dragged into the support of it against their better judgment. There were few — were there any ? — members who repudiated the theory that the spoils belonged to the victors. The law which they were asked to pass would stand in the way of the next President whom the Republicans were sure to elect. But aside from that sordid argument, many of the members felt that it was a rather mean revenge which was planned for a political enemy. Some of them showed their reluctance to vote for it, but none except the "Johnson Republicans" gave their votes in the negative. Mr. Blaine, who voted for the bill, says in his '' Twenty Years of Congress" that "the history of its operation, and of its subsequent , modification, which amounted to repeal, is one to which the Republican party cannot recur with any sense of pride or satisfaction." ^ Even before the close of Johnson's administration a movement began to repeal the Tenure of Of- fice Act. The occasion for the measure was about to be a thing of the past. General Grant was soon to succeed the President who had made himself and his acts obnoxious to the party in power. In January, 1869, the House of Representatives, with no debate, passed a bill to repeal the law. The Senate was not willing to concur. The law of 1867 gave that body a power over removals which it was reluctant to relinquish. A com- mittee reported a substitute for the repealing bill, which did little more than exempt cabinet ministers from the operation of the act. Nothing more was done at that session, but at the extraordinary session which began simultaneously with Gen- eral Grant's term, the modification of the law which found favor with the Senate was reluctantly accepted by the House of Representatives which had, a second time, by a majority of five or six to one, voted for repeal. In that form the law stood until — during the first administration of President Cleveland, March 2, 1887 — the sections of the Revised Statutes covering the whole subject of removals from office were repealed, and by omission of all legislation on the point, the system which prevailed from "Washington to Johnson was restored. But during the period following the Civil War the public conscience was awakened to the great evils and the political 1 Vol. II, p. 274. THE EVOLUTION OF THE PRESIDENCY 225 demoralization that attended the treatment of office as a reward of party activity. Only those who are familiar with political conditions prior to that time can be aware of the universal in- difference to the scandal, not merely of the active politicians but of the people at large as well. In fact, the spoils system was taken as a matter of course by all, and was vigorously ap- plied by those even who might be classed as statesmen. That fact explains the difficulty and the opposition encountered by those who first undertook the promotion of a reform of the civil service ; and so thoroughly ingrained in the public mind was. the old-time principle, that the opposition has not yet ceased, although it is no longer effective. The early reformers Avere looked upon as idealists, too good for this wicked world, and they made slow progress. Fortunately the Presidents have been, on the whole, uphold- ers of a better, the merit system. Congress passed an act in 1871 which authorized the President to cause the proper means to be taken to ascertain the fitness of candidates for office. Under that act President Grant appointed a commission which instituted competitive examinations in the departments at Washington ; but after two years Congress refused to make further appropriations to enable the commission to continue its work, although the President praised the work already done and informed Congress that " it would be a source of mortifica- tion to himself" if the appropriation should be withheld. The President thereupon, in 1875, suspended the rules, and the re- form came to an end for the time being. But the reformers per- sisted, and after nearly eight years more of agitation succeeded in persuading Congress to pass the act of January 16, 1883, which President Arthur promptly approved. Under that law a classified service was established, in a small way at first, and covering only a comparatively few of the clerical officers in the executive departments and in large post-offices. The list has been increased by every President since that time and now in- cludes almost the whole civil service. The important exception is the offices that are still filled by appointment by the Presid- ent with the concurrence of the Senate. Thus the presidential office has developed in two opposite directions. From the policy of abstention from removals under the Presidents from Washington to the second Adams, it turned to the system of wholesale proscription under Jackson, and to that system it adhered until the reform which began 226 A HISTORY OF THE TRESIDENCY \;ndev Grant was coniiiuied and extended by every President to the present time. JSIot that there have not been many viola- tions oi" tlie spirit of tlie reform. "Turn the rascals out" has been a party motto when there has been a change of adminis- tration, the " rascals " of course being all oilicers who supported the defeated party. Clerks and others appointed under the com- petitive system were secure, but consuls, collectors, postmas- ters, chief clerks, and others of that class were subject to removal, and in many cases were removed. To cite but one example, purely by way of example, and not to bo invidious, the ravages wrought in the consular service under President Cleveland were inexcusable. But, as has been said, one I'resid- ent after another has cut out class after class of officers who have been appointed as reward for party service, and brought them under the rules of the reformed civil service, and has thus diminished the number of those whom it will ever be worth while to displace in order to provide a position and a salary for some one more agreeable than the incumbent to the exist- ing administration. One clause of the Constitution which has not heretofore been mentioned was much discussed in 1904 in connection with cer- tain " recess " appointments made by President Roosevelt. The clause reads : — The President shall have power to fill up all vacancies that may happen during tlie recess of tlie Senate, by granting commissions which shall expire at the end of tlieir next session. The President, in January, 1003, nominated William D. Crum, a colored man, to be collector of the port of Charleston, South Carolina. An adverse report upon the nomination was made by the Senate Committee on Finance, but no action was taken on the report, and the session, and the Fifty-seventh Congress, came to an end on the 4th of Marcli. The Senate met in special session on the same day, and the President again sent in the name of Mr. Crum. Again the Senate adjourned without action on the nomination. On the 20th of March the President, "during the recess of the Senate" issued a commis- sion to Mr. Crum. Congress met in extraordinary session in November, 1903, and the nomination was sent in a third time. Again no action was taken. The extraordinary session of Con- gress ended at noon on December 2, and at the same time, without any intermission, the regular session of the Senate be- THE EVOLUTION OF 'I'lIE PllESIDENCT 227 gan. It appeared from an official Itittor from the Secretary of the Treasury that " precisely at twelve o'clock " on that day the President issued a new commission to Mr. Crutn. At the same time he issued fresh commissions to one hundred and sixty -eight officers of the army. All those officers held recess apjjointments, and had been nominated to the Senate, and the Senate had not acted on tliem. The list of military officers was headed by the name of Jirigadier-General Wood, nominated to be major-general, and all the other promotions were dependent upon that. His promotion was the only one to which there was opposition. The theory upon which the new commissions were issued was that between the end of the extraordinary session and the beginning of the regular session there was a " con- structive " recess. There were two constitutional questions involved in this case, although one of them was discussed but little on that oc- casion. For it seems to have l>een tacitly agreed, long ago, that the word " happen " in the clause quoted above is to be inter- jjreted to signify luijiptm to ha existing. That is to say, a va- cancy actually occurring in November, before Congress meets, may be filled by the I'resident in the following July if the Senate has not confirmed any appointee. A contrary view was taken in an able report of the Judiciary Committee of the Sen- ate in 18C3, during Mr. Lincoln's presidency, and the Tenure of Office Act expressly provided that if the Senate did not confirm an appointment the office should remain in abeyance until it should be filled by an appointment to which the Sen- ate consented. But the usual practice before the Civil War, and after the repeal of the Tenure of Office Act, was to i^er- mit the President to fill any office in which a vacancy existed, — no matter when it first " happened," — when the Senate was not in session. ]iut President Roosevelt's action raised a new problem, and gave rise to much hair-splitting argument. No one, on either side of the Senate, openly maintained that there was anything in the idea of a constructive recess, but some of the senators held that as the two sessions merged into each other the original recess appointments held until t?ie adjournment of the Senate at the close of the regular session. Even that construction was a virtual condemnation of the reissue of conimissions and the renewal of the nominations. It was brought out in the Senate debate by Mr, Tillman, of South Carolina, who took 228 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY the lead in opposing the new gloss on the Constitution, that in 1867 the Senate refused to close the final session of the Thirty-ninth Congress at half-past eleven o'clock on March 4, because that would leave a recess of half an hour before the meeting of the Fortieth Congress, in which time President Johnson, whom Senator Sumner characterized as " a bad man," might Avork mischief by recess appointments. At the close of the Senate debate in 1904 the resolution offered by Mr. Tillman was adopted. It directed the Committee on the Judiciary to report " what constitutes a ' recess ot the Senate,' and what are the powers and limitations of the Executive in making appointments in s ich cases." The committee did not report, and the whole subject was dropped, probably with the idea that the publicity given to the matter and the unanimity of the Senate on the question, would be sufficient to render unlikely similar action by any future President. The extension of the use of the veto power is the second large development of the presidential office. There is no doubt that the intention of the framers of the Constitution would not have sanctioned the present interpretation of the clause grant- ing the power. There is equally, of course, no doubt that the intention of the fathers cannot and ought not to control, to the prevention of anything that circumstances render necessary, and that Congress and the people sanction by thieir acquiescence. More especially is that true if the change is clearly admissible under the language of the Constitution. The provision which gives the President a qualified veto upon legislation was discussed many times in the Convention, The votes upon it were far more consistent than those upon many other features of the Constitution. In fact, the Con- vention hardly wavered at any time from the decision that the power should reside in the President alone, and that his veto should be overruled by a two-thirds vote of each branch of the legislature. But several other propositions were made and urged with earnestness : that the veto should be absolute ; that it should require a three-fourths vote to pass bills over the veto ; that a council of revision, with a negative power, should be formed to consider bills ; and that some of the judges should be joined with the President to exercise the power. The last-men- tioned modification was that which was most frequently brought forward, most persistently pressed, and supported by the strong- THE EVOLUTION OF THE PRESIDENCY 229 est authority. Mr, Madison favored it and spoke many times in its support. Mr. Gouverneur Morris and Mr. Ellsworth were on the same side. It is in connection with this proposition that we get the most light as to the motives of the memhers of the Convention in providing a veto on congressional legislation. Almost the sole object seems to have been to prevent en- croachment by the legislative department upon the Executive and the Judiciary. That fact explains Mr. Madison's repeated efforts to have judges associated with the President. Mr. Gerry, who opposed the participation of judges in the veto power, said that " the object, he conceived, of the revisionary power was merely to secure the Executive Department against legislative encroachment. The Executive, therefore, who will best know and be ready to defend his rights, ought alone to have the de- fence of them." Mr. Morris — in the same debate^ — "con- curred in thinking the public liberty in greater danger from legislative usurpation than from any other source." Colonel Mason, and he alone, suggested " that the defence of the Ex- ecutive was not the sole object of the revisionary power. He expected even greater advantages from it. Notwithstanding the precautions taken in the constitution of the Legislature, it would still so much resemble that of the individual States, that it must be expected frequently to pass unjust and pernicious laws. This restraining power was therefore essentially neces- sary. It would have the effect not only of hindering the final passage of such laws, but would discourage demagogues from attempting to get them passed." Hamilton in the " Federalist " ^ takes precisely the view of Colonel Mason. In one place he refers to '^ the case for which it is chiefly designed, that of an immediate attack upon the constitutional rights of the Executive," and in another to " the propensity of the Legislative department to intrude upon the rights and to absorb the powers of the other departments," but he also says : — The power in question has a further use. It not only serves as a shield to the Executive, but it furnishes an additional security against the enaction of improper laws. It establishes a salutary check upon the legislative body, calculated to guard the commun- ity against the effects of faction, precipitancy, or of any impulse unfriendly to the pulilic good, which may happen to influence a majority of that body. 1 July 21, 1787. 2 No. lxxui. 230 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY He thought that '' the negative would generally, be employed with great caution," and maintained "that there would be greater danger of his not using the power when necessary than of his using it too often or too much." Such was the commonly accepted theory of the veto power when the Constitution went into operation. The President was armed with a power to resist encroachment on his consti- tutional rights, and that power might also be employed to defeat bad laws. The early Presidents — in fact, no President before Andrew Johnson — were not forced to use it to resist encroachments upon the constitutional rights of the Executive. They interpreted the phrase "bad law^s" to mean only uncon- stitutional measures, and measures obviously objectionable be- cause passed without due consideration. Washington vetoed only two bills during his eight years of service. The first of them was an apportionment bill based on the first census. He was urged to disapprove the bill not only because it was — in the view of Jetferson, but not in that of Hamilton — vio- lative of the Constitution, but in order to assert a power which the people might come to believe was never to be exercised. The other bill was hastily drawn and self-contradictory in one clause. Neither John Adams nor Jefferson vetoed any bill. Madison sent in six vetoes in eight years, — four on the ground of unconstitutionality, or because — among other reasons — it "introduces an unsuitable relation of members of the Judiciary Department to a discretionary authority of the Executive Department " — virtually a constitutional objection; and the sixth because of a defect in drafting. Monroe, in eight years, vetoed one bill only, — an " internal improve- ments " bill, — and that on the ground that it was unconstitu- tional. John Quincy Adams, although dealing with a Congress politically hostile to him, did not once exercise the power. Andrew Jackson vetoed nine bills. Six of them were ob- jected to as being repugnant to the Constitution. The others did not commend themselves to him as being wise. He was thus the first to treat the constitutional power of veto as one which authorized the President to interpose his judgment on a question of public policy to defeat a congressional enactment. No doubt he had ample warrant in the text of the Constitu- tion and in the opinions of its original interpreters for holding that he possessed authority so to do. Jackson was also the first to employ the "pocket" veto, but he did not employ it THE EVOLUTION OF THE PRESIDENCY 231 in the same way as became habitual with later Presidents. In 1812 Madison returned to Congress a bill which was submit- ted to him too late in the previous session to be returned with his objections. That, therefore, was the first approach to a '* pocket" veto. Jackson, in like manner, sent a message to the Senate, in 1833, giving the reasons why he had not approved a bill submitted to him just before the close of the previous session. The next year he incorporated in his annual message his reasons for not approving another bill which reached him too late for his consideration. Still later, he prepared a message giving his objections to another bill, submitted under similar circumstances ; but that message he never sent to Congress, but filed it with the Secretary of State. In none of these cases was there anything irregular, or anything to which even a violent partisan could take exception. It is not the duty of a President to sign a bill to which he has objections, if Congress has not given him the full time for consideration allowed by the Consti- tution. If the bill fails it is the fault of Congress. In these early cases the President made public, and in every instance ex- cept the last mentioned he sent to Congress, his reasons for dis- approval. That formality is not observed in the modern prac- tice of the pocket veto. The President does not sign the bill ; he does not give reasons for withholding his approval. He had no opportunity to do so before adjournment. Whether the spirit of the Constitution would be better observed if he were to communicate his objections to Congress at the ensuing ses- sion, is a fair question for argument. But the practice, ac- quiesced in for many years, has taken the question out of the realm of practical politics. Van Buren's only veto was a pocket veto of a harmless resolution which was submitted to him after the final adjourn- ment of Congress, and which was not attested as required by the Constitution. Even Tyler, having to consider the legisla- tion of a Congress angrily hostile to him, vetoed but eight bills — two of them pocket vetoes like those of Jackson. That is to say the bills were returned to Congress with objections at the session following that when they were passed. To be sure the vetoes by Tyler were most important, dealing as they did with the tariff, the custody of the public revenues, and such matters. Five of his vetoes were based on constitutional objec- tions. The record of his successors up to the outbreak of the Civil War was as follows : Polk vetoed three bills, two of 232 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY them for constitutional reasons ; Fillmore, none ; Pierce ten, eight for constitutional reasons; ^ IJuchanan seven, four for constitutional reasons. There is no record of any "pocket" ve- toes, in the sense that the President left a bill unsigned and said nothing about it. In two instances, declining to sign he filed his reasons with the Secretary of State ; in the other cases he sent the bill back with his objections at the beginning of the next session. A summary of the use of the power in the seventy-two years from Washington to Lincoln shows a total of forty-seven vetoes, of which thirty-one were based on the opinion of the President that the proposed measure was unconstitutional. About one half of the others were on unimportant matters, involving no principle, and the objection was rather to the form than to the substance of the bill or resolution returned for reconsideration. But the Presidents, on occasion, did not hesitate to take the ground that they were entitled to make their judgment as to the expediency of a measure a valid " objection " under the terms of the Constitution. Tyler claimed that right, in his message of September 9, 1841, vetoing the " Fiscal corpora- tion" bill. Pierce, in his veto of the French Spoliation Claims bill, in February, 1855, entered into an argument on the sub- ject : — While the Constitution thus confers on the legislative bodies the complete power of legislation in all cases, it proceeds, in the spirit of justice, to provide for the protection of the responsibility of tlie President. It does not compel him to alRx the signature of approval to any bill unless it actually have his approbation ; for while it requires him to sign if he approve, it, in my judgment, imposes i;j)on him the duty of witldioldiug his signature if he do not approve. In the execution of his official duty in this respect he is not to perform a merely mechanical part, but is to decide and act according to conscientious convictions of the rightfulness or wrongfulness of the proposed law. In a matter as to which he is doubtful in his owi\ mind he may well defer to the majority of the two Houses. . . . When, however, he entertains a decisive and fixed conclusion, not merely of the unconstitutionality, but of the im- projiriety, or injustice in other respects of any measure, if he de- clares that he approves it he is false to his oath, and he deliberately disregards his constitutional obligation. 1 The most of Polk's and Pierce's vetoes were aimed at bills which violated the Democratic doctrine that the Constitution gave no power to use the pub- lic money for purposes of "internal improvement." THE EVOLUTION OF THE PRESIDENCY 233 Enough has been said to show that for more than seventy years the Presidents acted upon the principles laid down in the Federalist that the veto power was to be employed rarely and with caution ; that it was granted chiefly for the defence of the Constitution against encroachment ; Ijut that it might also be exercised to prevent the enactment of bad laws, and of laws inspired by partisanship. Lincoln vetoed tAvo bills — one because he had already signed one accomplishing the same purpose — and one joint resolution — a " pocket" veto — because, in correcting an error in legis- lation it left other errors in the same act uncorrected. The ad- vent of Mr, Johnson marked the beginning of a new era. He, and all Presidents since his time, interpreted the clause giving the veto power far more liberally than any of their predecessors. They have offset their own judgment against that of Congress not merely on great questions involving the public welfare, and on disputed constitutional questions, but on trivial matters whereon their means of information are not greater or better than those at the command of Congress, and whereon their in- dividual judgment does not appear to be superior to that of the average congressman or senator. Two examples, among a great number that might be cited, will suffice. President Harrison, in 1890, returned a bill authorizing the city of Ogden, Utah — Utah was then a Territory — to increase its municipal debt. He thought the measure Avas "unwise," and perhaps it was. But is it the duty of a President to busy himself with such trumpery matters ? President Cleveland once vetoed a resolu- tion providing for the printing of additional copies of a certain map of the United States, on the ground that a better map would soon be available. The intimate participation of the Presidents in legislation in recent times is seen in the follow- ing record : President Johnson vetoed 22 bills ; President Grant, 47; President Hayes, 11; President Arthur, 4; President Cleveland, 346,^ beside 12 pocket vetoes ; President Harrison, 17 ; President McKinley, 5 ; President Roosevelt, 40. It will be observed that Mr. Cleveland in his first term vetoed more than six times as many bills as were returned by all the Pres- idents from 1789 to 1865, — seventy-six years. The foregoing review of the history of the veto power indi- cates that there has been a distinct change in the theory and practice of Presidents. As at present understood it is much 1 305 in his first term, — most of them pension bills. 234 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY more than a weapon put in the hands of the Executive to de- fend himself against legislative encroachment ; much more than a revisory power to prevent violations of the Constitution ; much more than a security against laws due to " faction, pre- cipitancy, or any impulse unfriendly to the public good." It has become a general revisory power, which is applied to all the legislation of Congress, Avhether important or not, whether concerning public laws or private and personal interests. Some Presidents use the power more frequently and more meticu- lously than others, but they all use it to the fullest extent, and upon the most trivial matter, when so minded. The question has been frequently discussed whether the veto of the President is a legislative power. Von Hoist says it is not, because the Constitution declares that " all legislative power herein granted is vested " in Congress. That seems a little like begging the question. At any rate it assumes that an inconsistency in the Constitution is impossible and unthink- able. Is it not reasonable to hold that the veto power as Hamilt-on understood it, and as all the Presidents, not even excepting Jackson, understood it until after the Civil War, was not a legislative power ; but as understood and practised to-day it does make the President in effect a third member of the legislative body ? That question can best be considered in connection with the extension of the President's exercise of power in the third general direction. The Constitution, in its general enumeration of the functions which it assigns to the President, provides : — He shall from time to time give to the Congress information of the state of the Union, and recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient. There was not one word of debate on this clause at any time in the Convention of 1787. The Federalist makes no comment whatever upon it. Kent merely quotes the clause, without re- mark. Story, although he enlarges on the subject, uses color- less language : — The first part, relative to the President's giving information and recommending measures to Congress, is so consonant with the structm'B of the executive departments of the colonial and State governments, with the usage and practice of other free govern- ments, with the general convenience of Congress, and with a due THE EVOLUTION OF THE PRESIDEXCY 235 share of responsibility on the part of the executive, that it may well be presumed to be above all real objection. From the nature and duties of the executive department he must possess more ex- tensive sources of information, as well in regard to domestic as foreign affairs, than can belong to Congress. The true working of the laws ; the defects in the nature or ai'rangenients of the general systems of trade, finance, and justice ; and the military, naval, and civil establishments of the Union, are more readily seen and more constantly under the view of the executive than they can possibly be of any other department. There is great wisdom, therefore, in not merely allowing, but in requiring the President to lay before Congress all facts and information which may assist their delib- erations ; and in enabling him at once to point out the evil and to suggest the remedy. He is thus justly made responsible not merely for a due administration of the existing systems, but for due diligence and examination into the means for improving them. It is not intended, in a discussion of the extension of the President's power under this clause, any more than in a consid- eration of the power of removal from office, and of the veto power, to suggest that any President has gone a step further than is permissible under a strict literal interpretation of the Constitution ; but rather to signalize the extension that has taken place, and to note its effect upon the system of govern- ment. As in the other two cases tlie change has been gradual and has not been seriously opposed by Congress. The enlarge- ment of the President's power has, in each case, been at the expense of Congress. It was an "encroachment," in the sense that it was not what the framers of the Constitutio.i in- tended when they defined the limits of the three departments ; and yet, as being strictly permissible under the language of the Constitution, it could not have been successfully resisted by Congress. As in the former cases we should naturally begin by detail- ing the practice of the earliest Presidents. But in order so to illustrate fully the change that has taken place it would be necessary to make copious extracts from the messages of those Presidents. Suffice it here to say that they put the simplest and most natural interpretation on the power conferred on them. They gave information of the state of the Union and recom- mended measures — which they understood to be subjects — for the consideration of Congress. One paragraph from a mes- sage of James Madison will indicate what is meant. 236 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY A revision of the militia laws for the purpose of rendering them more systematic and better adapting them to emergencies of the war, is at this time particularly desirable. It must be left to those who are sufficiently interested in the evolution of our government, to study comparatively the tone and general character of the recommendations by the Presidents in the first fifty years of our national history, and in the last twenty years. In the earlier messages the attention of Congress was called to certain defects in existing laws, or to the need of new laws on other subjects, and it was left to the wisdom of Congress to frame enactments on those and other points. The modern system is to discuss the defects or the requirements in great detail, to argue upon the necessary remedy, including safeguards and exceptions, and virtually to insist that the case shall be met in a way precisely indicated, — if not, that a veto will be launched at the bill agreed upon by Congress. The practice of recommending to Congress measures in a definite form — complete schemes of legislation which must be passed as indicated by the executive, or not passed at all, save as may be agreed upon between the executive and the legislative departments in minor details, which may be the subject of compromise — that practice is supplemented by an- other. The President now feels it to be his privilege, nay, his duty, to bring pressure to bear upon Congress, that is to say upon certain congressmen. He invites them to call upon him to discuss the terms of the bills which he has recommended. He indicates to them what is and what is not admissible. Cer- tain senators and representatives are recognized in the two Houses as spokesmen for the President. Others, men of the President's political party, who oppose a presidential measure as a whole, or certain features of it, are invited to the White House, and listen to the President's reasons for urging his policy. The President is the sole dispenser of public offices. Long custom has made it a rule that senators and members of the ruling party shall be consulted, shall even be permitted, to suggest the names of proper persons, when officers are to be appointed in their State or district. There is not the least evidence that any President ever intimated even vaguely that the privilege of designating officers would be withdrawn or curtailed in the case of any senator or representative who might oppose the President on any matter on which he had THE EVOLUTION OF THE PRESIDENCY 237 set his heart. Nor, without evidence, is there any reason to suspect that any President ever did so. But that does not signify that the fear of losing " patronage " plays no part in the campaign which modern Presidents carry on to promote the success of their policies. Politicians in office are not the boldest of men. A senator taking his seat for the first time is not above shaping his course with a view to his election again six years later. It is not necessary to threaten a man with the loss of patronage if he is so constructed as to fear that he will lose it if he sets his will against that of the President. The executive has still another weapon. He has the power to summon Congress in extraordinary session. He can say — of course privately and unofficially — that unless Congress shall pass this bill or that, he will call the two Houses to meet again. Whether this weapon has ever been used or not can- not be asserted with confidence. It has been reported, with how much or how little truth is unknown. But the use of it is possible. It has been employed more than once by another executive — the governor of New York. Indeed it would not be difficult to sustain the proposition that the extension of executive power and influence which we are here considering, was imported into Washington by those who had filled the executive chair at Albany. The country saw little or none of it before the time of Mr. Cleveland, and it did not see very much of it then. Mr. Cleveland carried with him to the chief place in the national government the New York governor's idea of the veto power and of the proper use of it. Instances might be cited, if it Avas worth while, of his interpo- sition to an unusual extent — which signifies neither an un- constitutional nor even an improper extent — to secure the enactment of legislation which he desired. And the readiness of senators and members to heed the wishes of a President even when doing so involves political inconsistency, can be seen in the votes of avowed free silver men on the bill to repeal the Silver-Purchase act, in 1893. Wliat Mr. Cleveland did occa- sionally, Mr. Roosevelt did frequently, almost constantly. Congress, the men of his own party, were not in favor of many of the measures he wished to be passed. It is not too much to say that he extorted their consent to many of them, and en- deavored persistently but in vain to obtain their consent to the rest. He sent an unprecedented number of special messages in advocacy of his policies, many of them covering each but a sin- 238 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY gle subject, in which the nature and form of the legislation desired were elaborated as systematically and with as much detail, as would be employed by a senator in a three-days speech. He urged members individually and in groups, who were invited to meet him in his office at the White House, to support those measures. He gave to the press statements of his position on pending legislation. Did such an exercise of his office constitute him a third branch of the legislative department ? That question is not to be answered by saying that the early Presidents recommended measures to Congress and vetoed objectionable bills passed by Congress, yet that they certainly did not constitute themselves a coordinate branch of the legislative department, and in fact were not ; and that Mr. Roosevelt only did more frequently, more in detail, and more by the use of his personal force and his official position than they did. Each branch of the legisla- ture — in this case Congress — originates measures, considers them clause by clause as to their specific provisions, and passes or rejects them. When the two branches do not agree upon details the matter is decided by a committee of conference. In a very real sense a President who presses upon Congress meas- ures in which he is interested, in the manner of recent Presid- ents, exercises every power in legislation which is conferred by the Constitution on the two Houses of Congress. He origin- ates measures and gives them definite form. It is true they can go no further unless one or the other House of Congress takes them up. But neither does a bill introduced in the Sen- ate or the House of Representatives, and passed by that body, get further unless the other branch agrees to it. The White House meetings for the discussion of specific provisions and amendments correspond to the committees of conference ; and finally the President, by his approval or veto, takes action Avhich is identical with the passage or rejection of a bill by one of the Houses of Congress. If it be said that the President does not interpose in all cases, with respect to all the measures acted upon by Congress, before both branches have agreed and have sent the bill to him for his approval, it may be replied on the other hand that hundreds of House bills are passed by the Senate, and hundreds of Senate bills are passed by the House of Representatives, in the same perfunctory way that the Pre- sident affixes his signature to them after both branches have passed them. As a matter of fact, since the veto power has THE EVOLUTION OF THE PRESIDENCY 239 been regarded as a power to be employed whenever the Presid- ent's judgment of the wisdom or the expediency of a measure contravenes that of Congress — this in connection with his in- timate participation in the origination and definite construction of measures, and also with his public and personal activity in the promotion of those measures — the President is a potent factor in legislation, and in effect, though not nominally, as really a branch of the legislative department as either House of Congress. That is the chief development of the presidential office. It has taken place without opposition, one may even say without observation. Opposition, indeed, would have been in vain, for there is no suggestion here that any violation of the language of the Constitution has been committed in anything that the recent Presidents have done. Whether there has been a viola- tion of the spirit of the Constitution is another matter ; and on that point the present author goes no further than to say that the framers of the Constitution seem not to have anticipated the development of the office which we have witnessed, and that the Presidents for nearly a hundred years made no move- ment toward such an expansion of their office. The justification for the change, if it is to be justified, lies in the contention that in modern times the executi\ ■ of the State or the nation is placed, in popular estimation, and by the popular will, in the position of a leader. He is expected to do things, and to get things done. Our legislatures and Congress are leaderless, in the sense that there are no leaders possessing authority, no leaders whom the rank and file of the party fol- low. The party system is by no means the perfect machine it is in most countries having a parliamentary government. Just as we were beginning to develop a system whereby the Speaker was the party leader in the House of Representatives, and leadership in the Senate was in the hands of the veterans who constituted a "steering committee," there was a revolt against both. The power of the Speaker was annulled ; and first insurgency and then the defeat or death of the Senate veterans, abolished leadership altogether and reestablished anarchy. That is not precisely the argument that has been ofTered to justify the assumption of leadership by the executive. Nor has any President deemed it necessary or worth while to justify it, or even to intimate that he regarded himself as a leader. But 240 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY it would be idle to deny that modern democracies no less than those of the ancient world crave leaders. There is no explana- tion of the springing up and growth of the " boss " system, or of the power which self-chosen bosses exert in politics, which does not rest in the last analysis on the willingness, even the eagerness of the multitude to follow strong men, and to seek for a new leader though he may not be a strong man, when, the old leader dies or retires. The principle upon which the assumption of leadership by an elected executive in a republican state, founded on a separa- tion of the three departments of government, was explained and advocated by the Hon. Charles E. Hughes, now a justice of the Supreme Court of the United States, in an oration before the Phi Beta Kappa of Harvard College, June 30, 1910.1 ]y[r_ Hughes was the Governor of New York — another governor of that State, it will be observed — and was one who had carried the theory of leadership by the executive further, perhaps, than any of his predecessors. For he had urged his measures upon the legislature in definite form, and when his recommendations were disregarded had called the legislature back to Albany and, strengthened by public sentiment, had practically forced the legislative department to yield to the executive. His argument is here given in full : — In considering the trend of our democracy we cannot fail to note at the present time the tendency to increase the relative import- ance and influence of the executive department, the difficulty of maintaining party coherence, and the larger measure of direct con- trol exercised by the people over the instrumentalities of govern- ment. The scope of administration has increased rapidly during the past few years, not only with respect to the multiplication of the demands traditionally associated with it, but also in the provision that has been made to secure adequate supervision of activities related to the public interest. This extension of administrative burdens and facilities would of itself enhance in public estima- tion the importance of the chief administrators in Nation and State. But the aggrandizement of the Executive is not to be accounted for simply in this way. It is rather that out of the conflicts be- tween competing interests or districts the Executive emerges as the representative of the people as a whole. Within the State, for example, each representative in the Legislature is endeavoring to 1 Harvard Graduates'' Magazine, September, 1910. THE EVOLUTION OF THE PRESIDENCY 241 obtain something for his own district in order that he may stand well at home. He naturally looks at every general question with more regard to his political fortunes than with respect to the opin- ion or the interest of the State as a whole. It is well, of course, that each district should have its interests well represented. But in this rivalry of purely local concerns, a proper perspective with regard to matters of general policy is often lost. The general senti- ment must find a voice, and in the course of our experience the people have come to look to the Chief Executive for that voice. By his authority to recommend measures which he believes to be of general importance, and by his freedom to support his recom- mendations with argument and appeal, he commands a position of influence which is not embarrassed by district limitations. Having this opportunity, he is necessarily under the obligations which it imposes, and when there is a preponderant sentiment in favor of a measure or policy believed to be just, the people look to the Executive to speak in their behalf and to present that measure or policy as cogently as he may within the limits of his constitu- tional authority. This is the result of the natural demand for lead- ership which the functions of the office afford. It also carries with it direct accountability to the people, and in fact is only a phase of the tendency toward a greater measure of direct popular control. The Executive is elected as a candidate of a political party, and represents the policies of his party. He is, however, more than a party leader. The loyalty of the people, irrespective of party, to- w^ard their government, which he in its chief office so largely per- sonifies, tends to establish a relation between the Executive and the people at large quite distinct from that which he sustains to his party. Here again there come into play the influences resulting from the extension of administration and the demand on the part of the community for proper standards of administrative conduct. There is a wide field of executive action in which partisan ques- tions have no place. Good administration is impartial, and with respect to it the matters as to which our citizens differ are of small account compared to those as to which they agree. In the just and honorable conduct of public affairs the Executive finds the oppor- tunity, as well as the duty, faithfully to represent the common sentiment. But assuming that improper methods are not used, the Execu- tive is strong in meeting the responsibilities thus assigned to him, only as he does in fact represent public opinion. As the people are entitled to look to him to lead, he is entitled to look to the people for support. Upon public opinion his leadership depends, and in fair appeal he finds the strongest instrument at his command. 242 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY Thus, within his constitutional limitations, the influence of the Executive broadens and, -while wholesome and beneficial results may be secured, he enjoys no arbitrary power, for he is constantly under the check of public criticism and the common sentiment, which he ignores at his peril. The theory is easily understood, and Mr. Justice Hughes has put it clearly and cogently. But after all is it not the ar- gument for government by a " good despot " ? If despots had all been good, mankind would never have invented and estab- lished republics. Moreover there is in the passage above quoted a certain amount of unproved assumption. "The people have come to look to the Chief Executive " to represent the general sentiment ? Is it not rather that the Chief Executive has been the agent in creating the idea that he is their proper leader ; and is not that the way it has always been when a nation was preparing itself for a dictator ? There seems also to be an assumption which experience does not justify in the suggestion that the Chief Executive knows by some process of intuition what is the popular sentiment and the popular desire, and that, knowing it, he will infallibly en- deavor to secure the triumph of that sentiment and the fruition of that desire. Have we not had perverse governors and self- willed Presidents ? History tells us that Executives have often been wofully deceived as to the wishes of their people, and that other Executives, strong in their own convictions, and confident of their own opinions, have withstood public sentiment of which they were fully conscious. Nor is it quite true that a governor or President setting himself up as a leader "is constantly under the check of public criticism and the common sentiments which he ignores at his peril." For he has been elected for a definite term, and can continue to defy public criticism, unless he is moved to follow, as well as to di- rect, public opinion in order to win a reelection. It can hardly be denied that the aim of every true republican government, and of every government by a constitutional monarchy, is to avoid giving great power of leadership into the hands of one man. That is so obvious that it requires no argu- ment and no citation of examples. If it be admitted it follows that " the aggrandizement of the Executive " is a departure from the universally accepted policy of free governments, upon the road that leads toward despotism. It is not — at all events THE EVOLUTION OF THE PRESIDENCY 243 — in accordance with the noble principle enunciated in the Constitution of Massachusetts : — In the government of this commonwealth, the legislative depart- ment shall never exercise the executive and judicial powers, or either of them; the executive shall never exercise the legislative and judicial powers, or either of them ; the judicial shall never ex- ercise the legislative and executive powers, or either of them : to the end it may be a government of laws and not of men. The development of the presidency into a national leader- ship has naturally brought about another change — a change which had a beginning before the final evolution we have been considering, but has been greatly accentuated in most recent times. Prior to the time of President Andrew Johnson it is doubtful if any President in office ever made a political har- angue to 3 party or a miscellaneous audience. All the Presi- dents, from Washington onward, were accustomed to travel over the country and to make patriotic and non-partisan ad- dresses. The sentiment that a candidate for the office, who might soon be the President of all parties, should refrain from everything of the nature of stump speaking, was also preval- ent, but in process of time was rather weakly held. Mr. Blaine, in 1884, was the first prominent candidate who made an exten- sive stumping tour. Since then, as has been shown in the pre- ceding chapters, it has become the regular and ordinary practice of candidates to spend nearly all the time between nomination and election day, in touring the country, addressing great audiences in the cities, and showing themselves to throngs of admiring supporters from the rear platform of a railway car at every stopping-place. In the canvass of 1912, which is not discussed in detail there was an intensive modification of the custom, for the candidates for party nomination, including a President and an ex-President, engaged in " whirlwind " cam- paigns in many States, in competition for the favor of the National Conventions. It results from the situation that has been created that a President possesses and exercises a power transcending that of any hereditary monarch of a constitutional government, at the same time that by his direct and intimate association with the people — "the common people," he may be the most demo- cratic of sovereigns. Among all the unique creations of the Amer- ican Constitution there is nothing more remarkable than the presidency as it exists in the Twentieth Century. 244 A HISTORY OF THE PRESIDENCY Has the presidency reached its ultimate development ? That is a question for the future. But if we can take a lesson from history the tentative answer must be in the negative. It is the teaching of experience that power always tends to its own in- crease, at the expense of a weaker power. It has taken cen- turies for the British House of Commons to rise from its feeble beginnings to its present supremacy over King and Lords, the elder estates of the realm. Butj it has risen by successive steps and has never lost an advantage once gained. The history of the speakership of our own House of Representatives is a case closely in point. Originally the Speaker was merely a presiding officer without special authority of any sort. It was deemed unbecoming in him to show any partisan leaning in his action in the chair. But when a strong man was made Speaker he as- sumed certain powers, and the House did not resent his so doing. His successor, who might not be a strong man, claimed and exercised all the authority he inherited. So it went on until another Speaker, endowed with a capacity for leadership, and with ambition, came to the chair. Thus the Speaker became more and more a party leader and a controlling power in the House. Henry Clay was the first to take a long step in that direction. The progress was not great but was gradual for thirty or forty years, mainly because the speakers were not generally men of great force. But consider the development of the powers of the Speaker under Colfax, Blaine, Carlisle, Reed, and Cannon. It was so great that it produced a revolution. So it has been with the presidency. Changed but little in the first forty years, it was transformed into a potent force in the government by Jackson. None of his successors has yielded a particle of power which Jackson claimed and exercised. In the foregoing pages the successive steps have been outlined by which the Presidents have increased their power and influence in the government. In no instance has there been a surrender of anything previously gained, or a recurrence to earlier stand- ards. President Roosevelt carried his conception of the powers and prerogatives of his office to the highest point yet reached. The administration which is in progress as this is written makes use, as a matter of right, of all the powers, all the methods by which President Roosevelt imposed his will upon the government. The Constitution is still adaptable to the emergencies that will arise, and there will still be masterful men at the head of THE EVOLUTION OF THE PRESIDENCY 245 affairs. Fortunately there are and will still be wise and fore- seeing men who will not suffer the people to be led blindfold, and who will guard the country from permitting too large a share of the government to fall to any man — for in that direction lies the danger to American liberty. THE END APPENDIX CONVENTIONS, CANDIDATES, AND PLATFORMS, CANVASS OF 1912 Socialist-Labor Party Convention, held at New York, April 7 Candidates For President, Arthur E. Reimer, of Massachusetts. For Vice-President, August Gillhaus, of New York. Platform The Socialist Labor Party of the United States of America in National Convention assembled in New York on April 10, 1912, re-affirming its previous platform pronouncements, and in accord with the International Socialist Movement, declares : — Social conditions, as illustrated by the events that crowded into the last four years, have ripened so fast that each and all the prin- ciples, hitherto proclaimed by the Socialist Labor Party, and all and each the methods, that the Socialist Labor Party has hitherto advocated, stand to-day most conspicuously demonstrated. The capitalist social system has wrought its own destruction. Its leading exponents, the present incumbent in the presidential chair, and his "illustrious predecessor," however seemingly at war with each other on principles, cannot conceal the identity of their political views. The oligarchy proclaimed by the tenets of the one, the monarchy proclaimed by the tenets of the other, jointly proclaim the conviction of the foremost men in the ruling class that the republic of capital is at the end of its tether. True to the economic laws from which Socialism proceeds, dom- inant wealth has to such an extent concentrated into the hands of a select few, the plutocracy, that the lower layers of the capitalist class feel driven to the ragged edge, while the large majority of the people, the working class, are being submerged. True to the sociologic laws, by the light of which Socialism reads its forecasts, the plutocracy is breaking through its republic- democratic shell and is stretching out its hands towards absolutism in government ; the property-holding layers below it are turning at bay; the proletariat is awakening to its consciousness of class, and thereby to the perception of its historic mission. 248 APPENDIX In the midst of this hurly-burly, all the colors of the rainbow are being projected upon the social mists from the prevalent confusion of thought. From the lower layers of the capitalist class the bolder, yet fool- hardy, portion bluntly demands that " the trust be smashed." Even if the trust could, it should not be smashed ; even if it should, it-cannot. The law of social progress pushes towards a sys- tem of production that shall crown the efforts of man, without arduous toil, with an abundance of the necessaries for material existence, to the end of allowing leisure for mental and spiritual expansion. The trust is a mechanical contrivance wherewith to solve the problem. To smash the contrivance were to re-introduce the days of small-fry competition, and set back the hands on the dial of Time. The mere thought is foolhardy. He who under- takes the feat might as well brace himself against the cascade of Niagara. The cascade of social evolution would whelm him. The less bold among the smaller property-holding element pro- poses to " curb " the trust with a variety of schemes. The very forces of social evolution that propel the development of the trust stamp the " curbing " schemes, whether political or economic, as childish. They are attempts to hold back a runaway horse by the tail. The laws by which the attempt has been tried strew the path of the runaway. They are splintered to pieces with its kicks, and serve only to furnish a livelihood for the corporation and the anti- corporation lawyer. From still lower layers of the same property-holding class, social layers that have sniffed the breath of Socialism and imagine them- selves Socialist, comes the iridescent theory of capturing the trust for the people by the ballot only. The " capture of the trust for the people " implies the social revolution. To imply the social revolution with the ballot only, without the means to enforce the ballot's fiat, in case of reaction's attempt to override it, is to fire blank cartridges at a foe. It is worse. It is to threaten his exist- ' ence without the means to carry out the threat. Threats of revo- lution, without provisions to carry them out, result in one of two things only — either the leaders are bought out, or the revolution- ary class, to which the leaders appeal and which they succeed in drawing after themselves, are led like cattle to the shambles. The Commune disaster of France stands a monumental warning against the blunder. An equally iridescent hue of the rainbow is projected from a still lower layer, a layer that lies almost wholly within the sub- merged class — the theory of capturing the trust for the working class with the fist only. The capture of the trust for the people implies something else besides revolution. It implies revolution APPENDIX 249 carried on by the masses. For reasons parallel to those that decree the day of small-fry competition gone by, mass-revolutionary con- spiracy is, to-day, an impossibility. The trust-holding plutocracy may successfully put through a conspiracy of physical force. The smallness of its numbers makes a successful conspiracy possible on its part. The hugeness of the numbers requisite for a revolution against the trust-holding plutocracy excludes conspiracy from the arsenal of the revolution. The idea of capturing the trust with physical force only is a wild chimera. Only two programmes — the programme of the plutocracy and the programme of the Socialist Labor Party — grasp the situation. The political state, another name for the class state, is worn out in this the leading capitalist nation of the world, most promin- ently. The industrial or socialist state is throbbing for birth. The political state, being a class state, is government separate and apart from the productive energies of the people ; it is government mainly for holding the ruled class in subjection. The industrial or socialist state, being the denial of the class state, is government that is part and parcel of the productive energies of the people. As their functions are different, so are the structures of the two states different. The structure of the political state contemplates territorial " representation " only ; the structure of the industrial state con- templates representation of industries, or useful occupations only. The economic or industrial evolution has reached that point where the political state no longer can maintain itself under the forms of democracy. While the plutocracy has relatively shrunk, the enemies it has raised against itself have become too numerous to be dallied with. What is still worse, obedient to the law of its own existence the political state has been forced not merely to multiply enemies against itself; it has been forced to recruit and group the bulk of these enemies, the revolutionary bulk, at that. The working class of the land, the historically revolutionary element, is grouped by the leading occupations, agricultural as well as industrial, in such manner that the " autonomous craft union," one time the palladium of the workers, has become a harmless scarecrow upon which the capitalist birds roost at ease, while the industrial unions cast ahead of them the constituencies of the government of the future, and, jointly, point to the indus- trial state. Nor yet is this all. Not only has the political state raised its own enemies ; not only has itself multiplied them ; not only has itself recruited and drilled them ; not only has itself grouped them into shape and form to succeed it ; it is, furthermore, driven by its inherent necessities, prodding on the revolutionary class by 250 APPENDIX digging ever more fiercely into its flanks the harpoon of exploita- tion. With the purchasing power of wages sinking to ever lower depths ; with certainty of work hanging on ever slenderer threads ; with an ever more gigantically swelling army of the unemployed ; with the need of profits pressing the plutocracy harder and harder recklessly to squander the workers' limbs and life ; what with all this and the parallel process of merging the workers of all indus- tries into one interdependent solid mass, the final break-up is rendered inevitable, and at hand. No wild schemes and no rainbow-chasing will stead in the ap- proaching emergency. The plutocracy knows this — and so does the Socialist Labor Party — and logical is the programme of each. The programme of the plutocracy is feudalic Autocracy, trans- lated into capitalism. Where a social revolution is pending, and, for whatever reason, is not enforced, reaction is the alternative. The programme of the Socialist Labor Party is revolution — the Industrial or Socialist Republic, the social order where the political state is overthrown ; where the Congress of the land con- sists of the representatives of the useful occupations of the land ; where, accordingly, government is an essential factor in produc- tion ; where the blessings to man that the trust is instinct with are freed from the trammels of the private ownership that now turn the potential blessings into a curse ; where, accordingly abundance can be the patrimony of all who work ; and the shackles of wage slavery are no more. In keeping with the goals of the different programmes are the means for their execution. The means in contemplation by reaction is the bayonet. To this end reaction is seeking, by means of the police spy and other agencies, to lash the proletariat into acts of violence that may give a color to the resort to the bayonet. By its manoeuvres, it is egging the working class on to deeds of fury. The capitalist press echoes the policy, while the pure and simple political Socialist party press, generally, is snared into the trap. On the contrary, the means firmly adhered to by the Socialist Labor Party is the constitutional method of political action, backed by the industrially and class-consciously organized proletariat, to the exclusion of anarchy and all that thereby hangs. At such a critical period in the nation's existence the Socialist Labor Party calls upon the working class of America, more delib- erately serious than ever before, to rally at the polls under the Party's banner. And the Party also calls upon all intelligent citi- zens to place themselves squarely upon the ground of working-class interests, and join us in this mighty and noble work of human APPENDIX 251 emancipation, so that we may put summary end to the existing bar- barous class conflict by placing the land and all the means of pro- duction, transportation, and distribution into the hands of the people as a collective body, and substituting for the present state of planless production, industrial war, and social disorder, the Socialist or In- dustrial Commonwealth — a commonwealth in which every worker shall have the free exercise and full benefit of his faculties, multi- plied by all the modern factors of civilization. Socialist Party Convention, held at Indianapolis, May 12 Candidates For President, Eugene V. Debs, of Illinois. For Vice-President, Emil Seidel, of Wisconsin. Platform The representatives of the Socialist Party, in National Conven- tion at Indianapolis, declare that the capitalist system has outgrown its historical function, and has become utterly incapable of meeting the problems now confronting society. We denounce this outgrown system as incompetent and corrupt and the source of unspeakable misery and suffering to the whole working class. Under this system the industrial equipment of the Nation has passed into the absolute control of plutocracy, which exacts an an- nual tribute of hundreds of millions of dollars from the producers. Unafraid of any organized resistance, it stretches out its greedy hands over the still undeveloped resources of the Nation — the land, the mines, the forests and the water-powers of every State in the Union. In spite of the multiplication of labor-saving machines and im- proved methods in industry, which cheapen the cost of production, the share of the producers grows ever less, and the prices of all the necessities of life steadily increase. The boasted prosperity of this Nation is for the owning class alone. To the rest it means only greater hardship and misery. The high cost of living is felt in every home. Millions of wage-workers have seen the purchasing power of their wages decrease until life has become a desperate battle for mere existence. ]\Iultitudes of unemployed walk the streets of our cities or trudge from State to State awaiting the will of the masters to move the wheels of industry. The farmers in every State are plundered by the increasing prices exacted for tools and machinery and by extortionate rent, freight rates, and storage charges. 252 APPENDIX Capitalist concentration is mercilessly crushing the class of small business men and driving its members into the ranks of property- less wage-workers. The overwhelming majority of the people of America are being forced under a yoke of bondage by this soul- less industrial despotism. It is this capitalist system that is responsible for the increasing burden of armaments, the poverty, slums, child labor, most of the insanity, crime, and prostitution, and much of the disease that afflicts mankind. Under this system the working class is exposed to poisonous con- ditions, to frightful and needless perils to life and limb, is walled around with court decisions, injunctions, and unjust laws, and is preyed upon incessantly for the benefit of the controlling oligarchy of wealth. Under it, also, the children of the working class are doomed to ignorance, drudging toil, and darkened lives. In the face of these evils, so manifest that all thoughtful ob- servers are appalled at them, the legislative representatives of the Republican and Democratic parties remain the faithful servants of the oppressors. Measures designed to secure to the wage-earners of this Nation as humane and just treatment as is already enjoyed by the wage-earners of all other civilized nations have been smothered in committee without debate, and laws ostensibly designed to bring relief to the farmers and general consumers are juggled and trans- formed into instruments for the exaction of further tribute. The growing unrest under oppression has driven these two old parties to the enactment of a variety of regulative measures, none of which has limited in any appreciable degree the power of the plutocracy, and some of which have been converted into means for increasing that power. Anti-trust laws, railroad restrictions and regulations, with the prosecutions, indictments, and investigations based upon such legislation, have proved to be utterly futile and ridiculous. Nor has this plutocracy been seriously restrained or even threat- ened by any Republican or Democratic Executive. It has continued to grow in power and insolence alike under the administrations of Cleveland, McKinley, Roosevelt, and Taft. In addition to this legislative juggling and this executive con- nivance, the courts of America have sanctioned and strengthened the hold of this plutocracy as the Dred Scott and other decisions strengthened the slave-power before the Civil War. They have been used as instruments for the oppression of the working class and for the suppression of free speech and free assembly. We declare, therefore, that the longer sufferance of these condi- tions is impossible, and we purpose to end them all. We declare them to be the product of the present system in which industry is carried on for private greed, instead of for the welfare of society. APPENDIX 253 We declare, furthermore, that for these evils there will be and can be no remedy and no substantial relief except through Socialism, under which industry will be carried on for the common good, and every worker receive the full social value of the wealth he creates. Society is divided into warring groups and classes, based upon material interests. Fundamentally, this struggle is a conflict be- tween the two main classes, one of which, the capitalist class, owns the means of production, and the other, the working class, must use these means of production on terms dictated by the owners. The capitalist class, though few in numbers, absolutely con- trols the government — legislative, executive, and judicial. This class owns the machinery of gathering and disseminating news through its organized press. It subsidizes seats of learning — the colleges and schools — and even religious and moral agencies. It has also the added prestige which established customs give to any order of society, right or wrong. The working class, which includes all those who are forced to work for a living, whether by hand or brain, in shop, mine, or on the soil, vastly outnumbers the capitalist class. Lacking effective organization and class solidarity, this class is unable to enforce its will. Given such class solidarity and effective organization, the workers will have the power to make all laws and control all in- dustry in their own interest. Ail political parties are the expression of economic class inter- ests. All other parties than the Socialist Party represent one or another group of the ruling capitalist class. Their political con- flicts reflect merely superficial rivalries between competing capital- ist groups. However they result, these conflicts have no issue of real value to the workers. Whether the Democrats or Republicans win politically, it is the capitalist class that is victorious eco- nomically. The Socialist Party is the political expression of the economic interests of the workers. Its defeats have been their defeats and its victories their victories. It is a party founded on the science and laws of social development. It proposes that, since all social necessities to-day are socially produced, the means of their pro- duction and distribution shall be socially owned and democratically controlled. In the face of the economic and political aggressions of the capi- talist class, the only reliance left the workers is that of their eco- nomic organizations and their political power. By the intelligent and class-conscious use of these, they may resist successfully the capitalist class, break the fetters of wage-slavery, and fit themselves for the future society which is to displace the capitalist system. 254 APPENDIX The Socialist Party appreciates the full significance of class organ- ization and urges the wage-earners, the working farmers, and all other useful workers everywhere to organize for economic and po- litical action, and we pledge ourselves to support the toilers of the fields as well as those in the shops, factories, and mines of the Nation in their struggles for economic justice. In the defeat or victory of the working class party in this new struggle for freedom lies the defeat or triumph of the common people of all economic groups, as well as the failure or the triumph of popular government. Thus the Socialist Party is the party of the present-day revolution, which marks the transition from economic individualism to Socialism, from wage-slavery to free cooperation, from capitalist oligarchy to industrial democracy. As measures calculated to strengthen the working class in its fight for the realization of its ultimate aim, the Cooperative Com- monwealth, and to increase its power of resistance against capital- ist oppression, we advocate and pledge ourselves and our elected officers to the following programme : — 1. The collective ownership and democratic management of rail- roads, wire and wireless telegraphs and telephones, express services, steamboat lines, and all other social means of transportation and communication and of all large-scale industries. 2. The immediate acquirement by the municipalities, the States, or the Federal Government of all grain elevators, stockyards, storage warehouses, and other distributing agencies, in order to reduce the present extortionate cost of living. 3. The extension of the public domain to include mines, quar- ries, oil wells, forests, and water-power. 4. The further conservation and development of natural re- sources for the use and benefit of all the people : — (rt) By scientific forestation and timber protection ; (ft) by the reclamation of arid and swamp tracts ; (c) by the storage of flood waters and the utilization of water- power ; (d) by the stoppage of the present extravagant waste of the soil and of the products of mines and oil wells ; (e) by the development of highway and waterway systems. 5. The collective ownership of land wherever practicable, and in cases where such ownership is impracticable, the appropriation by taxation of the annual rental value of all land held for specu- lation or exploitation. 6. The collective ownership and democratic management of the banking and currency system. The immediate government relief of the unemployed by the ex- APPENDIX 255 tension of all useful public works. All persons employed on such works to be engaged directly by the Government under a work day of not more than eight hours and at not less than the prevail- ing union wages. The Government also to establish employment bureaus ; to lend money to States and municipalities without in- terest for the purpose of carrying on public works, and to take such other measures within its power as will lessen the widespread mis- ery of the workers caused by the misrule of the capitalist class. The conservation of human resources, particularly of the lives and well-being of the workers and their families : — 1. By shortening the work day in keeping with the increased productiveness of machinery. 2. By securing to every worker a rest period of not less than a day and a half in each week. 3. By securing a more effective inspection of workshops, fac- tories, and mines. 4. By forbidding the employment of children under sixteen years of age. 5. By the cooperative organization of the industries in the fed- eral penitentiaries for the benefit of the convicts and their de- pendents. 6. By forbidding the interstate transportation of the products of child labor, of convict labor, and of all uninspected factories and mines. 7. By abolishing the profit system in government work, and sub- stituting either the direct hire of labor or the awarding of contracts to cooperative groups of workers. 8. By establishing minimum wage-scales. By abolishing official charity and substituting a non-contributory system of old-age pensions, a general system of insurance by the State of all its members against unemployment and invalidism, and a system of compulsory insurance by employers of their work- ers, without cost to the latter, against industrial diseases, accidents, and death. 1. The absolute freedom of press, speech, and assemblage. 2. The adoption of a graduated income tax, the increase of the rates of the present corporation tax, and the extension of inherit- ance taxes, graduated in proportion to the value of the estate and to nearness of kin — the proceeds of these taxes to be employed in the socialization of industry. 3. The abolition of the monopoly ownership of patents and the substitution of collective ownership, with direct rewards to invent- ors by premiums or royalties. 4. Unrestricted and equal suffrage for men and women. 256 APPENDIX 5. The adoption of the initiative, referendum, and recall, and of proportional representation, nationally as well as locally. 6. The abolition of the Senate and of the veto power of the President. 7. The election of the President and the Vice-President by direct vote of the people. 8. The abolition of the power usurped by the Supreme Court of the United States to pass upon the constitutionality of the legisla- tion enacted by Congress. National laws to be repealed only by act of Congress or by a referendum vote of the whole people. 9. The abolition of the present restrictions upon the amendment of the Constitution, so that that instrument may be made amend- able by a majority of the voters in the country. 10. The granting of the right of suffrage in the District of Columbia with representation in Congress and a democratic form of municipal government for purely local affairs. 11. The extension of democratic government to all United States territory. 12. The enactment of further measures for general education and particularly for vocational education in useful pursuits. The Bureau of Education to be made a department. 13. The enactment of further measures for the conservation of health. The creation of an independent bureau of health, with such restrictions as will secure full liberty to all schools of practice. 14. The separation of the present Bureau of Labor from the Department of Commerce and Labor and its elevation to the rank of a department. 15. The abolition of all federal district courts and the United States Circuit Courts of Appeals. State courts to have jurisdiction in all cases arising between citizens of the several States and for- eign corporations. The election of all judges for short terms. 16. The immediate curbing of the power of the courts to issue injunctions. 17. The free administration of the law. 18. The calling of a convention for the revision of the Constitu- tion of the United States. Such measures of relief as we may be able to force from cap- italism are but a preparation of the workers to seize the whole powers of government, in order that they may thereby lay hold of the whole system of socialized industry and thus come to their rightful inheritance. Whereas, Joseph J. Ettor and Arthur Giovannetti, represen- tatives of the textile workers of Lawrence, Massachusetts, are charged with being accessories before the fact, to the murder of Anna La Pezzi, an Italian woman striker, which occurred during APPENDIX 257 an assault made on a peaceful body of strikers on January 29th, by armed police and thugs of the Woolen Trust ; and Whereas, the testimony of a score of eye-witnesses before the examining magistrate showed conclusively that Anna La Pezzi ■was shot by a policeman, who was identified by eye-witnesses at the preliminary hearing ; and Whereas, The prosecution admits that neither Ettor nor Gio- vannetti was present at the scene of the provoked riot, but claim that they, by their speeches, incited, counseled, and commanded violence and rioting, and as a result a homicide took place, thus seeking to establish a precedent which is vicious and infamous ; and Whereas, Ettor and Giovannetti loyally fought the Woolen Trust, bringing a substantial increase in wages to over a quarter of a million of textile workers, thereby causing a loss of revenue of $15,000,000 per year to the mill-owners of New England ; there- fore be it Resolved, By the Socialist Party, in National Convention assem- bled, that the indictment and trial of Ettor and Giovannetti is an outrageous and inhuman attempt on the part of the Woolen Trust plutocracy and their hirelings, in retaliation for the successful re- volt of the mill slaves of New England, to destroy the right to strike and the right of free speech and assembly of wage-earners and to establish a precedent, base in its conception, vicious in its enforcement, and detrimental to the entire working class of Amer- ica, and destructive to fundamental civil rights ; and further Resolved, That the National Executive Committee be instructed to appropriate immediately $500 for the defense of Ettor and Gio- vannetti and that we call upon the Locals of the Socialist Party to form defense funds for this purpose to be forwarded through the National Headquarters. Whereas, The railways and the various commercial associa- tions of the Pacific Coast, by false advertisements, have induced workingmen to come West, thereby creating a large army of the unemployed ; be it Resolved, That we request that the greatest publicity be given to this matter through the Socialist press and party organizations, as a warning to the workers of the Eastern and Central States to stay away from the Pacific Coast, since labor conditions there are in- tolerable. Whereas, The Party has during the past year secured control of a number of cities, thus becoming the employer of many workers; Whereas, The Party realizes that intelligent administration of government involves the organization of the workers in all depart- ments ; 258 APPENDIX Whereas, The object of the Socialist Party is to secure for all workers not only the full product of their labor but a voice in de- termining their conditions of work ; therefore be it Resolved, That the Party adopt as a policy to be observed by its representatives in office the organization of workers in all depart- ments under Socialist control so that each department may obtain an organized expression of the workers' point of view on adminis- trative methods and conditions of work. Whereas, In the class struggle the military is often the first and always the last resort of the ruling class ; and Whereas, The army, the navy, the militia, and the police offer a fertile field for the dissemination of Socialist teaching ; and Whereas, The growth of Socialist thought among the armed defenders of capitalism tends to reduce the power of the ruling class to rule and outrage the working class, and thus to end the oppression and violence that labor suffers ; be it Resolved, That the National Executive Committee be instructed to secure the services of such a comrade or comrades as have made a special study of war and militarism, and that such comrade or comrades prepare special appropriate leaflets to distribute among soldiers, sailors, militia, and police. Resolved, That the National Executive Committee publish such leaflets and pamphlets and offer for sale through the usual chan- nels, and that in addition an organized effort be made for the distribution of such leaflets among all the armed defenders of capitalist-class rule and among all military organizations and all government homes for disabled soldiers and sailors. Whereas, A fertile and promising field for Socialist education is found among the young people, both because it reaches persons with unprejudiced and unbiased minds, and because it yields the most valuable recruits for the Socialist Movement ; and, Whereas, If we can gain the ear of a majority of the youth of our country, the future will be ours, with the passing of the pres- ent generation. Therefore, be it Resolved, That we recommend and urge our Locals to form, en- courage, and assist Young Socialist Leagues and Young People's Clubs for the purpose of educating our youth in the principles of Socialism, and that this education be combined with social pleas- ures and athletic exercises ; and further Resolved, That we recommend to the National Executive Com- mittee to give such aid and encouragement to this work as may seem to it best calculated to further the spread of Socialism among the youth of the United States. Whereas, An increasing number of women are taking part in industrial activity, so that they are to-day an important factor in APPENDIX 259 economics and social life, and are thereby qualifying themselves for participation in political administration ; therefore, be it Resolved, That the Socialist Party deems women entitled equally with men to be nominated for and elected to public office, so that they may help manage our common affairs. Whereas, the capitalist class is making determined and per- sistent efforts to use the public schools for the military training of children and for the inculcation of the military spirit ; there- fore, be it Resolved, That we are opposed to all efforts to introduce mili- tary training into the public schools, and that we recommend the introduction into our public school system of a thorough and pro- gressive course in physical culture ; and Resolved, That we request the National Executive Committee to suggest plans and programmes along this line and furnish these to the party membership, together with such advice in the matter as may be helpful to the party membership in introducing such a system into our public schools. The manufacture and sale for profit of intoxicating and adul- terated liquors leads directly to many serious social evils. In- temperance in the use of alcoholic liquors weakens the physical, mental, and moral powers. We hold, therefore, that any excessive indulgence in intoxi- cating liquors by members of the working class is a serious ob- stacle to the triumph of our class, since it impairs the vigor of the fighters in the political and economic struggle, and we urge the members of the working class to avoid any indulgence which might impair their ability to wage a successful political and economic struggle, and so hinder the progi'ess of the movement for their emancipation. We do not believe that the evils of alcoholism can be eradicated by repressive measures or any extension of the police powers of the capitalist state — alcoholism is a disease of which capitalism is the chief cause. Poverty, overwork, and overworry necessarily result in intemperance on the part of the victims. To abolish the wage-system with all its evils is the surest way to eliminate the evils of alcoholism and the traffic in intoxicating liquor. Whereas, The Dillingham Bill passed by the United States Senate would bar from this country many political refugees under a hollow distinction that some political crimes involve " moral turpitude " ; and, Whereas, Such distinctions would destroy the political asylum, heretofore maintained in this country, for revolutionists of all lands, as the officials of one country cannot sit in judgment over the methods of political strife and civil war in another country ; and 260 APPENDIX Whereas, Senator Root's amendment providing for deporta- tion without trial of " any alien who shall take advantage of his residence in the United States to conspire with others for the vio- lent overthrow of a foreign government, recognized by the United States," passed by the United States Senate, without a dissenting vote, seeks to establish in this country a passport system for aliens, thus destroying at once the principle that it is the right of every people to overthrow by force, if necessary, a despotic government, declared in the Declaration of Independence, and the principle of individual freedom from police supervision, heretofore held sacred in this country ; therefore, be it Resolved, By the Socialist Party at Indianapolis, Indiana, on the 16th day of May, 1912, in National Convention assembled, that we protest against this attempt of the United States Senate to turn the government of this country into a detective agency for foreign governments in their persecution of men and women fight- ing for the freedom of their native lands ; be it further Resolved, That we demand that the United States shall remain, as heretofore, an asylum for political refugees from all countries, without any distinction as to political crimes or supervision of political refugees ; and be it further Resolved, That a copy of these resolutions be forwarded to the President of the United States, Speaker of the House of Represen- tatives, and to every member of the House Committee on Immi- gration and Natm-alization. Whereas, The courts in charge of naturalization have shown a disposition to enlarge the interpretation of the rule which pro- hibits the naturalization of avowed anarchists, so that any one who disbelieves in the present system of society has been held to be ineligible to become an American citizen ; and Whereas, This tendency found a most aggravated expression in the revocation of the citizenship of Leonard Olsson, a Socialist, at Tacoma, Washington, by Judge Cornelius Hanford ; therefore, be it Resolved, That the Socialist Party in Convention assembled enters its most emphatic protest against such procedure, and points out that the denial of the right of citizenship to foreign- born applicants, not anarchists, because they hold progressive ideas, inevitably forces those new voters into the ranks of those who believe in force and violence ; and be it further Resolved, That a copy of these resolutions be sent to the Secre- tary of Commerce and Labor, and that we demand of him that an order be issued to the effect that this rule in naturalization cases shall be strictly interpreted and not enlarged to include per- sons who simply hold Socialistic or progressive social ideas. APPENDIX 261 Republican Party Convention, held at Chicago, June 18. Candidates. For President, William H. Taft, of Ohio. For Vice-President, James S. Sherman, of New York. Platform. The Kepublican Party, assembled by its representatives in Na- tional Convention, declares its unchanging faith in government of the people, by the people, for the people. We renew our allegiance to the principles of the Republican Party and our devotion to the cause of republican institutions established by the fathers. It is appropriate that we should now recall with a sense of veneration and gratitude the name of our first great leader, who was nominated in this city, and whose lofty principles and superb devotion to his country are an inspiration to the party he honored — Abraham Lincoln. In the present state of public affairs we should be inspired by his broad statesmanship and by his toler- ant spirit toward men. The Republican Party looks back on its record with pride and satisfaction, and forward to its new responsibilities with hope and confidence. Its achievements in government constitute the most luminous pages in our history. Our greatest national advance has been made during the years of its ascendency in public affairs. It has been, genuinely and always a party of progress ; it has never been either stationary or reactionary. It has gone from the fulfil- ment of one great pledge to the fulfilment of another in response to the public need and to the popular will. We believe in our self-controlled representative democracy, which is a government of laws, not of men, and in which order is the prerequisite of progress. The principles of constitutional government, which make pro- vision for orderly and effective expression of the popular will, for the protection of civil liberty and the rights of men, and for the interpretation of the law by an untrammeled and independent ju- diciary, have proved themselves capable of sustaining the struc- ture of a government which, after more than a century of develop- ment, embraces 100,000,000 of people, scattered over a wide and diverse territory, but bound by common purpose, common ideals, and common affection to the Constitution of the United States. Under the Constitution and the principles asserted and vitalized by it, the United States has grown to be one of the great civilized and civilizing powers of the earth. It offers a home and an oppor- tunity to the ambitious and the industrious from other lands. Resting upon the broad basis of a people's confidence and a peo- 262 APPENDIX pie's support, and managed by the people themselves, the Govern- ment of the United States will meet the problems of the future as satisfactorily as it has solved those of the past. The Republican Party is now, as always, a party of advanced and constructive statesmanship. It is prepared to go forward with the solution of those new questions which social, economic, and political development have brought into the forefront of the Na- tion's interest. It will strive, not only in the Nation but in the several States, to enact the necessary legislation to safeguard the public health ; to limit effectively the labor of women and child- ren ; to protect wage-earners engaged in dangerous occupations ; to enact comprehensive and generous workmen's compensation laws in place of the present wasteful and unjust system of employ- ers' liability ; and in all possible ways to satisfy the just demand of the people for the study and solution of the complex and con- stantly changing problems of social welfare. In dealing with these questions it is important that the rights of every individual to the freest possible development of his own powers and resources and to the control of his own justly acquired property, so far as those are compatible with the rights of others, shall not be interfered with or destroyed. The social and political structure of the United States rests upon the civil liberty of the individual ; and for the protection of that liberty the people have wisely, in the national and state institutions, put definite limita- tions upon themselves and upon their governmental officers and agencies. To enforce these limitations, to secure the orderly and coherent exercise of governmental powers, and to protect the rights of even the humblest and least favored individual are the function of independent courts of justice. The Republican Party reaffirms its intention to uphold at all times the authority and integrity of the courts, both state and federal, and it will ever insist that their powers to enforce their process and to protect life, liberty, and property shall be preserved inviolate. An orderly method is provided under our system of gov- ernment by which the people may, when they choose, alter or amend the constitutional provisions which underlie that govern- ment. Until these constitutional provisions are so altered or amended, in orderly fashion, it is the duty of the courts to see to it that when challenged they are enforced. That the courts, both federal and state, may bear the heavy bur- den laid upon them to the complete satisfaction of public opinion, we favor legislation to prevent long delays and the tedious and costly appeals which have so often amounted to a denial of justice in civil cases and to a failure to protect the public at large in criminal cases. APPENDIX 263 Since the responsibility of the judiciary is so great, the standards of judicial action must be always and everywhere above suspicion and reproach. While we regard the recall of judges as unnecessary and unwise, we favor such action as may be necessary to simplify the process by which any judge who is found to be derelict in his duty may be removed from office. Together with peaceful and orderly development at home, the Republican Party earnestly favors all measures for the establish- ment and protection of the peace of the world and for the develop- ment of closer relations between the various nations of the earth. It believes most earnestly in the peaceful settlement of interna- tional disputes and in the reference of all justiciable controversies between nations to an international court of justice. The Republican Party is opposed to special privilege and to mo- nopoly. It placed upon the statute book the Interstate Commerce Act of 1887, and the important amendments thereto, and the Anti- Trust Act of 1890, and it has consistently and successfully enforced the provisions of these laws. It will take no backward step to per- mit the reestablishment in anj'^ degree of conditions which were intolerable. Experience makes it plain that the business of the country may be carried on without fear or without disturbance and at the same time without resort to practices which are abhorrent to the com- mon sense of justice. The Republican Party favors the enactment of legislation supplementary to the existing Anti-Trust Act, which will define as criminal offenses those specific acts that uniformly mark attempts to restrain and to monopolize trade, to the end that those who honestly intend to obey the law may have a guide for their action, and that those who aim to violate the law may the more surely be punished. The same certainty should be given to the law prohibiting com- binations and monopolies that characterizes other provisions of commercial law, in order that no part of the field of business op- portunity may be restricted by monopoly or combination, that business success honorably achieved may not be converted into crime, and that the right of every man to acquire commodities, and particularly the necessaries of life, in an open market, unin- fluenced by the manipulation of trust or combination, may be pre- served. In the enforcement and administration of federal laws governing interstate commerce and enterprises impressed with a public use engaged therein, there is much that may be committed to a federal trade commission, thus placing in the hands of an administrative board many of the functions now necessarily exercised by the courts. This will promote promptness in the administration of 264 APPENDIX the law and avoid delays and technicalities incident to court procedure. We reaffirm our belief in a protective tariff. The Republican tariff policy has been of the greatest benefit to the country, de- veloping our resources, diversifying our industries, and protecting our workmen against competition with cheaper labor abroad, thus establishing for our wage-earners the American standard of living. The protective tariff is so woven into the fabric of our industrial and agricultural life that to substitute for it a tariff for revenue only would destroy many industries and throw millions of our people out of employment. The products of the farm and of the mine should receive the same measure of protection as other pro- ducts of American labor. We hold that the import duties should be high enough, while yielding a sufficient revenue, to protect adequately American indus- tries and wages. Some of the existing import duties are too high and should be reduced. Readjustment should be made from time to time to conform to changing conditions and to reduce excessive rates, but without injury to any American industry. To accomplish this correct information is indispensable. This information can best be obtained by an expert commission, as the large volume of useful facts contained in the recent reports of the Tariff Board has demonstrated. The pronounced feature of modern industrial life is its enorm- ous diversification. To apply tariff rates justly to these changing conditions requires closer study and more scientific methods than ever before. The Republican Party has shown by its creation of a Tariff' Board its recognition of this situation and its determination to be equal to it. We condemn the Democratic Party for its fail- ure either to provide funds for the continuance of this board or to make some other provision for securing the information requisite for intelligent tariff legislation. We protest against the Demo- cratic method of legislating on these vitally important subjects without careful investigation. We condemn the Democratic tariff bills passed by the House of Representatives of the Sixty-second Congress as sectional, as in- jurious to the public credit, and as destructive of business en- terprise. The steadily increasing cost of living has become a matter not only of national but of world-wide concern. The fact that it is not due to the protective tariff system is evidenced by the existence of similar conditions in countries which have a tariff policy different from our own, as well as by the fact that the cost of living has in- creased while rates of duty have remained stationary or been re- duced. The Republican Party will support a prompt scientific APPENDIX 265 inquiry into the causes which are operative, both in the United States and elsewhere, to increase the cost of living. When the ex- act facts are known, it will take the necessary steps to remove any abuses that may be found to exist in order that the cost of the food, clothing, and shelter of the people may in no way be unduly or artificially increased. The Republican Party has always stood for a sound currency and for safe banking methods. It is responsible for the resumption of specie payments, and for tlie establishment of the gold standard. It is committed to the progressive development of our banking and currency systems. Our banking arrangements to-day need further revision to meet the requirements of current conditions. We need measures which will prevent the recurrence of money panics and financial disturbances and which will promote the prosperity of business and the welfare of labor by producing constant employment. We need better currency facilities for the movement of crops in the West and South. We need banking ar- rangements under American auspices for the encouragement and better conduct of our foreign trade. In attaining these ends, the independence of individual banks, whether organized under na- tional or state charters, must be carefully protected and our bank- ing and currency system must be safeguarded from any possibility of domination by sectional, financial, or political interests. It is of great importance to the social and economic welfare of this country that its farmers have facilities for borrowing easily and cheaply the money they need to increase the productivity of their land. It is as important that financial machinery be provided to supply the demand of farmers for ci'edit as it is that the bank- ing and currency systems be reformed in the interests of general business. Therefore, we recommend and urge an authoritative investigation of agricultural credit societies and corporations in other countries, and the passage of state and federal laws for the establishment and capable supervision of organizations having for their purpose the loaning of funds to farmers. We reaffirm our adherence to the principle of appointment to public office based on proved fitness, and tenure during good be- havior and efficiency. The Republican Party stands committed to the maintenance, extension, and enforcement of the civil service law, and it favors the passage of legislation empowering the Presi- dent to extend the competitive service as far as possible, the equi- table retirement of disabled and superannuated members of the civil service, in order that a higher order of efficiency may be main- tained. We favor the amendment of the Federal Employees' Liability Law so as to extend its provision to all government employees, as 266 APPENDIX well as to provide a more liberal scale of compensation for injury and death. We favor such additional legislation as may be necessary more effectually to prohibit corporations from contributing funds, di- rectly or indirectly, to campaigns for the nomination or election of the President, Vice-President, Senators, and Representatives in Congress. We heartily approve the recent act of Congress requir- ing the fullest publicity in regard to all campaign contributions, "whether made in connection with primaries, conventions, or elec- tions. We rejoice in the success of the distinctive Republican policy of the conservation of our national resources, for their use by the people without waste and without monopoly. We pledge ourselves to a continuance of such a policy. We favor such fair and reasonable rules and regulations as will not discourage or interfere with actual bona fide home-seekers, prospectors, and miners in the acquisition of public lands under existing laws. In the interest of the general public, and particularly of the agricultural or rural communities, we favor legislation looking to the establishment, under proper regulations, of a parcels post, the postal rates to be graduated under a zone system in proportion to the length of carriage. We approve the action taken by the President and the Congress to secure with Russia, as with other countries, a treaty that will recognize the absolute right of expatriation, and that will prevent all discrimination of whatever kind between American citizens, whether native-born or alien, and regardless of race, religion, or previous political allegiance. The right of asylum is a precious possession of the people of the United States, and it is to be neither surrendered nor restricted. We believe in the maintenance of an adequate navy for the National defense, and we condemn the action of the Democratic House of Representatives in refusing to authorize the construction of additional ships. We believe that one of the country's most urgent needs is a revived merchant marine. There should be American ships, and plenty of them, to make use of the great American interoceanic canal now nearing completion. The Mississippi River is the Nation's drainage ditch. Its flood waters, gathered from thirty-one States and the Dominion of Canada, constitute an overpowering force which breaks the levees and pours its torrents over many million acres of the richest land in the Union, stopping mails, impeding commerce, and causing great loss of life and property. These floods are national in scope, I APPENDIX 267 and the disasters they produce seriously affect the general welfare. The States unaided cannot cope with this giant problem ; hence, we believe the Federal Government should assume a fair propor- tion of the burden of its control so as to prevent the disasters from recurring floods. We favor the continuance of the policy of the Government with regard to the reclamation of arid lands, and for the encourage- ment of the speedy settlement and improvement of such lands we favor an amendment to the law that will reasonably extend the time within which the cost of any reclamation project may be re- paid by the landowners under it. We favor a liberal and systematic policy for the improvement of our rivers and harbors. Such improvements should be made upon expert information and after a careful comparison of cost and prospective benefits. We favor a liberal policy toward Alaska, to promote the de- velopment of the great resources of that district, with such safe- guards as will prevent waste and monopoly. We favor the opening of the coal lands to development through a law leasing the lands on such terms as will invite development and provide fuel for the navy and commerce of the Pacific Ocean, while retaining title in the United States to prevent monopoly. We ratify in all its particulars the platform of 1908 respecting cistizenship for the people of Porto Rico. The Philippine policy of the Republican Party has been and is inspired by the belief that our duty toward the Filipino people is a national obligation which should remain entirely free from parti- san politics. We pledge the Republican Party to the enactment of appropri- ate laws to give relief from the constantly growing evil of induced or undesirable immigration, which is inimical to the progress and welfare of the people of the United States. We favor the speedy enactment of laws to provide that seamen shall not be compelled to endure involuntary servitude and that life and property at sea shall be safeguarded by the ample equip- ment of vessels with life-saving appliances and with full comple- ments of skilled, able-bodied seamen to operate them. The approaching completion of the Panama Canal, the estab- lishment of a Bureau of IMines, the institution of postal savings banks, the increased provision made in 1912 for the aged and in- firm soldiers and sailors of the Republic and for their widows, and the vigorous administration of the laws relating to pure food and drugs all mark the successful progress of Republican administra- tion and are additional evidence of its effectiveness. We commend the earnest effort of the Republican Administra- 268 APPENDIX tion to secure greater economy and increased efficiency in the con- duct of government business ; extravagant appropriations and the creation of unnecessary offices are an injustice to the taxpayer and a bad example to the citizen. We call upon the people to quicken their interest in public affairs, to condemn and punish lynchings and other forms of law- lessness, and to strengthen in all possible ways a respect for law and the observance of it. Indifferent citizenship is an evil from which the law affords no adequate protection and for which legis- lation can provide no remedy. We congratulate the people of Arizona and New Mexico upon the admission of those States, thus merging in the Union in final and enduring form the last remaining portion of our continental ten-itory. We challenge successful criticism of the sixteen years of Repub- lican administration under Presidents McKinley, Roosevelt, and Taft. We heartily reaffirm the indorsement of President McKin- ley contained in the platform of 1900 and of 1904 and that of President Roosevelt contained in the platform of 1904 and 1908. We invite the intelligent judgment of the American people upon the Administration of William H. Taft. The country has prospered and been at peace under his Presidency. During the years in which he had the cooperation of a Republican Congress an unexampled amount of constructive legislation was framed and passed in the interest of the people and in obedience to their wish. That legislation is a record on which any Administration might appeal with confidence to the favorable judgment of history. We appeal to the American electorate upon the record of the Republican Party and upon this declaration of its principles and purposes. We are confident that under the leadership of the can- didates here to be nominated our appeal will not be in vain ; that the Republican Party will meet every just expectation of the people whose servant it is ; that under its administration and its laws our Nation will continue to advance ; that peace and pros- perity will abide with the people, and that new glory will be added to the great Republic. DEMOCRATIC PARTY CONVENTION, HELD AT BALTIMORE, JUNE 25 Candidates For President, Woodrow Wilson, of New Jersey. For Vice-President, Thomas R. JNIarshall, of Indiana. Platform We, the representatives of the Democratic Party of the United States, in National Convention assembled, reaffirm our devotion to APPENDIX 269 the principles of democratic government formulated by Thomas Jefferson and enforced by a long and illustrious line of Democratic Presidents. We declare it to be a fundamental principle of the Democratic Party that the Federal Government under the Constitution has no right or power to impose or collect tariff duties except for the pur- pose of revenue, and we demand that the collection of such taxes shall be limited to the necessities of government honestly and economically administered. The high Republican tariff is the principal cause of the unequal distribution of wealth ; it is a system of taxation which makes the rich richer and the poor poorer ; under its operations the Amer- ican farmer and laboring man are the chief sufferers ; it raises the cost of the necessaries of life to them, but does not protect their product or wages. The farmer sells largely in free markets and buys almost entirely in the protected markets. In the most highly protected industries, such as cotton and wool, steel and iron, the wages of the laborers are the lowest paid in any of our industries. We denounce the Republican pretense on that subject and assert that American wages are established by competitive conditions and not by the tariff. We favor the immediate downward revision of the existing high, and, in many cases, prohibitive tariff duties, insisting that mate- rial reductions be speedily made upon the necessaries of life. Arti- cles entering into competition with trust-controlled products, and articles of American manufacture which are sold abroad more cheaply than at home, should be put upon the free list. We recognize that our system of tariff taxation is intimately connected with the business of the country, and we favor the ulti- mate attainment of the principles we advocate by legislation that will not injure or destroy legitimate industry. We denounce the action of President Taft in vetoing the bills to reduce the tariff in the cottpn, woolen, metals, and chemical sched- ules and the farmers' free list bill, all of which were designed to give immediate relief to the masses from the exactions of the trusts. The Republican Party, while promising tariff revision, has shown by its tariff legislation that such revision is not to be in the people's interest, and, having been faithless to its pledges of 1908, it should not longer enjoy the confidence of the Nation. We appeal to the American people to support us in our demand for a tariff for revenue only. The high cost of living is a serious problem in every American home. The Republican Party in its platform attempts to escape from responsibility for present conditions by denying that they 270 APPENDIX are due to a protective tariff. We take issue with them on this subject and charge that excessive prices result in a large measure from the high tariff laws enacted and maintained by the Repub- lican Party and from trusts and commercial conspiracies fostered and encouraged by such laws, and we assert that no substantial relief can be secured for the people until import duties on the necessaries of life are materially reduced and these criminal con- spiracies broken up. A private monopoly is indefensible and intolerable. We there- fore favor the vigorous enforcement of the criminal as well as the civil law against trusts and trust officials, and demand the enact- ment of such additional legislation as may be necessary to make it impossible for a private monopoly to exist in the United States. We favor the declaration by law of the conditions upon which corporations shall be permitted to engage in interstate trade, in- cluding, among others, the prevention of holding companies, of interlocking directors, of stock-watering, of discrimination in price, and the control by any one corporation of so large a pro- portion of any industry as to make it a menace to competitive conditions. We condemn the action of the Republican Administration in compromising with the Standard Oil Company and the Tobacco Trust and its failure to invoke the criminal provisions of the anti- trust law against the officers of those corporations after the court had declared that, from the undisputed facts in the record, they had violated the criminal provisions of the law. We regret that the Sherman anti-trust law has received a judi- cial construction depriving it of much of its efficacy, and we favor the enactment of legislation which will restore to the statute the strength of which it has been deprived by such interpretation. We believe in the preservation and maintenance in their full strength and integrity of the three coordinate branches of the Federal Government, — the executive, the legislative, and the judicial, — each keeping within its own bounds, and not encroach- ing upon the just powers of either of the others. Believing that the most efficient results under our system of government are to be attained by the full exercise by the States of their reserved sovereign powers, we denounce as usurpation the efforts of our opponents to deprive the States of any of the rights reserved to them, and to enlarge and magnify by indirection the powers of the Federal Government. We insist upon the full exercise of all the powers of the Gov- ernment, both state and national, to protect the people from in- justice at the hands of those who seek to make the Government a private asset in business. There is no twilight zone between the APPENDIX 271 Nation and the State in which exploiting interests can take refuge from both. It is as necessary that the Federal Government shall exercise the powers reserved to them, but we insist that federal remedies for the regulation of interstate commerce and for the prevention of private monopoly shall be added to and not substi- tuted for state remedies. We congratulate the country upon the triumph of two import- ant reforms demanded in the last national platform, namely, the amendment of the Federal Constitution authorizing an income tax and the amendment providing for the popular election of Senators, and we call upon the people of all the States to rally to the support of the pending proposition and secure their ratification. We note with gratification the unanimous sentiment in favor of publicity before the election of campaign contributions — a measure demanded in our national platform of 1908, and at that time opposed by the Republican Party, and we commend the Democratic House of Representatives for extending the doctrine of publicity to recommendations, verbal and written, upon which Presidential appointments are made, to the ownership and control of newspapers, and to the expenditure made by and in behalf of those who aspire to Presidential nominations, and we point for additional justification for this legislation to the enormous ex- penditures of money in behalf of the President and his predeces- sor in the recent Presidential contest for the Republican nomina- tion for President. The movement toward more popular government should be promoted, through legislation, in each State which will permit the expression of the preference of the electors for national candi- dates at Presidential primaries. We direct that the National Committee incorporate in the call for the next nominating convention a requirement that all expres- sions of preference for Presidential candidates shall be given and the selection of delegates and alternates made through a primary election conducted by the party organization in each State where such expression and election are not provided for by state law. Committeemen who are hereafter to constitute the membership of the Democratic National Committee, and whose election is not provided for by law, shall be chosen in each State at such primary elections, and the service and authority of committeemen, how- ever chosen, shall begin immediately upon the receipt of their cre- dentials respectively. We pledge the Democratic Party to the enactment of a law pro- hibiting any corporation from contributing to a campaign fund and any individual from contributing any amount above a rea- sonable maximum. 272 APPENDIX We favor a single Presidential term, and to that end urge the adoption of an amendment to the Constitution making the Presid- ent of the United States ineligible for reelection, and we pledge the candidate of this convention to this principle. At this time, when the Republican Party, after a generation of unlimited power in its control of the Federal Government, is rent into factions, it is opportune to point to the record of accomplish- ment of the Democratic House of Representatives in the Sixty- second Congress. We indorse its action and we challenge compari- son of it's record with that of any Congress which has been controlled by our opponents. We call the attention of the patriotic citizens of our country to its record of efficiency, economy, and constructive legislation. It has, among other achievements, revised the rules of the House of Representatives so as to give to the representatives of the American people freedom of speech and of action in advo- cating, proposing, and perfecting remedial legislation. It has passed bills for the relief of the people and the development of our country ; it has endeavored to revise the tariff taxes down- ward in the interest of the consuming masses and thus to reduce the high cost of living; it has proposed an amendment to the Federal Constitution providing for the election of United States Senators by the direct vote of the people ; it has secured the ad- mission of Arizona and New Mexico as two sovereign States ; it has required the publicity of campaign expenses both before and after election, and fixed a limit upon the election expenses of United States Senators and Representatives. It has also passed a bill to prevent the abuse of the writ of in- junction ; it has passed a law establishing an eight-hour day for workmen on all national public works ; it has passed a resolution which forced the President to take immediate steps to abrogate the Russian treaty, and it has passed the great supply bills which lessen waste and extravagance and which reduce the annual ex- penses of the Government by many millions of dollars. We approve the measure reported by the Democratic leaders in the House of Representatives for the creation of a counsel of na- tional defense which will determine a definite naval programme with a view to increased efficiency and economy. The party that proclaimed and has always enforced the Monroe Doctrine and was sponsor for the new navy will continue faithfully to observe the constitutional requirements to provide and maintain an adequate and well-proportioned navy sufficient to defend American policies, protect our citizens, and uphold the honor and dignity of the Na- tion. We denounce the profligate waste of the money wrung from the APPENDIX 273 people by oppressive taxation through the lavish appropriations of recent Republican Congresses, which have kept taxes high and reduced the purchasing power of the people's toil. We demand a return to that simplicity and economy which befits a democratic government and a reduction in the number of useless offices, the salaries of which drain the substance of the people. We favor the efficient supervision and rate regulation of rail- roads, express companies, telegraph and telephone lines engaged in interstate commerce. To this end we recommend the valuation of railroads, express companies, telegraph and telephone lines by the Interstate Commerce Commission, such valuation to take into consideration the physical value of the property, the original cost, the cost of reproduction, and any element of value that will render the valuation fair and just. We favor such legislation as will effectually prohibit the rail- roads, express, telegraph, and telephone companies fi-om engaging in business which brings them into competition with the shippers or patrons, also legislation preventing the overissue of stocks and bonds by interstate railroads, express companies, telegraph and telephone lines, and legislation which will assure such reduction in transportation rates as conditions will permit, care being taken to avoid reduction that would compel a reduction of wages, prevent adequate service, or do injustice to legitimate invest- ments. We oppose the so-called " Aldrich Bill " for the establishment of a Central Bank, and we believe the people of the country will be largely freed from panics and consequent unemployment and business depression by such a systematic revision of our banking laws as will render temporary relief in localities where such relief is needed, with protection from control or domination by what is known as the " Money Trust." Banks exist for the accommodation of the public and not for the control of business. All legislation on the subject of banking and currency should have for its purpose the securing of these accom- modations on terms of absolute security to the public and of com- plete protection from the misuse of the power that wealth gives to those who possess it. We condemn the present methods of depositing government funds in a few favored banks, largely situated in or controlled by Wall Street, in return for political favors, and we pledge our party to provide by law for their deposit by competitive bidding in the banking institutions of the country, national and state, without discrimination as to locality, upon approved securities, and subject to call by the Government. Of equaj. A^ipoxtftnce with the question of currency reform is 274 APPENDIX the question of rural credits or agricultural finance. Therefore we recommend that an investigation of agricultural credit societies in foreign countries be made, so that it may be ascertained whether a system of rural credits may be devised suitable to conditions in the United States, and we also favor legislation permitting na- tional banks to loan a reasonable proportion of their funds on real estate security. We recognize the value of vocational education, and urge fed- eral appropriations for such training, and extension teaching in agricultural cooperation with the several States. We renew the declaration in our last platform relating to the conservation of our natural resources, and the development of our waterways. The present devastation of the Lower Mississippi Val- ley accentuates the movement for the regulation of river flow by additional bank and levee protection below, and the diversion, "storage, and control of the flood waters above, and their utiliza- tion for beneficial purposes in the reclamation of arid and swamp lands, and development of water-power, instead of permitting the floods to continue, as heretofore, agents of destruction. We hold that the control of the Mississippi River is a national problem ; the preservation of the depth of its waters for the pur- pose of navigation, the building of levees to maintain the in- tegrity of its channel, and the prevention of the overflow of the land and its consequent devastation, resulting in the interruption of interstate commerce, the disorganization of the mail service, and the enormous loss of life and property, impose an obligation which alone can be discharged by the general Government. To mantain an adequate depth of water the entire year, and thereby encourage water transportation, is a consummation worthy of legislative attention and presents an issue national in its char- acter. It calls for prompt action on the part of Congress, and the Democratic Party pledges itself to the enactment of legislation leading to that end. We favor the cooperation of the United States and the respect- ive States in plans for the comprehensive treatment of all water- ways, with a view of coordinating plans for channel improvement with plans for drainage of swamps and overflowed lands, and to this end we favor the appropriation by the Federal Government of sufficient funds to make surveys of such lands, to develop plans for drainage of such lands, and to supervise the work of con- struction. We favor the adoption of a liberal and comprehensive plan for the development and improvement of our inland waterways, with economy and efficiency, so as to permit their navigation by vessels of standard draught. APPENDIX 275 We favor national aid to state and local authorities in the construction and maintenance of post-roads. We repeat our declarations of the platform of 1908, as fol- lows : — " The courts of justice are the bulwarks of our liberties, and we yield to none in our purpose to maintain their dignity. Our party have given to the bench a long line of distinguished Justices who have added to the respect and confidence in which this depart- ment must be jealously maintained. We resent the attempt of the Republican Party to raise a false issue respecting the judiciary. It is an unjust reflection upon a great body of our citizens to assume that they lack respect for the courts. " It is the function of the courts to interpret the law^s which the people enact, and if the laws appear to work economical, social, or political injustice, it is our duty to change them. The only basis upon which the integrity of our courts can stand is that of unswerving justice and protection of life, personal liberty, and property. If judicial processes may be abused, we should guard them against abuse. " Experience has proved the necessity of a modification of the present law relating to injunction, and w^e reiterate the pledges of our platforms of 1896 and 1904 in favor of a measure which passed the United States Senate in 1896, relating to contempt in Fedei-al Courts and providing for trial by jury in cases of indirect contempt. " Questions of judicial practice have arisen, especially in con- nection with industrial disputes. We believe that the parties to all judicial proceedings should be treated with rigid impartiality and that injunctions should not be issued in any case in which an injunction would not issue if no industrial dispute were involved, " The expanding organization of industry makes it essential that there should be no abridgment of the right of the wage- earners and producers to organize for the protection of wages and the improvement of labor conditions, to the end that such labor organizations and their members should not be regarded as illegal combinations in restraint of trade. " We pledge the Democratic Party to the enactment of a law creating a Department of Labor, represented separately in the President's Cabinet, in which department shall be included the subject of mines and mining. " We pledge the Democratic Party, so far as the federal juris- diction extends, to an employees' compensation law providing adequate indemnity for injury to body or loss of life." We believe in the conservation and the development, for the use of all tine pqople, ipf the natural resources of the country. Our for- 276 APPENDIX ests, our sources of water-supply, our arable and our mineral lands, our navigable streams, and all the other material resources with which our country has been so lavishly endowed, constitute the foundation of our national wealth. Such additional legislation as may be necessary to prevent their being wasted or absorbed by special or privileged interests should be enacted and the policy of their conservation should be rigidly adhered to. The public domain should be administered and disposed of with due regard to the general welfare. Reservations should be limited to the purposes which they purport to serve and not ex- tended to include land wholly unsuited therefor. The unnecessary withdrawal from sale and settlement of enormous tracts of public land, upon which tree growth never existed and cannot be pro- moted, tends only to retard development, create discontent, and bring reproach upon the policy of conservation. The public land laws should be administered in a spirit of the broadest liberality toward the settler exhibiting a bona fide pur- pose to comply therewith, to the end that the invitation of this Government to the landless should be as attractive as possible ; and the plain provisions of the Forest Reserve Act permitting home- stead entries to be made within the national forests should not be nullified by administrative regulations which amount to a with- drawal of great areas of the same from settlement. Immediate action should be taken by Congress to make avail- able the vast and valuable coal deposits of Alaska under conditions that will be a perfect guaranty against their falling into the hands of monopolizing corporations, associations, or interests. We rejoice in the inheritance of mineral resources unequaled in extent, variety, or value, and in the development of a mining in- dustry unequaled in its magnitude and importance. We honor the men who, in their hazardous toil underground, daily risk their lives in extracting and preparing for our use the products of the mine, so essential to the industries, the commerce, and the com- fort of the people of this country. And we pledge ourselves to the extension of the work of the Bureau of Mines in every way appro- priate for national legislation, with a view of safeguarding the lives of the miners, lessening the waste of essential resources, and promoting the economic development of mining, which, along with agriculture, must in the future, even more than in the past, serve as the very foundation of our national prosperity and welfare and our international commerce. We believe in encouraging the development of a modern system of agriculture and a systematic effort to improve the conditions of trade in farm products so as to benefit both the consumers and producers. And as an efficient means to this end we favor the APPENDIX 277 enactment by Congress of legislation that will suppress the per- nicious practice of gambling in agricultural products by organized exchanges or others. We believe in fostering, by constitutional regulation of com- merce, the growth of a merchant marine, which shall develop and strengthen the commercial ties which bind us to our sister repub- lics to the south, but without imposing additional burdens upon the people and without bounties or subsidies from the public Treasury. We urge upon Congress the speedy enactment of laws for the greater security of life and property at sea, and favor the repeal of all laws and the abrogation of so much of our treaties with other nations as provide for the arrest and imprisonment of seamen charged with desertion or with violation of their contract of service. Such laws and treaties are un-American, and violate the spirit, if not the letter, of the Constitution of the United States. We favor the exemption from tolls of American ships engaged in coastwise trade passing through the Panama Canal. We also favor legislation forbidding the use of the Panama Canal by ships owned or controlled by railroad carriers engaged in transportation competitive with the Canal. We reaffirm our previous declarations advocating the union and strengthening of the various governmental agencies relating to pure foods, quarantine, vital statistics, and human health. Thus united and administered without partiality to or discrimination against any school of medicine or system of healing, they would constitute a single health service, not subordinated to any com- mercial or financial interests, but devoted exclusively to the con- servation of human life and efficiency. Moreover, this health service should cooperate with the health agencies of our various States and cities without interference with their prerogatives, or with the freedom of individuals to employ such medical or hygienic aid as they may see fit. The law pertaining to the civil service should be honestly and rigidly enforced, to the end that merit and ability should be the standard of appointment and promotion, rather than service rend- ered to a political party ; and we favor a reorganization of the civil service with adequate compensation commensurate with the class of work performed for all officers and employees ; we also favor the extension to all classes of civil service employees of the benefits of the provisions of the Employers' Liability Act ; we also recognize the right of direct petition to Congress by employees for the redress of grievances. We recognize the urgent need of reform in the administration of civil and criminal law in the United States, and we recommend 278 APPENDIX the enactment of such legislation and the promotion of such measures as will rid the present legal system of the delays, ex- pense, and uncertainties incident to the system as now admin- istered. We reaffirm the position thrice announced by the Democracy in National Convention assembled against a policy of imperialism and colonial exploitation in the Philippines or elsewhere. We con- demn the experiment in imperialism as an inexcusable blunder which has involved us in enormous expense, brought us weakness instead of strength, and laid our Nation open to the charge of abandonment of the fundamental doctrine of self-government. We favor an immediate declaration of the Nation's purpose to recognize the independence of the Philippine Islands as soon as a stable government can be established, such independence to be guaranteed by us until the neutralization of the islands can be secured by treaty with other powers. In recognizing the independ- ence of the Philippines, our Government should retain such land as may be necessary for coaling-stations and naval bases. We welcome Arizona and New Mexico to the sisterhood of States, and heartily congratulate them upon their auspicious be- ginning of great and glorious careers. We demand for the people of Alaska the full enjoyment of the rights and privileges of a territorial form of government, and we believe that the officials appointed to administer the Government of all our Territories and the District of Columbia should be quali- fied by previous bonajide residence. We commend the patriotism of the Democratic members of the Senate and House of Representatives which compelled the termi- nation of the Russian Treaty of 1832, and we pledge ourselves anew to preserve the sacred rights of American citizenship at home and abroad. No treaty should receive the sanction of our Govern- ment which does not recognize that equality of all of our citizens, irrespective of race or creed, and which does not expressly guaran- tee the fundamental right of expatriation. The constitutional rights of American citizens should protect them on our borders and go with them throughout the world, and every American citizen residing or having property in any foreign country is entitled to and must be given the full protection of the United States Government, both for himself and his property. We favor the establishment of a parcels post or postal express, and also the extension of the rural delivery system, as rapidly as practicable. We hereby express our deep interest in the great Panama Canal Exposition to be held in San Francisco in 1915, and favor such encouragement as can be properly given. APPENDIX 279 We commend to the several States the adoption of a law making it an offense for the proprietors of places of public amusement and entertainment to discriminate against the uniform of the United States similar to the law passed by Congress applicable to the Dis- trict of Columbia and the Territories in 1911. We renew the declaration of our last platform relating to a gen- erous pension policy. We call attention to the fact that the Democratic Party's de- mand for a return to the rule of the people, expressed in the National Platform four years ago, has now become the accepted doctrine of a large majority of the electors. We again remind the conntry that only by the larger exercise of the reserved power of the people can they protect themselves from the misuse of dele- gated power and the usurpation of governmental instrumentalities by special interests. For this reason the National Convention in- sisted on the overthrow of Cannonism and the inauguration of a system by which United States Senators could be elected by direct vote. The Democratic Party offers itself to the country as an agency through which the complete overthrow and extirpation of corrup- tion, fraud, and machine rule in American politics can be effected. Our platform is one of principles which we believe to be essen- tial to our national welfare. Our pledges are made to be kept when in office as well as relied upon during the campaign, and we invite the cooperation of all citizens, regardless of party, who believe in maintaining unimpared the institutions and traditions of our country. Prohibition Party Convention, held at Atlantic City, July 10 Candidates For President, Eugene W. Chafin, of Illinois. For Vice-President, Aaron S. Watkins, of Ohio. Platform The Prohibition Party of the United States of America, in con- vention at Atlantic City, New Jersey, July 11, 1912, recognizing God as the source of all governmental authority, makes the follow- ing declaration of principles : — The alcoholic drink traffic is wrong, the most serious drain upon the Nation's wealth and resources, detrimental to the general wel- fare, destructive of the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, and therefore, all laws taxing or licensing a traffic that produces crime, poverty, and political corruption, and spreads disease and death, should be repealed. To destroy such 280 APPENDIX traflfic there must be elected to power a political party -which will administer the Government from the standpoint that the alcoholic drink traffic is a crime and not a business. We favor the election of United States Senators by direct vote of the people. Presidential terms of six years and one term only. Uniform marriage and divorce laws. The extermination of polygamy and the complete suppression of the traffic in girls. Suffrage for women upon the same terms as to men. Court review as to post-office decisions. The absolute protection of the rights of labor without impair- ment of the rights of capital. The settlement of all international disputes by arbitration. The initiative and referendum. The tariff is a commercial question and should be fixed on the basis of accurate knowledge secured by a permanent omnipartisan tariff commission with ample powers. An elastic currency system adequate to our industrial needs. The complete and permanent separation of Church and State. We oppose the appropriation of public funds for any sectarian purposes. The abolition of child labor in the mines, workshops, and fac- tories, with the rigid enforcement of laws now flagrantly violated. Equitable graduated income and inheritance taxes. Conservation of our mineral and forest reserves, reclamation of arid and waste lands, and we urge that all mineral and timber lands and water-power now owned by the Government be held perpetually and leased for revenue purposes. Clearly defined laws for the regulation and control of corpora- tions transacting an interstate business. Greater efficiency and economy in government service. To these fundamental principles the National Prohibition Party renews its long allegiance and on these issues invites the coopera- tion of all citizens, to the end that the true objects of popular government may be attained ; i.e., equal and exact justice to all. APPENDIX 281 Progressive Party Convention, Held at Chicago, August 5 Candidates For President, Theodore Roosevelt, of New York. For Vice-President, Hiram W. Johnson, of California. Platform The conscience of the people in a time of grave national prob- lems has called into being a new party, born of the nation's awak- ened sense of justice. We of the Progressive Party here dedicate ourselves to the ful- filment of the duty laid upon us by our fathers to maintain that government of the people, by the people, and for the people, whose foundations they laid. We hold, with Thomas Jefferson and Abraham Lincoln, that the people are the masters of their Constitution, to fulfill its pur- poses and to safeguard it from those who, by perversion of its intent, would convert it into an instrument of injustice. In ac- cordance with the needs of each generation the people must use their sovereign powers to establish and maintain equal opportunity and industrial justice, to secure which this government was founded and without which no republic can endure. This country belongs to the people who inhabit it. Its resources, its business, its institutions, and its laws should be utilized, main- tained, or altered in whatever manner will best promote the gen- eral interest. It is time to set the public welfare in the first place. Political parties exist to secure responsible government and to execute the will of the people. From these great tasks both the old parties have turned aside. Instead of instruments to promote the general welfare, they have become the tools of corrupt interests which use them impartially to serve their selfish purposes. Behind the ostensible government sits enthroned an invisible government owning no allegiance and alleging no responsibility to the people. To destroy this invisible government, to dissolve the unholy alliance between corrupt business and corrupt politics, is the first task of the statesmanship of the day. The deliberate betrayal of its trust by the Republican Party, the fatal incapacity of the Democratic Party to deal with the new issues of the new time, have compelled the people to forge a new instrument of government through which to give effect to their will in laws and institutions. Unhampered by tradition, uncorrupted by power, undismayed by the magnitude of the task, the new party offers itself as the instrument of the people to sweep away old abuses, to build a new and nobler commonwealth. This declaration is our covenant with the people, and we hereby 282 APPENDIX bind the party and its candidates in state and nation to the pledges made herein. The Progressive Party, committed to the principle of government by a self-controlled democracy expressing its will through repre- sentatives of the people, pledges itself to secure such alterations in the fundamental law of the several states and of the United States as shall insure the representative character of the govern- ment. In particular, the party declares for direct-primaries for the nomination of state and national officers, for nation-wide prefer- ential primaries for candidates for the Presidency, for the direct election of United States Senators by the people ; and we urge on the states the policy of the short ballot with responsibility to the people secured by the initiative, referendum, and recall. The Progressive Party, believing that a free people should have the power from time to time to amend their fundamental law so as to adopt it progressively to the changing needs of the people, pledges itself to provide a more easy and expeditious method of amending the Federal Constitution. Up to the limit of the Constitution and later by amendment of the Constitution, if it was found necessary, we advocate bringing under effective national jurisdiction those problems which have expanded beyond reach of the individual states. It is as grotesque as it is intolerable that the several states should by unequal laws in matter of common concern become competing commercial agencies, barter the lives of their children, the health of their women, and the safety and well-being of their working people for the profit of their financial interests. The extreme insistence on state's rights by the Democratic Party in the Baltimore platform demonstrates anew its inability to understand the world into which it has survived or to administer the affairs of a union of states which have in all essential respects become one people. The Progressive Party, believing that no people can justly claim to be a true democracy which denies political right on account of sex, pledges itself to the task of securing equal suffrage to men and women alike. We pledge our party to legislation that will compel strict lim- itation of all campaign contributions and expenditures and detailed publicity of both, before as weU as after primaries and elections. We pledge our party to legislation compelling the registration of lobbyists ; publicity of committee hearings, except on foreign affairs, and recording of all votes in committee, and forbidding federal appointees from holding office in state or national political organizations or taking part as officers or delegates in political conventions for the nomination of elective state or national officials. APPENDIX 283 The Progressive Party demands such restriction of the power of the courts as shall leave to the people the ultimate authority to determine fundamental questions of social welfare and public policy. To secure this end, it pledges itself to provide : — (1) That when an act passed under the police power of the state is held unconstitutional under the state constitution by the courts, the people, after an ample interval for deliberation, shall have an opportunity to vote on the question whether they desire the act to become law, notwithstanding such decision. (2) That every decision of the highest appellate court of a state declaring an act of the legislature unconstitutional on the ground of its violation of the Federal Constitution shall be subject to the same review by the Supreme Court of the United States as is now accorded to decisions sustaining such legislation. The Progressive Party, in order to secure to the people a better administration of justice and by that means to bring about a more general respect for the law and the courts, pledges itself to work unceasingly for the reform of legal procedure and judicial methods. We believe that the issuance of injunctions in cases arising out of labor disputes should be prohibited when such injunctions would not apply when no labor disputes existed. We also believe that a person cited for contempt in labor dis- putes, except when such contempt was committed in the actual presence of the court or so near thereto as to interfere with the proper administration of justice, should have a right to trial by jury. The supreme duty of the nation is the conservation of human resources through an enlightened measure of social and industrial justice. We pledge ourselves to work unceasingly in state and nation for — Effective legislation looking to the prevention of industrial acci- dents, occupational diseases, overwork, involuntary unemployment, and other injurious effects incident to modern industry; The fixing of minimum safety and health standards for the various occupations, and the exercise of the public authority of state and nation, including the federal control over interstate commerce and the taxing power, to maintain such standards; The prohibition of child labor; minimum wage standards for working women; to provide a "living wage" in all industrial occupations ; The general prohibition of night work for women, and the estab- lishment of an eight-hour day for women and young persons ; One day's rest in seven for all wage-workers ; The eight-hour day in continuous twenty-four hour industries ; The abolition of the convict contract labor system; substituting 284 APPENDIX a system of prison production for governmental consumption only ; and the application of prisoners' earnings to the support of their dependent families ; Publicity as to wages, hours, and conditions of labor ; full re- ports upon industrial accidents and diseases, and the opening to public inspection of all tallies, weights, measures, and check sys- tems on labor products. We pledge our party to establish a Department of Labor with a seat in the Cabinet, and with wide jurisdiction over matters affect- ing the conditions of labor and living. The development and prosperity of country life are as important to the people who live in the cities as they are to the farmers. Increase of prosperity on the farm will favorably affect the cost of living and promote the interests of all who dwell in the country, and all who depend upon its products for clothing, shelter, and food. We pledge our party to foster the development of agricultural credit and cooperation, the teaching of agriculture in schools, the agricultural college extension, the use of mechanical power on the farm, and to reestablish the Country Life Commission, thus directly promoting the welfare of the farmers and bringing the benefits of better farming, better business, and better living within their reach. The high cost of living is due partly to world-wide and partly to local causes ; partly to natural and partly to artificial causes. The measures proposed in this platform on various subjects, such as the tariff, the trusts, and conservation, will of themselves remove the artificial causes. There will remain other elements, such as the tendency to leave the country for the city, waste, extravagance, bad system of taxation, poor methods of raising crops, and bad business methods in marketing crops. To remedy these conditions requires the fullest information and, based on this information, effective government supervision and control to remove all the artificial causes. We pledge ourselves to such full and immediate inquiry and to immediate action to deal with every need such inquiry discloses. We favor the union of all the existing agencies of the Federal Government dealing with the public health into a single national health service without discrimination against or for any one set of therapeutic methods, school of medicine, or school of healing, with such additional powers as may be necessary to enable it to perform efficiently such duties in the protection of the public from preventable disease as may be properly undertaken by the federal authorities ; including the executing of existing laws regarding pure food ; quarantine and cognate subjects ; the promotion of APPENDIX 285 appropriate action for the improvement of vital statistics and the extension of the registration area of such statistics ; and coopera- tion with the health activities of the various states and cities of the nation. We believe that true popular government, justice, and prosperity go hand in hand, and, so believing, it is our purpose to secure that large measui-e of general prosperity which is the fruit of legitimate and honest business, fostered by equal justice and by sound progressive laws. We demand that the test of true prosperity shall be the benefits conferred thereby on all the citizens, not confined to individuals or classes, and that the test of corporate efficiency shall be the ability better to serve the public ; tliat those who profit by control of business shall justify that profit and control by sharing with the public the fruits thereof. We therefore demand a strong national regulation of interstate corporations. The corporation is an essential part of modern busi- ness. The concentration of modern business in some degree is both inevitable and necessary for national and international busi- ness efficiency. But the existing concentration of vast wealth under a corporate system, unguarded and uncontrolled by the nation, has placed in the hands of a few men enormous, secret, irrespon- sible power over the daily life of the citizen — a power insufferable in a free government and certain of abuse. This power has been abused, in monopoly of national resources, in stock-watering, in unfair competition and unfair privileges, and finally in sinister influences on the public agencies of state and nation. We do not fear commercial power, but we insist that it shall be exercised openly, under public supervision and regulation of the most efficient sort which will preserve its good while eradi- cating and preventing its ill. To that end we urge the establishment of a strong federal ad- ministrative commission of high standing which shall maintain permanent active supervision over industrial corporations engaged in interstate commerce, doing for them what the Government now does for the national banks, and what is now done for the railroads by the Interstate Commerce Commission. Such a commission must enforce the complete publicity of those corporate transactions which are of public interest ; must attack unfair competition, false capitalization, and special privilege, and by continuous, trained watchfulness guard and keep open, equally to all, the highways of American commerce. Thus the business man will have certain knowledge of the law, and will be able to conduct his business easily in conformity therewith ; the investor will find security for his capital ; dividends will be rendered more 286 APPENDIX certain, and the savings of the people will be drawn naturally and safely into the channels of trade. Under snch a system of constructive regulation legitimate busi- ness, freed from confusion, uncertainty, and fruitless litigation, will develop normally in response to the energy and enterprise of the American business man. We favor strengthening the Sherman Law by prohibiting agree- ments to divide territory or limit output ; refusing to sell to cus- tomers who buy from business rivals ; to sell below cost in certain areas while maintaining higher prices in other places ; using the power of transportation to aid or injure special business concerns, and other unfair trade practices. We pledge ourselves to the enactment of a patent law which will make it impossible for patents to be suppressed or used against the public welfare in the interests of injurious monopolies. We pledge our party to secure to the Interstate Commerce Com- mission the power to value the physical property of railroads. In order that the power of the commission to protect the people may not be impaired or destroyed, we demand the abolition of the Commerce Court. W^e believe there exists imperative need for prompt legislation for the improvement of our national currency system. We believe the present method of issuing notes through private agencies is harmful and unscientific. The issue of currency is fundamen- tally a government function and the system should have as basic principles soundness and elasticity. The control should be lodged with the Government and should be protected from domination or manipulation by Wall Street or any special interests. We are opposed to the so-called Aldrich Currency Bill because its provisions would place our currency and credit system in private hands, not subject to effective public control. The time has come when the Federal Government should coop- erate with manufacturers and producers in extending our foreign commerce. To this end we demand adequate appropriations by Congress and the appointment of diplomatic and consular officers solely with a view to their special fitness and worth, and not in consideration of political expediency. It is imperative to the welfare of our people that we enlarge and extend our foreign commerce. In every way possible our Federal Government should cooperate in this important matter. Germany's policy of cooperation between government and business has in comparatively few years made that nation a leading competitor for the commerce of the world. The natural resources of the nation must be promptly developed and generously used to supply the people's needs, but we cannot APPENDIX 287 safely allow them to be wasted, exploited, monopolized, or con- trolled against the general good. We heartily favor the policy of conservation, and we pledge our party to protect the national for- ests without hindering tlieir legitimate use for the benefit of all the people. Agricultural lands in the national forests are and should remain open to the genuine settler. Conservation will not retard legitimate development. The honest settler must receive his patent promptly without hindrance, rules, or delays. We believe that the remaining forests, coal and oil lands, water- powers, and other natural resources, still in state or national con- trol (except agricultural lands), are more likely to be wisely con- served and utilized for the general welfare if held in the public hands. In order that consumers and producers, managers and workmen, now and hereafter, need not pay toll to private monopo- lies of power and raw material, we demand that such resources shall be retained by the state or nation, and opened to immediate use under laws which will encourage development and make to the people a moderate return for benefits conferred. In particular we pledge our party to require reasonable compen- sation to the public for water-power rights hereafter gi-anted by the public. We pledge legislation to lease the public grazing lands under equitable provisions now pending which will increase the production of food for the people and thoroughly safeguard the rights of the actual homemakers. Natural resources whose con- servation is necessary for the national welfare should be owned or controlled by the nation. We recognize the vital importance of good roads, and we pledge our party to foster their extension in every proper way, and we favor the early construction of national highways. We also favor the extension of the rural free delivery service. The coal and other natural resources of Alaska should be opened to development at once. They are owned by the people of the United States and are safe from monopoly, waste, or destruction only while so owned. We demand that they shall neither be sold nor given away except under the Homestead Law, but while held in government ownership shall be opened to use promptly upon liberal terms requiring immediate development. Thus the benefit of cheap fuel will accrue to the Government of the United States and to the people of Alaska and the Pacific Coast ; the settlement of extensive agricultural lands will be has- tened ; the extermination of the salmon will be prevented, and the just and wise development of Alaskan resources will take the place of private extortion or monopoly. We demand also that extortion or monopoly in transportation shall be prevented by the prompt acquisition, construction, or improvement by the Government of 288 APPENDIX such railroads, harbor, and other facilities for transportation as the welfare of the people may demand. We promise the people of the Territory of Alaska the same measure of local self-government that was given to other American Territories, and that federal officials appointed there shall be qualified by previous bona fide residence in the territory. The rivers of the United States are the natural arteries of this continent. We demand that they shall be opened to trafl&c as in- dispensable parts of a great nation-wide system of transportation, in which the Panama Canal will be the central link, thus enabling the whole interior of the United States to share with the Atlantic and Pacific seaboards in the benefit derived from the canals. It is a national obligation to develop our rivers, and especially the Mississippi and its tributaries, without delay, under a compre- hensive general plan covering each river system from its source to its mouth, designed to secure its highest usefulness for navigation, irrigation, domestic supply, water-power, and the prevention of floods. We pledge our party to the immediate preparation of such a plan which should be made and carried out in close and friendly cooperation between the nation, the state, and the cities affected. Under such a plan, the destructive floods of the Mississippi and other streams, which represent a vast and needless loss to the nation, would be controlled by forest conservation and water storage at the headwaters and by levees below, land sufficient to support millions of people would be reclaimed from the de- serts and swamps, water-power enough to transform the indus- trial standing of whole states would be developed, adequate water terminals would be provided, transportation would revive, and the railroads would be compelled to cooperate as freely with the boat lines as with each other. The equipment, organization, and experience acquired in con- structing the Panama Canal soon will be available for the lakes- to-the-gulf deep waterway and other portions of this great work, and should be utilized by the nation in cooperation with the vari- ous states, at the lowest net cost to the people. The Panama Canal, built and paid for by the American people, must be used primarily for their beneflt. We demand that the canal shall be so operated as to break the transportation monopoly now held and misused by the transcontinental railroads by main- taining sea competition with them, that ships directly or indi- rectly owned or controlled by American railroad corporations shall not be permitted to use the canal, and that American ships en- gaged in coastwise trade shall pay no tolls. The Progressive Party will favor legislation having for its aim APPENDIX 289 the development of friendship and commerce between the United States and Latin- American nations. We believe in a protective tariff which shall equalize conditions of competition between the United States and foreign countries, both for the farmer and the manufacturer, and which shall main- tain for labor an adequate standard of living. Primarily the benefit of any tariff should be disclosed in the pay envelope of the laborer. We declare that no industry deserves protection which is unfair to labor or which is operating in violation of federal law. We be- lieve that the presumption is always in favor of the consuming public. We demand tariff revision because the present tariff is unjust to the people of the United States. Fair dealing toward the people requires an immediate downward revision of those schedules wherein duties are shown to be unjust or excessive. We pledge ourselves to the establishment of a non-partisan scien- tific tariff commission, reporting both to the President and to either branch of Congress, which shall report, — first, as to the costs of production, efficiency of labor, capitalization, industrial organiza- tion and efficiency, and the general competitive position in this country and abroad of industries seeking protection from Con- gress ; second, as to the revenue-producing power of the tariff and its relation to the resources of Government ; and third, as to the effect of the tariff on prices, operations of middle men, and on the purchasing power of the consumer. We believe that this commis- sion should have plenary power to elicit information and for this purpose to prescribe a uniform system of accounting for the great protected industries. The work of the commission should not pre- vent the immediate adoption of acts reducing those schedules generally recognized as excessive. We condemn the Payne-Aldrich Tariff Bill as unjust to the people. The Republican organization is in the hands of those who have broken, and cannot be again trusted to keep, the promise of necessary downward revision. The Democratic Party is committed to the destruction of the protective system through a tariff for revenue only — a policy which would inevitably produce wide- spread industrial and commercial disaster. We demand the imme- diate repeal of the Canadian Reciprocity Act. We believe in a graduated inheritance tax as a national means of equalizing the obligations of holders of property to government, and we hereby pledge our party to enact such a federal law as will tax large inheritances, returning to the states an equitable percent- age of all amounts collected. We favor the ratification of the pending amendment to the Constitution giving the Government power to levy an income tax. 290 APPENDIX The Progressive Party deplores the survival in our civilization of the barbaric system of warfare among nations, with its enor- mous waste of resources even in time of peace and the consequent impoverishment of the life of the toiling masses. We pledge the party to use its best endeavors to substitute judi- cial and other peaceful means of settling international differences. We favor an international agreement for the limitation of naval forces. Pending such an agreement, and as the best means of pre- serving peace, we pledge ourselves to maintain for the present the policy of building two battleships a year. We pledge our party to protect the rights of American citizen- ship at home and abroad. No treaty should receive the sanction of our Government which discriminates between American citizens because of birthplace, race, or religion, or that does not recognize the absolute right of expatriation. Through the establishment of industrial standards we propose to secure to the able-bodied immigrant and to his native fellow- workers, a larger share of American opportunity. We denounce the fatal policy of indifference and neglect which has left our enormous immigrant population to become the prey of chance and cupidity. We favor governmental action to encour- age the distribution of immigrants away from the congested cities, to rigidly supervise all private agencies dealing with them, and to promote their assimilation, education, and advancement. We pledge ourselves to a wise and just policy of pensioning American soldiers and sailors and their widows and children by the Federal Government. And we approve the policy of the Southern States in granting pensions to the ex-Confederate soldiers and sailors and their widows and children. We pledge our party to the immediate creation of a parcels post with rates proportionate to distance and service. We condemn the violations of the Civil Service Law under the present administration, including the coercion and assessment of subordinate employees, and the President's refusal to punish such violation after a finding of guilty by his own commission ; his dis- tribution of patronage among subservient Congressmen, while withholding it from those who refuse to support administration measures ; his withdrawal of nominations from the Senate until political support for himself was secured, and his open use of the offices to reward those who voted for his renomination. To eradicate these abuses, we demand not only the enforcement of the Civil Service Act in letter and spirit, but also legislation which will bring under the competitive system postmasters, col- lectors, marshals, and all other non-political officers, as well as the APPENDIX 291 enactment of an equitable retirement law, and we also insist upon continuous service during good behavior and efBciency. We pledge our party to readjustment of the business methods of the National Government and a proper coordination of the federal bureaus which will increase the economy and efficiency of the government service, prevent duplications, and secure better results to the taxpayers for every dollar expended. The people of the United States are swindled out of many mil- lions of dollars every year, through worthless investments. The plain people, the wage-earner, and the men and women with small savings, have noway of knowing the merit of concerns sending out highly colored prospectuses offering stock for sale, prospectuses that make big returns seem certain and fortunes easily within grasp. We hold it to be the duty of the Government to protect its people from this kind of piracy. We, therefore, demand wise, care- fully-thought-out legislation that will give us such governmental supervision over this matter as will furnish to the people of the United States this much-needed protection, and we pledge our- selves thereto. On these principles and on the recognized desirability of uniting the progressive forces of the nation into an organization which shall unequivocally represent the progressive spirit and policy we appeal for the support of all American citizens, without regard to previous political affiliations. * INDEX Adams, John Quincy, on Cuba, 8. Ag-uinaldo, Filipino leader, 27, 77. Alaska boundary question, 92, 109. Aldrich, Nelson W., 6, 7. Anthracite coal strike, in 1902, 93. " Anti-imperialism," 24, 41, 58, 67, 68, 72, 73. 120, 278. Anti-imperialist League, conven- tion of 1900, 69. Anti-imperialists, conference of, in 1900, 68. Arizona, question of admission of, 49, 62, 67, 122, 144, 178, 193, 204, 278. Barker, Wharton, candidate for President, 42. Blaine, James G., Secretary of State, holds that the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty is abrogated, 79; his opinion of the Tenure of Office Act, 224. Boer War, 41, 50, 63, 67. Boutwell, Georgre S., 25. Boxer insurrection in China, 83. Brownsville affair, 153. Bryan, William J., his position on the Treaty of Paris, 26 ; his leader- ship in the canvass of 1900, 31 ; nom- inated for President by the Fusion wing of the Populists, 39 ; dominates the Democratic convention of 1900, 56; nominated by that convention, 63; endorsed by the Anti-imperial- ists, 71; activity in the preelection canvass, 73 ; opposition to, in 1904, 95 ; his opposition to Judge Parker, 117 ; mildly supports the ticket, 133 ; in the canvass of 1908, 153, 157, 183 ; nominated for the third time, 196 ; his stumping tours, 206. Caffery, Donelson, nominated for President, declines, 72. Cambon, Jules, French Ambassador at Washington, 2X Campaigrn contributions by cor- porations, 149, 188, 201, 266, 271, 282. Campaigrn funds, publicity of, 149, 180, 1S8, 201, 266, 271, 282. Canal, Isthmian, its construction ad- vocated in party platforms, 50, 62, 66 ; negotiations with Colombia, 88 ; its construction assured, 91 ; other references, 106, 122, 178, 193, 267, 277, 288. Cannon, Joseph G., 14, 156, 181. Canvass of 1900, characteristics of, 72 ; of 1904, 133. Carroll, Georgre W., nominated for Vice-President, 112. Chafin, Eugrene W., nominated for President in 1908, 198 ; in 1912, 279. Child labor, 149, 160, 167, 193, 198, 255, 280, 283. Chinese exclusion, 63, 107. Citizenship, of inhabitants of the Philippines and Porto Rico, 78. Civil service, in political platforms, 49, 66, 68, 72, 107, 111, 123, 177, 193, 265, 277, 279, 290 ; reform, history of, 224. Clayton-Bulwer Treaty, 7, 79. Cleveland, Grover, his unpleasant situation, 1894-97, 1 ; his attitude to- ward the Cuban rebellion, 10 ; with- draws treaty of annexation of Ha- waii, 21 , his use of the veto power, 233, 237. Coal strike, in 1902, 93, 108. Colombia, Eepublic of, blocks the Panama Canal, 89. Commerce and Labor, establishment of a department of, advocated in paity platforms, 50, 62. Common carriers, regulations of, 150. Congrress, party divisions in, 2, 29, 83. Conservation of natural resources, 151, 176, 194, 198,286. " Constructive " recess of the Sen- ate, 226. Consular system, in political plat- forms, 50, 286. 294 INDEX Continental party, convention of 1904, 130. Conventions, national: Auti-iniperialist League (1900), 69. Continentiil party (1904), 130. Democratic party (1900), 56; (1904), 117; (1908), 182 ; (1912 ,268. Independence party (1908), 199. National Liberty party (1904), 127. Populist party, Fusion wing (1900), 39; Middle-of-the-road wing (1900), 42 ; (1904), 114 ; (1908), 158. Progressive party (1912), 281. Prohibition party (1900), 51; (1904), 109; (1908), 197; (1912), 279. Kepublican party (1900), 45 ; (1904), 104 ; (1908), 169 ; (1912), 261. Silver Republican party (1900), 64. Socialist party (1900), 34 ; (1904), 97 ; (1908), 182; (1912), 251. Socialist Labor party (1900), 44; (1904), 112 ; (1908), 181 ; (1912), 247. United Christian party (1900), 37; (1904), 103. United Reform party (1900), 36. Copyright, 149. Corregran, Charles H., nominated for President, 114. Count of electoral votes, election of 1900, 74 ; election of 1904, 140 ; elec- tion of 1908, 212. Courts and judgres, 62, lie, 160, 175, 256, 262, 272, 283. Cox, William W., nominated for Vice-President, 114. Crum, William D., case of, 226. Cuba, 8 ; insurrection of 1905, 9; atti- tude of Presidents Cleveland and McKinley, 10, 13; action of Con- gress, 11, 12, 14, 18, 19, 20 ; attitude of parties on the subject, 12, 69, 105 ; government established, 80; Inter- vention by the United States, 146, 177. Currency question, 3, 29, 47, 62, 65, 68, 130, 149, 286. Danish West Indies, 82, 91. Davis, Henry G., nominated for Vice- President, 126. Debs, Eugrene V., candidate for President, 34, 103, 168, 251. De Lome, Sefior, Spanish Minister at Wasliington, 14. Democratic party, convention of 1900, 56 ; Of 1904, 117 ; of 1908, 182 ; of 1912, 268. Dingrley tariff. See Tariff of 1897. Divorce laws, uniform, in party plat- forms, 111, 197. Donnelly, I&natius, candidate for Vice-President, 42. Eigrht-hour system. See Hours of labor. Electoral and popular votes, in 1900, 75 ; in 1904, 137 ; in 1908, 208. Ellis, Seth H., candidate for Presi- dent, 37. Employers' liability, 150, 174, 192, 198, 202, 265. Fairbanks, Charles W., 104, 155; nominated for Vice-President, 109; elected, 137. Farmers' Alliance, platform in 1900, 32. Fifteenth Amendment to the Con- stitution, enforcement of, 49, 108, 175. Forest reserves, 151, 176, 195, 204, 287. Free silver, 2, 7, 32, 33, 40, 43, 46, 48, 57, 61, 62, 73. Fuller, Melville W., 76, 140, 213. " General debate " in Congrress, 4. Gillhaus, Augrust, nominated for President, 182 ; for Vice-President, 247. Gold standard, established by Act of 1900, 29 ; endorsed by Republicans, 47 ; condemned by Democrats, 62; by Silver Republicans, 65 ; other ref- erences, 72, 105, 119. Graves, John T., nominated for Vice- President, 206. Gray, Georgre, 125, 155, 182, 186, 196. Great Britain, relations with, 79. Hag-ue Conference, in party plat- forms, 50. Hale, Eug-ene, 12, 32. Hamilton, Alexander, on powers of the Supreme Court, 214; on the power of removal from offlce, 219; on the veto power, 229, 234. Hanford, Benjamin, candidate for Vice-President, 103, 168. Hanna, Marcus A., considered as opposing candidate to Roosevelt, 95. INDEX 295 Harriman. Job, candidate for Vice- I'lesideiit, 34. Hawaii, annexed, 21 ; policy respect- ing, (i«, 70. Hay-Paimcefote Treaty, 62, 179. Hearst, William R., %, 123, 104, 157, VJ'J. Hill, David B., 57, C4. Hisgren, Thomas L,, nominated for President, 200. Hoar, George F., 32. Hours of labor, as a political issue, 30, 115, 100, 107, 174, 192, 202, 255, 283; considered by Congress, 149, 180. House of Bepresentatives, modern system of considering important measures hy, 5. Howe, Archibald M., nominated for Vice-I'resident, declines, 72. Hughes, Charles E., 15.5, 181; his theory ot the power of an execu- tive, 240. Immigrration, restriction of, in po- litical platforms, 48, 68, 100, 195, 204, 200, 207 ; agitation against Japanese immigration in San Francisco, 147. Inauguration of McKinley, second term, l9oi, 70; of Roosevelt, 1905, 140 ; of Taft, 1909, 212. Income tax, authority for a national, advocated, 33, 40, 43, 65, 167, 191, 197, 2.55, 271, 280, 289. Independence League, 1.54, 157. Independence party (see also Inde- pendence League), convention of 1908, 199. Initiative in legislation, 34, 36, 43, 60, 111, 110, l.'i2, 100, 108, 200, 255, 280, 282. Injunction, government by, in party platforms, 02, 116, 160, 168, 175, 180, 192, 201, 275, 283. Insurance against sickness, etc., in political platforms, .%, 1.57. Intervention, between Spain and the United States, proposed, 16. Irrigation of arid lands, 49, 63, 67, lOG, 121, 194, 205, 267, 280, 286. Jackson, Andrew, his use of the power of removal from ofRce, 221 ; his use of the veto power, 230. Japan, relations with, 148. Japanese immigration, in political platforms, 42, 63; agitation in San Francisco, 147. Jefferson, Thomas, advocates acqui- sition of Cuba, 9. Johnson, Andrew, his use of the power (jf removal, 222; his use of the veto power, 233. Johnson, John A., 154, 186, 196. Jones, John P., 6. Kent, Chancellor, on removals from ofhce, 219. Kern, John W., nominated for Vice- I'resident, 197. Knox, Philander C, l.50, 180. La FoUette, Eohert E., 150, 181. Lee, Fitzhugh, Consul-General at Ha- vana, 15, 17. Leonard, Jonah F. B., candidate for I'resident, 37. Liquor, intoxicating, as a political issue, .'j8, 52, 104, 110, 197, 2.59, 279. L3mching, in a party platform, 127. McKinley, William, urges revision of the tariff, 2 ; his attitude on the Cuban rebellion, 13 ; efforts to main- tain peace with Spain, 10 ; message to Congress which led to war, 17 ; nominated for reelection, 51 ; re- elected, 75; his journeys, 83; advo- cates reciprocity, 84 ; assassinated, 85 ; tribute to his memory by the Republican convention of 1904, 108. Maclay, William, 217, 220. Madison, James, on the danger of legislative usurpation, 215; on the veto power, 229 ; his use of the veto, 230. Maine, battleship, destruction of, 14. Marcy, William L., enunciates the theory of the " spoils system," 221. Marshall, Thomas B., nominated for Vice-I'resident, 208. Martin, David H., candidate for Vice-President, 37. Meat inspection, 149. Merchant Marine, encouragement of, in political platforms, 49, 63, 107, 122, 177. 192, 206, 277. Metcalf, Henry B., candidate for Vice-President, .56. Mills, Eoger Q., 12. Mines, public ownership of, urged, 36, 104, 107, 254. 296 INDEX Mississippi River, improvement of, 260, 274, 288. Monopolies. See Trusts. Monroe Doctrine, iu political plat- forms, 50, 60, 107, 109, 123, 272 ; appli- cation to the Spanish situation, 7 ; to the Venezuelan question, 91. Morgan, John T., advocate of the Nicaragua route, 88. Morris, Gouverneur, his plan of a Council of State, 218 ; his opinion on the veto power, 229. Munro, Donald B., nominated for Vice-President, 182. National Liberty party, convention of 1904, 127. Naturalization, 149 ; of anarchists, 260. New Mexico, question of admission, 49, 62, 67, 122, 144, 178, 193, 204, 278. Nicaragua Canal. See Canal, Isth- mian. Nicholson, Samuel T., candidate for Vice-President, 37. Oklahoma, admission of, advocated in party platforms, 49, C2, 67, 122 ; admitted, 143. Olney, Eichard, 12, 124. " Ostend Manifesto," 9. Over-capitalization of corpora- tions, 149. Panama Canal. See Canal, Isthmian. Panama, revolution in, and secession from Colombia, 89, 109. Pan-American Conference, 1906, 146, 177, 195. Parcels post, advocated, 278, 290. Parker, Alton B., 96, 117; nominated for President, 123; his declaration on the gold standard, 125; in the canvass of 1904, 133 ; in the conven- tion of 1908, 183. Pauncefote, Sir Julian, British Ambassador at Washington, 16. Patent law, reform of, 255, 286. Pensions, in political platforms, 49, 66, 68, 72, 107, 111, 123, 177, 193, 290. Philippine Islands, become Ameri- can territory, 23; insurrection in, breaks out, 24 ; insurrection in, sup- pressed, in 1901, 77, 105 ; attitude of parties relative to the acquisition and retention of, 24, 31, 41, 50, 59,68, 70, 120, 132, 149, 177, 195, 267. See also Anti-imperialism. Pierce, Franklin, his theory of the veto power, 232. Piatt Amendment, governing rela- tions with Cuba, 81. Platforms : Anti-imperialists (1900), 68. Anti-imperiahst League (1900), 69. Continental party (1904), 129. Democratic party (1900), 58; (1904), 119 ; (1908), 186 ; (1912), 268. Farmers' Alliance (1900), 33. Independence party (1908), 199. National Liberty party (1904), 127. Populist party, Fusion wing (1900); 39. Middle-of-the-road wing (1900), 43; (1904), 115; (1908), 159. Progressive party (1912), 281. Prohibition party (1900), 52; (1904), 110; (1908), 197; (1912), 279. Eepublican party (1900), 46; (1904), 104; (1908), 170; (1912), 261. Silver Kepublican party (1900), 64. Socialist party (1900), 34 ; (1904), 98; (1908), 162; (1912), 251. Socialist Labor party (1900), 44 ; (1904 and 1908), 112; (1912), 247. United Christian party (1900), 37, (1904), 103. United Keform party (1900), 37. " Pocket vetoes," 230. Polygamy, in party platforms, ill, 127, 184, 280. Popular and electoral votes, in 1900, 75 ; in 1904, 137 ; in 1908, 208. Populist party, Fusionist wing, con- vention of 1900, 39. Middle-of-the-road wing, conven- tion of 1900, 42 ; Of 1904, 114 ; of 1908, 158. Populists in the Senate, their atti- tude on the tariff of 1897, 7. Porto Bico, policy respecting, 24 (note), 26, 28, 47, 58, 62, 67, 68, 70, 105, 122, 149, 177, 195. Postal saving banks, advocated, 33, 40, 116, 159, 173, 191, 197. Powers of the President ; prescribed in the Constitution, 218 ; the power of appointment and removal, 218 ; the power to fill vacancies, 226 ; the veto power, 228 ; the power over legisla- tion, 234. INDEX 297 President, personal protection of the, 87. Presidential primaries, 271, 282. Preston, Martin B., uoaiiuiited for President, 182. Primary election, in party plat- forms, 132, 271, 282. Proctor, Redfield, report on condi- tions in Cuba, 15. Prohibition Party, convention of I'JOO, 51 ; of 1904, lOy ; of 1908, 197 ; of 1912, 279. Protection, by tarifE, in platforms, 48, 68, 72, 109, 120, 203, 209, 289 ; of American citizens abroad, in political platforms, 50, 108, 122, 176, 193, 205, 266, 278, 290. Publicity of campaign expendi- tures, 149, 180, 188, 201, 266, 271, 282. Pure Food Law, 149, 277. Bailroad rates, regulation of, 150, 174, 189, 273. Railroads, control by the Govern- ment, 33, 30, 40, 43, 61, 67, 117, 132, 159, 167, 190, 202, 254. Rebates by railroads, 150, 174, 189, 203. Recall of public ofacers, 36, 43, lie, 100, 200, 255. Reciprocity, in political platforms, 48, 107, 123, 130 ; advocated by Pres- ident McKinley, 83, 84. with Canada, 152, 289. Reed, Thomas B., elected Speaker of the 5th Congress, 4 ; opposed to the Philippine policy, 32. Referendum in leg-islation, 34, 30, 43, 06, 116, 132, 160, 168, 200, 255, 280, 282. Removals from office, power of the President discussed, 218. Republican National Convention, of 1900, 45 ; of 1904, 104 ; Of 1908, 169 ; Of 1912, 261. Roosevelt, Theodore, Governor of New York, 45 ; nominated for Vice- President, 51 ; in the canvass of 1900, 73; elected, 74; succeeds President McKinley, 86; acts to end the coal strike, 1902, 93 ; nominated for re- election, 109 ; elected, 137 ; not a can- didate for a third term, 139, 140 ;char- acteristics of his second administra- tion, 141 : initiates movement to end the Kusso-Japanese War, 147; the attempts to stampede the conven- tion of 1908 in his favor, 170 ; his theory of a " constructive " recess of the Senate, 220 ; his power over leg- islation, 237 ; nominated for Presi- dent in 1912, 2S1. Root, Elihu, 104, 146, 155, 177. Russo-Japanese War, 147. Samoa, 5o. Santo Domingro, relations with, 145. Seidel, Emil, nominated for Vice- President, 251. Senate, abolition of the, advocated by Socialists, 168, 250. Senators, United States, election of, by popular vote, 34, 38, 43, 02,05, 112, 180, 193, 197, 205, 271, 280, 282. Sherman, James S., nominated for Vice-President, 181, 261 ; elected, 208. "Silver Republicans," their atti- tude on the tariff question in 1897, 6 ; convention of 1900, 64. Single term for President, 272, 280. Social-Democratic party. Hee Social- ist party. Socialist-Labor party, convention of 1900, 44 ; of 1904, 112 ; of 1908, 181 ; of 1912, 247. Socialist party, convention of 1900, 34 ; of 1904, 97 ; Of 1908, 161 ; of 1912, 251. Spain, relations with, and war of 1898, 8, et seq.; war declared, 20; peace restored, 21. Speaker of the House, power of the, 187. — • __ "Stampede" for Roosevelt, at- tempted, 170. Sta.ndard Oil Company, 151. " Stand-patters," 152. Stevenson, Adlai E., candidate for Vice-President, 64. Story, Joseph, on removals from office, 219. Supreme Court, decisions by, relat- ing to Philippines and Porto Kico, 7S ; powers of, 213, 256. Swallow, Silas C, 37; nominated for Presitlent, 112. Taft. William H.. 150, 109 ; nominated for president, 180; elected, 208; in- augurated, 212 ; nominated for re- election, 261. 298 INDEX Tariff of 1897, 2, 6, 7, 46,50,61, 72, 105, 162. platform declarations, 50, 69, 106, 111, 172, 180, 189, 203, 269, 289 ; on articles controlled by " trusts," 6, 41, 61, 66, 189. Taylor, George E., nominated for President, 127. Telegraphs and telephones, control of, by Government, 33, 36, 43, 117, 159, 167, 254. " Teller" Amendment, to resolution declaring war with Spain, 19. Tenure of Office Act, 222. Third term for a President, 139, 155. Tibbies, Thomas H., nominated for Vice-President, 117. Towne, Charles A., refuses Populist nomination as Vice-President, 39 ; votes for, in Democratic Conven- tion, 1900, 196. Treaty of Paris, restoring peace with Spain, 26 ; ratified, 28, Trusts, as a political issue, 33, 35, 43, 48, 60, 65, 66, 104, 106, 111, 115, 120, 149, 151, 169, 173, 180, 203, 263, 270; tariff on articles controlled by, 6, 41, 61, 66, 189. United Christian party, convention of 1900, 37 ; of 1904, 103. Union Eeform party, convention of 1900, 36. Vacancies in office, during recess of the Senate, 226. Venezuela, 82, 144. Veto power of the President, dis- cussed, 228 ; its abolition advocated, 256. Wage system, denounced, 35, 100. Washing'ton, Booker T., his lunch- eon with President Koosevelt, 86. Watkins, Aaron S., nominated for Vice-President, 1908, 198; in 1912, 279. Watson, Thomas E., nominated for President, 117, 161. Weyler, General, Governor-General of Cuba, 13. Wilson-Gorman Tariff. 2. Wilson, Woodrow, nominated for President, 268. Woman suffrage, in political plat- forms, 36, 38, 167, 198, 255, 280, 282, Woodford, Stewart L., 12, 15. WooUey, John G., 37 ; nominated for President, 56. CAMBRIDGE . MASSACHUSETTS U . S . 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