rf 
 
 'J.aix( 
 
 HISTORY OF CHIYALRY. 
 
 Gf. P. R. JAMES, ESQ., 
 
 Mh^VLQ-B, OP "DE L'OBME," " DAENLEy," "RICHELIEU,* ETa 
 
 NEW YORK: 
 
 HARPER <t BROTHERS, PUBLISHERS. 
 
 1857. 
 
- 4> 
 
 ^' 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 In writing the pages which follow this Preface, I 
 hb-ve had to encounter the difficulty of compressing 
 very extensive matter into an extremely limited 
 space. As the subject was, in my eyes, a very in- 
 teresting one, and every particular connected with 
 it had often been food for thought and object of en- 
 tertainment to myself, the task of curtailing was 
 the more ungrateful : nor should I have imdertaken 
 it, had I not been convinced by my publisher that 
 one volume would be as much as the public in 
 general would be inclined to read. I wished to 
 write upon Chivalry and the Crusades, because I 
 fancied that in the hypotheses of many other au- 
 thors I had discovered various errors and misstate- 
 ments, which gave a false impression of both the 
 institution and the enterprise ; and I have endea- 
 voured, in putting forth my own view of the sub- 
 ject, to advance no one point, however minute 
 which cannot be justified by indisputable authority. 
 A favourite theory is too often, in historical writing 
 like the bed of the ancient Greek ; and facts are 
 either stretched or lopped away to agree with it : 
 but to ensure as much accuracy as possible, I have 
 iaken pains to mark in the margin of the pages the 
 different writers on whose assertions my own state- 
 ments are founded, with a corresponding figure, by 
 which each particular mav be referred to its authority 
 
•V PREFACE. 
 
 In regard to these authors themselves, it seems 
 necessary here to give some information, that those 
 persons who are inclined to inquire beyond the 
 mere surface may know what credit is to be at 
 tached to each. 
 
 On the first crusade we have a whole host of 
 contemporary writers, many of whom were pre- 
 sent at the events they describe. Besides these 
 are several others, who, though they wrote at an 
 after-period, took infinite pains to render their ac- 
 count as correct as possible. The authors I have 
 principally cited for all the earlier facts of the 
 Holy War are, William of Tyre, Mbert of Aix, 
 Fulcher of Chartres, Raimond of Agiles, Guibert 
 of Nogent, Radulph of Caen, and Robert, surnamed 
 the Monk. 
 
 William of Tyre is, beyond all doubt, the most 
 illustrious of the many historians who have written 
 on the crusades. Born in Palestine, and though 
 both educated for the church and raised step by step 
 to its highest dignities, yet mingling continually in 
 the political changes of the Holy Land — the pre- 
 ceptor of one of its kings — frequently employed in 
 embassies to Europe, and ultimately Archbishop of 
 Tyre and Chancellor of the kingdom of Jerusalem, 
 \Villiam possessed the most extensive means of 
 gathering materials for the great work he has left 
 to posterity. He brought to his task, also, a power- 
 ful mind, as well as considerable discrimination ; 
 and was infinitely superior m education and every 
 intellectual quality to the general chroniclers of 
 his age. He was not born, however, at the time 
 of the first crusade ; and consequently, where he 
 
PREFACE. V 
 
 speaks of the events of that enterprise, we may look 
 upon him as an historian, clear, talented, elegant, 
 and not extremely credulous ; but we must not ex- 
 pect to find the vivid identity of contemporaneous 
 writing. In regard to the history of his own daya 
 he is invaluable, and in respect to that of the 
 times which preceded them, his work is certainly 
 superior, as a whole, to any thing that has since 
 been written on the subject. 
 
 A much more vivid and enthusiastic picture of the 
 first crusade is to be found in Albert of Aix, from whom 
 William of Tyre borrowed many of his details ; but 
 the Syrian Archbishop, living long after, saw the 
 events he recounted as a whole, rejected much as 
 false that Albert embraced as true, and softened the 
 zealous fire which the passions and feelings of the 
 moment had lighted up in the bosom of the other. 
 Albert himself was not one of the crusaders ; but liv- 
 ing at the time, and conversing continually with those 
 who returned from the Holy Land, he caught, to an 
 extraordinary extent, the spirit of the enterprise, 
 and has left behind him a brilliant transcript of all 
 the passed-by dreams and long-extinguished en- 
 thusiasms of his day 
 
 Thus, as a painting of manners and customs, the 
 Chronicon Hierosolymitanum is one of the most 
 valuable records we possess, and the account there 
 given of Peter the Hermit and Gautier sans avoir is 
 in many points more full and comprehensive than 
 any other. 
 
 Fulcher of Chartres set out for the Holy Land 
 with Stephen, Count of Blois, one of the first cru- 
 
VI PREFACE. 
 
 sadcrs. He so ai after bpr-aine <']iaplaia to Bald- 
 win, the broth(^r ol' Godfrey ;!e Bouillon, and ended 
 his days a canon of the Holy Sepulchre. His rela- 
 tion is useful in many resiDects, especially in regard 
 to the march of the crusaders through Italy — the 
 proceedings of Baldwin at Edessa, and the history 
 of Jerusalem for several years after its conquest. 
 His style, however, is tumid and circumlocutory, 
 and his credulity equal to that of Raimond d'A.giles. 
 
 Raimond d'Agiles accompanied the Count of 
 Toulouse on the first crusade, in quality of chap- 
 lain. Superstitious to the most lamentable de- 
 gree, and as bigoted in party politics as in religion, 
 he wrote as he lived, like a weak and ignorant 
 man. Nevertheless there is, in his account, much 
 excellent information, detailed with simplicity ; and 
 very often, through the folly of the historian, we 
 arrive at truths which his prejudices concealed from 
 himself. 
 
 Guibert of Nogent did not visit the Holy Land ; 
 but he lived during the first crusade, and, in com- 
 mon with all Europe, felt deeply interested in the 
 fate of that expedition. He examined and noted 
 with accuracy all the anecdotes which reached 
 Europe, and painted, with great vivacity, scenes 
 that he had not himself witnessed. In his account of 
 the crusade many circumstances, evincing strongly 
 the spirit of the age, are to be met with which do 
 not appear elsewhere ; and, as we have every 
 reason to feel sure of his general accuracy, it is 
 but fair to suppose that these are well founded. 
 
 Radulph, or Raoul, of Caen, is inflated in style, 
 and often inexact ; but he is perhaps less super- 
 
PREFACE. VH 
 
 stitious than any other chronicler of the crusades. 
 By poetical exaggeration, he often renders his nar- 
 rative doubtful ; yet, as the biographer of Tancred, 
 he tends to elucidate much that would otherwise 
 have remained in darkness. Robert, called the 
 Monk, was present at the council of Clermont, at 
 which the first crusade was determined ; and, though 
 he did not immediately take the Cross, he set out for 
 the Holy Land not long after, and was present at 
 the siege of Jerusalem. He is, in general, accurate 
 and precise ; and, though not a little credulous in 
 regard to visions, apparitions, and such imagina- 
 tions of the day, he is on the whole more calm, 
 clear, and exact than any other contemporary 
 author. 
 
 Besides these writers, I have had occasion to 
 cite several others of less authority. Of these. 
 Baldric bears the highest character ; and, notwith- 
 standing the fact of his not having been present at 
 the crusade, he is in general accurate. Tudebodus 
 is both brief and imperfect. Matthew of Edessa 
 deserves little or no credit ; and the part of the 
 Al«xiad which refers to the first crusade is far more 
 likely to mislead than to assist. The most impor- 
 tant part of the whole work, as it is published at 
 present, consists in the notes of Ducange. William 
 of Malmsbury is more useful, but still his account 
 is merely a repetition of what we find in other 
 sources. For all the aflfairs of Normandy, I have 
 consulted Orderic, Vital, and William of Jumieges. 
 
 The history of William of Tyre was afterward 
 continued by several writers, the chief of whom is 
 an author taking the title of Bernard the Treasurer. 
 
Vlll PREFACE. 
 
 A Latin version of his book was published by Mu- 
 ratori : Martenne, however, has since printed a 
 work from an old French manuscript, the identity 
 of which with the account of Bernard the Trea- 
 surer has been proved by Mansi. This work is 
 one of the most interesting extant ; for although il 
 wants entirely either the power or the grace of Wil- 
 liam of Tyre's composition, and is full of errors, in 
 respect to every thing beyond the immediate limits 
 of the Holy Land, yet there is a simple and inte- 
 resting minuteness — an individuality of tone through 
 the whole, where it relates to the affairs of Syria, 
 which could not have been given but by an eye- 
 witness. Even the old French in which it is 
 written, slightly different from the exact language 
 of France at the same period, gives it a peculiar 
 character, and stamps it as the work of a Syriaii 
 Frank. Another continuation of William of Tyre 
 is extant, by a Suabian of the name of Herold. 
 This, however, is a much later composition, and 
 possesses few of the qualities of the other. The 
 Cardinal de Vitry also wrote an abbreviated history 
 of the Crusades, bringing it down to his own time 
 A. D. 1220. His work is principally to be con 
 suited for the account it gives of the events which 
 passed under the author's own eyes, while Bishop 
 of Acre, and for a great many curious particulars 
 concerning the manners and customs of the Sara- 
 cens, which are to be found in no other work. The 
 second book of the Cardinal de Vitry's History has 
 been omitted, I cannot conceive why, in the Gesta 
 Dei per Francos. It is, nevertheless, infinitely va 
 'uable, as showing the horrible state of the Chris 
 
PREFACE. IX 
 
 tv ms of Palestine, and displaying those vices and 
 weaknesses which eventually brought about the 
 ruin of the Latin kingdom. 
 
 The authorities for the second crusade are la- 
 mentably few, and by their very paucity show 
 what a change had come over the spirit of the age 
 in the short space of fifty years. The only eye- 
 witnesses who have written on the subject, as far 
 as I can discover, are Odo, a priest of Deuil, or 
 Diagolum, in the neighbourhood of Paris, and 
 Otho, Bishop of Freysinghen. The first of these 
 authors followed Louis VIL to the Holy Land as 
 his chaplain, and his account is, more properly 
 speaking, an epistle to the fa-Tnous Suger, Abbot of 
 St. Denis, than a chronicle. 
 
 Otho of Freysinghen was nearly related to the 
 emperor Conrad, whom he Accompanied on his 
 unfortunate expedition. Both these authors, there- 
 fore, had the best means of obtaining information ; 
 and in the writings of each there is an air of truth 
 and sincerity, which does much towards conviction. 
 I have had occasion in speaking of this crusade to 
 cite casually a number of authors, of whom it is 
 not necessary to give any very detailed account. 
 Their works are to be found in the admirable col- 
 lections of Dom Bouquet, Duchesne, Martenne, or 
 Muratori. 
 
 Wherever I have been obliged to quote from any 
 )f the Arabian writers, I am indebted to the ex- 
 iracts of Monsieur Reinaud. 
 
 In regard to the crusade of Richard Coeur de 
 Lion and Philip Augustus ; for the history of the 
 first, I have borrowed from Benedict of Peterbo* 
 B 
 
X PREFACE. 
 
 rough, from Hovedon, and especially from Vmesauf, 
 whose work is inestimable. These, with the other 
 English authorities I have cited, are too well known 
 to need comment. Having some time ago written 
 a romance, not yet published, on the history of 
 Philip Augustus, I had previously studied almost all 
 the old chroniclers who speak of that monarch. 
 The most important treatise on his reign is the 
 work of Rigord, who was at once monk, physician, 
 and historiographer at the court of Philip. William 
 the Breton, one of the king's chaplains, continued 
 his history in prose, from the period where Rigord 
 abandoned the task. He also wrote a bombastic 
 poem on the reign of his patron, which, however 
 exaggerated and absurd, is useful as an historical 
 document, and a painting of the manners and cus- 
 toms of the time. On the taking of Constantinople 
 by the French, I have found no want of authorities. 
 Villehardouin, one of the principal actors in the 
 scenes he describes, has been my chief source of 
 information. I have also met with much in Nicetas, 
 who was present ; and I have confirmed the evi- 
 dence of other writers, by .the chronicle in the 
 Rouchy dialect, published by Monsieur Buchon, 
 and by the metrical chronicle of Philippe Mouskes 
 in the same collection. I need hardly say that the 
 works of Ducange have proved invaluable in every 
 part of my inquiry, and that his history of Constanti- 
 nople under its French monarchs both gave me 
 facts and led me to authorities. 
 
 Joinville is the principal writer on the crusade of 
 St. liOuis. He was an eyewitness, a sufferer, and 
 a priiicipa! actor in tlie scenes be describes. Of 
 
PREFACE. X\ 
 
 all old chroniclers, with the exception, perhaps, of 
 Froissart, Joinville offers the most original, sim- 
 ple, and deHghtful painting of times* and manners 
 long gone by. With the notes of Ducange, his 
 work is an erudite repertory for antique manners 
 and usages, and may be read and reread with 
 gratification, and studied deeply with advantage. 
 
 The folio edition in my own library comprises 
 the Observations and Dissertations of Ducange, and 
 the Commentaries of Claud Menard ; together with 
 the Establishments of St. Louis, and a curious trea- 
 tise upon the ancient law of France, by Pierre de 
 Fontaines. All these works afford a great insight 
 hito the spirit of that day ; and many other particu- 
 lars are to be found in the Branche aux royaux 
 Lignages, and in the Sermon of Robert de Saince- 
 viaux. Besides the authors I have here particu- 
 larized, I have had occasion to cite casually a great 
 number of others, whose names, with some account 
 of the works of each, may be found in the Manuel 
 of Brunet. Vertot also has furnished us with much 
 information concerning the Knights of St. John ; 
 and Dupuy, Raynouard, &;c. have spoken largely 
 of the Templars. I cannot close the enumeration 
 of authors to whom I am under obligations for in 
 formation or instruction without mentioning M. 
 Guizot, one of the most clearsighted and unpreju- 
 diced of all modern historians. His views of causes 
 I have often adopted, sometimes with very slight 
 modifications, and sometimes with none ; and, in 
 all instances to which his writings extend, I have 
 been indebted to him for light to conduct me 
 through the dark sanctuary of past events, to the 
 
XJl PREFACE. 
 
 slirine of Truih, even where he has not unveiled the 
 deity herself. I oan only regret that his essays did 
 not embrace more of the very comprehensive sub- 
 ject on which I was called to treat. 
 
 Several motives have impelled me to give this 
 long account of my authorities ; one of which mo- 
 tives was, that often, in reading works on liistory, 
 I have myself wished tliat the sources from which 
 facts were derived had been laid open to my exami- 
 nation ; but still, my principal view in the detail 
 was, to show the ground on which I had fixed opi- 
 nions directly opposed to those of several other au- 
 thors. In many cases, the aspect under which I 
 have seen the events of the Crusades has been en- 
 tirely different from that under which Mills has 
 regarded them, and I felt myself called upon not to 
 attack any position of a clever writer and a learned 
 man, without justifying myself as completely as 
 possible. 
 
 In regard to my own work I shall say nothing, 
 but that I have spared neither labour nor research 
 to make it as correct as if it had appeared under a 
 much more imposing form. In space, I have been 
 confined ; and in time, I have been hurried : but 
 I have endeavoured to remedy the one inconve- 
 nience, by cutting off* all superfluous matter ; and to 
 guard against evil consequences from the other, by 
 redoubling my own exertions. Whether I have 
 succeeded or not the world must judge ; and if it 
 does judge with the same generous lenity which it^ 
 has extended to my other productions, I shall hays' 
 every reason to be both satisfied and grateful 
 
CONTENTS* 
 
 CHAPTER I. j^ 
 
 A Definition, wi.h Remarks and Evidence— An Inquiry into the 
 Origin of Cliivairy — Various Opinions on tlie Subject — Reasons 
 for doubting the great Antiquity of Cliivairy, properly so called — 
 The State of Society which preceded it, and of that which gave it 
 Birth— Its Origin and early Progress 17 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 Of Chivalrous Customs — Education— Grades — Services on the Re- 
 ception of a Knight — On Tournaments — Jousts — Combats at 
 Outrance — Passages of Arms — The Round Table — Privileges of 
 Knighthood— Duties of Knighthood , ' '31 
 
 CHAPTER ni. 
 
 The Progress of Chivalry in Europe — Exploits — That some great 
 Enterprise was necessary to give Chivalrj' an extensive and per- 
 manent Effect — That Enterprise presented itself in the Crusades 
 —Pilgrimage to Jerusalem — Haroun Al Raschid — Charlemagne — 
 Cruelties of the Turks— Pilgrimages continued— Peter the Her- 
 mit—Council of Clermont 53 
 
 CHAPTER IV, 
 
 The Effects of the Council of Clermont— State of France— Motives 
 of the People for embracing the Crusade — Benefits produced — 
 The Enthusiasm general — Rapid Progress— The first -Bodies of 
 Crusaders begin their March — Gautier sans avoir — His Army — 
 Their Disasters— Reach Constantinople— Peter the Hermit sets 
 out with an immense Multitude— Storms Semlin — Defeated at 
 Nissa — His Host dispersed — The Remains collected — Joins Gau- 
 tier — Excesses of the Multitude — The Italians and Germans sepa- 
 rate from the French— The Germans exterminated— The French 
 cut to pieces— Conduct of Alexius 73 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 The Chivalry of Europe takes the Field— The Leaders— Godfrey of 
 Bouillon— Conducts his Army towards Constantinople— Hugh the 
 Great— Leads his Army through Italy — Embarks for Durazzo — 
 Taken Prisoner — Liberated — Robert, Duke of Normandy — Win- 
 ters in Italy — Arrives at Constantinople — Robert, Count of Flan- 
 ders—Joins the rest — Boemond of Tarentum — Tancred — Their 
 March — Defeat the Greeks — Boemond does Homage — Tancred 
 avoids it — The Count of Toulouse arrives— Refuses to do Homage 
 —Robert of Normandy does Homage. 89 
 
Xiv CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 Germ of Afler-misfortnnes already springiiig up in the Crusade- 
 Siege of Nice— First Engagement wiih the Turks— Siege con" 
 tinned — The Lake occupied — Surrender of Nice to the Emissariea 
 of Alexius— Discontent— March towards Antioch— The Army 
 divides into two Bodies— Battle of Uorylceum— Dreadful March 
 through Phrygia — Adventures of Baldwin and Tancred — Arrival 
 at Antioch— The City invested 100 
 
 CHAPTER MI. 
 
 The Host of the Crusade invests Antioch— Description of that City 
 — Difficulties and Errors of the Crusaders— Improvidence — Fa- 
 mine—Spies — Desertions— Embassy from the Calif of Egypt- 
 Succours from the Genoese and Pisans — Battle — Feats of the 
 Christian Knights— Boemond keeps up a Communication within 
 the Town — The Town betrayed to the Christians— Massacres — 
 Arrival of an Army from Persia— The Christians besieged in An- 
 tioch— Famine— Desertions— Visions— Renewed Enthusiasm- 
 Diminished Forces of the Christians— Battle of Antioch— The 
 Crusaders victorious— Spoils— Disputes with the Count of Tou- 
 louse—The Chiefs determine to repose at Antioch— Ambassadors 
 sent to Alexius— Fate of their Embassy ]Zt 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Pestilence in Antioch— Death of the Bishop of Puy— The Chiefs 
 separate — Siege of Marrah-Cannibaltfem— Disputes between the 
 ' Count of Toulouse and Boemond — The Count marches towards 
 Jerusalem— Siege of Archas— Godfrey of Bouillon marches- 
 Siege of Ghibel— Treachery of Raimond— Fraud of the Holy 
 Lance investigated— Ordeal of Fire— Decisive Conduct of the 
 Crusaders towards the Deputies of Alexius, and the Calif of 
 Egypt— Conduct of the Crusaders towards the Emir of Tripoli — 
 First Sight of Jerusalem— Siege and Taking of the City— Fana- 
 tical Massacres • 16S 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 Election of a King— Godfrey of Bouillon— Sketch of the History of 
 Jerusalem— Death of the chief Crusaders— New Bodies of Cru- 
 saders set out from Europe — Their Destruction in Asia Minor — 
 Armed Pilgrimages — The Northern Armaments — The Venetians 
 — The Genoese and Pisans— Anecdotes of the Crusaders— Battle 
 of the Children at Antioch— The Thafurs— Baldwin's Humanity 
 well repaid— Superstitions— Arms of the Crusaders— Of the 
 Turks— Hospitallers— Templars 175 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Consequences of the Loss of Edessa— The State of France unfa- 
 vourable to a new Crusade — View of the Progress of Society — 
 Causes and Character of the Second Crusade — St. Bernard — The 
 Emperor "f Germany takes the Cross, and sets out— Louis VIL 
 follows — Conduct of the Germans in Greece — Their Destruction 
 in Cappadocia — Treachery of Manuel Comnenus — Louis VII. ar- 
 rives at Constantinople— Passes into Asia— Defeats the Turks on 
 the Meander — His Army cut to pieces — Proceeds by Sea to An 
 
CONTENTS. XV 
 
 ttoch— Fate of his remaining Troops— Intrigues at Antioch- Louis 
 goes on to Jerusalem — Siege of Damascus — Disgraceful Failure 
 — Conrad returns to Europe— Conduct of Suger, Abbot of St. 
 Denis— Tennination of the Second Crusade 198 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 Progress of Society— The Rise of Poetry in modern Europe— tiwi 
 badours — Trouveres — Various Poetical Compositions— Effect of 
 Poetry upon Chivalry— Effect of the Crusades on Society— State 
 of Palestine after the Second Crusade— Cession of Edessa to the 
 Emperor Manuel Comnenus — Edessa completely subjected by the 
 Turks— Ascalon taken by the Christians— State of Egypt under 
 the last Califs of the Fatimite Race— The Latins and the Atabecks 
 both design the Conquest of Egypt— Struggles for that Countrj- — 
 Rise of Saladin — Disputes among the Latins concerning the Suc- 
 cession of the Crown — Guy of Lusignan crowned — Saladin in- 
 vades Palestine — Battle of Tiberias — Fall of Jerusalem — Con- 
 quest of all Palestine— Some Inquiry into the Causes of the Latin 
 OTerthrow 2ttf 
 
 CHAPTER Xn. 
 
 Vhe News of the Fate of Palestine reaches Europe— The Arch- 
 bishop of Tyre comes to seek for Aid — Assistance granted by 
 William the Good, of Sicily— Death of Urban, from Grief at the 
 Loss of Jerusalem— Gregory VIU. promotes a Crusade — Expedi- 
 tion of Frederic, Emperor of Germany — His Successes — His 
 Death— State of Europe— Crusade promoted by the Troubadours 
 — Philip Augustus and Henry II. take the Cross — Laws enacted — 
 Saladin's Tenth — War renewed— Death of Henry II.— Accession 
 of Richard Cceur de Lion— The Crusade— Philip's March— Rich- 
 ard's March— Affairs of Sicily— Quarrels between tlie Monarchs 
 — Philip goes to Acre — Riehard subdues C>"prus — Arrives at Aero 
 —Siege and Taking of Acre— Fresh Disputes— Philip Augustus 
 returns to Europe— Richard marches on — Battle of Azotus — 
 Heroism of Richard— Unsteady Councils— The Ent€rprise aban- 
 doned 23T 
 
 CHAPTER Xm. 
 
 |)oath of Saladin— Disunion among his Successors— Celestine HI. 
 preaches a new Crusade — Henry of Germany takes the Cross-— 
 Abandons his Purpose — Crusaders proc'eed without him — ^Saif 
 Eddin takes the Field, and captures Jaffa— The Crusaders are 
 reinforced— Defeat Saif Eddin— Lay Siege to Thoron— Seized 
 ■with Panic, and retreat— Disperse— Death of Henry of Cham- 
 pagne, Ivingof Jerusalem— His Widow marries Almeric, King of 
 Cyprus— Truce— Death of Almeric ; and Isabella Mary, Heiress 
 of Jerusalem, wedded to John of Brienne— Affairs of Europe— 
 Innocent III. and Foulque, of Neuilly, promote a Crusade— The 
 Barons of France take the Cross— Proceed to Venice— Their Dif- 
 ficulties-Turn to the Siegeof Zara— A Change of Purpose— Pro- 
 ceed to Constantinople— Siege and Taking of that City— Subse- 
 quent Proceedings-^A Revolution in Constantinople, Alexius de- 
 posed by Murzuphlis— Second Siege and Capture of the Greek 
 
avi CONTENTS. 
 
 Capital— Flight of Murzuphl is— Plunder and Outrage— Bali'.win, 
 Count of Flanders, elected Emperor 5^ 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 Divisions among the Moslems — Among the Christians — Crusade of 
 Children— Innocent HI. declares he will lead a new Crusade to 
 Syria— The King of Hungary takes the Cross— Arrives in Syria 
 — Successes of the Pilgrims— Abandon the Siege of Mount Tha- 
 bor— The King of Hungary returns to Europe— The Duke of 
 Austria continues the War — S)ege of Damietta- Reinforcements 
 arrive under a Legate — Famine in Damietta— The Moslems offer 
 to yield Palestine— The Legate's Pride— He refuses— Taking of 
 Damietta — The Army advances towards Cairo — Overflowing of 
 the Nile — ^The Army ruined — The Legate sues for Peace — Gene- 
 rous Conduct of the Sultaun — Marriage of the Heiress of Jeru- 
 salem with Frederic, Emperor of Germany— His Disputes with 
 the Pope — His Treaties with tlie Saracens — He recovers JerBsalem 
 — He quits the Holy Land — Disputes in Palestine — The Templars 
 defeated and slaughtered — Gregory IX. — Crusade of the King 
 of Navarre ineffectual— Crusa(Je of Richard, Earl of Cornwall- 
 Jerusalem recovered — The Corasmias — Their Barbarity — They 
 take Jerasalem — Defeat the Christians with terrible Slaughter— 
 Are exterminated by the Syrians — Crusade of St. Louis — His 
 Character — Arrives in the Holy Land — Takes Damietta — Battle 
 of Massnura — Pestilence in the Army — The King taken — Ran- 
 somed — Returns to Europe — Second Crusade of St. Louis — Takes 
 Carthage — His Death — Crusa<le of Prince Edward — He defeats 
 the Saracens — Wounded by an Assassin — Returns to Europe — 
 Successes of the Turks — Last Siege and Fail of Acre — Palestine 
 'osr. 2S$ 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 >?)te of the Orders of the Temple and St. John— The Templars aban- 
 don all Hopes of recovering Jerusalem — Mingle in European Poli- 
 tics — Offend Philip the Fair — Are persecuted — Charges againsJ 
 them — The Order destroyed — The Knights of St. John pursue the 
 Purpose of defending Christendom — Settle in Rhodes — Siege of 
 Rhodes — Gallant Defence— The Island taken — The Knights re- 
 move to Malta— Siege of Malta— La Valette— Defence of St. Elmo 
 — Gallantry of the Garrison — The whole Turkish Army attempt 
 to storm the Castle — The Attack repelled — Arrival of Succour — 
 The Siege raised — Conclusion 322 
 
 ISoTKS ...,. — .............. 323 
 
HISTORY 
 
 OP 
 
 CHIVALRY AND THE CRUSADES 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 A. Definition, with Remarks and Evidence — An Inquiry into the Origin 
 of Chivalry — Various Opinions on the Subject — Reasons for doubting 
 the great Antiquity of Chivalry properly so called — The State of So- 
 ciety which preceded it, and of that which gave it Birth — Its Origin 
 and early Progress. 
 
 The first principles of whatever subject we may 
 attempt to trace in history are ever obscure, but few 
 are so entirely buried in darkness as the origin of 
 Chivalry. This seems the more extraordinary, as 
 we find the institution itself suddenly accompanied 
 by regular and established forms, to which we can 
 assign no precise date, and which appear to have been 
 generally acknowledged before they were reduced 
 to any written code. 
 
 Although definitions are dangerous things — inas- 
 much as the ambiguity of language rarely permits 
 of perfect accuracy, except in matters of abstract 
 science — it is better, as far as possible, on all sub- 
 jects of discussion, to venture some clear and de- 
 cided position, that the subsequent reasoning may be 
 fixed upon a distinct and unchanging basis. 
 
 If the position itself be wrong, it may be the more 
 speedily proved so from the very circumstance of 
 standing forth singly, uninvolved in a labyrinth of 
 other matter ; and if it be right, the arguments that 
 follow may always be more easily traced, and afford 
 
18 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 greater satisfaction by being deduced from a princi- 
 ple already determined. These considerations lead 
 me to offer a definition of Chivalry, together with 
 some remarks calculated to guard that definition from 
 the consequences of misapprehension on the part of 
 others, or of obscurity on my own. - 
 
 When I speak of Chivalry I mean a milita.y insti- 
 tution, prompted by enthusiastic benevolence, sanc- 
 tioned by religion, and combined with religious cere- 
 monies, the purpose of which was to protect the 
 weak from the oppression of the powerful, and to 
 defend the right cause against the wrong. 
 
 Its military character requires no proof; but vari 
 ous mistaken opinions, which I shall notice hereafter, 
 render it necessary to establish the fact, that religious 
 ceremonies of some kind were always combined with 
 the institutions of Chivalry. 
 
 All those written laws and regulations affecting 
 knighthood,* which were composed subsequent to its 
 having taken an acknowledged form, prescribed, in 
 the strictest manner, various points of religious cere- 
 monial, which the aspirant to Chivalry was required 
 to perfonn before he could be admitted into that high 
 order. 
 
 What preceded the regular recognition of Chivalry 
 as an institution is entirely traditional; yet in all 
 the old romances, fabliaux, sirventes, ballads, &c. 
 not one instance is to be found in which a squire be- 
 comes a knight, without some reference to his reli- 
 qr\ous faith. If he be dubbed in the battle-field, he 
 rwears to defend the right, and maintain all the sta- 
 tutes of the noble order of Chivalry, upon the cross 
 of his sword ; he calls heaven to witness his vow, and 
 the saints to help him in its execution. Even in one 
 of the most absurd fables' of the chivalrous ages, 
 
 • 1-9 Vire Menestrier, Ordres de Chevalerie ; Jouvencel ; Favln 
 
 2 Fabliau de Tordeue de Ch'jvalerie dans les fabliaux de Le Grand 
 d'Aussi 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 19 
 
 wherein we find Saladin himself receiving the order 
 of Chivalry from the hands of the Count de Tabarie, 
 that nobleman causes the infidel sultan to be shaved, 
 and to bathe as a symbol of baptism, and then to rest 
 himself upon a perfumed bed, as a type of the repose 
 and joy of Paradise. These tales are all fictitious, it 
 is true ; and few of them date earlier than the end 
 of the twelfth century: but at the same time, as 
 they universally ascribe religious ceremonies to the 
 order of knighthood, we have every reason to sup- 
 pose that such ceremonies formed a fundamental part 
 of the institution. 
 
 Before proceeding to inquire into the origin of 
 Chivalry, I must be permitted to make one more ob- 
 servation in regard to my definition ; namely, that 
 there was a great and individual character in that 
 order, which no definition can fully convey. I mean 
 the Spirit of Chivalry; for, indeed, it was more a spirit 
 than an institution; and the outward forms with which 
 it soon became invested, were only, in truth, the signs 
 by which it was conventionally agreed that those 
 persons who had proved in their initiate they pos- 
 sessed the spirit, should be distinguished from the 
 other classes of society. The ceremonial was merely 
 the public declaration, that he on whom the order 
 was conferred was worthy to exercise the powers 
 with which it invested him ; but still, the spirit was 
 the Chivolry. 
 
 In seeking the source of this order through the 
 dark mazes of the history of modern Europe, it ap- 
 pears to me that many writers have mistaken the 
 track ; and, by looking for the mere external signs, 
 have been led into ages infinitely prior to the spirit 
 of Chivaliy. 
 
 Some have supposed that the institution descended 
 to more modern times, from the equestrian order of tlie 
 ancient Romans ; but the absence of all but mere nomi- 
 nal resemblance between the two, lias long placed this 
 theory in the dusty catalogue of historical dreams. 
 
^ 
 
 20 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY, 
 
 Others again have imagined that the Franks, and 
 the rest of the Geraian nations, who, on the fall of 
 the Roman empire, subdued and divided Gaul, brought 
 with them the seeds of Chivalry, which spontaneously 
 grew up into that extraordinary plant which has flou- 
 rished but once in the annals of the world. This 
 opinion they support by citing the customs of the 
 German tribes' who, not only at particular periods 
 invested their youth with the shield and the javelin, 
 but also (especially towards the period of the con- 
 quest of Gaul) chose from the bravest of the tribe a 
 number of warriors, to be the companions and guards 
 of the chief. These were termed Leudes, and we 
 find them often mentioned under the whole of the 
 first race of French kings. They served on horse- 
 back, while the greater part of each German nation 
 fought on foot only; and they were bound to the 
 chief by an oath of fidelity.^ The reception of an 
 aspirant into the body of Leudes was also marked 
 with various ceremonies ; but in this, if we exa- 
 mine correctly, we find neither the spirit nor the 
 forms of Chivalry. The oath of the Frank was 
 one of service to his prince ; that of the knight, to 
 his God and to society : the one promised to de- 
 fend his leader ; the other to protect the oppressed, 
 and to uphold the right. The Leudes were in fact 
 the nobility of the German tribes, though that no- 
 bility was not hereditary; but they were in no 
 respect similar to the knights of an after-age, except 
 in the circumstance of fighting on horseback. 
 
 A third opinion supposes the origin of Chivalry to 
 be found among the ancient warlike tribes of Nortli- 
 men, or Normans, who, towards the ninth century, 
 invaded in large bodies the southern parts of Europe, 
 and established themselves principally in France; 
 and certainly, both in their traditions, and even in 
 their actions, as recorded by Abbon, an eyewitness 
 
 » 1 acit. de Mor. Germ 2 Marculfus 
 
3 
 
 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 21 
 
 to their deeds in the siege of Paris, there is to be 
 found an energetic and romantic spirit, not unlike 
 that which animated Chivalry at the rudest period 
 of its existence. Still, there is much wanting. The 
 great object of Chivalry, the defence of the weak, 
 was absent, as well as every form and ceremony. 
 The object of the Northman's courage was plunder ; 
 and all that he had in common with the knight was 
 valour, contempt of death, and a touch of savage ge- 
 nerosity, that threw but a feint light over his dark 
 and stormy barbarities. 
 
 Many persons again have attributed the founda- 
 tion of all the chivalrous institutions of Europe to 
 the bright and magnificent reign of Charlemagne; 
 and as this opinion has met with much support, 
 among even the learned, it is worth while more par- 
 ticularly to inquire upon what basis it is raised. Of 
 the reign of Charlemagne we have not so many au- 
 thentic accounts as we have romances, founded upon 
 the fame of that illustrious monarch. Towards the 
 tenth, eleventh, and twelfth centuries, when Chivalry 
 was in its imaginative youth, a thousand tales of 
 wild adventure were produced, in which Charlemagne 
 and his warriors were represented with all the quali- 
 ties and attributes of those knights, whose virtues 
 and courage had by that time wrought deeply on the 
 heart and fancy of the people. We should be as 
 much justified, however, in believing that Virgil was 
 a celebrated necromancer, or that Hercules was a 
 Preux Chevalier — characters which have been as- 
 signed to them by the very same class of fables — as 
 in giving any credit to the distorted representations 
 that those romances aflford of the days of Charle- 
 magne. 
 
 In regard to the tales of King Arthur, I am per- 
 fectly inclined to use the energetic words of Menes- 
 trier, who, in speaking of tr e famous knights of the 
 round table, says, without hesitation, " All that they 
 tell of King Arthur and that fictitious Chivalry o/ 
 
22 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 which they represent him as the author, is nothing 
 but a He ;'" for, tliough beyond all doubt the romances 
 of Chivalry afford a great insight into the manners 
 of the times wherein they were written, they are, 
 nevertheless, quite worthless as authority concern- 
 ing the ages which tliey pretend to display, and 
 which had preceded their composition by nearly 
 three centuries. 
 
 After rejecting the evidences of such tales, we find 
 nothing in the authentic records of Charlemagne 
 which gives the slightest reason to suppose that 
 Chivalry was known, even in its most infant state, 
 during his reign. Though his great system of war- 
 fare had that in common with Chivalry which all 
 warfare must have — feats of daring courage, heroic 
 valour, bursts of feeling and magnanimity, and as 
 much of the sublime as mighty ambition, guided by 
 mighty genius, and elevated by a noble object can 
 achieve — yet the government of Charlemagne was, 
 in fact, any thing but a chivalrous government. Too 
 powerful a hand held the reins ot state for Chivaliy 
 either to have been necessary or permitted ; and in 
 reading the annals of Eginhard, his life of Charle- 
 magne, or the account given by the monk of St. Gall, 
 w.e find a completely different character from that 
 which is visible in every page of the history of the 
 knightly ages. We find, indeed, that Charlemagne, 
 according to the immemorial custom of his Ger- 
 man^ ancestors, solemnly invested his son Lewis 
 with the arms of a man. A thousand years before, 
 in the forests of tne North, his predecessors had done 
 the same : and Charlemagne, one of whose great 
 objects ever was, to preserve both the habits and the 
 language of the original country'' free from amalga- 
 mation with those of the conquered nations, not only 
 set the example of publicly receiving his son into the 
 ranks of manhood and warfare, but strictly enjoined 
 
 1 Menestrier de la Chevalerie et ses preuv.-s, page 230. 
 
 2 Tacitus de Morib Cermaii. 3 Eginhard Ann 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 23 
 
 that the same should be done by his various governors 
 in the provinces. But this custom of the Franks, 
 as I have before attempted to show, had no earthly 
 relation to knighthood. Were nothing- else a proof 
 that Chivalry was perfectly unknown in the days of 
 Charlemagne, it would be sufficient that the famous 
 capitularies of that monarch, which regulate every 
 thing that can fall under the eye of the law, even to 
 the details of private life, make no mention whatever 
 of an institution which afterward exercised so great 
 an influence on the fate of Europe. Not can we 
 trace in the annals of the surrounding comitries, a 
 mark of Chivalry having been known at that period 
 to any other nation more than to the Franks. Alfred, 
 it is true, invested Athelstan with a purple garment 
 and a sword ; but the Saxons were from Germany as 
 well as the Franks, and no reason exists for suppos- 
 ing that this ceremony was in any degree connected 
 with the institutions of Chivalry. There have been 
 persons, indeed, who supposed that Pharaoh con- 
 ferred knighthood upon Joseph, when he bestowed 
 upon him the ring and the golden chain, and probably 
 the Egyptian king had fully as much knowledge of 
 the institution of Chivalry as either Charlemagne or 
 Alfred. 
 
 Of the annals that follow the period of Charle- 
 magne, those of Nitliard, Hincmar, and Thegan, to- 
 gether with those called the Annals of St. Bertinus 
 and of Metz, are the most worthy of credit ; and in 
 these, though we often meet with the word miles, 
 which was afterward the name bestowed upon a 
 knight, it is used simply in the signification of a sol- 
 dier, or one ol the military race.' No mention 
 whatever is made of any thing that can fairly be 
 looked upon as chivalrous, eitlier in feeling or insti- 
 tution. All is a series of dark oonflicts and blood- 
 thirsty contentions, among which the sprouts of the 
 
 1 See note I. 
 
24 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 feudal system, yet young and oinformed, are seen 
 springing up from seeds sown long before. In the 
 picture of those times, a double darkness seemed to 
 cover the earth, which, a chaos of unruly passions, 
 showe'd no one general institution for the benefit of 
 mankind except the Christian religion; and that, 
 overwhelmed by foul superstitions and guarded 
 chiefly by barbarous, ignorant, selfish, and disorderly 
 priests, lay like a treasure hidden by a miser, and 
 watched by men that had not soul to use it. This 
 was no age of knighthood. 
 
 Up to this period, then, T fully believe that Chi- 
 valry did not exist ; and having attempted to show 
 upon some better ground than mere assertion, that 
 the theories which assign to it an earlier origin are 
 wrong, I will now give my own view of its rise, 
 \\4iich possibly may be as erroneous as the rest. 
 
 Charlemagne expired like a meteor that, having 
 broken suddenly upon the night of ages, and blazed 
 brilliantly over a whole world for a brief space, fell 
 and left all in darkness, even deeper than before. His 
 dominions divided into petty kingdoms — his succes- 
 sors waging long and inveterate wars against each 
 other — the nations he had subdued shaking off the 
 yoke — the enemies he had conquered avenging them- 
 selves upon his descendants — the laws he had esta- 
 blished forgotten or annulled — the union he had ce- 
 mented scattered to the wind — in a lamentably brief 
 space of time, the bright order which his great mind 
 had established throughout Europe was dissolved. 
 Each individual, who, either by corporeal strength, 
 advantageous position, wealth, or habit, could influ 
 ence the minds of others, snatched at that portion of 
 the divided empire which lay nearest to his means, 
 and claimed that power as a gift which had only been 
 intrusted as a loan. ■ The custom of holding lands by 
 military service had come down to the French from 
 their German ancestors, and the dukes, the mar- 
 quises, the counts, as well as a whole herd of infe- 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 25 
 
 nor officers, who in former days had led the armies, 
 or commanded in the provinces as servants of the 
 crown, now arrogated to themselves hereditary 
 rights in the charges to which they had been in- 
 trusted ; and, in their own behalf, claimed the feudal 
 service '.of those soldiers to whom lands had been 
 granted, instead of preserving their allegiance for 
 their sovereigns. The weak monarchs, who still 
 retained the name of kings, engaged in ruinous wars 
 with each other and in vain attempts to repel the in- 
 vasions of the Northmen or Normans, first tolerated 
 these encroachments, because they had at the time 
 no power of resisting, and then gradually recognised 
 them as rights, upon the condition that those who 
 committed them should assist the sovereign in his 
 wars, and acknowledge his title in preference to that 
 of any of his competitors. 
 
 Thus gradually rose the feudal system from the 
 wrecks of Charlemagne's great empire. But still 
 all was unstable and unconfirmed ; the limits of the 
 different powers in the state undecided and variable, 
 till the war of Paris, the incompetence of the suc- 
 cessors of Charlemagne, and the elevation of Hugues 
 Capet, the Count of Paris, to the throne, showed the 
 barons the power they had acquired, and crowned 
 the feudal compart by the creation of a king whose 
 title was found in it alone. 
 
 Great confusion, however, existed still. The au- 
 thority of the sovereign extended but a few leagues 
 round the city of Paris ; the Normans ravaged the 
 coast ; the powerful and the wicked had no restraint 
 imposed upon their actions, and the weak were every 
 where oppressed and wronged. Bands of plunderers 
 raged through the whole of France and Germany, 
 property was held by the sw^ord, cruelty and injus- 
 tice reigned alone, and the whole history of that age 
 offers a complete medley of massacre, bloodshed, 
 torture, crime, and misery. 
 
 Personal courage, however, had been raised to the 
 C 
 
26 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 hig"hest pitch by the very absence of every thing like 
 security. Valour was a necessity and a habit, and 
 Eudes and his companions, who defended Paris 
 against the Normans, would have come down as 
 demigods to the present day, if they had but pos- 
 sessed a Homer to sing their deeds. The very Nor- 
 mans themselves, with their wild enthusiasm and 
 supernatural daring, their poetical traditions, and 
 magnificent superstitions, seemed to bring a new and 
 extraordinary light into the very lands they deso- 
 lated. The plains teemed with murder, and the 
 rivers flowed with blood ; but the world was weary 
 of barbarity, and a reacting spirit of order was born 
 from the very bosom of confusion. 
 
 It was then that some poor nobles, probably 
 suffering themselves from the oppression of more 
 powerful lords, but at the same time touched with 
 sincere compassion for the wretchedness they saw 
 around them, first leagued together with the holy 
 purpose of redressing wrongs and defending the 
 weak.' They gave their hands to one another in 
 pledge that they would not turn back from the work, 
 and called upon St. George to bless their righteous 
 cause. The church readily yielded its sanction to 
 an institution so noble, aided it with prayers, and 
 sanctified it with a solemn blessing. Religious en- 
 thusiasm became added to noble indignation and 
 charitable zeal ; and the spirit of Chivalry, like the 
 flame struck forth from the hard steel and the dull 
 flint, was kindled into sudden light by the savage 
 cruelty of the nobles, and the heavy barbarity of the 
 people. 
 
 The spirit spread rapidljs and the adoration of the 
 populace, who almost deified their heroic defenders, 
 gave both fresh vigour and purity to the design. 
 Every moral virtue became a part of knightly ho- 
 nour, and the men whose hands were evei ready to 
 
 1 Charles Nodier on St. Pal aye 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 27 
 
 draw the sword in defence of innocence — who in 
 their own conduct set the most brilliant example — 
 whose sole object was the establishment of right, 
 and over whom no earthly fear or interested con- 
 sideration held sway, were readily recognised as 
 judges, and appealed to as arbitrators. Public opi- 
 nion raised them above all other men, even above 
 kings themselves ; so much so, indeed, that we find 
 continually repeated, in the writings of the chival- 
 rous ages, such passages as the following : — 
 
 /. 
 
 Chevaliers sont de moult grant pris, 
 lis ont (le tous gens le pris, 
 Et le los et le seignorie. 
 
 Thus gradually Chivalry became no longer a sunple 
 engagement between a few generous and valiant 
 men, but took the form of a great and powerful in- 
 stitution; and as each knight had the right of cre- 
 ating others without limit, it became necessary that 
 the new class thus established in society should be 
 distinguished by particular signs and symbols, which 
 would guard it against the intrusion of unworthy or 
 disgraceful members. 
 
 The time at which fixed regulations first distin- 
 guished Chivalry from every other order in the state 
 cannot be precisely determined ; certainly it was not 
 before the eleventh century. Then, however, it is 
 probable, that this was done more from a general 
 sense of its necessity, and by slow and irregular de- 
 grees, than by any one law or agreement. Every 
 thing in that age was confusion, and though the spi- 
 rit of Chivalry had for its great object the restora- 
 tion of order, it is not likely that ils own primary 
 efforts should be very regular, amid a chaos of 
 contending interests and unbridled passions, which 
 rendered general communication or association dif- 
 ficult, if not impossible. Each knight, in admitting 
 another to the noble order of which lie himself was 
 a member, probably added some little formality, as 
 
28 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 he thought fit, till the mass of these customs col- 
 lected by tradition formed the body of their ceremo- 
 nial law. 
 
 The first point required of the aspirants to Chi- 
 valry, in its earliest state, was certainly a solemn 
 vow, " To speak the truth, to succour the helpless and 
 oppressed^ and never to turn hack from an enemy. '^''^ y 
 
 This vow, combined with the solemn appeal to 
 Heaven in witness thereof, was the foundation of 
 Chivalry ; but, at the same time, we find, that in all 
 ages, only one class of people was eligible to furnish 
 members to the institution; namely, the military 
 class, or, in other words, the northern conquerors of 
 the soil ; for, with very ie\N exceptions, the original 
 inhabitants of Europe had been reduced to the con- 
 dition of serfs, or slaves of the glebe. Some few, 
 indeed, had held out till they forced the invaders to 
 permit their being incorporated with themselves 
 upon more equal terms ; but this was very rare, and 
 the race rustique, as it was called, though it furnish^ 
 archers to the armies, was kept distinct from the 
 military race by many a galling difference. This 
 lower race, then, could not be invested with the ho- 
 nours of Chivalry ; and one of the first provisions 
 we find in any written form, respecting the institu- 
 tion of knightliood, is designed to mark this more 
 particularly. Ad mililarem honorem nullus accedat 
 qui non sit de genere militwn, says a decree of the 
 twelfth century. We may therefore conclude that 
 this was the first requisite, and the vow the first for- 
 mality of Chivalry. 
 
 It is more than probable that the ceremony next 
 in historical order, attached to the admission of an 
 aspirant into the ranks of knighthood, was that of 
 publicly arming him with tlie weapons he was to 
 use, in pursuance of his vow. This is likely, from 
 many circumstances. In the first place, to arm hira 
 
 ! Ordenc de Chevalerle Fabliaux. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 29 
 
 for the cause was naturally the next preceding to 
 his vowing himself to that cause, and also by his 
 receiving those arms in the face of the public, the 
 new defender that the people had gained became 
 known to the people, and thus no one would falsely 
 pretend to the character of a knight without risking 
 detection. In the second place, as I have before 
 said, the^ arming of the German youth had been from 
 the earliest ages, like the delivery of the virile robe 
 to young Romans, an occasion of public solem- 
 nity ; and it was therefore natural that it should be 
 soon incorporated with the ceremonial of the new 
 military institution which now took the lead of all 
 others. 
 
 The church of course added her part to secure re- 
 verence for an order which was so well calculated 
 to promote all the objects of religion, and vigils, fasts, 
 and prayers speedily became a part of the initiation 
 to knighthood. Power is ever followed by splendour 
 and display; but to use the energetic words of a 
 learned and talented writer of the present day,' the 
 knights for long after the first institution of Chi- 
 valry, were "simple in their clothing, austere in 
 their morals, humble after victory, firm under mis- 
 fortune." 
 
 In France, T believe, the order first took its rise ; 
 and, probably, the disgust felt by some pure minds 
 at the gross and barbarous licentiousness of the 
 times, infused that virtuous severity into the institu- 
 tions of Chivalry which was in itself a glory. If 
 we may give the least credit to the picture of the 
 immorality and luxury of the French, as drawn by 
 Abbon in his poem on the siege of Paris, no words 
 will be found sufficient to express our admiration for 
 the men who first undertook to combat not only the 
 tyranny but the vices of their age ; who singly went 
 forth to war against crime, injustice, and cruelty 
 
 I Charles NoJier. 
 
30 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 who defied the whole world in defence of innocence, 
 virtue, and truth ; who stemmed the torrent of bar- 
 barity and evil ; and who, from tlie wrecks of ages, 
 and the ruins of empires, drew out a thousand 
 jewels to glitter in the star that shone upon the 
 breast of knighthood. 
 
 For long- the Christian religion had struggled alone, 
 a great but shaded light through the storms of dark 
 and barbarous ages. Till Chivalry arose there was 
 nothing to uphold it ; but from that moment, with a 
 champion in the field to lead forth the knowledge 
 that had been imprisoned in the cloister, the influ- 
 ence of religion began to spread and increase. 
 Though worldly men thereunto attached the aggran- 
 dizement of their own temporal power, and knaves 
 and villains made it the means of their avarice, oi 
 the cloak of their vice, still the influence of the 
 divine truth itself gradually wrought upon the hearts 
 of men, purifying, calming, reining, till the world 
 grew wise enough to separate the perfection of the 
 Gospel from the weakness of its teachers, and to re- 
 ject the errors while they restrained the power ol 
 the Roman church. 
 
 In the mean time Chivalry stood forth the most 
 glorious institution that man himself ever devised. 
 In its youth and in its simplicity, it appeared grand 
 and beautiful, both from its own intrinsic excellence 
 and from its contrast with the things around. In iis 
 after-years it acquired pomp and luxury; and to 
 pomp and luxury naturally succeeded decay and 
 death ; but still the legacy that it left behind it to pos- 
 terity was a treasure of noble feelings and generous 
 principles. 
 
 There cannot be a doubt that Chivalry, more than 
 any other institution (except religion) aided to woik 
 out the civilization of Europe. It first taught devo- 
 tion and reverence to those weak, fair beings, who 
 but in their beauty and their gentleness have no de- 
 fence. It first raised love above the passions of the 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 31 
 
 brute, and by dignifying woman, made woman 
 worthy of love. It gave purity to enthusiasm, 
 crushed barbarous selfishness, taught the heart to 
 expand like a flower to the sunshine, beautified glory 
 with generosity, and smoothed even the rugged brow 
 of war. 
 
 For the mind, as far as knowledge went. Chivalry 
 itself did little ; but by its influence it did much. 
 For the heart it did every thing ; and there is scarcely 
 a noble feeling or a bright aspiration that we find 
 among ourselves, or trace in the history of modern 
 Europe, that is not in some degree referable to that 
 great and noble principle, which has no name but the 
 Spirit of Chivalry. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Of Chivalrous Custmns — Education — Grades — Services on the Recep- 
 tion of a Knight — On Tournaments — Jousts — Combats at Outrance 
 —Passages ofAr?ns — The Round Table — Privileges of Knighthood 
 —Duties of Knighthood. 
 
 Although the customs which I am about to detail 
 at once grew gradually up under the various circum- 
 stances of different centuries, and were for the most 
 part unknown to the infancy of Chivalry, I think it 
 right to notice here the principal peculiarities of the 
 institution, rather than to interrupt the course of my 
 narrative afterward, when the history of knighthood 
 may be traced continuously down to its final ex- 
 tinction. 
 
 We have already seen that each individual mem- 
 ber of the order possessed the power of admitting 
 any other person to its honours without restraint ; 
 but it did not by any means follow that all previous 
 trial and education was dispensed with. Very soon 
 after the first institution of Chivalry eveiy one 
 
32 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 became covetous of the distinction, and it natui^IIy 
 followed that the object of each boy's aspirations, 
 the aim of every young man's ambition, was one 
 day to be a knight. Those, however, who had al- 
 ready received the order, were scrupulously careful 
 to admit none within its fellowship who might dis- 
 grace the sword that dubbed them ; and knighthood 
 gradually became as much the reward of a long and 
 tedious education, as the bonnet of the doctor or 
 the stole of tlie clerk. 
 
 The feudal system had now reached its acme ; and 
 each individual lord, within his own domain, assumed 
 the state and importance of a prince. With the vain 
 spirit of ostentatious. imitation which unhappily is 
 common to all climes and all centuries, the great 
 feudatories of the crown copied the household of the 
 sovereign, and the petty barons imitated them. Each 
 had his crowd of officers, and squires, and pages, and 
 vaiiets. ^v/in the monasteries and the abbeys af- 
 fected the same pomp and ceremonial, so that we 
 find the abbot of St. Denis riding' forth accompanied 
 by his chamberlain and marshal, whose offices were 
 held as feoffs. 
 
 The manor or the castle of each feudal chieftain, 
 however, soon became the school of Chivalry, and 
 any noble youth whose parents were either dead or 
 too poor to educate him to the art of war was will- 
 ingly received in the dwelling of a neighbouring ba- 
 ron, wlio took care that his pupil should be instructed 
 in all military exercises, glad to attach to his own 
 person as large a body of armed retainers as his cir- 
 cumstances would permit. 
 
 Till they reached tlie age of seven years the youths, 
 afterward destined to arms, were left to the care of 
 the females of the household, who taught them the 
 first principles of religion and of Chivalry. They 
 were then in general sent from home, those fathers 
 
 1 Felibien, Hist. St Denis. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 H3 
 
 even, who possessed the means of conducting theii 
 pducation themselves, preferring to intrust it to some 
 other noble knight who could be biassed' by no pa- 
 rental tenderness to spaVe the young aspirant to Chi- 
 valry any of those trials and hardships absolutely 
 necessary to prepare him for his after-career. 
 
 On entering the household of another knight, the 
 first place filled by the youths, then fresh from all the 
 soft kindnesses of home, was that of page or varlet, 
 wliich, though it implied every sort of attendance on 
 the person of their new lord, was held as honourable, 
 not degrading. 
 
 Here they still remained^ niuch among the wo- 
 men of the family, who undertook to complete their 
 knowledge of their duty to God and their lady, instill- 
 ing into their infant minds that refined and*mystic 
 idea of love, which was so peculiar a trait in the 
 Chivalry of old. In the mean - '.lile the rest of their 
 days were passed in the service of their 1?-'' accom 
 panying him in his excursions, serving hnn at ta- 
 ble, pouring out his drink ; all of which offices being 
 shared in by the children and young relations of the 
 baron himself,^ were reckoned, as I have said, highly 
 honourable, and formed the first step in the ascent 
 to Chivalry. 
 
 At the same time infinite pains were bestowed 
 upon the education of these pages. They were 
 taught all sorts of gymnastic exercises which could 
 strengthen the body; and, by continually mingling 
 with the guests of the castle, receiving them on their 
 aiTival, offering them every sort of service, and listen- 
 ing respectfully to the conversation of their elders, 
 they acquired that peculiar grace of manner which, 
 under the name of courtesy, formed a principal per- 
 fection in the character of the true knight. 
 
 At fourteen the page was usually admitted to the 
 higher grade of squire, and exchanged his short dag- 
 
 I Coutumes de Beauvoisis. 2 st Palaye. 3 vie de Bayard. 
 
34 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 ger for the manly sword. This, however, was made a 
 reh^oas ceremony ; and the weapon which he was 
 in future to wear was laid upon the altar, from 
 whence it was taken by the priest,' and after several 
 benedictions, was hung over the shoulder of the new 
 squire, with many a sage caution and instruction as 
 to its use. 
 
 His exercises now became more robust than they 
 had ever been before ; and, if we are to believe the 
 old biographer of the celebrated Boucicaut, they were 
 far more fatiguing than any man of the present age 
 could endure. To spring upon horseback armed at 
 all pieces, without putting a foot in the stirrup ; to 
 cast somersets in heavy armour^ for the purpose of 
 strengthening the arms ; to leap upon the shoulders 
 of a hQfseman from behind, without other hold than 
 one hand laid upon his shoulder — such, and many 
 others, were the daily exercises of the young noble, 
 besides regular instruction in riding and managing 
 his arms. Though it would seem at first that few 
 constitutions could undergo for any length of time 
 such violent exertions, we must remember the effects 
 produced — we must call to mind that these very men 
 in their after-life, are found bearing a weight, that few 
 persons of the present times could lift, through the 
 heat of a whole summer's day, under the burning sun 
 of Palestine. We must remember the mighty feats 
 of strength that these men performed ; and, when we 
 see a Boemond fighting from noon to sunset cased 
 from head to foot in thick iron, or in long after-days 
 a Guise swimming against a torrent armed cap-a-pie, 
 we must naturally conclude that no ordinary course 
 of training could produce such vigour and hardihood. 
 
 Several degrees of squires or esquires are men- 
 tioned in the ancient chronicles ; and it is difficult to 
 distinguish which class included the young noble 
 —which was filled by an inferior race. That there 
 
 1 Favin Th64tre 2 Vie «Je Boucicaut, Coll. Pelitot et Moineraue 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 35 
 
 was a distinction is evident; for in the life of Bayard' 
 we find an old squire mentioned more than once, 
 from whom he received instructions, but who never 
 appears to have aspired to any higher degree. Ne- 
 vertheless it is equally certain that many services 
 which we should consider menial, were performed by 
 the squires of the highest race about the persons of 
 their lords. Nor was this confined to what might be 
 considered military services ; for we learn that they 
 not only held the stirrup for their lord to mount, and 
 then followed, carrying his helm, his lance, his shield, 
 or his gauntlets ; but they continued to serve him at 
 table, to clean his armour, to dress his horses, and to 
 fulfil a thousand other avocations, in which they were 
 aided, it is true, by the gros ^2rlets or common ser- 
 vants, but which they still had their share in accom- 
 plishing with their own hands.^ The highest class 
 of esquires, however, was evidently the ^cuyer d^hon- 
 neur, who, from the manner of Froissart's mention of 
 many at the court of the Count de Foix, appears to 
 have had in charge the reception and entertainment 
 of guests and stra/ gers. 
 
 The squires of course had often more important 
 duties to perform It was for them to follow their 
 lords to the batne-field; and, while the knights, 
 formed in a long line, fought hand to hand against 
 their equals, the squires remained watching eagerly 
 the conflict, and ready to drag their master from the 
 mel^e, to coverhimif he fell, to supply him with fresh 
 arms, and, in short, to lend him eveiy aid ; without, 
 however, presuming to take an active part against 
 the adverse knights, with whose class it was forbidden 
 for a squire to engage. 
 
 St. Palaye limits to these defensive operations the 
 services of the squires in the field of battle,^ and it is 
 possible that the strict-laws of Chivalry might justify 
 Buch a restriction. Nevertheless there can be no 
 
 1 Vie de Bayard. 2 Froissart. 3 St. Palaye, liv. 1 
 
36 HISTORY OF CHIVALRV. 
 
 earthly doubt that they were often much more actively 
 engaged, even in the purest days of Chivalry. In all 
 the wars between Richard Coeur de Lion and Philip 
 Augustus,' we find them often fighting bravely ; and 
 at the battle of Bovine, a squire had nearly taken the 
 life of the famous Count de Boulogne. 
 
 These services in the field perfected the aspirant to 
 Chivalry in the knowledge of his profession ; and the 
 'rials of skill which, on the day that preceded a tour- 
 nament, were permitted to squires, in the lists, gave 
 him an opportunity of distinguishing himself in the 
 eyes of the people, and of gaining a name among 
 the heralds and chroniclers of knightly deeds. 
 
 If a noble squire had conducted himself well du- 
 ring the period of his service, it seldom occurred that 
 his lord refused to bestow upon him the honour of 
 knighthood at the age of twenty-one ; and sometimes, 
 if he had been distinguished by any great or gallant 
 feat, or by uniform talent and courage,^ he was ad- 
 mitted into the order before he had reached that age. 
 This, nevertheless, was rare, except in the case of 
 sovereign princes ; and, on the contrary, it occasion- 
 ally happened that a knight who did not choose to 
 part so soon with a favourite squire would delay on 
 various pretences a ceremony which almost always 
 caused some separation between the young knight 
 and his ancient master.'' 
 
 The squire, however, had always the right to claim 
 the knighthood from the hand of another, if his lord 
 unjustly refused to bestow it; and that high sense of 
 honour which was their great characteristic pre- 
 vented the knights thus applied to from ever refusing, 
 when the aspirant was fully justified in his claim. 
 
 The times chosen for conff^rring knighthood were 
 generally either those of great militaiy ceremony,"* 
 as after tournaments, cours pUnieres, the muster or 
 
 ' Guillaume Guiart.; Guill, Amoric; Rigord ; Philipeid. 
 2 Brantoma 3 See note 11. 
 
 4 Charles Nodier's Annotations on St. Palaye. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 37 
 
 monsire, as it was called, of the army, or on days con- 
 secrated by the church to some peculiar solemnity, 
 as Easter-day, the day of Pentecost, or even C'hrist- 
 m as-day.* 
 
 This was, nevertheless, by no means imperative ; 
 for we have already seen that knighthood was often 
 conferred on any particular emergency, and even on 
 the field of battle.^ On these occasions the forms 
 were of course abridged to suit the necessity of the 
 case, but the knighthood was not the less valid or 
 esteemed. 
 
 The more public and solemn the ceremony could be 
 made, the more it appeared to the taste of the nobles 
 of the middle ages. Nor was the pomp and display 
 without its use, raising and dignifying the order in 
 the eyes of the people, and impressing deeply upon 
 the mind of the young knight the duties which he 
 had voluntarily taken upon himself. We all know 
 how much remembrance depends upon external cir- 
 cumstance, and it is ever well to give our feelings 
 some fixed resting-place in the waste of life, that in 
 after-years memory may lead us back and refresh the 
 resolutions and bright designs of youth by the aid of 
 the striking scenes and solemn moments in which 
 those designs and resolutions were first called into 
 activity. Nothing could be better calculated to make 
 a profound impression on the mind than the ceremo- 
 nies of a knight's reception in the mature times of 
 Chivalry. 
 
 On the day appointed,'' all the knights and nobles 
 at that time in the city where the solemnity was to 
 be performed, with the bishops and clergy, each co- 
 vered with the appropiiate vestments of his order,. the 
 knight in his coat-of-arms, and the bishop in his stole, 
 conducted the aspirant to the principal church of the 
 ^lace. There, after the high mass had been char, ted, 
 
 1 Ducange, Dissert, xxii. Menestrier, chap. 2 ; St. Falaye. 
 
 2 Roman de Garin, Fabliaux, vol. ii 
 
 3 Menestner, chap. 2. and 9. 
 
38 HISTORY OF CliirALRY. 
 
 the novice approached the altar and presented the 
 sword to the bishop or priest, who, taking it from his 
 hand, blessed and consecrated it to the service of reli- 
 gion and virtue. 
 
 It often happened that the bishop himself then so- 
 lemnly warned the youth of the difficulties and requi- 
 sites of the Older to which he aspired. " He who seeks 
 to be a knight," — said the Bishop of Valenciennes 
 to the young Count of Ostrevant on one of these 
 occaiions,^ " he who wishes to be a knight should 
 have great qualities. He must be of noble birth, 
 liberal in gifts, high in courage, strong in danger, se- 
 cret in council, patient in difficulties, powerful against 
 enemies, prudent in his deeds. He must also swear 
 to observe the following rules : To undertake no- 
 thing without having heard mass fasting ; to spare 
 neither his blood nor his life in defence of the Catho- 
 lic faith ; to give aid to all widows and orphans ; to 
 undertake no war without just cause ; to favour no 
 injustice, but to protect the innocent and oppressed; 
 to be humble in all things ; to seek the welfare of 
 those placed under him ; never to violate the rights 
 of his sovereign, and to live irreprehensibly before 
 God and man." 
 
 The bishop, then taking his joined hands in his 
 own, placed them on the missal, and received his 
 oath to follow the statutes laid down to him, after 
 which his father advancing dubbed him a knight. 
 
 At other times it occurred, that when the sword 
 had been blessed, the novice^ carried it to the knight 
 who was to be his godfather in Chivalry, and kneel- 
 ing before him plighted his vow to him. After this 
 the other knights, and often the ladies present, ad- 
 vanced, and completely armed the youth, sometimes 
 beginning with one piece of the armour, sometimes 
 another. St. Palaye declares that the spurs were 
 always buckled on before the rest, but in the history 
 
 > Menestrier, chap 9. 2 st Palave 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 39 
 
 of Geoffrey, Duke of Nonnandy, we find the corslet 
 and the greaves mentioned first, and the spear and 
 sword last. 
 
 After having been armed, the novice still remained 
 upon his knees before his godfather in arms, who 
 then, rising from his seat, bestowed upon him the 
 accolade, as it was called, which consisted generally 
 of three blows of the naked sword upon the neck or 
 shoulder. Sometimes it was performed by a blow 
 given with the palm of the hand upon the cheek of 
 the novice, which was always accompanied by some 
 words, signifying that the ceremony was complete, 
 and the squire had now become a knight. 
 
 The words which accompanied the accolade were 
 generally, when the kings of France bestowed the 
 honour, " In the name of God, St. Michael, and St 
 George, I make thee knight; be loyal, bold, and 
 Hue." 
 
 Sometimes to the blow were joined the words,' 
 "Bear this blow and never bear another," and some- 
 times was added the more Christian admonition to 
 humility, " Remember that the Saviour of the world 
 was buffeted and scoffed.'l^ 
 
 Whatever was its origin the custom was a curious 
 one, and bore a strong resemblance to the ceremony 
 of manumission among the Romans, who, on free- 
 ing a slave, struck him a slight blow, which Clau- 
 dian happily enough terms felicem injuriam. I do 
 not, however, intend to insinuate that the one cus- 
 tom was derived from the other, though, perhaps, 
 the fact of a serf becoming free if his lord struck 
 him with any instrument,^ except such as were em- 
 ployed in his actual labour, may have been, in some 
 degree, a vestige of the Roman law in this respect, 
 which we know descended entire to many of the 
 barbarous nations. 
 
 However that may be, after having submitted to 
 
 1 Hartknoch, lib. ii. c. 1. 
 
 8 Existing Orders of Knighthood. 3 Cappefigue. 
 
40 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 the blow which ended his servitude as a squire, the 
 new knight was decorated with his casque, which 
 had hitherto been held beside him, and then pro- 
 ceeding to the door of the church, or of the castle, 
 where his knighthood had been bestowed, he sprang 
 upon his horse and showed himself armed in the 
 principal places of the city, while the heralds pro- 
 claimed his name and vaunted his prowess.* 
 
 As long vigils, fast, prayers, and- confessions had 
 preceded and accompanied the admission of the new 
 knight, festivals, banquets, and tournaments fol- 
 lowed.2 Tlie banquets and the festivals, as common 
 to all ages, though differing in each, I will pass over: 
 suffice it, that one of the strictest laws of Chivalry 
 forbade gluttony and intemperance. 
 
 The tournament, as a purely chivalrous institu- 
 tion, I must mention; though so much has been 
 already written on the subject, that I could have 
 wished to pass it over in silence. The most com- 
 plete description ever given of a tournament is to be 
 found in the writings of one whose words are pic- 
 tures ; and if I dared but copy into this place the 
 account of the passage of arms in Ivanhoe, I should 
 be enabled to give a far better idea of what such a 
 scene really was, than all the antiquarian researches 
 in my power will afford. 
 
 All military nations, from the earliest antiquity, 
 have known and practised various athletic games in 
 imitation of warfare ; and we of course find among 
 the Franks various exercises of the kind from the 
 very first records which we have of that people. 
 Nithard,^ however, gives an elaborate picture of 
 these mock-fights as practised in the reigns succeed • 
 ing Charlemagne ; and we find but little resemblance 
 to the tournament. Fou^ equal bands of Saxons, 
 Gascons, Austrasians, and Armoricans (or Britons,^ 
 as they are there called) met together in an open 
 
 ' M*nestrier, ix.; St. Palaye 2 Adre Favin Thfeat. 
 
 •* Niihard, lib. iii. 4 Bri'tannarum is th« word. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 41 
 
 place, and, while the populace stood round as spec- 
 tators, pursued each other, in turn, brandishino- their 
 arms, and seeming fiercely to seek the destruction 
 of their adversaries. When this had proceeded for 
 some time, Louis and Charles (the two monarchs in 
 whose history the description is given) suddenly 
 rushed into the field with all their choice com- 
 panions, and, with quivering lances and loud cries, 
 followed, now one, now another, of the parties, who 
 took care to fly before their horses. 
 
 The first authentic mention of a toumament' is to 
 be found in the Chronicle of Tours, which records 
 the death of Geoffrey de Priuli in 1066 ; adding the 
 words qui tomeamenta invenit — who invented tour- 
 naments. From the appearance^ of these exercises 
 in Germany^ about the same time, we may conclude 
 that this date is pretty nearly correct ; and that if 
 tournaments were not absolutely invented at that 
 precise period, they \vere then first regulated by dis- 
 tinct laws. 
 
 In England'' they did not appear till several years 
 later, when the Norman manners introduced after 
 the conquest had completely superseded the cus- 
 toms of the Saxons. 
 
 Thus much has seemed necessary to me to say 
 concerning the origin of tournaments, as there are 
 so many common fables on the subject which give 
 far greater antiquity to the exercise than that which 
 it is entitled to claim. 
 
 The ceremonies and the splendour of the tourna- 
 ment of course differed in different ages and differ- 
 ent countries ; but the general principle was the 
 same. It was a chivalrous game, originally insti- 
 tuted for practising those exercises, and acquiring 
 
 1 Ducange apnd Chron. Tur. an. 1066. 
 
 2 Munster. Geogr. lib. iii. 
 
 3 Ducange, in bis sixth dissertation, has satisfactorily overturned (he 
 assertijn made by Modius, that tournaments were known in GermanK 
 dl a much earlier period than here stated. 
 
 4 Ducange, Dissert, vii. 
 
 D 
 
iZ HISTORY OF CHIVALRY'. 
 
 that skill which was likely to be useful in knightly 
 warfare. 
 
 A tournament was usually given upon the occasion 
 of any great meeting, for either military or political 
 purposes. Sometimes it was the king himself who 
 sent his heralds through the land to announce to all 
 'loblemen and ladies, that on a certain day he would 
 hold a grand tournament, where all brave knights 
 might try their prowess. At other times a tourna- 
 ment was determined on by a body of independent 
 knights ; and messengers were often sent into dis- 
 tant countries to invite all gallant gentlemen to 
 honour the passage of arms. 
 
 The spot fixed upon for the lists was usually in the 
 immediate neighbourhood of some abbey or castle, 
 where the shields of the various' cavaliers who pur- 
 posed combating were exposed to view for several 
 days previous to the meeting. A herald was also 
 placed beneath the cloisters to answer all questions 
 concQi'ning the champions, and to receive all com- 
 plaints against any individual knight. If, upon in- 
 vestigation, the kings of arms and judges of the field 
 found that a just accusation was laid against one^ 
 of the knights proposing to appear, a peremptory 
 command excluded him from the lists ; and if he 
 dared in despite thereof to present himself, he was 
 driven forth with blows and ignominy. 
 
 Round about the field appointed for the spectacle 
 were raised galleries, scaffoldings, tents,^ and pavi- 
 lions, decorated with all the magnificence of a luxu- 
 rious age. Banners and scutcheons, and bandrols, 
 silks and cloth of gold, covered the galleries and 
 floated round the field ; while all that rich garments 
 and precious stones, beauty and youth, could do to 
 outshine the inanimate part of the scene, was to be 
 found among the spectators. Here too was seen 
 tlie venerable age of Chivalry — all those old knights 
 
 I Menestrier Origine. 2 Favin Thedtre, 3 St. PaJaye. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 43 
 
 whose limbs were no longer competent to bear tHe 
 weight of arms, surrounding the field to view the 
 prowess of their children and judge the deeds of the 
 day. Heralds and pursuivants, in the gay and many- 
 coloured garments which they peculiarly affected, 
 fluttered over the field, and bands of warlike music 
 were stationed near to animate the contest and to 
 salute the victors. 
 
 The knights, as they appeared in the lists, were 
 greeted by the heralds and the people* according to 
 their renown ; but the approbation of the female part 
 of the spectators was the great stimulus to all the 
 Chivalry of the field. Each knight, as a part of his 
 duty, either felt or feigned himself in love ; and it 
 was upon these occasions that his lady might de- 
 scend from the high state to which the mystic adora- 
 tion of the day had raised her, and bestow upon her 
 favoured champion a glove, a riband, a bracelet,^ a 
 jewel, which, borne on his crest through the hard- 
 contested field, was the chief object of his care, and 
 the great excitement to his valour. 
 
 Often, too, in the midst of the combat, if accident 
 or misfortune deprived the favoured knight of the 
 gage of his lady's affection, her admiration or her 
 pity won her to supply another token, sent by a 
 page or squire, to raise again her lover's resolution, 
 and animate him to new exertions. 
 
 The old romaiK^e of Perce-forest gives a curious 
 picture of the effects visible after a tournament, by 
 the eagerness with which the fair spectators had en- 
 couraged the knights. "At the close of the tourna- 
 ment," says the writer, " the ladies were so stripped 
 of their ornaments, that the greater part of them 
 were bareheaded. Thus they went their ways witli 
 their hair floating on their shoulders more glossy 
 than fine gold; and with their robes witliout the 
 sleeves, for they had given to the knights to deco 
 
 : St. Palaye 2 Vi* de Bavard. 
 
44 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 rate themselves, wimples and hoods, mantles and 
 shifts, slee\' es and bodies. When they found them- 
 selves undressed to such a pitch, they were at first 
 quite ashamed ; but as soon as they saw every one 
 was in the same state, they beg-an to laugh at the 
 whole adventure^ for they had all bestowed their 
 jewels and their clothes upon the knights with so 
 good a will, that they had not perceived that they 
 uncovered themselves." 
 
 This is probably an exaggerated account of the 
 enthusiasm which the events of a tournament ex- 
 cited in the bosom of the fair ladies of that day : but 
 still, no doubt can be entertained, that they not only 
 decorated their knights before the tournament with 
 some token of their approbation, but in the case of 
 its loss, often sent him even a part of their dress in 
 the midst of the conflict. 
 
 The other spectators, also, though animated by 
 less thrilling interests, took no small share in the 
 feelings and hopes of the different parties. Each 
 blow of the lance or sword, struck well and home, 
 was greeted with loud acclamations; and valour met 
 with both its incitement and its reward, in the ex- 
 pecting silence and the thundering plaudits with 
 which each good champion's movements were waited 
 for and seen. 
 
 In the mean while, without giving encouragement 
 to any particular knight, the heralds strove to animate 
 all by various quaint and characteristic exclamations, 
 such as " The love of ladies !" " Death to the 
 horses !" " Honour to the brave !" " Glory to be 
 won by blood and sweat !" " Praise to the sons of 
 the brave !" 
 
 It would occupy too much space to enter into all 
 the details of the tournament, or to notice all the 
 laws by which it was governed. Every care was 
 taken that the various knights should meet upon 
 equal terms ; and many a precaution was made use 
 of to prevent accidents, and to render the sports both 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 45 
 
 innocent and useful. But no regulations could be 
 found sufficient to g-uard against the dangerous con- 
 sequences of such furious amusements; andDucange 
 gives a long list of princes and nobles who lost their 
 lives in these fatal exercises. The church often in- 
 terfered, though in vain, to put them down; and many 
 monarchs forbade them in their dominions ; but the 
 pomp with which they were accompanied, and the 
 excitement they afforded to a people fond of every 
 mental stimulus, rendered them far more permanent 
 than might have been expected. 
 
 The weapons in tournaments were, in almost all 
 cases, restrained .:, blunted sw^ords and headless 
 spears, daggers, and battle-axes ; but, as may well 
 be imagined, these were not to be used without dan- 
 ger; so that even those festivals that passed by 
 without the absolute death of any of the champions, 
 left, nevertheless, many to drag out a maimed and 
 miserable existence, or to die after a long and weary 
 sickness. And yet the very peril of the sport gave 
 to it an all-powerful interest, which we can best con- 
 ceive, at present, from our feelings at some deep and 
 thrilling tragedy. 
 
 After the excitement, and the expectation, and the 
 suspense, and the eagerness, came the triumph and 
 the prize — and the chosen queen of the field bestowed 
 upon the champion whose feats were counted best, 
 that reward, the value of which consisted more in 
 the honour than the thing itself. Sometimes it was 
 a jewel,' sometimes a coronet^ of flow^ers or of laurel ; 
 but in all cases the award implied a right to one kiss 
 from the lips of the lady appointed to bestow the 
 prize. It seems to have been as frequent a practice 
 to assign this prize on the field, as in the chateau^ or 
 palace whither the court retired after the sports were 
 concluded ; and we often find that the female part 
 of the spectators were called to decide upon the 
 
 1 Vie de Bayard. 2 Olivier de la Marche. 3 Ducange, Di?seiJ vi*. 
 
16 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 merits of the several champions, and to declare the 
 victor^ as well as confer the reward. Mirth and fes- 
 tivity ever closed the day of the tournament, and 
 song and sports brought in the night. 
 
 Every thing that could interest or amuse a barba- 
 rous age was collected on the spot where one of 
 these meetings was held . The minstrel or menestrier, 
 the juggler, the saltimbank, the story-teller, were 
 p"*esent in the hall to soothe or to entertain ; but still 
 the foundation of tale and song was Chivalry ; — the 
 objects of all praise were noble deeds and heroic 
 actions ; and the very voice of love and tenderness, 
 instead of seducing to sloth and effeminacy, was 
 heard prompting to activity, to enterprise, and to 
 honour — to the defence of virtue, and the search for 
 glory. 
 
 It may be here necessary to remark, that there 
 were several sorts of tournaments, which differed 
 essentially from each other; but I shall not pause 
 upon these any longer than merely to point out the 
 particular differences between them. The joust, 
 which was certainly a kind of tournament, was 
 always confined to two persons, though these persons 
 encountered each other with blunted arms.^ 
 
 The combat at ontrance was, in fact, a duel, 
 and only differed from the trial by battle in being 
 voluntary, while the other was enforced by law. This 
 contest was often the event of private quarrels, but was, 
 by no means, always so ; and, to use the language of 
 Ducange, " though mortal, it took place ordinarily 
 between persons who most frequently did not know 
 each other, or, at least, had no particular misunder- 
 standing, but who sought alone to show forth their 
 courage, generosity, and skill in arms." Sometimes, 
 however, the combat at ontrance was undertaken by a 
 number of knights^ together, and often much blood 
 was thus shed, without cause. 
 
 « St. Palaye. 2 Dncange. Dissert, vii. 3 Mat. Paris, Ann. 1241 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 47 
 
 The pas d'artnes or passage of arms, differed from 
 general tournaments, inasmuch as a certain number 
 of knights fixed their shields and tents in a particular 
 pass, or spot of ground, which they declared their 
 intention to defend against all comers.^ The space 
 before their tents was generally listed in, as for a 
 tournament ; and, during the time fixed for the de- 
 fence of the passage, the same concourse of specta- 
 tors, heralds, and minstrels were assembled. 
 
 The round table was another distinct sort of tour- 
 nament,^ held in a circular amphitheatre, wherein 
 the knights invited jousted against each other. The 
 origin of this festival, which was held, I believe, for 
 the last time by Edward III., is attributed to Roger 
 Mortimer,^ who, on receiving knighthood, feasted a 
 hundred knights and a hundred ladies at a round 
 table. The mornings were spent in chivalrous games, 
 the prize of which was a golden lion, and the eve- 
 nings in banquets and festivities. This course of 
 entertainments continued three days with the most 
 princely splendour; after which Mortimer, having 
 won the prize himself, conducted his guests to War- 
 wick, and dismissed them. 
 
 From this account, taken from the History of the 
 Priory of Wigmore, Menestrier deduces that those 
 exercises called " round tables" were only tourna- 
 ments, during which the lord or sovereign giving the 
 festival entertained his guests at a table which, to 
 prevent all ceremony in respect to precedence, was 
 in the form of a circle. Perhaps, however, this in- 
 stitution may have had a different and an earlier 
 origin, though I find it mentioned in no author pre^ 
 vious to the year 1279.* 
 
 Chivalry, which in its pristine purity knew no 
 reward but honour, soon — as it became combined 
 
 1 Colonibiere. 2 Menestrier, vi. 3 Mat. 'VVestrTionas., page 400. 
 
 4 Should any one be tempted to investigate further, he will find the 
 Bubjest discussed at length in the seventh dissertation of Ducaiige. Se<> 
 also the Chronique deMolinet 
 
48 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 with power — appropriated to itself various privileges 
 which, injuring- its simplicity, in the end brought 
 about its fall. In the first place, the knight was, by 
 (he fact of his Chivalry, the judge of all his equals, 
 and consequently of all his inferiors.^ He was also, 
 in most cases, the executor of his own decree, and 
 it would indeed have required a different nature from 
 humanity to secure such a jurisdiction from frequent 
 perversion. The knight^ also took precedence of 
 all persons who had not received Chivalry, a dis- 
 tinction well calculated to do aAvay with that humi- 
 lity which was one of knighthood's strictest laws.^ 
 Added to this was the right of wearing particular 
 dresses and colours, gold and jewels, which were re- 
 strained to the knightly class, by very severe ordi- 
 nances. Scarlet and green were particularly re- 
 served for the order of knighthood, as well as er- 
 mine, mmever, and some other furs. Knights also 
 possessed what was called privilege of clergy, that 
 is to say, in case of accusation, they could claim to 
 be tried before the ecclesiastical judge.'* Their arms 
 were legally forbidden to all other classes, and the 
 title of Sire, Monseigneur, Sir, Don, &c., were ap- 
 plied to them alone, till the distinction was lost in 
 the course of time. 
 
 Though these privileges changed continually, and 
 it is scarcely possible to say what age gkve birth 
 to any one of them, yet it is evident that monarchs, 
 after they had seen the immense influence which 
 Chivalry might have on their own power, and had 
 striven to render it an engine for their own pui poses, 
 took every care to secure all those rights and immu- 
 nities to the order which could in some degree ba- 
 lance the hardships, fatigues, and dangers inevitably 
 attendant upon it, and supply the place of that en- 
 thusiasm which of course grew fainter as the cir- 
 
 i St.Palaye; Ribeiro, lib. x. 2 Menestrier. 
 
 3 Ordonanccs des Rois de France, ^nn. 1294. 4 Pasquier Recherchea 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVa <tY. 49 
 
 cumstaiices which excited it chang-ed, aud the objects 
 which it sought were accomplished. 
 
 It is probable that there would always have been 
 many men who would have coveted Chivalry for the 
 sole purpose of doing gooi and protecting the inno- 
 cent ; but monarchs sought to increase the number 
 of knights as a means of defending their realms and 
 extending their power, and, consequently, they sup- 
 plied other motives and external honours as an in- 
 ducement to those persons of a less exalted mind. 
 
 Chivalry was indeed a distinction not to be enjoyed 
 »vithout many and severe labours. The first thing 
 after receiving knighthood was generally a long jour- 
 ney' into foreign countries, both for the purpose of 
 jousting with other knights, and for instruction in 
 every sort of chivalrous knowledge. There the 
 young knight studied carefully the demeanour of 
 every celebrated champion he met, and strove to 
 glean the excellencies of each. Thus he learned 
 courtesy and grace, and thus he heard all the famous 
 exploits of the day which, borne from court to court 
 by these chivalrous travellers, spread the fame of 
 great deeds frome one end of the world to the other.^ 
 
 It cannot be doubted that this practice of wander- 
 ing armed through Europe gave great scope to 
 licentiousness in those who were naturally ill-dis- 
 posed ; and many a cruelty and many a crime was 
 assuredly committed by that very order instituted to 
 put down vice and to protect innocence. To guard 
 against this the laws of Chivalry were most severe f 
 and as great power was intrusted to the knight, great 
 was the shame and dishonour if he abused it. The 
 oath taken in the first place was as strictly opposed 
 lo every vice, as any human promise could be, and 
 the first principle of chivalrous honour Avas never to 
 violate an engagement. I must here still repeat the 
 remark, that it was the spirit whicli constituted the 
 
 ' Vie de Bayard sur Jeand'Arces. 2 See note III. 
 
 * Colombiere. 
 
 E 
 
50 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 Chivalry, and as that spirit waned, Cliivalry died 
 away. 
 
 One of the most curious institutions of Chivalry 
 was that which required a knight, on his return from 
 any expedition,^ to g-ive a full and minute account 
 to the heralds, or officers of arms, of all his adven- 
 tures during his absence, without reserve or conceal- 
 ment ; telling as well his reverses and discomfitures, 
 as his honours and success. To do this he was bound 
 by oath ; and the detail thus given was registered 
 by the herald, who by such relations learned to know 
 and estimate the worth and prowess of each indivi- 
 dual knight. It served also to excite other adventu- 
 rers to great deeds in imitation of those wlio acquired 
 fame and honour ; and it afforded matter of conso- 
 lation to the unfortunate, wiio in those registers 
 must ever have met with mishaps to equal or surpass 
 iJieir own. 
 
 The spirit of Chivalry, however, led to a thousand 
 deeds and habits not required nor regulated by any 
 law. Were two armies opposed to each other, or 
 even encamped in the neighbourhood of each other, 
 though at peace," the knights would continually issiie 
 forthsingly from the ranks to challenge any orher 
 champion to come out, and break a lance in honour 
 of his lady. Often before a castle, or on the eve of 
 a battle, a knight would vow to some holy saint 
 never to quit the field, or abandon the siege, till 
 death or victory ended his design. Frequently, too, 
 we find that in the midst of some ^eat festival, 
 where all the Chivalry of the land was assembled, 
 a knight would suddenly appear, bearing in his 
 hands^ a peacock, a heron, or some other bird. Pre- 
 senting it in turn to each noble in the assembly, he 
 would then demand their oath upon that bird to do 
 some great feat of arms against the enemy. I\o 
 
 1 La C )Ionibi«iP. 2 Fiuissmt f)livi«'r do la Marcl;(\ 
 
 S See ills-'' V'ffiu (liiHercii iiiuUiiL- Vunida I'limt "r.iteil in Si PH'tsy. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 51 
 
 knight dared to refuse, and the vow so taken was 
 irrevocable and never broken. 
 
 One of the most extraordinary customs of Chi- 
 valry, and also one of the most interesting, was the 
 adoption of a brother in arms.^ 
 
 This custom^ seems to have taken its rise in Eng- 
 land, and was in common use especially among the 
 Saxons. After the Conquest, however, it rapidly 
 spread to other nations, and seems to have been a 
 favourite practice with the crusaders. Esteem and 
 long companionship were the first principles of this 
 curious sort of alliance, which bound one knight to 
 another by ties more strict than those of blood itself. 
 
 It is true the brotherhood in arms was often con- 
 tracted but for a time, or under certain circum- 
 stances,^ which once passed by, the engagement was 
 at an end ; but far oftener it was a bond for life, 
 uniting interests and feelings, and dividing dangers 
 and successes. The brothers in arms'* met all perils 
 together, undertook all adventures in company, 
 shared in the advantage of every happy enterprise, 
 and partook of the pain or loss of every misfortune. 
 If the one was attacked in body, in honour, or iu 
 estate, the other sprang forward to defend him. 
 Their wealth and even their thoughts were in com- 
 mon ; so that the news which the one received, or 
 the design that he formed, he was bound to commu- 
 nicate to the other without reserve. Even if the one 
 underlay a wager of battle^ against any other knight, 
 and was cut off by death before he could discharge 
 himself thereof, his brother in arms was bound to 
 appear in the lists, in defence of his honour, on the 
 day appointed. 
 
 Sometimes^ this fraternity of arms was contracted 
 by a solemn deed ; sometimes by a vow ratified by 
 
 I See note IV^. 2 Ducange, Dissert, xxi. S'Monstrelet. 
 
 4 Juvenal des Ursius. S Hardouin de la Jaille. 
 
 6 See deed betweea Du Ouesclin and Clisson. Ducange, Dissert, xxi 
 
52 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 the communion and other ceremonies of the church* 
 In many cases,' however, the only form consisted in 
 (he mutual exchange of arms, which imphed the 
 same devotion to each other, and the same irrevoca- 
 ble engagement. 
 
 I have now said sufficient concerning the habits 
 and customs of the ancient knights, to give a general 
 idea of the rules by which Chivalry was governed, and 
 the spirit by which it was animated. That spirit waxed 
 fainter, it is true, as luxury and pomp increased, and 
 as the barbarities of an early age merged into the 
 softer licentiousness that followed. 
 
 But the rules of the order themselves remained 
 unchanged, and did far more than any other insti- 
 tution to restrain the general incontinence^ of the 
 age. Even in those days when chivalrous love was 
 no longer pure, and chivalrous religion no longer 
 the spring of the noblest morality, the spirit of the 
 days of old lingered amid the ruins of the falling 
 institution. An Edward, a Du Guesclin, a Bayard, 
 a Sidney, would rise up in the midst of corrupted 
 times, and shame the vices of the day by still show- 
 ing one more true knight ; and even now, when the 
 order has altogether passed away, we feel and 
 benefit by its good effects. 
 
 So complete a change has come over manners and 
 customs, so rapid has been our late progress, and so 
 many and vast have been the events of latter years, 
 that to trace the remains of Chivalry in any of oui 
 present feelings or institutions, seems but a theore- 
 tical dream. The knights of old are looked upon 
 as things apart, that have neither kin nor commu- 
 nity with ourselves ; their acts are hardly believed ; 
 and their very existence is doubted. Let him who 
 would make historical remembrance more tangible, 
 and see how nearly the days of Chivalry approach 
 
 1 Diirari^p, Gloss. Lnf. Mufare Armas. 
 
 2 Sue llie Chevalier de la Tour, as cited by St. Palaye 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 53 
 
 to our own, run his eye over one short page in the 
 chronology of the world, and he will find that no 
 niore than three centuries have passed since Bayard 
 himself died, a knight without reproacli. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 The Progress of Chivalry in Europe— Exploits— That some great En- 
 terprise v)as necessary to give Chivalry an extensive and permanent 
 Effect— That Enterprise presented itself in the Crusades — Pilgrimage 
 to Jer-iisalem—Haroun Al Raschid — Charlemagne — Cruelties of the 
 Turks — Pilgrimages continued— Peter the Hermit — Council of Cler- 
 mont. 
 
 The picture which 1 have just attempted to draw 
 of the various customs of Chivalry must be looked 
 upon rather as a summary of its institutions and 
 feeling-s, as they changed through many ages and 
 many nations, than as a likeness of Chivalry at any 
 precise period, or in any one country. 
 
 Previous to the age of the crusades, to which I 
 now propose to turn as speedily as possible, the 
 state of Chivalry in Europe had made but little pro- 
 gress. It had spread, however, as a spirit, to almost 
 all the nations surrounding the cradle of its birth. 
 In Spain Alphonso VI.* was already waging a com- 
 pletely chivalric war against the Moors, and many 
 of the knights of France, who afterward distin- 
 guished themselves in the Holy Land, had, in the 
 ser\ ice of one or other of the Spanish princes, tried 
 their arms against the Saracens. 
 
 In England we have seen that there is reason to 
 suppose the institution of knighthood was known 
 to the Saxons,^ though the indiscriminate manner in 
 
 1 V Hot. 2 Sharon Turner 
 
54 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 Avliich the word miles is used in the Latin chronicles 
 of tlie day renders it scarcely possible to ascertain 
 at what period the order was introduced. The same 
 difficulty indeed occurs in regard to the Normans, 
 though from various circumstances connected with 
 the accounts given by William of Jumieges,' of the 
 reigns of WiUiam I. and Richard I., Dukes of Nor- 
 mandy, we are led to believe that Chivalry was very 
 early introduced among that people. At all events 
 it seems certain that after the accession of Richard 
 to the ducal dignity, a. d. 960, knightly feelings made 
 great progress among the Normans, and in 1003, we 
 find an exploit so purely chivalrous, performed by a 
 body of forty gentlemen from Normandy, that we 
 cannot doubt the spirit of knighthood in its purest 
 form had already spread through that country. 
 
 " Forty Norman gentlemen," says Vertot, " all 
 warriors, who had distinguished themselves in the 
 armies of the Duke of Normandy, returning from a 
 pilgrimage to the Holy Land, disembarked in Italy 
 without arms. Having learned that the town of Sa- 
 lerno was besieged by the Saracens, their zeal for 
 religion caused them instantly to throw themselves 
 into that place. Guimard, the Prince of Salerno, 
 had shut himself up in the town, to defend it to the 
 last against the infidels ; and he immediately caused 
 arms and horses to be given to the Norman gentle- 
 men, who made so many vigorous and unexpected 
 saUies upon the Saracens, that they compelled them 
 to raise the siege." In Italy we find many traces 
 of Chivalry at an early date, and it would appear 
 that the institution which took its rise in France was 
 no sooner known than adopted by most other nations. 
 The Normans, whom we have seen above succour- 
 ing the Prince of Salerno in his necessity, did not 
 remain a sufficient length of time in iiaiy to spread 
 the chivalrous spirit; but it is said that Guimard, 
 
 I William of JuinicRcs, lib. iv 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 55 
 
 after using every effort to induce them to stay, sent 
 deputies after them to Normandy, praying for aid 
 from the nobles of that country against the Saracens. 
 Several large bodies of Norman adventurers, in con- 
 sequence of his promises and persuasions, proceeded 
 to establish themselves in Apulia and Calabria, de- 
 feated the Saracens, cleared the south of Italy and 
 part of Greece of those locust-like invaders, and re- 
 established the Greek and Italian princes in their 
 dominions. These princes, however, soon became 
 jealous of their new allies, and employed various 
 base means to destroy them. They, on the other 
 hand, united for mutual defence, and under the fa- 
 mous Robert Guiscard, one of twelve brothers who 
 had left Normandy for Italy together, they speedily 
 conquered for themselves the countries which they 
 had restored to ungrateful lords. Guiscard was now 
 universally acknowledged as their chief, and thus 
 began the chivalrous Norman empire in Italy. 
 
 Nothing, perhaps, more favoured the general pro- 
 gress of Chivalry than the state of religion in that 
 day; which, overloaded with superstitions, and 
 decked out with every external pomp and ornament, 
 appealed to the imagination through the medium of 
 the senses, and woke a thousand enthusiasms which 
 could find no such fitting career as in the pursuits of 
 knighthood. The first efforts of the feudal system, 
 too, graduall}'' extending themselves to every part of 
 Europe, joined to make Chivalry spread through the 
 different countries where they were felt, by raising 
 up a number of independent lords who — each anxious 
 to reduce his neighbours to vassalage, and to pre- 
 serve his own separate lordship — required continual 
 armed support from others, to whom he offered in 
 return honour and protection. 
 
 Thus, for about a century, or perhaps a little more, 
 after the first institution of knighthood. Chivalry 
 slowly gained ground, and by each exploit of any par- 
 ticular bodv of knights (such, for instance, as we 
 
56 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 have recorded of the Normans) the order became 
 more and more respected, and its establisliment more 
 firm, decided, and regular. It wanted but one great 
 enterprise commenced and carried through upon chi- 
 vah'ous principles alone to render Chivalry, com- 
 bined as it was with religion and the feudal system, 
 the great master power of Europe — and that enter- 
 prise was at hand. 
 
 The natural reverence for those countries, sanc- 
 tified and elevated by so many miracles, and rendered 
 sublimely dear to the heart of every Christian, as the 
 land in which his salvation was brightly but terribly 
 worked out, had from all ages rendered Palestine an 
 object of pilgrimage. In the earliest times, after the 
 recognition of the Christian Aiith by Constantino, 
 the subjects of the Roman empire had followed the 
 example of the empress Helena, and had deemed it 
 almost a Christian duty to visit the scenes of our 
 Saviour's mortal career. For many ages while the 
 whole of Judea remained under the sway of the 
 Cesars, the journey was an easy one. Few difli- 
 culties waylaid the passenger, or gave pilgrimage 
 even the merit of dangers encountered and obstacles 
 overcome. 
 
 Towards the seventh century, the eastern pro- 
 vinces of the Roman empire, already weakened hv 
 many invasions, had to encounter the exertions of 
 another adversary, who succeeded in wresting them 
 from their Christian possessors. The successors of 
 Mahomet, who from a low station had become a great 
 legislator, a mighty conqueror, and a pretended 
 prophet, carried on the conquest which he had begun 
 in Arabia, and one by one made themselves masters 
 of Syria, Antioch, Persia, Medea, and in fact the 
 greater part of the rich continent of Asia. 
 
 It is not here my purpose to trace the progress of 
 these conquerors, or to examine for a moment the 
 religion they professed. Suffice it, that in the days 
 of Charlemagne the fame of that great prince ])ro. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 57 
 
 duced from the calif Haroun al Raschid many liberal 
 concessions in favour of the Christian pilgrims to 
 Jerusalem, now in the hands of the unbelievers. 
 
 Particular ages seem fertile in great men ; and it 
 is very rare to find one distinguished poet, monarch, 
 or conqueror standing alone in his own century. 
 Nay more ; — we generally discover — however dif- 
 ferent the country that produces them, and however 
 opposite the circumstances under which they are 
 placed — that there is a similarity in the character of 
 the mind, if I may so express myself without obscu- 
 rity, of the eminent persons produced in each parti- 
 cular age. This was peculiarly the case in the age 
 of Charlemagne. It seemed as if the most remote 
 corners of the earth had made an effort, at the same 
 moment, to produce from the bosom of barbarism 
 and confusion a great and intelligent monarch — an 
 Alfred, a Haroun, and a Charlemagne. The likeness 
 seemed to be felt by the two great emperors of the 
 east and the west ; and a reciprocation of courtesy' 
 and friendship appears to have taken place between 
 them, most rare in that remote age. Various pre- 
 sents were transmitted from one to the other ; and 
 the most precious offering that the Christian monarch 
 could receive, the keys of the Holy City, were sent 
 from Bagdad to Aix, together with a standard, which 
 has been supposed to imply the sovereignty of Jeru- 
 salem resigned by Haroun to his great contemporary. 
 Nothing could afford a nobler proof of a great, a 
 liberal, and a delicate mind, than the choice evinced 
 by the calif in his gift. Charlemagne took advantage 
 so far of Haroun's liberality,^ as to establish an hos- 
 pital and a library for the Latin pilgrims. 
 
 The successors of Haroun, and more particularly 
 Monstacer Billah, continued to yield tolerance at 
 least, if not protection, to the Christians of Jerusalem. 
 The pilgrims also were more or less protected during 
 
 I Eginhard.Annal. 2 Mabillon. 
 
5b HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 the reigns that followed, both from motives of liberal 
 feeling and of interest, as the great influx of travel- 
 lers, especially from Italy, brought much vi^ealth and 
 commerce into Syria. 
 
 Under the califs of the Fatemite race several per- 
 secutions took place ; and when at length the invasion 
 of the Turkish hordes had brought the whole of Pa- 
 lestine under the dominion of a wild and barbarous 
 race, Jerusalem was taken and sacked ; and while 
 the Christian inhabitants were treated with every 
 sort of brutal cruelty, the pilgrims were subject to 
 taxation' on their arrival, as well as liable to plunder 
 by the way. 
 
 A piece of gold was exacted for permission to enter 
 the Holy City ; and at that time, when the value of 
 the precious metals was infinitely higher than in the 
 present day, few, if any, of the pilgrims on their ar- 
 rival possessed sufficient to pay the cruel demand. 
 
 Thus, after having suffered toils unheard of — hun- 
 ger, thirst, the parching influence of a burning sky, 
 sickness, danger, and often robbery, and wounds ; 
 when the weary wanderer arrived at the very entrance 
 of the city, with the bourn of all his long pilgrimage 
 before him, the enthusiastic object of all his hopes 
 in sight, the place of refuge and repose for which he 
 had longed and prayed within his reach — unless he 
 could pay the stipulated sum, he was driven by the 
 barbarians from the gates, and was forced to tread 
 back all his heavy way unfurnished with any means, 
 and unsupported by any hope, or to die by the road- 
 side of want, weariness, and despair. 
 
 The pilgrimages nevertheless continued with unre- 
 mitting zeal ; and the number of devotees increased 
 greatly in the tenth and eleventh centuries. In the 
 tenth, indeed, the custom of pilgrimage became 
 almost universal, from a misinterpretation^ of a pro- 
 phecy in the Apocalypse. A general belief prevailed 
 
 1 William of T>re, lib. i. 2 Voltaire, Essai sur 'es Mcenrs. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 69 
 
 that at the end of the tenth century, the thousand 
 years being concluded, the world was to be judged ; 
 and crowds of men and women, in the frantic hope 
 of expiating their sins by the long and painful journey 
 to the Holy Land, flocked from all parts of Europe 
 towards Jerusalem. 
 
 Many of the more clear-sighted and sensible of the 
 Christian prelates had from time to time attempted 
 to dissuade the people from these dangerous and fatal 
 pilgrimages; but the principle of bodily infliction 
 being received as a mark of internal penitence and a 
 means of obtaining absolution, had been so long in- 
 culcated by the church of Rome, that the current of 
 popular opinion had received its impulse, and it was 
 no longer possible to turn it from its course. No pe- 
 nance could be more painful or more consistent with 
 the prejudices of the multitude, than a pilgrimage to 
 the Holy Land ; and thus the priests continued often 
 to enforce the act, while the heads of the church 
 themselves, as religion became corrupted, learned to 
 see this sort of penitence in the same light as the 
 people, and encouraged its execution. They found 
 the great efiicacy of external excitements in stimu- 
 lating the populace to that superstitious obedience on 
 which they were fast building up the authority of the 
 Roman church, and piobably also were not without 
 a share in the bigoted enthusiasm which they taught 
 Thus in the tenth century the pilgrimages which 
 fear lest the day of judgment should be approaching 
 induced many to undertake in expiation of their sins, 
 met but little opposition; while various meteoric 
 phenomena, of a somewhat awful nature, earth- 
 quakes, hurricanes, &c., contributed to increase the 
 general alarm. 
 
 When these had passed by, and the dreaded epoch 
 had brought forth nothing, the current still continued 
 to flow on in the course that it had taken ; and during 
 the eleventh century several circumstances tended to 
 increase it. Among others thetevror spread througb 
 
60 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 France by the Papal Interdict, called forth by the re- 
 fractory adherence of Robert I. to his queen* Bertha, 
 brought more pilgrims than usual from that country. 
 
 Of many thousands who passed into Asia,^ a few 
 isolated individuals only returned ; but these every 
 day, as they passed through the different countries 
 of Europe on their journey back, spread indignation 
 and horror by their account of the dreadful suffer- 
 ings of the Christians in Judea. Various^ letters are 
 reported as having been sent by the emperors of the 
 east to the different princes of Europe, soliciting aid 
 to repel the encroachments of the infidel; and if but 
 a very small portion of the crimes and cruelty attri- 
 buted to the Turks by these epistles were believed 
 by the Christians, it is not at all astonishing that 
 wrath and horror took possession of every chivalrous 
 bosom. Pope Sylvester II. had made an ineffectual 
 appeal to Christendom towards the end of the tenth 
 century, bringing forward the first idea of a crusade ;^ 
 but the age was not then ripe for a project that re- 
 quired a fuller developement of chivalrous feelings. 
 Gregory VII. revived the idea, and made it the sub- 
 ject of a very pompous epistle ; but he himself was 
 one of the first to forget the miseries of his fellow- 
 christians in Palestine, in the pursuit of his own 
 aggrandizement. 
 
 Still, the persecution of the Christians in Pales- 
 tine, and the murder and pillage of the pilgrims con- 
 tinued ; still the indignation of Europe was fed and 
 renewed by repeated tales of cruel barbarity com- 
 
 1 Guibert de Nogent. 2 Will. Tyr. lib. i. 
 
 3 Mills mentions one from Manuel VII. to Pope Gregory Vn., and 
 Guibert of Nogent speaks of another which, though he cautiously avoids 
 naming the emperor who wrote it, lest he should mislead from want of 
 correct information, could only have been sent, under some of the ( ircum 
 stances he mentions, by Isaac Comnenus. Mills supposes it to have 
 been the same with a letter written by Alexius, though it differs in many 
 parts from the usual verson of that epistle. Probably, how>>vor, 
 this opinion is correct, as a letter is stated to have been addressed to 
 Robert of Flanders, who was in his extreme youth in the time of Isaac 
 Comnenus. 4 Murator. Script Hal. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 61 
 
 milted in the Holy Land — sufferings of the church — 
 insults to religion — and merciless massacres of coun- 
 trymen and relations : still, also, the spirit of Chi- 
 valry was each day spreading further and rising 
 more powerfully, so that all was preparing for some 
 great and general movement. Tihe lightning of the 
 crusade was in the people's hearts, and it wanted 
 but one electric touch to make it flash forth upon 
 the world. 
 
 At this time a man, of whose early days we have 
 little authentic knowledge, but that he was born at 
 Amiens, and from a soldier had become a priest,* 
 after living for some time the life of a hermit, became 
 seized with the desire of visiting Jerusalem. He 
 was, according to all accounts,^ small in stature and 
 mean in person ; but his eyes possessed a peculiar 
 fire and intelligence, and his eloquence was powerful 
 and flowing. The fullest account of his manners 
 and conduct is to be found in Robert the Monk, who 
 was present at the council of Clermont, and in Gui- 
 bert of Nogent, who speaks in the tone of one who 
 has beheld what he relates. 
 
 The first of these authors describes Peter the Her- 
 mit,^ of whom we speak, as esteemed among those 
 who best understand the things of earth, and supe- 
 rior in piety to all the bishops or abbots of the day. 
 He fed upon neither flesh nor bread, says the same 
 writer, though he permitted himself wine and other 
 aliments, finding nevertheless his pleasure in the 
 greatest abstinence. 
 
 Guibert, or Gilbert, of Nogent, speaks still more 
 fully of his public conduct."* " He set out," says the 
 writer, " from whence I know not, nor with what 
 design ; but we saw him at that time passing through 
 the towns and villages, preaching every where, and 
 the people surrounding him in crowds, loading him 
 with presents, and celebrating his sanctity with such 
 
 1 Albert of Aix ; William of Tyre. 2 ibid. 
 
 3 Robert, lib. i. 4 Guib. Nogent, lib. i' 
 
iVZ HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 hign eulogiums, that I never remember to have seen 
 such honours rendered to any other person. He 
 showed himself very generous, however, in the dis- 
 tribution of the things given to him. He brought 
 back to their homes tlie women that had abandoned 
 their husbands, not without adding gifts of his own, 
 and re-estabhshed peace between those who lived 
 unhappily, with wonderful authority. In every thin^" 
 he said or did, it seemed as if there was something 
 of divine ; so much so, that people went to pluck 
 some of the hairs from his mule, which they kept 
 afterward as relics ; which I mention here not that 
 they really were so, but merely served to satisfy the 
 [)nblic love of any thing extraordinary. While out 
 of doors he wore ordinarily a woollen tunic, with a 
 brown mantle, which fell down to his heels. He 
 had his arms and his feet bare, eat little or no bread, 
 and lived upon fish and wine." 
 
 Such was his appearance after his return: prior 
 to that period it is probable that this hermit had 
 made himself remarkable for nothing but his general 
 eloquence and his ascetic severity. Great and ex- 
 traordinary men are often long before opportunity 
 gives scope for the display of the particular spirit 
 whose eftbrts are destined to distinguish them. I 
 mean not to class Peter the Hermit among great 
 nien ; but certainly he deserves the character of one 
 of the most extraordinary men that Europe ever 
 produced, if it were but for the circumstance of 
 having convulsed a world — led one continent to 
 combat to extermination against another, and yet 
 left historians in doubt whether he was madman or 
 prophet, fool or politician. 
 
 Peter, however, accomplished in safety his pil- 
 grimage to Jerusalem,^ paid the piece of gold de- 
 manded at the gates, and took up his lodging in ths 
 house of one of the pious Christians of the Holy City 
 
 1 Hist, liieros. abiev. Jacob. Vit. lib. i 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 63 
 
 Here his first emotion' seems to have been indig- 
 nant horror at the barbarous and sacrilegious brutal- 
 ity of the Turks. The venepable prelate of Tyre 
 represents him as conferring eagerly with his host 
 upon the enormous cruelties of the infidels, even be- 
 fore visiting the general objects of devotion. Doubt- 
 less the ardent, passionate, enthusiastic mind of 
 Peter had been wrought upon at every step he took 
 in the Holy Land, by the miserable state of his 
 brethren, till his feelings and imagination became 
 excited to almost frantic vehemence. After per- 
 forming the duties of the pilgrimage, visiting each 
 object of reputed holiness,^ and praying in those 
 churches which had the fame of peculiar sanctity, 
 Peter, with his heart wrung at beholding the objects 
 of his deepest veneration in the hands of the church's 
 enemies, demanded an audience of the patriarch, to 
 whom some Latin friend presented him. 
 
 Simeon the patriarch, though a Greek, and conse- 
 quently in the eyes of Peter a heretic, was still a 
 Christian, suffering in common with the rest of the 
 faithful in the Holy Land, and the hermit saw in him 
 that character alone. The union — the overflowing 
 confidence with which the hermit and the prelate 
 appear to have treated each other — raises them both 
 in our estimation ; but it also throws an historical 
 light upon the character of Peter, which places him 
 in a more elevated situation than modern historians 
 have been willing to concede to him. The patriarch 
 Simeon, a man as famous for his good sense as for 
 his piety, would not, surely, have opened his inmost 
 thoughts to a wandering pilgrim like Peter, and in- 
 trusted to him a paper sealed with his own seal, 
 which, if taken by the Turks, would have ensured 
 death to himself and destruction to Christianity in 
 Palestine, had he not recognised in the hermit " a 
 man,"^ to use the words of William of Tyre, " full 
 
 » Will. Tvr. lib. i. ; Albert. Chron. Hieros. 
 
 2 Will.Tyr. ; Hist Hieros. ; Jacob. Vit. lib. i. 3 Will. Tvr. lib. J 
 
64 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 of prudence and experience in the things of this 
 world." 
 
 This, however, was the case ; and after long con- 
 versations, wherein many a tear was shed over the 
 hapless state of the Holy Land, it was determined, 
 at the suggestion of Peter, that the patriarch should 
 write to the pope and the princes of the west, setting 
 forth the miseries of Jerusalem and of the faithful 
 people of the Holy City, and praying for aid and pro- 
 tection against the merciless sword of the Saracen. 
 Peter, on his part, promised to seek out each indivi- 
 dual prince, and to show, with his whole powers of 
 language, the ills of the Christians of Palestine. 
 
 From these conversations Peter went again and 
 again to pray in the church of the Resurrection, pe- 
 titioning ardently for aid in the great undertaking 
 before him. On one of these occasions it is said 
 that he fell asleep,' and beheld the Saviour in a vi- 
 sion, who exhorted him to hasten on his journey, 
 and persevere in his design. 
 
 Without searching for any thing preternatural, the 
 vision is not at all difficult to believe, though the 
 place of its occurrence seems to have been fictitious. 
 Nothing could be more natural than for Peter the 
 Hermit, with his mind full of the mission he was 
 about to undertake, to dream that the Being in whose 
 cause he believed himself engaged appeared to en- 
 courage him, and to hasten his enterprise ; and it. is 
 easy to conceive that, with full confidence in this 
 manifestation of heavenly favour, he should set forth 
 upon his journey with enthusiastic zeal. 
 
 Bearing the letter of the patriarch, Peter now re- 
 turned in haste to Italy, and sought out the pope, to 
 declare the miseries of the church in the Holy Land, 
 and to propose the means of its deliverance. Urban 
 n., who then occupied the apostolic chair, had inhe- 
 rited from Gregory wars and contestations with the 
 
 I Albert. Aquensis; Hist Hicrcs. ; Jacobi Vitr. ; Will, 7yr 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 65 
 
 emperor Henry IV., and was at the same time em- 
 broiied with the weak and luxurious PhiUp 1. of 
 France, on the subject of that king's adulterous in- 
 tercourse with Bertrade. He, as well as Gregory, 
 had taken refuge in Apulia and Calabria, and had 
 thrown himself upon the protection of the famous 
 Robert Guiscard, who readily granted him the aid 
 of that powerful mind which made the utmost parts 
 of the earth tremble.^ 
 
 It does not correctly appear at what place Urban 
 sojourned at the time of Peter's arrival in Italy.^ 
 His whole support was, evidently, still in the family 
 of Guiscard ; and it seems that with Boemond, Prince 
 of Tarentum, the gallant and chivalrous son of Ro- 
 bert, he first held council upon the hermit's^ great 
 and interesting proposal, before he de<termined on 
 the line of conduct to be pursued. 
 
 One of the historians of the crusades,^ attributing 
 perhaps somewhat too much the spirit of modern 
 politics to an age whose genius was of very different 
 quality, supposes that the course determined on by 
 the pope and his ally was, in fact, principally a shrewd 
 plot to fix Urban firmly in the Vatican, and to for- 
 ward Boemond's ambitious views in Greece. It 
 seems to me, however, that such a supposition is 
 perfectly irreconcilable with the subsequent conduct 
 of either. The pope shortly after threw himself into 
 the midst of his enemies, to hold a council on the 
 subject of the crusades ; and Boemond abandoned 
 every thing in Europe to carry on the holy war in 
 Palestine. It is much more natural to imagine that 
 the spirit of their age governed both the prelate and 
 the warrior — the enthusiasm of religion the one, and 
 the enthusiasm of Chivalry the other. 
 
 However that may be, Peter the Hermit met with 
 
 ! See note V. 
 
 2 William of Tyre says that he was wandering from place to place 
 under the protection of Guiscard This opinion 1 have adopted, although 
 Albert of Ai.\ declares that Peter joined him at Rome. 
 
 « V^'ill. of Malmsbury 4 Mills. 
 
 F 
 
06 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. " " 
 
 a most encouraging reception from the pope. The 
 sufferings of his fellow-christians brought tears from 
 the prelate's eyes ; the general scheme of the crusade 
 was sanctioned' instantly by his authority; and, pro- 
 mising his quick and active concurrence, he sent liim 
 on, the pilgrim to preach the deliverance of the Holy 
 Land through all the countries of Europe. Peter 
 wanted neither zeal nor activity^— from town to 
 town, from province to province, from country to 
 country, he spread the cry of vengeance on the 
 Turks, and deliverance to Jerusalem ! The warlike 
 spirit of the people was at its height ; the genius of 
 Chivalry was in the vigour of its early youth ; the 
 enthusiasm of religion hgfd now a great and terrible 
 object before it, and all the gates of the human heart 
 were open to the eloquence of the preacher. That 
 eloquence was not exerted in vain; nations rose at 
 his word and grasped the spear; and it only wanted 
 some one to direct and point the great enterprise 
 that was already determined. 
 
 In the mean time the pope did not forget his pro- 
 mise ; and while Peter the Hermit spread the inspira- 
 tion throughout Europe,^ Urban called together a 
 council at Placentia, to which deputies were ad- 
 mitted from the emperor of Constantinople, who dis- 
 played the progress of the Turks, and set forth the 
 danger to all Christendom of suffering their arms to 
 advance unopposed. The opinion of the assembly 
 was universally favourable to the crusade; and trust- 
 ing to the popularity of the measure, and the indie a 
 tions of support which he had already met with, the 
 pope determined to cross the Alps and to hold a se- 
 cond council in the heart of Gaul. 
 
 The ostensible object of this council was to regu- 
 late the state of the church, and to correct abuses ; 
 but the great object was, in fact, the crusade. It is 
 useless to investigate the motives which gave Urban 
 
 > Will. Tyr. lib. i. 2 Guibertus ; Gesta Dei. 3 a. U. 1005 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 67 
 
 TI. courage to summon a council, d(!stined, among 
 other things, to solemnly reprobate the dissolute 
 conduct of Philip of France, in the midst of domi- 
 nions, if not absolutely feudatory to the crown' of that 
 monarch, at least bound to it by friendship and alli- 
 ance. Whether it arose from fortitude of a just 
 cause, or from reliance on political calculation, the 
 prelate's judgment was proved by the event to be 
 right. After one or two changes in regard to the 
 place of meeting, the council was assembled at 
 Clermont, in Auvergne,^ and was composed of an 
 unheard-of multitude of priests, princes, and nobles, 
 both of France and Germany, all willing and eager 
 to receive the pope's injunctions with reverence and 
 obedience. After having terminated the less impor- 
 tant affairs which formed the apparent business of 
 the meeting, and which occupied the deliberation of 
 se"ven days, Urban, one of the most eloquent men 
 of the age, came forth from the church^ in which 
 the principal ecclesiastics were assembled, and ad- 
 dressed the immense concourse which had been 
 gathered into one of the great squares, no building 
 being large enough to contain the number. 
 
 The prelate^ then, with the language best calcu- 
 lated to win the hearts of all his hearers, displayed 
 the miseries of the Christians in the Holy Land. 
 He addressed the multitude as a people peculiarly 
 favoured by God, in the gift of courage, strength, 
 and true faith. He told them that their brethren in 
 the east were trampled under the feet of infidels, to 
 
 1 Mills, chap. ii. 2 Will. Tyr. lib. i. 3 Robertus Monachus, lib. i. 
 
 ** I have followed as nearly as possible the account of Robertus Mo- 
 nachus, who was present. Having found in no book of any authenti- 
 city the speech attributed by nriore modern writers to Peter the Hermit, 
 I have rejected it entirely as supposititious. Neither Robert, nor Alber- 
 tus Aquensis, nor William of Tyre, nor Guibert of Nogent, nor James 
 9f Vitry, the most authentic historians of the crusade, some of whom 
 were present at the council of Clermont, and most of whom lived at the 
 time, even mention the appearance of Peter at that assembly. That he 
 might be th-^re, I do liot attempt to deny, but that he addressed the peo- 
 ple I believe utterly unfounded. 
 
63 IITSTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 whom Godhadnot granted the light of his Holy Spirit 
 — that fire, plunder, and the sword had desolated 
 completely the fair plains of Palestine — that her chil- 
 dren were led away captive, or enslaved, or died un- 
 der tortures too horrible to recount— that the women 
 of their land were subjected to the impure passions 
 of the pagans, and that God's own altar, the symbols 
 of salvation, and the precious relics of the saints 
 were all desecrated by the gross and filthy abomi- 
 nation of a race of heathens. To whom, then, he 
 asked — to whom did it belong to punish such crimes, 
 to wipe away such impurities, to destroy the oppres- 
 sors, and to raise up the oppressed ? To whom, if 
 not to those who heard him, who had received from 
 God strengtli, and power, and greatness of soul ; 
 whose ancestors had been the prop of Christendom, 
 and whose kings had put a barrier to the progress 
 of infidels 1 " Think !" he cried, " of the sepulchre 
 of Christ our Saviour possessed by the foul heathen ' 
 — rtliink of all the sacred places dishonoured by theii 
 sacrilegious impurities !— O brave knights, ofi'spring 
 of invincible fathers, degenerate not from your an- 
 cient blood ! remember the virtues of your ancestors, 
 and if you feel held back from the course before you 
 by the soft ties of wives, of children, of parents, call 
 to mind the words of our Lord himself : ' Whosoever 
 loves father or mother more than me, is not worthy 
 of me. Whosoever shall abandon for my name's 
 sake his house, or his bretln^en, or his sisters, or his 
 fatiier, or his mother, or his wife, or his children, or 
 his lands, sliall receive an hundredfold, and shall 
 inherit eternal life.' " 
 
 The prelate then went on to point out the superior 
 mundane advantages which those might obtain who 
 took the Cross. He represented their own country' 
 as poor and arid, and Palestine as a land flowing with 
 milk and honey ; and, blending the barbarous ideas 
 of a dark age witli the powerful figures of enthusiastic 
 eioquencejhe proceeded — " Tevusalpm,is in the cen 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 69 
 
 tre of this fertile land ; and its territories, rich above 
 2kll others, offer, so to speak, the deh'ghts of Paradise. 
 That land, too, the Redeemerof the human race ren- 
 dered illustrious by his advent^ honoured by his resi- 
 dence, consecrated by his passion, repurchased by his 
 death, signalized by his sepulture. That royal city, 
 Jerusalem — situated in the centre of the world — held 
 captive by infidels, who deny the God that honoured 
 her — now calls on you and prays for her deliver- 
 ance. From you — from you above all people she 
 looks for comfort-, and she hopes for aid ; since God 
 haB granted to you, beyond other nations, glory and 
 might in arms. Take, then, the road before you in 
 expiation of your sins, and go, assured that, after the 
 honour of this world shall have passed away, impe- 
 nshabie glory shall await you even in the kingdom of 
 heaven !" 
 
 Loud shouts of " God wills it ! God wills it !" pro- 
 nounced simultaneously by the whole people, in all 
 the different dialects and languages of which the 
 multitude was composed, here intenaipted for a mo- 
 ment the speech of the prelate : but, gladly seizing 
 the time. Urban proceeded, after having obtained 
 silence, " Dear brethren, to-day is shown forth in you 
 that which the Lord has said by his evangelist — 
 * When two or three shall be assembled in my name, 
 there shall I be in the midst of them ;' for if the Lord 
 God had not been in your souls, you would not all 
 have pronounced the same words; or, rather, God 
 himself pronounced them by your lips, for he it was 
 that put them in your hearts. Be they, then, youi 
 war-cry in the combat, for those words came foi th 
 from God. — Let the army of the Lord, when it rushes 
 upon his enemies, shout but that one cry, ' God v/ills 
 it! God wills it !' I 
 
 " Remember, however, that we neither order nor 
 advise th:s journey to the old, nor to the weak, nor to 
 
 1 See note VI. 
 
70 HISTORY OF OHIVALRY. 
 
 those who are unfit to bear arms. Let not this way 
 be taken by women, without their husbands, or theijr 
 brothers, oi their legitimate guardians, for such are 
 rather a buiden than an aiJ. Let the rich assist the 
 poor, and bring with them, at their own charge, those 
 ^vho can bear arms to the field. Still, let not priests 
 nor clerks, to whatever place they may belong, set 
 out on this journey without the permission of their 
 bishop ; nor the layman undertake it without the 
 blessing of his pastor, for to such as do so their 
 journey shall be fruitless. Let whoever is inclined 
 to devote himself to the cause of God, make it a 
 solemn engagement, and bear the cross of the Lord 
 eitlier on his breast or on his brow till he set out 
 and let him who is ready to begin his march place 
 the holy emblem on his shoulders, in memory of that 
 precept of the Saviour — ' He who does not take up 
 his cross and follow me, is not worthy of me.' " 
 
 The pontiff thus ended his oration, and the multi- 
 tude prostrating themselves before him, repeated the 
 Conjileor^ after one of the cardinals. The pope then 
 pronounced the absolution of their sins, and bestowed 
 on them his benediction; after which they retired to 
 their homes to prepare for the great undertaking to 
 which they had vowed themselves. 
 
 Miracles are told of the manner in which the news 
 of this council, and of the events that distinguished 
 it, spread to every part of the world ; but neverthe- 
 less it did spread, as may easily be conceived, with 
 great quickness, without any supernatural aid ; and, 
 to make use of the words of him from whom we 
 have sketched the oration of the pope, " Throughout 
 the earth, the Christians glorified themselves and 
 were filled with joy, while the Gentiles of Arabia and 
 Persia trembled and were seized with sadness : the 
 souls of the one race were exalted, those of the 
 others stricken with fear and stupor." 
 
 • Robertus Monachua 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 71 
 
 Great, certainly, was the influence which the zeal 
 and eloquence of Urban gave him over the people 
 .Some authors, with a curious sort of historical puri- 
 tanism, which leads them to judge of ages past only 
 by the principles of the day in which they themselves 
 exist, have reproached the pope with not using the 
 means in his hands for purposes which would have 
 needed the heart of a Fenelon to conceive properly, 
 and the head of a Napoleon to execute. They say 
 that, with the powers which he did possess, he might 
 have reformed a world ! It is hardly fair, methinks, 
 to require of a man in a barbarous, ignorant, cor- 
 rupted age the enlightened visions of the nineteenth 
 century. 
 
 Pope Urban II., at the end of the eleventh century, 
 showed a great superiority to the age in which he 
 lived, and at the council of Clermont evinced qua- 
 lities of both the heart and the mind which have de- 
 servedly brought his name down to us with honour. 
 His first act in the council was to excommunicate, 
 for adulterous profligacy, Philip, monarch of the very 
 ground on which he stood ; and, in so doing, he made 
 use of the only acknowledged authority by which 
 the kings of that day could be checked in the course 
 of evil. Whether the authority itself was or was 
 not legitimate, is not here the question; but, being at 
 the time undisputed, and employed for the best of 
 objects, its use can in no way fairly be cited as an 
 instance either of pride or ambition. The pope's 
 conduct in preaching the crusade is equally justifia- 
 ble. His views were of course those of the age in 
 which he lived, and he acted with noble enthusiasm 
 m accordance with those views. He made vast ef- 
 forts, he endangered his person, he sacrificed his ease 
 and comfort, to accomplish what no churchman of 
 his day pretended to doubt was a glorious and a no- 
 ble undertaking. In thus acting, he displayed gieat 
 qualities of mind, and showed himself superior to 
 the century in powers of conducting^ if he was not 
 so in the powejs o^ conceiving great designs. 
 
72 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 It would be very difficult to prove, also, that the 
 pope, had he even possessed the will, could, by IhQ 
 exertion of every effort, have produced the same 
 effect in any other cause that he did in favour of the 
 crusades. I have already attempted to show that all 
 thing-s were prepared in Europe for the expedition to 
 the Holy Land, by the spirit ofreligious and military 
 enthusiasm ; and the task was light, to aid in pour- 
 ing- on the current of popular feeling' in the direction 
 which it had already begun to take, when compared 
 with the labour necessary to have turned that cur- 
 rent into another channel. He who does not grasp 
 the spirit of tlie age on which he writes, but judges 
 of other days by the feelings of his own, is like one who 
 would adapt a polar dress to the climate of the tropics. 
 
 Before closing this chapter, one observation also 
 must be made respecting the justice of the crusade, 
 which enterprise it has become somewhat customary 
 to look upon as altogether cruel and unnecessary. 
 Such an opinion, however, is in no degree founded 
 on fact. The crusade was not only as just as any 
 other warfare of the day, but as just as any that 
 ever was waged. The object was, the protection 
 and relief of a cruelly oppressed and injured people 
 — the object was, to repel a strong, an active, and 
 an encroaching enemy — the object was, to wrest 
 from the hands of a bloodthirsty and savage people 
 territories which they themselves claimed by no right 
 but the sword, and in which the population they had 
 enslaved was loudly crying for deliverance from their 
 yoke — the object was, to defend a weak and exposed 
 frontier from the further aggression of a nation whos& 
 boast was conquest. 
 
 Such were the objects of the crusades ; and though 
 much of superstition was mingled with the incite- 
 ments, and many cruelties committed in its course, 
 the evils were not greater than ordinary ambition 
 every day pi'oduces ; and the motives were as fair 
 as any of those that have ever instigated the many 
 feuds and warfares of the world. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 73 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 me E^t its of the C^yunrAl of Clermont — State of France — Motives oj 
 the People for embracing the Crusade — Benefits produced—The En- 
 thusiasm general— Rapid Progress— The First Bodies of Crusaders 
 begin their March — Gautier Sans Avoir — His Army — llicir Disasters 
 — Reach Constantinople — Peter the Hermit sets out with an immense 
 Multitude — Storms Semlin— Defeated at Nissa — His Host dispersed 
 — The Remains collected — Joins Gautier— Excesses of the Multitude 
 — The Italians and Germans separate from the French— The Ger- 
 mans extermivMed — The French cut to pieces — Conduct of Alexius. 
 
 The immediate effects of the council of Clermont 
 are detailed with so much animation by Guibert of 
 Nogent, that I shall attempt to trace them nearly in 
 his own words, merely observing, that previous to his 
 departure from France, Urban II., having taken every 
 means in his power to secure the property of the cru- 
 saders during their absence, committed the chief di- 
 rection of the expedition t-o A.dhemar, Bishop of Puy, 
 in Auvergne.^ 
 
 " As soon as the council of Clermont was con- 
 cluded," says the historian, " a great rumour spread 
 through the whole of France, and as soon as fame 
 brought the news of the orders of the pontiff to any 
 one, he went instantly to solicit his neighbours and 
 his relations to engage with him in the way of God, 
 for so they designated the purposed expedition. 
 
 " The Counts Palatine^ were already full of the 
 desire to undertake this journey; and all the knights 
 of an inferior order felt the same zeal. The poor 
 themselves soon caught the flame so ardently, that 
 no one paused to think of the smallness of his wealth, 
 
 Fulclierof Chnrtres; Suibert of Nogent ; William of Tyre 
 2 See na s VH 
 
74 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 or to consider whether he ought to yield his house 
 and his fields, and his vines ; but each one set aboii* 
 selling his property, at as low a price as if he had 
 been held in some horrible captivity, and sought to 
 pay his ransom without loss of time. 
 
 " At this period, too, there existed a general dearth. 
 The rich even felt the want of corn ; and many, 
 with every thing to buy, had nothing, or next to n»- 
 thing, wherewithal to purchase what they needed. 
 Tlie poor tried to nourish themselves with the wild 
 herbs of the earth ; and, as bread was very dear, 
 sought on all sides food heretofore unknown, to sup- 
 ply the place of corn. The wealthy and powerful 
 were not exempt; but finding themselves menaced 
 with the famine wliich spread around them, and be- 
 holding every day the terrible wants of the poor, 
 they contracted their expenses, and lived with the 
 most narrow parsimony, lest they should squander 
 the riches now become so necessar}^ 
 
 " The ever insatiable misers rejoiced in days so fa-^- 
 vourable to tlieir covetousness ; and casting their 
 eyes upon the bushels of grain wiiich they had 
 hoarded long before, calculated each day the profits 
 of their avarice. Thus some struggled with every 
 misery and want, while others revelled in the hopes 
 of fresh acquisitions. No sooner, however, had 
 Christ inspired, as I have said, innumerable bodies 
 of people to seek a voluntary exile, than the money 
 which had been hoarded so long was spread forth in 
 a moment ; and that which was horribly dear while 
 all the world was in repose, was on a sudden sold for 
 nothing, as soon as every one began to hasten to- 
 wards their destined journey. Each man hurried to 
 conclude his affairs ; and, astonishing to relate, we 
 then saw — so sudden was the diminution in the value 
 of every thing — we then saw seven sheep sold foi 
 five deniers. The dearth of grain, also, was instantly 
 changed into abundance ; and every one, occupied 
 
HISTORY OF -CHIVALRY. 75 
 
 solely in amassing money for liis journey, sold 
 every thing- that he could, not according to its real 
 M^orth, but according to the value set upon it by the 
 buyer. 
 
 " In the mean while, the greater part of those who 
 had not determined upon the journey, joked and 
 laughed at those who were thus selling their goods 
 for whatever they could get; and prophesied that 
 their voyage would be miserable, and their return 
 worse. Such was ever the language one day ; but 
 the next — suddenly seized with the same desire as 
 the rest — those who had been most forward to mock, 
 abandoned every thing for a few crowns, and set out 
 with those whom they had laughed at but a day be- 
 fore. Who shall tell the children and the infirm that, 
 animated with the same spirit, hastened to the war"? 
 Who shall count the old men and the young maids 
 who hurried forward to the fight ] — not with the hope 
 of aiding, but for the crown of martyrdom to be won 
 amid the swords of the infidels. 'You, warriors,' 
 they cried, ' you shall vanquish by the spear and 
 brand ; but let us, at least, conquer Christ by our suf- 
 ferings.' At the same time, one might see a thousand 
 things springing from the same spirit, which were 
 both astonishing and laughable : the poor shoeing 
 their oxen, as we shoe horses, and harnessing them 
 to two-wheeled carts, in which they placed their 
 scanty provisions and their young children ; and pro- 
 ceeding onward, while the babes, at each town or 
 castle that they saw, demanded eagerly whether that 
 was Jerusalem." 
 
 Such is the picture presented, by an eyewitness, of 
 the state of France after the first promulgation of 
 the crusade ; and a most extraordinary picture it i>>!. 
 The zeal, the enthusiasm, the fervour of the spirit, 
 the brutal ignorance and dark barbarity of the peo- 
 ple, are the objects that catch the eye from the mere 
 surface ; but underneath may be seen a hundred fine 
 and latent tints whirh mingle in the portrait of the 
 
76 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 age There may be found the hope of gain and the 
 expectation of wealth in other lands, as well as the 
 excitement of devotion ; and there also may be traced 
 the reckless, daring courage of a period when com- 
 fort was unknown, and when security was scarcely 
 less to be expected among the swords of the Sara- 
 cens, than in the fields of France and Germany. 
 While the thirst of adventure, the master-passion of 
 the middle ages, prompted to any change of scene 
 and circumstances, imagination portrayed the land in 
 view with all tliat adventitious splendour which none 
 — of all the many betrayers of the human mind — so 
 well knows how to bestow as hope. 
 
 The same land, when the Jews marched tOAvards 
 it from the wilderness, had been represented to them 
 as a land flowing with milk and honey, — rich in all 
 gifts ; and doubtless that inducement moved the stub- 
 born Hebrews, as much as the command of iiim they 
 had so often disobeyed. Now the very same pros- 
 pect was held out to another host of men, as igno- 
 rant of what lay before them as the Jews themselves ; 
 and it may be fairly supposed that, in their case too, 
 imaginary hopes, and all the gay phantasma of am- 
 bition, shared powerfully with religion in leading 
 them onward to the promised land. 
 
 Still zeal, and sympathy, and indignation, and chi- 
 valrous feeling, and the thirst of glory, and the pas- 
 sion for enterprise, and a thousand vague but great 
 and noble aspirations, mingled in the complicated 
 motive of the crusade. It increased by contagion ; 
 it grew by communion ; it spread from house to 
 house, and from bosom to bosom ; it became a 
 universal desire — an enthusiasn^ — a passion — a mad- 
 ness. 
 
 In the mean while, the crusade was not without pro- 
 ducing a j^ensible benefit even to Europe. The whole 
 country had previously been desolated by feuds' 
 
 1 Guibertof Nogent. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY 77 
 
 and pillage, and massacre Castle waged war with 
 castle : baron plundered baron ; and from field to 
 field, and city to city, the traveller could scarcely 
 pass without injury or death. No sooner,' however, 
 had the crusade been preached at the council of 
 Clermont, than the universal peace, which was there 
 commanded, called the Truce^ of God, was sworn 
 throughout the country, the plunder ceased and the 
 feuds disappeared. The very fact of the wicked the 
 infamous, and the bloodthirsty having embraced the 
 crusade, either from penitence or from worse mo- 
 tives, was a positive good to Europe. That not alone 
 tlie good,^ the religious, the zealous, or the brave, 
 filled the ranks of the Cross is admitted on all 
 hands ; yet those who had once assumed that holy 
 sign were obliged, in some degree, to act as if their 
 motives had been pure, and their very absence was a 
 blessing to the land they left. 
 
 Still the crusade went on ; and the imagination of 
 the people being once directed towards a particular 
 object found, even in the phenomena which in for- 
 mer days would have struck nations with fear and 
 apprehension, signs of blessing and omens of success. 
 An earthquake itself* was held as good augury; and 
 scarcely a meteor shot across the sky without afford- 
 ing some theme for hope. 
 
 The sign of the Cross was now to be seen on the 
 shoulder of every one ; and being generally cut in 
 red^ cloth, was a conspicuous and remarkable object. 
 As these multiplied, the hearts even of the fearful 
 grew strong, and the contagion of example added to 
 the number every hour. Peter the Hermit, indefati- 
 gable in his calling, though his mind seems day by 
 day'' to have become more excited, till enthusiasm 
 ^rew nearly akin to madness, gathered a vast con- 
 
 ' Fulcher of Chartres ; William of Tvre. 2 Guiberti ; Gesta Del 
 3 Albert. Aquensis; Will. Tyr; Guibert. 4 Albert of Aix. 
 
 5 Si'e DvicaDsein Sig. Cruc. 
 
 6 Albert of Aix ; James of Vitry ; Robert the Monk ; Guibert. 
 
78 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 course of the lower orders, and prepared to set out 
 by the way of Hung-ary. But the real and service- 
 able body of crusaders was collected from among 
 another class, whose military habits and chivalrous 
 character were well calculated to effect the great ob- 
 ject proposed. 
 
 In France, Hugh, the brother of King Philip, Ro- 
 bert, Count of Flanders, Stephen, Count of Chartres 
 and Blois, Adhemar, Bishop of Puy, William, Bishop 
 of Orange, Raimond, Count of Toulouse, and many 
 others of the highest station, assumed the Cross, and 
 3alled together all the knights and retainers that their 
 great names and influence could bring into the field. 
 Robert, Duke of Normandy, son of William the 
 Conqueror of England, accompanied by a number of 
 English barons, prepared also for the crusade. God- 
 frey of Loraine, and his brothers were added to the 
 number; and Boemond, Prince of Tarento, the va- 
 linnt son of Robert Guiscard, cast from him the large 
 possessions which his sword and that of his father 
 had conquered, and turned his hopes and expecta- 
 tions towards the east. 
 
 The immense multitudes thus assembled are said 
 to have amounted to nearly six millions of souls;' and 
 one of the most astonishing proofs of the rapidity 
 with which the news of the crusade must have spread, 
 and the enthusiasm with which it was received, is to 
 be found in the fact, that the council of Clermont 
 was held in the November of the year 1095, and that 
 early in the spring of 1096 a large body of the cru- 
 saders was in motion towards Palestine. 
 
 The historians of the day are not at all agreed in re- 
 gard to which was the multitude that led the way 
 towards the Holy Land. It appears^ almost certain, 
 however, that Gautier sans avoiu or Walter the 
 
 1 Fulcher. 
 
 2 Albert of Aix ; William of Tyre. Mills follows this opinion ; Gui- 
 bert of Nogent and Jannes of Vitry aie opposed to it, and Fulcher gives a 
 difTercnt account also. 
 
HISTORY UH CHIVALRY. 79 
 
 Penniless, a Bnrg-imdian gentleman, without fortune, 
 who had assembled a considerable band of the lower 
 classes under the banner of the Cross, was the first 
 who set out in compliance with the general vow. 
 He was, according to all accounts, a complete soldier 
 of fortune, renowned for his poverty even to a pro- 
 verb, but by no means, as has been asserted, without 
 military fame AlP the contemporary writers desig- 
 nate him by his cognomen of poverty ; but all at the 
 same time describe him as an illustrious warrior. 
 Nevertheless, the host that he led was rather an ill- 
 governed crowd of men on foot than an army ; and 
 but eight knights accompanied the leader on his ex- 
 pedition. The difficulties of the undertaking were 
 incalculable ; and the followers of Walter had pro- 
 vided but little for the necessities of the way. It 
 showed, however, no small skill in that leader to 
 conduct the disorderly rabble by which he was fol- 
 lowed, so far as he did in safety. 
 
 Passing through Germany,^ he entered into Hun- 
 gary; where, entangled among the marshes and 
 passes of that kingdom., his wliole followers must 
 have perished inevitably, had he not met with the 
 greatest kindness and assistance from the king 
 and people of the country, who, professing the 
 Christian religion, understood and venerated the 
 motives of the crusade. 
 
 Thus the host of Walter swept on till their arrival 
 at Semlin, where some stragglers were attacked and 
 plundered by a party of Hungarians less humane 
 than their brethren. The arms and crosses of the 
 crusaders who had thus been despoiled, were fixed 
 upon the walls of the city as a sort of trophy* 
 but Walter, though strongly urged by his followers 
 to seek vengeance for the insult, wisely forbore 
 and passing forward, entered into Bulgaria. Here 
 the champions of the Cross met with no furthcj 
 
 » Fulcher ; WUl. Tyr. ; Albert A.quen 2 Will. Tyr 
 
80 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 aid. The people regarded them with jealous 
 suspicion; the cities shut their gates upon them; 
 all commerce was prohibited, and all supplies de- 
 nied. 
 
 Famine now imperiously urged them to violence ♦, 
 and having taken possession of whatever flocks and 
 herds they could find, the crusaders soon found 
 themselves attacked by the Bulgarians, by whom 
 considerable numbers were cut off and destroyed. 
 
 Walter himself, with great wisdom' and resolution, 
 forced his way through innumerable difficulties, till 
 he had left behind him the inhospitable country of 
 the Bulgarians ; and at length brought his army, infi- 
 nitely wasted by both famine and the sword, to the 
 neighbourhood of Constantinople. Here he obtained 
 permission to refresh his forces, and wait the arrival 
 of Peter the Hermit himself, who followed close 
 upon his steps. 
 
 The multitude which had been collected by the 
 Hermit v/as even of a less uniform and regular de- 
 scription than that which had followed Gautier sans 
 avoir. Men, women, and children, — all sexes, ages, 
 and professions, — many and distinct languages — a 
 quantity of baggage and useless encumbrance, ren- 
 dered the army of Peter as unwieldy and dangerous 
 an engine as ever was put in motion. Notwithstand- 
 ing its bulk and inconsistency, it also proceeded in 
 safety, and without much reproach, through Germany 
 and Hungary ; but at Semlin, the sight of the crosses 
 ^nd vestments which had been stripped from'^ the 
 stragglers of Walter's host roused the anger of the 
 multitude. The town was attacked and taken by 
 assault, with all the acts of savage ferocity 
 which usually follow such an occurrence ; and the 
 crusaders, without remorse, gave themselves up to 
 every barbarity that dark and unrestrained passions 
 could suggest. 
 
 1 Albart of Aix ; William of Tvre 2 Albert of Aix. 8 rjuib.vt. 
 
KISTCZY OF CHIVALRY. 81 
 
 The news of this event soon reached the kin,^- of 
 Hungary; who, calling together a considerable force, 
 marched to avenge the death and pillage of his sub- 
 jects. His approach instantly caused Peter to decamp 
 from Semlin ; but the passage of the Morava was op- 
 posed by a tribe of savage Bulgarians : few boats 
 were to be procured ; those that were found were of 
 small dimensions ; and the rafts that could be hastily 
 constructed were but little manageable in a broad and 
 rapid river. Some of the crusaders thus perished in 
 the water, some fell by the arrows of the enemy ; 
 but the tribe that opposed the passage being defeated 
 and put to flight, the rest of Peter's followers were 
 brought over in safety. 
 
 The Hermit now, after having sacrificed the pri- 
 soners to what was then considered a just resent- 
 ment, pursued his way to Nissa, in which town 
 tlie Duke of Bulgaria had fortified himself, having 
 abandoned Belgrade at the approach of the army of 
 the Cross. Finding, however, that Peter did not 
 at all contemplate taking vengeance for the in- 
 hospitality shown to Gauticr sans avoir, the duke 
 wisely permitted his subjects to supply the crusaders 
 with necessaries. 
 
 Thus all passed tranquilly under the walls of Nissa, 
 till Peter and his host had absolutely departed, when 
 some German stragglers, remembering a controversy 
 of the night before with one of the Bulgarian mer- 
 chants, set fire to several mills and houses without 
 the walls of the town. 
 
 Enraged at this wanton outrage, the armed peo- 
 ple of the city rushed out upon the aggressors, and, 
 not contented with sacrificing them to their fury, 
 fell upon the rear of the Hermit's army, glutted 
 their wrath with the blood of all that opposed them, 
 and carried off" the baggage, the women, the children, 
 and all that part of the multitude whose weakness 
 at once caused them to linger behind, and left them 
 without defence. 
 
 G 
 
82 HISTORY OF CHIVAXRY. 
 
 The moment thai Peter heard of this event, he 
 turned back ; and, with a degree of calmness and 
 moderation that does high honour to his memory, 
 he endeavoured to investigate the cause of the dis- 
 aster, and conciliate by courtesy and fair words. 
 This negotiation was highly successful ; the duke, 
 appeased with tlie vengeance he had taken, agreed 
 to return the prisoners and the baggage, and every 
 thing once more assumed a peaceful aspect ; when 
 suddenly, a body of a thousand imprudent men, fan- 
 cying that they saw an opportunity of seizing on 
 the town, passed the stone bridge, and endeavoured 
 to scale the walls. A general conflict ensued ; tlie 
 ill-disciplined host of the crusaders was defeated 
 and dispersed, and Peter himself, obliged to fly 
 alone, took refuge, like the rest, in the neighbouring 
 forests. 
 
 For some time he pnrsued his way over moun- 
 tains,' and wastes, and precipices ; and it may easily 
 be conceived that his heart — so lately elated with 
 honour, and command, and gratified enthusiasm — 
 now felt desolate and crushed, to find the multitude 
 his voice had gathered dispersed or slain, and him- 
 self a wandering fugitive in a foreign land, without 
 shelter, protection, or defence. At length, it is said, 
 he met by chance several of his best and most cou- 
 rageous knights at the top of a mountain, where 
 they had assembled with no more than five hundred 
 men, which seemed at first all that remained of his 
 vast aimy.^ He caused, however, signals to be 
 made and horns to be sounded in the different parts 
 cf the forest, that any of the scattered crusaders 
 within hearing might be brought to one spot. 
 
 These and other means which were put in prac- 
 iice to call together the remnants of his army, proved 
 so successful, that before night seven thousand men 
 were collected, and with this force he hastened to 
 
 » Albert of Aix 2 ibid. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 83 
 
 march on towards Constantinople. As he went, 
 other bands, which had been separated from him in 
 the confusion of the flight, rejoined him, and the 
 only difficulty, as the host advanced, was to procure 
 the necessaries of life. 
 
 The news of Peter's adventures flew before them, 
 and reached even Constantinople. Alexius, the em- 
 peror, who had not yet learned to fear the coming of 
 the crusaders, sent deputies to meet the Hermit, and 
 to hasten his journey ; and at Philippopoli the eloquent 
 display of his sufferings, which Peter addressed to 
 the assembled people, moved their hearts to compas- 
 sion and sympathy. The wants of the host were plen- 
 tifully supplied, and, after reposing for some days in 
 the friendl} city, the whole body, now again amount- 
 ing to thirty thousand men, set out for Constantinople, 
 where they arrived in safety, and joined the troops 
 which Walter the Penniless had conducted thither 
 previously. 
 
 Here they found a considerable number of Lom- 
 bards and Italians ; but these, also, as well as the 
 troops which they had themselves brought thither 
 were not only of the lowest, but of the most dis- 
 orderly classes of the people. It is no wonder 
 therefore — although Alexius supplied them with mo- 
 ney and provisions, and tried to secure to them the 
 repose and comfort that they needed in every re- 
 spect — that these ruffian adventurers should soon 
 begin to tire of tranquillity and order, and to exer- 
 cise their old trades of plunder and excess.' They 
 ovei turned palaces, set fire to the public buildings, 
 and stripped even the lead off" the roofs of the 
 churches, which they aftei-ward sold to the Greeks 
 from whom they had plundered it. 
 
 Horrified by these enormities,^ the emperor soon 
 found a pretext to hurry them across the Bosphorus, 
 Btill giving them the humane caution, to wait the ar- 
 rival of stronger forces, before they attempted to 
 
 ' Guibert. 2 Baldric 
 
84 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 quit Bithynia. Here, however, their barbarous licen- 
 tiousness soon exceeded all bounds, and Peter the 
 Heimit himself, having- lost command over his tur- 
 bulent followers, returned to Constantinople in de- 
 spair, upon the pretence of consulting with the em- 
 peror on the subject of provisions.' 
 
 After his departure, the Lombards and Germans 
 separated themselves from the French and Normans, 
 whose crimes and insolence disgusted even their 
 barbarous fellows. Gmitier sans avoir still conti- 
 nued in command of the French, who remained 
 where Peter had left them ; but the Italians^ and 
 Germans chose for their leader one Renault, or Ri- 
 naldo, and, marching on, made themselves masters 
 of a fortress called Exorogorgon, or Xerigord. Here 
 they were attacked by the sultaun Soliman, who cut 
 to pieces a large body placed in ambuscade, and then 
 invested the fort, which, being ill supplied with 
 water, he was well aware must surrender before long. 
 
 For eight days the besieged underwent tortures 
 too dreadful to be dwelt upon, from the most ago- 
 nizing thirst. At the end of that time, Rinaldo and 
 his principal companions went over to the Turks, 
 abandoned their religion, and betrayed their brethren. 
 The castle thus falling into the hands of the infidels, 
 the Christians that remained were slaughtered with- 
 out mercy. 
 
 The news of this disaster was soon brought to the 
 French camp, and indignation spread among the 
 crusaders.'' Some say a desire of vengeance, some 
 a false report of the fall of Nice, caused the French 
 to insist upon hurrying forward towards the Turkish 
 territory. Gautier wisely resisted for some time all 
 the entreaties of his troops, but at length finding them 
 preparing to march without his consent, he put him.- 
 
 1 Albert of Aix. 
 Guibert of Nogent, lib. ii. ; Albert of Aix, lib. i. ; Orderic Vital, lib 
 IX. Mills says it was the French and Normans who thus advanced intc 
 the country, but the great niajority of writers is against him. 
 
 8 Albert of Aix ; William of Tyre. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 85 
 
 self at their head, and led them towards Nice. Be 
 fore reaching that place, he was encountered by the 
 Turkish forces. The battle was fierce, but unequal ; 
 Gautier and his knights fought with desperate cou- 
 lage,' but all their efforts were vain ; the Christians 
 were slaughtered in every direction; and Gautier 
 himself, after having displayed to the last that intre- 
 pid valour for which he was renowned, fell under 
 seven mortal wounds. 
 
 Not above three thousand Christians effected their 
 escape to Civitot. Here again they were attacked 
 by the Turks, who surrounded the fortress with vast 
 piles of wood, in order lo exterminate by fire the few 
 of the crusaders that remained. The besieged, how- 
 ever, watched their moment, and while the wind blew 
 towards the Turkish camp, set fire to the wood them- 
 selves, which thus Avas consumed without injury to 
 them, while many of their enemies ^vere destroyed 
 by the flames.^ 
 
 In the mean time one of the crusaders had made 
 his way to Constantinople, and communicated the 
 news of all these disasters to Peter the Hermit. The 
 unhappy Peter, painfully disappointed, like all those 
 who fix' their enthusiasm on the virtues or the pru- 
 dence of mankind, was driven almost to despair, by 
 the folly and uuAvorthiness of those in whom he had 
 placed his hopes. He nevertheless cast himself at 
 the feet of the emperor Alexius,^ and besought him, 
 with tears and supplications, to send some forces to 
 deliver the few crusaders who had escaped from the 
 scimitar of the Turks. 
 
 The monarch gianted his request, and the little 
 garrison of Civitot were brought in safety to Con- 
 stantinople. After their arrival, however, Alexius 
 ordered them to disperse and return to their own 
 eountiy; and with w'se caution bought their arms 
 
 1 Robert the Monk ; William of Tyre ; Guibert of Nogent ; Albert of Aix 
 
 2 Robert the Monk ; . Guibert of Nogent. 
 s William of Tyre ; Albert of Aix. 
 
86 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 before he dismissed them;^ thus at once supplying 
 them with money for their journey, and depriving 
 them of the means of plundering and ravaging his 
 dominions as they went. Most of the historians* 
 of that age accuse Alexius of leaguing with the 
 Turks, even at this period, to destroy the crusaders, 
 or, at least, of triumphing in the fall of those very 
 men whom he had himself called to his succoui 
 
 The conduct of Alexius in this transaction is not 
 very clear, but it is far from improbable that, fearful 
 of the undisciplined multitude he had brought into 
 his dominions, horrified by their crimes, and indig- 
 nant at their pillage of his subjects, he beheld them 
 fall by their own folly and the swords of the enemy, 
 without any effort to defend them, or any very dis- 
 agreeable feeling at their destruction. And indeed, 
 when we remember the actions they did commit 
 within the limits of the Greek empire, we can hardly 
 wonder at the monarch, if he rejoiced at their punish- 
 ment, or blame him if he was indifferent to their fate. 
 
 Thus ended the great expedition of Peter the Her- 
 mit; but several others of a similar unruly character 
 took place previous to the march of those troops, 
 wliose discipline, valour, and unity of purpose en- 
 sured a more favourable issue to t'heir enterprise. I 
 shall touch but briefly upon these mad and barbarous 
 attempts, as a period of more interest follows. 
 
 The body of crusaders which seems to have suc- 
 ceeded immediately to that led by Peter the Hermit 
 was composed almost entirely of Germans, collected 
 together by a priest called Gottschalk.^ They pene- 
 trated into Hungary; but there, giving way to all 
 manner of excesses, they were followed by Carlo- 
 man, the king of that country, with a powerful army, 
 and having been induced to la}- down their arms, that 
 the criminals might be selected and punished, they 
 were slaughtered indiscriminately by the Hunga- 
 
 • Robert tbe Monk ; Guibert of Nogent 2 IWd, 
 
 3 William of Tyre; Albert o'Aix. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 87 
 
 nans, who were not a little g-lad to take vengeance 
 for the blood shed by the ami)' of Peter at Semlin. 
 
 About the same period, immense bands of men and 
 women came forth from almost every country of 
 Europe, with the symbol of the crusade upon their 
 shoulders, and the pretence of serving God upon their 
 lips. They joined together wheresoever they met, 
 and, excited by a foul spirit of fanatical cruelty, 
 mingled with the most infamous moral depravity, 
 proceeded towards the south of Germany. They 
 gave themselves up, we are told,' to the pleasures of 
 the table without intermission: men and women, and 
 even children, it is said, lived in a state of promis- 
 cuous debauchery ; and, preceded by a goose and a 
 goat,^ which, in their mad fanaticism, they declared 
 to be animated by the divine spirit, they marched 
 onward, slaughtering the Jews as they went ; and 
 proclaiming that the first duty of Christians was to 
 exterminate the nation which had rejected the Saviour 
 himself. Several of the German bishops bravely 
 opposed them, and endeavoured to protect the un- 
 happy Hebrews ; but still, vast multitudes were slain, 
 and many even sought self-destruction rather than 
 encounter the brutality of the fanatics, or abjure their 
 religion. 
 
 Glutted with slaughter, the ungodly herd now 
 turned towards Hungary ; but at Mersburg they were 
 encountered by a large Hungarian force, which dis- 
 puted their passage over the Danube, absolutely re- 
 fusing the road through that kingdom to any future 
 band of crusaders. The fanatics forced their way 
 across the river, attacked Mersburg itself with great 
 fury and perseverance, and succeeded in making a 
 breach in the walls, \vhen suddenly an unaccount- 
 able terror seized them — none knew how or why — 
 they abandoned the siege, dispersed in dismay, and 
 fled like scattered deer over the country. 
 
 » Albert. Aquensis ; William of Tyre. 2 Albert of Aix. 
 
88 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 The Hungarians suffered not the opportunity tu 
 escape, and pursuing tliem on ever}^ side, smote them 
 during many days with a merciless fury, that nothing 
 but their own dreadful cruelties could palliate. The 
 fields were strewed with dead bodies, the rivers 
 flowed with blood, and the very waters of the Danube 
 are said to have been hidden by the multitude of 
 corpses. 
 
 Disaster and death had, sooner or later, overtaken 
 each body of the crusaders that had hitherto, with- 
 out union or command, set out towards the Holy 
 Land ; but each of these very bands had been com- 
 posed of the refuse and dregs of the people. I do 
 not mean by that word dregs the poor, but I mean the 
 base — I do not mean those who were low in station, 
 or even ignorant in mind; but I mean those who 
 were infamous in crime, and brutal in desire. Doubt- 
 less, in these expeditions, some fell who were ani- 
 mated by noble motives or excellent zeal ; but such 
 were few compared with those whose objects were 
 plunder, licentiousness, and vice. The swords of 
 the Hungarians and the Turks lopped these away; 
 and I cannot find in my heart to look upon the puri- 
 fication which Europe thus underwent with any thing 
 like sorrow. The crusade itself Avas by this means 
 freed from many a base and unworthy member; and 
 Chivalry, left to act more in its own spirit, though 
 still participating deeply in the faults and vices of a 
 barbarous age, brought about a nobler epoch and '^ 
 blighter event. 
 
HISTOR OF CIIIVAJ.RV. 89 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 The Dhhialry of Europe takes the Field — The Leaders- Godfrey of Bouil- 
 lon — Conducts his Army towards Constantinople— Hugh the Great — 
 Leads his Army through Italy — Embarks for Durazzo — Taken Pri- 
 soner—Liberated — Robert, Duke, of Normandy — Winters in Italy — 
 Arrives at Constantinople — Robert, Count of Flanders — Joins the rest 
 — Boemond of Tarentum—Tancred-g-Their March— Defeat the Greeks 
 — Boemonddoes Homage — Tancred avoids it — The Count of Toulouse 
 arrives — Refuses to do Homage — Robert of Normandy does Homage. 
 
 While the undisciplined and barbarous multitudes 
 who first set out were hurrying to destruction, va- 
 rious princes and leaders were engaged, as I have 
 before said, in collecting the Chivalry of Europe under 
 the banner of the Cross. Six distinguished chiefs — 
 Godfrey of Bouillon, Duke of Loraine — Hugh the 
 Great, Count of Vermandois, and brother of Philip, 
 King of France — Robert, Duke of Normandy, brother 
 of William Rufus — Robert, Count of Flanders — Boe- 
 mond, Prince of Tarentum — and Raimond, Count of 
 Toulouse — conducted six separate armies towards 
 Constantinople: and I propose, in this chapter, to 
 follow each of them till their junction in Bithynia. 
 
 It is indeed a pleasure to turn our eyes from scenes 
 of horror and crime to the contemplation of those 
 great and shining qualities — those noble and enthu- 
 siastic virtues, which entered into the composition 
 of that rare quintessence, the spirit of Chivalry. 
 
 Doubtless, in the war which I am about to paint 
 there occurred many things that are to be deeply re- 
 gretted, as furnishing abundantly that quantity of 
 alloy which is ever, unhappily, mixed with virtue's 
 purest gold : but, at the same time, I now come to 
 speak of men, in many of whom splendid courage, 
 and moral beauty, and religious zeal, and temperate 
 H 
 
90 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. * 
 
 wisdom, and g-enerous magnanimity, combined to 
 form the great and wonderful of this earth's chil- 
 dren. Indeed, if ever tliere was a man who well 
 merited the glorious name of a true knight, that man 
 was Godfrey of Bouillon; and few have described 
 him without becoming poets for that once. 
 
 I will not borrow fiom Tasso — who had the privi- 
 lege of eulogium — but, in striving to paint the charac- 
 ter of the great leader of the crusade, I shall take 
 the words of one of the simplest of the writers of 
 his age,' and give them, as nearly as possible in their 
 original tone : " He was beautiful in countenance," 
 says Robert the Monk, " tall in stature, agreeable in 
 his discourse, admirable in his morals, and at the 
 same time so gentle, that he seemed better fitted for 
 the monk than for the knight ; but when his enemies 
 appeared before him, and the combat approached, his 
 soul became filled with mighty daring ; like a lion, 
 he feared not for his person — and what shield, what 
 buckler, could resist the fall of his sword ?" 
 
 Perhaps of all men of the age, Godfrey of Bouillon 
 was the most distinguished. His mother Ida, daugh- 
 ter of Godfrey, Duke of Loraine, was celebrated for 
 her love of letters,^ and from her it is probable thai 
 Godfrey himself derived that taste for literature, so 
 singular among the warriors of that day. He spoke 
 several languages, excelled in every chivalrous ex- 
 ercise, was calm and deliberate m council, firm and 
 decided in resolution; he was active, clearsighted, 
 and prudent, while he was cool, frank, and daring; 
 in the battle he was fierce as the lion, but in victory 
 he was moderate and humane. 
 
 Though still in his prime of years when the cru- 
 sades were preached, he was already old in exploits : 
 he had upheld Hemy IV. on the imperial throne, had 
 attacked and forced the walls of Rome, and had 
 shone in a hundred fields, where his standard ever 
 was raised apon the side of honour and of virtue. 
 
 ' Roiferliis Mo^iaclius, lib i ^Gaibeitof Nogeiit 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 91 
 
 Long- ere the idea of such an enterprise as the 
 crusade became general in Europe, Godfrey had 
 often been heard to declare, when tales were broug:ht 
 him of the miseries of the Holy Land, that he loiiged 
 to travel to Jerusalem,' not with staff and scrip,^ but 
 with spear and shield ; and it may well be conceived 
 that his was one of the first standards raised in the 
 ranks of the Cross. A fever that had hung upon 
 him for some time left him at the tidings, and he felt 
 as if he had shaken off a load of years, and reco- 
 vered all his youth.^ 
 
 His fame as a leader soon collected an immense 
 number of other barons and knights, who willingly 
 ranged themselves imder his banner ; and we find that 
 besides Baldwin, his brother* — and many other rela- 
 tions — the lords of St. Paul, of Hainault, of Gray, 
 of Toul, of Hache, of Conti, and of Montague, with 
 their knights and retainers, had joined him before the 
 beginning of August,^ and towards the middle of that 
 month they began their march with all the splendour 
 of Chivalry.® 
 
 The progress of this new body of crusaders was 
 directed, like that of Peter the Herniit, towards Hun- 
 gaiy ; but the conduct maintained by the followers 
 of Godfrey was as remarkable for its strict discipline, 
 moderation, and order, as that of liis predecessors 
 had been for turbulence and excess.'^ The first ob- 
 jects, however, that presented themselves on the 
 Hungarian frontier were the unburied corpses of the 
 fanatic crowd slain near Mersburg. 
 
 Here then Godfrey paused during three weeks,^ in- 
 vestigating calmly the causes of the bloody specta- 
 cle before him; after which he wrote to Carloman, 
 king of Hungary ; and his letter on this occasion, 
 mingling firmness with moderation, gives a fair pic- 
 ture of his noble and dignified character. Having 
 
 I Giiibert of Noaent. 2 See note VIII. 3 Will. Maltnsburv 
 
 * Will, of Tvre ; Altiert -.f Aix. 5 Albert of Aix. 
 
 SGuibertof Nogent. 7 Giiibert ; Will. Tyr. 8 Albert of Aix. 
 
92 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 mentioned the horrible sight which had arrested him 
 in Ills progress, and the rumours he had heard, he 
 proceeds — " However severe may have been the 
 punishment inflicted on our brethren, whose remains 
 lie round about us, if that punishment was merited; 
 our anger sliall expire ; but if, on the contrary, you 
 have calumniated the innocent, and given them up to 
 death, we will not pass over in silence the murder of 
 the servants of God, but will instantly show our- 
 selves ready to avenge the blood of our brethren.'" 
 
 It was easy for Carloman to prove that the aggres- 
 sion had been on the side of the crusaders; and aftei 
 various acts of confidence between Godfrey^ and the 
 king, the army of the Cross was permitted to pass 
 through Hungary, which they accomplished in safety 
 and peace, maintaining the strictest discipline and 
 regularity, and trading with the people of the country 
 with good faith and courtesy. Hence, proceeding 
 through Bulgaria and Thrace, Godfrey led his troops 
 peacefully on to Philippopoli, where he was met by 
 deputies from the emperor, charged with orders to 
 see that the crusaders should be furnished with every 
 kind of necessary provision. 
 
 In passing through Dacia and Bulgaria, the army 
 of Godfrey had been not a little'^ straitened for 
 food, and it is impossible to say what might have 
 been the consequences, had the same dearth been suf- 
 fered to continue. The prudent conduct of the em- 
 peror did away all cause of violence, and after the 
 arrival of his deputies, the troops of the Cross cele 
 brated his liberality with joy and gratitude. 
 
 News soon reached the army^ of Godfrey, how- 
 ever, which changed their opinion of Alexius, and 
 showed him as the subtle and treacherous being that 
 he really was. To explain what this news consisted 
 of, I must turn for a moment to another party of cru- 
 
 1 William of Tyre. i Alberbof Aix. 
 
 ' \lbert. Aquensin Will Tvr. ; Albert. Aqueiis. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 93 
 
 sadeis, who, while Godfrey pursued his peaceful 
 course through Hungary, marched towards the gene- 
 ral meeting-place at Constantinople, by the way of 
 Italy. 
 
 Hugh, Count of Vermandois, had assembled an 
 army even superior in number to that of Godfrey of 
 Bouillon, and was himself in every respect calcu- 
 lated to shine at the head of such an armament. He 
 was gallant,' brave, handsome, and talented ; but the 
 calm and dignified spirit of moderation, which so 
 characterized Godfrey of Bouillon, was wanting in 
 the brother of the French king. Joined to bis expe- 
 dition, though marching in separate bodies, and at 
 distinct times," were the troops of Robert, Duke of 
 Normandy, and Stephen, Count of Blois ; with those 
 of Robert, Count of Flanders, in another division.^ 
 
 The count of Vermandois, impetuous and proud, 
 took his departure before his companions, traversed 
 Italy, and embarking at Barri, landed with but a 
 scanty train at Durazzo. His expectations were 
 high, and his language haughty, supposing he should 
 find in the Greek emperor the same humbled suppli- 
 cant who had craved, in abject terms, assistance 
 against the infidels from his Christian brethren of 
 the west. But the position of the emperor had now 
 changed. The Turks, occupied with other interests, 
 no longer m.enaced his frontier. The imperial city 
 
 ' Guibert. ZFulcher, Guibert; Will. Tyr. ; Albert. 
 
 ^ I have taken perhaps more j)ains than was necessary to investigate 
 this part of the crusaders' proceedings, wliich I found nearly as much 
 confused in the writings of Mills as in those of the contemporary au 
 thors. Some assert that the wliole mass of the western crusaders pro- 
 ceeded in one body through Italy ; but finding that Fulcher, who accom 
 panied Robert of Normandy and Stephen of Blois, never m.entions Hugh 
 of ^'ermandois ; that Guibert speaks of that prince's departure first ; 
 that the Archbishop of Tyre marks the divisions distinctly, and that he 
 certainly embarked at a different port in Italy from the rest, I have been 
 led to conclude, that though probably looking up to Hugh as the brother 
 of their sovereign, the three great leaders proceeded separately on their 
 ti.'.arch. P.ohcrlus Monachus is evidently mistaken altogether, as he jiins 
 tiie Count of Toulouse with the army of Hugh, when we know from 
 Faimoiid d'Agiles that that nobleman conducted his tro'^ns through 
 Sciavonia. 
 
94 HISTORY OF CH17ALRY. 
 
 slept in peace and splendour; and if he had any 
 thing to fear, it was from his own restless and turbu- 
 lent subjects rather than from his Saracen foes. Nor, 
 m fact, had he ever been desirous of any thing like 
 the expedition that was entering his dominions. 
 He had prayed for aid and assistance to defend his 
 country, but Urban had preached a crusade, and the 
 princes were now in arms to reconquer the Chris- 
 tian territories in Asia, as well as to protect those of 
 Europe. He had gladly heard of the crusade, and 
 willingly consented to it, it is true, as he well knew 
 it would afford a mighty diversion in his favour, but 
 he then dreamed not of the armed millions that were 
 now swarming towards his capital. His position, 
 too, had changed, as I have said, and he immediately 
 determined upon a line of policy well suited to the 
 weak subtlety of his character. 
 
 Alexius was one of those men whose minds are 
 not of sufficient scope to view life as a whole, and 
 who therefore have not one great object in their 
 deeds ; who act for the petty interests of the moment, 
 and whose cunning, compared with the talents of a 
 really great mind, is like the skill of a fencing-master 
 compared with the genius of a great general. He 
 saw not, and felt not, the vast ultimate benefit which 
 he might receive from maintaining a dignified friend- 
 ship with the princes commanding the crusade. He 
 did not perceive what an immense and powerful en- 
 gine was placed, if he chose it, at his disposition. — 
 in his narrow selfishness, he only beheld a temporary 
 danger from the great forces that were approaching, 
 and he strove to diminish them by every base and 
 petty artifice. He did not endeavour to make him- 
 self great by their means, but he tried to bring them 
 down to his own littleness. It is true, that on some 
 occasions he showed feelings of liberality and human- 
 ity ; but from his general conduct it is but fair to in- 
 fer that these were the inconsistencies of selfishness ; 
 and that though lie was sometimes prudent enough 
 
HISTORV OF CHIVALRY. 95 
 
 to be liberal, he was not wise enough to be uniformly 
 p^enerous. 
 
 On the arrival of Hugh at Durazzo, he was at first 
 received with respect, and entertained with honour 
 and profusion ; and thus finding himself at ease, he 
 was induced to remain for a time in confident se- 
 curity. Suddenly, however, without a pretence for 
 such violence, he was arrested, together with his 
 train, and sent to Constantinople, some authors say, 
 in chains.^ 
 
 Nevertheless, it is not probable that Alexius dared 
 to carry his inhospitality so far; and one of the his- 
 torians2 of the day particularly marks, that the pri- 
 soner was treated with every testimony of respect. 
 Guibert also ventm'es a supposition respecting the 
 motives of Alexius, far superior to the general steril 
 course of ancient chronicles. He imagines — and I 
 wonder that the idea has not been adopted by any 
 one — that the object of the Greek emperor, in con- 
 fining Hugh, was to obtain from him, before the 
 other princes should arrive, that act of homage 
 which he intended to exact from all. The brother 
 of the king of France himself having taken the oath, 
 would be so strong a precedent, that it is more tlian 
 probable, Alexiuss fancied the rest of the crusaders 
 would easily agree to do that which their superior 
 in rank had done previous to their arrival. 
 
 At Philippopoli"* the news of Hugh's imprison- 
 ment reached the army of Godfrey de Bouillon, and 
 with the prompt but prudent fiminess of that great 
 leader's character, he instantly sent messengers to 
 Alexius, demanding the immediate liberation of the 
 Count of Vermandois and his companions, accom- 
 panying the message with a threat of hostilities, if 
 the demand were not conceded. 
 
 Godfrey then marched on to Adrianopie,^ where 
 
 i Albert of Aix , William of Tyre. 2 Guibert. 3 ibid. lib. ii, 
 < Will. Tyr. lib ii. 6 Albert of Aix ; William of Tvre 
 
96 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 he was met by his deputies, bringing the refusal of 
 the emperor to comply with his request : in conse- 
 quence of which the country was instantly given up 
 to pillage ; and so signal were the effects of this 
 sort of vengeance, that Alexius speedily found him- 
 self forced to put his prisoners at liberty. The mo- 
 ment that a promise to this effect was received, 
 Godfrey recalled his forces; and with wonderful dis- 
 cipline and subordination, they instantly abandoned 
 the ravages they were before licensed to commit, 
 and marched on peacefully towards Constantinople. 
 Had the armies of the Cross continued to show such 
 obedience and moderation, Palestine would now 
 have been Christian. 
 
 In the neighbourhood of the imperial city Godfrey 
 
 S itched his tents, and the innumerable' multitude of 
 is steel-clad warriors struck terror into the heart 
 of the fearful monarch of the east.^ To the Count 
 of Vermandois, however, it was a sight of joy ; and 
 issuing forth from Constantinople with his friends 
 and followers, he galloped forv/ard to the immense 
 camp of the erasaders, where, casting himself into 
 the arms of Godfrey,^ he gave himself up to such 
 transports of delight and gratitude, that the bystand- 
 ers were moved to tears. 
 
 The emperor now turned the whole force of his 
 artful mind to wring from Godfrey an act of homage, 
 and for several weeks he continued, by every sort of 
 fluctuating baseness, to disturb his repose, and to 
 irritate his followers. At one time, he was all pro- 
 fessions of kindness and liberality ; at another, he 
 breathed nothing but warfare and opposition. Some- 
 times the markets were shut to the crusaders, some- 
 times the private stores of the emperor himself were 
 opened. 
 
 1 Albert of Aix 2 Guibert 
 
 3 Albert of ALx. ; Robertus Monachus ; Will. T:ir. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY 07 
 
 AlI length, after having- twice defeated the bands 
 of plunderers sent by Alexius to attack him,* God- 
 frey gave way to his wrath, and for six days suc- 
 cessively ravaged the country round Constantinople 
 v/ith fire and sword. Alexius on this again changed 
 his conduct, and with every profession of regard de- 
 manded an interview with the chief of the crusaders, 
 offering his son as a hostage for his good faith 
 With this safeguard Godfrey, followed by several 
 other noble knights, entered Constantinople, and 
 proceeded to the imperial palace, clothed in his 
 robes of peace,^ and bearing purple and ermine and 
 gold, instead of the iron panoply of war.^ 
 
 The great leader was received by the emperor 
 with the higliest distinction, was honoured with the 
 kiss of peace, and underwent that curious ceremony 
 of an adoption of honour (as it was then called) as 
 son to the emperor.'* He was clothed with imperial 
 
 I Vr'ill.TjT. ; Rob. Mon. ; Guibert ; Albert. Aquens. 2 Albert of Aix. 
 
 3 Mills, in speaking of this interview, does not distinguish between 
 the coat-of-arms and the mantle or pallium. They were, however, very 
 different, and never, that I know of, worn together. The coat-of-arms 
 was usually extremely small ; and the form may be gathered from the 
 inecdofe of an ancient baron, who, not readily finding his coat-of-arms, 
 seized the cloth of a banner, made a slit in the centre with his sv/ord, 
 and passing his head tlirough the aperture, thus went to battle. The-se 
 customs however often changed, and we find many instances of the 
 coat-of-arms being worn long. The mantle was the garb of peace, and 
 was even more richly decorated than the coat-of-arms. Another peace- 
 ful habiliment was the common surcoat, which differed totally from the 
 tunic worn over the armour, having large sleeves and cuffs, as we find 
 from the notes upon Joinville. The size of this garment may be very 
 nearly ascertained from the same account, which mentions 736 ermines 
 having been used in one surcoat worn by the king of France. See 
 Joinville by Ducange. 
 
 For the use of the pallium, or mantle, see St. Palaye — notes on the 
 Fourth Part. 
 
 4 I have not chosen to represent this interview in the colours with 
 which Mills has painted it. The princess Anna, from whom he took his 
 view of the subject, can in no degree be depended upon. Her object 
 was to represent her father as a dignified monarch, receiving with cold 
 pomp a train of barbarous warriors ; but the truth was, that Alexius 
 was in no slight measure terrified at Godfrey and his host, and sought 
 by every means to cajole him i»ito com})liance with his wishes. Almost 
 every other historian declares that the crusaders were received with tlio 
 utmost condescension and courtesy. Robert of Paris, one of Godfrey's 
 
98 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 robes,' and the monarch, calling him his son, nomi- 
 nally placed his empire at Godfrey's disposal. In 
 return for the distinctions he had received — and pro- 
 bably pressed by Hugh, Count of Vermandois, who 
 loved not to stand alone, in having yielded homage to 
 Alexius — Godfrey consented to give the emperor his 
 hand, according to the feudal forms of France, and 
 to declare himself his liegeman. 
 
 His fears dissipated by this concession, and his 
 hopes of winning the princes who were to follow, 
 by so illustrious an example, raised to the highest 
 pitch, Alexius loaded Godfrey and his followers with 
 magnificent presents, and suffered them to depart. 
 Peace was now permitted to remain unbroken; and 
 after having refreshed themselves for some days, 
 the army of the crusaders passed the Hellespont, 
 and encamped at Chalcedon,^ to wait the arrival of 
 their brethren. 
 
 It is more than probable that Godfrey was induced 
 to quit the original place of rendezvous by the soli- 
 citations of Alexius, who took care, it has been since 
 observed, to guard his capital from the presence of 
 any two of the crusading hosts at one time. 
 
 Boemond, prince of Tarentum, and son of the fa- 
 mous Guiscard, had quitted Italy shortly after the 
 departure of Godfrey from Loraine. Various tales 
 are told of the manner in which he first declared his 
 purpose of joining the crusade. Some have asserted, 
 that on hearing of tlie expedition, while engaged in 
 the siege of Amalfi, he dashed his armour to pieces 
 with his battle-axe,^ and caused it to be formed into 
 small crosses, which he distributed among his sol- 
 diery. Others reduce the anecdote to a less chival- 
 rous but perhaps more civilized degree of energy, 
 
 noble followers, did indeed seat himself on the throne of Alexius, an J 
 replied to Baldwin's remonstrance by a braggart boast, for which the 
 emperor only reproved him by a contemptuous sneer. This, however, 
 would, if any thing, prove that the pride and haughtiness was on the 
 pari of the crusaders rather than on that of the imperial court. 
 
 1 Albfirt ofAix.. William of Tyra 2 Albert of Aix. 3 Vertot 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 99 
 
 and state, that he caused his mantle to be cut into 
 crosses for his troops.' 
 
 As many relate the tale, it is likely to have had 
 some foundation ; and there is no doubt that Boe- 
 mond abandoned all his vast possessions in Italy, 
 with the reserve only of Tarentum, and devoted 
 himself to the wars of the Cross. His presence 
 might have proved more generally advantageous to 
 the cause, had he not, by this enthusiastic renuncia- 
 tion, given himself other motives in the warfare be- 
 fore him, besides those of religion and humanity. 
 He had naturally in his veins quite sufficient of the 
 blood of Guiscard to require no additional stimulus 
 to the desire of conquering for himself. He was 
 nevertheless one of the best soldiers of the Cross, so 
 far as militaiy skill availed — bold, powerful, keen, 
 and active ; and possessing that sort of shrewd and 
 even wily art, which, joined with his other qualities, 
 formed an enterprising and successful leader, more 
 .p.erhaps than a distinguished knight. 
 
 With him, however, came the noblest of all the 
 Christian Chivalry, Tancred — whose valour, genero- 
 sity, enthusiasm, and courtesy have been the theme 
 of so many a song — of whom Tasso, in seeking to 
 describe him in the highest language of poetry, could 
 Bay nothing more than truth, 
 
 Vien poi Taiicredi, e non ^ alcun fra tanti 
 TraTine Rinaldo — O feritor maggiore, 
 O piii bel di maniere e di sembianti 
 O piii eccelso ed entrepido di core. 2 
 
 Few characters can be conceived more opposed 
 
 -> each other than those of the relations,^ Tancred 
 
 and Boemond ; and yet we find Tancred willingly 
 
 serving in the army of the Prince of Tarentum, as 
 
 1 Robert the Monk. 2 Genisalemme, cant. i. 
 
 ^ What the relationship exactly was I have not been able to discc^er. 
 Mill^^ does not satisfy me that the mother of Tancred was the sis* A 
 Robert Guiscard. The expressions of Ralph of Caen on the s» ■:♦ 
 sppear to be obscure 
 
100 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 second to tliat chief. The same unambitious mo- 
 desty is to be discovered throughout the whole his- 
 tory of the young knight ; and though we ever be- 
 hold him opposed to m.eannesses, by whomsoever 
 they may be adopted, we still see him willing to 
 take upon himself the danger and labour of an infe- 
 rior station. 
 
 Under the banners of these chiefs marched a host 
 of Italian and Norman nobles ; the army, it is said, 
 amounting to ten thousand horse,' and an immense 
 multitude of foot, in which view of the forces we 
 must lemember tliat only men of noble birth were 
 usually admitted to fight on horseback.^ These 
 troops were even increased as they marched to the 
 seacoast of Apulia; and the great body of those 
 Normans who, not a century before, had taken com- 
 plete possession of the country, now left it for the 
 Holy Land. 
 
 Mills,^ following his particular theory, supposes 
 Urban the pope to smile with triumphant self-gratir- 
 lation on seeing the army of Boemond depart ; but 
 it seems strange, that the prelate should rejoice in 
 the absence of the very men by whom he had been 
 always protected, while his enemies remained, and 
 were even in possession of the old church of St. 
 Peter'* at Rome, as we learn by a contemporary cru- 
 sader. 
 
 The forces of Boemond and Tancred landed at 
 Durazzo, and made their Avay, with much more regu- 
 larity than could have been expected, through Epi- 
 rus.^ They were harassed, liowever, on their march 
 by various skirmishes w^ith the Greek troops, wlin 
 did every thing in tlieir power to destroy the crusad- 
 ing army, although Alexius^ had sent messengers to 
 Boemond himself congratulating him on his arrival, 
 and promising every kind of assistance. These 
 attacks, nevertheless, only amounted to a petty degree 
 
 1 Albert of Aix 2 St. Palaye. 3 Mills, chap. 3 
 
 4 Fulchcr. 5 Raoul tie Caen. 6 w^iUiam of Tyre 
 
HISTOR\ OF CHIVALRY. iOl 
 
 of annoyance, till the host of the Cross came to the 
 passage of the Axius. Here, a part of the forces 
 having traversed the river with almost the whole of 
 the cavalry, the rear of the army was suddenly at- 
 tacked by an infinitely superior body of Greeks.' 
 
 Tancred, already on the other side, lost not a mo- 
 ment, but, spurring his horse into the water, followed 
 by about tv/o thousand knights, he charged the 
 Greeks so vigorously as to drive them back with 
 considerable loss in killed and prisoners. When 
 brought before Boemcnd, the captives justified them- 
 selves by avouching the commands of the emperor, 
 and Tancred would fain have pursued and extermi- 
 nated the forces of the perfidious Greek. Boemond, 
 however, more prudently forbore, and, without retalia- 
 tion of any kind, advanced to Adrianople. 
 
 I see no reason to qualify this moderation as sub- 
 tilty, which Mills has not scrupled to do. Boemond 
 was artful beyond all doubt, but this was not a fair 
 instance of any thing but wisdom and self-command. 
 At Adrianople, well knowing the character of Alex- 
 ius, to whom he had frequently been opposed, and 
 foreseeing that his troops might be irritated by va- 
 rious acts of annoyance,^ Boemond drew up his 
 army, and, in a calm and temperate speech, repre- 
 sented to them that they had taken up arms in the 
 cause of Christ, and therefore that it was their duty 
 to refrain from all acts of hostility towards their 
 fellow-christians. 
 
 Shortly after this, the Prince of Tarentum was 
 met by deputies from the emperor, inviting him to 
 come on with all speed to Constantinople, leaving 
 his army behind, under the command of Tancred. 
 Boemond at first refused to trust himself in the power 
 of his ancient enemy,^ but Godfrey of Bouillon 
 
 > Raoul Je Caen ; William of Tyre; Albert of Aix; Guibert. 
 
 2 Orderic. Vital, lib. ix. 
 
 3 Boemond liad iniierited all his father's hatred to the Greek sovereigns, 
 and had waged many a bloody and successful war against \'e\ius himself 
 
102 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 having visited him in person, and guarantied his se- 
 curity, the Italian chief agreed to the arrangement 
 proposed, and accompanied the Duke of Loraine to 
 the imperial palace. Gold and dominion were al- 
 ways motives of great force with the mind of Boe- 
 mond, and Alexius did not spare such temptations, 
 either present or to come, for the purpose of inducing 
 the Prince of Tarentum to do homage to the eastern 
 empire. His promises were limitless, and the actual 
 presents' which he heaped upon the Normo-Italian • 
 immense. He also granted him, it is said, a territory 
 in Romania, consisting, in length, of as much ground 
 as a horse could travel in fifteen days ; and, in 
 breadth,^ of as much as could be traversed in eight ; 
 besides which, he loaded him with jewels and gold, 
 and rich vestments, till Boemond, from one of his 
 most inveterate enemies, became one of his firmest 
 allies. This, indeed, proceeded from no confidence 
 or friendship on either side. Boemond still felt how 
 little Alexius could forgive the injuries he had in 
 former days inflicted, and dared not trust himself 
 to eat of the meat set before him at the emperor's 
 table. 
 
 Alexius, with all the penetration of his race, evi- 
 dently dived into the Norman's thoughts, and saw that 
 he aspired even to the imperial crown itself.^ No re- 
 liance, therefore, existed between them ; but, on the 
 one hand, Boemond, for considerations of interest, 
 forgot his dignity, and did homage to tlie emperor, 
 wliile Alexius, on his part, agreed that the homage 
 should be void, if the promises he made were not 
 exactly fulfilled.'' 
 
 The news of his relation's humiliation soon reached 
 Tancred, who was leading on their united forces 
 towards Constantinople ; and though unquestionably, 
 the lamentation attributed to him by his biographer 
 
 I Will. Tyr. ; Albert. Aiiiions. '^ Raoiil de Caci. ; GuiberL 
 
 3 Altxiad parUucaiige 4 Cuibert, lib. iii. 5 Radulph. Cad.cap. II. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 103 
 
 is somewhat more poetical than real, little doubt can 
 be entertained that the gallant prince was painfully 
 struck by Boemond's disgraceful concessions. Hugh 
 of Vermaudois had done homage to obtain his liberty ; 
 Godfrey of Bouillon, to restore peace and unanimity 
 between the Christian emperor and the crusaders ; 
 Boemond sold his homage, with no palliating cir- 
 cumstance. 
 
 The determination of Tancred seems to have been 
 taken almost immediately on hearing this news, and 
 marching upon Constantinople as if it were his inten- 
 tion to follow exactly the course of his relation, he 
 suddenly crossed the Hellespont' without giving 
 notice to any one, and joined the army of Godfrey 
 at Chalcedon.^ 
 
 This conduct greatly irritated Alexius, and he 
 made several efforts to bring Tancred back without 
 success; but the arrival of Raimond de St. Gilles, 
 Count of Toulouse, with the immense army of the 
 Languedocian crusaders, soon called the attention of 
 the emperor in another direction. The Count of 
 Toulouse has been very variously represented, and 
 no doubt can exist that he was a bold and skilful 
 leader, a courageous and resolute man. He was, it 
 is said, intolerant and tenacious of reverence, fond of 
 pomp and display, and withal revengeful, though his 
 revenge was always of a bold and open character. Not 
 so Ins avarice, which led him to commit as many 
 pitiful meannesses as ever sprang from that basest 
 of desires. He was proud, too, beyond all question ; 
 but where his covetousness did not overbalance the 
 
 1 Radulpli. Cailom. cap. 12. 
 
 2 All)erius Aquensis says that Tancred took with him the whole 
 army. Williatn of Tyre follows the same opinion, as well as Guibert. 
 Onleric Vital declares tliat when the troops were passing, Tancred 
 dressed himself as a common soldier, and passed amonj? the crowd ; hut 
 Radulphus Cadomensis (or Raoul of Caen, as the French translate 
 his name), who was his companion and friend in alter-years, makes no 
 mention of h s haviii^r taken with him any part of the forces he com- 
 manded, merely stating, that in his eagerness to pass hefore he was dis- 
 covered, he aided to row the boat himself 
 
104 HISTORY or CHIVALRY 
 
 Other great principle of his nature, he maintained, 
 in his g-eneral conduct, that Hue of moral firmneas 
 which dignifies pride, and raises it almost to a virtue. 
 
 Under the banners of the Count of Toulouse 
 marched the gay Chivalry of all the south of 
 France — Gascons, and Provencals, and Auvergnats — 
 people, in whose hearts the memory of Saracen in- 
 vasions from Spain was still fresh ; and whose quick 
 and passionate dispositions had at once embraced 
 with enthusiasm the holy war. A gloiious train of 
 lords and knights followed their noble chief, and the 
 legate of the pope, as well as several other bishops, 
 gave religious dignity to this body of the crusaders. 
 
 The count directed his course by Sclavonia to- 
 wards Greece, notwithstanding that the season was 
 unfavourable, as he set out in winter.' During the 
 journey he displayed, in the highest degree, every 
 quality of a great commander. Innumerable diffi- 
 culties, on which we cannot pause, assailed him even 
 during the first part of his march through the barren 
 and inhospitable passes which lay between his own 
 fair land and Greece. When he had reached the do- 
 minions of Alexius, whose call for aid he had not 
 forgotten, the count imagined, to use the \t^ords of 
 his chaplain, that he was in his native land, so much 
 did he rely upon the welcome and protection of the 
 Greek emperor. But he, like the chiefs who had 
 preceded him, was deceived, and the same series of 
 narassing persecutions awaited him on the way. An 
 act of seasonable^ but barbarous vengeance, how 
 ever, in mutilating and disfiguring several of the pri- 
 soners, so much frightened the savage hordes which 
 the emperor had cast upon his track, that the rest of 
 tlie journey passed in comparative tranquillity. Like 
 those who had gone before, the count was permitted 
 to enter the imperial city with but few attendants. 
 
 Here the same proposal of rendering homage wa§ 
 
 1 Raimondd'As>lc9 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 105 
 
 siacic to Raimond which had been addressed to the 
 other leaders of the crusade, but he rejected it at 
 once with dignified indignation, and maintained his 
 resolution with unalterable firmness. ^ The means 
 which had been tried with Godfrey of Bouillon were 
 jiow employed against the Count of Toulouse; and 
 as no very strong body of crusaders was soon ex- 
 pected from Europe, the emperor seems confidently 
 So have anticipated the destruction of the Langue- 
 <3ocian force. The Bosphorus lay between it and the 
 armies of Godfrey, of Hugh, of Boemond, and of 
 Robert of Flanders,^ whose arrival we have not 
 thought it necessary to dwell upon, as it was accom- 
 panied by no circumstance of interest. Alexius had 
 taken especial care, that no vessels should remain on 
 the other side of the Straits, which would facilitate 
 the return of the crusaders even if they should wish 
 it,'' and Boemond was devoted to his cause from mo- 
 tives of interest. 
 
 Under these circumstances Alexius did not scruple 
 to order a night attack to be made upon the camp of 
 the French knights. At first it proved successful, 
 and many fell undeir the treacherous sword of the 
 Greeks. At length, however, the Languedocians re- 
 covered from their surprise, repulsed the enemy with 
 great loss, and for some time gave full way to their 
 indignation. Raimond even resolved to aeclare war 
 against the emperor, but abandoned his intention on 
 finding tliat the other princes would not succour him, 
 and that Boemond threatened to join his arms to 
 those of Alexius. Thus upheld, the emperor still 
 continued to insist on the homage of the count; but 
 Raimond declared that he would sooner lay down his 
 head upon the block than yield to such an indignity." 
 •' He had come,"^ he said, " to fight for one Lord, 
 which was Christ, and for him he had abandoned 
 
 1 Raimond d'Agiles ; Will. Tyi ; Guiberf. 
 
 » Guibert ; Albert of Aix. 3 Will.Tyr. 
 
 4 Guibert. 5 Raimond d'Agiles 
 
 r 
 
106 HISTORY OF CHIVALRV. 
 
 couiitiy, and goods, and lands, but no other lord 
 would he acknowledge ; though, if the emperor 
 would, in person, lead the host towards Constanti- 
 nople, he would willingly put himself and his troops 
 under his august command." 
 
 All that could ultimately be obtained from him, 
 even" at the intercession of his companions in arms, 
 was a vow that he would neither directly nor indi- 
 rectly do any act which could militate against the 
 life or honour of the emperor.' 
 
 This concession, however, seemed to satisfy 
 Alexius, upon whose weakness the ambitious spirit 
 of Boemond was pressing somewhat too hard. The 
 power of Raimond of Toulouse, the monarch saw, 
 might be used as a good counterpoise to the authority 
 which the Prince of Tarentum was inclined to 
 assume ; and in consequence, Alexius soon completely 
 changed his conduct, and loaded the count with dis- 
 tinctions and courtesy. The pleasures of the impe- 
 rial palace, the rivalry which the artful emperor con- 
 trived to raise up between him and Boemond, and 
 the false but polished society of the Greek court, 
 excited and pleased the Count of Toulouse, who 
 remained some time in the midst of pomp and enjoy- 
 ment. 
 
 His character, also, though it had much of the 
 steady firmness of the north, had, in common with 
 that of his countrjmien in general, a sparkling and 
 vivacious urbanity, a splendid yet easy grace, which 
 suited the taste of the Greeks much more than the 
 simple manners of the northern crusaders. Indeed, 
 to judge from the terms in which she speaks of 
 him, his handsome person and elegant deportment 
 seem to have made no small impression on the ima- 
 gination of the princess Anna,^ although Raimond 
 had already passed the middle age. 
 
 Boemond, however, had by this time departed, and 
 
 1 Guibert; Raimond; Will Tvr. 2 Alexiad 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 107 
 
 had marched from Chalcedon with Godfrey and the 
 rest of the crusading- host' towards Nice, the capital 
 of the Turkish kingdom of Roum.^ His honour de- 
 manded the presence of the Count of Toulouse, and 
 abandoning the pleasures of Constantinople, he super 
 intended the embarkation of his troops, and hastenea 
 to join the rest of his companions in arms. 
 
 Scarcely had the forces of the count quitted Con- 
 stantinople, when another army appeared under the 
 walls of that city. Its principal leader was Robert, 
 Duke of Normandy — a man, debauched, weak, and 
 unstable ; endowed with sufficient talents to have 
 dignified his illustrious station, had he possessed that 
 rare quahty of mind which may be called conduct. 
 He was eloquent in speech, brave in the field, skilful 
 in warlike dispositions, and personally humane, even 
 to excess f but at the same time he was versatile as 
 the winds, and so easily persuaded, that the common 
 expression, he had no will of his own,, was, perhaps 
 more applicable to him than to any other man tha. 
 ever existed. 
 
 On the first preaching of the crusade, he had eaugh 
 the flame of enthusiasm with others, and perhaps 
 not more than those around him ; for we must not 
 take the immediate sale of his dutchy of Normandy 
 to William Rufns as a proof of his zeal. It was, in 
 fact, but a proof of that wretched facility which ulti- 
 mately brought about his ruin. The price he ob- 
 tained,* was only ten thousand marks of silver, but 
 with so petty a sum this modern Esau thought he 
 could conquer worlds. With him was Stephen, 
 Count of Blois, more famous in the council than the 
 
 t Raimond iTAgiles; Albert of Aix. 
 
 2 Raimond d'Agiles expressly states that the army of the Count of 
 Toulouse, which he accompanied to the Holy Land, did not join the 
 other crusaders till they were under the walls of Nice. Mills is there- 
 fore wrong in writing that the Provencals joined the other soldiers of 
 the Cross before their arrival at Nice, and then let them march on again 
 befr)re them. 
 
 3 Guibert Ub. ii. 4 Orderic Vital. 
 
08 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 field,' while all the Norman and English crusaders of 
 rank, together with Eustace, brother of Godfrey of 
 Bouillon,^ joined themselves to his forces. 
 
 Thus, followed by a numerous and well-equippe*' 
 army, Robert took the way of Italy, and having en- 
 countered the pope at Lucca, proceeded to Apulia, 
 where he remained to pass the winter. Here, how- 
 ever,^ many deserted his army, and returned to their 
 native land, and several were drowned, subsequently, 
 in their passage to Durazzo ; but, on the whole, the 
 march of Robert of Normandy was more easy and 
 less disastrous than that of any other chief of the 
 crusaders. 
 
 We find no mention of any attack or annoyance 
 on the part of Alexius ; and, on the arrival of the 
 L\orman host at Constantinople, the oath of homage 
 seems to have been presented and received, with a 
 sort of quiet indifference well according with the 
 indolent and careless character of the Duke.^ Alex- 
 ius simply informed the leaders, that Godfrey, Boe- 
 mond, Hugh, and the rest had undergone the cere- 
 mony proposed. " We are not greater than they,"=' 
 replied Robert, and the vow^s were taken without 
 hesitation. 
 
 Loaded with presents, and supplied with money 
 and provisions, of both which Robert stood in great 
 want, the Norman crusaders now passed the Helles- 
 pont, and marched towards Nice to join their com- 
 panions. The timid Alexius thus found himself 
 delivered from the last body of these terrific allies; 
 and, indeed, the description given of their arrival, in 
 rapid succession, before Constantinople, is not at all 
 unlike the end of Camaralzaman's history in the 
 Arabian Nights, where no sooner is one army dis- 
 posed of, than another is seen advancing towards the 
 city from a different quarter of the globe. 
 
 ' Guibert. 2 William of Tvrc ; Albert of Aix. 3 Fulcher. 
 
 i Albert of Aix ; Fulcher. ' '- Will. Tyr 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 109 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Qerm of ^fter-misfortunes already springing up in the Cruscxde—Szest 
 of Nice— First Engagement v>ith the Turks — Siege continued — Tht 
 Lake occupied — Surrender of Nice to the Emissaries of Alexius — Dis^ 
 conteyit—Marck towards Ant.ioch — The Army divides into two Bodies 
 — Battle of Doryloeum — Dreadful March through Phrygia — Adven- 
 tures of Baldwin and Tancied— Arrival at Antioch—The City in- 
 vested. 
 
 One of the most unfortunate events which occurred 
 to the crusaders in their march was their stay at 
 Constantinople, for it was the remote but certain 
 cause of many other evils. The jealousies and dif- 
 ferences raised up among- them by the intriguing 
 spirit of Alexius were never entirely done away; 
 and besides this, the intervention of petty motives, 
 long discussions, and schemes of individual aggran- 
 dizement chilled the fervour of zeal, and thus 
 weighed down the most energetic spring of the 
 enterprise. 
 
 Enthusiasm will conquer difficulties, confront dan- 
 ger and death, and change the very nature of the 
 circumstances in which it is placed, to encourage- 
 ment and hope ; but it will not bear to be mingled 
 with less elevated feelings and considerations. The 
 common ambitions and passions of life, cold reason- 
 ings, and thoughtful debates, deaden it and put it 
 out ; and amid the intrigues of interest, or the spe= 
 culations of selfishness, it is extinguished like a flame 
 in the foul air of a vault. A great deal of the en- 
 thusiasm of the crusade died away amid the bicker^ 
 ings of Constantinople ; and even the cowardly 
 effeminacy of the Greeks proved in some degree 
 contagious, for the army of the Count of Toulouse, 
 we find, had at one time nearly disbanded itself. 
 The luxury of the most luxurious court of Europe, 
 
110 HISTORY OF CHIVALRy. 
 
 too, was not without its effect upoi) the crusaders, 
 and the memory of tlie delights of the imperial city 
 was more likely to afford suhjects of disadvantageous 
 comparisons, when opposed to the hardships of Pa- 
 lestine, than the remembrance of the turbulent and 
 governless realm from which they had first begun 
 their march. 
 
 The greatest misfortune of all, however — the 
 cause of many of their vices, and almost all their 
 miseries, — was tlie want of one acknowledged leader, 
 whom it woijld have been treason to disobey. Each 
 chief was his own king, but he Vv^as not the king of 
 even those who served under him. Many who had 
 followed his banner to the field were nearly his equals 
 in power, and it was only over his immediate vassals 
 that he had any but conditional right of command. 
 In respect to his vassals themselves, this right was 
 much affected by circumstances ; and over the 
 chiefs around him, he had no control whatever 
 Thus, unity of design was never to be obtained ; and 
 discord, the fatal stumblingblock of all great under- 
 takings, was always ready in the way, whenever the 
 folly, the passions, or the selfishness of any indivi- 
 dual leader chose to dash upon it the hopes of him- 
 self and his companions. 
 
 Nevertheless, during the siege of Nice, which was 
 the first undertaking of the crusaders, a considerable 
 degree of harmony seems to have prevailed among 
 the leaders. Each, it is true, conducted his part of 
 the attack according to his own principles, but each 
 seemed happy to assist the other, and we hear of no 
 wrangling for idle punctilios. The morals, too, of 
 the troops were hitherto pure, reaching a much higher 
 point of virtue, indeed, than might have been antici- 
 pated from the great mixture of classes. I do not 
 mean to say that they were free from vice, or were 
 exempt from the follies of their nature or their age ; 
 but the noble and dignified manner in which tlie 
 chiefs of the '^*'nsade, and the people in genera?, bore 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. Ill 
 
 the conduct of Alexius (mentioned hereafter), would 
 lead me to belidve that they had preserved a consi- 
 derable share of purity and singleness of heart. 
 
 The first body of the crusaders which reached the 
 city of Nice was that led by Godfrey of Bouillon. He 
 was not alone, however, being accompanied by Hugh, 
 Count of Vermandois; and very shortly after, the 
 troops of Robert of Flanders and Boemond of Taren- 
 tum arrived, and took up their position on the north- 
 ern side, while those of Godfrey had marked their 
 camp towards the east. The Count of Toulouse and 
 the Bishop of Puy followed, and sat down before the 
 southern side,^ leaving the west open for the Duke of 
 Normandy, who was expected from day to day.^ 
 
 This city, the capital of the kingdom of Roum,was 
 occupied by the Seljukian Turks, and strongly de- 
 fended by a solid wall, flanked by three hundred and 
 fifty towers. It was situated in the midst of a fertile 
 plain, and the waters of the lake Ascanius, to the 
 west, gave it a facility of communication with a 
 large extent of country. The army of the crusaders, 
 after the arrival of the Count of Toulouse,^ waited 
 not the coming of Robert of Normandy, but began 
 the siege in form. Their forces were already im- 
 mense ; and after the junction of Peter the Hermit 
 with the ruins of his multitude, and the Duke of 
 Normandy with his powerful army, the amount of 
 the fighting men is said to have been six hundred 
 thousand, without comprisin| those who did not 
 
 1 Raimond d'Agiles ; Guibert. 
 
 2 All authors, those who were present as well as those who wrote 
 from the accounts of others, differ entirely among themselves concernmg 
 ihe dispositions of the siege. Fulcher, who accompanied the Duke of 
 Normandy, says that that chief attacked the south ; Raimond of Agiles, 
 who was present also, says that the south was the post of the Count ol 
 Toulouse. I have, however, adopted the account of Raimond, who 
 appears to me to have paid more attention to the operations of the war 
 than Fulcher. 3 Fu'cier. 4 Ibid. 
 
 o The word used is loricati; and Ducange, who seldom makes a posi 
 tire assertion without the mof»i; Durt'ect certainty, states, in the observa* 
 
112 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 have reached nearly two hundred thousand, which 
 left a fair proportion of inferior soldiers. 
 
 The general disposition of the troops had been 
 made before the arrival of the Count of Toulouse, 
 and he marched his division towards the spot as- 
 signed him on the Sunday after Ascension-day.' 
 His coming, however, was destined to be signalized 
 by the first regular battle between the Turks and 
 their Christian invaders. • 
 
 Soliman, or Kilidge Asian, the sultaun of Roum, 
 on the approach of the crusaders, had left his capitaP 
 defended by a strong garrison, and travelling through 
 his dominions, hastened in every direction the levies 
 of his subjects. He soon collected a considerable 
 body of horsc,^ and leading them to the mountains 
 which overlooked the plain of Nice, he sent doM'ii 
 two messengers to the city to concert with the go- 
 vernor a double attack upon the camp of the Chris- 
 tians. 
 
 The messengers fell into the hands of the outposts 
 of Godfrey. One was killed on the spot, and the 
 other, under the fear of death, betrayed the secrets 
 of the sultaun, giving at the same time an exagge- 
 rated account of his forces.^ Information of Soli- 
 man's approach was instantly sent to Raimond of 
 Toulouse, who was advancing from Nicomedia,^ and 
 by a night-march he succeeded in joining the army 
 of the Cross in time. Scarcely had he taken up his 
 position, when the ^foslems began to descend from 
 the mountains, clad hke the Christians in steel,® and 
 borne by horses fleet as the wind. Divided into two 
 bodies,'^ the one attacked the wearied troops of tlie 
 
 tions on Joinville, that we may always translate the word loricahis, a 
 knight, "et quand on voit dans les auteurs Latins le terme de loricsti ii 
 66 doit entendre des Chevaliers." — Ducange, Observ. sur VHist. de St 
 Louis, page 50 
 
 1 Guibert 2 Albert of Aix, lib. ii. 3 Albert. 
 
 4 Ibid. 5 Albert ; Raimond d'Agiles ; Guibert 
 
 6 Albert. 7 Raimond. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 113 
 
 Count of Toulouse, seeking to force its way into the 
 city, while the other fell upon the quarters of God- 
 frey of Bouillon. 
 
 Doubtless SoHman thought to meet, in the im- 
 mense multitude before him, a wild and undisciplined 
 crowd, like that of Peter the Hermit; but he soon 
 found bitterly his mistake. The crusaders received 
 him every where with chivalric valour, repulsed him 
 on all points, became in turn the assailants, and the 
 plain round Nice grew one general scene of con- 
 flict. The charging of the cavalry, the ringing of 
 the lances and the swords upon shields and corslets, 
 the battle-cries of the Christians, and the techbir of 
 the Turks ; the shouts, the screams, the groans, rose 
 up, we are told, in a roar horrible to hear.^ 
 
 Ai length, finding that the sally he had expected 
 was not made, Soliman retreated to the mountains ; 
 but it was only to repeat the attempt the following 
 day.^ In this, although the besieged now compre- 
 hended his intention, and issued forth upon the 
 Christians on the one side, while he attacked them 
 on the other, he was not more fortunate than before. 
 He was again repelled with great loss, owning his 
 astonishment at the lion-like courage of the Christian 
 leaders, who with a thousand lances M'ould often 
 charge and put to flight twenty times the number of 
 Turkish horsemen. 
 
 According to a barbarous custom prevalent at that 
 time, and which even descended to a much later pe- 
 riod, the crusaders hewed off" the heads of the fallen 
 Moslems,^ and cast many of them into the city. 
 Others were sent to Constantinople in token of vic- 
 tory ; and Alexius, as a sign of gratitude and rejoic- 
 ing, instantly despatched large presents to the prin- 
 cipal chiefs of the crusade, with great quantities of 
 provisions for the army, which had long been strait» 
 ened to a fearful degree. 
 
 1 Albert. 2 Guiliert. S Guibert ; Albert of AJx. 
 
114 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 After tJie defeat of Soliman.' the siege was pressed 
 with renewed vig-our ; and battering--rams, catapults, 
 and mang-onels were pUed incessantly ag^ainst the 
 walls, while moveable towers of wood, called beff- 
 roys, filled with armed men, were rolled close to the 
 fortifications, for the purpose of carrying on the fight 
 hand to hand with the enemy, and of endeavouring 
 to effect a lodgment on the battlements. 
 
 In the mean while, the plains round Nice offered a 
 spectacle of the most extraordinary brilliancy. The 
 glittering arms of tlie knights, their painted shields, 
 and fluttering pennons — the embroidered banners of 
 the barons, their splendid coats-of-arms and magni- 
 ficent mantles — the gorgeous robes of the Latin 
 priests, whr ^^ere present in immense numbers, and 
 the animated multitude of bowmen and foot-soldiers, 
 mingled with thousands of that most beautiful of 
 beasts, the horse, all spread out in the unclouded 
 brightness of an Asiatic sky, formed as shining and 
 extraordinary a scene as the eye could look upon. 
 
 Not frightened, however, by the terrific splendour 
 that surrounded them, the Turks continued to defend 
 their battlements with persevering valour. Every 
 attack of the Christians was met with dauntless in- 
 trepidity, and every laboured attempt to sap the wall, 
 or its towers, was frustrated with miwearied assi- 
 duity. Those who approached near were either 
 slain by poisoned arrows,^ or crushed under im- 
 mense stones ; and the moment any one was killed 
 at tlie foot of the wall,^ " it was horrible to see the 
 Turks," says an eyewitness, " seize upon the body 
 with iron hooks let down from above, and lifting it 
 up through the air strip it completely, and then cast 
 it out from the city." Innumerable artifices were 
 resorted to by the assailants to force their way into 
 the town ; and none of the chiefs seem to have been 
 more active and ingenious than the Count of Ton 
 
 1 Raimond Ad'giles; Fulcher; Albert of Aix; Robert. Mon. 
 2 Robert. Mon. 3 Fulcher. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 115 
 
 louse,^ wlio once succeeded in undermining a tower, 
 and casting it to the ground. Before this work was 
 conchided, however, night had fallen over the army, 
 and ere the next morning the laborious activity of 
 the Turks had repaired the damage which their wall 
 had suffered. 
 
 Two of the principaP German barons, also, con- 
 trived a machine of wood, to which they gave the 
 name of the fox. It was capable of containing 
 twenty knights, and was secured by its immense 
 solidity from all the efforts of the enemy. When 
 this was completed, a vast multitude began to push 
 it to'wards the part of the curtain which they intended 
 to sap, but the inequality of the ground and the great 
 weight of the machine itself caused some of the 
 joints to give way, 'when the whole fabric fell to 
 pieces, crushing under its ruins the unhappy knights 
 within. 
 
 The arrivaP of Robert of Normandy brought a vast 
 accession of strength to the besiegers; notwithstand- 
 ing which, during the remainder of the siege of Nice, 
 the immense numbers of the crusaders did not pro- 
 duce that scarcity of provision which ultimately fell 
 upon them ; for Alexius, interested more than any 
 one in the capture of the city, took care, after the 
 first few days, that the supplies should be ample and 
 unremitted. 
 
 Nevertheless the courage of the garrison did not 
 at all decrease, and for five weeks they still conti- 
 nued to return the assailants combat for combat, the 
 whole day being consumed in a storm of arrows from 
 the bows and arbalists, and of stones from the cata- 
 pults and mangonels.'* 
 
 Numerous instances of extraordinai7 personal 
 courage, shown on both sides, are of course recorded, 
 and each different historian has his own hero, whose 
 deeds are lauded to the sky. One Turk in par- 
 
 1 Guibert ; Raimond d'Agiles. 2 Albert of Aix. 
 
 3 Fulcher. 4 Idun ; Albert of Aix. 
 
116 HSITORY OF CHIVALRY 
 
 ticular signalized himself by an immense slaugh- 
 ter of the crusaders, showing himself exposed upon 
 the battlements, and plying his terrible bow, which 
 winged death in every direction. The Christians 
 became so fearful of him, that that most imaginative 
 passion, terror, began to invest him with some su- 
 pernatural defence.' The best-aimed arrows proved 
 totally ineffectual, and reports spread rapidly that he 
 might be seen, still sending destruction around from 
 his hand, while twenty shafts— each carrying the 
 fate of a common mortal— were sticking unheeded 
 in his flesh. Godfrey of Bouillon, to end the panic 
 that this man occasioned, at length took a crossbow 
 himself, though that machine^ was considered but a 
 fit Aveapon for a yeoman, and directing the quarry 
 Avith a steadier hand than those which had before 
 aimed at the Turkish archer, he sent the missile 
 directly to his heart.^ 
 
 A multitude of the noblest crusaders had now fallen 
 before the bows of the enemy, and many more had 
 yielded to the effects of a climate totally different 
 from their own. " Thus," says one of the followers 
 of tlie Cross, " nothing was to be seen on the high- 
 ways, in the woods, and the fields, but a crowd of 
 tombs,"* where our brethren had been buried." 
 
 At last, the leaders perceived the existence of a 
 circumstance, their neglect of which, in the very first 
 instance, showed how much the art of warfare was 
 then in its infancy. One evening, after a fierce as- 
 sault, the soldiers stationed near the water, who, in 
 common with the rest of the host, usually rested 
 from the labours of the siege during the night, sud- 
 denly perceived boats upon the lake Ascanius, and 
 it immediately became evident that the Turks re- 
 ceived every kind of supply by this easy means of 
 communication. As soon as this was discovered, 
 various vessels were brought from Constantinople, 
 
 I Albert of Aix. 2 The Philippide. 
 
 3 Albert of Aix 4 Fulcher. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY, 117 
 
 and being drawn to the lake over a narrow neck of 
 land which separated it from the sea, were filled with 
 imperial archers ;' and the blockade of the town was 
 thus rendered absolute. This was executed during 
 the night, and all hope abandoned the Turks from 
 the next morning, when they beheld that which had 
 proved their great resource suddenly cut off. 
 
 The crusaders now hoped to force the city to sur- 
 render at discretion ; and their expectations of such 
 an event were much raised by the fact of the sul- 
 tauness, the wife of Soliman, who had hitherto cou- 
 rageously undergone all the miseries and dangers of 
 a siege, being taken in endeavouring to make her 
 escape by the lake.^ 
 
 By this time the besieged had determined to sur- 
 render; but Alexius had taken care to send with the 
 army of the Cross an officer on vvhose art and fidelity 
 he could depend, to secure for the imperial crown a 
 city which he would probably have rather seen still 
 under the dominion of the Turks, than in the hands 
 of the Latins. 
 
 This man's name was Taticius, or, according to 
 the crusaders' corruption, Tatin.^ His face was 
 dreadfully mutilated, and his mind seems to have 
 been as horrible as his countenance. What commu- 
 nication he kept up within the town it is difficult to 
 discover; and how this communication was con- 
 cealed from the Latins is hardly known, but probably 
 it took place, as Mills conjectures, by means of the 
 lake and the Greek vessels which now covered it. 
 Certain it is, that the Turks entered into a private 
 treaty with the emissary of Alexius, who granted 
 them the most advantageous terms, securing to them 
 not only life," but immunity and protection. 
 
 It had been covenanted beforehand, between the 
 emperor and the crusaders, that on the fall of the city 
 *t should be resigned to Alexius, who promised to 
 
 ^almond d'Agiles ; Albert of Aix ; Guibert. 2 WUI. Tyr. 
 
 s Albert of Aix. 4 Guibert ; Albert 
 
118 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY 
 
 give up to the troops all tne riclies it contained,^ and 
 to found there a monastery, and an hospital for pil- 
 grims, under the superintendence of the Latins.^ Not 
 contented with this, or doubting the faith of his allies, 
 he took the means I have stated to secure possession. 
 Suddenly the imperial ensigns appeared upon the 
 walls of Nice, when the host of the crusade was 
 just rushing to the attack in the full confidence of 
 victory. It was now found that the people of the 
 city had surrendered privately to Alexius, and had 
 admitted his troops within the wallrs ; but it required 
 the greatest efforts of the leaders of the crusade, 
 although disgusted with this treachery themselves, 
 to quiet their forces, and reconcile them to the per 
 fidy of their base ally.^ 
 
 On the part of the Christians, the wife and chil, 
 dren of Kilidge iVslan, Avho had fallen into theii 
 hands, were delivered to the Turks ; and, at the same 
 time, all those prisoners wdiich had been taken by So- 
 liman, on the defeat of Gaulier sans avoir, were re- 
 stored to liberty. So little, however, did Alexius 
 keep his treaty with the crusaders, that, instead of 
 yielding to them the whole plunder of Nice, he con- 
 tented himself with distributing some rich presents 
 to the chiefs,'* and some money to the poor of the 
 army ; and suffered them, thus dissatisfied and in- 
 jured, to raise their camp and march on towards Je 
 rusalem, without permitting them to set foot within 
 the city they had conquered.^ 
 
 The army of the Cross waited no time under the 
 walls of Nice, but as soon as the principal leaders 
 had returned from Pelicanum, whither they had gone 
 once more to confer with Alexius, it began its march.^ 
 At the end of the second day the forces of the 
 
 \ William of Tyre; Raimond. 2 Raimond de Agiles. 
 
 3 William of Tyre ; Raimond de Agiles; Guibert de Nogent. 
 
 4 Fulcher, cap. 4; William of Tyre. 
 
 5 Ten at a time were admiiled within the walls, but not mor* 
 
 6 June 29, A D. 1097 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 119 
 
 different chiefs^ were accidentally separated,^ 13oe- 
 mond and the Duke of Normandy taking- a path con- 
 siderably to the left of that followed by Godfrey and 
 the rest of the host. They proceeded on their way, 
 notwithstanding, knowing that they could not be very 
 far from the principal body, and towards night pitched 
 their camp in the valley of Gorgon, in the midst of 
 some rich meadows, and near a running stream.^ 
 
 Their situation was, nevertheless, not near so de- 
 sirable as they imagined, for Soliman, who during 
 the siege of Nice had made the most immense ef- 
 forts for the purpose of relieving that city, now that 
 it had fallen, hung with the whole of his force,* to the 
 amount of nearly two hundred thousand men,^ upon 
 the left flank of the army of the crusaders, conceal- 
 ing his own evolutions by his perfect knowledge of 
 the country, and watching those of his enemies with 
 the keen anxiety of a falcon hovering over her prey. 
 No sooner had the separation we have mentioned 
 taken place in the host of the Cross, than the sultaun 
 hastened his march to overtake the army of Boe- 
 mond, which was infinitely the weaker of the two 
 divisions. 
 
 Accustomed to every sort of rapid movement, So- 
 liman soon came up with the forces of the Prince 
 of Tarentum and the Duke of Normandy. 
 
 The crusaders had been from time to time warned, 
 
 1 Fulcher, cap. 5; Raimond d'Agiles ; Orderic Vital; Raoul de Caen. 
 
 2 Mills avers that the chiefs separated by mutual consent. I have 
 found nothing to confirm this opinion. Radulphus says that ttere was 
 a rumour to that effect, but shows that it could not be just, as the bag- 
 gage of the troops of Boemond and his party had, by the error that sepa- 
 rated them, been left; with the other division. William of Tyre leaves the 
 question undecided. Fulcher says, absolutely, that the separation origi- 
 nated in a mistake. Orderic Vital follows the same opinion. Raimond 
 d'Agiles is not precise, but he says that it was done inconsiderately ; and 
 Guibert decidedly affirms that it was accidental, and through the obscu- 
 rity of the morning in which they began their march. 
 
 3 William of Tyre. 
 
 4 Fulcher ; Raimond d'Agiles ; Albert. 
 
 • Fulcher makes it amount to nearly three hundred and sixty thousand 
 "or7il)atar.ts ; and Raimond reduces the number to one hundred and fifty 
 Ihousaad. 
 
120 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 during the preceding day, that an enemy was in the 
 neighbourhood, by the sight of scattered parties of 
 Arabs hovering round their anny.' They neverthe 
 less encamped by the side of a beautiful stream, 
 that, flowing on through the rich valley in which 
 they were advancing, proceeded to join itself to the 
 wateis of the Sangarius. Here they passed the 
 night in repose, taking merely the precaution of 
 throwing out sentinels to the banks of the stream. 
 Early the next morning, Boemond and Robert again 
 commenced their march, and had advanced some 
 way,^ when the immei 
 appear upon the hills. 
 
 Boemond instantly sent off messengers to God- 
 rey of Bouillon, and the rest of his noble compa- 
 nions, of whose proximity he had now become 
 aware, and gave orders for drawing up his forces, 
 for pitching the tents, and for making a rampart of 
 the wagons^ and baggage for the defence of the sick 
 and the weak from the arrows of the Turks. In 
 the mean while, turning to his knights and men at, 
 arms, he addressed them with the brief eloquence 
 of courage. " Remember the duties of your calling !" 
 he exclaimed. "Behold the peril in which you are 
 placed — charge boldly to meet the infidels — defend 
 your honour and your lives !" 
 
 While he spoke, the Turks rushed down to the 
 battle with terrific cries,^ which, mingling with the 
 tramp of two hundred thousand horse, and the ring- 
 ing of their armour, together with the trumpets of 
 the Christian host, and the shouts of the chiefs and 
 the heralds, raised so fearful a din, that no one could 
 hear another speak among the followers of the Cross. 
 
 The army of Boemond, hastily drawn up, pre- 
 sented a mingled front of horse and foot soldiers, 
 and pilgrims,^ some but half-armed, some not armed 
 
 1 Fulclier. -i Ibid ; Guibert. 
 
 3 William of Tyre ; Guibert ; Fulcher, cap. 5. 
 
 4 Guibert : Will, of Tvr. 5 Fulcher ; Radulph. Cad. cap. 21 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 121 
 
 at all ; while the Turks came down in one torrent 
 of cavalry. The immense numbers which it con- 
 tained all blazing with glittering- arms, and provided 
 with bo .vs of horn and scimitars, dazzled and dis- 
 mayed the troops of the Christians. As the infidels 
 approached, the European Chivalry dropped the points 
 of their long lances, and prepared to hurl back their 
 foes, as was their wont, by the heavy and decided 
 charge which proved always so effective ; but sud- 
 denly, each Moslem raised his bow even as he gal- 
 loped forward,' a thick cloud seemed to come over 
 the sun, and then, two hundred thousand arrows 
 dropping at once among the crusaders, a multitude^ 
 of men and horses were instantly stretched upon 
 the plain. 
 
 Before the Christians could rally from the sur- 
 prise, a second flight of arrows followed the first, 
 doing dreadful execution among the foot-soldiers and 
 the steeds of the knights.^ But now Tancred and 
 Boemond led on their troops to the charge, and spurred 
 their horses into the midst of the enemy. The 
 Turks, as was their habit, yielded ground on every 
 side, avoiding, by the swiftness of their chargers, the 
 lances and the swords of the Christians, and, like 
 the Parthians of old, continuing their fearful archery 
 even as they fled. 
 
 Vain were all the efforts of the European Chivalry, 
 though, throwing away their useless spears, they 
 endeavoured to reach th.e Turks with their swords ;* 
 but now, in turn, the swarming multitudes of their 
 foes, pouring down fresh from the mountains on every 
 side, no longer retreated, but pressed closer and 
 closer upon them ; and as each adversary fell be- 
 neath the vigorous blows of the knights, new foes 
 started up to meet them. 
 
 In the mean while, thick and fast was mown the 
 
 1 William of Tyre ; Guiberl ; Fulcher. 
 
 2 Fulcher, cap. 5 ; William of Tjre. 
 
 3 William of Tyre. * Raoul of Caen. 
 
 K 
 
132 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 flower of the Christian arnl3^ The brother of Tan- 
 cred, famed alike for his beauty and his courage, was 
 slain before the eyes of his relation.' Tancred him- 
 self, surrounded by a thousand enemies, fought as if 
 Fate had put the weapon in his hands, but fought in 
 vain. Boemond, with all his efforts, could scarcely 
 extricate his gallant cousin from the torrent of ad- 
 versaries in the midst of which he struggled, and 
 even then it was with the loss of the banner of 
 Otranto.2 
 
 Borne back by the growing multitude that pressed 
 upon them, the knights gave way before the Saracens, 
 and were driven struggling upon the very pikes'' of 
 the foot-soldiers that were advancing to their sup- 
 port. At the same time Soliman, whose numbers 
 gave him the means of surrounding the army of the 
 crusaders, directed several large bodies of his cavalry 
 through some marshes to the rear of the Christians, 
 and in a moment the camp* of Boemond was invaded 
 and deluged with the blood of the old, the women, 
 and the helpless !^ 
 
 Robert of Normandy, however, who had com- 
 manded the reserve, now beholding the flight of his 
 allies, roused all the courage of his heart ; and un- 
 covering his head in the midst of the fray, shouted 
 forth his battle-cry^ of " Normandy ! Normandy ! 
 Whither fly you Boemond ?" he exclaimed ; " Your 
 Apulia is afar ! Where go you Tancred 1 Otranto 
 is not near you ! Turn ! turn upon the enemy ! God 
 
 • Albert ; Raoul of Caen ; William of Tyre. 2 Albert. 
 
 3 Raoul of Caen. 4 Fuloher ; Albert ; Raoul of Caen. 
 
 5 Albert of Aix informs us, that the ladies of Doemond's camp, seeing 
 the meri-iless fury with which the Turks were dealin«r death to all ages and 
 sexes, clothed themselves in their most becoming garments, and strove 
 \o display their charms to the best advantage, for the purpose of obtain- 
 ing the durance of the harem rather than the grave. Albert was not pre- 
 sent, and did not even visit the Holy Land ; and 1 find his account in this 
 respect confirmed by no other historian. The good canon, indeed, was 
 somewhat fond of little tales of scandal, so that I feel inclined to doubt 
 his authority, where such matters are under discussion. He has at} 
 anecdote in a similar style appended to his history of the taking of Nice 
 
 6 Radulphus, cap. 22 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 123 
 
 Wills it ! God wills it !" And seizing- his banner, he 
 spurred on with his followers against the Turks, 
 drove them back, rallied the cavalry, and restored 
 order and regularity to the defence. 
 
 Boemond, in the mean while, had turned his arms 
 towards the camp ; and the Turks had retreated from 
 that quarter of the field, bearing with them all that 
 was valuable, and a considerable number of prisoners. 
 The army of the crusade was now concentrated on 
 one spot, while that of the Turks, surrounding it on 
 all sides, gave it not a moment's repose. Soldier 
 fell beside soldier, knight beside knight.^ Fatigue 
 and thirst rendered those that remained little capable 
 of defence ; and the dust and the hot sun made many 
 of the wounds mortal, which otherwise would have 
 been slight in comparison. In this conjuncture,* the 
 women that remained proved infinitely serviceable, 
 bringing to the troops water from the river, and by 
 prayers and exhortations encouraging them to the 
 fight. 
 
 Thus lasted the battle for many hours, when first a 
 cloud of dust, rising from behind the hills, announced 
 that some new combatants were hurrying to the field. 
 Then rose above the slope banner, and pennon, and 
 lance, and glittering arms, w^hile the red cross flutter- 
 ing on the wind brought hope and joy to the sinking 
 hearts of the crusaders, and terror and dismay to the 
 victorious Turks.^ In scattered bands, spurring on 
 their horses as for fe, came the Chivalry of the west 
 to the aid of their brother Christians. None waited 
 for the others ; but each hastened to the fight as the 
 fleetness of his charger would permit, and rank after 
 rank, troop after troop, banner followed by banner, 
 and spear glittering after spear, came rushing ovei 
 the mountains to the valley of the battle. " God 
 wills it ! God wills it !" echoed from hill to hill.^ 
 
 1 William of Tyre. 2 Ordcric Vital ; Guibert, 
 
 * Albert of Aix ; Fulcher, cap. 5 ; William of Tyre 
 < Radulph. Cadom. cap. 26. 
 
124 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 Robert of Normandy shouted his war-cry, Boe- 
 moiid, with renewed hope, couched his lance, and 
 Tancred rushed upon the slayers of his brother. 
 
 At the same time' Godfrey of Bouillon arrayed his 
 army as they came uj), and, with levelled lances, 
 drove down upon the Turks. Hugh of Vermandois 
 attacked them on the flank, and Raimond of Tou- 
 louse, with the warlike bishop of Puy, soon increased 
 the forces of the Cross. 
 
 The Turks^ still made great and valorous efforts to 
 maintain the superiority they had gained, but the 
 charge of the Lathi Chivalry was irresistible. The 
 infidels were driven back, compelled to fly in disor- 
 der, and pursued over the mountains by the victo- 
 rious crusaders.^ In the hills the Christians, who fol- 
 lowed hard upon their course, discovered the camp 
 of the Saracens, where immense booty, both in gold 
 and provisions,"* became the recompense of their ex- 
 ertions. Here, al so, they found all the prisoners who 
 had been taken in the first part of the battle, and a 
 great number of beasts of burthen, of which they 
 were themselves in great need. Among tlie rest was 
 a multitude of camels, an animal which few of the 
 Franks had ever seen before. These were all brought 
 to the Christian encampment, and rejoicing suc- 
 ceeded the fatigues and horrors of the day. 
 
 The loss of the crusaders, after so long and severe 
 a battle, if we can depend upon the account gene- 
 rally given, was very much less than might have 
 been anticipated. Only four thousand men^ are sup 
 
 ^ Fulcher; Albert of ALx. 
 
 2 Albert ; Radulphus Cadomachus, cap. 27, 28, et seq. ; William of 
 Tyre. 
 
 3 Many of the Christians attributed their victory to the miraculous 
 interposition of two canonized n.artyra, wiio. in glittering armour, led on 
 the army of Godfrey and the connt '^f Tculouse, and scared the Turks 
 more than dl iht, dancers of the crusaders. Though the supposed inter- 
 position Pf suc»^ personages certainly robbed the leaders of no small 
 share of glory, ye^ it gare vast confidence and enthusiasm to the inf(prt»« 
 clasc«>s. 
 
 4 Albert of ^x ; Fulcher ; Guibert. 5 William of Tyre 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRV. 126 
 
 ^jsed to have fallen on the part of the Christians ; 
 these were principally, also, of the inferior classes, 
 who, unprotected by the armour which defended the 
 persons of the knights, were fully exposed to the 
 arrows of the Turks. 
 
 Three men of great note, among the champions 
 of the Cross, were added to this list of killed' — 
 William, the brother of Tancred ; Geoffrey o^ Mount 
 Scabius ; and Robert of Paris, whose conduct at the 
 court of Alexius we have before mentioned. The 
 loss on the part of the Turks was infinitely more 
 considerable, and thus, at the close of the battle of 
 Doiyloeum, the Christian leaders found that they had 
 marked their progress towards the Holy Land by a 
 great and decisive victory. 
 
 The crusading armies now paused for several 
 days,^ enjoying the repose and comfort which the 
 spot afforded, and which their exhausted troops so 
 much required. The wounds of the soldiers who 
 had suffered in the late battle were thus in some de- 
 gree healed; and the abundance of provisions the 
 enemy had left behind served to renovate the strength 
 and raise up the hopes and enthusiasm of the Chris- 
 tians. In the mean while, the Turks, who had sur- 
 vived their defeat at Dorylogum, spread themselves 
 in large bands over the country, and, pretending to 
 have totally overcome the Latins, forced themsefves 
 into the cities, destroying and wasting eveiy thing 
 in their way.^ The Christians thus, in their march 
 through Phrygia, had to cross a large tract which 
 had been completely ravaged by the enemy. With 
 their usual improvidence, they had exhausted the 
 provisions they had found in their adversary's camp ; 
 and ignorant of the country, they had provided 
 themselves with no water, so that they had to en- 
 counter all the heat of the solstitial days of a Phry- 
 gian climate, without a drop of liquid to allay their 
 
 1 Guibert; William of Tyre ; Albert of Aix 
 
 2 Albert of Aix. 3 Guibert, lib. iii. 
 
126 HISTORY OF CHl^'^LKY. 
 
 burning thirst. Men and horses fell hy thousarc^ 
 in the way ;^ and the women, parched wiih drought 
 and dying with fatigue, forgot dehcacy, feeling-, ana 
 even the ties of human nature — rolled prostrate on 
 the ground with the agony of thirst — offered theii 
 naked bosoms to the swords of the soldiers, and 
 prayed for death — or threw down their new-born 
 children in the track of the army, and abandoned 
 them to a slow and miserable fate ! The most ter- 
 rible mortality prevailed among the beasts of burden, 
 so that the animals accustomed to bear the baggage 
 of the host having nearly all died by the way, dogs 
 and oxen, and even hogs,^ are said to have been 
 loaded with the lighter articles of necessity, while 
 an immense quantity of luggage was cast away on 
 the road. Many falcons and dogs — a part of knightly 
 equipage never forgotten — had been brought from 
 Europe to Asia ; but the dogs, spreading their nostrils 
 in vain to the hot wind for the least breath of mois- 
 ture, left the long-accustomed hand that they were 
 wont to love, and straying through the desolate land, 
 died among the mountains ; while the clear eye of 
 the noble falcon withered under the fiery sky, which 
 nothing but a vulture could endure ; and, after long 
 privation, he dropped from the glove that held him.** 
 At length water was discovered, and the whole 
 army rushed forward to the river. Their intempe- 
 rate eagerness'' rendered the means of relief nearly 
 as destructive as the thirst which they had endured, 
 and many were added to the victims of that horrible 
 march by their own imprudent indulgence in the 
 cool blessing that they had found at last. The 
 country now had changed its aspect, and nothing 
 presented itself but splendid fertility till the host of 
 the crusade reached the city of Antiochetta, wher^ 
 surrounded by rivulets, and forests, and rich pas 
 
 I Albert of Aix, lib. iii. ; William of Tvre. 2 Fulcher : Guibert, 
 3 Albert ' 4 Ibid. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 127 
 
 tures, they pitched their tents, determined to enjoy 
 the earthly paradise that spread around them. 
 
 Some of the warriors, however, whose energetic 
 spiru no fatigues could daunt' or subdue, soon tired 
 of tlie idle sweets of Antiochetta^ and voluntarily 
 separated themselves from the army, seeking either 
 renown or profit, by detached enterprises. Tancred 
 on the one hand, with the Prince of Salernum, and 
 several other nobles, five hundred knights, and a party 
 of foot-soldiers, set out from the army of Boemond, 
 to explore the country, and ascertain the strength of 
 the enemies by which they were surrounded. De- 
 taching himself, at the same time, from the division 
 of Godfrey of Bouillon, Baldwin, the brother of that 
 leader, joined Tancred with a somewhat superior 
 force, actuated probably more by the hope of his own 
 individual aggrandizement, than by any purpose of 
 serving the general cause of the crusade. 
 
 After wandering for some time through the districts 
 round Iconium and Heraclea,^ which the Turks had 
 tak(^!i care to desolate beforehand, the two chieftains 
 again separated, and Tancred, pursuing his way by 
 Cilicia, came suddenly before Tarsus. The Turks, 
 by whom that city was garrisoned, knowing that the 
 greater part of the populace was opposed to them, 
 surrendered almost immediately on the approach of 
 the Christian leader, and while he encamped with his 
 forces under the walls, waiting, according to stipu- 
 
 ' Radulph. Caaom. cap. 33 ; Guibert, lib. iii. ; Will. Tyr. 
 
 2 A.11 the authors of the day that I have been abl^- to meet with declare 
 this e.xpedition of Baldwin and Tancred to have been voluntary. Mills 
 orily,a.s far as I can discover, attributes their conduct U» an order re- 
 ceived froiTi others I mark the circumstance more particularly, be- 
 cause, under my view of the case, 'he fact of Tancred and his compa- 
 nions having; separated themselves from the rest of the host, after such 
 immense fatiirues, abandoning repose and comfort, and seeking new 
 dangers and fresh privations, is one of the most extraordinary instances 
 on record of the effect of the chivalrous spirit of the age. Under this 
 point of view, all the historians of that time saw the enterprise which 
 they have recorded ; but Mills, writing in the least chivalrous of a! 
 epochs, has reduced the wn le to a corporal-like obedience of orders 
 
 3 Albert of Aix, lib iii. ; Radulph. cai>. 37. 
 
128 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 lation, for the arrival of Boemond, his banner was 
 hoisted upon the towers of the town.* Scarcely had 
 this been done when Baldwin also appeared, and at 
 first, the two armies, each conceiving the other to be 
 an enemy, prepared to give one another battle. The 
 mistake was soon discovered, and Tancred welcomed 
 his comrade in arms to Tarsus. The feelings of 
 Baldwin, however, were less chivalric than those of 
 the noble chief of Otranto, and the banner of Tan- 
 cred flying on the walls of Tarsus was an object 
 that he could not long endure. After passing a day 
 or two in apparent amity, he suddenly demanded 
 possession of the city, declaring, that as he led the 
 superior force, he was entitled to command. Tan- 
 cred scofled at the absurd pretence, and both par- 
 ties liad nearly betaken themselves to arms.^ The 
 noble moderation of the Italian leader brought about 
 a temporary reconciliation. He agreed that the peo- 
 ple of the city themselves should be referred to, and 
 choose the chief to whom they would submit. This 
 was accordingly done, and the inhabitants histantly 
 fixed upon the knight to whom they had first surren- 
 dered.^ But Baldwin was yet unsatisfied; and aftei 
 having made a proposal to sack and pillage the town, 
 which was rejected with scorn and abhorrence by 
 his more generous fellow-soldier, he caballed with 
 the citizens and the Turks, till he won them to throw 
 down Tancred's banner, and yield themselves to him. 
 Mortified, indignant, even enraged, the steady pur* 
 pose of right within the bosom of the chief of Otranto 
 maintained him still in that undeviating course of 
 rectitude which he had always pursued ; and, re- 
 solved not to imbrue a swori drawn for honour and 
 religion in the blood of his fellow-christians,'' he 
 withdrew his forces from before Tarsus, and turned 
 his arms against Mamistra. The Turks here, moie 
 
 > Albert of Aix, lib. lii. ; Guibert ; Will. Tyr. 
 
 2 Radulphus, cap. 38. 3 Albert of Aix ; Guibert, lib. iiL 
 
 4 Radulphus; Albert of Aix ; Guibert of Nogent. 
 
 ii 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 129 
 
 bold Uiaii those of the former city, beheld his ap- 
 proach unawed, and held out the town for several 
 days, till at length it fell by storm, and the victorious 
 chief planted his banner on those walls with far 
 more honourable glory than that which surrounded 
 the standard of Baldwin at Tarsus. 
 
 In the mean while, another body of crusaders, de- 
 tached from the troops of Boemond, arrived before 
 the city in which Baldwin had established himself, 
 and demanded entrance, or at least assistance and 
 provisions. Baldwin' cruelly caused the gates to be 
 shut upon them ; and had it not been for the charita- 
 ble care of some of the Christian inhabitants, who let 
 them down wine and food from the walls, they would 
 have been left to expire of want. A fate hardly bet- 
 ter awaited them. The Turks had still, by their ca- 
 pitulation, maintained possession of several of the 
 towers of Tarsus, but fearful of the superior force of 
 Baldwin, they sought but a fair opportunity to es- 
 cape without pursuit. The very night that the de- 
 tachment of which I have spoken.above arrived, the 
 Turks carried their intentions into effect,^ and find- 
 ing a small body of Christians sleeping under the walls 
 without defence, they made the massacre of the whole 
 the first step in their flight. The soldiers of Bald- 
 win and the citizens of Tarsus, who had together 
 witnessed, with indignation, the barbarous conduct 
 of the French chieftain, now rose in absolute revolt.'' 
 Baldwin, however, having remained in concealment 
 for a few days, contrived to pacify his followers, and 
 to overawe the city. After this he joined himself to 
 a band of piratical adventurers, who about that time 
 arrived accidentally at Tarsus, and who, mingling 
 their lust of prey with some dark and superstitious 
 notions of religion, had turned their course towards 
 ihe Holy Land, in the pleasant hope of serving both 
 
 1 Albert, lib. iii. 2 Albert. 3 Ibid. 
 
 L 
 
130 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY 
 
 God and Mammon with the sword.' With these 
 Baldwin continued to ravage Cilicia, and at length 
 approaching Mamistra, in which Tancred had esta- 
 blished himself, he pitched his tents upon the imme- 
 diate territory of that city. Tancred now gave way 
 to his indignation, and issuing forth, though accom- 
 nanied by ver}^ inferior forces, he attacked Baldwin 
 sword ill hand, when a fierce engagement ensued be- 
 tween the two Christian armies. The struggle was 
 severe but short : the superior numbers of the French 
 prevailed, and Tancred was forced to retreat into the 
 city. On one side, the Prince of Salernum was made 
 prisoner by Baldwin,^ and on the other, Gilbert of Mont- 
 clar was taken ; but the next day, shame for their un- 
 christian dissensions took possession of each chief. 
 Peace was agreed upon ; they embraced in sight of 
 the two hosts ; the captives were exchanged, and, as 
 usual, Satan got the credit of the dispute. Baldwin 
 proceeded, after this, to join the main army, and left 
 his piratical associates to aid Tancred in laying waste 
 the country. 
 
 During these events the great body of the crusade 
 had remained for some time at Antiochetta, where 
 the people continued to acquire new health and 
 strength, in the enjoyment of that tranquillity and 
 abundance which had been so long withheld from 
 them. Not so the chiefs, two of whom^ — and those 
 of the most distinguished — had nearly, in this period 
 of repose and peace, found that death which they had 
 so often dared in .he midst of battle and hardship. 
 
 Godfrey of Bouillon, in delivering a pilgrim from 
 the attack of a huge^ bear in the woods of Antio- 
 cheita, had almost fallen a victim to his chivalrous 
 courage: he received so many wounds, that even 
 after having slain his ferocious adversary, he could 
 
 I Albert : Raoul de Caen. See also Fulcher, who was chaplain t« 
 Baldwin. 2 Albert of Aix; Raoul of Caen. 
 
 3 Albert of .\i.x ; William ofTvre; Raimond d'Agiles. 
 * Albert cf Ai.v ; William of Tvr? 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 131 
 
 not diaj^ himself from the forest to the camp ; and 
 remained long and dangerously ill in consequence. 
 At the same time, the Count of Toulouse was seized 
 with a violent fever, which brought him to the brink 
 of the grave. He was taken from his bed and laid 
 upon the ground — as was customary among the pil- 
 grims at the hour of death, that they might expire with 
 all humility — and the Bishop of Orange administered 
 the last sacraments of the church :' but a certain 
 Count of Saxe, who accompanied the army, came to 
 visit the leader of the Provengals, and told him that 
 St. Giles (the patron saint of the Counts of Toulouse) 
 had twice appeared to him in a dream, assuring him 
 that so valuable a life should be spared to the cru- 
 saders. 
 
 Whether from the effect of that most excellent me- 
 dicine, hope, or from a natural turn in his disease, the 
 count suddenly began to recover, and before long was 
 sufficiently well to accompany the army in a litter. 
 The chiefs of the crusade now directed their march 
 towards Antioch, suffering not a little from the deso- 
 late state of the country, which, devastated on every 
 side by the Turks, afforded no means of supplying the 
 immense multitude that followed the standard of the 
 Cross. After passing Iconium and Heraclea, their 
 fatigues were destined to increase rather than di- 
 minish. Their road now lay through uninhabited 
 wilds, which Robert the Monk describes in language 
 at once picturesque and terrific.^ " They travelled," 
 says he, "with deplorable suffering through moun- 
 tains where no path was to be found except the paths 
 of reptiles and savage beasts, and where the passages 
 afforded no more space than just sufficient to place 
 one foot before the other, in tracks shut in between 
 rocks and thorny bushes. The depths of the preci- 
 pices seemed to sink down to the centie of the earth, 
 
 1 Raimond d'Agiles. 
 
 2 Robert. Mon. lib. iii. Albert of Aix. Guibert 
 
132 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 while the summits of the mountains appeared to rise 
 up to the firmament. The knights and men-at-arms 
 walked forward with uncertain steps, the armour 
 being slung over their shoulders, and each of them 
 acting as a foot-soldier, for none daied mount his 
 horse. Many would willingly have sold their hel- 
 mets, their breastplates, or their shields, had they 
 found any one to buy, and some, wearied out, cast 
 down their arms, to walk more lightly. No loaded 
 horses could pass, and the men were obliged to carry 
 the whole burdens. None could stop or sit down : 
 none could aid his companion, except where the 
 one who came behind might sometimes help the 
 person before him, though those that preceded 
 could hardly turn the head towards those that fol- 
 lowed. Nevertheless, having traversed these horri- 
 ble paths, or rather these pathless wildernesses, they 
 arrived at length at the city named Marasia, the in 
 habitants of which received them with joy and re- 
 spect." 
 
 At Marasch the host was rejoined by Baldwin, 
 whose wife died a few days before his arrival. His 
 brother Godfrey,' too, was still suffering from the 
 effects of his combat with the wild beast, and all the 
 chiefs of the crusade, indignant at his conduct at Tar- 
 sus, gave him but a chilling and gloomy reception.-' 
 The spirit of individual aggrandizement was still the 
 strongest passion in the breast of Baldwin, and the 
 coldness of his companions in arms yielded him no 
 great encouragement to stay and employ his efforts 
 for the general object of the expedition, rather than 
 for the purposes of his own selfish ambition. He 
 very soon abandoned the rest of the chiefs, contriv- 
 ing to seduce two hundred knights, and a large party 
 of foot-soldiers, to join him ; and as his course was 
 thenceforth separate from the rest of the crusaders, 
 I shall follow the example of Guibert, and briefly' 
 
 Albert of Aix 2 William of Tyre 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 133 
 
 trace it out, till it falls again into the general stream 
 of events. 
 
 •Accompanied by Pancrates,^ an Armenian, who 
 painted in glowing colours the wealth of the provinces 
 on the other side of the Euphrates,^ and the facility 
 with which they might be conquered, he set out with 
 the vague hope of plundering something and over- 
 coming some one, he knew not well what or whom. 
 However, his skill as a commander was certain to 
 find matter on v/hich to exercise itself, in a country 
 possessed by an active enemy, while his rapacious 
 propensities were very likely to be gratified in a rich 
 and plentiful land, where the many were oppressed 
 by the few. TurbesseP and Ravendel fell imme- 
 diately into his hands, and were at first placed under 
 the command of his companion, Pancrates ; but be- 
 ginning to suspect that personage, he forced him to 
 deliver up the cities, by imprisonment, torture, and a 
 threat of having him torn hmb from limb.^ He then 
 passed onward, crossed the Euphrates, and at the 
 invitation of Thoros, sovereign of Edessa, entered 
 that city, to free it from the power of the Turks. 
 Thoros, a weak and childless old man, was driven by 
 the inhabitants — who were terrified at their infidel 
 neighbours, and had no confidence in their feeble 
 monarch — to adopt the brother of Godfrey, with all 
 the curious ceremonies then practised on such occa- 
 sions. He passed his own shirt over Baldwin's 
 shoulders,^ pressed him to his naked breast, and pub- 
 licly declared him his son.^ 
 
 The transactions that followed are very obscure, 
 and as I have not been able to satisfy myself in re- 
 gard to the share which Baldwin had in the tumults 
 that succeeded, and the death of Thoros, I will but 
 state the facts, without attempting to trace them to 
 
 1 Albert ofAix. 
 
 2 The population of these countries was in general Christian. 
 
 3 Fulcher : Albert. 4 Albert ; Guibert, lib. iii. 
 5 Guibert. 6 Albert. 
 
131 H-ISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 secret causes/which are now hidden in the dark ta- 
 bernacle of the pas>;. Something we know — Baldwin 
 was ambitious, unscrupulous, intriguing, cruel — and 
 shortly after his arrival, the people of Edessa rose 
 against their unhappy prince, slew him, and elected 
 Baldwin in his place. It does not absolutely appear 
 that Baldwin was the instigator of these riots, or the 
 prompter of the death of Tlioros ; but it does appear 
 that he did not exert himself as he might have done 
 to put them down. That it was in his power to sup- 
 press them is evinced by the rapidity with which he 
 reduced the Edessians' to the most submissive obe- 
 dience, immediately that the rank for which he had to 
 contend was his own. He afterward proceeded to 
 aggrandize his dominions, by attacking various of 
 the neighbouring cities, and thus, in continual strug- 
 gles, he passed his days, till some time after his com- 
 panions in arms had completed their conquest of the 
 Holy Land. 
 
 In the mean while, Tancred took possession of the 
 whole country as far as the town of Alexandretta, in 
 the Gulf of Ajasse ; and the great army of the cru- 
 sade continued its march, throwing forward Robert 
 of Flanders to seize on Artesia.^ The Mahommedan 
 soldiery prepared to resist ; but the Armenian inha- 
 bitants opened the gates to their Christian deliverers, 
 and the infidels were massacred without mercy. On 
 the news of this event, Baghasian, the commander 
 of the Turkish garrison of Antioch, apparently not 
 knowing the immediateproximity of the whole Chris- 
 tian forcN, endeavoured to cut off, by stratagem, the 
 small army of the Count of Flanders, who was accom- 
 panied by only one thousand knights. For this pur- 
 pose the Turk advanced from Antioch,^ followed by 
 nearly twenty thousand horsemen, whom he placed 
 m ambush in a plain near the city, while he himself, 
 
 • Guibert, lib. iii.; where see the manner in which Baldwin contrivad 
 to subjugate the inhabitants. 
 2 Albert of A.ix. 3 Guibert 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 135 
 
 at tlie head of a petty detachment, aniied alone with 
 bows of horn,' advanced as if to reconnoitre the 
 Christian troops. Robert of Flanders and his knights 
 suffered themselves to be deceived, and charged the 
 enemy, who fled before them, but in a moment they 
 were surrounded by immensely superior numbers, 
 who, with terrific cries, rushed on, to what appeared 
 a certain victory. The gallantry^ and courage of 
 the Christian warriors served to deliver them from 
 the danger into which the excess of that very cou- 
 rage had brought them, and charging the Turks with 
 vigour in one decided direction, they succeeded in 
 cutting their way through, and effecting their retreat 
 to the city. 
 
 Here, however, they were besieged by the enemy ; 
 but the arrival of Tancred, on his return from his 
 victorious expedition, together with reinforcements 
 from the main army, relieved them from the pre- 
 sence of the Turks, who retreated upon Antioch. 
 
 1 Albert. 
 
 2 Mills declares, that the ClirisJiaiis iverc rescued from this ambus- 
 ;"aii; by ilie arrival of Tancred. I find the account of Albert of Ai.x 
 ffV.iUv oi)i!()s;Mi 10 such a statement ; while the passage in Raoul of Caen 
 relating to this event is so full of errors in other respects, that no reliancfl 
 could be placed upon it, even if it justified the assertion of Mills, which, 
 however, it does not do. He states, that Tancred arrived long before tha 
 ambuscade, and that he tbund Baldwin at Artesia. By this he might 
 mean Baldwin de Bourg, who, after the other Baldwin became King of 
 Jerusalem, was also created Count of Edessa ; but this interpretation 
 cannot be admitted here, as he mentions the former disputes between 
 the soldiers of Tancred and of the Baldwin to whom he refers, and who 
 could therefore be none other than the brother of Godfrey, who was, we 
 know, in Edessa at the time. We may therefore conclude, that as a 
 principal part of this account is notoriously false, Raoul of Caen cannot 
 be considered as any authority, so far as this event is concerned. Find 
 in£^ the statement of Tancred's assistance here not confirmed by any 
 ciier £Ood authority, I have abided by the account of Albert 
 
13fi HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 The Host of the Ci-uvude invests Aiitioch — Description of that Ciip^-* 
 Dijicv.lties and Errors of the Crusaders — Improvidence — Famine — 
 Spiet — Desertions — Embassy from the Calif of Egypt — Succoi:ra 
 from the Genoese and Pisans— Battle— Feats of the Christian 
 Knights— Boemond keeps vj) a Communication within the Town — 
 The Town betrayed to the Christians— Massacres — Arrival of an 
 Ar?ny from Persia — The Christians besieged in Antioch — Famine 
 — Desertions— Visio?is — Reneu-ed Enthusiasm — Dim inished Forces 
 of the Christians — Battle of Antio'h — The Crusaders victorious — 
 Spoils — Disputes with the Coimt of Toulouse — The Chiefs determine 
 to repose at Antioch — Ambassadors sent to Alexius — Fate (f their 
 Embassy. 
 
 The army now began to approach towards An- 
 tioch ; and it was evident, that the task which the 
 champions oftheCrosshad undertaken was becoming 
 more and more difficult, as it drew near its consum- 
 mation. The host was proceeding further and fur- 
 ther from all resources ; its enemies were gathering 
 strength and falling back upon fresh supplies ; mul- 
 titudes of the invaders had died, and others were 
 each day joining the dead : little hope of fresh rein- 
 forcements could be entertained, and the flame of 
 enthusiasm was waxing dim, while fatigue, privation, 
 and continual anxiety were gradually bringing dis- 
 gust to the enterprise. The council of leaders,' well 
 aware of the increasing dangers, now issued orders 
 that in future no party whatever should absent itself 
 from the main body ; and all considerable detach- 
 ments having rejoined it, they marched on to the val- 
 ley of the Orontes. Over that river a stone bridge 
 of nine arches was the only passage: this was 
 strongly fortified, and closed with doors plated wit} 
 iron, from which circumstance it had received the 
 name of th-e iron-bridge. The Turks defended this 
 
 1 Albert of Aix. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 137 
 
 formidable position with ^eat valour against Robert, 
 Duke of Normandy, who commanded the advance 
 guard of the crusading army ; but on the arrival of 
 Godfrey and the otiier forces, the bridge was carried, 
 the river passed, and Antioch invested. 
 
 In the vast plain situated at the foot of the moun- 
 tains,' tlie Orontes wanders on towards the sea, 
 skirting, during a part of its course, the steep boun- 
 dary which closes in the plain of Antioch from the 
 south. On one of the bendings of the river was 
 situated the town of Antioch, which, climbing up the 
 hills, took within the embrace of its massy walls 
 three high peaks of the mountain, one of which 
 standing towards the north is separated from the 
 others by a steep precipice, and was then crowned 
 by a high and almost impregnable citadel.^ The 
 town itself, which extended in length two miles, was 
 so strongly fortified by art and nature, that none of 
 the active means then known seemed likely to take 
 it by assault. The walls of the city were not abso- 
 lutely washed by the Orontes ; for between them and 
 that river was a space of level ground, the breadth 
 of which Raimond d'Agiles estimates at an arrow's 
 flight ; but, as the river turned in its course, it ap- 
 proached nearer to the town, and an antique bridge,'* 
 which the crusaders at first neglected to secure, gave 
 infinite facility to the Turks, both in annoying the'u 
 adversaries, and in procuring supplies. On the othei 
 side, spreading from the river to the foot of the> 
 mountains, was a marsh supplied constantly by some 
 fresh springs. Over this also was thrown a bridge, 
 which equally remained in the hands of the infidels. 
 
 The encampment of the crusaders was conducted 
 without any degree of military science.* Various 
 points were left open and unguarded; each chief 
 seemed to choose his own situation, and form his 
 oAvn plan of attack ; and the most scandalous waste 
 
 1 Raimond d'Agiles. 2WiIl.Tyr. Raimond. 3 Albert of Aix. 
 4 Raimond ; Guibert of Kogent. 
 
188 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 and profusion from the very first laid the foundation 
 of after want and miseiy. 
 
 Such were the obstacles which impeded the pro- 
 gress ©f the forces of the Cross, and which might ul- 
 timately have rendered all their efforts abortive, had 
 not other circumstances arisen to bring about an 
 event that their own skill and conduct would never 
 have accomplished. It is not necessary here to de- 
 scribe the position of the s-everal leaders : suffice it, 
 that Tatin, as he is called by the writers of that day, 
 the commander of the troops of Alexius, took up his 
 station in a spot detached from the rest. Three 
 hundred thousand men capable of bearing arms,^ sat 
 down under the walls of Antioch ; and such a pro- 
 fusion of provisions was found, even for this im- 
 mense multitude, that the greater part of each animal 
 slaughtered was wasted, the crusaders in the wan- 
 tonness of luxury refusing to eat any but particular 
 parts of the beast.^ 
 
 Such was the formidable appearance of the city, 
 however, that a council was held to consider whether 
 it would be advisable to attack it at once, or, rernain- 
 ing beneath the walls, to wait and see if famine 
 would spare the work of the sword, or spring bring 
 fresh resources to the besiegers. This opinion was 
 soon negatived, and the attack began ; but the wails 
 of Antioch resisted all efforts. Every means then 
 known was employed by the crusaders to batter the 
 heavy masonry of those mighty bulwarks, but m 
 vain. Moveable towers, and catapults, and mango- 
 nels, and battering-rams, were all used ineffectually ; 
 while the besieged, in a variety of sallies, harassed 
 night and day the Christian camp, and destroyed 
 many of the assailants. 
 
 The consequences^ of their first improvidence 
 were s(»on bitterly visited on the heads of the cu- 
 
 1 Raimond ; Albert says six hundred thousand ; Guibert of Nogent 
 
 2 Raimond. 
 
 3 Raimond d'Aifiles ; Albert d'Aix ; Guibert de Nogent, lib. iv.; Robert. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 139 
 
 saders. Famine began to spread in the camp ; and 
 pestilential diseases, engendered by unwholesome 
 food and the neighbourhood of a large tract of 
 marshy land, in the autumn and winter seasons, 
 raged through the hosts of tlie Cross, and slew more 
 fearfully even than the arrows of the enemy. Death 
 in every shape grew familiar to their eyes, and the 
 thought of passing to another world lost all the salu- 
 tary horror which is so great a check on vice. 
 Crimes of various descriptions were common;' and 
 the sharp urgency of famine, joined with that hor- 
 rible contempt of all human ties, which the extreme 
 of mortal need alone can bring, induced many of the 
 crusaders, deprived of other aliments, to feed upon 
 the dead bodies of the slain.^ At the same time, 
 the Turks suffered not their miseries to pass without 
 aggravation, but kept the unsparing sword constantly 
 at their throats;^ while, by a number of spies, 
 dressed in the garb of Greeks and Armenians, the 
 garrison became aware of all the movements and 
 necessities of their besiegers."* To correct the 
 crimes of the camp, a court was instituted, with full 
 power to try and punish ; while, to prevent the im- 
 morality which was growing too glaring for en- 
 durance, the women were separated from the general 
 host, and provided for and protected apart. 
 
 At the same time, Boeniond employed a some- 
 what savage mode of freeing the army from the 
 spies by which it was infested. Having detected 
 some Turks in disguise, he caused them to be slain 
 and roasted in his presence ; declaring, that famine 
 knew no delicacies, and that in future he should 
 feed upon such fare. Still, however, the mortality 
 and the dearth increased; and though an excursion 
 made by Boemond^ and Robert of Flanders brought 
 
 < Raimond d'Agiles ; Albert of Aix ; Guibert de Nogent. 
 2 Malmsbury. 3 Albert ; Raimond d'AgilMk 
 
 4 Guibert de Nogent ; Robertas Monachus, lib. iv 
 6 Guibert; Albert; Robert. Mon. 
 
140 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 a temporary supply to the camp, yet that was soon 
 improvidently wasted like the rest, and the scarcity 
 became more rigorous than ever. Desertion of 
 course followed.' Among- such a multitude, there 
 were many whose hearts were not of that firm and 
 all-enduring mould which could alone carry on an 
 enterprise surrounded by such horrors and distresses. 
 Taticius,-^ the Greek, upon pretence of searching foi 
 assistance at Constantinople, retreated with the few 
 tioops he commanded ; and his example was fatal to 
 the resolution of many others. Various bodies of 
 crusaders abandoned the army, and found refuge in 
 the different Christian states that still subsisted in 
 the neighbouring countries : many tried to tread their 
 way back to Europe ; and the Count de Melun,^ a 
 celebrated warrior, but a notorious plunderer, at- 
 tempted to quit the host of the Cross, and seek some 
 other adventure, where personal danger was not 
 accompanied by famine and privation. Even Peter 
 the Hermit himself,-* no longer looked upon as a great 
 leader or an inspired preacher, seeing misery, death, 
 and horror pursuing the object of all his enthusiasm, 
 and feeling himself, perhaps, less valued than his 
 zeal merited, was abandoned by that ardour which 
 had been his great support. Whereas, had he been 
 still regarded as a prophet, or folloAved as a mighty 
 chief, he would probably have borne the extremity 
 of suffering without a murmur ; now, told to endure 
 want and wretchedness as a private individual, he 
 yielded, like the weakest of those that surrounded 
 him, and tried to flee from the pangs which be had no 
 stimulus to endure. Both of these fugitives^ were 
 brought back by Tancred ; and after undergoing a 
 severe reprimand, were forced to vow that they would 
 
 • Raimond d'Agiles. 
 
 2 Ibid ; Guibert ; Robertus Monachw? 
 
 3 Guibert says he was a boasting coward ; but this is contradicted by 
 others. 
 
 4 Guibert de Nogent ; Robert 
 
 6 Guibert ; Robertus Monachus, hb. iv 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 141 
 
 never abandon the enterprise till the army had reached 
 Jerusalem. 
 
 In the mean while,' the camp of the crusaders re- 
 ceived embassies from two different and unexpected 
 quarters. Which arrived first, or at what period of 
 the sieg-e either arrived, is of little consequence, and 
 impossible exactly to determine; for on this subject, 
 as well as every other collateral circumstance, each 
 of the contemporary authors differs from his fellows; 
 and the historian may think himself fortunate when 
 he finds them agreeing even on the principal facts. 
 The news of the progress of the Christian host had 
 spread even to Cairo ;^ and the calif of Egypt, from 
 whose hands Syria had been wrested by the Turks, 
 sent deputies to the leaders of tlie crusade, probably 
 more with the intent of ascertaining their real con- 
 dition, and the likelihood of their ultimate success, 
 than for the purpose of binding- himself to them by 
 any formal treaty. His messeng-ers, however, were 
 charged to congratulate the Latins on their progi'ess, 
 and to offer the most advantageous terms of union, 
 if they would consent to act in concert with the 
 Egyptian power. They ^ detailed the mild and liberal 
 measures which the calif had employed towards 
 the Christians of their country, and they engaged the 
 leaders to send back ambassadors to the court of their 
 sovereign.'' 
 
 After the siege had continued some time, a most 
 
 1 Robert. Monac. 2 Albert of Aix. 
 
 3 Raimond d'Agiles; Vertot ; Giiibert; William of Tyre. 
 
 4 This is one of the points on which the authorities of the day are in 
 direct opposition to each other. Mills has chosen the opinion of Ro- 
 bytus Monachus, who states that the messao:e of the calif was haughty 
 and insol'int. I have followed another version of the story, because I 
 find it supported by a greater weight of evidence, and because I do not 
 think the calif would have taken the trouble of sending all the way from 
 Egypt to insult a party of men whose persevering conduct showed that 
 they were not likely to be turned back by words. Guibcrt says, that the 
 calif promised even to embrace the Christian faith, in case the crusaders 
 overcame the Turks, and restored to him liis Syrian dominions. Albert 
 of Aix also vouches the same proposal, which, however improbable 
 «nigbt have been made for the purpose oC deceiving the crusaders 
 
142 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 welcome aid, both in men and stores, arrived at the 
 little port of St. Simeon, situated at the mouth of 
 the Orontes. This town had already, for many years, 
 served as a seaport to Antioch, which, in its high 
 prosperity,' had carried on considerable trade with 
 the Italian cities of the Mediterranean; and to it the 
 states of Genoa and Pisa now sent a large rein- 
 forcement of soldiers,^ and several ship-loads of pro- 
 visions. 
 
 The famished crusaders proceeded towards the 
 spot in straggling crowds, and Boemond,^ with the 
 Count of Toulouse, at the head of some regular troops, 
 marched down to escort their newly arrived brethren, 
 and the supplies they were conveying, to the general 
 camp of the crusaders. The Turks of Antioch, 
 however, let no opportunity of vengeance and annoy- 
 ance pass unemployed. Boemond, embarrassed with 
 a multitude of rabble, and encumbered with baggage, 
 was encountered, as he returned through the moun- 
 tains, by a large body of Moslems, who, taking him 
 unprepared, slew a great number of the people, and 
 put the leaders and their knights to flight. Boemond 
 arrived breathless at the camp, but the rumour of the 
 battle had preceded him. Godfrey of Bouillon'* was 
 already in the saddle ; and now, joined by Raimond 
 and Boemond, together with Hugh of Vennandois, 
 the Duke of Normandy, and Robert of Flanders, he 
 advanced to the top of the hills, behind which the 
 victorious Turks were winding onward, on their re- 
 turn to the city. 
 
 A skirmish took place for the position on the 
 mountains, but the Christians obtained it with littje 
 difficulty ; and thus cut off the enemy from the town.^ 
 The Turks were forced to fight once more ; but they 
 were opposed no longer by an undisciplined crowd; 
 and the Chivalry of Europe never displayed that 
 
 1 Robertson's Historical Disquisition on India. 
 
 2 Robert, lib. iv. 3 Albert of Aix. 
 
 4 Albert ; Robert. Men « Albert of Aix, lib. iii 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 143 
 
 almost superhuman valour' which distinguislied them, 
 with greater effect. Allowing even for the exaggera- 
 tion of eulogy, the efforts of the knights must have 
 been extraordinary. Godfrey is reported to have 
 mown the heads of the Turks as a mower strikes 
 down the thistles; and all the authorities of that day 
 repeat the tale of his having at one blow severed an 
 armed infidel in twain, though protected by his cui- 
 rass.2 Every chief rivalled the other; and, beyond 
 all doubt, several of the infidels must have fallen by 
 the hand of each knight. While thus the sword 
 raged among the Turkish host, many made their way 
 to the bridge, and rushed across it in such crowds, 
 that hundreds were thrust over into the water. On 
 the other side, too, Boemond, with a large body of 
 pikemen on foot, opposed their passage,^ and hurled 
 them at the point of the lance into the river, the banks 
 of Avhich were lined with the crusaders, who repelled 
 even those that swam to land.^ Thus lasted the 
 fight till the sun going down put a stop to the 
 carnage ; and the Christians, with songs of victory 
 and loaded with spoil, returned to their camp for the 
 night. More than two thousand men, several of 
 whom were of high rank, were left by the Turks on 
 the field of battle : a multitude found death in the 
 Orontes; but the number of the fallen was nevet 
 correctly ascertained,^ although the Christians, with 
 the characteristic barbarity of the time, dug up many 
 of the dead bodies that the Turks had buried during 
 the night. ^ 
 
 Various efforts both from within and without were 
 made to raise the siege, but in vain. On one occasion 
 an immense body of Saracens, Arabs, and Turks was 
 defeated by seven hundred Christian knights, to which 
 
 1 Robertus, lib. iv. 
 
 2 Robert. ; Albert of Aix, lib. iii. 
 
 3 Guibert; Albert of Aix, lib. iii. 4 Robertas ; Albert. 
 
 5 Five thousand perished on the bridge and in the water, according t» 
 Robert the Monk, 
 fi Robertus Monachus. 
 
144 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 small number' the disposable cavalry of the army 
 was reduced. Famine, however, disease, and tem- 
 pests did more to alarm and destroy the crusading 
 force than all the efforts of the infidels. The winds* 
 became so high that the tents even of the chiefs were 
 blown down, and for some time they were forced to 
 sleep in the open air. An earthquake^ was felt to- 
 wards the beginning- of the year, and was of course 
 considered as an omen. A comet,* too, blazed through 
 the sky ; but as the superstitious fancied they beheld 
 in it the form of the Cross, this rather increased than 
 abated their hope. In the midst of these circum- 
 stances Stephen,^ Count of Blois, never very famous 
 for his valour, pretended illness, and retired from the 
 army of the crusade, accompanied by four thousand 
 men, whom he led to Alexandretta. A more serious 
 desertion, also, was threatened, though no design 
 ever existed of its execution : Boemond*^ himself 
 began to murmur at the length of the siege. He was 
 pool, he declared : he had given up every thing in his 
 native country for the Cross, and he could not waste 
 his blood and treasure, and see all his soldiers fall in 
 a siege which was to be productive of no advantage 
 to himself. Such murmurs had their object, and 
 might perhaps spring, in some degree, from a weak 
 quarrel with Godfrey of Bouillon, on the subject of a 
 tent, which had been sent to the duke by the Prince 
 of Armenia, but which had been waylaid by Pan- 
 crates, the Armenian I have had occasion to mention 
 in speaking of Baldwin ; and had by him been given 
 to Boemond. The Prince of Tarentum had been 
 obliged to yield it by the decision of all the leaders ; 
 but though this was a subject of irritation, he had 
 more ambitious projects in view. 
 
 Boemond for some time, through a proselyte Turk 
 
 1 Guibert mentions previously that the number of horses was reduced 
 to a thousand ; lib. iv. 
 
 2 Robenus ; Guibert. 3 Raimond d'Agiles. 
 4 Guibert, lib. v. ; Fulcher, cap. 7. 
 
 6 Will. Tyr. ; Albert ; FuU^ier, cap. 8. 6 Raimood d'Agiles. 
 
THSTORY OF CHIVALRY. 145 
 
 10 whom he had given his name at baptism, had kept 
 up a communication with the commander of one of 
 the chief towers, on that part of the city wall which 
 looked towards the gorges of the mountains. This 
 man,' by birth an Armenian, had embraced Mahomet- 
 anism, and raised himself high in the opinion of the 
 prince of Antioch. He had in consequence received 
 the command of the important^ station I have men- 
 tioned, while his two brothers occupied the neigh- 
 bouring towers.^ The origin of his communication 
 with Boemond is variously stated, but the event is 
 the same. He was won over by magnificent pro- 
 mises to engage that he would admit that chief and 
 his followers into the town when called upon. 
 
 Boemond, however, did not intend at all that the 
 intelligence which he had thus practised within the 
 walls should be lost to himself, and benefit others 
 alone :"* but knowing^ the jealous nature of his com- 
 panions, he waited patiently till circumstances com- 
 pelled them to concede to him the sovereignty of 
 Antioch, in the event of its being taken by his means. 
 At first the proposal was rejected by the other leaders ; 
 but soon, increasing reports that an immense army, 
 commanded by the warlike sultaun of Persia, was 
 advancing to the relief of the besieged, induced the 
 Christian chiefs, under the distress and despondency 
 which affected the army generally, to concur in the 
 views of the ambitious Prince of Tarentum. Boe- 
 mond then intrusted his secret to Godfrey and the 
 
 ^ William of Tyre says he was a noble Armenian, chief of the tribe 
 ot henizerra, or the sons of the armour-forgers, and calls him Emir 
 Feir. AbouUaragi, however, says he was a Persian, and calls him 
 Biizebach. 
 
 2 Guibert ; Will. Tvr. ; Albert. 3 Guibert. 
 
 4 William of Tyre, hb. v. ; Robert, lib. v. ; Guibert, lib. v. 
 
 5 This transaction is reported variously. Albert of Aix says, that the 
 proposal of Boemond was at once received wth joy. Raoul of Caen 
 gives a different account, and states that the bishop of Puy, on the sug- 
 gestion of Boemond, suggested that the town should be given to hinr. 
 v/ho could first obtain it. Guibert and Robert rel-ate it as I have done 
 above. The archbishop of Tyre declares that no one opposed the pro 
 po-LiI of Boemond but the Count of Toulouse. 
 
 .\r 
 
146 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 Other great leaders, but it was under the most solemn 
 promises of silence' on the subject ; for, notwith- 
 standiu)^ all the precautions that could be taken, it 
 was well known that the Turkish spies infested the 
 Christian camp. With the utmost caution all the 
 measures were concerted for carrying the project into 
 effect, and through the whole army the rumour was 
 spread that the preparations made by the chiefs were 
 for the purpose of laying an ambush for the Persian 
 forces, that were approaching. Phirouz, the Arme- 
 nian traitor, was warned that Boemond was about to 
 take advantage of his olTer; and as soon as night had 
 completely set in, the Prince of Tarentum, with a body 
 of chosen knights, proceeded into the mountains,^ as 
 if with the design of surprising the host of the Per- 
 sians. Only seven hundred men, however, were 
 selected for this perilous expedition ; and marching 
 in the dead of the night, they crossed the valleys and 
 precipices of the rocky chain on which the city rested, 
 and halted in a deep dell at some distance from the 
 walls. The wind was blowing in sharj; gusts, and 
 its bowlings among the gorges of the mountains pre- 
 vented the tramp of the armed men from reaching the 
 watchers on the walls. Having assembled their 
 forces in the valley, Godfrey and Boemond explained 
 to their followers the real nature of the enterprise 
 they meditated. A single interpreter was sent for- 
 ward, to confer with their traitorous coadjutor, and 
 to ascertain that all was prepared. Phirouz assured 
 him that he was ready, and asked eagerly where were 
 the knights ; being told that they were near,' he 
 pressed them to advance, lest any thing should excite 
 the suspicion of the other commanders, especially 
 as, from time to time, men with lighted torches pa- 
 trolled the wall during the night, and it was neces- 
 sar)^ that they should take advantage of tlie interval. 
 
 1 Will. Tvr.; Albert of Aix; Guibert, lib. v. 
 
 2 Albert of Aix; Robertus, lib. v. 
 
 3 Robertus, lib. v., 2d June, A. D. lOyS. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 147 
 
 Godfrey, R jbert of Flanders, and Boemond instantly 
 led the troops to the foot of the fortifications; a rope 
 was let down, and a ladder of hides raised. At 
 first,' no one could be found to mount. Unaccus- 
 tomed to carry on any warlike operations during the 
 nig-ht, a thousand unwonted fears took possession of 
 the bosoms of the crusaders. At leng-th, urged by the 
 chiefs, and encouraged by Phirouz from above, one 
 knight — which of the body is not certain^ — began to 
 ascend the ladder, and was followed by several 
 others. Silence then su -ceeded, and temporary hesi- 
 tation once more took p< ssession of the force below : 
 but the voices of their companions who had ascended, 
 whispering assurances of safety and fidelity, soon 
 renewed their courage, and many attempting to climb 
 the ladder at once,^ it gave way under their weight, 
 precipitating them upon the lance-heads that were 
 buried in the fosse. The clang of their armour as 
 they fell was a new cause of alarm, lest the sound 
 should reach the other towers : so loud, however, 
 was the roaring of the M^ind, and the hollow rushing 
 sound of the Orontes, that the noise was not heard 
 
 « Guibert, lib. V. ; Raimond d'Agiles ; Albert. 
 
 2 There is some reason to believe that Boemond was the first who 
 entered, as stated by William of Tyre ; but as Albert of Aix makes no 
 mention of the facti and as Gnibert de Nogent declares positively that 
 Boemond, who is certainly his favourite hero, did not mount till sixty 
 others had preceded him, as Raimond d'Agiles gives the honour of the 
 feat to Fulcher de Chartres, and as Robert the Monk confirms that asser- 
 tion, I have left the matter in doubt, as I found it. In regard to the story 
 of Phirouz murdering his brother in his sleep, because he would not aid 
 in his design, I believe fully that it was but one of those ornamental 
 falsehoods with which men are ever fond of decorating great and extra- 
 ordinary events. I doubt not that the tale was current in the time of 
 William of Tyre, who reports it ; and the act was, beyond question, 
 looked upon as a noble and devoted or^e on the part of Phirouz ; but as I 
 find nothing to confirm it in any book I possess, except the simple 
 fact of that Armenian having been a traitorous rascal, please Cod, 
 till further evidence I will look upon it all as a lie. Robert the Monk re- 
 presents, in very glowing terms, the grief of Phirouz for the death of 
 his two brothers, who were killed in the m-'Iee. Phirouz became a 
 Christian, at least in name ; and to cover the baseness of his perfidy, he 
 ileclared that the Saviour himself had appeared to h'm ir. a vision, com- 
 manding him to deliver up the town. 
 3 Albert of Aix ; Guibert, lib. v. ; Kaimond d'Agiles. 
 
148 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 by any but those immediately aroimd. The ladder 
 was easily repaired, and more than sixty knights had 
 reached the top of the battlements when the torch of 
 the patrol began to gleam along the walls in its ap- 
 proach towards them. Hid^ in the shadows of the 
 tower, the crusaders waited the officer's approach, 
 and before he could spread the alarm death had fixed 
 the seal of silence on his lips for ever. The knights 
 now descended through the staircase in the masonry, 
 and finding the soldiers of the guard asleep, they 
 speedily rendered their slumbers eternal. A postern 
 gate was then forced open,^ and the seven hundred 
 champions rushed into the city sounding their horns 
 ill every direction, as had been agreed between the 
 chiefs, in order that on this signal the town might be 
 at the same time attacked from without. 
 
 It would be painful to dwell upon the scene of 
 slaughter that ensued. The Turks were soon awa- 
 kened by the slnieks of their falling comrades, and 
 by the trumpets of their victorious foe : they ran to 
 arms,3 and for many hours manfully opposed their 
 conquerors hand to hand, though all hope of victory 
 Avas now over. The Greeks and Armenians has- 
 tened to force open the gates and give entrance to 
 the rest of the army of the Cross : but, in the dark- 
 ness that prevailed, many of the Christians as well 
 as the Turks were slaughtered by the victors, who 
 butchered all ages, sexes, and conditions, with indis- 
 c;riminate rage and haste,-* in which fear and agi- 
 tation had probably as much to do as cruelty and 
 fanaticism. 
 
 During the whole of the night the crusaders con- 
 tinued the massacre of their enemies ; and Albert of 
 Aix^ declares, that the following morning they found 
 they had slain many of their own countrymen by 
 
 1 Albert of Aix, lib. iv. 
 
 2 Guibert ; Albert ; Raimond d'Aglles. 
 
 ^ Raimond ; Robertas Monachus, lib. vi. ; Albert. 
 
 4 Guibert, lib. v 5 Albert of Aix, lib. iy. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 149 
 
 mistake. Such a fact is not difficult to conceive of a 
 Dody of men wandering without guide through a hos- 
 tile town, with the paths of which they were unac- 
 quainted. As ever follows the violent capture of a 
 large city, the soldiery first satisfied themselves with 
 bloodshed, Lnd perhaps added some extra cruelties 
 to gratify tt eir fanaticism, and then betook them- 
 selves to p/under and debauchery ; nevertheless, 
 they committed not greater excesses than we have 
 seen perpetrated in days not very distant from our 
 own, by the troops of civilized nations, without the 
 fiery stimulus of religious zeal for a palliation. 
 
 I mean not to defend the cruelties of the cru- 
 saders, but I mean to say, that they were not extraor- 
 dinary in that age, or in any age that has yet passed : 
 God only knows what may be to come. The cru- 
 saders treated the infidels as the infidels had often 
 treated the Christians ; and as Christians, unhappily, 
 have too often treated Christians like the-mselves. 
 Their plunder was not at all of a more atrocious 
 kind than that which attends every storm; and as 
 to the hypocrisy' with which Mills charges them, 
 that writer quite loses sight of the spirit of the age 
 on which he writes, and metes men's actions by a 
 standard that they never knew. The crusaders were 
 not hypocrites, they were merely fanatics ; and in 
 the relentless fury w4th which they pillaged, injured, 
 and massacred the Turks, they thought they did 
 God as good and pleasing service as in singing 
 praises to him for the victory they had obtained. 
 They were fearfully wrong in their principle, it is 
 true, but still they acted upon principle, and there- 
 fore in this they were not hypocrites. 
 
 Baghasian, the Turkish prince of Antioch,^ fled 
 with a part of his troops to the citadel, but finding 
 that security could not long be found within the 
 walls of the town, he escaped alone to the moun- 
 
 1 See Mills's History of the Crusades. 
 
 2 Rfibertiis Monachus, lib vi.: Guiberl • Fulcher ; A'b;;rt 
 
150 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 tains, where he was waylaid by some Syrian Chris- 
 tians and slain. His head, with all the venerable 
 marks of extreme age, was struck off by his slayers, 
 and carried, with his rich sword-belt, into Antioch, 
 where it proved an acceptable present to the rude 
 victors. 
 
 Though much spoil' of various kinds was found in 
 Antioch, little that could satisfy the cravings of hun- 
 ger had been left by the Turks. They, themselves 
 closely blockaded, had been driven nearly to want ; 
 and the Christians soon began to suffer from the 
 very precautions they had formerly taken against 
 their enemies. In the first joy of their conquest, too, 
 the little discipline that ever existed in a chivalrous 
 host was completely relaxed, and before it could be 
 sufficiently restored for necessary measures to be 
 taken in order to procure supplies, famine was in the 
 city, and the liosts of the Persian sultaun^ encamped 
 beneath the walls. 
 
 The invasion of tlie Christians, the fall of Nice, 
 and the siege of Antioch had spread consternation 
 through the empires of the Crescent ; and the mo- 
 narch of Persia had roused himself from the con- 
 temptuous sloth in which he had first heard of the 
 crusades, and raised an immense army, to sweep 
 away, as the Moslem expressed it, the band of locusts 
 that had fallen upon the land. 
 
 Kerboga, or Corbohan, as he v/as named by the 
 Christians, the emir of Mosul, and favourite of the 
 calif, took the command of the army; and being 
 joined by Kilidge Asian, the sultaun of Roum, with 
 a considerable force, proceeded at the head of about 
 three hundred thousand men towards Antioch. He 
 v/ould, in all probability have reached that city in 
 time to prevent its fall, had he not turned from the 
 direct road to ravage the principality of Edessa, and 
 dispossess Baldwin.^ From thence, however, he 
 
 1 Guibert, lib. v. ; Robertus ; Albert. 2 Guibert ; .A^lbert of Aix. 
 * Wrtliam of Tyre ; Albert of Aix. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 151 
 
 was called, before he could accomplish his object, by 
 the news of the Christians' success, and in a few days 
 Antioch was once more invested. The first attempt 
 of the Moslems was to throw supplies into the cita- 
 del, which the Latins had hitherto neglected to at- 
 tack. In this they in some degree succeeded ; and 
 the crusaders, being roused to watchfulness, took 
 what measures they could against further reinforce- 
 ments reaching the castle. 
 
 In the mean while the Christians, who had suffered 
 what appeared the extreme of privation while assail- 
 ing the very walls they now defended, were reduced 
 to a state of famine which beggars all description.' 
 The most noisome animals, the most unsavoury 
 herbs, became dainties at the tables of the great. 
 The horses that remained were slaughtered without 
 consideration, and all virtue and order gave way un- 
 der the pressure of necessity. 
 
 All sorts of vice became rife, and debauchery grew 
 the more horrid from being the debauchery of despair. 
 The Persians, encamped closely round them, had 
 bm-nt the vessels, destroyed the port of St. Simeon, 
 and cut off all communication with the neighbouring 
 country. Nevertheless their guard was not so strict 
 but that many of the crusaders escaped over the 
 walls,^ and fled to the Count of Blois at Alexandretta, 
 excusing their pusillanimity by tales of the horrors 
 they had undergone. Stephen of Blois, now rejoic- 
 ing in his timely evasion, abandoned his comrades 
 altogether, and with the stragglers who had joined 
 him from Antioch, among whom were many knights 
 and nobles of distinction, he retreated towards Con- 
 stantinople.* By the way he encountered a large 
 force commanded by Alexius, who was marching, 
 not to succour the crusaders, whose condition he 
 did not yet know, but to take advantage of their con- 
 
 1 Robertus, lib. vi. ; Albert of Aix, lib. iv.; William of Tyro 
 
 2 Robertus Monachus, lib. vi. ; Guibert, lib. v. 
 
 3 Albert of AU. 
 
15'Z HISTORY OF CHIVALRV. 
 
 quests. The cowardly monarch, in deep sympathy 
 ndth the cowardly fugitives, tu)ned his back upon 
 Antioch he moment he heard of its danger, and 
 pursued li is journey towards his capital, forcing along 
 vvith h m a considerable body of French and Italian 
 crusaders, who, under the command of Guy,' the 
 brother of Boemond, had been advancing to the aid 
 of their brethren. The news of Alexius's approach 
 had filled the hearts of the besieged with joy, and 
 the tidings of his retreat of course cast them into 
 still deeper despair. The soldiers forgot their ho- 
 nour and abandoned their posts, hiding in the house? 
 and avoiding every thing that called them into acti- 
 vity. As a last resource to drive them to their duty, 
 Bo"emond2 set fire to parts of the town where they 
 were supposed principally to linger ; but hope seemed 
 extinguished in every breast, and though the inferior 
 troops returned to some degree of energy, yet the 
 leaders knew full well that without succour — and no 
 succour was near — nothing short of a miracle could 
 save them from their distress. Within the Avails 
 they starved,^ and died, and wasted ; and they could 
 hardly be expected to issue forth upon the enemy, 
 when Godfrey himself, their noblest leader, and 
 tacitly their chief, was destitute of even a horse to 
 carry him to the battle. At the same time, from the 
 walls of the city, the luxuries of the Turkish camp 
 might be beheld in tantalizing splendour.'* Gold and 
 jewels, and rich silks, and beautiful horses, and gay 
 seraglios, seemed rather indications of some joyous 
 company than of a fierce besieging army. Troops 
 of cattle, too, of all kinds, were seen feeding round 
 about, while the acute tooth of famine was gnaw- 
 ing the entrails of those who stood and looked upon 
 all the magnificence and profusion before them. 
 Many even of the leaders of the crusade^ were 
 
 1 Robertus, vi. ; Albert of Aix. 2 Gnibert. 
 
 3 Guibert; Fulciier ; Albert, lib. iv. 4 Guihert, lib. y, 
 
 6 Albert of Aix lib iv 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 153 
 
 reduced to absolute beggary, and several became 
 completely dependent on the bounty of Godfrey for 
 mere food, till he himself had no more to give. The 
 people, accustomed to privation, still in some degree 
 bore up, but the knights themselves gave way, and 
 had it not been for the noble firmness of Adhemar, 
 Bishop of Puy, Godfrey, Raimond, Boemond, and 
 Tancred, the whole of the barons would have fled, 
 and left the people to their fate.' 
 
 The chiefs I have named, however, never ceased 
 their exertions. They bound themselves by the most 
 solemn vows not to abandon each other or the 
 cause they had undertaken; and Tancred, always 
 the first where chivalrous enthusiasm was concerned, 
 pledged himself by oath not to turn back from the 
 road to Jerusalem so long as forty knights would 
 follow his banner. At length superstition came to 
 animate the courage of the soldiery. Visions were 
 seen promising victory to those who endured to the 
 last. The apostles, the saints, and even the Saviour 
 appeared to many of the priests, who took care 
 that their miraculous visitations should be noised 
 abroad. 2 
 
 Whether originating in the policy of the leaders, 
 or in the cunning of the lower order of priests, these 
 supernatural consolations had a prodigious effect 
 upon people who, their reliance on every earthly 
 means being gone, w^ere fain to turn to heaven. En- 
 thusiasm, supported by superstition, proved a most 
 excellent nurse to hope. Activity, energy, resolu- 
 tion, returned ; and the wan and ghastly herds de- 
 manded loudly to be led against the enemy. One 
 more pious fraud^ was destined to be committed be- 
 fore tire troops were brought to the last resource of 
 an almost hopeless battle. A clerk of Provence, 
 serving under Raimond of Toulouse, sought out the 
 chiefs of the armament, and declared that St. An- 
 
 1 Albert. 2 Guibert ; Fulcher ; Albert. 
 
 « Raimond d'Agiles ; Fulcher ; William of Tyre ; Albert • Guibert. 
 
154 HISTOXY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 drew the Apostle had manifested himself in avisioB; 
 and had revealed to him that the lance with which 
 our Saviour's side was pierced, at the crucifixion, 
 might be found in a certain spot in the church of St. 
 Peter of Antioch. Accompanied by this holy relic 
 the army was directed by the saint to issue forth 
 upon the Saracens with assurances of victory. 
 
 The P»-hop of Puy,' whose religious feelings were 
 of too pure a kind to practise, or even countenance, 
 such cheats, declared that the tale must be f;:lse, 
 and several chiefs agreed with him in opinion :^ but 
 Raimond of Toulouse and others strongly supported 
 the story; and the whole of the leaders soon became 
 convinced that good policy required the lance should 
 be found, a battle seeming the only resource. As no 
 support could be given to the bodies of the ema- 
 ciated troops, it was as w^ell, also, to stimulate their 
 minds as far as possible. 
 
 The lance was therefore sought for in form, and 
 though at first it could not be discovered, because it 
 was not there, it very naturally happened that no 
 sooner did the clerk who had been favoured with 
 the vision descend into the pit,^ than the iron head 
 was perceived, and brought up to the wonder and edi- 
 fication of tlie people. The matter being now de- 
 cided, the hearts of the multitude were all enthu- 
 siasm, a great many more almost sacrilegious visions 
 were seen, fasting and prayer, and the ceremonies 
 of the church were used to excite and increase the 
 popular ardour ; and, in the end, Peter the Hermit 
 was sent out to the camp of Kerboga,'* not to offer 
 Verms of capitulation, but rather to threaten ven- 
 geance, and to bid the Turks depart. The reply of the 
 emir was as contemptuous as might have been ex- 
 pected, and Peter returned with a message that would 
 nave somewhat quelled the daring of the crusaders.) 
 
 1 Fulcher ; Raimond. 2 Radulph. Cadom. 
 
 3 Raimond d'Agiles. 
 
 4 Fulcher ; Raimond ; Albert ; Guibert of Nogent. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 155 
 
 if it had been repeated. This, however, was pre- 
 vented by Godfrey, and eTery preparation made for 
 a battle. ' 
 
 . The citadel,^ I have before said, had remained in 
 the hands of the Turks, who had fled thither on the 
 taking of Antioch. Its commanding situation ena- 
 bled the garrison to see whatever passed in the town ; 
 and the governor being strictly enjoined to give due 
 notice to the army of Kerboga of all the Christian 
 movements, on the morning of the 28th of June, A. D. 
 1098, a black flag,^ hoisted on the highest tower of 
 that fortress, announced to the besiegers that the 
 Latins were about to march out and attack them. 
 
 The army of the Cross presented but a miserable 
 sight; the ghastly hand of famine had wrought hor- 
 ribly on the wan countenances of the soldiery. Of 
 all the fair Chivalry of Europe, whose heavy horses 
 and steel-clad limbs had crushed like the fall of a 
 mountain every thing that opposed them, but two 
 hundred knights appeared mounted as was their 
 wont.* Those who could get them were glad to go 
 forth upon mules and asses ; some having sold or lost 
 their arms, were furnished with the small shields and 
 scimitars taken from the Turks; and Godfrey of 
 Bouillon himself rode the borrowed horse of the 
 Count of Toulouse, who was left to guard the town. 
 In this state of wretchedness, the crusading army 
 marched out against a splendid force, which, at the 
 beginning of the siege amounted to more than three 
 hundred thousand fighting men, and had every day 
 been increasing.* Nevertheless, all was enthusiasm 
 in the Christian ranks. The priests in their ponti- 
 fical robes,^ bearing crosses and holy banners, min- 
 gled with the soldiers, and, singing hymns of joy, 
 already taught them to anticipate victory. The 
 
 1 Albert of Aix ; Raimond d'Agiles ; Will. Tjt. 
 
 2 Albert of Aix. 
 
 3 Albert of Aix ; Guibert, lib. iii. 
 
 bert of Ai.K. 5 Guibert ; Albert ; Raimond. 
 
156 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 niiirber of knights g-oinsf to the fight on foot encou' 
 raged the common men by their presence and theii 
 example ; and, in fact, though destitute of many of 
 the physical means which had given them superiority 
 in former battles, the valour and the self-confidence,* 
 which are the soul of victory, were never more pre- 
 sent among the Christian warriors. 
 
 Kerboga committed the great fault that has lost a 
 tliousand battles. He despised his enemy. When 
 first the news was brought to him that the Christians 
 were advancing, he M'as playing at chess,^ and hardly 
 rose from his game. It was only the complete route 
 of two thousand men, whom he had stationed to de- 
 fend the bridge, that convinced him the attack was 
 serious. He thus lost the opportunity of annoying 
 the crusaders as they defiled, and now he found his 
 srror and began to tremble for the consequences. 
 
 Hugh of Vermandois,^ Robert of Flanders, and the 
 Duke of Normandy, each advanced steadily at the 
 head of his followers towards the mountains, where 
 the Turkish cavalry were likely to find more diffi- 
 culty in manoeuvring. Godfrey of Bouillon followed ; 
 and then Adhemar, Bishop of Puy, clothed in ar- 
 inour,"* and bearing the sacred lance, led on the 
 troops of Provence. Boemond and Tancred brought 
 up tlie rear, and thus the whole wound on towards 
 their position. 
 
 Kerboga no\v used every effort to remedy his first 
 neglect, and made several skilful movements for the 
 purpose of surrounding the crusaders. They, on 
 their part, with little attention to the arts of warfare, 
 continued to march on, their courage increasing 
 rather than diminishing, and persuading themselves 
 that even the morning dew of a fine summer's day, 
 which refreshed both themselves and their horses, 
 was a special sign of favour from Heaven.^ It is 
 
 1 Raimond d'Agiles ; Fulcher. 12 Raiinond ; Raoul de Caen 
 
 3 Raimond. 1 Raimond d'Agiles. 
 
 6 Histcr. Hieros : Jacob. Vit. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 1 ')? 
 
 said, that Kerboga, at this moment seized with a sud- 
 den and unaccountable fear, sent messengers to de- 
 clare that he would accept the terms formerly offered, 
 and commit the decision of the quarrel to a com- 
 bat of five or ten champions to be chosen on each 
 side.* 
 
 This proposal (if really made) was instantly re- 
 fused, and Kerboga, drawn up before his camp, 
 waited the attack of the Christians ; while Soliman 
 or Kilidge Asian, taking a wide circuit with an im- 
 mense force of cavalry, prepared to fall upon the rear 
 of the army commanded by Boemond. To conceal 
 this evolution the vizier caused the dry grass and 
 weeds with which great part of the ground was co- 
 vered to be set on fire, and by the smoke thus raised^ 
 succeeded in obscuring the movements of his ca- 
 valry. During this manoeuvre he extended his line, and 
 endeavoured to turn the flanks of the crusading army. 
 The banner-bearers,^ in front of the host, were now 
 within bow-shot of the enemy, and the arrows began 
 to fall like hail on either side. The colunuis of the 
 Christians came up one after another to the attack, 
 and fighting hand to hand forced back the Turkish 
 centre upon their camp, so that in that part of the 
 field victory seemed leaning towards the champions 
 of the Cross. 
 
 At the same time, however, Soliman had fallen 
 upon the rear of Boemond,* who, enveloped by infi- 
 nitely superior forces, was pressed hard and separated 
 from the rest of the army. The dense cloud occa- 
 sioned by the burning weeds embarrassed the Lom- 
 bards and Italians, and the sword of the Persians was 
 reaping a terrible harvest in the ranks of the cru- 
 saders. Tancred flew to the res-.'ue of Boemond, and 
 Hugh of Vermandois as well as Godfrey of Bouillon 
 abandoning the attack^ they were making on the 
 
 I RaimoTid d'Agiles; Fulcher. 2 Guibert. 
 
 3 Will. Tyr. lib. vi. 4 RaoulofCaen. 5 Albert 
 
1581 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 centre of the infidel army, turned to the rear, and 
 succeeded in repelling the troops of Soliman. Still, 
 the battle raged undecided;' while Kerboga used 
 every effort to secure the victory, and hurrying up 
 the columns from his wings, caused cnem to charge 
 the rear of Godfrey as he advanced to the succour of 
 the Prince of Tarentum. All was now confusion in 
 that part of the field, the fight became hand to hand, 
 blade crossed with blade, and man struggled against 
 man. Meanwhile the Bishop of Puy, still bearing 
 the sacred lance,^ pressed forw^ard upon a corps at 
 the head of which Kerboga had placed himself; and 
 with the Proven9als urged the battle manfully against 
 the infidels. The Persians fought bravely, and their 
 numbers, as well as their great superiority in cavalry, 
 gave them vast advantages over the Latins. Re- 
 turning again and again to the charge with unequalled 
 rapidity, "fighting as well when their columns were 
 broken as when their ranks were entire, and unri- 
 valled in the use of the bow, they gave the crusaders 
 not a moment to pause, without some enemy to at- 
 tack, and some blow to repel. 
 
 At length a report was raised through the Chris- 
 tian host that the saints were fighting on their side; > 
 and either by accident, by the force of imagination, 
 or by some preconcerted artifice, the crusaders saw 
 — or tliought they saw — some figures clothed in 
 white raiment, and mounted on white horses, coming 
 over the mountains to their aid.^ All fear, all sus- 
 pense was at an end. The enthusiasm was prodigious, , 
 extraordinary, overpowering. The redoubted battle- ■ 
 cry " God wills it ! God wills it !" once more rang over 
 the field, and the weapons of the Christians Sv;emed 1 
 swayed by the force of giants. At the same time, . 
 among the Moslems spread the sickening news that i 
 the Latins had forced their way into the camp. The 
 hopes of the infidels fell, and terror took possession ) 
 
 ' Albert. 2 Raimond d'Agiles. 
 
 3 Will. Malmsbury ; Guibert de Nogenf Raj ntiond d'Agiles. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 159 
 
 of them, while the courage of the people of the Cross, 
 raised into ecstasy by the beUef of visible aid from on 
 high, bore down all that opposed it, and soon converted 
 feeble resistance into flight. In vain Kerboga tried 
 to rally his troops, the panic was general, the pur- 
 suers fierce and resolute ; and the mighty army of 
 the Persians was scattered to the four winds of hea- 
 ven. Tancred,' leaving to others the plunder of tlie 
 camp, followed the fugitiv^es over the hills, and pre- 
 vented them from reassembling, while the rest of the 
 chiefs entered the tents of the Persians, and added to 
 their slaughtered enemies the blood of the helpless 
 and unoffending.^ A number of women and children 
 were either slain by the sword or borne down in the 
 flight, and an immense booty in gold, arms, horses, 
 cattle, and rich vestments made the host of the cru- 
 sade richer than even when it took its departure from 
 Europe. The pavilion of Kerboga himself, though 
 not the most valuable, was perhaps the most cu- 
 rious part of the spoil, being formed like a town, with 
 walls, towers, and battlements,'^ and comprising 
 streets, squares, and avenues within itself. It fell to 
 the share of Boemond, and was capable, they say, of 
 containing two thousand men. 
 
 Sixty-nine thousand Turks'* died in the battle of 
 \ntioch, while the loss of the crusaders is not esti- 
 mated at more than ten thousand; but it must be 
 remembered that this is the account of the Christians 
 themselves. One of the immediate consequences^ 
 of this great victory was the surrender of the citadel 
 of Antioch, which was now given up in despair. A 
 considerable number of the soldiers forming its gar- 
 rison embraced Christianity, and remained in tlie 
 town; whih; the rest, who firmly adhered to their 
 ancient faith, were honourably conducted beyond the 
 (conquered territory. The whole army, loaded witii 
 wealth, and rejoicing in abundance, entered once 
 
 '- Albert; RaoulofCaen; Guibert. 2 Fulcher; Albert 
 5 Guibort ; Albert. ■* Mills. 5 Guibert ; Fulcber 
 
160 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 more the walls of the city, and offered up to Heaven 
 manifold thanksgivings for the victory they had ob- 
 tained. The only occurrence that for the time 
 troubled the public joy' was, that the Count of Tou- 
 louse, who had remained behind to guard the town, 
 looked upon the citadel, which had surrendered pre- 
 vious to the return of the host, as his own conquest, 
 and had raised his banner on the walls.^ The coun- 
 cil of leaders determined that their agreement with 
 Eormond embraced the castle as well as the town, 
 and Raimond was, in consequence, forced to resign 
 the authority he had usurped to the Prince of Ta- 
 rcntum. The count, notwithstanding, still retained 
 possession of one of the city-gates,^ with its adjoin- 
 ing towers, which he maintained for some months, 
 but was obliged at last, by force of arms, to yield 
 the whole. 
 
 The first occupation of the crusaders after quieting 
 this dispute was to restore the temples, which the 
 Moslems had converted into mosques, to the service 
 f f the Christian religion. The priests were re-esta- 
 blished, the ceremonies of the church recalled ; and 
 though they adhered to the forms of the Latin ritual, 
 with wise and Christian moderation they abstained 
 from interfering with the Greek patriarch, notwith- 
 standing that they considered his dogmas heretical. 
 The next question more related to their further ad' 
 vance into the country ; and the people, proud m 
 their victory, and forgetful of privations in the fulness 
 of sudden satiety, clamoured loudly to be led on to 
 •Terusalem. The chiefs,'' however, saw how greatly 
 repose was required; their army was lamentably 
 diminished ; most of the soldiers were suifering from 
 wounds or weariness, and few, though refreshed by 
 their lately acquired stores, w^ere capable of bearing 
 more fatigue and fresh necessities. At the same 
 
 1 Raimond d'Agiles; William of Tyre. 2 See note IX 
 
 3 Albert of Aix ; Will. Tyr. ; Raimond d'Agilcs. 4 Guiberl 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 161 
 
 time, the fiery months of August and September, with 
 the exposed plains of Syria, lay before them ; and it 
 was known that water, scanty on the road to Jeru- 
 salem even in the best times, was now hardly to be 
 procured. 
 
 On these considerations, the chiefs determined to 
 postpone their advance till October, and in the mean 
 while despatched Hugh' the Great, Count of Ver- 
 mandois, with Baldwin of Mons, Count of Hainault, 
 to the court of Constantinople. These ambassadors 
 were instructed to urge the base Alexius to fulfil the 
 many promises which he had made and neglected ; 
 and to threaten him, in case of his refusal, with the 
 anger both of God and man. 
 
 Baldwin of Mons was betrayed into a Turkish 
 ambuscade, and his fate was never clearly ascer- 
 tained ;2 but Hugh of Vermandois made his way 
 safely through Asia Minor, and arrived at Constan- 
 tinople. Admitted to the presence of Alexius, he 
 detailed the sufferings of the Christians, and their di- 
 minished forces, and showed the necessity which they 
 felt of supplies and reinforcements. He announced 
 also their victory over the Turks, and the signal hu- 
 miliation which had been inflicted on the proud Mos- 
 lems. This news in both respects gratified Alexius : 
 but, equally well content that the Turks should be 
 made weak, and that the Latins should not grow strong, 
 he found the affairs of the east progressing exactly 
 as he could have desired, and determined to leave 
 them in the course which they had themselves taken. 
 The wrath of Heaven for his broken engagements, 
 and the vengeance of the crusaders on the same 
 score, were far too remote evils for the narrow- 
 minded despot to yield them any consideration. 
 Hugh of Vermandois — now nearhome^ and the com- 
 forts which he had so long abandoned, anticipating 
 .'ittle pleasure and no small danger on the journey 
 
 1 GnihPrt ; Albert ; Will. Tvr. 2 Guibert ; Albert. 3 Guiben 
 
 N 
 
162 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 back, and having neither satisfactory news nor ne- 
 cessary reinforcements to take to the crusaders — ae« 
 terinined upon pursuing liis journey into France, and 
 leaving his companions to their fate. Knowing, 
 liowever, that it would be difficult to justify himself 
 in their eyes, he did not even take the trouble to 
 wriie for that purpose ; others on his part have done 
 so for posterity, and have failed. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Pestilence in Antioch — Death of the Bishop ofPuy — Tlie Chiefs separate 
 — Siege of Marrah— Cannibalism — Disputes between the Count of 
 Toulouse and Boemond — The Count marches towards Jerusalem — 
 Siege of Archas— Godfrey of Bouillon marches — Siege of Ghibel — 
 Treachery of Raimond— Fraud of the Holy Lance investigated — Or- 
 deal of Fire — Decisive Conduct of the Crusaders towards the Deputies 
 of Alexius, and the Calif of Egypt— Conduct of the Crusaders towards 
 the Emir of Tripoli — First Sight of Jerusalem — Siege and taking of 
 the City — Fanatical Massacres. 
 
 The crusaders' in Antioch had reason to regret 
 they had not at once marched onward. A pestilence 
 began to spread in the city, and multitudes were bu- 
 ried every day. Among the first was the venerable 
 Bishop of Puy,^ whose high qualities of mind and 
 excellent character as a priest had given much dig- 
 nity and strength to the enterprise. Many celebrated 
 knights also fell victims to this plague ; and all the 
 dissensions^ and crimes that indolence acting on semi- 
 barbarians can produce, begin to spring up within 
 the walls of Antioch. To effect some change, the 
 chiefs agreed to separate, and to canton their men in 
 the countries round about. Boemond proceeded to 
 reduce all Cilicia to obedience, and carried on a de- 
 sultory but successful warfare against the Turks, 
 
 • Albert of Aix. 2 Guibert ; Raimond d'Agiles ; Albert 
 
 3 Raimond d'Agiles. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 103 
 
 Godfrey' led his men to the assistance of the emii 
 of Hezas, who sohcited his aid against the sultaun 
 oi Aleppo. Being joined by Baldwin, and by some 
 auxiliaiy forces from Antioch, Godfrey succeeded in 
 delivering the emir, who was besieged in his fortress 
 by the sultaun. Hezas was then placed by the prince 
 under the protection of his new allies, whom he found 
 somewhat exa(;ting in their friendship. The plague 
 still raging in Antioch, Godfrey turned liis steps 
 towards Edessa, the principality of his brother Bald- 
 win, to whom he was now fully reconciled. After 
 a short repose at Turbessel,^ he engaged in the wars 
 which his brother was canying on against the Turks, 
 whose dominions surrounded Edessa, and also pu- 
 nished Pancrates for the rapine which he had for 
 some time exercised with impunity against all par- 
 ties. The other princes in various bodies carried on 
 the same separate hostilities against the Saracens, 
 and many towns were added to the Christian domi- 
 nions. 
 
 The time fixed for the march of the general army 
 at length arrived ; but, whether from a taste for the de- 
 sultory sort of warfare to which they had now habitu- 
 ated themselves, or from the hope of still receiving 
 some aid from Europe, the crusaders tarried on theii 
 way, and laid siege to Marrah.^ The Moslems made 
 a brave resistance, and the Latins having, with their 
 wonted improvidence, begim the siege without any 
 supplies whatever, were soon again reduced to famine 
 and the most horrible cannibalism.'* At length Mar- 
 rah was taken by storm on the arrival of Boemond 
 and his forces. The slaughter was terrible, and a 
 repetition of all the scenes on the taking of Antioch 
 was here enacted with many circumstances of aggra- 
 vation. New disputes now arose between Boemond 
 and the Count of Toulouse, upon the possession of 
 Marrah ; the Prince of Tarentum refusing to give up 
 
 I Albert of Aix. 2 William of Tyre. 3 Albert ; Guibert. 
 
 * Fulcher; Albenof Aix; Gnibert; Raoul of Caen. 
 
164 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 the portion of the city he had conquered, till Rai« 
 mond should yield the towers which he still held in 
 Antioch.' B ays and weeks passed in these unworthy 
 contests, other chiefs attempting in vain to reconcile 
 the two ambitious princes. At length the people, 
 indignant at the conduct of their leaders, broke out 
 into revolt, and destroyed the fortifications of Mar- 
 rah, in spite of all that could be done to prevent 
 theni,^ vowing that it, at least, should not be a new 
 cause of delay. They declared also that they would 
 choose a chief for themselves, who should conduct 
 them to Jerusalem. This, of course, compelled the 
 leaders of the army to begin their march, but it in no 
 degree produced a reconciliation, and Raimond of 
 Toulouse,'' with Robert of Normandy and Tancred, 
 proceeded on their way to Jerusalem, leaving the rest 
 of the princes to follow as they might. Town after 
 town submitted to Raimond ; but Archas proved a 
 stumblingblock to his glory, and resisted the efforts 
 of all the force he could bring against it. The Sara- 
 cen emirs of the neighbouring country, however, 
 whether from fear of the Christians, or from misun- 
 derstandings among themselves, no longer pursued 
 the firm and destructive plan formerly adopted of 
 desolating the land before the steps of the invaders. 
 The army of the Cross found provisions in plenty, 
 and many of the towns which it approached bought 
 immunity from attack, at the price of large presents 
 to the crusaders.^ 
 
 Soon after the departure of Raimond, Godfrey of 
 Bouillon, Robert of Flanders, Boemond, and the other 
 leadeis marched out of Antioch, and directed their 
 course towards Laodicea, where Boemond^ again 
 quitted them, and returned to his new principality, 
 leaving a great part of his troops to aid his brethren. 
 As some compensation for this desertion, the host 
 
 I Raimond d'Agiles ; Guibcrt de Nogcr.t. 2 Raimond d'Agiles 
 
 3 Raoul of Caen ; Raimond. •» Guibert. 
 
 5 Guibcrt, lib. vi.; Albe;t of Aix, lib v ; William of Tyre. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 165 
 
 of the crusade was joined by a considerable body of 
 English who had sailed round Spain ; and, entering 
 the Mediterranean by Gibraltar, had touched first at 
 St. Simeon, and then proceeded to Laodicea — a won- 
 derful undertaking, indeed, as Raimond d'Agiles ob- 
 serves, considering the state of the art of navigation 
 in that day. From Laodicea, Godfrey, marching 
 along the coast, turned his arms against Ghibel, or 
 Gabala, whither he was accompanied by the ships 
 of the band of pirates whom we have seen serving 
 under Baldwin ; and who, having fallen into the hands 
 of the Greeks of Laodicea, had been kept in strict 
 imprisonment till the arrival of the crusaders. The 
 emir of Ghibel attempted, by the offer of large 
 bribes, to divert the forces of the Cross from the at- 
 tack of his city, but his proposals were met with 
 contempt by Godfrey and the chiefs who accompa- 
 nied him; and the infidel commander, in consequence, 
 sent messengers to Raimond of Toulouse' (then be- 
 sieging Archas), whose disinterestedness was reported 
 to be of a different quality. Raimond, always fond 
 of gold, caught at the bait held out, and immediately 
 agreed to draw his fellow-crusaders from Ghibel by 
 artifice. He lost no time, therefore, in sending word 
 to Godfrey, that an immense body of Saracens was 
 marching down against his Provengals under the walls 
 of Archas. This tale of course caused Godfrey^ to 
 raise the siege of Ghibel, and hasten to the assistance 
 of his comrade. On his arrival, however, Tancred, 
 and the other kniglits of Raimond's army, unde- 
 ceived the duke of Loraine, who, indignant at the 
 treachery of the Count of Toulouse, renounced all 
 communication^ with him, and withdrew his men to 
 the distance of two miles, resolving to give him no 
 aid in the siege of Archas. Tancred, at the same 
 time, disgusted with the avarice of the count, who 
 withheld from him the recompense he had promised 
 
 > Albert of Aix. 2 Fulcher ■ Guibert. 3 Albert of Alx. 
 
166 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 for his sendees, retired with the forty^ lances th'«t 
 accompanied him, and joined himself to Godfrey. 
 New disputes of every kind arose among- the leaders, 
 and as Raimond of Toulouse affected a sort of spi- 
 ritual superiority, as griardian of the holy lance that 
 had been discovered at Antioch, its virtues and au- 
 thenticity were manfully denied. Peter Barthelmy, 
 who had found it, had vision after vision, till his 
 commerce with heaven drew so heavily on belief, 
 that men, even the most superstitious, yielded him 
 no further credit. The business was investigated, 
 and Barthelmy brought before a sort of council of 
 inquiry, where he maintained his position, supported 
 by the Count of Toulouse and his chaplain, our worthy 
 chronicler, Raimond d'Ag-iles, who, fully convinced 
 of the truth of the miracle, unhappily proposed that 
 his prot^g^ should prove his virtue by the fiery 
 ordeal.^ This was ag-reed to ; fasts and prayers suc- 
 ceeded : Peter walked through the fire with the lance 
 in his hand, got frightened, stopped in the middle, 
 and was burned to death.^ Some still believed ; and, 
 declaring that their martyr had been pressed to 
 death by the crowd,"* held to their credulity the more 
 eagerly^ because it was unsupported by any thing 
 like reason. 
 
 The fame of the Count of Toulouse suffered as 
 much by the affair of the lance as by his deceit in 
 respect to Ghibel ; and the crusaders, wearied with 
 the delay before Archas, determined to raise the 
 siege and proceed to Jerusalem. In the mean while, 
 the emii-^ of Tripoli,^ finding that the Christians were 
 about to traverse his country, sent messengers to 
 the leaders, begging them to spare his towns and 
 fields, and offering abundant supplies, together with 
 several rich presents. These proffers were so 
 
 1 Raimond d'Asiles ; Albert of Aix. 2 Raimond d'Agiles. 
 
 * 3 Fulcher ; Raoul of Caen. 4 Guibert ; Raimond. 
 
 5 Albert of Aix ; Guibert ; Robert. Mon. lib. viii. 
 <5 Mills follows Raimond d'Agiles. I have chosen the account of Al 
 bert of ALx, because I find it better supported by evidence. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 167 
 
 favourably received that the emir even visited the 
 camp of Godfrey himself, and concluded h. treaty 
 which was inviolably adhered to on both sides. 
 
 At the same time' the deputies who had been de- 
 spatched to the calif of Egypt returned, with very 
 unfavourable accounts of their entertainment. The 
 Saracen monarch still offered to join his arms to those 
 of the Christians, for the purpose of subduing Pales- 
 tine; but it was evident that he proposed to enjoy the 
 fruits of victory without participation. His envoys, 
 and the presents which they bore, were sent back 
 with scorn,^ the crusaders declaring that they would 
 conquer Jerusalem with the sword of Christ, and 
 keep it with the same. Ambassadors from Alexius 
 were received also under the walls of Archas ; and 
 by their lips the perfidious emperor dared to re- 
 monstrate against the cession of Antioch to Boe- 
 mond, who by t-his time had expelled the troops of 
 Raimond of Toulouse,^ and was in full possession of 
 the town. 
 
 The reply given to these messengers was not less 
 hauglity than that which had been sent to the calif.* 
 The emperor, the crusaders said, had broken his most 
 sacred oaths ; he had neglected to succour them when 
 succour was needful ; he had betrayed the cause of 
 Christ, and violated. his covenant with them. They 
 could not, therefore, be bound by an engagement 
 which he had not found binding on him ; and they 
 would neither stay for his coming, as he desired, nor 
 would they yield him what they had conquered with 
 theii- own hands. 
 
 These measures of decision having been taken, 
 Godfrey and his companions set fire to their camp, 
 and quitted the siege of Archas : many of the Pro- 
 vencals abandoned Raimond, and hastened after tlie 
 lest ; and the count himself,^ though unwillingly, was 
 
 1 William of Tyre. 2 Raimond d'Agiles. 
 
 3 Fulcher . Raimond d'Agiles. 4 William of Tyre, lib. vii. 
 
 ^ Robert, Mon. 
 
168 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 obliged to follow. The noble sincerity and modem 
 lion of the crusaders in their conduct to the emir of 
 Tripoli has not been dwelt upon sufficiently by those 
 authors who have lost no opportunity of pointing out 
 their cruelties and excesses. They entered a rich 
 and beautiful country, where spoil of every kind lay 
 around them. The inhabitants were infidels, and had 
 been enemies : but the host of the crusade passed 
 through the whole without the slightest violation of 
 their treaty.* To prevent even casual injury, they 
 encamped at a distance from the towns, waited for 
 the supplies that had been promised them, and fol- 
 lowed, with confidence and regularit}^ the guide who 
 was appointed to conduct them through the land.^ 
 When at war, the crusaders waged it with all the 
 barbarity of the age — the slaughter of the infidel ad- 
 versary was a virtue praised by historians, and sung 
 by poets, and mercy would have been held a weak- 
 ness: but with those to whom they had bound them- 
 selves in peace, we seldom find that, as a body, they 
 violated the most chivalric adherence to their pro- 
 mises. 
 
 In the neighbourhood of Tripoli, the Europeans first 
 beheld the sugar-cane,^ and learned the method of 
 preparing the valuable juice which has since been 
 such an article of commerce in Europe. 
 
 So great was the reliance between the people of 
 Tripoli and the crusaders, that they mutually fre- 
 quented the camp"* and the city during the stay of the 
 army. The emir also delivered from the chains in 
 which they had long remained, three hundred Chris- 
 tian pilgrims ; and, according to some authorities, 
 promised to embrace the faith of his new allies,^ in 
 case they were ultimately successful. At the end of 
 three days, the host of the Cross was once more in 
 motion; and passing by Sidon, Acre, Ramula, and 
 
 I Albert. 2 VVimarri of Tyre ; Albert of Aix. 
 
 3 Albert 4 Robert ; fJiiibert. ^ Ibid. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY Ib'U 
 
 Emmaus, approached the city of Jerusalem.' At 
 Emmaus, deputies arrived from the Christians of 
 Bethlehem, praying for immediate aid against their in- 
 fidel oppressors. Tancred was- in consequence sent 
 forward with a hundred lances ; but the tidings of a 
 deputation from Bethlehem spread new and strange 
 sensations through the bosoms of the crusaders. 
 That word Bethlehem, repeated through the camp, 
 called up so many ideas connected with that sweet 
 religion, which, however perverted, was still the 
 thrilling faith of every heart around. The thoughts 
 of their proximity to the Saviour's^ birthplace, ba- 
 nished sleep from every eyelid ; and before midnight 
 was well past, the whole host was on foot towards 
 Jerusalem. It was a lovely morning, we are told, in 
 the summer time ; and after they had wandered on 
 for some time in the darkness, the sun rushed into 
 the sky with the glorious suddenness of eastern dawn, 
 and Jerusalem lay before their eyes. 
 
 The remembrance* of all that that mighty city had 
 beheld ; the enthusiasm of faith ; the memory of dan- 
 gers, and ills, and fatigues, and privations, endured 
 and conquered; the fulfilment of hope ; the gratifica- 
 tion of long desire ; the end of fear and doubt ; com- 
 bined in every bosom to call up the sublime of joy. 
 The name was echoed by a thousand tongues — Je- 
 rusalem! Jerusalem! Some shouted to the sky;* 
 some knelt and prayed ; some wept in silence ; and 
 some cast themselves down and kissed the blessed 
 earth. " All had much ado," says Fuller, with his 
 emphatic plainness, "to manage so great a glad- 
 ness."^ 
 
 To rejoicing, at the sight of the Holy City, suc- 
 ceeded wrath, at seeing it in the hands of the infidels. 
 The army marched forward in haste, drove in some 
 parties of Saracens, who had vauntingly come forth 
 
 1 Albart. 2 Rgoul of Caen ; Albert; Fulclier. 
 
 3 Albert of Aix, lib. v. * Guibert. 
 
 6 Guibert, lib. vii. • Robert. 6 Holy War. 
 O 
 
r70 HISTORY C. HIVALKY. 
 
 from V\>) ga.tes; and Jerusalem was invested on all 
 sides. Some of the people, indeed, approached bare- 
 foot, in deep humiliation, and in remembrance' of the 
 suffering's of Him who had purchased salvation to a 
 world by agony and death ; but the greater part of 
 the soldiers advanced with purposes of wrath, and 
 took up their various warlike positions round about 
 the town. The attack was begun almost immedi- 
 ately after the first preparations ; and Godfrey of 
 Bouillon, Tancred, the Duke of Normandy, and Ro- 
 bert of Flanders, by a vigorous effort, carried the 
 barbicans, and reached the wall.- A portion of this, 
 also, was thrown down with axes and picks; and 
 several knights, mounting by ladders^ to the top of 
 the battlements, under a hail of arrows and Greek 
 fire, fought for some time hand to hand with the 
 Turks. 
 
 At length, after many had fallen on both sides, it 
 became evident to the leaders that nothing could be 
 effected without the usual machines, and the assault 
 was suspended. 
 
 Ail the energies of the liost were now employed in 
 constructing implements of war. Timber was pro- 
 cured from Sichon :"* some Genoese seamen, having 
 arrived at Jaffa, were pressed by the crasaders into 
 the service of the Cross, and by their mechanical 
 skill greatly facilitated the construction of the engines 
 required. 
 
 Catapults, mangonels,^ and large moveable towers 
 were prepared, as in the siege of Nice ; and to these 
 was added a machine called the sow, formed of wood, 
 and covered with raw hides to protect it from fire, 
 under cover of which soldiers were employed in un- 
 dermining the walls.^ During the fabrication of 
 these implements, a dreadful drought pervaded the 
 anny ; and all the wells in the circumjacent counti-y 
 
 1 Raimond. 2 Robert ; Albert ; Guibert, lib vii. 
 
 8 Fulcher mentions several ladders, but says the^' were too few. 
 Albert of Aix ; (.Juibcrt. 6 Riimond ; Albert. 6 Albert of Aix 
 
HISTORY OF CH1VA1.KV. 171 
 
 having been filled up by the Turks, the only walef 
 that reached the camp was brought from far, and paid 
 for as if each drop had been gold. The soldiers, un- 
 able to procure it, wandered away in the search, ot 
 watched' the morning dew, and licked the very stonea 
 for moisture. Yice and immorality again grew pre- 
 valent, and superstition was obliged to be called, in 
 aid of virtue. 
 
 From forty to sixty thousand men were all that re- 
 mained of multitudes ; and it became obvious to the 
 leaders that dissensions could no longer exist with- 
 out hazarding their destruction. Tancred,^ the first 
 in every noble act, set the example of conciliation, 
 and embraced his foe Raimond of Toulouse, in the 
 sight of the whole army. An expiatory'* procession 
 was made by the chiefs, the soldiers, and the clergy, 
 round the city of Jerusalem ; and prayers were of- 
 fered up on each holy place in the neighbourhood for 
 success in this last field. The Turks, on their part, 
 forgetting the desperate valour which the crusaders 
 had displayed on every occasion, beheld these cere- 
 monies with contempt ; and raising up the image of 
 the Cross upon the walls, mocked the procession of 
 the Christians, and threw dirt at the symbol of theii 
 faith. The wrath of the crusaders was raised to the 
 uttermost, and the sacrilegious insult"* was remem- 
 bered to be atoned in blood. 
 
 The engines were at last completed, and the attack 
 once more begun. The towers^ were rolled on to 
 the walls, the battering-rams were plied incessantly, 
 the sow was pushed on to the foundations ; and while 
 the Saracens poured forth fire^ and arrows upon the 
 besiegers, the crusaders waged the warfare with equal 
 courage from their machines. Thus passed the whole 
 
 1 Guibert; Albert. 2 Albert of Aix. 3 Raimond d'Agiles ; Guibert. 
 
 4 Albert of Aix. 5 Raimond d'Agiles ; Albert of Aix. 
 
 6 Albert describes perfectly ihe effect of (he Greek fire, and says il 
 could only be extinguished by the means of vinegar, which, on the second 
 day, tho crusaders provided in great qu.i""'« 
 
172 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 day in one of the most tremendrus fights that the 
 host of the Cross had ever sustamed. Night fell, ana 
 the city was not taken. The walls of the town were 
 much injured, as well as the engines used by the as- 
 sailants ; but by the next morning both had been re 
 paired, and the assault recommenced, and was re 
 ceived with equal ardour.' The leaders of the Chrn 
 tian army occupied the higher stages of their move- 
 able towers, and Godfrey of Bouillon himself,^ armed 
 wath a bow, was seen directing his shafts against all 
 who appeared upon the w^alls. Such soldiers as the 
 machines could not contain were ranged opposite the 
 walls, urging the battering-rams, plying the mango- 
 nels, and, by flights of arrows, covering the attack 
 from the towers. The enthusiasm was great and 
 general ; the old, the sick, and the feeble lent what 
 weak aid they could, in bringing forward the mis- 
 siles and other implements of war, while the women 
 encouraged the warriors to daring, both by words 
 and their example ; and hurried through the ranks, 
 bearing water to assuage the thirst of toil and excite- 
 ment. Still the. Saracens resisted with desperate 
 valour. For theii homes and for their hearths they 
 fought ; and so courageously, that when more than 
 half the day was spent, the host of the crusade was 
 still repulsed in all quarters. At that moment a sol- 
 dier was suddenly seen on Mount Olivet, waving on 
 the crusaders to follow.^ How he had penetrated 
 does not appear, or whether he was not the mere 
 creature of fancy. The idea, at all events, instantly 
 raised the fainting hopes of the Christians. Im- 
 mense and almost supernatural efforts were made in 
 every quarter; the tower of Godfrey of Bouillon was 
 rolled up till it touched the wall ; the moveable bridge 
 was let down, and a knight called Lutold"* sprang 
 upon the battlements — his brother folio wed — another 
 
 ' Raimond. 2 Guibert ; Albert of Aix. 
 
 3 Raimond rt'A2;!les; William of Tyre. 
 
 4 Robert ; Guihert, lib. vii. ; Albert. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 173 
 
 and anotlier came to his support.— Godfrey, Baldwin 
 de Bourg, and Eustace de Bouillon rushed in ; and 
 the banner of the Cross announced to the anxious 
 eyes of the army that Ctiristians stood upon the bat- 
 tlements of Jerusalem.^ Tancred and Robert of Nor- 
 mandy b jrst open one of the gates, while Raimond 
 of Toulouse, almost at the same instant,^ forced his 
 way into another part of the city by escalade. The 
 Turks fought^ for a time in the streets, but then fled 
 to the mosques, and were in every direction massa- 
 cred by thousands. It is dreadful to read of the blood 
 which on that awful day washed the pavements of 
 Jerusalem. The courts of the mosque of Omar floated 
 ■n g-ore, and scarcely the most remote and obscure 
 corners of the city gave shelter to an infidel head. 
 The soldiers'* remembered the impious mockeries 
 with which the Turks had insulted the Cross, and 
 the leaders believed that they were doing God good 
 service in exterminating the blasphemous strangers 
 who had polluted the holy places of Jerusalem, per- 
 secuted and butchered the unhappy Christians of 
 fudea, and desecrated the altars of God. To have 
 spared them or their accursed race would have been 
 ctonsidered impious : and Godfrey himself not only en- 
 "■^uraged the slaughter, but aided with his own hand. 
 An immense number of Saracens had betaken 
 themselves to the temple of Soliman, as it was called,^ 
 and there had prepared to defend themselves to the 
 last ; but the pursuers were too strong to be resisted, 
 and nearly ten thousand men are said to have fallen 
 in that building. Those even who had climb'^'d to 
 the roof were sought out the next day,^ and several. 
 
 1 15th July. A. D. 1099. 2 Guibert ; Raimond. 3 Albert ; Robert 
 ■» Ibid ; Guibert. 5 Guibert ; Riiimond d'Agiles ; Robert. 
 
 6 Tancred and Gaston of Beam had promised quarter to these un- 
 happy wretches, and had given them a banner as a certain protection. 
 It was early the next morning, before those chiefs were awake, that this 
 massacre was committed by some of the more bloodthirsty of the cru 
 saders. Tancred was with great ditticulty prevented from taking sig 
 nal vengeance on the perpetrators of this crime. — Guibert ; Albert ' 
 
174 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 to avoid the sword, cast themselves down and were 
 dashed to pieces. 
 
 Some authors mention a second massacre,' and 
 greatly exaggerate the butchery that was perpetrated. 
 In regard to this second massacre, there is much his- 
 torical evidence to show that no such event took 
 place ; and I would fain believe that it was not the 
 case. It cannot, however, be denied, that the most 
 humane of the Christian leaders in that age were 
 taught to look upon all mercy to the infidels as an 
 injury to religion; and it is beyond doubt, that after 
 the general slaughter committed on the capture of 
 Jerusalem, Godfrey de Bouillon,'-^ with the other lead- 
 ers and soldiers, washed away the marks of gore, 
 cast off their armour, assumed the robe of penitents, 
 and, going to the holy sepulchre, offered up their 
 prayers to the mild Teaclier of our beautiful reli- 
 gion, convinced that they had accomplished a great 
 and glorious work, and consummated an acceptable 
 sacrifice in the blood of the infidels. 
 
 Such was the doctrine which, in that day, men were 
 taught from their cradles : such the strange inter- 
 pretation put upon the Gospel of Peace. 
 
 ' The story of the second massacre rests upon the authority of Albert 
 of Aix, from whose writings it has been copied by all who have repeated 
 it. Albert of Aix never visited the Holy Land. None of those who 
 were present at the fall of Jerusalem (that I can discover) make the 
 slightest mention of such an occurrence ; and we have the stronsresi 
 proof that part of Albert's story is false ; for he declares that all the Sa 
 racens were slaughtered in this second massacre, even those who has, 
 previously been promised protection ; and we know that many weO 
 sent to Ascalon.— See Gjiibert, lib. vii. Robert, who was present 
 speaks of many who were spared.- -Robprtiis. lib. ix. Fulcher, whJ 
 was in the country, if not present, does not allude to a second massacre 
 Raimond d'Agiles, who was a witness to the whole, passes it over it 
 silence ; though each of these persons always speaks of the slaughter 
 of the Saracens as the most praiseworthy of actions. The Archbishop 
 of Tyre also, who copied Albert wherever he could he proved correct 
 has stamped doubt upon this anecdote by omittmg it entirely I havj 
 thought fit to notice this particUiarly, because Mills lays no small stresa 
 upon the tale. 
 
 2 Guibert ; Albert ; William of Tyre. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 175 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Election of a King— Godfrey of BouiUon— Sketch of the History ofJt- 
 rusalem — Death of the chief Crusaderi; — Neiv Bodies of Crusaders set 
 out from Europe — Tlieir Destniction in Asia Minor — Armed Pit 
 grimages — Tli£ Northern Armaments— The Venetians — The Genoese 
 and Pisans — Anecdutes of the Crusaders — Battle of tlie Children at 
 Antioch—The Thafurs— Baldwin'' s H^imanity tvell repaid— ^vper 
 stitions — Arms of Ih^ Crusaders — OftheTicrks — Hospitallers — Tem- 
 plars. 
 
 The great end of the crusad<3 was now accom- 
 plished. Jerusalem was delivered from the hands of 
 the infidels; but much remained to be done. To 
 conquer the Holy City had been a work of prodi- 
 gious difficulty ; to keep it was perhaps more so ; 
 and it became evident that its defence must be in- 
 trusted to one powerful chief. For this purpose the 
 several leaders who had fomied the general council 
 of the crusade met to elect a Kuig of Jerusalem. 
 The nomination to that high office was so extraor- 
 dinary an honour, that the writers of each nation 
 whose forces contributed to the crusade have de- 
 clared their own particular prince to have been 
 chosen;' and, as it was known that none of these 
 did actually reign, they have furnished each with a 
 suitable excuse for declining the distinguished task. 
 It is probable,*however, that the choice of the as- 
 sembly really fixed at once upon the only person 
 fitted "for the office ; and (to combine the words of 
 Fulcher and Robert tlie Monk) that, " considering 
 the excellence of his nobility,^ his valour as a knight, 
 his gentleness and patient modesty, as well as the 
 purity of his morals, Godfrey of Bouillon was elected 
 king by the whole people composing the army of 
 God, with the unanimous wish, tlie general consent, 
 
 f See Raimond d'A^los ; Guibert ; Albert : Urompton ; William ol 
 Walnisbsry. i Fulclicr, cap. 18 : Robert. Mon. lib. ix 
 
176 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 and the judgment of all." Various clerical cabals 
 followed for the dig-nity of patriarch, of which it is 
 not necessary to speak here. 
 
 Scarcely was the new monarch' seated on his 
 throne, when the gathering forces of the Moslems 
 called him again into the field. With the wise po- 
 licy of activity, Godfrey did not wait to be besieged 
 in Jerusalem, but marching out with all the troops 
 he .could muster, he advanced towards Ascalon, 
 where a large infidel army had assembled, attacked 
 and routed it completely, and thus secured the con- 
 quest he had gained.^ But the virtues of Godfrey 
 were not long destined to bless, or his talents to 
 protect, the new kingdom of Jerusalem.^ In the 
 month of July, 1100, he was seized with a severe 
 illness, on his return from a distant expedition, and in 
 a few days the throne of the Holy Land was vacant. 
 
 Such an unexpected event of course spread dis- 
 sension and consternation among the crusaders. 
 Tancred, who was at Jerusalem, and from his great 
 military nam.e enjoyed no small power, offered the 
 crown to Boemond, and beyond all doubt would have 
 succeeded in causing his election, had Boemond been 
 able to accept immediately the sceptre thus held out 
 to him.'* But the Prince of Antioch^ was at the 
 moment a prisoner in the hands of some Armenian 
 Tijrks.s The Patriarch, on his part, endeavoured 
 to raise Jerusalem into a simple hierarchy,'^ and to 
 unite the cro^yn with the mitre. The partisans of 
 the Count of Toulouse also struggled in his behalf 
 
 1 Godfrey appears never to have taken the title of king, from a feeling 
 of religious humility. 2 Robert. 3 Albert ; Will. Tyr. 4 Albert 
 
 5 He was taken, after having suffered a complete defeat from the emi? 
 Damisman, as he was hastening to the succour of Gabriel of Armenia. 
 
 6 Will. Tyren. ; Radulph. ; Cadom. 
 
 7 Amould, one of the most corrupt priests in tlie army, had beea 
 elected patriarch, bat was depase<l almost immediately ; and Daimbert, 
 who arrived from Rome as legate, was chosen in his stead. This 
 Daimbert it is of whom I speak above. He seems to have eonceiveO, 
 from the firet, the idea of making Jerusalem an eastern Rome, and 
 •wrung many concessions from Godfrey, whw-h were little i-espected by 
 that chief's successors. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 1 7 
 
 fo the supreme power ; but in the end, Baldwin, 
 Prnice of Edessa, the brother of Godfrey, was elected, 
 and after some intriguing on the part of the Patri- 
 arch, was anointed King of Jerusalem. 
 
 It does not enter into the plan of this book to give 
 a history of Jerusalem under its Latin kings: I shall, 
 however, briefly notice each, that the occasion and 
 object of the after-crusades may be properly under- 
 stood. 
 
 Baldwin, on his election,* displayed.virtues that 
 had slumbered, and lost vices that had been displayed 
 on other occasions. He extended the boundaries of 
 his kingdom, humbled its Saracen enemies, instituted 
 v/ise and salutary laws, and showed firmness, mode- 
 ration, and activity in his new station, as well as the 
 great military skill and enterprising spirit he had 
 formerly evinced. He took Assur,'^ Cesarea, and 
 Acre ; and added Beritus, Sidon, and several other 
 places to the kingdom of Jerusalem. At length, in 
 the execution of a bold expedition into Egypt, Bald- 
 win died, and his body, after being embalmed, by his 
 own particular direction, ^vas carried back to the 
 Holy City. 
 
 Baldwin de Bourg, who, on the elevation of Bald- 
 win I. to the throne of Jerusalem, had received the 
 principality of Edessa, was now called to the vacant 
 throne, and proved himself one of the wisest and 
 most valiant of the Latin sovereigns of Judea. He 
 also greatly extended the limits of his dominions ; 
 but in passing between Turbessel and Edessa, ac- 
 companied by a few soldiers only,^ and unsuspicious 
 of any ambuscade, he was suddenly surrounded, and 
 carried a prisoner to Khortopret, where he remained 
 •n close confinement for several years. During his 
 mprisonment Tyre was added to the territories of 
 Jerusalem,"* and various successful battles were 
 
 William of Tyre. 
 
 2 Hist. Hieros. ; Jacob, lib. i.; William of Tyre; Fulcher; Albert. 
 
 3 Will, of Tyre; Fulcher of Chartres. 4 Fulcher. 
 
178 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 fought against the Moslems. After his Hberatiou. 
 he offered the hand of his daughter to Foulk d 
 Anjou, who had some time before visited Jerusalem 
 upon an armed pilgrimage. The Count of Anjoii 
 gladly accepted the proposal, and returning to the 
 Holy Land, espoused Melesinda, soon after which 
 he ascended the throne of .Terusalem, on the death 
 of Baldwin. Foulk combined many virtues ; was 
 kind, affable, and humane, as well as skilful and 
 courageous in the field. After a reign of thirteen 
 years he left the kingdom to his son, entire, indeed, 
 but neither more extended in territory, nor more 
 consolidated in power, than when he received it. • 
 
 Baldwin III. succeeded; at the time of his acces- 
 sion being but a boy. Dissensions and animosities 
 raged among all the feudal dependants of the 
 crown of Jerusalem.^ The Moslems scattered 
 through the country, and girding it on every side, 
 took advantage of each new dispute to harass their 
 Latin invaders with desultory warfare. The empe- 
 rors of the east strove continually to wrest some- 
 thing of their old possessions from tlie descendants 
 of the crusaders, and thus divided the forces, and 
 paralyzed all the efforts made by the Christians to 
 establish and secure their yet infirm dominion. At 
 length Zenghi, emir of Aleppo, and Mosul marched 
 against Edessa, the government of which principality 
 had been transferred, on the accession of Baldwin de 
 Bourg to the throne of Jerusalem, to Joscelyn de 
 Courtenay, and from him had descended to his son. 
 The son had not inherited the virtues or the valour 
 of his father; and while Zenghi attacked, stormed, 
 and took Edessa, he was rioting in debaucheries at 
 Turbessel. So severe a reverse spread consternatioi/ 
 through Palestine. Others, though of a less impop 
 tant nature, followed ; and the news of these mi^* 
 fortunes soon reached Europe, where it gave matter 
 
 I V. i;iJa;no:Tvro. 2 TTist Ilii-ro . : Jacob. Vit. ; Will, of Tyre 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 179 
 
 .0 the eloquence of St. Bernard, and occasion for a 
 new crusade. 
 
 Long before this period, all the chiefs who had at 
 fiist led the armies of the Cross to Jerusalem had 
 tasted of the cup reserved for all men, and few words 
 will end the history of each. Godfrey, Baldwin, and 
 Baldwin de Bourg- we have already conducted to the 
 tomb. Boemond, as I have said, fell into the hands 
 of the Moslems; :!nd after a captivity of two years, 
 was permitted to pay a ransom, and return to his prin- 
 cipality. On arriving, he found that liis noble rela- 
 tive, Tancred, had not only preserved, but increased 
 his territories during his absence ; and after several 
 years continual warfare with Alexius on the one hand, 
 and the Moslems on the other, mingled with opposi- 
 tion to the King of Jerusalem, Boemond sailed for 
 Europe. There the fame he had acquired obtained 
 for him the hand of Constantia,' daughter of the King 
 of France. Her younger sister, Cecilia, was bestowed 
 upon Tancred, who had remained in the government 
 of Antioch. 
 
 By the aid of France, Boemond raised large forces 
 and landing in Greece, ravaged the dominions of 
 Alexius, who was at length fain to conclude a peace 
 with the powerful and enterprising Italian. The 
 Prince of Antioch then sent forward the greater part 
 of liis troops to the Holy Land, while he himself re- 
 turned to Italy to prepare for the same journey. 
 Death, however, staid his progress ;^ for, after a short 
 illness, he ended his career in Apulia, in 1109.^ Tan- 
 cred still survived, and defended constantly the ter- 
 ritories of his cousin against every attack for three 
 years after the decease of Boemond. At last the 
 
 I Fulcher ; Abert. 2 Raoul of Caen ; Will. Tyr. ; Fu'cher 
 
 3 Guibert, lib. vii. l Will, of Tyr. ; Guibert. 
 
 5 Guibert says that Boemond died from the effects of poison. Other 
 
 authors declare that grief for haviiio; been obliged to enter into a less 
 
 *ivantaseous treaty with Alexius than he had anticipated occasioned 
 
 i^s death ; but, from his whole history, I should not look upon Boemond 
 
 a man Lkely to die of grief 
 
180 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 consequences of a wound he had received some time 
 before proved fatal, and the noblest and most chival- 
 rous of all the Christian warriors died in the prime of 
 his days. On his death-bed he called to him his wife, 
 and Pontius, the son of the Prince of Tripoh,' and, 
 aware of the necessity of union among the Christians, 
 he recommended strongly their marriage, after death 
 should have dissolved the ties between himself and 
 Cecilia. The government of Antiocli he bequeathed 
 to his cousin Roger f but, with the sa'me noble in- 
 tegrity which he had displayed through life, he made 
 the new regent promise, that in case the son of Boe- 
 mond should ever come to claim those territories, 
 they should be resigned to him without dispute. 
 Thus died Tancred ; who, from all that we read of 
 the crusaders, was, with the exception of Godfrey, 
 the noblest of the followers of the Cross — a gallant 
 leader, a disinterested man, a generous friend, a true 
 knight. 
 
 Previous to his death, however, he had been en- 
 gaged in all the great events in Palestine. After the 
 election of Godfrey, and the battle of Ascalon, the 
 other chiefs of the crusade had either returned to 
 Europe or spread themselves over the country, ia 
 pursuit of their own schemes of private ambition, 
 leavingthe new kingdom of Jerusalem to be supported 
 by its king and. Tancred, with an army of less than 
 three thousand men. This penury of forces how- 
 ever, did not long continue, or the Holy Land must 
 soon have resumed the yoke it had thrown off. The 
 spirit of pilgrimage was still active in Europe ; and 
 combined with this spirit was the hope of gain, spring- 
 ing from vague and exaggerated accounts of the 
 wealth and the principalities which the leaders of 
 ihe first expedition had acquired. 
 
 1 He vvas the grandson of that, Raimond, Count of Toulouso, of vvlios* 
 conduct I have so often had occasion to speak already, and whose perss- 
 ferance against Tripoli will be mentioned hereafter. 
 
 2 Will. Tvr. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 181 
 
 Pilgrimag-es now differed from those that had pre- 
 ceded the conquest of Jerusalem, in being armed ; 
 and many bodies, of several thousand men each, 
 arrived both by sea and land, and proved exceedingly 
 serviceable in peopling the devastated lands of Pa- 
 lestine. Various larger enterprises, more deserving 
 the name of crusades, were planned and attempted, 
 which it would be endless to name, and tedious to 
 recount. Nearly five hundred thousand people set 
 out from Europe for Syria,' and to these several of 
 those crusaders who had go)ie back to Europe joined 
 themselves, urged either by shame for their formei 
 desertion, or by the hope of obtaining easier con- 
 quests, and less dangerous honours. Of these, then, 
 I will speak first, before noticing more particularly 
 the armed pilgrimages, in order that I may trace to 
 the end all those leadeis of the first crusade who 
 died in the Holy Land. The first great expedition 
 set out not many years after the taking of Jerusalem, 
 and consisted of several smaller ones from various 
 countries, which united into larger bodies as they 
 proceeded, and endeavoured to force their way 
 through Asia Minor. At the head of tnese armies 
 were Count Albert,^ of Lombardy ; Conrad, Constable 
 of the Western Empire ; Stephen, Count of Blois, 
 whom we have seen flying from the land to which 
 shame now drove him back ; Stephen, Duke of Bur- 
 gundy ; the Bishops of Laon and of Milan ; the Duke 
 of Parma ; Hugh, Count of Vermandois,^ who now 
 again turned towards Jerusalem ; and the Count of 
 Nevers: as well as William, Count of Poitiers; 
 Guelf, Duke of Bavaria; and Ida, Marchioness of 
 Austria. At Constantinople the first division met 
 with Raimondof Toulouse,"* who had returned to that 
 city from the Holy Land, in search of aid to pursue 
 the schemes of a grasping and ambitious spirit. 
 The new crusaders put themselves, in some d'Cgree, 
 
 > Fulcher ; Albert of Aix ; William of Tyre. 
 
 * Albert of Aix ; William of Tyre 3 Fulcher. 4 Albert of Aix. 
 
182 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY 
 
 under his command and guidance ; but their first step 
 was to disobey his orders, and to take the way of 
 Paphlagonia, instead of following the track of the 
 former crusade. They were for many days harassed 
 in their march by the Turks, then exposed to famine 
 and drought, and finally attacked and cut to pieces 
 by Kilidge Asian, who revenged, by the death of more 
 fhau a hundred thousand Christians,' all the losses 
 they had caused him to undergo. The principal 
 leaders made good their escape, first to Constan- 
 tinople, and then to Antioch ; except Hugh of Ver- 
 mandois, who died of his wound at Tarsus. The 
 Count of Nevers,^ who commanded the second body, 
 met the same f^Ue as the rest, and followed them to 
 Antioch, after the destruction of his whole force. 
 William of Poitiers, with the Duke of Bavaria and 
 the Marchioness Ida, were also encountered by the 
 victorious Saracens, and their defeat added another 
 to the triumphs of the infidels and to the Christian 
 disasters. The Duke of Bavaria, stripping himself 
 of his arms, fled to tlie mountains, and made his es- 
 cape. The precise fate of Ida of Austria remained 
 unknown ; but it appears certain she was either suf- 
 fered to die in captivity, or was crushed to death 
 under the horses' feet.'' The Count of Poitiers, com- 
 pletely destitute of all resources, and separated from 
 his companions, wandered on foot till he arrived at 
 Antioch,"* where he was kindly received by Tancred, 
 still alive, and met the other chiefs who had encoun 
 tered disasters like his own.^ The principal leaders 
 proceeded straight to Jerusalem, with the exception 
 of Raimond of Toulouse, who had long fixed his 
 heart upon the conquest of the rich tract of Tripoli, 
 which he attempted for som.e time in vain. Death 
 staid him in his progress,*^ and Baldwin succeeded in 
 accomplishing what he had designed ; after which 
 the king erected the t(^rritory acquired into a feudal 
 
 > FulcUer; Albert. 2 Mbort. 3 Albert of Aix. 4 Fulcher. 
 
 Albert, 6 Fulcher, cap. 35, A. D. 1105. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 183 
 
 county, which was bestowed upon the son of the de- 
 ceased Raimond. 
 
 In the mean while Stephen, Count of Blois, reached 
 Jerusalem ; and having, by a second completed 
 pilgrimage, wiped out, as he thought, the disgrace 
 of having quitted the first crusade, he embarked, 
 with William of Poitiers, to return to Europe. A 
 contrary wind, however, drove back the vessel mto 
 Jaffa,' and here Stephen found himself called upon to 
 join Baldwin in an attack upon the Turks. The 
 king advanced with only seven hundred knights,'' de- 
 ceived by reports of the enemy's weakness ; but in 
 the plains of Ramula he found himself suddenly op- 
 posed to the whole Turkish army. The spirit of 
 Chivalry forbade his avoiding the encounter, and in 
 a sliort time the greater part of his force was cut to 
 pieces. He himself, with his principal knights, made 
 their way to the castle of Ramula, from which he 
 contrived to escape alone. The rest were taken, 
 fighting bravely for their lives; and though some 
 were spared, Stephen of Blois'' was one of severa. 
 who were only reserved for slaughter. Thus died 
 the leaders of the first crusade who met their fate in 
 Palestine, and thus ended the greater and more 
 general expeditions which had been sanctioned by 
 the council of Clermont, and excited by the preach- 
 ing of Peter the Hermit. The ultimate fate of that 
 extraordinaryindividualhimself remains in darkness. 
 On the capture of Jerusalem, when the triumphant 
 Europeans spread themselves through the city, the 
 Christian inhabitants flocked forth to acknowledge 
 and gratulate their deliverers.'' Then it was that all 
 the toils and dangers which the Hermit had endured, 
 were a thousand fold repaid, and that all his enthu- 
 siasm met with its reward. The Christians of Jeru- 
 salem instantly recognised the poor pilgrim who had 
 first spoken to them words of hope, and had promised 
 
 • Fuicher, cap. 27. 2 Albert, lib. ix. ; Fnlcbcr 
 
 3 Albert ; Fuicher lames of VUrv : Hist. Hiercts. ab 
 
184 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 them, in their misery under the Turkish oppression, 
 that aid and dehverance which had at length so glo- 
 riously reached them.' In the fervour of their grati- 
 tude they attributed all to him ; and, casting them- 
 selves at his feet, called the blessing of Heaven on 
 the head of their benefactor. After that period Peter 
 is mentioned several times by the historians of Jeru- 
 salem f and we find that he certainly did act a very 
 principal part in the clerical government of the city.'' 
 Whether he returned to Europe or not I confess I do 
 not know. He is said to have founded the abbey of 
 Montier, in France, and to have died there ; but this 
 rests upon no authority worthy of confidence. 
 
 In the meanwhile, many of the Christians who had 
 escaped the active swords of the Saracens in Asia 
 Minor made their way to Jerusalem, and served to 
 people and protect tlie land. Various armaments, 
 also, arrived at the different seaports, bearing each 
 of them immense numbers of mihtary pilgrims, who, 
 after having visited the holy places, never failed to 
 ofter their services to the king of Jerusalem, for the 
 purpose of executing any single object that might be 
 desirable at the time. 
 
 Three only of these bodies are worthy of particular 
 notice, that of the English, Danes,'' and Flemings, 
 who assisted Baldwin at the unsuccessful siege of 
 Sidon — the Norwegian expedition which succeeded 
 in taking that city — and that of the Venetians, who 
 afterward aided in the capture of Tyre. The Ge- 
 noese^ and the Pisans, also, from time to time sent 
 out vessels to the coast ol" Palestine ; but these 
 voyages, which combined in a strange manner the 
 purposes of traffic, superstition, and warfare, tended 
 
 1 Hist. Hieros. abrev. 
 
 2 Mills says that the last historical mention of Peter is that which re 
 lates to his recognition by the Christians of Jerusalem ; but such is no- 
 the case. We find him mentioned as a very influential person on the 
 occasion of the battle of Ascalon.— See Raimond d'Agiles; Guibert, lib. 'i 
 
 3 Guibert, lb, vii. 4 Albert of Aix, lib. x. ; William of Tyre. 
 5 Fulcher ; William of Tyre. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 185 
 
 rather to the general prosperity of the country by 
 commerce, and to its protection, by bringing- conti- 
 nual recruits, than to any individual enterprise or 
 conquest. 
 
 Many anecdotes are told of the first crusaders by 
 their contemporary historians, which — though resting 
 on evidence so far doubtful as to forbid their intro- 
 duction as absolute facts — I shall mention in exem- 
 plification of the manners and customs of the time. 
 
 The number of women and children who followed 
 the first crusaders to the Holy Land is known to have 
 been immense ; but it is not a little extraordinary, 
 that in spite of all the liardships and dangers of the 
 way, a great multitude of both arrived safe at Jeru- 
 salem. The women we find, on ahiiost all occasions, 
 exercising the most heroic firmness in the midst of 
 battles and destruction ; and Guibert gives a curious 
 account of the military spirit which seized upon the 
 children during the siege of Antioch. The boys of 
 the Saracens and the young crusaders, armed witli 
 sticks for lances, and stones instead of arrows, would 
 issue from the town and the camp, and under leaders 
 chosen from among themselves,^ who assumed the 
 names of the principal chiefs, would advance in 
 regular squadrons, and fight in the sight of the two 
 hosts, with a degree of rancour which showed to wh-^t 
 a pitch the mutual hatred of the nations was carried. 
 Even after the crusaders had fallen in battle or had 
 died of the pestilence, their children still pursued 
 their way, and getting speedily accustomed to fatigue 
 and privation, evinced powers of endurance equal to 
 those of the most hardy warriors. 
 
 With the army of the Cross also was a multitude 
 of men — the same author declares — who made it a 
 profession to be without money ; they walked bare 
 foot, carried no arms, and even preceded the beasts of 
 burden in the march, living upon roots and herbs, and 
 
 i Guibert. lib. vii. 
 P 
 
186 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 presenting a spectacle both disgusting and pitiable. A 
 Norman," ivho, according to all accounts, was of noble 
 birth, but who, having lost his horse, continued to fol- 
 low as a foot-soldier, took the strange resolution of 
 putting himself at the head of this race of vagabonds, 
 who willingly received him for their king. Among the 
 Saracens these men became well known, under the 
 name of Thafurs (which Guibert translates Tru- 
 denies), and were held in great horror from the 
 general persuasion that they fed on the dead bodies 
 of their enemies : a report which w^as occasionally 
 justified, and which the king of the Thafurs took care 
 to encourage. This respectable monarch was fre- 
 quently in the habit of stopping his followers one by 
 one, in any narrow defile, and of causing them to be 
 searched carefully, lest the possession of the least 
 sum of money should render them unworthy of the 
 name of his subjects.^ If even two sous were found 
 upon any one, he was instantly expelled from the 
 society of his tribe, the king bidding him, contemptu- 
 ously, buy arms and fight. 
 
 This troop, so far from being cumbersome to the 
 army, was infinitely serviceable, carrying burdens, 
 bringing in forage, provisions, and tribute, working 
 the machines in the sieges, and, above all, spreading 
 consternation among the Turks, who feared death 
 from the lances of the knights less than that further 
 consummation, they heard of, under the teeth of the 
 Thafurs. 
 
 Mercy towards the Turks was considered, by the 
 contemporary clergy, to whom we owe all accounts 
 of the crusades, as so great a weakness, that perhaps 
 fewer instances of it are on record than really tool; 
 place ; for we seldom find any mention of clemency 
 to an infidel, without blame being attached to it. 
 Thus the promise of Tancred to save the Turks on 
 the roof of the temple is highly censured, as well as 
 
 I Guibatt. lib. vii. 2 ibid. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 187 
 
 the act of the Count of Toulouse, in granting their 
 lives to some five hundred wretches, who had taken 
 refuge in the Tower of David. 
 
 One deed of this kind is told of Baldwin I., more 
 as in its consequences it saved the king's person, 
 than as any thing praiseworthy in itself. Pass- 
 ing along one day on horseback, after his troops 
 had been employed in wasting the country, Bald- 
 win is said to have met with an Arabian woman, 
 who had been taken in labour by the way.' He co- 
 vered her with his own cloak, ordered her to be pro- 
 tected by his attendants, and having left her with 
 two skins of water, and two female camels, he pur- 
 sued his march. The chances of the desultory war- 
 fare of those times soon brought back her husband 
 to the spot, and his gratitude was the more ardent 
 as the benefit he had received was unusual and unex- 
 pected. After the fatal day of Ramula, while Bald- 
 win, with but fifty companions, besieged in the ill- 
 fortified castle of that place, was dreaming of no- 
 thing but how to sell his life dearly, a single Arab 
 approached the gates in the dead of the night, and 
 demanded to speak with the king. He was in con- 
 sequence brought to Baldwin's presence,'^ where he 
 recalled to his mind the kindness once shown to 
 the Arab woman, his wife ; and then offered to lead 
 him safely through the lines of the enemy. The 
 fate of Palestine at that moment hung upon Bald- 
 win's life, and, trusting himself in the hands of the 
 Arab, he was faithfully conducted to his own camp,^ 
 where he appealed, says William of Tyre, like the 
 morning star breaking through the clouds. 
 
 Superstition, which in that age was at its height m 
 Europe, was, of course, not unknown in Palestine, 
 and all sorts of visions were seen. Battles, accord- 
 ing to the monkish accounts, were won by relics and 
 
 3 William of Tyre. 
 
 ? Albert of Aix and Fulchcr give a different account of Baldwin's escape 
 
 ^ Will. Tyr. lib. x. 
 
188 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 prayers more than by swords and lances. A part of 
 the Holy Cross was said to be found in Jerusalem, a 
 thousand more martyrs w^ere dug up than ever were 
 buried, and we find one of the bishops Jerens in 
 pyxide lac sancice Marice Virginis. Ghosts' of saints, 
 too, were seen on every occasion, and the Devil him- 
 self, in more than one instance, appeared to the cru- 
 saders, tempting them witli consummate art to all 
 kinds of crimes. The evil spirit, however, often — 
 indeed generally — found himself cheated by his vic- 
 tims in the end, who, by repentance, gifts to the 
 church, and fanatical observances, easily found 
 means to " swear the seal from off their bond." 
 
 The appearance of an army in the times of the first 
 crusade was highly gorgeous and magnificent.^ The 
 number of banners of purple and gold, and rich 
 colours — each feudal baron having the right to bear 
 his banner to the field — rendered the Christian host 
 in full array as briglit a spectacle as tlie sun could 
 shine upon. The armour of the knights also gave a 
 glittering and splendid effect to the scene ; nor was 
 this armour as has been represented, entirely of that 
 kind called chain mail, which formed the original 
 hauberk. It varied according to various nations, 
 and it is evident from the continual mention of the 
 corslet or breastplate, by all the authors I have had 
 occasion to cite in this work, that that piece of plate 
 armour was used during the first crusade.^ It is pro- 
 bable, however, that the armour generally worn was 
 principally linked mail, which, in the case of the 
 knights, enveloped the whole body, being composed 
 of a shirt of rings, with hose, shoes, and gauntlets, 
 jf the same materials. The helmet might also be 
 
 1 Albert; Raimond d'Agiles ; Fulcher ; William of Tyre ; Geiiberl. 
 
 2 Albert of Aix; Raimond d'Agiles ; Guibert. 
 
 3 Mills is wrong in supposing that plate armour was not at all known 
 Before the beginning of the thirteenth century. As far back as the time 
 >f Louis the Debonair, the Monk of St. Gall gives a full description of 
 a man in plate armour, and also mentions the barb, or iron covering of 
 the horse. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 189 
 
 covered with a chainhood, which completed the dress. 
 In addition to this, it is not unlikely that a cuirass 
 was frequently worn with the shirt, as we find, from 
 the poem of William the Breton on Philip Augustus, 
 that it was even then a common practice to w^ear a 
 double plastron or cuirass, though plate armour had 
 returned into common use. The shield, charged witli 
 some design, but certainly not with regular armorial 
 bearings, together with the lance, sword, and mace, 
 completed the arms, offensive and defensive, of a 
 knight of that day.' 1 cannot find that either the bat- 
 tle-axe or the armour for the horse is mentioned 
 during the crusade ; yet we know that both had been 
 made use of long before. The foot-soldiers were in 
 some cases allowed to wear a shirt of mail, but not 
 a complete hauberk, and were armed with pikes, 
 bows, and crossbows; though it would seem that 
 they gained their knowledge of the latter instrument 
 from the Saracens, there being several lamentations, 
 in all the accounts of their first entrance into Asia 
 Minor, over their unsKiIfiilness in the use of the arbalist. 
 The luxury with which the Christians marched to 
 the crusade may be conceived from the narrative 
 given by Albert of Aix, of the rout of the troops of 
 Conrad and his companions, who followed to the 
 Holy Land, immediately after the capture of Jerusa- 
 lem. Among the spoils taken by the Turks, he men- 
 tions ermines,^ sables, and all kinds of rich furs, 
 purple and gold embroidery, and an incalculable 
 quantity of silver. The roads, he says, were so 
 strewed with riches, that the pursuers trod upon no- 
 thing but besants and other pieces of money, precious 
 stones, vases of gold and silver, and every sort of 
 silk and fine stufi". 
 
 The Turks proceeded to battle with even greater 
 
 « See, for these particulars, tlieMonk of St.Gall ; Albert of Aix: Rai- 
 n;ond d'Agiles; Fulcher ; Guibert ; William of Brittany ; Menestner 
 St. Palaye ; Ducansre. 
 
 2 A.lbert of Aix, lib. viii. 
 
190 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 magnificence ; and, after the victories of Antioch and 
 Ascalon, we read continually of invaluable booty, 
 jewels, golden helmets and armour standards of sil- 
 ver, and scimitars of unknown worth. The arms of 
 the Turks were lighter, in all probability, than those 
 of the Christians, and in general consisted of the 
 sword and the bow, in the use of which they were 
 exceedingly skilful.^ We find, however, that the va- 
 rious nations of which the Mahommedan armies were 
 composed used very different weapons ; though all 
 were remarkable for the manner in which they eluded 
 their enemies, by their skill in horsemapship, and the 
 fleetness of their chargers. One nation, mentioned 
 by Albert of Aix under tlie title of Azoparts, are 
 called the invincible^ and were furnished with heavy 
 maces, with which they aimed at the heads of the 
 horses, and seldom failed to bring them down. 
 
 After the conquest of Palestine by the Cliristians,® 
 the surrounding tribes continued to wage an unceas- 
 ing war against their invaders ; but nevertheless many 
 of the Mussulman towns wltnm the limits of the 
 kingdom of Jerusalem submitted to the conquerors, 
 and were admitted to pay tribute. A free communi- 
 cation also took place between the followers of the 
 two religions, and a greater degree of connexion be- 
 gan to exist than was very well consistent with the 
 fanaticism of either people. A mixed race even 
 sprang up from the European ' and Asiatic population, 
 the children of parents from different continents being 
 called Pullani. At the same time the coimtry was 
 governed by European laws,^ wliich, not coming 
 within the absolute scope of this book, I must avoid 
 treating of, from the very limited space to which I 
 am obliged to confine myself. Suffice it to say, thai 
 Godfrey of Bouillon, among the first cares of govern^ 
 
 1 Fu'cher ; Guibert. 
 
 2 Albert of Aix ; Fulcher ; Robertus Monachus. 
 3Fulcher; William of Tyre ; Albert. 4 Ijucange. 
 •> Assizes par Thaumassiere 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 191 
 
 ment, appointed a commission to inquire into the laws 
 and customs of the various nations which formed the 
 population of the country he was called to rule. 
 From the investigation thus entered into was drawn 
 up an admirable code of feudal law, under the title of 
 Assizes de Jerusalem. Two institutions of a strictlj 
 chivalrous nature, which were founded, properl] 
 speaking, between the first and second crusades, i 
 must mention here, as all the after-history of knight 
 hood is more or less connected with their progress. 
 I mean the two military orders of the Hospital and 
 the Temple. 
 
 The spirit of religious devotion and military fervour 
 had been so intimately united during the whole of the 
 crusade, that the combination of the austere rules of 
 the monk, with the warlike activity of the soldier, 
 seems to have been a necessary consequence of the 
 wars of the Cross. 
 
 Long previous to the crusade, some of the citizens 
 of AmalA having been led to Jerusalem,^ partly from 
 feelings of devotion, partly in the pursuit of com- 
 merce, had witnessed the misery to which pilgrims 
 were exposed on their road to the Holy Land, and 
 determined to found an hospital in which pious tra- 
 vellers might be protected and solaced after their 
 arrival at the end of their journey. The influence 
 which the Italian merchants possessed through their 
 commercial relations at the court of the calif, easily 
 obtained permission to establish tlie institution pro- 
 posed. A piece of ground near the supposed site of 
 the holy sepulchre was assigned to them, and the 
 chapel and hospital were accordingly built, at dif- 
 ferent times, and placed under the patronage, the 
 one of St. Maiy, and the other of St. John the Al- 
 moner. 
 
 A religious house was also constructed for those 
 charitable persons, of both sexes, who chose to ded? 
 
 1 William of Tyre, lib. xviii. 2 Vertot 
 
192 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 cate themselves to the service of the pilgrims, arsJ 
 who, on their admission, snbjected themselves to the 
 rule of St. Benedict. All travellers, whether Greeks 
 or Latins, were received into the l^ospital; and the 
 monks even extended their charitable care to the sick 
 or poor Mussulmans who surrounded them. 
 
 During the siege of Jerusalem by the crusaders, all 
 the principal Christians of the town were thrown into 
 prison ; among others, the abbot (as he is called by 
 James of Vitry)' of the monastery of St. John. He 
 was a Frenchman by birth, named Gerard ; and, after 
 the taking of the city, was liberated, with other Chris- 
 tian prisoners, and returned to the duties of his 
 office, in attending the sick and wounded crusaders 
 who were brought into tlie Hospital. After the bat- 
 tle of Ascalon, Godfrey visited the establishment, 
 where he still found many of the followers of the 
 crusade, who, struck with admiration at the institu- 
 tion, and filled with gratitude for the services they 
 had received, determined to embrace the order, and 
 dedicate their lives also to acts of charity. Godfrey, 
 as a reward for tlie benefits which these lioly men 
 had conferred on his fellow-christians, endowed the 
 Hospital (now in a degree separated from the abbey 
 of St. Mary) with a large estate, in his hereditary 
 dominions in Brabant. Various other gifts were 
 added by the different crusaders of rank ; andtJie Poor 
 Brothers of the Hospital of St. John began to find 
 themselves a rich and flourishing community. It 
 Avas at this period that they first took the black habit 
 and the white cross of eight points, and subjected 
 themselves, by peculiar vows, to the continual at- 
 tendance on pilgrims and sick persons.^ Pascal H. 
 soon after bestowed upon the order several valuable 
 privileges, among which were, exemption from all 
 tithes, "the right of electing their own superior,* and 
 absolute immunity from all secular or clerical inter- 
 
 1 Hist. Hierosol. . Jacob. Vitri. Verlot Treuvo' 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 198 
 
 ference. The constant resort of pilgrims to the Holy 
 Land not only increased the wealth of the Hospi- 
 tallers, but. spread their fame to other countiies. 
 Princes and kings conferred lands and benefices upon 
 them, and the order began to throw out ramifications 
 into Europe, where hospitals, under the same rule, 
 were erected, and maybe considered as the first com- 
 manderies of the institution. 
 
 At the death of Gerard, which took place almost 
 immediately after that of Baldwin I., Raimond 
 Dupuy, one of the crusaders who had attached him- 
 self to the Hospital on having been cured of his 
 wounds received at the siege of Jerusalem, was 
 elected master, and soon conceived the idea of ren- 
 dering the wealth and number of the Hospitallers 
 serviceable to the state in other ways than those 
 which they had hitherto pursued. His original pro- 
 fession of course led him to the thought of combin- 
 ing war with devotion, and he proposed to his bre- 
 thren to reassume the sword, binding themselves, how- 
 ever, by a vow, to draw it only against the enemies* 
 of Christ. In what precise year the Hospitallers 
 first appeared in arms is not very clearly ascertained ; 
 but it is a matter of no moment, and it is certain that 
 they became a military body during the reign of 
 Baldwin du Bourg.' 
 
 The order of St. John was then divided into three 
 classes, knights, clergy, and serving brothers. P^ach 
 of these classes still, when absent from the field, 
 dedicated themselves to the service of the sick ; but 
 the knights were chosen from the noble or military 
 rank of the Hospitallers, and commanded in battle 
 and in the hospital. The clergy, besides the ordi- 
 nary duties of their calling, followed the armies as 
 almoners and chaplains; and the serving brothers 
 fought under tlie knights in battle, or obe3^ed theii 
 directions in their attendance on the sick. At first 
 
 1 Vertot. 
 
194 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 the garments and food of these grades were the 
 Bame. The vows also were ahke to all, and im- 
 plied chastity, obedience to their superior and to the 
 council, together with individual poverty. 
 
 The objects now proposed were war against the 
 infidels, andprotection and comfort to the Christian 
 pilgrims. THie knights were bound by strict and 
 severe rules ; they were enjoined to avoid all luxury, 
 to travel two or three together, seeking only such 
 lodging in the various towns as was provided for 
 them by their community, and burning a light during 
 the night, that they might be always prepared against 
 the enemy. Their faults' were heavily punished by 
 fasts, by imprisonments, and even by expulsion from 
 the order ; and they were taught to look for no re- 
 ward but from on high. Nevertheless, before the 
 good Bishop of Acre composed his curious work on 
 the Holy Land, probably about the year 1228, the 
 Hospitallers, he tells us, were buying for themselves 
 castles and towns, and submitting territories to their 
 •^utliority like the princes of the earth. 
 
 The origin of the order of- Red-cross Knights, or 
 Templars, was very different, though its military 
 object was nearly the same. The Christian power 
 in Palestine was probably as firmly established at the 
 time of Baldwin du Bourg, as during any other pe- 
 riod of its existence ; yet the mixture of the popula- 
 tion, the proximity of a thousand inimical tribes, the 
 roving habits of the Turks, who — generally worsted 
 by the Christians in the defence of cities and in 
 arrayed fields — now harassed their enemies with 
 a constant, but flying warfare ; all rendered the 
 plains of the Holy Land a scene of unremitting strife, 
 where the pilgrim and the traveller were continually 
 exposed to danger, plunder, and death. Some French 
 knights, who had followed the first crusade,^ animated 
 bej'ond their fellows with the religious and military 
 
 1 Jacob Vitriaci in Hist. Hierosol 2 William of Tyre 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. IB5 
 
 fury which inspired that enterprise, entered into a 
 solemn compact to aid each other in freeing the high- 
 ways of the Holy Land, protecting pilgrims and 
 travellers, and fighting against the enemies of the 
 Cross. They embraced the rule of St. Augustin ; 
 renounced all worldly goods, and bound themselves 
 by oath to obey the commands of their grand master ; 
 to defend the Christian faith ; to cross the seas in 
 aid of their brethren ; to fight unceasingly against 
 the infidel, and never to turn back from less than 
 four adversaries.^ The founders of this order were 
 Hugh de Paganis and Geoffrey de St. Aldemar — or, 
 according to some, de St. Omer — who had both sig- 
 nalized themselves in the religious wars. Having no 
 fixed dwelling, the Templars were assigned a lodg- 
 ing in a palace in the immediate vicinity of the Tem- 
 ple, from whence they derived the name by which 
 Ihey have since been known. The number of these 
 knights was at .first but nine, and during the nine 
 years which followed their institution, they Mere 
 marked by no particular garb,^ wearing the secular 
 habit of the day, which was furnished to them by 
 charity alone. The clergy of the temple itself con- 
 ferred on their body a space of ground between that 
 building and the palace,'' for the purpose of military 
 sxercises, and various other benefices speedily fol- 
 lowed. At the counciP of Troyes, their situation 
 was considered, and a white garment was appointed 
 for their dress. Their vows became very similar to 
 those of the knights of St. John ; the numbers of 
 
 1 Jac. Vitriaci ; Hist. Hierosol. 
 
 2 Will. Tyrensis, lib. xxii. ; Jacob. Vit. 3 William of Tyre 
 
 4 William of Tyre marks precisely, that the partic-ular rules to which 
 they were subjected, and the dress to which they were restricted, were 
 regularly fixed by the churcli at the council of Tropes, in the course of 
 the ninth year after their first institution. Now the council of Troyes 
 took place in 1128, and Baldwin duBourg ascended the throne of Jerusa 
 \em on the 2d of April, 11 18, en years previously. Their first institution, 
 ..herefore, could not be in the reign of Baldwin I., as Mills has stated it, 
 Without a gross error on the pari" of the Archbisho]) of Tyre, who wrote 
 in the year 11S4, and therefore was not likely to be mistaken on a subject 
 so near his own days. 
 
196 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 the bcdy rapidly aug-mented ; possessions and riches 
 flowed in upon them apace, as their services became 
 extended and general. They added a red cross to 
 their robe, and raised a banner of their own, on which 
 they bestowed the name of Beausiant. The order, 
 as it increased, was soon divided into the various 
 classes of servants of arms, esquires, and knights; 
 and, in addition to their great standard, which was 
 white with the red cross — symbolical, like their dress, 
 of purity of life, and courage, even to death — they 
 bore to battle a banner composed of white and black 
 stripes, intended to typify their tenderness to their 
 friends and implacability towards their enemies.— 
 Their valour became so noted, that, like that of the 
 famous tenth legion,' it was a support to itself; and, 
 according to James of Vitry, any Templar, on hear- 
 ing the cry to arms, would have been ashamed to have 
 asked the number of the enemy. The only ques- 
 tion was, " Where are they ]" 
 
 On entering the order, the grand master cautioned 
 the aspirant that he was, in a manner, called upon to 
 resign his individuality. Not only his property and 
 his body, but his very thoughts, belonged, from the 
 moment of his admission, to the institution of which 
 he became a part. He was bound in every thing to 
 obey the commands of his superior, and poverty of 
 course formed a part of his vow. His inclinations, 
 his feelings, his passions, were all to be rendered sub- 
 servient to the cause he embraced; and he was ex- 
 horted to remember, before he engaged himself to 
 the performance of so severe an undertaking, tliat he 
 would often be obliged to watch when he desired to 
 sleep, to suffer toil when his limbs required rest, and 
 to undergo the pangs of thirst and the cravings of 
 hunger when food would be most delightful. 
 
 After these and similar warnings of the painful 
 and self-denying nature of the task which he was 
 
 1 Hist. Hierosol. ; Jacob. Vitriaci. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 197 
 
 about to impose upon himself, he was asked three 
 times if he still desired to enter into the order, and on 
 giving an answer in the affirmative, he was invested 
 with the robe, and admitted to the vows, after pre- 
 vious proof that he was qualified in other respects, 
 according to the rules of the institution. 
 No possible means has ever been devised of kecp- 
 * ing any body of men poor ; and the Templars, whose 
 first device was two knights riding on one horse, to 
 signify their poverty and humility, were soon one of 
 the richest, and beyond comparison the proudest, of 
 the European orders. Their preceptories w^ere to be 
 found in every country, and as their vows did not 
 embrace' the charitable avocations which, with the 
 knights of St. John, filled up the hours unemployed 
 in military duties, the Templars soon added to their 
 pride all that host of vices which so i^eadily step in 
 to occupy ttie void of idleness. While the knights of 
 St. John, spreading benefit and comfort around them, 
 notwithstanding many occasional faults and errors, 
 remained esteemed and beloved, on the w'hole, both 
 by sovereigns and people ; the knights of the Tem- 
 ple were only suffered for some centuries, feared, 
 hated, avoided ; and at last were crushed, at a mo- 
 ment when it is probable that a reform was about to 
 work itself in their order.^ 
 
 1 The Templars founded many charitable institutions, but attendance 
 on the sick was not a part of their profession. 
 
 2 For a more particular and correct account of the armour of the cru- 
 sades, T must refer to liie invaluable work of Dr. Meyrick, which I re- 
 gret much not to have had by me while writing this book. My sources 
 of information have been alone the historians of the day, in consulting 
 whom the ambiguity of language is very often likely to induce error ii 
 matters which, like armour, are difficult to describe. 
 
198 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Consequences of the Loss of Edessa — The State of France uvfavotirablt 
 to a neiv Crusade — Vieio of the Progress of Society— Causes and Cha- 
 racter of the Second Crusade — St. Brrnard — The Emperor of Germany 
 takes the Cross and sets otit — Louis VII. folluivs— Conduct of the Ger- 
 mans in Greece — Their Destruction iii Cappadocia — Treachery of 
 Manuel Conmenus — Louis VII. arrives at Constantinople — Passes 
 into Asia — Defeats the Turks on the Meander— His Army cut to 
 pieces — Proceeds by Sea to Antioch — Fate of his remaining Troops- 
 Intrigues at Antioch — Louis goes on to Jerusalem — Siege of Damas- 
 tus — Disgraceful Failure— Conrad returns to Europe— Condtict of 
 Suger, Abbot of St. Denis — Termination of the Second Crusade. 
 
 The loss of Edessa shook the kingdom of Jeru- 
 salem ; not so much from the importance'of the city 
 or its territory, as from the exposed state in which 
 it left the frontier of the newly established monarchy. 
 The activity, the perseverance, the power of the Mos- 
 lems had been too often felt not to be dreaded ; and 
 there is every reason to believe, that the clergy 
 spoke but the wishes of the whole people, when in 
 their letters to Europe they pressed their Christian 
 brethren to come once more to the succour of Jeru- 
 salem. Shame and ambition led the young Count 
 of Edessa to attempt the recovery of his capital as 
 soon as the death of Zenghi, who had taken it, reached 
 his ears. He in consequence collected a large body 
 of troops, and on presenting himself before the walls 
 during the night, was admitted, by his friends, into 
 the town. There he turned his whole efforts to force 
 the Turkish garrison in the citadel to surrender, be- 
 fore Nourhaddin, the son of Zenghi, could arrive to 
 its aid. But the Saracens held out ; and, while the 
 Latin soldiers besieged the castle, they found them 
 selves suddenly surrounded by a large body of the 
 enemy, under the command of Nourhaddin. In this 
 
hjstory of chivalry. [99 
 
 situation, tliey endeavoured to cut their way through 
 the Turkish force, but, attacked on every side, few 
 of them escaped to tell the tale of their own defeat. 
 Nourhaddin marched over their necks into Edessa, 
 and, in order to remove for ever that bulwark to the 
 Christian kingdom of Jerusalem, he caused the forti- 
 fications to be razed to the ground. 
 
 The consternation of the people of Palestine be- 
 came great and general. The road to the Holy City 
 lay open before the enemy, and continual applications 
 for assistance reached Europe, but more particularly 
 France. 
 
 The state of that country, however, was the 
 least' propitious that it is possible to conceive for a 
 crusade. The position of all the orders of society 
 had undergone a change since the period when the 
 wars of the Cross were first preached by Peter the 
 Hermit ; and of the many causes which had com- 
 bined to hurry the armed multitudes to the Holy 
 Land, none remained but the spirit of religious fanati- 
 cism and military enterprise. At the time of the 
 first crusade, the feudal system had reached the acme 
 of its power. The barons had placed a king upon 
 the throne. They had rendered their own dominion 
 independent of his, and though they still acknow- 
 ledged some ties between themselves and the mo- 
 narch — some vague and general power of restraint 
 in the king and his court of peers — yet those ties 
 
 1 Mills says, " The news of the loss of the eastern frontier of the Latin 
 kingdom reached France at a time peculiarly favourable for foreign 
 war." It will be seen that I have taken up a position as exactly the re- 
 verse of that assumed by that excellent author as can well be conceived ; 
 but I have not done so without much investigation, and the more I con- 
 sider the subject, the more I am convinced that the moment when the 
 feudal power was checked by the king and assailed by the communes, 
 was not the most propitious to call the nobility to foreign lands — that 
 the moment in which the burghers were labouring up hill for inde- 
 pendence, was not a time for tliem to abandon the scene of their hopes 
 and endeavours — and that the moment when a kingdom was torn by 
 conflicting powers, when the royal authority was unconfirmed, and the 
 nobility only irritated at its exertion, was not the period that a monarch 
 should have chosen to quit his dominions 
 
200 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 were so loose, that power was so undefined in its 
 nature, and so difficult in its exercise, that the nobles 
 were free and at liberty to act in whatever direction 
 enthusiasm, ambition, or cupidity might call them, 
 without fear of the sovereign, who was, in fact, but 
 one of their own body loaded with a crown. 
 
 The people, too, at that time, both in the towns 
 and in the fields, were the mere slaves of the no- 
 bility ; and as there existed scarcely a shadow of 
 vigour in the kingly authority, so there remained not 
 an idea of distinct rights and privileges among the 
 populace. Thus the baronage were then unfet- 
 tered by dread from any quarter; and the lower 
 classes — both the poorer nobility, and that indistinct 
 tribe (which we find evidently^ marked) who were 
 neither among the absolute serfs of any lord, nor 
 belonging to the military caste — were all glad to en- 
 gage themselves in wars which held out to them 
 riches and exaltation in this world, and beatification 
 in the next ; while they could hope for nothing in 
 their own land but pillage, oppression, and wrong; 
 or slaughter in feuds without an object, and in bat- 
 tles for the benefit of others. 
 
 Before the second crusade was contemplated, a 
 change — an immense change had operated itself in 
 the state of society. Just fifty years had passed 
 since the council of Clermont : but the kings of France 
 were no longer the same ; the royal authority had 
 acquired force^ — the latent principles of domination 
 
 1 A curious essay might be written on the classes or castes in Europe 
 t that period. It is quite a mistaken notion which some persons have 
 
 entertained, that the only distinctions under the monarch, were noble 
 and serf. We find an immense class, or rather various classes, all of 
 which consisted of freemen, interposed between the lord and his slave. 
 Thus Galbertus Syndick, of Brviges, in recounting the death of Charles 
 the Good, Count of Flanders, A. D. 1 130, mentions not only the burghers 
 of the town, but various other persons who were not of the nobb' race, 
 but were then evidently free, as well as the Brabangois or Cotereaux, a 
 sort of freebooting soldier of that day. Guibert of Nogent, also, in his 
 own life, and Frodoardus, in the history of Rheims, refer to many of 
 whose exact station it is difficult to form an idea. 
 
 2 Rouillard, Histoire de Melun : Vie de Bouchard. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 20 v 
 
 had been exercised for the general good. Kings had 
 put forth their hands to check abuses, to punish vio- 
 lence and crime ; and the feudal system began to 
 assume the character, not of a simple confederation, 
 but of an organized hierarchy,^ in which the whole 
 body was the judge of each individual, and the head 
 of that body the executor of its sentence. Louis VI., 
 commonly called Louis the Fat,^ was the first among 
 the kings of France who raised the functions of 
 royalty above those of sovereignty, and the distinction 
 between the two states is an important one. The 
 former monarchs of France, including Philip L, under 
 whose reign the first crusade w^as preached, had 
 each been but sovereigns, who could call upon their 
 vassals to serve them for so many days in the field, 
 and whose rights were either simply personal, that 
 is to say, for their own dignity and benefit, or only 
 general so far as the protection of the whole confe- 
 deracy from foreign invasion was implied. Louis 
 the Fat, however, saw that in the kingly office was 
 comprised both duties and rights of a different cha- 
 racter ; the right of punishing private crime,^ and of 
 opposing universal wrong; the duty of maintaining 
 public order, and of promoting by one uniform and 
 acknowledged power the tranquillity of the whole 
 society and the security of each individual. The 
 efforts of that prince were confined and partial, it is 
 true ;^ but he and his great minister, Suger, seized 
 the Just idea of the monarchical form of government, 
 and laid the basis of a well-directed and legitimate 
 authority. 
 
 This authority, of course, was not pleasing to the 
 barons, whose license was thus curtailed. Their 
 views, therefore, were turned rather to the mainte- 
 nance of their own unjust privileges, than to foreign 
 
 1 1 know that I use this word not quite correctly, but I can find none 
 other to exjiress more jiroperly what I mean. 
 
 2 Suger in vit. I,udovic VI. 3 Galbert in vit. Carol 
 4 Sug'ir in yit. Ludovic V{. ^ 
 
202 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 adventures. At the same time, the nobles found 
 themselves assailed by the classes below them, as 
 well as by the power above, and the people of the 
 towns were seen to struggle for the rights and im- 
 munities so long denied to them. The burghers 
 had,' indeed, been permitted to labour in some small 
 degree for themselves. Though subject to terrible 
 and grievous exactions, they had still thriven under 
 the spirit of commerce and industry. Their lords 
 had sometimes even recourse to them for assistance, 
 riie greater part, though of the servile race, had been 
 either freed, or were descended from freed men ; 
 and the baron of the town in which they lived, though 
 cruel and tyrannical, was more an exacting pro- 
 tector than a master. At length — the precise time 
 is unknown — the people of the cities began to think 
 of protecting themselves ; and, by mutual co-opera- 
 tion, they strove at once to free themselves from the 
 tyranny of a superior lord, and to defend themselves 
 against the encroachments of others. The word 
 commune^ was introduced, and each town of consi- 
 derable size hastened to struggle for its liberty. At 
 first the horror and indignation of the nobles were 
 beyond all conception ; but the spirit of union among 
 them was not sufficiently active to put down that 
 which animated the commons. 
 
 Each lord had to oppose his revolted subjects alone; 
 and after long and sanguinary contests,^ sometimes 
 the baron, the bishop, or the abbot succeeded in 
 subjugating the people ; sometimes the burghers 
 contrived, bj^ perseverance, to wring from the no- 
 bles themselves a charter which assured their 
 freedom. 
 
 This struggle4 was at its height, at the time when 
 the fall of Edessa and the growing power of the 
 Moslems called Europe to engage in a second cru- 
 sade ; but the barons at that moment found theil 
 
 1 Chron. Vezeliac. 2 Guibert Nog. in vit. s. 
 
 3 Chron. Vezeliac. i Gesta regis Lndovici VII. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 203 
 
 privileges invaded both by the crown and the peo- 
 ple ; and the latter discovered that they had rights 
 to maintain in their own land — that they were no 
 longer the mere slaves to whom all countries were 
 alike — that prospects were opened before them 
 which during the first crusade they hardly dreamed 
 of — that the swords which had before been employed 
 in fighting the quarrels of their lords at home, or 
 raising them to honour and fame abroad, were now 
 required to defend their property, their happiness, 
 and the new station they had created for themselves 
 in society. Thus the period at which aid became 
 imperatively necessary to the Christians at Jerusalem, 
 was when France was least calculated to afford it. 
 Nevertheless, the superstition of a king and the elo- 
 quence of a churchman combined to produce a second 
 crusade ; but in this instance it was but a great mili- 
 tary expedition, and no longer the enthusiastic effort 
 of a nation, or a great popular movement throughout 
 the whole of the Christian world. 
 
 One of the strongest proofs of this fact' is the 
 scantiness of historians on the second crusade, and 
 the style in which those that do exist, speak of its 
 operations. It is no longer the glory of Christendom 
 that they mention, but the glory of the king; no 
 more the deliverance of the Holy Land, but merely 
 the acts of the monarch. 
 
 In pursuance of the general plan of extending the 
 dominion of the crown, which had been conceived by 
 Louis VL, and carried on with such infinite perse- 
 verance by his great minister Suger, Louis VII., the 
 succeeding monarch, on hearing of the election of 
 the Archbishop of Bourges by the chapter of that 
 city, without his previous consent, had declared the 
 nomination invalid, and proceeded to acts of such 
 
 1 The only two 1 know who accompanied this crusade, and wrote any 
 detailed account of it, are Odon de Deuil, or Odo de Diagojo, and Fri- 
 siiigen, or Fre>siiig"hen. It is an extraordinary fact, that the Cardinal de 
 Vitry makes no mention of the second CHsade. 
 
^0* HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 flagrant opposition to the papal jnrisdiction, that 'he 
 church used her most terrific thunders to av/e tlie 
 monarch to her will. Thibalt, Count of ChampaQ:nG 
 armed in support of the pope's authority, and Louis 
 instantly marched to chastise his rebellious vassal. 
 Thibalt was soon reduced to obedience, but the 
 anger of the monarch was not appeased by submis- 
 sion ; for, even after the town of Vitry had surren- 
 dered, he set fire to the church, in which nearly 
 thirteen hundred people had taken refuge, and dis- 
 graced his triumph by one of the direst pieces of 
 cruelty upon record. A severe illness, however, soon 
 followed, and reflection brought remorse. At that 
 time the news of the fall of Edessa was fresh in Eu- 
 rope ; and Louis, in the vain hope of expiating his 
 crime, determined to promote a crusade, and lead his 
 forces himself to the aid of Jerusalem. 
 
 Deputies were speedily sent to the Pope Eugenius, 
 who willingly abetted in the king's design, and com- 
 missioned the famous St. Bernard, Abbot of Clair- 
 vaux, to preach the Cross through France and Ger- 
 many. St. Bernard possessed every requisite for 
 such a mission.' From his earliest years he had 
 been filled with religious enthusiasm ; he had aban- 
 doned high prospects to dedicate himself entirely to 
 an austere and gloomy fanaticism ; he had reformed 
 many abuses in the church, reproved crime wherever 
 he found it, and raised the clerical character in the 
 eyes of the people, too much accustomed to behold 
 among his order nothing but vice, ignorance, and in- 
 dolence. He was one of the most powerful orators 
 of his day, endowed with high and commanding 
 talents of many kinds ; and in his controversy with 
 the celebrated Abelard, the severe purity of his life 
 and manners had proved most eloquent against his 
 rival. Thus, when after repeated entreaties^ he went 
 forth to preach the crusade, few that heard him were 
 
 1 William of St. Thierry, Mabillon. 
 
 2 Geoffroi de Clairvaux , Continuation of the Life of St. Bernard 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 205 
 
 not eitlier impressed by his sanctity, persuaded by 
 his eloquence, or carried away by his zeal : and thus, 
 notwithstanding- the unfavourable state of France,' 
 a multitude of men took the symbol of the Cross, and 
 prepared to follow the monarch into Palestine. In 
 Germany the effects of his overpowering oratory 
 were the same. Those who understood not even the 
 language that he spoke, becai^e awed by his gestures 
 and the dignified enthusiasm of his manner, and de- 
 voted themselves to the crusade, though the tongue 
 in which it was preached was unknown to them. 
 Wherever he went his presence was supposed to 
 operate miracles, and the sick are reported to have 
 recovered by his touch, or at his command; while 
 all the legions of devils, with which popish supersti- 
 tion peopled the atmosphere, took flight at his ap- 
 proach. For some time Conrad, Emperor of Ger- 
 many, suffered' St. Bernard to call the inhabitants 
 of his dominions to the crusade without taking any 
 active part in his proceedings, but at length the start- 
 ling eloquence of the Abbot of Clairvaux reached 
 even the bosom of the monarch, and he declared his 
 intention of following the Cross himself. At Vezelai 
 Louis VII. received the symbol : but the most power- 
 ful obstacle that he found to his undertaking was the 
 just and continued opposition of his minister,^ Suger, 
 who endeavoured by every means to dissuade the 
 monarch from abandoning his kingdom. All persua- 
 sions were vain ; and having committed the care of 
 his estates to that faithful servant,^ Louis himself, ac- 
 companied by Eleonor, his queen, departed for Metz, 
 where he was joined by an immense multitude of 
 nobles and knights, among whom were crusaders 
 from England^ and the remote islands of the northern 
 sea. Ambassadors from Roger, King of Apulia, had 
 already warned Louis of the treachery of the Grreks, 
 and besought him to take any other way than that 
 
 1 Odo of Deuil. 2 Mabillou. 3 Guizot. 
 
 4A. D 1147 5 Odon de Deuil. 
 
200 HISTOR\ 0* CHIVALRY. 
 
 through the dominions of- the emperor; but the 
 French monarch was biassed by other counsels, and 
 determined upon following the plan before laid down. 
 
 The Emperor of Germany was the first' to set out, 
 and by June reached Constantinople in safety, fol- 
 lowed by a large body of armed men, and a number 
 of women whose gay dress, half-military, half-femi- 
 nine, gave the march tlie appearance of some bright 
 fantastic cavalcade. 
 
 The King of France, having previously received^ 
 at St. Denis, the consecrated banner as a warrior, 
 and the staff and script as a pilgrim, now quitted 
 Metz, and proceeded by Worms and Ratisbon. Here 
 he was met by envoys from the Emperor of the East, 
 charged with letters so filled with flattery and fair 
 speeches, that Louis is reported to have blushed, and 
 the Bishop of Langres to have observed — 
 
 Timeo Danaos et dona ferentes. 
 
 Here," too, the French beheld, for the first time, the 
 custom of an inferior standing in the presence of his 
 lord. The object of the emperor was to obtain from 
 Louis a promise to pass through his territories with- 
 out violence, and to yield to liim every town from 
 which he should expel the Turks, and which had 
 ever belonged to the Grecian territory. 
 
 Part of this proposal was acceded to, and part re- 
 fused ; and the army marclied on through Hungary 
 into Greece. The progress of the second crusade 
 was of course subject to the same difficulties that at- 
 tended that of the first, through a waste and deserted 
 land ; but many other obstacles no longer existed — 
 the people of the country were more accustomed to 
 
 1 William of Tyre. 2 Qdon de Deuil. 3 Fee note X. 
 
 4 It appears from the passage of Odo of Deuil whicli mentions the CH- 
 rious servility, as he designates it, of the Greeks never sitting down in 
 the presence of a superior till desired to do so, that the French of that 
 flay were not qnife so ceremonious as in that of Louis XTV. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 207 
 
 tlie appearance of strang-ers;' the army was re- 
 strained by the presence of the king; and the whole 
 account of the march to Constantinople leaves the 
 impression of a more civilized state of society than 
 that which existed at the peiiod of the first crusade. 
 V/e meet with no massacres, no burning of towns, 
 no countries laid waste : and though there are to be 
 found petty squabbles between the soldiers and the 
 townspeople, frays, and even bloodshed ; yet these 
 were but individual outrages, kindled by private 
 passions, and speedily put down by the arm of au- 
 thority. 
 
 The Germans^ were less fortunate on their way 
 than the French, and some serious causes of quarrel 
 sprung up between them and the Greeks, in which it 
 is difficult to discover who were the chief aggressors. 
 The Greeks call the Germans^ barbarians, and the 
 Germans accuse the Greeks of every kind of trea- 
 chery ; but it appears evident,'' that Conrad himself 
 was guilty of no small violence on his approach to 
 Constantinople. A most magnificent garden had 
 been laid out at a little distance from that capital, 
 filled with every vegetable luxury of the day, and 
 containing witliin its walls vast herds of tame ani- 
 mals, for whose security woods had been planted, 
 caverns dug, and lakes contrived ; so that the beasts 
 which were confined in this vast prison might follow 
 their natural habits, as if still at liberty. Here also 
 were several buildings, in which the emperors were 
 accustomed to enjoy the summer : but Conrad, with 
 an unceremonious freedom, partaking not a little of 
 barbarism, broke into this retreat, and wasted and 
 destroyed all that it had required the labour of years to 
 accomplish. Manuel Comnenus, who now sat on the 
 throne of Constantinople, beheld, from the windows of 
 his palace, this strange scene of wanton aggression ; 
 and sent messengers^ to Conrad, who was connected 
 
 1 f >do of Oeuil. 2 Nicetas. 3 Cinnamus, cited by Mills. 
 
 4 0dondoDeuil 5 ibid. 
 
208 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 with liim by marriag-e,' desiring- an interview. But 
 the Greek would not trust himself out of the walls of 
 his capital, and the German would not venture within 
 them, so that a short time was passed in negotia- 
 tion; and then Conrad passed over the Hellespont 
 with his forces, relieving the eastern sovereign from 
 the dread and annoyance of his presence. Manuel, 
 however, furnished the German army with guides 
 to conduct it through Asia Minor; and almost all 
 accounts attribute to the Greek the design of be- 
 traying his Christian brethren into the hands of the 
 infidels. After passing the sea, the troops of Conrad 
 proceeded in two bodies,^ the one under the Emperor, 
 and the other under the Bishop of Freysinghen ; but 
 the guides with which they had been provided led 
 them into the pathless wilds of Cappadocia, where 
 famine soon reached them. At the moment also 
 when they expected to arrive at Iconiura,^ they found 
 themselves attacked by the army of the infidels, 
 swelled to an immense extent by the efforts of the 
 sultaun of the Seljukian Turks, who, on the first ap- 
 proach of the Christian forces, had spared no means 
 to ensure their destruction. The heavy-armed Ger- 
 mans'* in vain endeavoured to close with the light 
 and agile horsemen of the Turkish host. The 
 treacherous guides had fled on the first sight of the 
 infidels, and the enemy hovered round and round the 
 German army, as it struggled on through the un- 
 known deserts in which it was entangled, smiting 
 every straggler, and hastening its annihilation by 
 
 1 Manuel Comnenus had married Bertha, and Conrad, Gertrude, both 
 daughters of Berenger the elder, Count of Sultzbach. 
 
 2 0don de Deuil. 3 William of Tyre; Odon de Deuil. 
 
 4 The Pope, in his exhortation to the second crusade, had not only 
 regulated the general conduct of the crusaders, and formally absolved all 
 those who should embrace tlie Cross, but he had given minute particu- 
 lars for their dress and arms, expressly forbidding all that might encum- 
 ber them in their journey, such as heavy baggage, and vain superfluities, 
 and all that might lead them from the direct road, such as falcons and 
 huiiting-dogs. "Happy hud it been fi^r them," says Odo of Ueuil, "if, 
 instead of a scrip, he had commanded the foot pilgrims to bear a cross 
 bow and instead of a staff, a sword." 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY, 209 
 
 conlinual attacks. Favoured by the fleetness of 
 their horses, and their knowledg-e of the localities, 
 they passed and repassed the exhausted troops of the 
 emperor,' who now endeavoured to retrace his steps 
 under a continued rain of arrows. No part of the 
 army offered security. The famous Count Bernard, 
 with many others, was cut off fighting in the rear ; 
 the van \vas constantly in the presence of an active 
 foe ; and the emperor himself was twice wounded 
 by arrows which fell in the centre of the host. Thus, 
 day after day, thousands on thousands were added to 
 the slain ; and when at length Conrad reached the 
 town of Nice, of seventy thousand knights, and an 
 immense body of foot, who had followeu nim from 
 Europe, scarcely a tenth part were to be found in the 
 ranks of his shattered army. 
 
 That he was betrayed into the hands of the Turks 
 by the guides furnished by the emperor no earthly 
 doubt can be entertained ; nor is it questionable that ■ 
 Manuel Comnenus was at that time secretly engaged 
 in treaty with the infidels. It is not, indeed, abso- 
 lutely proved that the monarch of Constantinople 
 ordered or connived at the destruction of the Chris- 
 tian forces ; but every historian^ of the day has sus- 
 pected him of the treacherj^ and wdien such is the 
 case it is probable there was good cause for suspicion. 
 
 In the mean while, Louis the younger led the 
 French host to Constantinople, and, unlike Conrad, 
 instantly accepted the emperor's invitation to enter 
 the city with a small train. Manuel received him 
 as an equal, descending to the porch of his palace to 
 meet his royal guest. He, of course, pretended to 
 no homage from the King of France, but still his ob- 
 ject was to secure to himself all the conquests which 
 Louis might make in the ancient appendages of 
 Greece, without acting himself against the infidels. 
 
 To force the French monarch into this concession, 
 
 1 Odoof Deiiil; Will. Tvr. 
 
 2 Will. Tvr •• Odon de Denil ; Gesst. I.udnvic VTl • N'icetas 
 
 R 
 
210 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 he pursued a plan of irritating and uncertain nego- 
 tiations, not at all unlike those carried on by his 
 predecessor Alexius,' towards the leaders of the 
 former crusade. In the midst of these, however, it" 
 was discovered tha.t Manuel had entered into a secret 
 treaty with the Turks ; and, indeed, the confidence 
 which the deceitful Greeks placed in the promises 
 of the crusaders forms a singular and reproachful 
 comment on the constant and remorseless breach of 
 their own. There were many of the leaders of the 
 French who did not scruple to urge Louis to punish 
 by arms the gross perfidy of the Greek emperor; 
 and, by taking possession of Constantinople, to 
 sweep away the continual stumblingblock by which 
 ihe efforts of all the crusades had been impeded. 
 Had Louis acceded to their wishes, great and extra- 
 ordinary results would, no doubt, have been effected 
 towards the permanent occupation of the Holy Land 
 l)y the Christian powers ; but that monarch was not 
 to be seduced into violating his own good faith by 
 the treachery of another, and after having, on the 
 other hand, refused to aid Manuel in the war wliich 
 Itad arisen between him and Roger, King of Apulia, 
 he crossed the Bosphorus, and passed into Asia 
 Minor. Thence advancing through Nicomedia,*^ 
 Louis proceeded to Nice, and encamped under the 
 walls of that city. Here the first reports reached 
 him of the fate of the German army, for hitherto the 
 Greeks had continued to fill his ears with nothing 
 but the successes of his fellows in arms. For a 
 time the news was disbelieved, but very soon the 
 arrival of Frederic, duke of Suabia, charged with 
 messages from the German monarch, brought the 
 melancholy certainty of his defeat. 
 
 Louis did ail that he could to assuage the grit f of 
 the Eniperor Conrad,^ and uniting their forces, they 
 now marched on by tlie seacoast to Ephesus. Here, 
 
 I Odoii de Deui! 2 WiU. Tvr. ; Odon de Deull 
 
 3 Odcn de IV u 1 ; Freysinglien ; VV^iiliam ef Tyre 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 211 
 
 however, Conrad, mortified at a companionship in 
 which the inferiority of his own troops was painfully 
 contrasted with the multitude and freshness of the 
 French, separated again from Louis; and, sending 
 back the greater part of his army by land, took ship 
 himself and returned to Constantinople, where he 
 was received both with more distinction and more 
 sincerity, on account of the scantiness of his retinue, 
 and the disasters lie had suffered. 
 
 In the mean while, the French proceeded on their 
 way, and after travelling for some days without op- 
 position, they first encountered the Turks on the 
 banks of the Meander.' Proud of their success 
 against the Germans, the infidels determined to con- 
 test the passage of the river; but the French knights, 
 having found a ford, traversed the stream witliout 
 difficulty, and routed the enemy with great slaughter. 
 The loss of the Christians was so small, consisting 
 only of one knight,^ who perished in the river, that 
 they as usual had recourse to a miracle, to account 
 :or so cheap a victory. 
 
 Passing onward to Laodicea they found that town 
 completely deserted, and the environs laid waste ; 
 and they here heard of the complete destruction of 
 that part of the German army which had been com- 
 manded by the Bishop of Freysinghen.^ In the se- 
 cond day's journey after quitting Laodicea, a steep 
 mountain presented itself before the French army, 
 which marched in two bodies, separated by a consi- 
 derable distance. The commander of the first divi- 
 sion, named Geoftroy de Rancun,"* had received orders 
 from the king, who remained with the rear*guard, to 
 halt on the summit of the steep, and there pitch the 
 tents for the night. That Baron, unencumbered by 
 
 « William of Tyre. 2 Qdon de Deuil. 
 
 3 Odo of Deuil always calls Otho, Bishop of Freysinglien, brother of 
 the Kmperor Conrad. He was, however, only a half-brother ; h's rela- 
 tionship being by the mother's side. 
 
 4 Will. Tyrens lib, xvi. : Odon de Deuil. 
 
212 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 b?.ggage. easily accomplished the ascent, and finding 
 that the day's progress was considerably less than 
 the usual extent of march, forgot the commands he 
 bad received, and advanced two or three miles be- 
 yond the spot specified. 
 
 The king, with the lesser body of effective troops 
 and the baggage, followed slowly up the mountain, 
 the precipitous acclivity of which rendered the foot- 
 ing of the horses dreadfully insecure, while immense 
 masses of loose stone gave way at every step under 
 the feet of the crusaders,' and hurried many down 
 into a deep abyss, through which a roaring torrent 
 was rushing onward towards the sea. Suddenly, as 
 they were toiling up, the whole army of the Turks, 
 who had remarked the separation of the division, and 
 watched their moment too surely, appeared on the 
 hill above. A tremendous shower of arrows instantly 
 assailed the Christians. The confusion and dismay 
 were beyond description : thousands fell headlong at 
 once down the precipice, thousands were killed by 
 the masses of rock which the hurry and agitation of 
 those at the top hurled down upon those below ; 
 while the Turks, charging furiously all who had 
 nearly climbed to the summit, drove them back upon 
 ihe heads of such as were ascending. 
 
 Having concluded,^ that his advance-guard had se- 
 cured the ground above, Louis, with the cavalry of 
 nis division, had remained in the rear, to cover his 
 army from any attack. The first news of the Turk- 
 ish force being in presence was gathered from the 
 complete rout of the foot-soldiers, who had been 
 mounting the hill, and who were now flying in every 
 direction. The king instantly sent round his chap- 
 lam, Odon de Deuil, lo seek for the other body under 
 Geoffroy de Rancun, and to call it back to his aid ; 
 while in the mean time he spurred fonvard with 
 what cavalry he had, to repel the Turks and protect 
 
 » Odon do Deuil ; Will. Tvr Odon de Deuil 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 213 
 
 his infantry. Up so steep an ascent the horses could 
 make hut little progress, and the Moslems, finding- 
 ihat their arrows turned off from the steel coats of 
 the knights, aimed at the chargers, Avhich, often mor- 
 tally wounded, rolled down the steep, carrying their 
 riders along with them. Those knights who suc- 
 ceeded in freeing themselves from their dying steeds 
 were instantly attacked by the Turks, who, with 
 fearful odds on their side, left hardly a living man of 
 all the Chivalry that fought that day. The king 
 even, dismounted by the death of his horse, was 
 surrounded before he could well rise ; but, catching 
 the branches of a tree, he sprang upon a high insulated 
 rock, "where, armed with his sword alone, he defended 
 himself, till the night falling freed him from his ene- 
 mies. His situation now would have been little less 
 hazardous than it was before, had he not luckily en- 
 countered a part of the infantry who had remained 
 with the baggage. He was thus enabled, with what 
 troops he could rally, to make his way during the 
 night to the advance-guard, which had, as yet, re- 
 mained unattacked. GeofTroy de Rancun had nearly 
 been sacrificed to the just resentment of the people, 
 but the uncle of the king, having been a participator 
 in his fault, procured him pardon; and the army, 
 which was now reduced to a state of greater disci- 
 pline than before, by the Grand Master of the Tem- 
 plars,' who had accompanied it from Constantmople 
 arrived without much more loss at Attalia.^ Here 
 the Greeks proved more dangerous enemies than the 
 Turks, and every thing was done that human base- 
 ness and cunning could suggest, to plunder and de- 
 stioy the unfortunate crusaders. 
 
 Much discussion now took place concerning their 
 further progress, and the difficulties before them ren- 
 deied it necessary that a part of the host should 
 proceed by sea to Antioch. The king at first deter- 
 
 i Oilon de Deuil 2 William of Tyre, 
 
214 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 minea that that part should be the pilgrims on foot; 
 )nd that he himself Avith his Chivalry would follow 
 the path by land. The "winter season, however, ap- 
 proaching, the scanty number of vessels that could 
 be procured, and the exorbitant price which the 
 Greeks demanded for the passage of each man — 
 being no less than four marks of silver' — rendered 
 the transport of the foot impossible. Louis, there- 
 fore, eager to reach Jerusalem, distributed what 
 money he could spare among the pilgrims, engaged 
 at an enormous price a Greek escort and guide to 
 conduct them by land to Antioch, left the Count of 
 Flanders to command tliem, and then took ship with 
 the rest of his knights. The Count of Flanders 
 soon found that the Greeks, having received theii 
 reward, refused to fulfil their agreement, and the im- 
 possibility of reaching Antioch without their aid 
 being plain, he embarked and followed the king. 
 
 The unhappy pilgrims, who remained cooped up be- 
 neath the walls, which they were not permitted to enter, 
 on the one hand, and the Turkish army that watched 
 them with unceasing vigilance, on the other, died, 
 and were slaughtered by thousands. Some strove 
 to force their passage to Antioch by land, and fell 
 beneatli the Moslem scimitar. Some cast themselves 
 upon the compassion of the treacherous Greeks, and 
 were more brutally treated than even by their infidel 
 enemies. So miserable at length became their con- 
 dition, that the Turks themselves ceased to attack 
 them, brought them provisions and pieces of money, 
 and showed them that compassion which their fel- 
 low-christians refused. Thus, in the end, several 
 hundreds attached themselves^ to their generous ene 
 niies, and were tempted to embrace the Moslem 
 creed. The rest either became slaves to the Greeks, 
 or died of pestilence and famine. 
 
 In the mean while, Louis and his knights'' arrived 
 
 I Odon de Douil. 2 Ibid 3 William of Tyre ; VcrtoL 
 
HISTORY O^ CHIVALRY. 215 
 
 It Antiocli, where they were received with the ap- 
 pearance of splendid hospitality by Raimond, the 
 prince of that city, who was uncle of Eleonor, the 
 wife of the French monarch. His hospitality, how- 
 ever, was of an interested nature : Antioch and Tri- 
 poli hung upon the skirts of the king-dom of Jerusa- 
 lem as detached principalities, whose connexion with 
 the chief country was vague and insecure. No 
 sooner, therefore, did tlie news of the coming of the 
 King of France reach tlie princes of those cities, 
 than they instantly laid out a thousand plans for en- 
 gaging Louis in extending the limits of their territo- 
 ries, before permitting him to proceed to Jerusalem. 
 The Prince of Antioch assuredly had the greatest 
 claim upon the king, by his relationship to the 
 queen ;^ and he took every means of working on the 
 husband, by ingratiating himself with the wife. Eleo- 
 nor was a woman of strong and violent passions,^ and 
 of debauched and libertine manners, and she made 
 no scruple of intriguing and caballing with her uncle 
 to bend the king to his wishes. The x\rchbishop of 
 Tyre, who was but little given to repeat a scandal, 
 dwells with a tone of certainty upon the immoral 
 life of the Queen of France, and says, she had even 
 consented that her uncle should carry her off, after 
 Louis had formally refused to second his efforts 
 against Cesarea. 
 However that may be, her conduct was a disgrace 
 
 1 Ge^f. Ludovie. regis ; William of Tyre; Vertot. 
 
 2 VertGt, a learned man and a diligent investigator, speaks of Eleonor 
 in the following curious terms: "On pretend qut; cette princesse, peU 
 scrupuleuse sur ses devoirs, et devenue eprise d'uu jeune Turc baptist, 
 appsU^ Saladin, ne pouvait se resoudro a s'en separer, &c." These re- 
 ports of course gave rise to many curious suppositions, especially when 
 Richard Coeur de Lion, Eleonor's son by her second marriage, went to 
 war m the Holy Land. On his return to France, Louis VH. instantly 
 sought a plausible pretext for delivering himself from his unfaithful wife 
 without causing the scandal of a public exposure of her conduct. A 
 pretence of consanguinity within the forbidden degrees was soon 
 established, and the marriage was ana' 'led. Afler this Eleonor, 
 wh >, in adaition to beauty and wit, pos* ss^d in her own right the 
 whole of Aquitaia, speedily gave h'^r hand to Henry H. of England, and 
 in tin end figured in the tragedy of Rossamond of Woodstock 
 
216 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 to the crusade ; and Louis, in his letters to Suger. 
 openly complained of her infidelity. 
 
 The king resisted all entreaties and all threats, 
 and, equally rejecting the suit of the Count of Tri- 
 poli,' he proceeded to Jerusalem, where the emperor 
 Conrad, having passed by sea from Constantinople, 
 had arrived before him. Here the "U'hole of the 
 princes were called to council; and it was determined 
 that, instead of endeavouring to retake Edessa, 
 which had been the original object of the crusade, 
 the troops of .Terusalem, joined to all that remained 
 of the pilgrim armies, should attempt the siege of 
 Damascus. The monarchs immediately took the 
 field, supported by the knights of tlie Temple and St. 
 Jolm, who, in point of courage, equalled the Chivalry 
 of any country, and in discipline excelled them all. 
 Nourhaddin and Sapliaddin, the two sons of the 
 fauKius Zenghi, threw what men they could suddenly 
 collect into Damascus, and hastened in person to 
 raise as large a force as possible to attack the Chris- 
 tian army. The crusaders advanced to the city, 
 drove in the Turkish outposts^ that opposed them, 
 and laid siege to the fortifications, which in a short 
 time were so completely ruined, that Damascus could 
 hold out no longer. And yet Damascus did not fall. 
 Dissension, that destroying angel of great enter- 
 prises, was busy in the Christian camp. The pos- 
 session of the still unconquered town'' was disputed 
 among the leaders. Days and weeks passed in 
 contests, and at length, when it was determined that 
 the prize should be given to tlie Count of Flanders, 
 who had twice visited the Holy Land, the decision 
 caused so much dissatisfaction, that all murmured 
 and none acted. Each one suspected his compa- 
 nion ; dark reports and scandalous charges were mu- 
 tually spread and countenanced ; the Templars were 
 accused of having received a bribe from the infidels ; 
 
 I William of Tyre ; Verf t 2 Gest. regis Ludov. VI!. 
 
 3 Vertot 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 217 
 
 tne European monarchs' were supposed to aim at ihe 
 siibjug-ation of Jerusalem ; the conquerors were con- 
 quered by their doubts of each other ; and, retiring 
 from the spot where they had all but triumphed, they 
 attempted to storm the other side of the city, where 
 the walls were as firm as a rock of adamant. 
 
 Repenting of their folly, they soon were willing to 
 return to their formf^r ground, but the fortifications 
 had been repaired, tne town had received fresh sup- 
 plies, and Saphaddin, emir of Mousul, was marching 
 to its relief. Only one plan was to be pursued. The 
 siege was abandoned, and the leaders,^ discontented 
 with themselves and with each other, retreated gloom- 
 ily to Jerusalem. 
 
 The Emperor of Germany set out immediately for 
 Europe ; but Louis, who still hoped to find some op- 
 portunity of redeeming his military fame, lingered 
 for several months ; while Eleonor continued to sully 
 scenes, whose memory is composed of all that is 
 holy, with her impure amours. At length the press- 
 ing entreaties of Suger induced the French monarch 
 to return to his native land. There he found the au- 
 thority he had confided to that great and excellent 
 minister had been employed to the infinite benefit of 
 his dominions — he found his finances increased and 
 order established in eve^ department of the state f — 
 and he found, also, that the minister was not only 
 willing, but eager, to yiftld the reins of government 
 to the hand from which he had received them. — 
 During the absence of the king, his brother, Robert 
 of Dreux, who returned before him, had endeavoured 
 to thwart the noble Abbot of St. Denis, and even to 
 snatch the regency from him ; but Suger boldly called 
 together a general assembly of the nobility of France, 
 and intrusted his cause to their decision. The court 
 met at Soissons, and unanimously supported the 
 
 ' William of Tyre ; Col. script. Arab. ; Vertot. 
 
 2 William of Tyre; Freysinghen, reb. gest. Fred.; Gest.reg.Lud. VIl 
 
 ■5 Guil. Monach. in vit. Suger. Ab. Sanct. Dion. ; Gest. reg. Lud. VIl 
 
218 HISTORY OF CHiVALRV. 
 
 minister against his royal opponent ; after wliich he 
 ruled, indeed, in peace ; but Robert strove by every 
 means to poison the mind of the king against him ; 
 and it can be little doubted, that Louis, on his de- 
 parture from Palestine, viewed the conduct of Suger 
 with a very jealous eye. 
 
 The effects of his government, however, and the 
 frankness with which he resigned it, at once did 
 away all suspicions. The expedition was now over 
 but yet one effort more was to be made, before wt 
 can consider the second crusade as absolutely termi- 
 nated. 
 
 Suger had opposed the journey of the king to the 
 Holy Land, but he was not in the least wanting in 
 zeal or compassionate enthusiasm in favour of his 
 brethren of the east.' Any thing but the absence of 
 a monarch from his unquiet dominions he would 
 have considered as a small sacrifice towards the sup- 
 port of the kingdom of Jerusalem; and now, at 
 seventy years, he proposed to raise an army at his 
 own expense, and to finish his days in Palestine. — 
 His preparations were carried on with an ardour, an 
 activity, an intelligence, Avhich would have been 
 wonderful even in a man at his prime; but, in the 
 midst of his designs, lie \vas seized with a slow fever, 
 which soon showed him th*t his end was near. He 
 saw the approach of death with firmness ; and, during 
 the four months that preceded his decease, he failed 
 not from the bed of sickness to continue all his 
 orders for the expedition, which could no longer bring 
 living glory to himself. He named the chief whom 
 he thought most worthy to lead it ; he bestowed upon 
 him all the treasures he had collected for the pur- 
 pose ; he gave him full instructions for his conduct, 
 and he made him sw^ear upon the Cross to fulfil his 
 intentions. Having done this, the Abbot of St. 
 Denis waited calmly the approach of that hour which 
 
 « Guil. Mona'^lL in vit. Sug 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 210 
 
 was to separate him from the livmg; and died, 
 leaving no one like him in Europe. 
 
 With his life appears to have ended the second 
 crusade, which, with fewer obstacles and greater 
 facilities than the first, produced little but disgrace 
 and sorrow to all by wliom it was accompanied ' 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 progress of Society— The Rise of Poetry in Modem Europe— Trouba 
 dimrs — Trouveres — Various Poetical Compositions— Effect of Poetry 
 upon Chivalry — Ejfect of the Crusades on Society— State of Palestine 
 after the Second Crusade — Cession ofEdessa to the Emperor Manuel 
 Comncnus — Edessa completely sxcbjected by the Turks — Ascalo-n taken 
 by the Christians— State of Egypt under the last Califs of the Fa- 
 timit.e Race — The Latins and the Atabecks both design tiie Conquest of 
 Egypt— Struggles for that Country— Rise of Saladin — Disputes 
 among the Latins concerning the Succession of the Crovn — Guy ofLu- 
 signan crowned — Saladin invades Palestine — Battle of Tiberias — Fall 
 of Jerusalem — Conquest of all Palestine — Some Inquiry into the 
 Causes of the Latin Overthrow 
 
 Before proceeding to trace the events which oc- 
 curred in the Holy Land between the second and 
 third crusades, it may be as well to keep our eyes 
 upon Europe for a few moments, and to remark the 
 advance of society towards civilization. Prior to 
 tlie period of the first expedition to Palestine, Ger- 
 many had been occupied alone in struggling against 
 
 1 All the writers of that day attempt to excuse St. Bernard for having 
 preuched a crusade which had so unfortunate a conclusion. The prin- 
 ciples upon which tney do so are soinewha' curious. The Bishop of 
 Freysiiijjheii declares, that it was the vice of the crusaders which called 
 upon their heads the wrath of Heaven : and, to reconcile this fact with 
 the sjiirit of prophecy which elsewhere he attributes to tlie Abbot of 
 Clairvaux. declares that prophets are not al ays able to prophesy. — 
 Frey.siiig. de rebus gestis Fred. Imperat. Geoffroy of Clairvaux, who 
 was a contemporary, and wrote part of the Life of St. Bernard, would 
 fiVm prove that the crusade could not be called unfortunate, since, thousih 
 It did not at all helj the Holy Laud it served to people heaven wiih 
 martyrs. 
 
220 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 the papal authority, and in fighting for dominions m 
 Italy, the limits of which were ahvays sufRciently 
 vague to admit of disputes and aggressions on all 
 parts. Apulia and the southern portion of Italy 
 had been subjected, as we have seen, by the Nor- 
 mans ; and the rest of that country, with the excep- 
 tion of some small republican cities, was-divided 
 into feudal baronies, the right of homage over which 
 was very uncertain. Engaged in private wars and 
 feuds, where personal interest was the sole object, 
 unmixed with any refining principle, the Chivalry of 
 Italy made but small progress. From time to time a 
 great and distinguished chief started up, and digni- 
 fied his country ; but the general feeling of knightly 
 zeal was not extended far in Italy, or was wasted in 
 the petty purposes of confined and unimportant 
 struggles. In Qermany also Chivalry advanced but 
 little. There was much dignified firmness in the 
 character of the people ; and — under the walls of 
 Damascus — in the wars with the pope, and wqth the 
 Norman possessors of Calabria — the Geraian knights 
 evinced that in the battle-field none were more daring, 
 more poweiful, or more resolute ; but we find few in- 
 stances where enthusiasm was mingled with valour, 
 and where the ardour of chivalric devotion was 
 joined to the bold courage of the Teutonic warrior. 
 In Spain the spirit was at its height ; but Spain had 
 her own crusades ; and it w^as quite enough for the 
 swords of her gallant band of knights to free their 
 native land, inch by inch, from her Saracen invaders. 
 Military orders' were there instituted in the middle 
 of the twelfth century ; and the knights of Calatrava 
 and St. James might challenge the world to produce 
 a more chivalrous race than themselves ; still the ob- 
 ject of all their endeavours was the freedom of their 
 native country from the yoke of the Moors, and they 
 engaged but little in any of those great expeditions 
 
 • EiXisting orders of knighthood. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 221 
 
 K'liich occupied the attention and interest of the 
 world. It is to France, then, and to England, under 
 the dominion of its Norman monarchs, that we must 
 turn our eyes ; and here, during the course of the 
 twelfth century, we shall find great and extraordi- 
 nary progress. 
 
 Previous to the epoch of the crusades, France, 
 though acknowledging one king, had consisted of 
 various nations, whose manners, habits, and lan- 
 guages differed in the most essential points.* The 
 Proven9al was as opposite a being to the Frank of 
 that day, as the Italian is now to the Russian. The 
 Norman and the Breton also descended from dis- 
 tinct origins, and in most cases these separate tribes 
 hated each other with no slight share of enmity. 
 
 The character of the Norman was in all times 
 enterprising, wandering, cunning, and selfish ; that 
 of the Breton, or Armorican, savage, ferocious, daring, 
 and implacable ; but imaginative in tlie highest 
 degree, as well as superstitious. The Provencal was 
 light, avaricious, keen, active, and sensual ; the Frank, 
 bold, hardy, persevering, but vain, insolent, and 
 thoughtless.^ Distinctive character lies more gene- 
 rally in men's faults than their virtues ; and thus, all 
 these different races possessed the same higher 
 qualities in common. They were brave to a prodigy ; 
 energetic, talented, enthusiastic ; but during the 
 eleventh, and the beginning of the twelfth centuries, 
 the rude state of society in which Chivalry had arisen, 
 continued to affect it still. The first crusade, how- 
 ever, gave an impulse to all those countries that 
 joined in it, which tended infinitely to civilize Eu- 
 rope, by uniting nations and tribes, which had long 
 oeen separated by different interests, in one great 
 enterprise, wherein community of object, and com- 
 munity of danger, necessarily harmonized many pre- 
 viously discordant feelings, and did away many old 
 
 • Fulcher ; Raoul Glaber. 2 Robert ; Fulcher ; Raimond d'Agiles 
 
222 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 animosities, by the strong power of mutual assist- 
 ance and mutual endeavour. The babel of languages 
 which Fulcher describes in the Christian camp be- 
 fore long began to form itself into two more general 
 tongues. Latin, notwithstanding all the support it 
 received in the court, in the church, and in the schools, 
 was soon confined to the cloister ; and the langue 
 d'oc, or Proven9al, became the common language of 
 all the provinces on the southern side of the Loire, 
 while the langue d'oil only was spoken in the north of 
 France. The manners and habits of the people, too, 
 were gradually shaded into each other ; the dis- 
 tinctions became less defined: the Provencal no 
 longer looked upon the Breton as a savage ; and the 
 Frank no longer classed the Provengal with the ape. 
 A thousand alliances were formed between indivi- 
 duals of different tribe's, and the hand of kindred 
 smoothed away the remaining asperities of national 
 prejudice. Such assimilations tend of course to 
 calm and mollify the mind of man ; so that the gene- 
 ral character of the country became of a less rude 
 and ferocious nature. At this time, too, sprang up 
 that greatest of all the softeners of the human heart, 
 poetry; and immense was the change it wrought in the 
 manners and deportment of that class which consti- 
 tuted the society of the twelfth century. The poetry 
 of that age bore as distinct and clear a stamp of the 
 epoch to which it belonged, as any that the world 
 ever produced ; and it is absurd to trace to an earlier 
 day the origin of a kind of poesy which was founded 
 upon Chivalry alone, and reflected nothing but the 
 objects of a chivalrous society. 
 
 It is little important which of the two tongues of f 
 France first boasted a national poet, and equally un- 
 important which gave birth to the most excellent 
 poetry. The langue d'oc was the most mellifluous ; 
 tlie langue doil was the most forcible ; but neither 
 brought forth any thing but the tales, the songs, the 
 satires, the ballads of Chivalry 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 223 
 
 It is more than probable that some musical ear in 
 Provence first applied to his own language the me- 
 lody of regularly arranged syllables, and the jingle 
 of rhyme. No sooner was this done than the pas- 
 sion spread to all classes. Chivalrous love and chi- 
 valrDus warfare furnished subjects in plenty; and 
 the gai savoir, the biau parler, became the favourite 
 relaxation of those very men who wielded the lance 
 and sword in the battle-field. The Troubadours were 
 multiplied to infinity; the language lent itself almost 
 spontaneously to versification; and kings, warriors, 
 and ladies, as well as the professed poets, occasion- 
 ally practised the new and captivating art, wdiich at 
 once increased chivalrous enthusiasm, by spreading 
 and perpetuating the fame of noble deeds, and soft- 
 ened the manners of the age, by the influence of 
 sweet sounds and intellectual exercises. The songs 
 themselves soon became as various as those who 
 composed them, and were divided into Sirventesy 
 Tensons, Pastourelles, and JVouvelles, or Conies.^ The 
 Conte, or tale in verse, needs no description, and the 
 nature of the Pastourelle also is self-evident. The 
 Sirveiite deserves more particular notice. It was in 
 fact a satire, of the most biting and lively character ; 
 in which wit and poetry were not used to cover or to 
 temper the reprobation of either individual or gene- 
 ral vice, but rather, on the contrary, to give point and 
 energy to invective. The keen bitterness of the 
 Troubadours spared neither rank nor caste ; kings, 
 and nobles, and priests, all equally underwent the 
 lash of their wit ; and it is from these very sirventes 
 that we gain a clear insight into many of the cus- 
 toms and manners of that day, as well as into many, 
 too many, scenes of grossness and immorality, from 
 which we v/ould fain believe that Chivalry was free. 
 Tlie Tensons, or Jeux partis, were dialogues between 
 two persons on some subject of loveorchivalrj', and 
 
 1 Raynouard, Poesies des Troubadours; Millot, Hist, des Trnijba 
 dours ; Le Grand d'Aussi Fabliaux. 
 
224 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 in general show far more subtil ty than poetical feel- 
 ing. To these were added occasional epistles in 
 verse ; and Plaintes, or lamentations, in which the 
 death or misfortune of a friend was mourned with a 
 touching simplicity that has since been too often 
 imitated with very ineffective art. Other composi- 
 tions, such as the Aubade and the Serenade, were in 
 use, the difference of which from the common lay 
 consisted merely in their metrical construction ; the 
 word alha being always repeated at the end of each 
 stanza of the aubade, and the word ser continually 
 terminating each division of the serenade.^ Such 
 was the poesy of the Langue d^oc and the Trouba- 
 dours. The Langue d'oil had also its poets, the Trou- 
 veres, and its poesy, which differed totally from that 
 of the Langue d'oc. The art was here more ambi- 
 tious than with the Proven9als ; and we find, among 
 the first productions of the Trouveres, long and com- 
 plex poems, which M'ould fain deserve the name of 
 Epics. The first of these, both in date and impor- 
 tance, is the Norman romance of Rou, which bears a 
 considerable resemblance, in its object and manner, 
 to the fragments of old Scandinavian poetry which 
 have come down to us, but has a continuous and uni- 
 form subject, and strong attempts at unity of design. 
 The romance of the Rose also, commenced by Guil- 
 laume de Lorris,^ and concluded by Jean de Meung, 
 is one of the most extraordinary compositions that 
 the world ever pi od need, and stands perfectly alone 
 — an allegory in twenty-two thousand verses ! Va- 
 rious subjects, quite irrelevant to the object of the 
 song, are introduced in its course ; and the poet min- 
 gles his tale with satire and sarcasm, which were 
 fully as often misdirected as deserved. Besides 
 these were all the famous romances of Chiviiiiv 
 which probably originated in the fabulous but \\\\>'. 
 resting story of Charlemagne's visit to the Holy 
 
 1 Ravnouard. 2 Oeuvres de Mann 
 
 J 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 225 
 
 Land, falsely attributed to the archbishop Turpin. 
 This work bears internal evidence of having- been 
 written after the first crusade, and, we have reason 
 to suppose, was translated into French,^ from the 
 Latin manuscript of some monkish author. 
 
 In all the romances of the Round Table, we trace 
 the end of the twelfth, and the beginning of the 
 thirteenth century. They could not have been com- 
 posed prior to that epoch ; for we find many customs 
 and objects mentioned, which were not known at an 
 earlier period ; and it is probable, from various cir- 
 cumstances, that they are not referable to a later 
 age. Besides these, multitudes of Fabliaux^ have 
 descended to us from the Trouveres, and in this sort 
 of composition, it is but fair to say, we find more 
 originality, variety, and strength, though less sweet- 
 ness and less enthusiasm, than among the composi- 
 tions of the Troubadours. At this period also we 
 meet with an institution in Provence, of which 1 
 shall speak but slightly, from many motives, though 
 undoubtedly it had a great influence upon the charac- 
 ter of Chivalry : J mean the Court of Love, as it was 
 called, where causes concerning that passion were 
 tried and judged as seriously, as if feelings could be 
 submitted to a tribunal. Could that be the case, the 
 object of such a court should certainly be very 
 different from that of the Provengal Court of Love, 
 the effect of which was any thing but to promote 
 morality. It tended, however, with eveiy thing else, 
 to soften the manners of the country, though all the 
 mad absurdities to which it gave rise were a scandal 
 &nd a disgrace to Europe. 
 
 Besides all these causes of mitigation, the con- 
 stant journeys of the people of Europe to the Holy 
 Land taught them gradually the customs of other 
 nations ; and in that age there was much good to be 
 learned by a frequent intercourse with foreigners. 
 
 1 Fauchet 2 Le Grand d'Anssi 
 
225 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 The great want of Europe was civilization ; the vices 
 of the day were pretty equally spread through all 
 countries, and the very circumstance of mingling 
 with men of different habits and thoughts promoted 
 tht end to be desired, without bringing any great 
 importation of foreign foUies or crimes. Many use- 
 ful arts, and many sciences, previously unknown, 
 were also obtained from the Saracens themselves; 
 and though in the crusades Europe sacrificed a host 
 of her noblest knights, and spent immense treasures 
 and energies, yet she derived, notwithstanding, no 
 small benefit from her communication with Pales- 
 tine. 
 
 The state of that country, in the mean while, was 
 every day becoming more and more precarious. 
 The nations by whom it was surrounded were im- 
 proving in military discipline, in political knowledge, 
 and in the science of timing and combining their 
 efforts, while the Christians were losing ground in 
 every thing but courage. The military orders of the 
 Temple and St. Jolm were the bulwarks of the Latin 
 kingdom of Jerusalem ; but at the same time, by 
 their pride, their disputes, and their ambition, they 
 did nearly as much to undermine its strength at home 
 as they did to support it with their swords in the field 
 of battle. 
 
 It would be endless to trace all the events in Pa 
 lestine which brought about the third crusade, and to 
 investigate minutely the causes which worked out 
 the ruin of the Christian dominion in the Holy Land. 
 The simple facts must be enough in this place. 
 
 Although the crusade which went forth for the ex- 
 press purpose of delivering Edessa never even at- 
 tempted that object, Joscelyn of Courtenay did notne* 
 gleet to struggle for his lost territory, and gained some 
 splendid successes over the infidels, which were all in 
 turn reversed, by his capture and death in prison." 
 
 1 Bernard, ♦.he Treasurer ; idif,'/s of Vitrv ,VilIiam of Tyre 
 
HISTOUV OF CHIVALRY. 227 
 
 Afior nis failure, the difficulty of keeping Edessa 
 was so apparent, that the monarch of Jerusalem' 
 determined to yield it to the Emy)eror Manue] 
 Comnenus, on condition of his defending it against 
 the Turks. Manuel, therefore, received the princi- 
 pality ; but the weak and cowardly Greeks soon lost 
 what the valiant Franks could not maintain ; and be- 
 fore a year was over, Nourhaddin the Great, sul- 
 taun of Aleppo, was in full possession of Edessa and 
 all its dependencies. Baldwin III., however, who 
 had cast off the follies of his youth, and now dis- 
 played as great qualities as any of his race, more 
 than compensated for the loss of that principality by 
 (he capture of Ascalon.^ 
 
 After this great success, eight years of varied wai- 
 fare followed; and at the end of that period Baldwin 
 died, leaving behind him the character of one of the 
 noblest of the Latin kings. His brother Almeric as- 
 cended the vacant throne, but with talents infinitely 
 inferior, and a mind in no degree calculated to cope 
 with the great and grasping genius of Nourhaddin, 
 who combined, in rare union, the qualities of an am 
 bitious and politic monarch with the character of a 
 liberal, frugal, and unostentatious man. 
 
 Almeric 'was ambitious also ; but his avarice was 
 always a check on his ambition, and he suffered him- 
 self often to be bribed, where he might have con- 
 quered. , ,,At this time^ the Fatimite califs of Egypt 
 had fallen into a state of nonentity. The country 
 was governed by a vizier, and the high office was 
 struggled for by a succession of military adven- 
 turers. 
 
 Such a state of things awakened the attentjpn of 
 the monarchs of Jerusatem and Aleppo, and each 
 resolved to make himself master of Egypt. An op- 
 portunity soon presented itself. Shawer, the vizier 
 of Egypt, was expelled from his post by Dargham, 
 
 > William of Tyre; Bernard. 2 William orXyre. 
 
 3 Carilinal ofVitry; William of Tyre. 
 
22S HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 a soldier of fortune. The disgraced vizier fled to 
 the court of Nourhaddin, and prayed for assistance 
 against the usiu'per. Nourhaddin willingly granted 
 a request which yielded the means of sending his 
 troops into Egypt; and two Curdish refugees, uncle 
 and nephew, wlio had risen high in his army,^ under 
 the names of Assad Eddyn Chyrkouh, and Salah 
 Eddyn or Saladin, were despatch.'d v/ith considera- 
 ble forces to expel Dargham, and to re-establish 
 Sliawcr. Darglram saw the gathering storm, and to 
 shelter liimself from its fury called the Christians 
 from Palestine to his aid. But the movements of 
 the Moslems were more rapid than those of Almeric ; 
 and, i^efore the King of Jerusalem could reach Cairo, 
 Chyrkouh had given battle to Dargham, and defeated 
 and killed him, and Shawer was repossessed of the 
 authority he had lost. Shawer soon found that his 
 power was fully as much in danger from his allies 
 as it had been from his enemies ; and, to resist the 
 Turks whom he had brought into Egypt, he was 
 obliged to enter into a treaty with the Christians. 
 Almeric marched immediately to Cairo, and after a 
 multitude of manoeuvres and skirmishes, forced 
 Chyrkouh and Saladin to quit the country ; display- 
 ing, through the whole of this war, more scientific 
 generalship than was at all usual in that age. No 
 sooner were the Turks gone, than the Latin mo- 
 narch^ broke his truce with the Egyptians, and Shawer 
 was once more obliged to apply to Nourhaddin. 
 Chyrkouh again advanced into the Fatimite domi- 
 nions with increased forces, obliged Almeric to retreat 
 with great loss, took possession of Cairo, beheaded 
 Sliawer, and installed himself in the office of vizier 
 to Adhad, calif of Egypt, though he still retained the 
 title of lieutenant for Nourhaddin of Aleppo. Not 
 long after these successes, Cliyrkouh died, and Nonr- 
 6addin, doubtful of the fidelity of the Turkish emirs, 
 
 ! CardinalofVitrj'; Will, of Tyre. 2 Bernard ; William of Tyro. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 229 
 
 ^ve the vacant post to Saladin, the nephew of the 
 late vizier ; in which choice he was as much guided by 
 the apparently reckless and pleasure-seeking despol- 
 ism of the young Curdish chief, as by the military 
 skill he had shown when forced unwillingly into ac- 
 tion. Saladin, however, was scarcely invested with 
 supreme power in Egypt when his real character 
 appeared. He cast from him -he follies with which 
 he had veiled his great and aaring mind ; and, by 
 means of the immense treasures placed at his com- 
 mand, soon bound to his interests many who had 
 been at first disgusted by his unexpected elevation. 
 The califs of Egypt had been aljvays considered as 
 schismatics by the califs of Bagdat, to whom Nour- 
 haddin still affected homage ; and Saladin was forth- 
 with instructed to declarelhe Fatimite dynasty at an 
 end, and to re-establish in Egypt the nominal domi- 
 nion of the Abassides. This was easily accomplished; 
 Adhad, the calif, either died before the revolution 
 was completed, or was strangled in the bath ; the 
 people little cared under whose yoke they laboured. 
 The children of the late calif were confined in the 
 harem ; and Motshadi, calif of Bagdat, was prayed 
 for as God's vicar on earth. 
 
 Saladin's ambitious projects became every day 
 more and more apparent, and Nourhaddin was not 
 blind to the conduct of his officer. Submission 
 quieted his suspicions for a time ; and, though re- 
 peated causes for fresh jealousy arose, he was 
 obliged to forego marching into Egypt in person, as 
 he undoubtedly intended, till death put a stop to all 
 his schemes. No sooner was Nourhaddin dead, 
 than Almeric attacked his widow at Paneas,' and 
 Saladin began to encroach upon other parts of his 
 territories : but Saladin was the only gainer by the 
 
 I William of Tyre; Jamea of Vitry; Guilknin de Nangis- Chn»ii 
 ann. 1174. 
 
230 HISTORY OF LIIIVALRV. 
 
 death of the great sultaun, and made himself master, 
 by various means, of the whole of his Syrian domi- 
 nions, while internal dissensions and changes in the 
 government of Palestine gradually weakened every 
 bulwark of the Latin throne. Almeric' died in re- 
 turning from Paneas, and his son, Baldwin I''^ , sur- 
 named the Leper, succeeded him. Had his corpo- 
 real powers been equal to the task of royalty, it is 
 probable that Baldwin would have been a far greater 
 monarch than his father ; but, after many struggles 
 for activity, he found that disease incapacitated him 
 for energetic rule, and he intrusted the care of the 
 state to Guy of Lusignan, who had married his sister 
 Sybilla, widow of the Marquis of Montferrat, to 
 whom she had borne one son.^ 
 
 Guy of Lusignan soon showed himself unworthy 
 of the charge, and Baldwin,^ resuming the govern- 
 ment, endeavoured to establish it in such a form 
 that it might uphold itself after his death, which he 
 felt to be approaching. With this view he offered 
 the administration to the Count of Tripoli,^ during 
 the minority of his sister's child ; but the Count 
 refused to accept it, except under condition that the 
 charge of the young prince should be given to Jos 
 celyn de Courtenay, the surviving branch of the 
 Courtenays of Edessa, and son of the unhappy count 
 who died in a Saracen prison. He also stipulated 
 that the castles and fortresses of the kingdom should 
 be garrisoned by the Hospitallers and Templars; 
 and that in case the boy should die in his youth, the 
 question of succession should be determined by the 
 Pope, the Emperor of Germany, the King of France, 
 
 3 William of TjTC. 2 Jacob. Viir. 
 
 3 Bernard ihe Treasurer says, that the monarch wished to annul the 
 marriage between his sister and Guy. " Si grans haine esioit entre le 
 roy et le cuens de Jaffe que chascun jor cressoit plus et plus el jusque a 
 tant estoit la chose venue que le roy queroit achaison par quoy il peul 
 desevrer tot aperterneut le mariape qui iert entre lui et sa seror." 
 
 * William of Tyre ; Bernard the Treasurer : James of Vitrv. 
 
HISTORY OF CIIIVxVLRY. 231 
 
 and the King- of England.' Not many years after 
 this the king died, and Baldwin V. succeeded, but 
 his death followed immediately upon his accession. 
 Without abiding by the dispositions of -the former 
 monarch, no sooner was the young king dead, than 
 the Grand Master of the Temple, Renauld of Cha- 
 tillon. Count of Karac, and the Patriarch of Jerusa- 
 lem joined to raise Sybilla to th« throne, in spite of 
 the formal protest of all the other barons and the 
 Grand Master of the Hospital. The gates of Jeru- 
 salem were shut f and it was only by sending one 
 of their followers, disguised as a monk, that the no- 
 bles assembled with the Count of Tripoli at Naplousa 
 could gain any tidings of what passed. Sybilla was 
 crowned in form ; and then the patriarch, pointing to 
 the other crown which lay upon the altar, told her 
 that it was hers to dispose of, on which she imme- 
 diately placed it on the head of Guy of Lusignan.^ 
 After this some of the barons refused to do homage 
 to the new king, and some absented themselves 
 from his court ; but the imminent danger in which 
 the country was placed at length brought back a 
 degree of concord, when concord could no longer 
 avail. 
 
 Saladin had by this time made himself master of 
 all Syria ;"* and had not only consolidated into one 
 great monarchy dominions which for ages had been 
 separated into petty states, but also, by the inces- 
 sant application of a powerful and expansive mind, 
 he had drawn forth and brought into action many 
 latent but valuable resources which had previously 
 been unknown or forgotten. He had taught the 
 whole interests of his people to centre in his own 
 person, and he now determined to direct their ener- 
 gies to one great and important enterprise. That 
 enterprise was the conquest of Palestine, and with 
 
 • Bernard the Treasurer ; James of Vitry. 
 
 2 Bernard the Treasurer. 3 Rog. of Hovedon. 
 
 < WiUiarn of Tyre : William de Nangis. 
 
332 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 an army "1" fifty thousand horse, and near two hun- 
 dred thou?and foot, lie advanced towards Jerusalem, 
 and laid sies^e to Tiberias.^ Within the walls of that 
 fortress the Countess of Tripoli held out against the 
 Saracens, while her husband joined Guy of Lusignan, 
 and brought hi^ forces to the field in defence of the 
 Holy Land. 
 
 The conduct of 4he Count of Tripoli is very ob- 
 scure.2 That from time to time he had treated with 
 the Saracens is evident, and almost every European 
 authority, except Mills, accuses him of having, in 
 this instance, betrayed his countrymen into the hands 
 of the infidels. Whether with or against his advice 
 matters little to the general result — the Christians 
 marched down to meet Saladin at Tiberias.^ Beyond 
 doubt it was by the counsel of the Count of Tripoli 
 that they pitched their tents in a spot where no water 
 was to be found. The troops suflfered dreadfully 
 from thirst ; and in the morning, when they advanced 
 to attack Saladin in the cool of the dawn, the wary 
 monarch retired before them, resolved not to give 
 them battle till the heat of the risen sun had added 
 to their fatigues. To increase the suffocating warmth 
 of a Syrian summer's day, he set fire to the low 
 bushes and shrubs which surrounded the Christian 
 camp ; so that when the battle did begin, the Latin 
 forces were quite overcome with weariness and 
 drought. The contest raged throughout the day, the 
 Christians fighting to reach the wells which lay 
 behind the Saracen power,"* but in vain; and night 
 fell, leaving the strife still doubtful. The next morn- 
 ing the Latins and Turks again mixed in combat. 
 The Count of Tiipoli^ forced his way through the 
 Saracens, and escaped unhurt ; but the scimitars of 
 the Moslems mowed down whole ranks of the Chris- 
 tians, for their immense superiority of numbers 
 
 I Bi-rnard ; William of Nangis. 2 Will. Neab. 
 
 3 Bernard. _ 4 William of NaKgis. 
 
 5 Berna d the Treasurer; William of Nangis. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 233 
 
 allowed them to siin-ound the height upon which the 
 king and the chief , of his army were stationed, and 
 to wage tlie warfare at once against every face of 
 the Latin host. Such a confli(;t could not long 
 endure. Multitudes of the infidels fell, but their 
 loss was nothing in proportion to their number, 
 when compared with that which their adversaries 
 underwent. 
 
 The Grand Master of the Hospital' alone clove his 
 way from the field of battle, after having staid till 
 victory had settled upon the Paynim banners. He 
 reached Ascalon that night, but died on the following 
 day of the wounds he had received. The King — 
 Renault de Chatillon, Count of Karac, who had so 
 often broken faith with the Moslems — and the Grand 
 Master of the Temple, whose whole order was in 
 abhorrence among tlie Mussulmans — were taken 
 alive and carried prisoners to the tent of Saladin. 
 That monarch remained for some time on the field, 
 giving orders that the knights of St. John^ and those 
 of the Temple, who had been captured, should in- 
 stantly embrace Islamism, or undergo the fate of the 
 scimitar. A thousand acts of cruelty and aggression 
 on their part had given cause to such deadly hatred; 
 but at the hour of death not one knight could be 
 brought to renounce his creed ; and they died with 
 that calm resolution which is in itself a glory. After 
 this bloody consummation of his victory, Saladin 
 entered the tent where Lusignan ;md his companions 
 expected a similar fate : but Saladin, thirsty himself, 
 called for iced sherbet, and having drank, handed 
 the cup to the fallen monarch, a sure pledge that his 
 life was secure. Lusignan in turn passed it to 
 Renaul of Chatillon,^ but the sultaun, starting up, ex- 
 claimed, " No hospitality for the breaker of all en- 
 gagements !"'* and before Chatillon could drink, with 
 
 1 Vertot. 2 Rog. of Ilovedon , William of Nangis. 
 
 3 William of Nangis ; Bernard the Treasurer. 
 
 4 Some writers state that Saladin proposed to Chatillon to abjure 
 
234 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 one blow of his scimitar, Saladin severed his head 
 from his body. 
 
 Tiberias surrendered immediately. City after city 
 now fell into the poAver of the victor, and at length, 
 after an obstinate defence, Jerusalem once more was 
 trodden by the Moslems.' But the conduct of the 
 infidel sultaun on this occasion shames the cnielty 
 of the crusaders. When the people could hold out 
 no longer, Saladin, who had at first offered the most 
 advantageous terms, insisted that the city should 
 now throw itself upon liis mercy. 
 
 He then agreed upon a moderate ransom for the 
 prisoners, and promised to let each man carry forth 
 his goods without impediment. "When this was done, 
 with extraordinary care he saw that neither insult 
 nor injury should be offered to the Cliristians ; and, 
 having taken possession of the town, he placed a 
 guard at one of the gates to receive the ransom of 
 the inhabitants as they passed out. Nevertheless, 
 when the whole wealth whicli could be collected in 
 the town had been paid down, an immense number 
 of the poorer Christians remained unredeemed. 
 These were destined to be slaves ; but Bernard the 
 Treasurer relates, that Saif Eddyn, the brother of 
 the monarch, begged the liberty of one thousand of 
 these, and that about the same number were deli- 
 vered at the prayer of the Patriarch and of Balean 
 de Ibelyn,- who had commanded in the place, and 
 communicated with the Curdish monarch on its sur- 
 render. After this Saladin declared that his brother, 
 the Patriarch, and Ibelyn had done their alms, and 
 that now he would do his alms also ; on which he 
 caused it to be proclaimed through the city,^ that all 
 the poor people \vho could give no ransom might go 
 
 Christianity, which he boldly refused : but others do not nnention the 
 circumstance, and the art of Saladin seems to me to have been more on« 
 of ha-ty passion than of deliberation. • Bernard. 
 
 2 Bernard the Treasurer; Continuation of William of Tyre 
 
 3 William of Nang s. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 235 
 
 forth in safety by the gate of St. Lazarus; but he 
 ordered that if any attempted to take advantage of 
 this permission who really could pay for their deli- 
 verance, they should be instantly seized and cast into 
 prison. Many of the nobler prisoners also he freed 
 at the entreaty of the Christian ladies ; and in his 
 whole conduct he showed himself as moderate in 
 conquest as he was great in battle. 
 
 Antioch and the neighbouring towns, as well as 
 the greater part of the county of Tripoli,' were soon 
 reduced to the Saracen yoke, and with the exception 
 of Tyre, which was defended by the gallant Conrad, 
 Marquis of Montferrat, the whole of Palestine be- 
 came subject to the victor of Tiberias. 
 
 Such was the sudden and disastrous termination 
 of the Christian dominion in the Holy Land ;- a mis- 
 fortune which all the contemporary writers attribute 
 to the vices of the inhabitants. Without presuming 
 to assign it, as they do, to the special wrath of Hea- 
 ven, we may nevertheless believe that the gross and 
 scandalous crimes of ihe people of Jerusalem greatly 
 accelerated its return to the Moslem domination. 
 After the successes of the first crusade, the refuse 
 of European populations poured into Palestine in 
 hopes of gain, and brought all their vices to add to 
 the stock of those that the country already pos- 
 sessed. The clergy were as licentious as the laity, 
 tlie chiefs as immoral as the people. Litestine quar- 
 rels are sure to follow upon general crime ; and un- 
 bridled passions work as much harm to the society 
 in which they are tolerated, as to the individuals on 
 vvliom they are exercised. The Latins of Palestine 
 retained their courage, it is true; but they knew no 
 confidence in each other. Virtue, the great bond 
 of union, subsisted not among them, and. each one 
 caballed, intrigued, and strove against his neighbour. 
 The ambition of the two great nlilitary orders bred 
 
 I Bernard 2 James of V.try ; Bernard; Wiiram of Tyre. 
 
236 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 continual hatred and opposition,' and the discord that 
 existed between the Hospitallers and the clergy 
 caused another breach in the harmony of tlie state. 
 
 During the time tliat the kingdom of Jerusalem 
 was thus dividing itself, by passions and vices, into 
 ruinous factions and enfeebled bodies, Saladin and 
 those that preceded him were bending all their ener- 
 gies to consolidate their power and extend their domi- 
 nion. Zenghi was a great warrior, Nourhaddin a 
 great monarch,^ and Saladin added to the higli quali- 
 ties of both, not only a degree of civilization in his 
 own person which neither had known, but, what was 
 &till more, the spirit of civilization in his heart. 
 
 Saladin was as superior to any of the princes of 
 Palestine in mind as he was in territory; and witli 
 clear and general views of policy, keenness and 
 strength of perception in difficulties, consummate 
 skill in war, innumerable forces, and the hearts of 
 his soldiers, it was impossible that he should not 
 conquer. There can be no doubt that the Latins 
 were a more powerful and vigorous race of men 
 than the Turks. The event of every combat evinced 
 it ; and even in their defeats, they almost always left 
 more dead upon the field of the enemy's forces than 
 of their own. Their armour, too, was weightier,^ and 
 their horses heavier and more overpowering in the 
 charge. But the Turkish horseman and the Turkish 
 horse were more active and more capable of bearing 
 long fatigue, privation, and heat than the Kuropean ; 
 and tliis in some degree made up for the slighter form 
 and lighter arms of the Saracen. 
 
 In war, also, as a science, the Turks had improved 
 more than the Christians. We find that the troops 
 of Saladin employed means in their sieges that they 
 had acquired from the crusaders; that they stood 
 firmly the charge of the cavalry ; that they now fought 
 hand to hand with the mailed warriors of Europe, 
 
 1 Bernard ; Albert. - William of Tyre 
 
 s Albert of Aix ; Fulcher • Robert 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 2b? 
 
 and mixed all the modes of chivalrous warfare with 
 those they had practised before. 
 
 We do not perceive, however, that the Latins 
 adopted their activity or their skill with the bow ; 
 and at the same time it must be remarked, that the 
 armies of the Moslem fought as a whole, under the 
 absolute command of one chief; while the Chris- 
 tians, divided in the battle as in the time of peace, 
 were broken into separate corps under feudal leaders, 
 who each consulted his own will fully as much as 
 that of his sovereign. 
 
 Many other causes might be traced for the Chris- 
 tian fall and the Mussulman triumph ; but perhaps 
 more has been already said than was required. 
 Whatever were the causes the result was the same 
 — Jerusalem was taken by the Moslem, and conster^ 
 nation spread through Christendom. 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 ITie News of the Fate of Palestine reaches Europe— TTie Archbishop of 
 Tyre comes to seek for Aid — Assistance granted by William the 
 Good, of Sicily — Death of Urban, from Grief at the Loss of Jeru- 
 salem — Gregory VUl. promotes a Crusade — Expedition of Frederic, 
 Emperor of Germany — His Successes— His Death — State of Europe — 
 Crusade promoted by the Troubadours — Philip Augustus and Henry 
 II. take the Cross — Laws enacted— Saladin's tenth— War rejieived — 
 Death of Henry II. — Accession of Richard Cmur de Lion — The Cru- 
 sade — Philip's March — Richard's March — Affairs of Sicily — Quarrels 
 between the Monarchs— Philip goes to Acre— Richard subdues Cy- 
 prus — Arrives at Acre — Siege and Taking of Acre — Fresh Disputes — 
 Philip Augustus returns to Europe — Richard marches on — Battle 
 of Azotus — Heroism of Richard— Unsteady Councils — The Enter- 
 vrise abandoned. 
 
 We have seen the solicitations of the church, and 
 tie eloquence of two extraordinary men, produce the 
 hrst and second crusades ; but many other incite- 
 liients were added to clerical exhortations before the 
 
238 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 inveterate enmity of the French and English could 
 De sufficiently calmed to permit of aixy thing like a 
 united expedition for the recovery of the Holy Land. 
 The Italian merchants,^ who at that time carried 
 on the commerce of the world, were the first that 
 brought to Europe the terrible news of the battle of 
 Tiberias, the capture of Jerusalem, and the fall of Pa- 
 lestine : but very soon after, William of Tyre,^ the 
 noble historian of the crusades, set out in person to 
 demand assistance in behalf of his afflicted country 
 from all the princes of Christendom. He first landed 
 in Sicily, where William, king of that country, who 
 had married Joan of England, received him with 
 kindness, and instantly took measures for furnishing 
 such assistance to the Christians of the Holy Land, 
 that the small territory yet unconquered might be 
 successfully defended till further succour could 
 arrive. Three hundred knights and a considerable 
 naval force were despatched at once ; and William 
 of Sicily was continuing zealously his preparations, 
 when death cut him off in the midst; and the crown 
 was seized by Tancred, natural son of Roger L 
 
 From Sicily, the Archbishop of Tyre proceeded to 
 Rome ; but he only arrived in time to witness the 
 death of Pope Urban HL,'' whose mind was so deeply 
 affected by the loss of the Holy Land, and the capture ; 
 of the sepulchre, that his enfeebled constitution gave 'i 
 way under the shock, and he literally died of grief, .i 
 Gregory VHL, who succeeded, lost not a moment in li 
 preaching a new crusade; and during his short pon- -I 
 tificate of but two months, he left no means untried !j 
 to heal the dissensions of Christendom, and to turn 
 the arms of the princes who now employed them 
 against each other to the service of God, as it was 
 
 • There is a letter in FTovedon from a Templar to Henry II., jiiving as J 
 account of the sfite of Jerusalem and the Holy Land, dated 1179. 
 
 2 Bernard the Treasurer; William of Nangis, A. D. 1188; B. Peter 
 borough 3 William de Nangs; Jacob. Vit. lib. i. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 239 
 
 then considered, in the deliverance of that land which 
 had been sanctified by his advent. 
 
 The first who took the Cross was the famous Fre- 
 deric Barbarossa,' who conducted a magnificent 
 army across Hungary and Greece, saw through and 
 defeated the perfidious schemes of the Greek empe- 
 ror, Isaac Angelas,^ passed on into Asia Minor, over- 
 threw in a pitched battle the Saracen forces which 
 had been called against him by the base and cowardly 
 Greek, and took the city of Iconium itself. Such 
 splendid successes, with so little loss, had never 
 before attended any Christian host ; but the light that 
 shone upon the German arms was soon changed to 
 darkness by the death of Frederic, who, bathing im- 
 prudently in the Orontes,^ returned to his tent in a 
 dying state, and soon after expired^ at seventy years 
 of age. After the decease of the emperor, w'hile 
 Henry, his eldest son, who had remained in Germany, 
 assumed the imperial crown, Philip Duke of Suabia 
 led on the host towards Antioch. 13ut the very name 
 of Frederic had been a subject of such fear, even to 
 Saladin himself,^ that he had ordered the towns of 
 Laodicea, Ghibel, Tortosa, Bibhos, Berytes, and Si- 
 don to be dismantled at the approach of the Germans. 
 Now, again, the Saracens resumed the offensive ; 
 and, between war and famine, the Teutonic crusa- 
 ders were redu(jed to a small body w^hen they reached 
 Antioch. Their force was still sufficient to give 
 them the command of that city, and proved a most 
 serviceable aid to the Christian troops, who were 
 slowly beginning to rally throughout Palestine. A 
 new military institution was soon after attached, by 
 the duke of Suabia, to the German hospital, which 
 
 I Bernard the Treasurer. 2 A. D. 1189, 1190. 
 
 3 I have followed James of Vitry. Some say that Frederic's death 
 proceeded from hathin;^ in the Cydnus, and some in the Calycadnns. 
 The matter vs of Uttle moment ; hut, as he was descending towards An- 
 tioch at the time, it is not improbable that the Cardinal de Vifr>- was 
 right. EiTiadeddin, in the collection of Arabic historians by Reinaud, 
 rals rhi'; river the Selef 
 
 i J:icob Vit.; Hist. Hisros. ab.; Bernardus ;!' ection. Canisius Antiquae. 
 
 ^ JiLiics af Vitrv. 
 
240 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 had been founded at Jerusalem many years before 
 by some northern merchants, and had since been 
 greatly enlarged by the Hanseatic' traders of Bremen 
 and Lubec. On this establishment he grafted the 
 Order of the Knights of the Holy Cross, or the Teu- 
 tonic knights of" the Hospital of St. Mary ,2 which 
 soon greatly increased, and was sanctioned by papal 
 authority. 
 
 I must now return to France and England, where 
 private feuds had prevented the distresses of Palestine 
 from producing so immediate an effect as they had 
 wrought with the Germans. Henry II. had, as we 
 have already seen, espoused Eleonor, the repudiated 
 wife of Louis VII., and had obtained with her the 
 wliole of Aquitain.^ This, in addition to Normandy, 
 which he also held as a feudatory of the French 
 crown, rendered the kingly vassal a greater territorial 
 lord than even the sovereign to whom he did homage 
 for his continental lands. Such a state of things, 
 was alone quite sufficient to cause endless dissen- 
 sions ; but soon more immediate matter was found. 
 Louis VII. died. Philip Augustus succeeded, yet in 
 his youth ; and Henry II., after having himself, in 
 execution of the feudal duty of tlie dukes of Nor- 
 mandy, lifted the crown witli which Philip's brow 
 was to be decorated, endeavoured to strengthen his 
 own party in France as much as possible against the 
 young monarch. His second son , Geoffrey, he mar- 
 ried to Constance, Dutchess of Brittany : his eldest 
 son, Henry, espoused Marguerite, sister of Philip, 
 and received with her the lordship of Gisors,^ and the 
 territory of the Vexin. Prince Henry died early, 
 leaving no children ; and the land, by his marriage 
 contract, reverted to the crown of France ; but hia 
 fatlier refused to yield it. War broke out in conse- 
 
 • Pet. de Dusbiirp:. ; Chron. Ord. Teuton. 
 
 2 Existing Orders of Knighthood ; James of Vitry. 
 
 3 \''it. Ludovic VII. ; Roger de Hovedon. 
 
 4 Rigord de gest. Phil Aug ; Hovedon ; Robert, de Monte 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 24. 
 
 quence, and was raging fiercely when the news of 
 the fall of Jerusalem reached Europe. The tidings 
 were so unexpected, each one felt so deep and reli- 
 gious a devotion for :he Holy Land, every knight had 
 there so many relations or friends, that the news 
 found a thousand avenues open to the hearts of all 
 who heard it. The world, too, was then mad with 
 song. Nations in that early age had all the zealous 
 passions of youth. That fresh ardour — that wild 
 spirit of pursuit, which almost every one must have 
 felt in his own young days, was then the character 
 of society at large. Europe was as an enthusiastic 
 boy, and whatever it followed, love, religion, song, 
 it followed with the uncontrolled passion, the fiery 
 desire M^hich burns but in the days of boyhood 
 among nations as among men. Poetry had now be- 
 come both the great delight, and the great mover of 
 the day; and all the eloquence of verse found a fit 
 subject in the sorrows of Palestine. The Trouba- 
 dours' and* the Trouveres vied with each other, which 
 should do most to stimulate the monarchs and the 
 Chivalry of Europe to lay aside their private quarrels, 
 and to fly to the deliverance of the Holy Land. The 
 plainte was heard from castle to castle, mourningoyer 
 the loss of Jerusalem. The sirvente and the fabliau 
 were spread far and wide, lashing with all the viru- 
 lence of indignant satire those whom feuds or in- 
 terests withheld from the battles of the Cross. The 
 papal authority enjoined, with its menaces and its 
 inducements, peace to Europe and war to the Sa- 
 racen : but even superstition and zeal effected little, 
 when compared with the power of the new passion 
 for song. The first crusade had been the eff'ect of a 
 general enthusiasm ; the second of individual elo- 
 quence; but this was the crusade of poetiy. The 
 first two were brought abou^t by the clergy alone ; 
 but this v/as the work of the Troubadours. 
 
 > G iffroi Rudel in Ravnouard ; Millot ; Ducange. 
 T 
 
242 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 A truce between Henry II. and Philip Augustus 
 was agreed upon, and a, meeting was fixed between 
 Trie and Gisors,' for the purpose of considering the 
 manner of settling all difficulties, and the best means 
 of delivering Jerusalem. The wliole of the barons 
 of France and England w^ere present at this parlia« 
 ment, which was held in the month of January, and 
 mutual jealousies and hatred had nearly turned the 
 assembly, which met to promote peace, to the pur- 
 poses of bloodshed. At length the Cardinal of Al- 
 bano and William, Archbishop of Tyre, presented 
 themselves to the meeting ; and the oriental prelate 
 having related all the horrors he had himself beheld 
 in the Holy Land — the slaughter of Tiberias, the fall 
 of Jerusalem, the poUution. of the temple, and the 
 capture of the sepulchre — the symbol of the Cross 
 was unanimously adopted by all ; private wars were 
 laid aside, and a mode of proceeding was determined 
 on which promised to furnish vast supplies for the 
 holy enterprise to which the kings and barons bound 
 themselves. 
 
 The first of the measures resolved was to enforce 
 a general contribution from all persons who did not 
 take the Cross, whether clergy or laity, towards de- 
 fraying the expense of the crusade. This consisted 
 of a tenth of all possessions, whether landed or per- 
 sonal, and was called Saladiri's tithe. Each lord, 
 clerical or secular, had the right of raising this tax 
 within his own feoff. The lord of the commune 
 could alone tithe his burghers, the archbishop his 
 see, the abbot the lands of the monastery, the chapter 
 the lands of the church. Any knight having taken 
 the Cross, and being the legitimate heir of a knight 
 or a widow^ who had not taken the Cross, was entitled 
 to lay the tax upon the lands of the other; while all 
 who' refused or neglected to pay their quota were 
 given absolutely to the disposal of him who had the 
 
 1 William of Nangis, A. D. 1188 ; Rigord. 
 
 a Rigord in vit. Philip Augtiat. ; Guil. dcNangis, A. D. 11S8 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRF. 243 
 
 ;.ight to require it. At the same time ^hat such 
 inflictions were adjudged to those who rejected the 
 call to the Holy Land, many immunities were ac- 
 corded to such as followed the crusade. Great faci- 
 lities were given to all the crusaders for the payment 
 of their anterior debts ; but they were by no me ana, 
 as has been frequently asserted,' liberated from all 
 engagements during the time they were occupied in 
 the expedition. Such were the regulations which 
 were first brought forward at Gisors. Each of the 
 monarchs proposed them afterward to a separate 
 court of their barons and clergy, Philip at Paris, and 
 Henry, first at Rouen, to his Norman council, and 
 afterward to his English vassals at Geddiugton, in 
 Northamptonshire. 
 
 xVU seemed now to tend rapidly towards the great 
 enterprise ; nothing was seen in the various coun 
 tries but the symbol of the Cross, which in England 
 was of ermine or white, of gules or red for France, 
 and of synople or green for Flanders. 
 
 But the wliole current of feeling was suddenly 
 turned, by an aggression of Richard, Duke of Gui- 
 enne, afterward King of England, upon the territo- 
 ries of the Count of Toulouse. Philip Augustus 
 flew to arms to avenge his vassal and friend; 
 Richard met him with equal fierceness, and the feuds 
 between France and England were renewed with 
 increased violence.2 Many of the French and Eng- 
 lish knights, several of the clergy of the two coun- 
 tries, together with a great multitude of Germans, 
 Italians, and Flemings, waited not for the tardy 
 journey of the crusading monarchs, but passed over 
 into the Holy Land, and joined themselves to Guy 
 of Lusignan, who had now collected the remnants 
 of all the military orders, and with those princes and 
 knights who had escaped the Moslem scimitar was 
 
 J See Rigord, who gives minutely the statutes on this occasion. 
 2 Branche des royaux Lignages, ann. 1189-90, Guil. de Nangis Rigord. 
 VViJliani the Breton. 
 
244 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 engaged in besieging Acre. His forces' gradually 
 increased till they became immense ; and, owing to 
 the skill of those by whom he was accompanied, 
 rather than his own, the camp of Lusignan was for- 
 tified in such a manner that no efforts of the Sara- 
 cens could penetrate its lines. Saladin pitched his 
 tents on the mountains to the soutli, not long after 
 the Christians had undertaken the siege, and innu- 
 merable battles in the open field succeeded, in which 
 neither army gained any material advantage that 
 was not compensated by some following reverse. 
 
 The fleet of the Saracens supplied the town,^ and 
 the fleet of the Christians brought aid to the camp, 
 so that the conflict seemed to be interminable, from 
 the equal zeal and force of the contending parties. 
 
 In the mean while, the war between Henry and 
 Philip continued ; and, from a personal dispute 
 between Richard Cceur de Lion and the French 
 monarch, had so changed its character, that Richard, 
 accompanied by his brother John, went over to the 
 faction of the enemy, and did homage to the crown 
 of France.^ Henry, abandoned by his children and 
 the greater part of his nobles, found himself forced 
 to sign an ignominious peace ; and after one of the 
 violent fits of passion to which he so often yielded 
 himself, was taken ill, and concluded a long life of 
 vice and crime before the altar of the Lord,"* which 
 he had once caused to be stained with blood.^ 
 
 Richard and Philip were already in alliance ; and 
 no sooner had the new monarch of England ascended 
 the throne, than the preparations for the crusade 
 were resumed with activity. Ample treaties were 
 entered into between the French and English kings ; 
 and as the clergy, though willing enough to preach 
 
 Bernard the Treasurer; James of Vitry. 
 
 Continuation of Wi'liann of Tyre, Anon. 
 
 R. di Diccto; Roger de Hovedon ; Matthew Paris. Ann 118S 
 
 Heni'y died before the altar of the churc*! of Chinon 
 
 Hovedon. 
 
"HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 245 
 
 the crusade, were iri general unwilling- to aid it by 
 the payment of Saladin's tenth, Richard had recourse 
 to the most arbitrary' extortions, to furnish the sums 
 necessary for his enterprise. Philip Augustus, the 
 Count of Flanders, and Richard Coeur de Lion met 
 at Nonancourt, on the confines of Normandy, and 
 engaged mutually to live in peace and defend each 
 other, as true allies, till a period of forty days after 
 their return from Palestine.^ Richard also published 
 a code of laws or regulations for the government of 
 his troops during the expedition. By these it was 
 enacted, that whoever slew a brother crusader should 
 be tied to the corpse and buried alive ; or, if the mur- 
 der were perpetrated at sea, should be plunged with 
 the dead body into the waves. A man who drew his 
 knife upon another, or struck him so as to produce 
 blood, was destined to have his hand cut off. Other 
 chastisements were instituted for simple blows, abu- 
 sive language, and blasphemy f and if any one were 
 discovered in committing a robbery, he was sen- 
 tenced to have his head shaved and to be tarred and 
 feathered. This is, I believe, the first mention in 
 history of that curious naval punishment. 
 
 Each of the crusading monarchs now made large 
 donations to abbeys, churches, and religious commu- 
 nities,^ and performed various acts of grace to bring 
 down the blessing of Heaven upon their enterprise. 
 They took every measure that could be devised for 
 the security and good of their respective realms 
 during their absence, and then proceeded towards 
 Lyons, where, finding that the followers of their 
 camp were becoming somewhat more numerous than 
 was desirable, and remembering the vices and irre- 
 gularities of the former crusades, they instituted 
 several new laws ; among which it was strictly en- 
 joined that no woman should be permitted to accom- 
 
 1 Brompton ; Hovedon. 2 Diceto. 3 Rymer, col. diplonru 
 
 4 Brequegnv- ^oll ann 1 = Rigord in vit. Phil. Aug 
 
£46 rilSTORY OF CHIVALRIC. 
 
 pany either army, except washerwomen, and such 
 as had accomplished fifty years. Here, also, the 
 two kings separated," and Philip, traversing the Alps, 
 soon arrived at Genoa,^ where he hired vessels to 
 carry him to Messina, the general rendezvous, which 
 place he reached with no other impediment than a 
 severe storm. 
 
 Richard, in the mean time,hurried on to Marseilles, 
 where he waited a few days for the fleet which waa 
 to have joined him from England ; but his impatient 
 spirit could never brook delay, and after a pause of 
 little more than a week, he hired all the vessels he 
 could find, and proceeded to Genoa. Leaving that 
 city he touched at several places on the coast of 
 Italy, and near the mouth of the Tiber was en- 
 countered by Octavian, Bishop of Ostia, who de- 
 manded various sums, stated to be due to the church 
 of Rome from the English monarch, as fees, on the 
 election of the Bishop of Ely, and the deposition of 
 the Bishop of Bourdeaux. Richard replied by boldly 
 reproaching tlie prelate with the simoniacal avarice 
 of his church, and sent him indignantly from his pre- 
 sence. In the Gulf of Salernum, the English king 
 was met by his fleet, and soon anchored before Mes- 
 sina, causing all the horns of his armament to blow 
 as he entered the port. The noise was so great, that 
 the inhabitants crowded to the walls, where they 
 beheld the thousand banners of England cover- 
 ing the sea with all the gay and splendid colours of 
 chivalrous blazonry.^ Richard was fond of such 
 display, and, perhaps, so slight a thing as this first 
 woke that jealousy in the bosom of Philip Augustus 
 which afterward proved ruinous to the crusade. 
 Nevertheless that monarch rame down to meet 
 Richard, with Tancred, the usurping King of Sicily, 
 who had e ver}^ thing to fear from the anger of the hasty 
 
 1 Benedict of Peterborough. 
 
 2 Rigord says nothing of any illness which Philip suffered at Messina 
 
 3 llovedon ; Broinpton. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 247 
 
 sovereign of England. After dispossessing Constan- 
 tia, the heiress of the crown, Tancred had imprisoned 
 Joan, sister of Richard, the widow of the last king 
 William the Good. He had freed her, it is true, on 
 the news of Richard's arrival; but the first act of 
 the English monarch' was to demand the restitution 
 of his sister's dowery, and the legacies which had 
 been bequeathed by William of Sicily to Henry H. 
 of England. These together amounted to forty 
 thousand ounces of gold,^ and for some time Rich- 
 ard's application was met by nothing but quibbling 
 and evasion. 
 
 The best intelligence had hitherto reigned between 
 the French and English, but not so with Richard's 
 knights and the people of Sicily. The Anglo-Nor- 
 mans were dissolute and reckless, and the Sicilians 
 soon proceeded from squabbling and opposition, to 
 seek bloody revenge. It is probable that both par- 
 ties were in fault. Every thing at Messina was 
 charged at a most exorbitant price,' and the Normans 
 were very apt to take what they could not buy. 
 The Sicilians cheated them, and they plimdered the 
 Sicilians, till at length some of the Norman soldiers 
 were killed.'* Hugh Lebrun, a favourite of Richard, 
 was wounded ; and Richard himself, finding the 
 peasantry supported by Tancred in the attack on his 
 soldiers, lost command of his temper, fell upon the 
 people who had come forth from Messina, stormed 
 the walls of the city; and in an inconceivably short 
 time, the banner of the King of England was flying 
 over the capital of Sicily.^ 
 
 Philip Augustus, who had interfered on many occa- 
 sions to quiet the differences between the Normans 
 and the Sicilians, could not bear to see the English 
 standard on the towers of Messina, and a coolness 
 rose up between the two monarchs from that mo- 
 ment. All angry discussion, however, was removed 
 
 > Benedict of Peterborough. 2 Rio;ord ; Benedict o^" PeterborougV 
 3 Rigord. 4 Vinesauf. 5 Ben. Abb. Peter. ; R. Hovedon 
 
248 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 by the conduct of Richard, which was calm and mo- 
 derate, far beyond his usual habits. He offered to 
 ^ive up the guard of the city to either the Knights 
 of the Temple or of St. John, till his claims on Tan- 
 cred had been fairly met. This tranquillized the 
 matter for a time; but Eleonor, Richar.d's mother, 
 now arrived in Sicily,^ bearing with her the beautiful 
 Berengaria, of Navarre. The King of England had 
 been affianced to Alice of France, the sister of Philip ; 
 but criminal intercourse, it was supposed, had existed 
 between the French prir^ess and Henry H., and 
 Richard had long meditated breaking off formally an 
 alliance he never intended to fulfil. The sight of 
 Berengaria decided him.^ Some letters were shown 
 10 him by Tancred, King of Sicily, in which Philip 
 Augustus promised aid to the Sicilians in case of their 
 warring with the English. Richard, with the papers 
 m his hand, cast himself on horseback, and galloped 
 to the tent of the French monarch. Philip declared 
 the letters were forged, and that Richard's anger was 
 a mere pretence to break off a marriage which suited 
 not his taste. War between the two sovereigns 
 seemed inevitable, and how it was averted does not 
 very clearly appear. Probably the higher barons 
 interposed ; but at all events the concessions were 
 on the side of Philip, who, by a formal treaty, re- 
 nounced all pretensions to Richard's hand, on the 
 
 • Rigord. 
 
 2 Rigordus states positively that Berengaria had arrived before the 
 ireaty was signed between Phili]) and Richard. Mills says, that Richard 
 Temained in Sicily afler Philip's departure, to wait for Berengaria; but 
 Rigord lived at the time, and was one of the most diligent inquirers who 
 nave left us records of that age. The Branche des loyaux Lignages 
 makes Richard say to the King of France, 
 " Sire vostre suer espousal 
 De lacjuele atan le don hui; 
 Mes one nul jour ne la connui 
 Et j'ai puis prise Berangarre 
 Qui fille est au roy de Navarre." — 1226. 
 iVilliam the Breton, also, who was afterward chaplain to Philip Augus 
 ms, reoresents Richard as saying, 
 
 ' ' Et jam juncta thoro est mihi Berengaria, regis 
 Fill a NavarroB " 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY 249 
 
 part of his sister ;^ confirmed him in all the feoffs he 
 held from the crown of France ; and, leaving him and 
 Berengaria to conclude their marriage, he set sail 
 with his fleet for Acre. 
 
 The appearance of the French before that place 
 caused great rejoicing among the Christians, foi 
 notwithstanding every effort on the part of the as- 
 sailants the city still held out ; and, girt in themselves 
 by the anny of Saladin, the scarcity^ was little less 
 in their camp than in the town. Before the coming 
 of their allies, the crusaders under the walls of Acre 
 had done all that human ingenuity could invent to 
 force the garrison to yield. They had turned the 
 course of the river which supplied the city with fresh 
 water; they had been incessant in their attacks 
 and, during nearly two years, had never relaxed one 
 moment in their endeavours.^ It was apparent, 
 therefore, that nothing but assault by a large force 
 could carry the fortress, and this the arrival of Philip 
 gave the possibility of attempting. That monarch, 
 however, either from some engagement to that effect, 
 or from the scantiness of the succour he brought, 
 which, according to Boha Eddin, consisted only of 
 six large ships,"* determined to wait the arrival of 
 Richard Cceur de Lion, contenting himself with 
 battering the walls in the mean while. 
 
 The coming of the King of France had spread as 
 much alarm among the Saracens as joy among the 
 Christians; but his inactivity calmed their appre- 
 hensions; and the escape of a magnificent white 
 
 J Rigord in vit. Phil. Aug. ; Hovedon ; Rymer 2 Bemardus. 
 
 3 Various knights are mentioned by Bernard the Treasurer, as having 
 signalized tliemselves greatly, both prior to the siege and after its com- 
 mencement. One in particular, whom he calls the Green Knight, even 
 raised the admiration of the Saracens to such a heigiit that Saladin sent 
 for him, and made him the most brilliant offers, in hopes of bringing him 
 to join the Moslems. It is more than probable that this Green Knight 
 was the famous Jacques d'Avesnes, and was so called from the colour 
 of the cross which he w-ore. 
 
 4 Auteurs Arabes, rec. do Reinaud ; Branche des loyaux Rignages 
 Rigord in vit. Phil. August 
 
250 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 falcon which Philiphad brought from Europe, was con 
 sidered by the infidels as an evil omen for the French 
 monarch. The bird flew into the besieged city, and 
 was thence sent to Saladin, who would not be pre- 
 vailed upon to part with it, though Philip offered a 
 thousand pieces of gold for his favourite falcon.^ 
 
 Richard remained some time in Sicily, enjoying the 
 idleness and luxury of a delicious climate, and a fer- 
 tile and beautiful land ; but the preaching of a wild 
 enthusiast, called Joachim, together with various ce- 
 lestial phenomena, which the superstition of the age 
 attributed to Divine wrath, awoke the monarch from 
 his dream of pleasure, and after having submitted to 
 an humiliating penance,^ he set sail for Acre. A 
 tempest soon dispersed his fleet, arid three of the 
 vessels were lost upon the rocky shores of Cyprus. 
 The monarch of that island, one of the Comneni of 
 Constantinople, had rendered himself independent 
 of Greece, and had taken the title of Emperor. In 
 the madness of insatiable greediness, he pillaged the 
 crews and passengers of the English vessels stranded 
 on his coast, and refused a refuge to the bride and 
 sister of Richard himself, when driven by the storm 
 into the port of Limisso. At Rhodes^ the lion- 
 hearted king heard of the disasters of his fleet, and 
 the inhospitality of the Emperor of Cyprus, and no 
 sooner had he gathered together his ships, than he 
 sailed for Limisso, and demanded reparation and 
 apology. 
 
 With infinite moderation, the more admirable u\ 
 the conduct of a violent and irritable monarch, he 
 three times required satisfaction before he proceeded 
 to any act of aggression. At length, finding it not to 
 be obtained bat by the sword, he landed on the island, 
 drove the coward Greeks' before him, took the unge« 
 
 1 Uoha Eddin, rec. de Reinaud. 
 
 2 lirompton, A. D. 1191 ; Ben. Abb. Peterboiougli, H91. 
 a Hovedon ; Ben. Abb. Peterborough. 
 
 4 Hovetion ; Brompton • WiiJ Newh. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 251 
 
 Aerous usurper Isaac, and reduced the whole country 
 to his sway. His wrath had now been roused, and 
 all temper was forgotten : he taxed the unfortunate 
 inhabitants of the country to an enormous extent 
 and then, after having spent some time at Limisso, 
 where he celebrated his marriage with Berengaria, 
 he once more set sail for Acre. In the passage the 
 fleet of the English monarch came suddenly upon a 
 large vessel bearing the arms of the King of France. 
 Something suspicious in the appearance of the ship 
 induced Richard to pursue her, and it was soon dis- 
 covered that she was filled with Saracen troops. 
 
 The attack was instantly ordered ;^ the infidels de- 
 fended themselves with the greatest bravery ; the sea 
 was covered with Greek fire, and a rain of arrows 
 fell upon the decks of the low European galleys from 
 the high sides of the Arabian vessel. But resistance 
 against the w^hole fleet of the English king was vain ; 
 and the emir Jacob, who commanded, ordered the 
 ship to be sunk by cutting through the bottom with 
 hatchets. Before this could be completely accom- 
 plished, however, the English and Normans were mas- 
 ters of the vessel, and ere she went down a great 
 part of her cargo was saved. This principally con- 
 sisted of military stores for the camp of Saladin; 
 and, among other implements of destruction, the 
 English were surprised and horrified to find a num- 
 ber of large earthen vases filled with poisonous rep- 
 tiles, from the bites of which it was known that the 
 Christians near Acre suffered most dreadfully. 
 Whether these animals were or were not really 
 destined by Saladin as the means of a new and dire- 
 ful mode of warfare, such was the purpose which the 
 Christian monarch^ attributed to those who carried 
 them ; and giving way to his wrath, he ordered all 
 Ihe prisoners to be put to death. Some few were 
 
 BohaEddin ; Walter Vinesauf; Hovedon ; Benedict of Peterborouj!*! 
 Peterborough ; Vinesauf; James. Cardinal o( Vitry, lib. i. 
 
252 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 saved, who were afterward ransomed according t5 
 the universal custom of the day.' 
 
 But little time now elapsed ere Richard, with a 
 hundred sail, arrived before the city of Acre, and the 
 shouts of joy that welcomed him made his proud 
 heart beat with more than wonted ardour. All the 
 Chivalry of Europe were upon the sandy plain be- 
 tween Ptolemais and the mountains of Carouba:^the 
 Templars, the Hospitallers, the Knights of France, 
 of England, of Germany, of Italy, of Flanders, and of 
 Burgundy. Thousands of banners floated on the 
 wind ; and every sort of arms, device, and ensign 
 glittered through the camp. On the inland hills lay 
 the millions of Saladin, with every accessory of east- 
 ern pomp and eastern luxury. There, too, was the 
 pride of all the Saracen tribes, called into the field by 
 their great monarch to meet the swarming invasion 
 of the Christians.^ One wing of the Moslem army 
 was commanded by Malek Adel Saif Eddin,"* brother 
 of Saladin, and the other by that monarch's nephew, 
 Modaffer. Through the host were seen banners of 
 green, and black, and yellow ; and armour of as many 
 kinds, and of as great magnificence, as that of the 
 Europeans. 
 
 Nor was the chivalrous courtesy of the day con- 
 fined to the Christian camp. In times of truce the 
 adverse nations mingled together in friendship ; and 
 at one moment they sent mutual presents, and reci- 
 procated good offices, while at another they met in 
 
 J Mills speaks of the conduct of Richard in the following terms : 
 'The sanguinary and ungenerous Richard killed or cast overboard his 
 defenceless enemies ; or, with an avarice equally detestable, saved the 
 commanders for the sake of their ransom." That author, however, says 
 rot one word of the (Saracens' fighting under false colours, or of the hor- 
 rible cargo which they carried in their ship, though he afterward himself 
 alludes to the sufferings of the crusaders from the bites of reptiles. la 
 this historical justice? 
 
 2 Bernard the Treasurer. 
 
 3 Boha Eddin, rec. Hist. Arabes de Reinaud. 
 
 4 His name, literally translated, means the j-ust king, thesword oftht 
 faith. Fiom Saif Eddin the Christians composed the word Saphaddia 
 by which 1 e is generally designated in the chronicles of the time. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 253 
 
 bloody and impetuous strife. Saladin himself seems 
 to have conceived the highest respect for the charac- 
 ter of Richard; and when he v^-as not opposing him 
 in he field, he was always desirous of sliowing that 
 the Moslems were not to be outdone in generous 
 sentiment by any of the Christian knights. It would 
 be endless to recount all the transactions of the siege 
 of Acre. The spirit of the whole of this crusade 
 which I could wish to dwell upon more than any 
 thing else) has been already fully, perfectly, and 
 feelingly displayed, in that most beautiful composi- 
 tion. The Talisman ; wherein Sir Walter Scott, how- 
 ever he may have altered some historical facts to 
 suit the purposes of fiction, has given a more striking 
 picture of the human mmd in that age — of the cha- 
 racter of nations as well as individuals — than any 
 dull chronicle of cold events can furnish. 
 
 Richard Cceur de liion, soon after his arrival before 
 Acre, was seized with the fever of the country, and in 
 the attack made upon the town by Philip Augustus 
 the English monarch was not present.' Philip mur- 
 mured highly, and his assault was repulsed from the 
 want of sufficient forces to follow up his firsi advan- 
 tage. Richard in his turn attempted to storm the 
 city without the aid of France, and notwithstanding 
 eiforts of almost incredible valour, was likewise re- 
 pelled. Mutual necessity brought some degree of 
 concord; and it was agreed that while one army as- 
 sailed the walls the other should guard the camp, but 
 still the endeavours of both ^yere ineffectual to take 
 the town by storm ; and continual disputes were every 
 day springing up between the two monarchs and the 
 two hosts. Philip strove to seduce the vassals of 
 Richard to follow his banner, as the sovereign of 
 their sovereign, and paid three pieces of gold per 
 month to each of the Norman knights who would 
 Join his standard :^ Richard gave four pieces of gold 
 
 > Vinesauf ; Hovedon 2 Chron. St. Denia 
 
254 HISTORY F CHIVALkV. 
 
 to all who came over from Philip, and many a French 
 feudatory joined himself to the English king. The 
 siege of Acre still advanced, notwithstanding, lesa 
 indeed by the presence or efforts of the two sove- 
 reigns, than by the simple fact of the city being cut 
 off from all supplies. It had now held out for many 
 months ; and for long had endured but little priva- 
 tion from its communication with the sea; but as 
 one article of the first necessity after another be- 
 came exhausted, that means of receiving provisions 
 was not sufficiently productive or regular for the sup- 
 ply of a great city. Even when ships arrived the 
 town was in a state of scarcity, and a day's delay 
 brought on a famine. Acre could resist no longer,! 
 and after a short truce, which was asked in the hope 
 of assistance from Egypt, it surrendered to the mo- 
 narchs of France and England, on very rigorous 
 terms. All the Christian prisoners within the town 
 tvere to be freed, together with one thousand men 
 and two hundred knights, chosen from those that 
 Saladin detained in captivity ; two hundred thousand 
 pieces of gold were to be paid, and the true Cross was 
 io be restored to the Christians. Such was the only 
 capitulation granted to the people of Acre, who were 
 also to re'main in the hands of the crusaders till the 
 stipulations had been fulfilled by Saladin ; and in case 
 the conditions were not accomplished within forty 
 days, the prisoners were left to the disposal of theij 
 conquerors. 
 
 Saladin neglected to fulfil any of the terms whicl: 
 depended on him; the ransom was not paid; the 
 wood of the Cross was not restored; and Richard* 
 cruelly commanded his prisoners to be put to death.' 
 
 1 James of Vitry; Hovedon ; Vinesauf; Ben. of Pet.; Bernard the 
 Treasurer. 
 
 2 Rifford; William of Nangis; James of Vitry; Bernardus; Viije 
 sauf; Hovedon. All these authors give different accounts of the num- 
 bers sacrificed. 
 
 3 Bernard the Treasurer affirms that Philip caused the prisoners to b« 
 executed ; but most of the other historians agree, that this piece of cruelty 
 was committed by Richard alone. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 26ft 
 
 A-fter the capture of the city, the Archduke of Aus- 
 tria boldly placed his banner on one of the towers 
 but no sooner was it seen by Richard, than with h. 
 own hand he tore it down, and rending it to pieces, 
 trampled it under his feet. The insult was neithe 
 forgotten nor unrevenged, though from that momen 
 ^he banners of the kings^ only continued to float 
 from the walls of Acre. Thus new dissensions were 
 added to those which had already arisen, and the two 
 monarchs, by taking possession of the whole spoil and 
 dividing it between them, gave high disgust to the 
 rest of the crusaders. Another more tangible cause 
 of animosity soon sprang up. Sybilla, the wife of 
 Guy of Lusignan, through whom alone he possess©! 
 the title of King of Jerusalem, died during the sieg-f 
 of Acre, but he still pretended a right to the throne 
 Conrad of Montferrat, lord of Tyre, had seized upoo 
 Isabella, sister of Sybilla, and wife of the weak and 
 cowardly Humphrey de Thoron; and having obb 
 tained, by one means or another, a divorce between 
 ner and her husband, had married her; on whict 
 marriage, he also claimed the empty vanity of the 
 crown. Richard, with the Pisans and the Hospital- 
 lers, maintained the cause of Lusignan ; Philip Augus- 
 tus, with the Genoese and the Templars, supported 
 Conrad ; and the schism was only healed by Lusig- 
 nan acknowledging Conrad to be heir to the nomi- 
 nal kingdom, while Conrad allowed Lusignan to 
 retain the title for his life. 
 
 Soon after this, the crusade received^ its death- 
 olow, by the defection of Philip Augustus. No doubt 
 can exist that that monarch had really lost his health 
 
 1 Rigord. 
 
 2 Bernard the Treasurer says, that the English king lodged in the 
 Couse of the Templars, and that Philip Augustus occupied the citadel; 
 *' Le Roi ds France ot le chaste! d'Acre, et le fist garnir et le Roi d'Angle- 
 tcrre se herberja en la maisoM du Temple." Most authorities, however. 
 are opposed to this statement, declaring that Richard lodged in the pa- 
 lace, and Philip with the Templars. 
 
 3 Bernard the Treasurer ; Rigord : William the Breton ; Branche defl 
 royau.x Lignajcs. 
 
*56 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 since his sojourn in the Holy Land; but as little doubx 
 is there that his chief motive in returning to Europe 
 was his disg-ust' at the overbearing- conduct of Rich- 
 ard, and his jealousy at the great superiority of hia 
 rival in all military exercises. Philip Augustus was 
 an expert and able general, a brave and distinguished 
 knight ; but Richard was the wonder of his day, and 
 what Philip might have admired in an inferior, he 
 could not bear in a fellow-king. He therefore pro- 
 claimed aloud his illness, and his intention to return 
 to Europe, most unwisely — as James of Vitry ob- 
 ser\'es — for the interest of the crusade ; for Saladim 
 had been so much depressed by the fall of Acre, that 
 beyond all question immense concessions might have 
 been obtained, had the monarchs but made a demon- 
 stration of acting in concert. As bound to him by 
 treaties, Richard's permission was demanded by the 
 King of France. At first Richard exclaimed, with a 
 burst of honest indignation, "Eternal shame on him 
 and on all France, if for any cause he leave the work 
 unfinished !'^ but he added afterward, " Well, let him 
 go, if his health require it, or if he cannot live with- 
 out seeing Paris." With this sin-ly leave, Philip 
 hastened his departure, after having made over to 
 Conrad of Tyre his share in the city of Acre, and 
 having sworn, in the most solemn manner, to respect 
 Richard's possessions in Europe — an oath which he 
 soon found occasion to break. 
 
 The Duke of Birrgundy,^ with ten thousand men, 
 was left behind to support Richard ; and that monarch, 
 after repairing the fortifications of Acre, having seeu 
 the churches purified, and the Christian religion re- 
 stored, marched out with considerable force, and took 
 the road by the seaside towards Ascalon. Vessels 
 laden with provisions followed along the shore ; but, 
 
 1 Rigord ; Robert of Gloucester. 
 
 2 James of Vitry ; Boha Eddin ; Emad Eddin ; Recueil de Reinaud. 
 
 3 Benedict of Peterborough, 
 
 4 Bernard the Treasurer; James of Vitry, &«. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 267 
 
 on the other hand, the Moslems, who had now 
 recovered confidence at the dissensions which they 
 knew reigned among the Christians, pursued the 
 army as it marched, and harassed it by continual 
 attacks. 
 
 Richard' refrained from any thing like a general 
 engagement, as long as such conduct was possible ; 
 but near Azotus he found himself compelled to 
 fight, and he accordingly drew out his men in battle 
 array. Eudes, Duke of Burgundy, commanded he 
 left, and the famous Jacques d'Avesnes the right, of 
 the crusaders, while Richard himself appeared in the 
 centre. 
 
 Saladin^ led the attack against the Christian army, 
 and the right gave way. At the same time the left 
 repulsed the Moslems, and with the usual impetuous 
 courage of the French, who composed it, followed up 
 their success till they were cut off from the main 
 body. Richard advanced to the aid of the Duke of 
 Burgundy, but only so far as to save him from being 
 destroyed. With wonderful coolness he waited till 
 the Saracens had exhausted their arrows, and wearied 
 their horses with rapid evolutions, so that the knights 
 murmured at the unwonted inactivity of their mo- 
 narch. At length, seeing that Saladinhad weakened his 
 left wing to attack the Duke of Burgundy, that the hail 
 of missiles was passed, and that there existed some 
 confusion in the enemy's'' lines, the king commanded 
 his knights to charge, and leading them on himself, 
 he with his own hand overthrew all that opposed him. 
 The infidels whom he slew, and the feats that he 
 performed, are almost incredible ; but certain it is, 
 that his voice, his eye, his look, brought inspiration 
 to the Christians and dismay to the hearts of the 
 Moslems. The Saracen host "fled amain, and Richard 
 remained master of the field, having to mouru few of 
 
 1 Hovedon ; James of Vitry ; Vinesauf 
 
 2 Vinesauf; Boha Eddin. 
 2 Hovedon Vinesauf. 
 
258 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY' 
 
 his distinguished soldiers besides Jacques d'Avesiies, 
 who was slaiu towards the end of the battle.' 
 
 The road both to Ascalon and Jerusalem was now 
 open to the host of the Cross f but either from trea- 
 chery, as some have supposed, or from envy, as 
 others have imagined, Richard was continually op- 
 posed in the council of war : the operations of the 
 crusaders became vacillating, uncertain, and ill- 
 judged, and the kingdom of Jerusalem was virtually 
 cast away. The army, instead of following its ad- 
 vantages, proceeded to Jaffa,'' wasted time in fortify- 
 ing that city, and suffered the Saracens to recover 
 from their panic. Various attacks were soon made 
 upon the Christians ; a party of Templars was sur- 
 rounded by the foe, and would have been cut to 
 pieces, with the Earl of Leicester and some English 
 who had come to their aid, had not Richard, with his 
 lion-heart, rushed, almost unarmed, into the fight ; 
 and, scattering the enemy hke a whirlwind, delivered 
 his friends from their peril. On another occasion, he 
 had himself nearly been taken prisoner while falcon- 
 ing, and would certainly have fallen into the hands 
 of the Saracens, had not one of his followers, named 
 William de Pratelles,'* exclaimed, " I am the king !" 
 and thus drawn the attention of the enemy to him- 
 self. After this, various treaties^ were entered into, 
 which ended in nothing, and probably were devised 
 by the Saracens merely for the purpose of gaining 
 time to recruit their forces. It was even proposed 
 that Joan of Sicily, the English monarch's sister, 
 should be given in marriage to Saphaddin, or Saif 
 Eddin ; and that Jerusalem should be yielded to the 
 parties in this strange alliance. All these negotia 
 tions, however, terminated as they began, and hos. 
 tilities were often commenced and suspended, equally 
 
 J James of Vitry ; Trivet Annales. 2 Bernard the Treasure) 
 
 * James of Vitry. 
 
 4 This gentleman was taken prisoner, but was of course ranson.ei 
 immediately by Richard. 
 
 5 Hovedon; Boha Eddin 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 259 
 
 without cause. Richard advanced to Ramula, and 
 nothing opposed his proceeding to Jerusalem ; but a: 
 a council of war it was determined that the army 
 should retire upon Ascalon.' This was done, and 
 Ascalon was once more fortified; but here the troops 
 were cut off from supplies, new divisions arose, and 
 many desertions took place. The Duke of Burgundy 
 retreated to Acre ; the Genoese and Pisans broke 
 out into open warfare, and one party, supported by 
 Conrad of Montferrat, would have destroyed the 
 other, had not Richard marched to the spot, forced 
 Conrad to withdraw, and re-established peace be- 
 tween the contending nations. Conrad, frustrated 
 in the views he had entertained, rejected ail con- 
 ciliation from Richard, and allied himself with 
 Sfilctdin. That monarch immediately hastened once 
 more to attack the divided army of the Cross ;^ but 
 Conrad was stabbed by two of a class of men called 
 the Assassins,'' at the moment that Richard, to obtain 
 
 1 Vincsauf ; James of Vitry. 
 
 2 Hovedon ; William of Nangis, ann. 1192; Vinesauf. 
 
 3 For many years a horde of plunderers had been established in the 
 mountains of Phoenicia, in the neighbourhood of Tortosa and Tripoli, 
 who, in the end, obtained the name of Assassins, from the small dagger 
 which was their only weapon, and which was called hassassin. Their 
 religion was a corrupted species of Islamism, and their government a 
 fanatical despotism. Their chief was called sometimes the Ancient, 
 sometimes the Lord of the Mountains, and among the C^hristians he ob- 
 tained the name of the Old Man of the Mountains. By working on the 
 excileahle imaginations of an illiterate and fanatical race, the lords of this 
 extraordinary tribe had obtained over them an hitluence unknown to any 
 other power which was ever brought to sway the mind of man. The 
 will of the Old Man of the Mountains was absolute law to each of his 
 subjects. Wliatever were his commands, whether to slay themselves 
 or another, they asked no questions— paused not to consider of justice or 
 injustice — but obeyed ; and when sent to execute tiie will ot their loid 
 upon anyone, they followed their object with a keen sagacity and unal- 
 terable perseverance, that placed the life of each individual in the hands of 
 their remorseless monarch. Nothing could turn them aside froin the pur- 
 suit ; no difficulties were loo great for them to surmount; and when they 
 had struck the victim, if they escaped, it was well ; but if they were taken, 
 they met torture and death with stoical firmness, feeling certain of the joys 
 ofPavadise as a compensation for their sufferings. The number of this iribe 
 was about sixty thousand, all eonscifiuiou- murderers, whom no danger 
 wouid daunt, and no human ronsideratioii could deier. Such were, the 
 men who slew Cojirad (■■ Montferrat ; and yet tli" French with the wild 
 
260 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 concord, had consented to his coronation as king of 
 Jerusalem, in opposition to the claim of Guy of Lu- 
 signan. The French attributed the death of Conrad 
 to Richard, and all parties flew to arms ; but in the 
 midst of this confusion, Henry Count of Champagne 
 came forward, married the widow of Conrad, was 
 proclaimed king of Jerusalem' with the consent of 
 all, and the united host once more prepared to march 
 and conquer the kingdom for which they had just 
 been providing a king. 
 
 During this time, Richard Coeur de Lion, while 
 waging the war for Jerusalem, was neglecting all his 
 best interests in Europe. John, his brother, was 
 striving for the crown of England, and Philip Augustus 
 was stripping him of his territories in France. Mes- 
 senger after messenger brought naught but tidings of 
 danger, and pressing solicitations for his return. 
 
 Still Richard advanced towards Jerusalem,^ but his 
 force was too small to attempt a long-protracted 
 siege. He found himself far from resources, and in 
 a country where supplies could be obtained but ^\itll 
 the greatest difficulty.'^ The marches before him 
 were barren and hot; little water was to be procured 
 and at Bethlehem a council of twenty persons was 
 appointed to inquire into the possibility of proceed- 
 
 inconsistencyof their national hatred, attributed the deed to Richard, wha 
 never found aught on earth that could induce him to cover his wrath 
 when it was excited, or to stay him from the open pursuit of revenge, 
 which was always as bold and unconcealed as it was fierce and evanes- 
 cent. From this tribe we have derived the word assassin. — See James 
 of V^try ; Matthew of Pi.' ris; William of Tyre ; Ducange nu Joinvillre, 
 J Bernard the Treasurer ; James of Vitry ; William of Nangis. 
 
 2 Bernard; Vinesauf; Matthew Paris. 
 
 3 Little doubt can exist that one great can.se of the abandonment of 
 the crusade were the diiTerences between Richard and the Duke of Bur- 
 gundy. The Frenchman was jealous of the fame which the English 
 king would have acquired by taking Jerusalem, and con-sequently took 
 care that he should not effect that object. Such is the account given by 
 Bernard the Treasurer — a Frenchman, who always showed a manifest 
 tendency to exculpate his countrymen, whenever there existed a fair 
 exciisti. See the Chronicle in old French, published m the collection of 
 Martenne and Durand. It was generally attributed to Hugh Plagon, but 
 Las since been proved to b'* thtuMi^^niu ' Bemard the Treasurer 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 261 
 
 ing. Certain information was received that the Turks 
 had destroyed all the wells and cisterns round the 
 Holy City, and it was determined to abandon the 
 enterprise. Richard felt the disappointment with all 
 the bitterness of broken hope and crushed ambition. 
 He was led to a hill from whence he could behold 
 Jerusalem ; but the sight and its memories were too 
 much, and, covering his eyes with his shield,' the 
 warrior monarch turned away with a swelling heart 
 to concert measures for gaining something, at all 
 events, to compensate the loss of Jerusalem. But 
 discord was in the bosom of the crusade ; the soldiers 
 murmured,^ the chiefs rebelled, and the only thing that 
 could save the army was immediate retreat. Such, 
 then, after many plans had been proposed and re- 
 jected, was the ultimate step. The great body of the 
 forces, with Richard and the Duke of Burgundy, fell 
 back upon Acre ; but a smaller part threw itself into 
 Jaffa; and Saladin, recovering his energies as the 
 crusaders lost theirs, collected his power and pre- 
 pared to reap the fruits of their disunion. The hope 
 of saving the Holy Land was now gone, and Richard 
 determined to abandon an endeavour which jea. 
 lousies and treacheries had rendered infeasible ; and, 
 returning to Europe, to give his thoughts to the con- 
 solidation and security of his own dominions. Be- 
 fore he set out, however, the news reached him 
 that Saladin had attacked Jaffa with immense forces ; 
 and that the only hope of the garrison was in aid 
 from him.^ Sending the bulk of the army by land, 
 he took advantage of a favourable wind, and set sail 
 with a very small retinue for the besieged city. 
 When he arrived at Jaffa, he perceived that the gates 
 were already in the hands of the Saracens, and that the 
 Christians were fighting to the last, to sell their lives 
 dearly. " When King Richard found that the place 
 was taken," to use the words of Bernard the Trea- 
 
 1 Vinesauf. 2 Hovedon ; Vinesauf. 
 
 3 The French refused to march to the assistance of Jaffa. 
 
262 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 surer, " he sprang on shore, with his shield round hia 
 neck, and his Danish axe in his hand, retook the 
 castle, slew the Saracens that were within the walls, 
 and drove those that were without back to their camp, 
 where he halted on a little mound — he and his men. 
 Saladin asked his troops why they fled ; to which 
 they replied, that the King- of England had come to 
 Jaffa, had slain much people, and retaken the town. 
 Then Saladin asked, ' Where is he V And they re- 
 plied, * There, sire, upon that hillock with his men.' 
 ' What !' cried Saladin, ' the king on foot among his 
 servants ! This is not as it should be.' And Saladin 
 sent him a horse,' charging the messenger to say, that 
 such a man ought not to remain on foot in so great 
 danger." 
 
 The attempts of the Saracens were vain to re- 
 cover the position they had lost, and their terror at 
 the tremendous name of Richard made that name 
 host. This victory again placed the King of Eng- 
 land in a commanding situation, and he took advan- 
 tage of it to demand peace. Saladin gladly met his 
 advances. A treaty was entered into, and a truce 
 was conclu(ied for three years and eight months, 
 during which period the Christians were to enjoy the 
 liberty of visiting Jerusalem, as pilgrims, exemp* 
 from all grievance. Tyre and Jaffa, with the whole 
 district between them, were yielded to the Latins, 
 wlio, on their part, agreed to demolish the fortifica- 
 tions of Ascalon. The troops of the Cross were 
 permitted to resort as palmers to Jerusalem, where 
 the sultaun received and treated them with court- 
 sous hospitality. Richard would not visit the city he 
 could not capture ; but the Bishop of Salisbury was 
 entertained in the sultaun's own palace, and obtained 
 from the generous Saracen leave to establish three 
 societies of Latin priests, in Jerusalem, in Bethle- 
 nem, and in Nazareth. Various other splendid acts 
 
 » Bernard the Treasurer 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 263 
 
 of kingly magnanimity closed Saladin's communica- 
 tion with the crusaders. 
 
 On the 25th of October, A. D. 1192, Richard set sail 
 for Europe. The fruits of his crusade were but 
 small, as far as the recovery of the Holy Land Mas 
 concerned ; but in his own person he acquired a de- 
 gree of military glory that enmity could not wrest 
 from him, and ages have not been able to dim. 
 
 He had many faults and many failings ; and his 
 own pride contributed as much as the jealousy of 
 his enemies to create disunion among the allies,' and 
 frustrate the object of the expedition. But he had 
 also to contend with many wrongs and difficulties, 
 and possessed many bright and noble qualities. He 
 carried the heart of a lion to his grave ;' and for cen- 
 turies after the women of Palestine scared tlieii 
 children with his name.^ 
 
 1 Bernard the Treasurer. 
 
 2 The Queen Berengaria and .loan of Sicily left Acre on the 29th of 
 September, previous to the departure ol' Richard, who set out on the 25th 
 of October, 1192. After encountering a violent storm, which scattered 
 Jiis fleet and wrecked the greater number of his vessels, Richard, with 
 his single ship, touched at Zara, where he landed, accompanied only by 
 two priests and a few knights of the Temple, whose garb he had as- 
 sumed. From Zara, Richard endeavoured to make his way through 
 Germany in disguise, but in vain. The news of his journey had already 
 spread; the unforgiving Archduke of Austria, whose banner he had 
 trampled on at Acre, caused every road to be narrowly watched. One 
 ader another of his companions were sent away by the king, till at 
 length, with a single squire, he arrived at a small town near Vienna; 
 where, taking up his abode at a petty lodging, Richard despatched hi.x 
 follower for provisions. The sauire was recognised by some of the spies 
 of the archduke, and Richard was taken and cast into prison. The 
 royal captive was speedily given into the hands of the emperor of Aus- 
 tria, who concerted with Philip Augustus the means of detaining him in 
 secrecy. His confinement, nevertheless, was soon known in England, 
 and means were used to discover his precise situation. General tradition 
 gives the merit of having ascertained his lord's prison to his favourite 
 troubadour Blcndel, or Blondiau ; and we may be surely allowed to re- 
 gret that no grave historian has confirmed the tale. However that may 
 be, the place of the king's confinement was discovered, and England be- 
 gan to cry loudly for justice from all Christendom. Knightly honour i<.nd 
 religious feeling were invoked, and the infamy of detaining a traveller. 
 a pilgrim, and a crusader was proclaimed with the loud and powerln! 
 voice of a people's indignation. Henry at length felt himself obliged lo 
 yield some appearance of justice fur detaining an independent n'oiuir-!: ; 
 and Richard was brought before the diet at Worms, where lir v.;is 
 
264 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Death of Saladin — Disunion among his Successors — Celesftne III 
 preaches a new Crusade — Henry of Germany takes the Cross — ^iaw- 
 dons his Purpose — Crusaders proceed ivithout him — Saif Eddm takes 
 the Field, and captures Jaffa — The Crusaders are reinforced — Defeat 
 Saf Eddin~Lay Siege to Thoron — Seized ivith Panic, and retreat- 
 Disperse — Death of Henry of Champagne. King of Jerusalem — His 
 Widow marries Almeric, King of Cyprus — TVuce — Death of Almeric 
 and Isabella — Mary, Heiress of Jerusalem, wedded to John of Brienne 
 — Affairs of Europe — Innocent HI. and Foulque of Neuilly promote a 
 Crusade — The Barons of France take the Cross — Proceed to Venice — 
 Th'-.ir Difficulties — Turn to the Siege of Zara—A Change of Purpose- 
 Proceed to Constantinople — Siege and Taking of that City — Subse- 
 quent Proceedings — A Revolution in Constantinople— Alexius de- 
 posed by Murznphlis — Second Siege and Capture of the Greek Capital 
 — Flight of Murzuphlis — Plunder and Outrage — Baldwin, Count of 
 Flanders, elected Emperor. 
 
 For some time the Christians of the Holy Land 
 enjoyed an interval of repose. Saladin was a reli- 
 gious observer of his word; and during the short 
 space that intervened between the departure of 
 Richard Cceur de Lion and the death of his great 
 adversary, the Latins received the full benefit of the 
 treaty which had been executed between those mo- 
 narchs. 
 
 A year had scarcely elapsed ere Saladin was seized 
 with a mortal sickness; and, finding his end ap- 
 proaching, he commanded the black standard, which 
 had so often led the way to victory, to be taken 
 
 charged with imaginary crimes, the chief of which was the assassina 
 tion of Conrad, Marquis of Montferrat. Had the least shadow of reason 
 been left on the side of the emperor, Richard's fate would have been 
 sealed ; but the English monarch defended himself with so much elo- 
 quence and justice, that no doubt remained on the minds of those who 
 heard him, and his ransom was agreed upon at one hundred thousand 
 marks of silver. This money was obtained with difficulty, and John 
 and Philip strove to raise greater sums to tempt the cupidity of the 
 emperor to retain the lion-hearted monarch. The avaricious Henry 
 hesitated on their proposals, and thus was the liberty of the noble king 
 of England set up to auction, till the Germanic body indignantly inter- 
 fered, the ransom was paid, and Richard returned to England 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 266 
 
 down, and replaced by the shroud which was to wrap 
 his body in the grave. This was then borne through 
 the streets, while the criers called all men to behold 
 what Saladin, the mighty conqueror, carried away 
 with him of all his vast dominion.' Saladin died, a 
 monarch in whose character, though the good was not 
 unmixed with evil, the great quahties so far pre- 
 ponderated, that the}^ overbalanced the effects of a 
 barbarous epoch and a barbarous religion, and left in 
 him a splendid exception to most of the vices of his 
 age, his country, and his creed. 
 
 At that period the principle of hereditary succes- 
 sion was not very clearly ascertained either in Eu- 
 rope or in Asia ; and the vast monarchy which Sala- 
 din had been enabled to consolidate was broken in 
 pieces at his death. Saif Eddin, his brother, took 
 possession of the greater part of Syria, and strength- 
 ened himself by the soldiers of his dead relative, who 
 both loved and esteemed him. Three of the great 
 monarch's sons seized upon such portions of their 
 father's dominions as they could reach ; and civil 
 dissensions followed, highly detrimental to the power 
 of the Moslem, and favourable to the security of the 
 Christians. This, indeed, was the moment when a 
 crusade was most practicable, and Pope Celestine 
 III. exhorted all Christendom to snatch the opportu- 
 nity. In most instances his call fell upon cold and 
 unwilling ears. Philip Augustus was too deeply en- 
 gaged in those vast and magnificent schemes which, 
 .towever impeded by the prejudices of the day, ren- 
 dered his reign a great epoch in the history of na- 
 tions.^ Richard CoBur de Lion had learned the dan- 
 ger of quitting his own kingdom, and the vanity of 
 hoping for union among ambitious men. Henry of 
 Germany alone, moved by wild schemes for aggran- 
 dizing his territories, assented at once to the crusade 
 but finding that Sicily seemed ready to receive him, 
 
 1 William of Nangis. 3 Rigoid ; William 'he Breton. 
 
266 HISTORY OF CKIVALRi'. 
 
 he deemed the nearer conquest the more advisable ; 
 and on the same principle he had taken the Cross, he 
 abandoned it again. Not so his subjects ; an immense 
 number of the vassals followed eagerly the road 
 which he had quitted;^ and several Teutonic bishops j 
 with the Dukes of Saxony, Brabant, and Bavaria, 
 set out from Germany, and reached Acre in safety. 
 
 The Christians of Palestine were at that moment 
 in the enjoymentof peace,- and they beheld the com- 
 ing of new crusaders with horror and despair. Had 
 the troops that arrived been sufficient, indeed, to give 
 any thing like certainty to their enterprise, all the 
 Latins of the Holy Land would wiUingly have con- 
 curred ; but the prospect of new and desolating wars, 
 waged by scanty forces, was, notwithstanding the 
 dissensions of their enemies, a hopeless and painful 
 anticipation. Nevertheless, the Germans began their 
 operations at once f and Saif Eddin, with his whole 
 attention suddenly directed to the Christians, showed, 
 by the energetic activity of his movements, that the 
 spirit of Saladin survived in his brother. Jaffa was 
 taken by assault,'* with a great slaughter of the 
 Christians, and all promised a speedy destructi<in to 
 the small remains of the Latin kingdom. Fresh suc- 
 cours, however, were received from Europe ; the 
 hopes of the Christians revived ; and, under the com- 
 mand of the Duke of Saxony, they marched on to- 
 wards Beritus. Saif Eddin hastened to meet them, 
 and attacked the Latin forces near Sidon; but his 
 army was completely routed by the firm and steady 
 gallantry of the Germans ; and the way to Jerusalem 
 was once more open to the followers of the Cross. 
 But the crusaders embarrassed themselves with the 
 siege of the castle of Thoron. The Saracens had 
 time to recover from their panic ; civil dissensions 
 were forgotten; and while the garrison of Thoron 
 lield out with persevering valour, the sultaun of 
 
 1 Will, of Nanaig, aMii. 119G. 2 J.iiii.-s nf Vitry. 
 
 9 Bernard Ihe Treasurer. 4 Be.nird ; WiH.otNaMizi.s, arm. 1197 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 267 
 
 Egypt advanced to join his uncle, and repel the Chris- 
 tian invasion. Vague rumours of immense prepara- 
 tion on the part of the infidels reached the besieg- 
 ing army. The crusaders were, as usual, disunited 
 among themselves ; the Saracens within the castle 
 were fighting with the com age of despair; and, at 
 last, a sudden panic seized the leaders a* the German 
 army.^ They abandoned the camp ia the night, 
 and, flying to Tyre, left their soldiers to follow as 
 they could.^ A complete separation ensued between 
 the Germans and the Latins, each accusing the other 
 of treachery ; while the Syrian Christians remained 
 at Tyre, the Teutonic crusaders proceeded to Jaffa. 
 Thither Saif Eddin pursued them ; and another battle 
 was fought, in which the Germans were once more 
 victorious, though victory cost them the lives of 
 many of their princes. Almost at the same time 
 news reached their camp of the death of the emperor 
 rienry. From that moment, none of the German 
 nobles remembered aught but the election of a new 
 emperor ; and as soon as vessels could be procured, 
 the principal barons set off for Europe. They left 
 behind them in Jaffa about twenty thousand of the 
 inferior soldiers, and a few knights ; but the town 
 was surprised by the Saracens on the night of the 
 following festival of St. Martin ; and the Germans, 
 plunged in revelry and drunkenness,^ were slaugh- 
 tered to a man. 
 
 Such was the end of the German crusade in Pa- 
 lestine; and before proceeding to speak once more 
 of the affairs of Europe, it may be as well to touch 
 upon the brief and uninteresting series of events 
 that followed in that country. Henry, Count of 
 Champagne, who had mnrried Isabella, the heiress 
 of Jerusalem, had proved but an indolent monarch ; 
 and in the year 1197, at the precise moment when 
 *lie Saracens had newly captured Jaffa, he was killed 
 
 I James of Vitiv. 2 Uovciir n. 
 
 8 Fuller's Holy War ; Bernard tlieTiuisuror. 
 
268 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 by falling from a windov/. His loss was attended 
 by no evil consequences ;' for the Saracens were soon 
 involved once more in civil dissensions by the death 
 of Saladin's second son, Malek el Aziz, sultaun of 
 Egypt, and the truce with the Christians was will- 
 ingly renewed. Isabella, the queen, whose grief 
 was not even so stable as that of the dame of Ephe- 
 sus, was easily prevailed on, by the Grand Master 
 of the order of St. John,^ to give her thrice-widowed 
 hand to Almeric of Lusignan, now — by the cession 
 of Riciiard of England — King of Cyprus. This 
 marriage was certainly a politic one, as Cyprus 
 afforded both a storehouse and a granary to Pales- 
 tine ; but the peace with the Saracens remained un- 
 broken till the bigoted Simon de Montfort, detaching 
 himself from another body of knights,^ which I shall 
 mention hereafter, arrived at Acre, and made some 
 feeble and ineffectual incursions on the Mussulman 
 territory. After his fruitless attempts, the truce was 
 once more established, and lasted till the death of 
 Almeric and Isabella, when the crowns of Jerusalem 
 and Cyprus were again separated. The imaginary 
 sovereignty of the Holy City now became vested in 
 Mary," the daughter of Isabella, by Conrad of Tyre, 
 while the kingdom of Cyprus descended to the heir* 
 of Lusignan. According to feudal custom it wai 
 necessary to find a husband for Mary who could de^ 
 fend her right, and on every account it was detei 
 mined to seek one in Europe. The choice was lefi 
 to Philip Augustus ; and he immediately fixed upon 
 Jean de Brienne, a noble, talented, and chivalrous 
 knight, who willingly accepted the hand of the lady 
 of Palestine, and that thorny crown which was held 
 out to him from afar 
 
 The news of his coming, and the prospect of large 
 European reinforceme-nts to the Christians,^ de- 
 
 I James of Vitry ; Bernard ; Will, of Nangis ; A. D. 1198. 
 ^ Vertot ; Bernard. 3 James of Vitry 
 
 4 Bernard ; A. D. 1205. 6 Sanut. cap. 3 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 269 
 
 pressed the mind of Saif Eddin, who had already to 
 struggle with vast and increasing difficulties. He 
 tendered the most advantageous terms of peace; 
 but at that time the two great niilitary orders may 
 be said to have governed Palestine.^ They were 
 then, as usual, contending with jealous rivalry f and 
 the Templars, having for the moment the superiority, 
 the offers of the sultaun were refused, because the 
 Hospitallers counselled their acceptance. Jean de 
 Brienne arrived, and wedded Mary, but the succour 
 that he brought was very far inferior to that which 
 the Latins had anticipated, and the war which had 
 begun was confined to predatory excursions on the 
 territory of the enemy.* 
 
 I must now retrograde in my history for some 
 years, and speak of the affairs of Europe. No cru- 
 sade, as we have seen, had been desired by the 
 Christians of Palestine'* since they had enjoyed the 
 comforts of peace, and no crusade had readied tha 
 country; but, nevertheless, one of the most power* 
 ful expeditions which Europe had ever brought into 
 the field had set out for the purpose of delivering 
 Jeiusalem.* 
 
 This crusade was, in the first place, instigated by 
 the preaching of a man less mighty than St. Bernard 
 in oratory,^ and less moved by enthusiasm than Peter 
 the Hermit ; but it was encouraged by one of the 
 most talented and most ambitious of the prelates of 
 Rome. Foulque of Neuilly would have produced 
 little effect, had he not been supported by Innocent 
 III. ; and the influence of neither the one nor the 
 other would possibly have obtained the object desired, 
 
 t Hovedon. 
 
 2 The power of the orders of the Temple and the Hospital had, by this 
 time, become immense. Riches flowed in upon riches, and donation 
 was added to donation. In the year 1244, Matthew Paris declares the 
 Templars possessed in Europe nine thousand manors, and the Hospital 
 I«r8 nineteen thousand. 
 
 3 A. D. 1210. 4 James, Cardinal de Vitry 
 6 A. D 1202 SRigord. 
 
270 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 had not the young and enterprising TFiibalt, Coum 
 of Champagne, embraced the badge of the Cross with 
 his court and followers, at a grand tournament' to 
 which he had invited all the neighbouring pnnces. 
 In the midst of their festivities, Foulque appeared, 
 and called the whole assembly to the crusade. 
 Partly, it is probable, from the love of adventure, 
 partly from religious feeling, Thibalt, in his twenty- 
 second year, assumed the Cross. The Count of 
 Blois, who was present, followed his example ; and 
 of eighteen hundred knights who heia vassalage 
 under the lord of Champagne, scarcely enough were 
 left to maintain the territories of their sovereign. 
 Nothing, except fear, is so contagious as enthusiasm: 
 the spirit of crusac^'ng was revived in a wonderfully 
 short time. The Count of Flanders, with various 
 other persons, took the Cross at Bruges, and many 
 more knights joined them from different parts of 
 France, among whom was Simon de Montfort, who 
 afterward proved the detestable persecutor of the 
 Albigeois. 
 
 After holding two general conferences at Soissons 
 and at Compiegne, it was determined to send mes- 
 sengers to Italy for the purpose of contracting with 
 one of the great merchant states to convey the arma- 
 ment to the Holy Land.^ The choice of the city 
 was left to the deputies ; and they proceeded first to 
 Venice, furnished with full powers from the crusad- 
 ing princes to conclude a treaty in their name. Ve- 
 nice was at that time governed by the famous Henry 
 Dandolo, who, with the consent of the Senate, agreed 
 not only to carry the crusaders to Palestine for a 
 certain sum, but also promised to take the Cross him- 
 self and aid in their enterprise.'' Well satisfied with 
 this arrangement, the deputed barons returned to 
 France, but found the Count of Champagne sick of 
 
 1 Ducange ; Villehardouin chronique. 2 Villehardouiu. 
 
 3 Ducange, Hist.de Constantinople sous les Frangais. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 271 
 
 a disease ^vhich soon produced his death. Aftei 
 having been refused by Eudes, Duke of Burgund}^, 
 and Thibalt, Count of Bar, the office of commander 
 of the expedition was offered to Boniface, Marquis 
 of Montferrat, and accepted. The new cliief of the 
 crusade repaired to Soissons, to confer with the rest 
 of the knights, and then proceeded to Italy to pre- 
 pare for his departure. All these delays retarded 
 their departure till the year 1202, when they sel out 
 in several bodies for Venice, and arrived safely at 
 that city with very little difficulty.' 
 
 Innocent III. had made infinite efforts in favour of 
 the crusade : and, with the daring confidence of ge- 
 nius, had even taxed the unwilling clergy, while he 
 merely recommended charitable subscriptions among 
 the laity. Under such circumstances it will be easily 
 conceived that the voluntary donations amounted to 
 an equal sum with the forced contributions ; but what 
 became of the whole is very difficult to determine. 
 Certain it is, that when the crusaders arrived at Ve- 
 nice, not half the money could be raised among 
 them which they had agreed to pay for the use of 
 the repuolic's transports,^ although the chiefs melted 
 down their plate to supply those who had not the 
 means to defray their passage. 
 
 This poverty was attributed to the fact of various 
 large bodies having, either by mistake or perversity, 
 taken the way to the Holy Land^ by other ports, and 
 carried with them a large part of the stipulated sum ; 
 but it does not appear that the Pope, into whose 
 hands flowed the full tide of European alms, made 
 any effort to relieve the crusaders from their diffi- 
 culties. In this distress the Venetians offered to 
 compromise their claim, and to convey the French 
 to Palestine, on condition that they should aid in the 
 recapture of the city of Zara, in Sclavonia, which 
 had been snatched from the republic some tim.e before 
 
 1 Vit. Innocent III. 2 Villeliardouin. 3 Ducange. 
 
272 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 by the King of Hungary.' With this stipulation, 
 Dandolo, though aged and stone blind, agreed to take 
 the Cross ; and so deeply affected were the knights, 
 both with his forbearance and gallant enthusiasm, 
 that the iron warriors of Europe were melted to 
 tears by the old man's noble daring. 
 
 The news of this undertaking having reached 
 Rome, the most vehement opposition was raised to 
 any change of destination ; and Innocent^ launched 
 the thunders of the church at the refractory cru- 
 saders. Many of the chiefs — terrified by the excom- 
 munication pronounced against those who should 
 quit the direct road to the Holy Land, to attack the 
 possessions of a Christian prince — remained in 
 Italy Y h-iit the greater part made every preparation 
 to second the Venetians against Zara. 
 
 Before their departure, the crusaders received en- 
 voys, the event of whose solicitations afterward gave 
 a new character to their expedition. At the death 
 of Manuel Comnenus, emperor of the east, Andro- 
 nicus, his brother, seized upon the tlirone and mur- 
 dered his nephew, Alexius H., who had succeeded. 
 Either urged by indignation or ambition, Isaac An- 
 gelus, a distant relation of the slaughtered prince, 
 took arms against the usurper, overthrew and put 
 him to death ; after whicli he in turn ascended the 
 throne of Constantinople.^ His reign was not long; 
 for, at the end of two years, a brother, named Alex- 
 ius, whom he had redeemed from Turkish captivity, 
 snatched the crown from his head, and, to incapaci- 
 tate him from ruling, put out his eyes. 
 
 His son, named also Alexius, made his escape from 
 prison, and fled to Italy, where he endeavoured to 
 interest the Pope in his favour. But the church of 
 Rome entertained small affection for the schismatic 
 Greeks ; and though Innocent wrote an impotent 
 
 1 Villehardouin. 2 Baronius; Gcsta Innocent III. 3 Villehardouin, 
 * Villehardouin ; Ducange. Hist de Coastantinople sous les Frangais 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 273 
 
 letter' to the usurper, he showed no real favour to 
 the unhappy prince. The young exile then turned 
 to Philip of Suabia (then Emperor of Germany), 
 who had married his sister Irene ; and at the same 
 time hearing of the crusade, which was delayed at 
 Venice,^ he sent deputies from Verona to the chiefs, 
 to solicit their aid against his treacherous uncle. 
 The barons of France met his prayers with kind- 
 ness ; and the envoys were accompanied, on their 
 return to the court of Philip of Suabia,^ by a party 
 of the crusaders, who were instructed to receive 
 any proposition which Alexius might think fit to 
 make. 
 
 In the mean while, the knights embarked on board 
 the Venetian galleys, round the decks of which they 
 ranged their shields, and planted their banners; and 
 having been joined by Conrad, Bishop of Halberstadt, 
 v/ith a large body of German soldiers, a finer arma- 
 ment never sailed from any port."* 
 
 The chain which protected the harbour of Zara 
 was soon broken through; the crusaders landed, 
 pitched their tents,^ and invested the city on all sides. 
 The besiegers, as usual, were much divided among 
 themselves ; and those who had unwillingly followed 
 the host to Zara, against the commands of the Pope,* 
 still kept up a continual schism in the camp, which 
 produced fatal consequences to the people of the 
 city. The morning after the disembarkation, a depu- 
 tation of citizens came forth to treat with Dandolo 
 for the capitulation of the town. The Doge replied 
 that he could enter into no engagement without con- 
 sulting his allies, and went foi- that purpose to the 
 tents of the French chiefs. During his absence, 
 those who opposed the siege persuaded the deputies 
 
 1 Ducange, notes on Villeliardouin. 2 Philip Mouskes. 
 
 8 Villchaidouiii. 
 
 < It consisted of throe hundred vessels of a large size, besides palan- 
 ders and stcneshijis. 
 6 Nov«>mber, 1202. 6 Gunther ; Viilehardouin. 
 
274 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 from Zara that the crusaders' would not assist the 
 Venetians in an assault. With this assurance the 
 Doge's reply was not waited for; the envoys re- 
 turned, and the city prepared for defence. At the 
 same time, the Abbot of Vaux Cernay presented him- 
 self to the assembled barons, and commanded them, 
 in the name of the Pope, to refrain from warring 
 against Christians while engaged under the banners 
 of the Cross. On this the Doge angrily remonstrated ; 
 the greater part of the knights embraced his cause ; 
 and Zara, after being furiously attacked, surrendered 
 at discretion. 
 
 The town was now occupied during the winter by 
 the army of the crusade ; and the chiefs of the 
 French forces sent a deputation to Rome to obtain 
 pardon for their disobedience. This was easily 
 granted ; but the Venetians, who seemed to care 
 little about excommunication, remained under the 
 papal censure. Notwithstanding the forgiveness 
 they had obtained, many of the most celebrated 
 knights quitted Zara,^ and made their way to the 
 Holy Land. Such desertions took place especially 
 after the return of the deputies sent to Philip of 
 Suabia; and it was difficult to keep the army^ toge- 
 ther, when it became known that its destination was 
 likely to be changed from Acre to Constantmople. 
 
 Alexius, however, offered, in case of his being re- 
 established in his father's dominions,'' to place the 
 Greek church under the authority of the Roman 
 pontiff, to turn the whole force of the eastern empire 
 against the infidels of Palestine, and either to send 
 thither ten thousand men, and there mamtain five 
 hundred knights during his life, or to lead his forces 
 towards Jerusalem in person. Besides this he pro- 
 mised to pay two hundred thousand marks of silver^ 
 to the crusading army, and to place himself in the 
 
 I Diicaiice; Villehaidouiii. 2 Alberic; A. D. 1203. 
 
 » Villehardouin. 4 Ducange. 5 Viliehardouin. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 275 
 
 hands of the chiefs tni the city of Constantinople 
 was retaken. 
 
 These offers were so advantageous that the greater 
 part of the barons embraced them at once : but many 
 exclaimed loudly against the proposed interruption 
 of the main purpose of the crusade, and many aban- 
 doned the host altogether. 
 
 Alexius the usurper trembled at the news of the 
 treaty between his nephew and the crusaders, and 
 sent instant ambassadors to Rome,' in order to en- 
 gage the pontiff in his interest. Such of the chiefs 
 as were opposed to the measure talked loudly of the 
 papal injunction to refrain from all wars with the 
 Christians;^ but it does not appear that Innocent 
 exerted himself strenuously to turn, the Latins from 
 their design. It was far too much his desire to bring 
 the Gr'iok church under the domination of the Roman 
 see,fo''him to dream of thwarting an enterprise backed 
 with the solemn conditions I have mentioned ; and it 
 was not at ail likely that the clearsighted prelate 
 should renounce absolute engagements, as Mills has 
 supposed,'^ for the vague hope of wringing the same 
 from a treacherous usurper. 
 
 At length, after the Venetians had demolished 
 
 1 Ducange. 2 Cinther in Canisias, 
 
 3 Mills says, that Innocpnt issued decrees and bulls against the expe 
 dition to Constantinople, and founds his reasoninoron a passage ofBalu 
 ziiis : but it is extremely probable that the anger of the Pope was a mere 
 menace of the party opposed to the enterprise rather than an existing 
 fact. Baliizius was not present any more than Ducange; and surely, 
 fur every thing where research is concerned, Ducange is the l)etter author- 
 ity of the two: yet Ducange makes no mention of the opposition of the 
 Pope, and absolutely stales that the legate counselled the aitJick on 
 Constantinople. See Ducange, Hist de Constantinople sous les Fran- 
 cats. 
 
 Geoffroy de Villehardouin, who was not only present, but one of the 
 chief actors in what he relates, speaks fully of the Pope's wrath at the 
 attack of Zara, but mentions no opposition to the enterprise against Con- 
 Btantinopie, though that enterprise was in agitation at the time thedepu- 
 ties were sent to Rome. Philippe Mouskes, Bishop of Tournay, a con- 
 temporary, states that the first appliuaiionof the young Prince Alexim 
 to llic crusaders was made by the advu-e of the Pope. 
 
276 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 Zara,' to prevent its falling again into the iuTnds of 
 their enemies, the expedition, having been joined by 
 the prince Alexius, set sail, and at the end of a short 
 and easy passage came within sight of Constanti- 
 nople.2 
 
 The allies were instantly met by ambassadors from 
 the Emperor, who, mingling promises with threats, 
 endeavoured to drive ttiem again from the shore, but 
 in vain. The crusaders demanded the restoration of 
 Isaac, and submission from the usurper, and prepaied 
 to force their landing; but before they commenced 
 hostilities, they approached the walls of Constanti- 
 nople, and sailed underneath ihem, showing the young 
 Alexius to the Greek people, and calling to them to 
 acknowledge their prince. No sympathy was ex- 
 cited, and the attack being determined on, the chiefs 
 held a council on horseback, according to the custom 
 of the ancient Gauls, when the order of their pro- 
 ceedings was regulated. The army was portioned 
 into seven divisions, the first of which was com- 
 manded by the Count of Flanders, and the last by 
 the Marquis of Montferrat. Having procured a num- 
 ber of flat-bottomed boats, one of which was attached 
 to every galley, the knights entered with their horses, 
 armed at all points, and looking, as Nicetas says, like 
 statues of bronze.^ The archers filled the larger ves- 
 sels, and it was the general understanding that each 
 should fight as he came up. 
 
 "The morning was beautiful,"^ writes the old 
 Mareschal of Champagne, " the sun beginning to rise, 
 and the Emperor Alexius waited for them with thick 
 battalions and a great armament. On both sides the 
 trumpets were sounded, and each galley led on a boat. 
 The knights sprang out of the barks, while the water 
 was yet to their girdle,^ with their helmets laced and 
 f.heir swords in their hands; and the good archers, 
 
 1 Villehardouin. 2 June, 1203. 3 Nicetas, lib. iii. cap. 5. 
 
 4 Villehardouin. 6 Ibid. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 277 
 
 the sergeants, and the crossbowmen did the same 
 wherever they happened to touch. The Greeks, at 
 first, made great show of resistance, but when they 
 saw the lances levelled they turned their backs and 
 fled." 
 
 The tents and camp equipage of the fugitives fell 
 immediately into the hands of the crusaders; and 
 siege was laid to the towei of Galata, which guarded 
 one end of the great chain wherewith the mouth of 
 the harbour was closed. Before night the Greeks had 
 recovered from their panic, and some severe fightiiu? 
 took place ere the fort could be taken and the barrier 
 removed ; but at length this being accomplished, the 
 Venetians entered the port. After ten days of con- 
 tinual skirmishing, a general attack was determmed 
 upon; and it was agreed that the Venetians^ should 
 assail the city by sea, while the French attempted to 
 storm the walls by land. The enterprise began on 
 the land side against the barbican ; but so vigorously 
 was every inch of ground disputed by the Pisans, the 
 English and Danish mercenaries who guarded the 
 fortifications, that though fifteen French knights ob- 
 tained a footing for some time on the ramparts, they 
 were at lergth cast out, while four of their number 
 were taken. 
 
 In the mean while, the fleet of the Venetians ad- 
 vanced to the walls ; and after a severe fight of mis- 
 siles between the defenders and the smaller vessels 
 which commenced the assault, the galleys themselves 
 approached the land ; and, provided with high towers 
 of wood, began to wage a nearer warfare with those 
 upon the battlements. Still the besieged^ resisted 
 with extraordinary valour, and the galleys were 
 beaten off; when the blind chief o. the republic, armed 
 at all points, commanded, with tremendous threats in 
 case of disobedience, that his vessel should be run on 
 shore ;^ and then, borne out with the standard of St, 
 
 ' Dandolo, Chron. ; Villehardouin. 2 Epist. Innocent HI. 
 
 3 Villehardouin. 
 
278 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 Mark before him, he led the way to victory. Shame 
 spread through the rest of the fleet ; galley after gal- 
 ley was brought up close under the walls, and all the 
 principal towers round the port were in a moment 
 stormed and taken. Alexius made one great effort 
 to recover the twenty-five towers which the Ve- 
 netians had captured ; but, with remorseless reso- 
 lution, Dandolo set fire to the neighbouring build- 
 ings, and thus raised up a fiery bulwark to his con-_ 
 quest.' 
 
 As a last resource, the Emperor now issued fortn to 
 give battle to the French : and so infinite was the 
 superiority of his numbers, that the hearts of the pil- 
 grims almost failed them. The gallant Doge of Ve- 
 nice no sooner heard of their danger, than, abandon- 
 ing the ramparts he had so nobly won, he brought 
 his whole force^ to the aid of the French, declaring 
 that he would live or die with his allies. Even after 
 his arrival, however, the disparity was so great, that 
 the crusaders dared not quit their close array to begin 
 the fight, and the troops of Alexius hesitated to attack 
 those hardy warriors whose prowess they had often 
 witnessed. The courage of the Latins gradually in- 
 creased by the indecision of their enemy, while the 
 fears of the Greeks spread and magnified by delay 
 and at length Alexius abandoned the last hope of 
 courage, and retreated into the city. The weary cru- 
 saders hastened to disarm and repose themselves, 
 after a day of immense fatigues ; but Alexius, having 
 no confidence either in his own resolution, or in the 
 sleadiness of his soldiery, seized \vhat treasure he 
 covld cany, and abandoned Constantinople to its 
 fate.'' The coward Greeks, deserted by their chief, 
 f'rew forth the miserable Isaac from his prison; and 
 leaving robed the blind monarch in the long-lost pur- 
 ple, they seated him on the throne, and sent to tell 
 the Franks that their object was accomplished. The 
 
 I Ducange; Vvllehai'louin ; Nioetas 2 ViUehardouin. 3 Nicetaa 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 279 
 
 crusaders would hardly believe the tidings, but de- 
 spatched four of their body to ascertain the truth. 
 The envoys found Isaac enthroned in the palace of 
 Blachernae,' and surrounded by as large and splendid 
 a court as if fortune had never ceased to smile upon 
 him. 
 
 They now represented to the restored Emperor the 
 conditions of their treaty with his son ; and Isaac, 
 after some slight hesitation, accepted them as his own. 
 He also agreed to associate the young Alexius in the 
 throne ; but as all these hard terms, especially that 
 which implied the subjection of the Greek church to 
 the Roman prelate, deeply oifended his subtle and 
 revengeful subjects, he prayed the crusaders to delay 
 their departure till complete order was re-esta- 
 blished,2 This was easily acceded to ; and the Franks 
 and Venetians, during their stay, wrote to Innocent 
 III., excusing their having again turned from the road 
 to Jerusalem. 3 The Pope willingly pardoned both* 
 but intimated, that to make that pardon efficacious, 
 they must be responsible that the schism in the 
 church should be healed by the submission of the 
 Greeks to the see of Rome. 
 
 At first, the harmony between the Franks and th« 
 Greeks appeared to be great. The young Alexin.? 
 paid several portions of the monej'' which had beer, 
 stipulated ;'' and while the presence of the Latin army 
 kept the capital in awe, he proceeded to reduce the 
 provinces to obedience. When this was completed, 
 however, and the tranquillity of the empire seemed 
 perfectly restored, his conduct changed towards his 
 benefactors. A fire which broke out in the city^ was 
 attributed to the French, who were at the very mo- 
 ment engaged in serious dispute with a party of 
 Greeks, exasperated by an insult to their religion. 
 The very domineering presence of the crusaders was 
 
 1 Ducaiiffe; Viliehardouia 2 ibid 
 
 3 GosL Innoc. Ill 4 Ducango 5 N icel as. 
 
280 • HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 a continual and irritating- reproach, and the Grei kn 
 began to testify no small hatred towards their armed 
 guests. Alexius himself, ungrateful in his own na- 
 ture, contending with his father about their divided 
 sovereignty, and hesitating between the people he 
 was CciUed to govern and those who upheld him in 
 the government, refused or evaded the fulfilment of 
 many of the items in his treaty with the Latins. The 
 chiefs soon found that they were deceived, and for- 
 mally summoned the young monarch to accomplish 
 his promises. The messengers who bore the haughty 
 demand to a despotic court hardly escaped with their 
 lives; and the same desultory warfare which had 
 been waged by the emperors against each body of 
 crusaders that had passed by Constantinople was 
 now commenced against the Count of Flanders and 
 his companions.' A thousand encounters took place, 
 in which the Franks were always victorious; and 
 though the Greeks directed a number of vessels, 
 charged with their terrific fire, against the Venetian 
 fleet, the daring courage and conduct of the sailors 
 freed them from the danger, and only one Pisan gal- 
 ley was consumed. 
 
 In the mean while the Greeks of the city, hating 
 and despising a monarch who had seated himself 
 among them by the swords of strangers, and who had 
 drained their purses to pay the troops that held them 
 down f seeing, also, that his ingratitude, even to his 
 allies, had left him without the support by which alone 
 he stood, suddenly rose upon Alexius, and cast him 
 into prison. Isaac himself died, it is said, of fear; 
 and the Greeks at first elected a nobleman of a dif- 
 ferent family, named Nicholas Canabus ; but he was 
 mild and weak, a character which little suited the 
 times or country in which he assumed so high a sta- 
 tion. A rival, too, existed in a man who had shown 
 unremitting enmity to the Latins, and after a short 
 
 I ViUehardouln. 2 Nicetas. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 281 
 
 Btruggle, Alexius Ducas, a cousin of the late mo- 
 narch, a bold, unscrupulous villain,' was proclaimed 
 emperor. Among his first acts — though at what 
 exact period remains in doubt^ — the new Alexius, 
 who was more commonly called Murzuphlis, caused 
 the preceding Alexius to be put to death. The man- 
 ner of his fate is uncertain : but the usurper had the 
 cunning impudence to yield his victim's body a pub- 
 lic funeral. 
 
 War was now determined between the crusaders 
 and Murzuphlis, and the attack of the city was re- 
 solved ; but previous to that attempt, the crusaders, 
 who were in great want of provisions, despatched 
 Hemy, brother of the Count of Flanders, with a con- 
 siderable force to Philippopoli, in order to take pos- 
 session of the rich magazines which it contained. 
 Returning loaded with spoil, he was attacked by 
 Murzuphlis ; but the Greeks scattered like deer be- 
 fore the Latins,^ and Henry rejoined his companions 
 not only rich in booty, but in glory also. Negotia- 
 tions were more than once entered into, for the pur- 
 pose of conciliating the differences of the Greeks and 
 the Latins ; but all proved ineffectual ; and early in 
 the spring the armies of France and Venice prepared 
 for the attack. - The first step was, as usual, a treaty 
 between the allies to apportion the fruits of success. 
 By this it was determined that the whole booty should 
 be divided equally between the French and Vene- 
 tians ;' that six persons from each nation should be 
 chosen to elect an emperor; that the Venetians 
 should retain all the privileges they had hitherto en- 
 joyed under the monarchs of Constantinople ; and 
 that, from whichever of the two nations the empe- 
 ror was selected, a patriarch should be named from 
 
 1 Nicetas ; Villehardouin ; Gest. Innoc. III. 
 
 8 Villehardouin intimates that Murzuphlis put Alexius to death imme 
 diately afterhaving seized the crown; and the Chronicle in the Rouchy 
 dialect, No. 148, Bibliothfeque de I'Arsenal, says, " Et ne demeura gairea 
 *pr4s que Morcuffle estrangla le josne empereur Alexes en la prison." 
 
 3Nicetaa 4 Ducange: Villehardouin. 
 
 Y 
 
28^ HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 the other. There were various other conditions 
 added, the principal of which were, that one-fourth 
 of the whole conquest should be given to the new 
 emperor, besides the palaces of Bucoleon and Bla- 
 chernae, while the rest was divided among the French 
 and Venetians ; and that twelve persons should be 
 selected from each nation, to determme the feudal 
 laws by which the land was to be governed, and to 
 allot the territory in feoffs among the conquerors. 
 
 On the 8th of April, 1204, the whole army, having 
 embarked on board the ships,* as had been previously 
 concerted, attacked the city by water. The vessels 
 approached close to the walls, and a tremendous fight 
 began between the assailants and the besieged : but 
 no hope smiled on the Franks ; they were repelled 
 in every direction ; and those who had landed,^ were 
 forced to regain their vessels with precipitancy, ap- 
 proaching to flight. The Greeks rejoiced in novel 
 victory, and the Franks mourned in unwonted defeat. 
 Four days were spent in consultations regarding a 
 further attempt ; and the chiefs, judging that no one 
 vessel contained a sufficient number of troops to 
 effect a successful assault on any particular spot,'* it 
 was resolved to lash the ships two and two together, 
 and thus to concentrate a greater force on each point 
 of attack. On the fourth day the storm was recom- 
 menced, and at first the fortune of battle seemed still 
 in favour of the Greeks; but at length, a wind 
 springing up, drove the sea more fully into the port, 
 and brought the galleys closer to the walls.^ Two 
 of those lashed together, called the Pilgrim and the 
 Paradise, now touched one of the towers, and, from 
 the large wooden turret with which the mast was 
 crowned, a Venetian and a French knight named 
 Andrew d'Arboise sprang upon the ramparts of the 
 city.'^ 
 
 The crusaders rashed on in multitudes ; and such 
 
 ' Villehardouin ; Ducange 2 Gunther ; Ducange. 
 
 -J Villehardouin 4 Ducange 5 2d April, 1304- 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 283 
 
 terror seized the Greeks, that the eyes of Nicetas 
 magnified the first knight who leaped on the walls to 
 the unusual altitude of fifty feet.' One Latin drove 
 before him a hundred Greeks f the defence of the 
 gates was abandoned ; the doors were forced in with 
 blows of axes ; and the knights, leading their horses 
 from the ships, rode in, and took complete possession 
 of the city. Murzuphlis once, and only once, 
 attempted to rally his troops before the camp he had 
 formed, in one of the open spaces of the town. But 
 Ihe sight of the Count of St. Pol, with a small band 
 of followers, was sufficient to put him to flight ; and 
 a German having set fire to a part of the buildings' 
 no further effort was made to oppose the victorious 
 crusaders. The fire was not extinguished for some 
 time ; and the Latin host, in the midst of the immense 
 population of Constantinople, like a handful of dusl 
 in the midst of the v/ilderness, took possession of 
 the purple tents of Murzuphlis, and keeping vigilant 
 guard, passed an anxious and a fearful night, after all 
 the fatigues and exploits of the day. Twenty thou- 
 sand was the utmost extent of the Latin numbers ;^ 
 and Constantinople contained, within itself, four 
 hundred thousand men capable of bearing arms. 
 Each house was a citadel, which might have delayed 
 and repelled the enemy ; and each street was a defile* 
 which might have been defended against a host. 
 But the days of Leonidas were passed ; and the next 
 morning the Latins found that Murzuphlis had fled, 
 and that their conquest was complete. Plunder and 
 violence of course ensued;^ but there was much 
 less actual bloodshed than either the nature of the 
 victory or the dangerous position of the victors 
 might have occasioned. 
 
 Fear is the most cruel of all passions ; and per- 
 haps the fact that not two thousand persons were 
 slain in Constactinople after tie storm, is a greatei 
 
 1 Nicetas. 2 Geat. Inn. Til 6 Gunther ; Villehardouin. 
 
 4 VjUahardoui'" lAicange. ■> Nicetas; Gunther. 
 
2b'l HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 proof of the courage of the Latins than even the 
 taking of the city. Many noble and generous ac- 
 tions mingled with the effects of that cupidity and 
 lust which follow always upon the sack of a great 
 town. Nicetas mentions a striking example which 
 happened to himself, wherein a noble Venetian dedi- 
 cated his whole attention to protect an ancient bene- 
 factor ;' and a body of Frenchmen, in the midst of 
 the unbounded licentiousness of such a moment, 
 were moved by a father's agony to save his daugh- 
 ter from some of their fellows. This is the admis- 
 sion of a prejudiced and inveterate enemy ; and it is 
 but fair to suppose, that many such instances took 
 place. The great evils that followed the taking of 
 the eastern capital, originated in the general com- 
 mand to plunder. Constantinople had accumulated 
 within it the most precious monuments of ancient 
 art,^ and these were almost all destroyed by the bar- 
 barous hands of an avaricious soldieiy. Naught was 
 spared ; the bronzes, which, valueless as metal, were 
 inestimable as the masterpieces and miracles of an- 
 tique genius, were melted down,'' and struck into 
 miserable coin ; the marble was violated with wan- 
 ton brutality ; all the labour of a Phidias or a Lysip- 
 pus was done away in an hour ; and that which had 
 been the wonder and admiration of a world left less 
 to show what former days had been, than the earth 
 after the deluge. 
 
 In this the Latins were certainly barbarians; but 
 in other respects — unless subtilty, deceit, vice, and 
 cowardice can be called civilization, and courage, 
 frankness, and honour can be considered as barba- 
 rism—the Latins deserved not the opprobrious name 
 by which the Greeks designated them. 
 
 The plunder of the city was enormous. In money'* 
 a sufRci'ent sum was collected to distribute twenty 
 marks to each knight, ten to each servant of arms, 
 
 I Nicetas. 2 See note XI. 
 
 •■» Nicetas. 4 Villehardouin ; Ducange. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY 285 
 
 and five to each archer. Besides this, a vast quantity 
 of jewels and valuable merchandise was divided 
 between the French and Venetians ; and the republic, 
 who understood the value of such objects better than 
 the simple Prankish soldiers, offered to buy the whole 
 spoil from their comrades, at the rate of four hun- 
 dred marks for a knight's share, and in the same 
 proportion to the rest. The booty — with a few 
 individual instances of concealment,' which were 
 strictly punished with death when discovered — was 
 fairly portioned out ; and, after this partition, the 
 twelve persons selected to choose an emperor pro- 
 ceeded to their deliberations. They were bound by 
 oath to elect without favour the best qualified of the 
 nobles ; and after a long hesitation, between the Mar- 
 quis of Montferrat and the Cotint of Flanders, they 
 named the latter.^ In all probability the determining 
 consideration was, that Baldwin, by his immediate 
 connexion witli France, was more capable of sup- 
 porting the new dynasty than the Marquis, whose 
 Italian domains could not afford such effective aid. 
 To prevent the evil consequences of rivalry, the 
 island of Crete and the whole of Asiatic Greece 
 were given to Montferrat, who afterward, with tlie 
 consent of Baldwin, exchanged them for the Scla- 
 vonian territory. Baldwin was then raised upon a 
 buckler,^ and carried to che church of St. Sophia. 
 After a brief space of preparation, he was formally 
 proclaimed, and crowr^ed as emperor; and, according 
 to old usage, a vase filled with ashes,^ and a tuft of 
 
 1 Villehardouin. ^Nicetas; Ducange; Villchardouin ; Alberic, 
 
 3 Uucaiige. 
 
 4 The cardinal legate Invested Baldwin with the purple with his o\vt) 
 hands, and Innoc-ent confirmed, in all points but those of ccelcsiaslicai 
 government, the treaty by which tlic Venetians and the Franks had bound 
 themselves. He also took ihe greatest interest in the new state, .-iiul 
 wrote 10 all the prelates of France and Germany to support it by their 
 preaching and influence. Thisin;iy be added to other proofs, that Inno 
 cent never seriously oi)posed the e.\i)edition against the scliismatic em 
 pire of the Greeks. The truth in all probability is, that he made a show 
 of turning the crusaders from their purpose, both to preserve consistency 
 
'-iSO HISTORY OJ' CHIVALRY. 
 
 lighted wool, were presented to the new monaicli, as 
 a symbol of the transitory nature of life and the 
 vanity of greatness — emblems too applicable to him- 
 self and his dominions ; for ere two years had passed, 
 Baldwin had gone down into the grave; and less 
 than the ordinary life of one man elapsed before the 
 dynasty that he established was again overthrown. 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 lOivisions among the Moslems — Amorg the Christians — Crusade of 
 Children — Innocent III. declares he ivill lead a new Crusade to Syria 
 — The King of Hungary takes the Cross — Arrives in Syria — Successes 
 of the Pilgrims— They abandon the Siege of Mount Thabor—The King 
 of Hungary returns to Europe — The Duke of Austria continues the 
 War — Siege of Damietta-^Reinforcements arrive under a Legate — 
 Famine in Damietta — The Moslems offer to yield Palestine — The 
 legatees Pride— He refuses— Taking of Damietta— The Army advances 
 owards Cairo — Overjlowing of the Nile — The Army ruined— The 
 Legate sues for Peace — Generous Conduct of the Sultan n — Marriage 
 of the Heiress of Jerusalem with Frederic, Emperor of Germany — His 
 Disputes With the Pope— His Treaties with the Saracens— He recovers 
 Jerusalem — Quits the Holy Land — Disputes in Palestine — The Tem- 
 plars defeated and slaughtered— Gregory IX. — Crusade of the King 
 of Navarre ineffectual— Crusade of Richard, Eurl of 'Cornwall- 
 Jerusalem recovered — The Corasmins — Their Barbarity — They take 
 Jerusalem — Defeat the Christians with terrible slaughter— Are exter- 
 minated by the Syrians— Crusade of St. Loziis — His Character — 
 Arrives in the Holy Land— Takes Damietta — Battle of Massoura — 
 Pestilence in the Army— The King taken — Ranso7ned— Returns to 
 Europe — Second Crusade of St. Louis — Takes Carthage— His Death 
 — Crusade of Prince Edward — He defeats the Saracens — Wounded by 
 an Assassin — Returns to Europe-Successes of the Turks — Last 
 Siege and Fall of Acre— Palestine lost. 
 
 The fifth crusade had ended, as we have seen, 
 without producing any other benefit to Palestine than 
 
 ind to afford room for any afler-exertion of his authority that he might 
 judge necessary; but that, at the same time, the cardinal legate very 
 well understood that he was to promote the enterprise, and to be slightly 
 (flamed for it afterward, in order to screen his superior from the charge 
 of that ambitious craving for which, however, he was notorious. It 
 would be difficult to believe that Innocent, who triumpl.sd over Philip 
 Augustus, the greatest monarch of the day, and forced him to abandon 
 his dearest wishes, would confine himself to idle threats, if he enter- 
 tained any serious disinclination to the attack of Constantinople. 
 
HISTORY OF CUIVALUY 2S7 
 
 a deep depression in the minds of the Turks, from 
 the knowledge that the weak dynasty of the Greeks 
 had been replaced by a power of greater energy and 
 resolution. The famine also, which about this time 
 desolated the territories of the Egyptian sultaun, 
 and the contests^ between the remaining Attabecs 
 and the successors of Saladin, crippled the eflforts of 
 the Moslems ; while the courageous activity of Jean 
 de Brienne^ defeated the attempts of Saif Eddin. 
 Nevertheless, many bloody disputes concerning the 
 succession of Antioch, and the fierce rivalry of the 
 orders of the Temple and Hospital, contributed to 
 shake the stability of the small Christian dominion 
 that remained. 
 
 Each year,^ two regular voyages of armed and 
 unarmed pilgrims took place, from Europe to the 
 Holy Land : these were called the passagium Martii, 
 or the spring passage ; and the passagmin Johanjiis, 
 or the summer passage which occurred about the 
 festival of St. John. A continual succour was thus 
 afforded to Palestine : and that the spirit of crusading 
 was by no means extinct in Europe is evinced by the 
 extraordinary fact of a crusade of children^ having 
 been preached and adopted towards the year 1213. 
 Did this fact rest alone upon the authority of Alberic 
 of Three Fountains Abbey, we might be permitted 
 to doubt its having taken place, for his account is, 
 in several particulars, evidently hypothetical ; but so 
 many coinciding authorities exist,^ that belief be- 
 comes matter of necessity. 
 
 The circumstances are somewhat obscure ; but it 
 seems certain that two monks, with the design of 
 profiting by a crime then too common, the traffic in 
 children, induced a great number of the youth of 
 both sexes to set out from France for the Holy Land, 
 liabited as pilgrims, with the scrip and staff! Two 
 
 ' Reinaud rec. des Hist. Arabes. 2 Vertot. 
 
 3 Ducange. 4 Alberic. Mon.TriumFontiiim. 
 
 6 Jacob. deVoragine; Albert Stadeasis 
 
288 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 merchants of Marseilles,' accomplices in the plot, 
 as it would seem, furnished the first body of these 
 misguided children with vessels, which, of course, 
 were destined to transport them for sale to the Afri- 
 can coast. Several of the ships were wrecked on 
 the shores of Italy, and every soul perished, but the 
 rest pursued their way and accomplished their in- 
 human voyage. The two merchants, however, were 
 afterward detected in a plot against the emperor 
 Fre deric, and met the fate they deserved. Another 
 body, setting out from Germany, reached Genoa after 
 immense difficulties ; and there the Geno&se, instead 
 of encouraging their frantic enthusiasm, wisely com- 
 manded them to evacuate their territory ; on which 
 they returned to their homes, and though many died 
 on the road, a great part arrived in safety,^ and 
 escaped the fate which had overtaken the young ad- 
 venturers from France. 
 
 When Innocent III. heard of this crusade, he is 
 reported to have said, " While we sleep, these chil- 
 dren are awake :" and it is more than probable, that 
 his circumstance convinced him, that the zealous 
 spirit which had moved all the expeditions to the 
 Holy Land was still active and willing. Certain it 
 is, that he very soon afterward sent round an ency- 
 clical letter, calling the Christian world once more 
 to arms against the Moslems. Indulgences were 
 spread, and extended in their character : a coun('il 
 of Lateran was held, and Innocent himself declared' 
 his intention of leading the warriors of Christ to 
 the scene of his crucifixion. De Cour§on, an Eng- 
 lish monk, who had become cardinal, preached the 
 new crusade with all the pomp of a Roman prelate, 
 and a great number of individuals were gathered 
 together for the purpose of succouring Palestine. 
 But the kings of the earth had now more correct 
 
 1 Albericus. 2 Jacob, de \ora<a:ine; Albert. Stadensis. 
 
 3 Gest. InnocfntlU : Labbe concil. Matthew Paris, A. D. 1213. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY, 289 
 
 views of policy; and policy never encourages enthu- 
 siasm except as an instrument. Only one king there- 
 fore could be found to take the Cross — this was 
 Andrew,' monarch of Hungary; and the Dukes of 
 Austria and Bavaria, with a multitude of German 
 bishops and nobles, joined his forces, and advanced 
 to Spalatro. Innocent III. was by this time dead, 
 but the expedition sailed in Venetian ships to Cyprus, 
 and thence, after having given somewhat too much 
 rein to enjoyment, proceeded to Acre, carrying with 
 it a large reinforcement from France and Italy. The 
 Saracens had heard less of this crusade than of those 
 which had preceded it, and were therefore less pre- 
 pared to oppose it. The Christian army advanced 
 wj^h success, and many thousands of the infidels felt 
 the European steel ; but the crusaders, not contented 
 with plundering their enemies, went on to plunder 
 their friends ; and serious divisions began, as usual, 
 to show themselves, which were only healed by the 
 influence of the clergy, who turned the attention of 
 the soldiers from pillage and robbery to fasts and 
 pilgrimages. When the host was once more united, 
 its exertions were directed to the capture of the 
 forf^ built by the Saracens on Mount Thabor. After 
 overcoming infinite difficulties in the ascent of the 
 mountain, the Latins found themselves opposite the 
 fortress: the soldiers were enthusiastic and spirited; 
 and it ?s more than probable that one gallant attack 
 would have rendered the greatest benefit to the Chris- 
 tian cause, by obtaining possession of such an im- 
 portant point. The leaders,^ however, seized with 
 a sudden fear of being cut off", abandoned their object 
 without striking a blow, and retired to Acre. The 
 rest of the season was passed in excursions, by which 
 the Christians obtained many prisoners and much 
 spoil ; and in pilgrimages, wherein thousands were 
 
 J Chron. GodefVid. Mon. ; Bonfinius. 2 Bernard the Treasurer. 
 
 * Jacob, Vitriac. ; Bemardus. 
 
 z 
 
290 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 cut to pieces by the Saracens. The kings of Cypna 
 and Hungary then turned their course to Tripoli, 
 where the first died, and the Hungarian monarch 
 was suddenly seized with the desire of returning to 
 his own dominions ;2 which he soon put in execution, 
 notwithstanding the prayers and solicitations of the 
 Syrian Christians. 
 
 Still the Latins of Palestine were not left destitute. 
 The Duke of Austria remained, with all the German 
 crusaders ; and the next year a large reinforcement 
 arrived from Cologne ; nor would these have been 
 so tardy in coming, had they^ not paused upon the 
 coast of Portugal to succour the queen of that coun- 
 try against the Moors. The efforts of the Christians 
 had proved hitherto so fruitless for the recovery of 
 Jerusalem, while the Saracens could bring vast forces 
 from Eg5rpt continually to the support of their Syrian 
 possessions, that the Latins now resolved to strike 
 at the very source of their power. 
 
 Damietta was supposed to command the entrance 
 of the Nile, and consequently to be the key of Egypt; 
 and thither the crusaders set sail, for the purpose of 
 laying siege to that important city. They^ arrived 
 in the month of May, and landed on the western 
 bank of the river opposite to the town. A tower in 
 the centre of the stream, connected with the walls 
 by a strong chain, was the immediate object of attack ; 
 but the first attempt was repulsed with great loss, 
 though made by the Hospitallers, the Teutonic Order, 
 and the Germans, united. An immense machine^ of 
 wood was now constructed on board two of the ves- 
 sels, which, lashed together, were moved across to 
 
 • Bernardus. 
 
 2 Mere restlessness is stated by Mills to have been the cause of An- 
 drew's abandonini'nt of the enterprise, but this was any thing but the 
 r'asc. Andrew, it is true, was of a weak and unstable character; but 
 there were far too many dissensions in Hungary, and tragic horrors in 
 his own family, to permit of his remaining in Palestine without total 
 ruin to himself and his dominions. — See Bonfinius. 
 
 3 Godefrid. Mon. ; James of Vitry. 4 Bernardus ; James of Vitrj 
 5 Matthew Faiis. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 291 
 
 fltts point of assault, and, after along and courageous 
 rejsistance, the garrison of the castle was forced to 
 surrender at discretion.^ The besieging party then 
 abandoned themselves to joy and revelry ; they 
 looked upon the city as taken ; and the news of the 
 death of Saif Eddin increased their hopes of the 
 complete deliverance of the Holy Land. The vic- 
 tories which Saif Eddin had gained over the Chris- 
 tians were indeed but small, nor had he struck any 
 one great blow against the Attabecs, but he had gra- 
 dually, and almost imperceptibly, extended his domi- 
 nions in every direction, and left a large territory and 
 full treasury to his successors. His high qualities 
 were different from those of Saladin, and his charac- 
 ter was altogether less noble and striking, but he 
 possessed more shrewdness than his brother; and if 
 his mind had not the same capability of expanding, 
 it had more powers of concentration. To Saif Ed- 
 din succeeded his two sons, Cohr Eddin and Camel, 
 the first of whom took possession of Syria and 
 Palestine in peace. But Egypt, which the second 
 had governed for some time, instantly broke out into 
 revolt on the news of his father's death, and had the 
 Franks pushed the war in that country with vigour, 
 greater effects would have been produced than were^ 
 ever wrought by any preceding crusade. They ne-' 
 glected their opportunity ; spent their time in rioting 
 and debauchery under the yet unconquered walls of 
 Damietta: and, after the arrival of large reinforce- 
 ments from France, England, and Italy, under the 
 Cardinals Pelagius and Cour9on, the Earls of Chester 
 and Salisbury, and the Counts of Nevers and La 
 Marche, they only changed their conduct from revel- 
 ling to dissension. At length they awoke from their 
 frantic dreams, and prepared to attack the city itself; 
 but before they could accomplish their object, Colir 
 
 1 The whole of the siege of Damietta, and the events that fol'- wed, 
 I ^avo taken from James of Vitry and the old French of Bernard the 
 S'reasurer, with the Rerueii des Hiet. Arabes. 
 
292 HISTORY OF CHIVALHY. 
 
 Eddiii had entered Egypt, put down rebellion, and re- 
 established his brother Camel in full possession of 
 his authority. The siege of Damietta now became, 
 like the first siege of Antioch, a succession of bat- 
 tles and skirmishes. For three months the various 
 nations that composed the besieging force as well as 
 the Templars, the Hospitallers, and the Teutonic 
 knights, vied with each other in deeds of glory ; nor 
 were the Saracens behind their adversaries in courage, 
 skill, or resolution. But famine took up the sword 
 against the unhappy people of Damietta. Pesti- 
 lence soon joined her, and the fall of the city became 
 inevitable.* 
 
 Cohr Eddin, fearful that Jerusalem might be turned 
 to a post against him, had destroyed the walls of thai 
 town ; but now that he saw the certain loss of Da- 
 mietta, and calculated the immense advantages the 
 Christians might thence gain, he with the best policy 
 agreed to make a vast sacrifice to save the key of 
 his brother's dominions. Conferences were opened 
 with the Christians, and the Saracens offered, on the 
 evacuation of Egypt by the Latins, to yield the whole 
 of Palestine, except the fortresses of Montreal and 
 Karac, to restore all European prisoners, and even to 
 rebuild the walls of Jerusalem for the Christians. 
 The King of Jerusalem, the English, the French, and 
 the Germans looked upon their warfare as ended, 
 and their object achieved, by the very proposal ; but 
 the cardinal Pelagius, the two military Orders, and 
 the Italians, opposed all conciliation, contending that 
 no faith was to be put in the promises of infidels. 
 
 Heaven only knows whether the Saracens would 
 have broken their engagements, or Avhether calm 
 moderation might not have restored Palestine to the 
 followers of the Cross ; but moderation was not con- 
 sulted, and the walls of Damietta were once more 
 attacked. It was no longer difficult to iz\e them, 
 
 1 James of Vitry , Mernard the Treasurer 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 293 
 
 and when the crusaders entered the city, they dis- 
 covered nothing but a world of pestilence. Death 
 was in every street ; and of seventy thousand souls, 
 not three thousand were found alive.' 
 
 Discord, of course, succeeded conquest ; and after 
 having cleansed and purified Damietta, a winter was 
 spent in dissensions, at the end of which a great 
 part of the army returned to Europe ; and Jean de 
 Brienne, offended by the arrogance of Pelagius, re- 
 tired to Acre. Concessions soon brought him back, 
 and hostilities were resumed against the Moslems, 
 but the legate overbore all counsel ; and instead of 
 directing their^ arms towards Palestine, which was 
 now open to them, the crusaders marched on towards 
 Cairo. The forces of the sultaun had greatly in- 
 creased, but he still offered peace, on conditions as 
 advantageous as those that had been previously pro- 
 posed. The legate insultingly rejected all terms, 
 wasted his time in inactivity, the Nile rose, the 
 sluices were opened, and Pelagius found himself at 
 once unable to advance, and cut off from his re- 
 sources at Damietta. There is nothing too mean for 
 disappointed pride, and the legate then sued in the 
 humblest language for permission to return to Acre. 
 The Sultaun of Egypt, with admirable moderation, 
 granted him peace, and the King of Jerusalem be- 
 came one of the hostages that Damietta should be 
 given up. The troops would still have perished for 
 want, had not the noble sultaun been melted by the 
 grief of John of Brienne, who wept while recounting 
 
 • This pestilence seems to have been somewhat like the sea scurvy. 
 It was not at all confined to the city, though it raged more furiously 
 within the walls. Nevertheless, many of the soldiers of the Cross were 
 attacked by it. James of Vitry, describing its effects, says, " A sudden 
 pain took possession of the feet and legs : soon after, the gums and the 
 teeth became affected with a sort of gangrene, and the sick persons were 
 not able to eat : then, the bones of the legs became horribly black ; and 
 thus, after having suffered long torments, during which tiicy showed 
 muph patience a great number of Christians went to repose in the bosom 
 of the Lord." 
 
 * James of Vitiy ; Be nardus. 
 
294 HISTORY OF CHITALRY. 
 
 the distress in which he had left his people. The 
 Saracen mingled his tears with those of the hostage 
 king, and ordered the army of his enemy to be sup- 
 plied with food.' Damietta was soon after yielded, 
 and the hostages exchanged. John of Brienne re- 
 tired to Acre, wearied of unceasing efforts to recover 
 his nominal kingdom; and Pelagius passed over 
 mto Europe, loaded with the hatred and contempt of 
 Palestine. 
 
 John of Brienne had received the crown of Jeru- 
 salem as his wife's dowry, and it was destined that 
 the marriage of his daugliter should restore the Holy 
 City to tlie Christians. The emperor Frederick II. 
 had often vowed in the most solemn manner to lead 
 his armies into Palestine, and had as often broken 
 his oath. At length it was proposed to him that he 
 should wed Violante, the beautiful heiress of the 
 Syrian kingdom ; and it was easily stipulated that 
 John of Brienne should give up his rights on Pales- 
 tine to his daughter's husband. Frederic eagerly 
 caught at the idea. By the intervention of the Pope 
 the treaty was concluded between the king and the 
 emperor; and Violante, having been brought to 
 Europe, was espoused by her imperial lover.^ Many 
 causes combined to delay the new crusade, though 
 it was preached by tAvo succeeding popes with all 
 the zeal and promises that had led to those that went 
 before. France and Italy remained occupied entirely 
 by intestine dissensions ; but England showed great 
 zeal, and sent sixty thousand men at arms to the 
 field.^ The emperor collected together immense 
 forces, and proceeded to Brundusium ; but there, 
 being taken ill of a pestilential disease which had 
 swept away many of his soldiers, he was obliged to 
 return after having put to sea. Gregory IX. was 
 now in the papal chair ; and — wroth with the empe- 
 ror for many a contemptuous mark of disobedience 
 
 • Recueil des Hist. Arabes; Matthew Paris ; Bernard the Treasurer 
 2 Becnard 3 Matthew Paris. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 295 
 
 to the ecclesiastical authority — he now excommu- 
 nicated him for coming back, however necessary the 
 measure. Frederic was angry, though not fright- 
 ened ; and, after having exculpated himself to Europe 
 by a public letter,' he sent his soldiers to plunder the 
 Pope's tenitories while he recovered his health. At 
 length, in 1228, he set sail from Brundusium, still 
 burdened with the papal censure, which he was too 
 much accustomed to bear to feel as any oppressive 
 load. He arrived without difficulty at Acre ; but all 
 men wondered that so great an enterprise should be 
 undertaken with so small a force as that which could 
 be contained in twenty galleys ; and it soon appeared 
 that Frederic had long been negotiating with Camel, 
 Sultaun of Egypt, who, fearful of the active and am- 
 bitious spirit of his brother Cohr Eddin,^ had entered 
 into a private treaty with the German monarch. 
 
 The emperor, on his arrival in Palestine, found 
 that the revengeful Pope had laid his injunction upon 
 all men to show him no obedience, and afford him 
 no aid while under the censure of the church.^ None, 
 therefore, at first, accompanied him in his march 
 but his own forces and the Teutonic knights* 
 The Hospitallers and Templars soon followed, and, 
 too fond of active warfare to remain neuter, joined 
 themselves to the army on some verbal concession 
 on the part of Frederic. About this time Cohr 
 Eddin died; and Camel," freed from apprehen- 
 sion,^ somewhat cooled towards his Christian ally. 
 He was, nevertheless, too generous to violate his 
 promises, and after Frederic had advanced some 
 way towards Jerusalem, a treaty was entered into 
 between the German monarch and the Saracens, 
 whereby the Holy City and the greater part of Pales- 
 tine was yielded to the Christians, with the simple 
 
 1 Matthew Paris, ad. ann. 1228. 2 Bernardus. 
 
 3 Rainaldus ; Sanut. ; William of Nangis, 1232. 
 « Bernard the Treasurer; Cont. of William of Tyre. 
 5 For some curious particulars concerning the disputes between th« 
 unperor and the Templar^, see the old French of Bernard the Treasuixr. 
 
296 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 Stipulation that the Moslems were to be allowed' to 
 worship in the temple, as well as the followers of the 
 Cross.2 Frederic then proceeded to Jerusalem to be 
 crowned ; but the conditions he had agreed to had 
 given offence to the Christians of Judea, and the 
 Pope's excommunication still hung over his head. 
 All the services of the church were suspended 
 during his stay ; he was obliged to raise the crown 
 from the altar himself and place it on his own brow; 
 and he discovered, by messengers from the Sultaun 
 of Egypt, that some individuals^ of the military 
 Orders had offered to betray him into the hands of the 
 Saracens. Frederic now found it necessary to de- 
 part,* and after having done justice upon several of 
 the chief contemners of his authority, he set sail foi 
 Europe, leaving Palestine^ in a far more favourable 
 state than it had known since the fatal battle of 
 Tiberias. 
 
 Soon after the departure of Frederic, a new aspi- 
 rant to the crown of Jerusalem appeared in the per- 
 son of Alice, Queen of Cyprus, the daughter of Isa- 
 bella and Heniy, Count of Champagne, and half 
 
 * Bernard. 
 
 2 This story is doubtful. Mattheri' Paris^ says, that the Temrtars ami 
 Hospitallers gave information to the sultaiin that Frederic would, on a 
 certain day, make a pilgrimage to bathe in the River Jordan, It was noi 
 at all likefy, however, that two Orders which were always at enmity 
 should anite for swcb a purpose. 
 
 3 Matthew Paris, ann. 1229. 
 
 4 There were many motives which indnced Frederic to rerum to 
 Europe besides disgust at the ungrateful conduct &f the Syrian Chris- 
 tians. The Pope, not content with using the spiritual sword against hin», 
 bad unsheathed the temporal one, and was waging a furious war against 
 the miperial lieutenant in Italy. It would seem a strange fact that John 
 of Brienne, ex-king of Jerusalem, and father-in-law of the emperor, was 
 in comm.ind of the papal forces which ravaged his son-in-law's territo- 
 ries, had we not good reason to believe that Frederic's conduct to VioIanVe 
 (who was now dead) bad been of a nature that so chivalrous am^vn 
 as John of Brienne was not likely to pass unnoticed, when his daughter 
 was the'snfferer However, it is but JMSt to remark that the reason why 
 "tfiis crnsade did not entirely restore the Holy Land to the dominion of th« 
 Christians, is to be found in the vindictive and unchrisr.ian enmity of P>p« 
 Gregory IX. towards the Emperor Frederie.^ 
 
 6 Matthew Paris • 
 
HISTORY OF cm ALRY. 297 
 
 Bister of Mary, throug^h whom John of Brienne had 
 obtained the throne. Her claims were soon disposed 
 of; for the three mihtary Orders,^ uniting in purpose 
 for once, adhered to the Emperor of Germany, and 
 Alice was obliged to withdraw. After this struggle 
 the attention of the Christians was entirely turned 
 to the general defence ; and the right of the empe- 
 ror, who had now made his peace with the Pope, 
 was universally recognised.^ Nevertheless, the 
 truce which he had concluded with Camel, the Sul- 
 taun of Egypt, did not in all instances save the La- 
 tins of Palestine from annoyance and warfare. The 
 whole country was surrounded by a thousand petty 
 Mahommedan states not included in the peace, and 
 the Moslems left no opportunity unimproved for the 
 purpose of destroying their Christian neighbours. 
 Their incursions on the Latin territory were inces- 
 sant ; and many large bodies of pilgrims were cut to 
 pieces, or hurried away into distant lands as slaves. 
 
 A truce had been agreed upon also, between the 
 Templars and the Sultaun of Aleppo ; but at the death 
 of that monarch both parties had again recourse to 
 arms, and the Templars were defeated with such ter- 
 rible slaughter that all Europe was moved with com- 
 passion. Even their ancient rivals, the Hospitallers, 
 sent them immediate succour; and from the com- 
 mandery of St. John, at Clerkenwell,' alone, a body 
 of three hundred knights took their departure for the 
 Holy Land. 
 
 A council likewise was held about this time at 
 Spoletto, where another crusade was announced ; and 
 Gregory IX., who combined in his person everj'^ in- 
 consistency that ambition, bigotry, and avarice can 
 produce, sent the Dominican and Franciscan friars 
 to stimulate Europe to take the Cross. No sooner 
 had the crusade been preached, and the enthusiastic 
 multitudes were ready to begin the journey, than 
 
 « Sanutus. 2 Regist. Greg. Noni, Vertot Preuves. 
 
 » Matthew Parian 1237 
 
298 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 Gregory and his agents persuaded many to compro- 
 mise their vow ;^ and, by paying a certain sum to- 
 wards the expenses of the expedition, to fill the pa- 
 pal treasury, under the pretence of assisting their 
 brother Christians. Those who would not thus yield 
 to his suggestions he positively prohibited from set- 
 ting out, and engaged the Emperor Frederic to throw 
 impediments in their way, when they pursued their 
 purpose. Nevertheless, the King of Navarre, the 
 Duke of Burgundy, the Count of Brittany, and the 
 Count de Bar proceeded to Palestine in spite of all 
 opposition; and their coming was of very timely ser- 
 vice to the defenders of the Holy Land, for no sooner 
 had the period of his truce with the Christians ex- 
 pired, than Camel, finding that preparations for war 
 were making on their part, anticipated their efforts, 
 retook Jerusalem, routed all the forces that could be 
 opposed to him, and overthrew what was called the 
 Tower of David. He died shortly after this victory, 
 and on the arrival of the crusaders, a prospect of suc- 
 cess seemed open before them. But the operations 
 of the chiefs were detached, and though the Count 
 of Brittany gained some advantages towards Damas- 
 cus, the rest of tlie French knights were completely 
 defeated in a pitched battle at Gaza, and most of 
 their leaders were either killed or taken. The King 
 of Navarre was glad to enter into a disgraceful treaty 
 with the Emir of Karac, which was conducted 
 through the intervention of the Templars ;^ and the 
 rest of the Latins formed alliances with what neigh- 
 bouring powers they could. The Hospitallers, how- 
 ever, would not subscribe to the truce with the Emir 
 of Karac'* through jealousy towards the Templars, 
 and there was no power in the state sufficiently 
 strong to force them to obedience. 
 
 Shortly after this event, the King of N.ivarre re- 
 turned to Europe, and Richard, Earl of Cornwall, 
 
 1 Matthew Paris ; Sanutus. 2 Sanutus, lib. iii. page 216. 
 
 3 The Emir of K irac was but a deiiendan^ of the Sultaun of Damascug 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 299 
 
 With many knights and large forces, arrived in Pales- 
 tine. Their expedition had been sanctioned by all the 
 authorities of Europe, except the Pope. Henry III. 
 conducted them in person to the shore ; the prayers 
 and benedictions of the people and the clergy fol- 
 lowed them, and their journey through France was 
 accompanied by shouts and acclamations. On his 
 arrival in Palestine, Richard instantly marched upon 
 Jaffa, but he was met by envoys from the Sultaun of 
 Egypt — who was now at war with the Sultaun of Da- 
 mascus — offering an exchange of prisoners, and a 
 complete cession of the Holy Land,' with some un- 
 important exceptions. Richard instantly accepted 
 such advantageous proposals ; Jerusalem was given 
 up to the Christians, the rebuilding of the walls was 
 commenced, the churches were purified, and the earl 
 returned to Europe with the glorious title of the de- 
 liverer of Palestine. The Templars would not be 
 parties to tliis treaty, as the Hospitallers had refused 
 to participate in the other ; and thus, one of the great 
 military Orders remained at war with the Sultaun 
 of Damascus,^ and tlie other with the Sultaun of 
 Egypt. 
 
 While these events had been passing in Palestine, 
 a new dynasty had sprung up in the north of Asia, and 
 threatened a complete revolution in the whole of that 
 quarter of the world. Genjis Khan and his succes- 
 sors had overturned all the northern and eastern go- 
 vernments of Asia ; and, spreading over that fair por- 
 tion of the earth precisely as the Goths and Huns had 
 spread over Roman Europe, had reduced the more po- 
 lished and civilized nations of the south, by the sa- 
 vage vigour and active ferocity of a race yet in the 
 youth of being. Among^ other tribes whom the 
 successors of Genjis had expelled from their original 
 abodes, was a barbarous and warlike horde called the 
 
 1 Matthew Paris ; Litterae Comit. Richardi- 2 Sanutus ; Vertot 
 
 3 Biblioth^que Oriental ; Joinville ; Ducange ; Sanutus, 217 ; Conti 
 nuation of William of Tyre. 
 
300 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 Corasmins ; and this people, wandering about with- 
 out a dwelling-, destroying as they went, and waging 
 war against all nations, at length directed their course 
 towards Palestine. So quick and unexpected had 
 been their arrival, that the Christians employed in 
 the re-edification of the city-walls never dreamed.of 
 invasion till fire and massacre had swept over half 
 the Holy Land.' No troops were collected, no pre- 
 parations made, the fortifications of the city were in- 
 complete, and the only resource of the people of Je- 
 rusalem was to retire in haste to the shelter of Jaffa, 
 under the guidance of the few Templars and Hospi- 
 tallers who were on the spot. Some few persons 
 remained, and made an attempt at defence ; but the 
 town was taken in a moment, and every soul in it 
 put to the sword.2 The bloodthirsty barbarians, not 
 satisfied with the scanty number of victims they had 
 found, artfully raised the banner of the Cross upon 
 the walls, and many of the Latins M^ho had fled re- 
 turned. Seven thousand more were thus entrapped 
 and massacred ; and the Corasmins exercised every 
 sort of barbarous fury on those objects they thought 
 most sacred in the eyes of the Christians. 
 
 At length the fugitives at Jaffa received a succoui 
 of four thousand men from their allies, the Sultauns 
 of Emissa and Damascus,^ and resolved to give bat- 
 tle to the barbarians. The Patriarch of Jerusalem 
 precipitated the measures of the army, and after a 
 dreadful struggle the Latins were defeated, the Grand 
 Masters of the Temple and St. John slain, the three 
 military Orders nearly exterminated, and the Sultaun 
 of Emissa forced to fly for shelter to his fortifica- 
 tions. Walter de Brienne, the lord of Jaffa, was 
 taken ; and to force that town to surrender, the Co- 
 rasmins hung the gallant knight by the arms to a 
 cross, declaring to the garrison that he should there 
 
 1 Joinville ; Matthew Paris ; Bernard in Martenne. 
 
 2 Joinville ; Matthew Paris ; Epist. Fred. Imper 
 
 3 Ducange ; Joinville ; Bernard. 
 
HISTORY OF CHI\'^LRY. 301 
 
 remain till the city was yielded. Walter heard, and 
 raising his voice, unmindful of his own agonies, so- 
 lemnly commanded his soldiers to hold out the city 
 to the last.^ The barbarians were obliged to retire, 
 and Walter was sent captive into Egypt. 
 
 The Sultaun of Emissa soon raised the standard a 
 second time against the barbarians and after several 
 struggles, in which the monarch of Egypt sometimes 
 upheld, and sometimes abandoned the Corasmins, 
 they were at length entirely defeated, and not one, 
 it is said, escaped from the field of battle.^ Barba- 
 quan, their leader, was slain ; and thus Asia was de- 
 livered of one of the most terrible scourges that had 
 ever been inflicted on her. 
 
 At this time a monarch reigned over France who 
 combined in a remarkable degree the high talents of 
 his grandfather Philip Augustus with the religious 
 zeal or, perhaps I may say, fanaticism of his father, 
 Louis VIII. Louis IX. was in every respect an ex- 
 traordinary man ; he was a great warrior, chivalrous 
 as an individual, and skilful as a general : he was a 
 great king, inasmuch as he sought the welfare of his 
 people more than the aggrandizement of his territo- 
 ries : he formed the best laws that could be adapted 
 to the time, administered them often in person, and 
 observed them always himself: he was a good man, 
 inasmuch as he served God with his whole heart, and 
 strove in all his communion with his fellows to do 
 his duty according to his sense of obligation. Had 
 he been touched with religious fervour to the amount 
 
 1 Bernard ; Joinville, Matthew Paris. 
 
 2 The whole of these events are extremely obscure in history. I have 
 followed Joinville more than any other author, because I find his account 
 more clear and satisfactory. Ducange's valuable noies have greatly 
 aided me ; but even that indefatigable investigator has not been able to 
 arrive at precise certainty. The accounts in Matthew Paris do not well 
 harmonize with those of persons who had more immediate means of in- 
 formition. Vincent of Beauvais states, that frse Corasmins were finally 
 exterminated, not in a battle, but in separate bodies by tlie peasantry. 
 Their whole number seems to have been about twenty thousand men. 
 Bernard the Treasurer, in Martenne, corroborates the statement of Vic 
 sent of Beauvais. 
 
302 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 of zeal, but not to the amount of fanaticism, he 
 would have been perhaps too superior to his age. 
 Previous to the news of the Corasminian irruption, 
 St. Louis had determined to visit the Holy Land, in 
 consequence of a vow made during sickness.' It 
 appears, that after the signal defeat which he had 
 given to Henry HL of England at Saintonge, Louis's 
 whole attention was turned to the sufferings of the 
 Christians in Palestine ; and so deeply was his mind 
 impressed with that anxious thought, that it became 
 the subject of dreams, which he looked upon as insti- 
 gations from heaven. The news of the destruction 
 of the Christians by the barbarians, the well-known 
 quarrels and rivalry of the two military Orders, and 
 the persuasions of Innocent IV., who then held the 
 thirteenth oecumenical council at Lyons, all hastened 
 Louis's preparations. William Longsword and a 
 great many English crusaders"^ joined the French mo- 
 narch from Great Britain ; and after three years' care- 
 ful attention to the safety of his kingdom, the provi- 
 sion of supplies, and the concentration of his forces, 
 Louis, with his two brothers, the Counts of Artois 
 and Anjou, took the scrip and staff, and set sail for 
 Cyprus. The third brother of the king, Alphonso, 
 Count of Poitiers, remained to collect the rest of the 
 crusaders, and followed shortly after.^ The queen- 
 consort of France, and several other ladies of high 
 note, accompanied the monarch to the Holy Land."* 
 At Cyprus, Louis spent eight months in healing the 
 divisions of the military Orders, and endeavouring to 
 bring about that degree of unity which had been un- 
 known to any of the crusades. At length, early in 
 the spring, he set sail from Cyprus with an army of 
 fifty thousand chosen men. A tremendous storm 
 separated the king's fleet, and, supported by but a 
 small part of his troops he arrived at Damietta, where 
 
 1 .Toinville; Bernard in Martennc; Guillaiime Guiarl. 
 
 2 Mattliew raris ; .Toinvilk-. ^ Joiiiville, 
 4 Gui'laun)? tiuiait ; JoinvUle 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 303 
 
 the Sultaun of E^pt, with his whole force, was 
 drawn up to oppose the landing of the Christians. 
 The sultaun himself was seen in golden armour, 
 which shone, Joinville says, like the sun itself; and 
 so great was the noise of drums and trumpets that 
 the French were almost deafened by the sound. 
 After some discussion, it was determined that the 
 landing should be attempted without waiting for the 
 rest of the army. Among the first who reached the 
 shore was Joinville, Seneschal of Champagne, who, 
 accompanied by another baron, and their men-at- 
 arms, landed in the face of an immense body of Turk- 
 ish cavalry, that instantly spurred forward against 
 them. The French planted their large shields' in the 
 sand, with their lances resting on the rim, so that a 
 complete chevaux-de-frise was raised, from which 
 the Turks turned off without venturing an assault. 
 St. Louis himself soon followed, and in his chival- 
 rous impatience to land, sprang into the water up to 
 his shoulders, and, sword in hand, rushed on to 
 charge the Saracens. 
 
 Intimidated at the bold actions of the French, the 
 Moslems fled from the beach ; and as the crusaders 
 advanced, the unexpected news of the death of their 
 sultaun reached the Saracens, upon which they 
 abandoned even the city of Damietta itself, without 
 waiting to destroy the bridge, though they set fire to 
 the bazaars.^ 
 
 At Damietta Louis paused for the arrival of his 
 brother, the Count of Poitiers, and the rest of the 
 forces ; and here, with the usual improvidence that 
 marked all the crusades, the anny gave itself up to 
 luxury and debauchery, which the king neither by 
 laws nor example could check. At length the rein- 
 forcements appeared, and Louis, leaving the queen at 
 Damietta, marched on towards Cairo ; but near Mas- 
 soiira he found his advance impeded by the Thanisian 
 
 1 Joinville ; Blanche des royaos Liguages. 2 JoinvilI& 
 
304 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 canal, on the other side of which the Saracens were 
 drawn up to oppose his progress under the command 
 of the celebrated Emir Ceccidun. No other means 
 of passing the canal seemed practicable, but by 
 throwing- a causeway across. This was accordingly 
 commenced, under cover of two high moveable 
 towers, called chats chatiels, or cat-castles, which 
 were scarcely raised before they were burnt by quan- 
 tities of Greek fire, thrown from the pierriers and 
 mangonels. 
 
 At length an Arabian peasant agreed, for a large 
 bribe, to point out a ford. The Count of Artois, with 
 fourteen hundred knights, was directed to attempt it. 
 He succeeded, repulsed the Saracens on the banks, 
 and pursued them to Massoura. The panic among 
 the Moslems was general, and Massoura was nearly 
 deserted. The more experienced and prudent knights 
 of all classes advised the Count of Artois to pause for 
 the arrival of the king and the rest of the army. The 
 Count, with passionate eagerness, accused his good 
 counsellors of cowardice. Chivalrous honour thus 
 assailed forgot reason and moderation; each one 
 more ardently than another advanced into Massoura: 
 the Moslems, recovered from their fear, returned in 
 great numbers ; the fight began in earnest, and al- 
 most the whole of the imprudent advance-guard of 
 the Christians was cut to pieces. The Count of Ar- 
 tois fell among the first ;' and when Louis himself 
 arrived, all was dismay and confusion. The battle 
 was now renewed with redoubled vigour; Louis 
 fought in every part of the strife, and the French and 
 Saracens seemed emulous of each other in the paths 
 of glory and destruction. The sun went down ovei 
 the field of Massoura, leaving neither army assuredly 
 the victors ; but the Saracens had been repulsed, and 
 Louis remained master of the plain. 
 
 Sickness and famine soon began to rage in the 
 
 1 Joinville ; Guillaume Gtjiart ; Ducango 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 305 
 
 Christian camp. The Moslems had now interrupted 
 the communication with Damietta ; and eveiy soldier 
 in the army was enfeebled by disease. Negotiations 
 were begun for peace ; but were broken off, because 
 the sultaun "would receive no hostage for the evacua- 
 tion of Damietta but Louis himself; and it was de- 
 termined to attempt a retreat. Many strove to escape 
 by the river, but were taken in the attempt ; and the 
 host itself was incessantly subject to the attacks of 
 the Saracens, who hung upon its rear during the 
 whole march, cutting off every party that was de- 
 tached, even to procure the necessaries of life. In 
 this dreadful state Louis long continued to struggle 
 against sickness, fighting ever where danger was 
 most imminent, and bearing up when the hardiest 
 soldiers of his army failed. At length he could hardly 
 sit his horse; and in the confusion of the flight — 
 which was now the character of the retreat — he was 
 separated from his own servants, and attended only 
 by the noble Geoffiroy de Sergines, who defended 
 him against all the attacks of the enemy. He was led 
 to a hut at the village of Cazel, where he lay, ex- 
 pecting every moment that the plague would accom- 
 plish its work. He was thus taken by the Saracens,' 
 who assisted in his recovery and treated him with 
 honour. The greater part of the army fell into the 
 Moslems' power, but an immense number were slain 
 and drowned in attempting their escape. 
 
 Several difficulties now arose with regard to the 
 ransom of the king; the Saracens demanding the 
 cession of various parts of Palestine still in the 
 hands of the Christians. This, however, Louis re- 
 fused ; and conducted himself in prison with so much 
 boldnesif, that the sultaun declared he was the proud- 
 est infidel he had ever beheld. To humble him to 
 his wishes, the torture of the bernicles was threat- 
 ened ;^ but the monarch remained so unmoved, that 
 
 > Joinvifle; Ducan;?e,, Guillaume Guiart. 2 See note XIT. 
 
 Aa 
 
306 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 his enfranchisement was at last granteil on othei 
 terms. Ten thousand golden besants v/ere to be paid 
 for the freedom of the army ; the city of Damietta 
 was to be restored to the Saracens, and a peace of 
 ten years was concluded. During the interval which 
 followed these arrangements, the sultaun was assas- 
 sinated, and the fate of St. Louis was again doubtful ; 
 but the murderers agreed to the same terms which 
 had been before stipulated. Nevertheless, some acts 
 of cruelty were committed ; and a great number of 
 the sick were massacred at Damietta. The treasure 
 which the king possessed on the spot not being suf- 
 ficient to furnish the whole ransom, his friends were 
 obliged to seize upon the wealth of the Grand Master 
 of the Temple, who basely refused to lend a portion 
 to redeem his fellow-christians. At length the first 
 part of the sum was paid ; the great body of the foreign 
 nobles who had joined in the crusade returned to Eu 
 rope, and Louis himself retired to Acre. The Sara- 
 cens had already broken the treaty with Louis by the 
 murder of the sick at Damietta, and by the detention 
 of several knights and soldiers, as well as a large 
 body of Christian children. The promise of peace, 
 therefore, was not imperative ; and the Sultaun of 
 Damascus eagerly courted the French king to aid 
 him in his efforts against the people of Egypt.' The 
 news of this negotiation immediately brought depu- 
 ties from Eg)^t, who submitted to the terms which 
 Louis thought fit to propose ; and that monarch, with- 
 out mingling in the wars that raged between the 
 two Moslem countries, only took advantage of them 
 to repair the fortifications of Jaflfa and Cesarea. Af- 
 ter having spent two years in putting the portion of 
 Palestine that yet remained to the Latins^ into adefen- 
 sible state, he set sail for France, where his presence 
 was absolutely required. 
 
 Before proceeding to trace the after- fate of fhfi 
 
 lUucange; Joinviile; Guillaume Guiart. 2 a.D. 1254. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 307 
 
 Holy Land,' it may be as well to conduct»St. Louis 
 to his last crusade. Sixteen years after his return 
 to Europe, that monarch once more determined on 
 rearing the banner of the Cross. Immense numbers 
 flocked to join him, and England appeared willing to 
 (Second all the efforts of the French king. Edward, 
 the heir of the English monarchy, assumed the Cross; 
 and large sums were raised throughout Britain for 
 defraying the expenses of the war. 
 
 In 1270, St. Louis, accompanied by the flower of 
 liis national nobility, and followed by sixty thousand 
 chosen troops, set sail for Palestine, but was driven 
 by a storm into Sardinia. Here a change in his plans 
 took place ; and it was resolved that the army should 
 land in' Africa, where the King of Tunis some time 
 before had professed himself favourable to the Chris- 
 tian religion. St. Louis had been long so weak, that 
 he could not bear the weight of his armour,^ nor the 
 motion of a horse, for any length of time ; but still 
 his indefatigable zeal sustained him ; and after a 
 short passage, he arrived on the coast of Africa, op- 
 posite to the city of Carthage. 
 
 Although his coming had been so suddenly re- 
 solved,'^ a large Mahommedan force was drawn up to 
 oppose his landing; but the French knights forced 
 their way to the shore, and after a severe contest, 
 obtained a complete victory over the Moors. Siege 
 was then laid to Carthage, which was also taken ; but 
 before these conquests could be turned to any advan- 
 tage, an infectious flux began to appear in the army. 
 St. Louis was one of the first attacked. His en- 
 feebled constitution was not able to support the ef- 
 fects of the disease, and it soon became evident that 
 the monarch's days were rapidly drawing to their 
 close. In this situation, with the most perfect con- 
 sciousness of his approaching fate, St. Louis called 
 his son Philip,'' and spoke long to him on his duty to 
 
 1 A. D. 1270 2 Join vi He. 3 Guillaume Guiart. ■* Joinville 
 
308 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. ' 
 
 the people lie left to his charge; teaching him ^\ith 
 the beautiful simplicity of true wisdom. The king 
 then withdrew his thoughts from all earthly things, 
 performed the last rites of his religion, and yielded 
 his soul to God.^ 
 
 Scarcely was the monarch dead, when Charles of 
 Sicily arrived with large reinforcements, and unknow- 
 ing the event, approached Carthage with martial mu- 
 sic, and every sign of rejoicing. His joy was soon 
 turned into grief by the tidings of his brother's fcite f 
 and the courage of the Moors being raised by the 
 sorrow of their enemies, the united armies of 
 France and Sicily were attacked by a very superioi 
 power. 
 
 After a variety of engagements, Philip, now King 
 of France, and Charles, of Sicily, compelled the de- 
 feated Moors to sue for peace; and collecting his 
 troops, the new monarch returned to Europe, driven 
 from the coast rather by the pestilence that raged in 
 his army,^ than by the efforts of the infidels. 
 
 Prince Edward of England had taken the Cross, as 
 I have already said, with the intention of following 
 Louis IX. to the Holy Land ; and with the small force 
 he could collect, amounting to not more than fifteen 
 hundred men, he arrived in the Mediterranean, but 
 hearing that Louis had turned from the direct object 
 of the crusade, he proceeded to Sicily, where he 
 passed the winter. 
 
 As soon as spring rendered navigation possible, he 
 set sail, and arrived at Acre, where he found the state 
 of Palestine infinitely worse than it had been since 
 the first taking of Jerusalem. 
 
 Disunion and violence had done far more to destroy 
 the Christians of the Holy Land than the swords of 
 the infidels. The two military Orders had been con- 
 stantly opposed to each other, and had often been 
 
 1 Branchedes royauxet Lignages ; Sermon de Robert de Sainceieaujc 
 
 2 Charles, King of Sicily, was brother to St. Lcnis. 
 
 3 Guillaume Guiart ; Willianii of Nangis. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 309 
 
 engaged in sanguinary warfare. The knights of St. 
 John had ever the advantage ; and at one time the 
 Templars of Palestine had nearly been exterminated. 
 The clergy attempted to encroach upon the privileges 
 of both. The different Italian republics, who had 
 secured to themselves various portions of territory, 
 and various commercial immunities, were in contin- 
 ual warfare ; and while the Saracens and the Mame- 
 lukes were gradually taking possession of the whole 
 soil — while the fortresses of Cesarea, Jaffa, and 
 Saphoury fell into the hands of the infidels, as well 
 as all the cities and feoffs of the Latins, except Acre 
 and Tyre — the sands of Palestine were often wet 
 with Christian blood, shed by the hands of Chris- 
 tians. Antioch also fell almost without resistance, 
 and the citizens were either doomed to death or led 
 into captivity. 
 
 Such was the state of the Holy Land at the time 
 of Prince Edward's arrival. His name, however, 
 was a host ; the disunion among the Christians was 
 healed by his coming ;' every exertion was made to 
 render his efforts effectual ; and he soon found him- 
 self at the head of a small but veteran force, 
 amounting to seven thousand men. With this he 
 advanced upon Nazareth,- and after a severe conflict 
 with the Moslems, he made himself master of that 
 «?ity, in which all the Saracens that remained were 
 slaughtered without mercy. The climate put a stop 
 to his successes. It was now the middle of summer, 
 and the excessive heat brought on a fever, from 
 which Edward was recovering, when a strange mes- 
 senger desired to render some despatches to the 
 prince's own hand. He was admitted ; and as the 
 young leader lay in his bed, without any attendants, 
 he delivered the letters, and for a moment spoke to 
 him of the affairs of Jaffa. The instant after, he 
 drew a dagger from his belt, and before Edward was 
 
 1 Hemingford • Langtoft ; Matthew Paris, continuation. 
 
310 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 aware, had stabbed him in the chest. The prince 
 was enfeebled, but was still sufficiently vigorous to 
 wrench the weapon from the assassin, and to put 
 him to death with his own hand. His attendants, 
 alarmed by the struggle, rushed into the apartment, 
 and found Edward bleeding from the wound inflicted 
 by a poisoned knife. Skilful means' were instantly 
 used to preserve his life ;2 and an antidote, sent by the 
 Grand Master of the Temple, is said to have ob- 
 viated the effects of the poison. Edward's natural 
 vigour, with care, soon restored him to health ; and 
 the Sultaun of Egypt, daunted by the courage and 
 ability of the Enghsh prince, and engaged in ruinous 
 wars in other directions, offered peace on advanta- 
 geous conditions, which were accepted. Edward 
 and his followers returned to Europe, and the Chris- 
 tians of Palestine were left to take advantage of a 
 ten years' truce. 
 
 Such was the end of the last expedition. In 1274, 
 Gregory X., who had himself witnessed the sorrows 
 of Palestine, attempted to promote a new crusade, 
 and held a council for that purpose at Lyons, where 
 many great and noble personages assumed the Cross. 
 The death of the Pope followed shortly afterward, 
 and the project was abandoned, on the loss of him 
 who had given it birth. In Palestine, all now tended 
 to the utter expulsion of the Christians. The La- 
 tins themselves first madly broke the truce, by plun- 
 dering some Egyptian merchants near Margat. 
 Keladun, then Sultaun of Cairo, hasteneq to revenge 
 the injury, and Margat was taken from* the Chris- 
 tians, after a gallant defence.'^ Tripoli, which had 
 hitherto escaped by various concessions to the Mos- 
 lefns, fell shortly after Margat ; and in the third year 
 
 1 The popular version of this story is;, that Eleonora, the wife of tho 
 prince, who had accompanied him to Palestine, sucked the poison from 
 the wound, at the risk of her own life. Camden sanctions this account. 
 
 2 Hcmingford ; Langtoft. 
 
 3 Villani ; Vet. Script. ; Bernard, old French. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 311 
 
 fi3m that period, two hundred thousand Mahommed- 
 ans were under the walls of Acre, the last possession 
 of the Christians. The Grand Master of St. John 
 had collected together a small body of Italian mer- 
 cenaries, but no serviceable support could be won 
 from the kings of Europe. 
 
 The Grand Master' of the Temple, however, with 
 the rest of the military Orders, and about twelve 
 thousand men, being joined by the King of Cyprus, 
 resolved to undergo a siege. The greater part of 
 the useless inhabitants were sent away by sea, and 
 the garrison prepared to defend themselves to the 
 last. This was the final blaze of chivalric valour 
 that shone on the Holy Land. The numbers of the 
 Moslems were overpowering, and after a breach had 
 been made in the walls by the fall of what was called 
 the Cursed Tower, a general assault took place. Tlie 
 King of Cyprus made a dastardly flight, but the 
 Templars and the Teutonic knights died where they 
 stood, and the Hospitallers only left the city to attack 
 the rear of the besieging army. Here they met with 
 infinite odds against them, and fell man by man, till 
 the news came that the Grand Master of the Temple 
 was killed and that the city was taken. The Hospi- 
 tallers then, reduced to seven in nur^ber, reached a 
 ship, and quitted the shores of Palestine. About an 
 equal number of Templars fled to the interior, and 
 thence fought their way through the land, till they 
 gained the means of reaching Cyprus. The inhabit- 
 ants of the city who had not before departed fled 
 to the sea f but the elements themselves seemed to 
 war against them, and ere they could escape, the 
 Saracen sword died the sands with their blood. The 
 Moslems then set fire to the devoted town, and the 
 last vestige of the Christian power in Syria was 
 Bwept from the face of the earth. 
 
 8 Martenne; Villani. 2 Martenne, Vet. Script. ; ViJlani: Sanutua 
 
313 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Fate of the Orders of the Temple arid St. John— The Templars abandon 
 all Hopes of recovering Jerusalem — Mingle in European Politics— 
 Offend Philip the Fair — Are persecuted — Charges against them — The 
 Order destroyed— The Knights of St. John pursue the Purpose of de- 
 fending Christendom— Settle in Rhodes— Siege of Rhodes— Gallant 
 Dtfence—The Island taken— The Knights remove to Malta— Siege of 
 Malta — La Valette— Defence of St. Elmo— Gallantry of the Garrison — 
 The whole Turkish Army attempt to storm the Castle— The Attack re- 
 pelled- Arrival of Succour — The Siege raised — The Progress .of , Chi 
 valry independent of the Crusades — Chivalrous Exploits — Beneficial 
 Tendency of Chivalry — Corruption of the Age not attributable to Chi- 
 valry—Decline of the Institution— In Germany, England, France- 
 Its Extinction. 
 
 From the period of the fall of Acre crusades were 
 only spoken of; but the spirit of Chivalry was per- 
 haps not the less active, though it had taken another 
 course : nor did it lose in purity by being directed, 
 moderated, and deprived of the ferocity which always 
 follows fanaticism. The Holy Land had become a 
 place of vice and debauchery, as well as a theatre 
 for the display of great deeds and noble resolution ; 
 and we find, that however orderly and regular any 
 army was on itS departure from Europe, it soon ac- 
 quired all the habits of immorality and improvidence 
 which seemed some inherent quality of that unhappy 
 climate. This was peculiarly apparent in the two 
 Orders of the Hospital and the Temple, the rules of 
 which were particularly calculated to guard against 
 luxury of every kind ; yet, the one, till its extinction, 
 and both, during their sojourn in Palestine, were the 
 receptacle of more depravity and crimes than per- 
 haps any other body of men could produce. After 
 the capture of Acre the knights of these two Orders 
 retreated to Cyprus ; and when some ineifectual 
 efforts had been made to excite a new crusade foi 
 the recovery of Palestine, the Templars retired from 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 313 
 
 that country, and, spreading themselves throughout 
 their vast possessions in Europe, seem really to have 
 abandoned all thought of fighting any more for the 
 sepulchre. With the rest of Europe they spoke 
 of fresh expeditions, it is true ; but in the meanwhile 
 they gave themselves up to the luxury, pride, and 
 ambition which, if it was not the real cause of their 
 downfall, at least furnished the excuse. Philip the 
 Fair of France, on his accession to the throne, 
 showed great favour to the Templars,' and held out 
 hopes that he would attempt to establish the Order 
 once more in the land which had given it birth. But 
 the Templars were now deeply occupied in the poli- 
 tics of Europe itself: their haughty Grand Master was 
 almost equal to a king in power, and would fain have 
 made kings his slaves. In the disputes between Philip 
 and Boniface VIII., the Templars took the part of the 
 Pope, and treated the monarch, in his own realm, with 
 insolent contempt ; but they knew not the character 
 of him whose wrath they roused. Philip was at 
 once vindictive and avaricious, and the destruction 
 of the Templars offered the gratification of both pas- 
 sions : he was also calm, bold, cunning, and remorse- 
 less ; and from the vengeance of such a man it was 
 difficult to escape. The vices of the Templars were 
 notorious,^ and on these it was easy to graft crimes 
 of a deeper die. Reports, rumours, accusations, 
 circulated rapidly through Europe ; and Philip, re- 
 solved upon crushing the unhappy Order, took cape 
 that on the very first vacancy his creature, Bertrand 
 
 ' Raynouard. 
 
 2 For the history of the Templars, see Raynouard and Du Puy, \ertot, 
 William of Nangis, Historia Templariorum, &c. Almost all the modem 
 writers are more or less in favour of the Templars, while every contem- 
 porary authority condemns them. As to Mills's assertion, that they were 
 ioyal and virtuous, it is perfectly untenable. All the historians of the 
 HoJy Land, many of whom died while the Templars were at the height 
 of their power, declare that they were a corrupt, proud, perfidious body. 
 Mills himself show.s that such was the opinion entertained of them by 
 the Saracens ; and all the general letters of the popes accuse them of 
 mrtfiifold vices and depravities. 
 
314 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 de Got, Archbishop of Bourdeaux,' should be elevated 
 to the papal throne. Before he suffered the ambi- 
 tious prelate to be elected, he, bound him to grant 
 five conditions, four of which were explained to him 
 previously, but the fifth was to be kept in secrecy till 
 after his elevation. Bertrand pledged himself to all 
 these terms ; and as soon as he had received the 
 triple crown, was informed that the last dreadful 
 condition was the destruction of the Order of the 
 Temple. He hesitated, but was forced to consent ; 
 and after various stratagems to inveigle all the prin- 
 cipal Templars into France, Philip caused them sud- 
 denly to be arrested throughout his dominions,^ and 
 had them arraigned of idolatry, immorality, extor- 
 tion, and treason, together with crimes whose very 
 name must not soil this page. Mixed with a multi- 
 tude of charges, both false and absurd, were various 
 others too notorious to be confuted by the body, and 
 many which could be proved against individuals. 
 Several members of the Order confessed some of the 
 crimes laid to their charge, and many more were 
 afterward induced to do so by torture; but at a 
 subsequent period of tlie trial, when the whole of the 
 papal authority was used to give the proceeding the 
 character of a regular legal inquisition, a number of 
 individuals confessed, on the promise of pardon, 
 different offences, sufficient to justify rigorous pu- 
 nishment against themselves, and to implicate deeply 
 the institution to which they belonged. James de 
 Mollay, however, the Grand Master, firmly denied 
 every charge, and defended himself and his brethren 
 with a calm and dignified resolution that nothing 
 could shake. 
 
 It would be useless as well as painful to dwell 
 upon all the particulars of their trial, where space is 
 not allowed to investigate minutely the facts : it is 
 sufficient to say, that the great body of the Templars 
 
 1 Vertot. 2 Will, of Natigia 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 316 
 
 in France were sentenced to be imprisoned for life, 
 and a multitude were burned at the stake, where 
 they showed that heroic firmness which they had 
 ever evinced in the field of battle. Their large pos- 
 sessions were of course confiscated. In Spain, their 
 aid against the Moors was too necessary to permit 
 of similar rigour, and they were generally acquitted 
 in that country. In England, the same persecutions 
 were carried on, but with somewhat of a milder 
 course : and the last blow was put to the whole by a 
 council held at Vienne, which formally dissolved the 
 Order, and transferred its estates to the Hospitallers. 
 James de Mollay and the Grand Prior of France 
 were the last victims, and were publicly burned in 
 Paris for crimes that beyond doubt they did not 
 commit. To suppose that the Templars were guilty 
 of the specific offences attributed to them would be 
 to suppose them a congregation of madmen ; but to 
 believe they were a religious or a virtuous Order 
 would be to charge all Europe with a general and 
 purposeless conspiracy. 
 
 In the mean while, the Knights Hospitallers con- 
 fined themselves to the objects for which they were 
 originally instituted ; and, that they might always 
 be prepared to fight against the enemies of Christen- 
 dom, they obtained a cession of the island of Rhodes, 
 from which they expelled the Turks. Here they 
 continued for many years, a stumblingblock in the 
 way of Moslem conquest ; but at length, the chan- 
 cellor of the Order, named d'Amaral,* disappointed 
 of the dignity of Grand Master, in revenge, it is said, 
 invited the Turks to the siege, and gave them the 
 plan of the island with its fortifications. Soliman II. 
 instantly led an army against it; but the gallant 
 knights resisted with a determined courage, that 
 drove the imperious sultaun almost to madness. He 
 commanded his celebrated general, Mustapha, to be 
 
 . I Vertot. 
 
316 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 slain with arrows/ attributing to him the misfortune 
 of the siege ; and at length had begun to withdraw 
 his forces, when a more favourable point of attack 
 was discovered, and the knights were ultimately 
 obliged to capitulate. The city of Rhodes was by 
 this time reduced to a mere heap of stones, and at 
 one period of the siege, the Grand Master himself 
 remained thirty-four days in the trenches, without 
 ever sitting down to food, or taking repose, but such 
 as he could gain upon an uncovered mattress at the 
 foot of the wall. So noble a defence well merited 
 an honourable fate ; and even after their surrender, 
 the knights were the objects of admiration and praise 
 to all Europe, though Europe had suffered them to 
 fall without aid. The sultaun, before he allowed 
 the Order to transfer itself to Candia, which had 
 been stipulated by the treaty, requested to see the 
 Grand Master : and to console him for his loss, he 
 said, " The conquest and the fall of empires are but 
 the sports of fortune." He then strove to win the 
 gallant knight who had so well defended his post to 
 the Ottoman service, holding out to him the most 
 magnificent offers, and showing what little cause he 
 had to remain attached to the Christians,^ who had 
 abandoned him ; but Villiers replied, that he thanked 
 him for his generous proposals, yet that he should 
 be unworthy of such a prince's good opinion if he 
 could accept them. 
 
 Before the Order of St. John could fix upon any 
 determinate plan of proceeding, it was more than 
 once threatened with a complete separation, by 
 various divisions in its councils. 
 
 At length motives, partly political, partly generous, 
 induced the emperor Charles V. to offer the island 
 of Malta to the Hospitallers. This proposal was 
 soon accepted,'' and after various negotiations t^e 
 
 1 He was afterward pardoned when the sultaun's wrath had abated • 
 but Soliman would never see him more. 
 
 2 Vertot. 3 Watson; Vertot; Nic. Villagagnon. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 317 
 
 territory was delivered up to the knights, who took 
 full possession on the 26th of October, 1530. Thirty- 
 five years had scarcely passed, when the Order of 
 St. John, which was now known by the name of the 
 Order of Malta, was assailed in its new possession 
 by an army composed of thirty thousand veteran 
 Turkish soldiers. The news of this armament*s 
 approach had long before reached the island, and 
 every preparation had been made to render its efforts 
 ineffectual. The whole of the open country was 
 soon in the hands of the Turks, and they resolvec 
 to begin the siege by the attack of a small fort, situ- 
 ated at the end of a tongue of land which separated 
 the two ports. The safety of the island and the 
 Order depended upon the castle of St. Elmo — a fact 
 which the Turkish admiral well knew, and the can- 
 nonade that he soon opened upon the fortress was 
 tremendous and incessant. The knights who had 
 been thrown into that post soon began to demand 
 succour; but the Grand Master, La Valette, treated 
 their request with indignation, and speedily sent 
 fresh troops to take the place of those whom fear had 
 rendered weak. 
 
 A noble emulation reigned among the Hospitallers, 
 and they contended only which should fly to the 
 perilous service. A sortie was made from the fort, 
 and the Turks were driven back from their position ; 
 but the forces of the Moslems were soon increased 
 by the arrival of the famous Dragut ; and the succour 
 which the viceroy of Sicily had promised to the 
 knights did not appear. After the coming of Dragut, 
 the siege of St. Elmo was pressed with redoubled 
 ardour. A ravelin was surprised, and a lodgment 
 effected ; and the cavalier, which formed one of the 
 principal fortifications, had nearly been taken. Day 
 after day, night after night, new efforts were made 
 on either part ; and the cannon of the Turks nevei 
 ceased to play upon the walls of the fort, while, aJ 
 
318 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY 
 
 the same time, the ravelin which they had captured 
 was gradually raised till it overtopped the parapet. 
 The whole of the outer defences were now exposed : 
 the garrison could only advance by means of trenches 
 and a subterranean approach ; and to cut off even 
 these communications with the parapet, the pacha 
 threw across a bridge from the ravelin, covering it 
 with earth to defend it from fire. 
 
 After this, the mine and the sap both went on at 
 once ; but the hardness of the rock was in favour of 
 the besieged, and by a sortie the bridge was burnt.' 
 In a wonderfully short time it was reconstructed ; 
 and the terrible fire from the Turkish lines not only 
 swept away hundreds of the besieged, but ruined the 
 defences and dismounted the artillery. In this state 
 the knights sent a messenger to the Grand Master, 
 representing their situation, showing that the recruits 
 they received only drained the garrison of the town, 
 without protracting the resistance of a place that 
 could stand no longer, and threatening to cut their 
 way through the enemy, if boats did not come to 
 take them off. La Valette knew too well their situa- 
 tion ; but he knew also, that if St. Elmo were aban 
 doned, the viceroy of Sicily would never sail to the 
 relief of Malta ; and he sent three commissioners to 
 examine the state of the fort, and to persuade the 
 garrison to hold out to the last. Two of these offi- 
 cers saw that the place was truly untenable, but the 
 third declared it might still be maintained ; and, on 
 his return, offered to throw himself into it with what 
 volunteers he could raise. La Valette instantly ac- 
 cepted the proposal, and wrote a cold and bitter note 
 to the refractory knights in St. Elmo, telling them 
 that others were willing to take their place. " Come 
 back, my brethren," he said, " you will be here more 
 in safety ; and, on our part, we shall feel more tran- 
 
 1 Vertot : Com. de Bel. Mel. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 319 
 
 qml concerning the defence of St. Elmo, on the pre- 
 servation of which depends the safety of the island 
 and of the Order." 
 
 Shame rose in the bosom of the knights; and, 
 mortified at the very idea of having proposed to yield 
 a place that others were willing to maintain, they 
 now sent to implore permission to stay. 
 
 La Valette well knew, from the first, that such 
 would be their conduct; but, before granting their 
 request, he replied, that he ever preferred new troops 
 who were obedient, to veterans who took upon them- 
 selves to resist the will of their commanders : and it 
 was only on the most humble apologies and en- 
 treaties that he allowed them, as a favour, to remain 
 in the post of peril. From the 17th of June to the 
 14th of July, this little fort' had held out against all 
 the efforts of the Turkish army, whose loss had been 
 already immense. Enraged at so obstinate a resist- 
 ance, the pacha now determined to attack the rock 
 on which it stood, with all his forces ; and the Grand 
 Master, perceiving the design by the Turkish move- 
 ments, took care to send full supplies to the garrison. 
 Among other things thus received were a number of 
 hoops covered with tow, and imbued with every sort 
 of inflammable matter. For the two days preceding 
 the assault, the cannon of the Turkish fleet and camp 
 kept up an incessant fire upon the place, which left 
 not a vestige of the fortifications above the surface 
 of the rock. On the third morning the Turks rushed 
 over the fosse which they had nearly filled, and at 
 the given signal mounted to storm. The walls of 
 tiie place were gone, but a living wall of veteran 
 soldiers presented itself, each knight being supported 
 by three infe'rior men. With dauntless valour the 
 Turks threw themselves upon the pikes that opposed 
 them ; and after the lances had been shivered and 
 the swords broken, they were seen struggling with 
 
 1 Vertot ; Com. de Bel Mel Nic. Villag. ; Watson. 
 
320 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 their adversaries, and striving to end the contest with 
 the dag-g-er. A terrible fire of musketry and artillery 
 was kept up ; and the Christians, on their part, hurled 
 down upon the swarms of Turks that rushed in un- 
 ceasing multitudes from below the flaming hoops, 
 which sometimes linking two or three of the enemy 
 together, set fire to the light and floating dresses of 
 the east, and enveloped many in a horrible death. 
 Still, however, the Turks rushed on, thousands after 
 thousands, and still the gallant little band of Chris- 
 tians repelled all their efforts, and maintained posses- 
 sion of the height. 
 
 From the walls of the town, and from the castle 
 of St. Angelo, the dreadful struggle for St. Elmo was 
 clearly beheld ; and the Christian people and the 
 knights, watching the wavering current of the fight, 
 felt perhaps more painfully all the anxious horror of 
 the scene, than those whose whole thoughts and 
 feelings were occupied in the actual combat. La 
 Valette himself stood on the walls of St. Angelo, 
 not spending his time in useless anticipations, but 
 scanning eagerly every motion of the enemy, and 
 turning the artillery of the fortress in that direction 
 where it might prove of the most immediate benefit. 
 At length he beheld a body of Turks scaling a ram- 
 part, from which the attention of the besieged had 
 been called by a furious attack on the other side.' 
 Their ladders were placed, and still the defenders of 
 St. Elmo did not perceive them — they began their 
 ascent — they reached the top of the rampart — but at 
 that moment the Grand Master opened a murderous 
 fire upon them from the citadel, and swept them from 
 the post they had gained. The cavalier was next 
 attacked ; but here also the Turks were met by those 
 destructive hoops of fire which caused more dread in 
 their ranks than all the other eflTorts of the Christians. 
 Wherever they fell confusion followed ; and at the 
 
 Watson ; Vertot : Com 
 
 I 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 321 
 
 «n(l of a tremendous fight of nine hours, the Moslems 
 were obliged to sound a retreat. 
 
 A change of operations now took place ; means 
 were used to cut off the communication with the 
 town ; and, after holding out some time longer, the 
 fort of St. Elmo was taken, the last knight of its 
 noble garrison dying in the breach. The whole 
 force of the Turks was thenceforth turned towards 
 the city ; and a slow but certain progress was made, 
 notwithstanding all the efforts of the Grand Master 
 and his devoted companions. In vain he wrote to 
 the viceroy of Sicily ; no succour arrived for many 
 days. The town was almost reduced to extremity. 
 The bastion of St. Catherine was scaled, and re- 
 mained some time in the hands of the infidels, who 
 would have maintained it longer, had not La V alette 
 himself rushed to the spot ; and, after receiving a 
 severe wound, succeeded in dislodging the assailants. 
 
 A small succour came at length under the com- 
 mand of Don Juan de Cardonna ; but this was over- 
 balanced by the junction of the viceroy of Algiers 
 with the attacking force. The bulwark of all Chris- 
 tendom was being swept away, while Christian kings 
 stood looking on, and once more saw the knights of St. 
 John falling man by man before the infidels, without 
 stretching forth a hand to save them. 
 
 A large army had, in the mean while, been assem- 
 bled in Sicily, under the pretence of assisting Malta , 
 and at last the soldiers clamoured so loudly to be led 
 to the glorious service for which they had been en- 
 rolled, that the vacillating viceroy after innumerable 
 delays was forced to yield to their wishes, and set 
 sail for the scene of conflict.* The island was 
 reached in safety, the troops disembarked; and 
 though the Turks still possessed the advantage of 
 numbers, a panic seized them, and they fled. Joy 
 and triumph succeeded to danger and dread, and the 
 
 1 Vertot. 
 
322 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 name of La Valette and his companions, remains 
 embalmed among the memories of the noble and 
 great. 
 
 This was the last important event in the history 
 of the Order of St. John ; and since that day, it has 
 gradually descended to later years, blending itself 
 with modern institutions till its distinctive character 
 has been lost, and the knights of Malta are reckoned 
 among the past. 
 
 It does not seem necessary to trace the other 
 military fraternities which originated in the crusades 
 to their close ; but something more must be said 
 concerning the progress of Chivalry in Europe, and 
 the effect that it had upon society in general. The 
 Holy Wars were, indeed, the greatest efforts of 
 knighthood ; but during the intervals between each 
 expedition beyond the seas, and that which followed, 
 and often during the time of preparation, the knight 
 found plenty of occupation for his sword in his own 
 country. The strife with the Moors in Spain bore 
 entirely the aspect of the crusades, but the sangui- 
 nary conflicts between France and England offered 
 continual occasions both for the display of knightly 
 valour and of knightly generosity. The bitterest 
 national enmity existed between the two countries — 
 they were ever engaged in struggling against each 
 other ; and yet we find, through the whole, that mu- 
 tual courtesy when the battle was over, and in the 
 times of truce that frank co-operation, or that rivalry 
 in noble efforts, which belonged so peculiarly to 
 Chivalry. Occasionally, it is true, a cruel and 
 bloodthirsty warrior would stain his successes with 
 ungenerous rigour — for where is the institution which 
 has ever been powerful enough to root out the evil 
 spot from the heart of man 1 But the great tone 
 of all the wars of Chivalry was valour in the field 
 and courtesy in the hall. Deeds were often done 
 in the heat of blood which general barbaris^i of 
 manners alone would excuse; and most of thd 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 323 
 
 men whom we are inclined to love and to admire 
 have left some blot on that page of history which 
 records their lives. But to judge of tlie spirit of the 
 Order, we must not look to those instances where 
 the habits of the age mixed up a vast portion of evil 
 with the general character of the knight, but we must 
 turn our eyes upon those splendid examples where 
 chivalrous feeling reached its heiglit, did away all 
 the savage cruelty of the time, and raised human 
 actions almost to sublimity. 
 
 Remarking these instances, and seeing what the 
 spirit of Chivalry could produce in its perfection, we 
 may judge what the society of that day would have 
 been without it : we may trace truly the effect it had 
 in civilizing the world, and we may comprehend the 
 noble legacy it left to after-years. Had Chivaliy 
 not existed, all the vices which we behold in that 
 period of the world's history would have been im- 
 mensely increased ; for there would have been no 
 counteracting incitement. The immorality of those 
 times would have been a thousand degrees more 
 gross, for passion would have wanted the only prin- 
 ciple of refinement ; the ferocity of the brave would 
 have shown itself in darker scenes of bloodshed, for 
 no courtesy would have tempered it w itji gentleness. 
 Even religion would have longer remained obscured, 
 for the measures taken to darken it, by those whose 
 interest it was to make it a means of rule, would 
 have been but faintly opposed, had not Chivalry, by 
 softening the manners of the age, and promoting 
 general communication between man and man, grad- 
 ually done away darkness and admitted light. 
 
 Because knights were superstitious, it has been 
 supposed that superstition was a part of knighthood ; 
 but this was not at all the case. The gross errors 
 grafted by the Roman church on the pure doctrine 
 of salvation often taught the knight cruelty, and 
 disgraced Chivalry, by making it the means of per- 
 secution ; but the tendency of the Order itself was 
 
324 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 to purify and refine, and the civilization thereby given 
 to the world in general ultimately produced its effect 
 in doing away superstition. The libertinism of 
 society in the middle ages has also been wrongly 
 attributed to knighthood, and thus the most beneficial 
 institutions are too often confounded with the vices 
 that spring up around them. That the fundamental 
 doctrine of Chivalry, if I may so express myself, 
 was decidedly opposed to every infraction of mo- 
 rality, is susceptible of proof. In all authors who 
 have collected the precepts of Chivalry, we find so- 
 briety and continence enjoined as among the first 
 duties of a knight : and female chastity was so par- 
 ticularly esteemed, that we are told by the Chevalier 
 de la Tour, if a lady of doubtful virtue presented 
 herself in company with the good, whatever were 
 her rank, the knights would cause her to give place 
 to those of unsullied fame. From every thing that 
 I can read or hear, I am inclined to believe that the 
 virtues of the knights of old arose in the Order of 
 Chivalry alone, and that their faults belonged to the 
 age in which they lived.' 
 
 In common with all human institutions, Chivalry 
 presents a new aspect in every page of the book of 
 history. Sometimes it is severe and stern; some- 
 times light and gay; but the qualities of valour, 
 courtesy, and enthusiasm shine out at every period 
 of its existence. 
 
 At the battle of Crecy, Edward the Black Prince, 
 then fourteen years of age, fought for his knightly 
 spurs; and his father. King Edward III., from a 
 mound near the mill, beheld his gallant son sur- 
 rounded on every side by enemies. The companions 
 of the young hero sent to the king for succour, 
 alleging the dangerous situation of the Prince of 
 Wales ; on whicdi Edward demanded, " Is he dead, 
 or overthrown, or so Avounded that he cannot con- 
 
 I Joiiveurd ; Ordro de Chevalcric; Fabliaux do Ic Grand d'Aussi; 
 Chevalier de la Tour ; Notes on Si. Palaye. 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 325 
 
 tmue to fight ?" And on being informed that his son 
 still lived, he added, " Return to him, and to those 
 who sent you, and tell them, whatever happens, to 
 seek no aid from me so long as my son be in life. 
 Further say, that I command them to let the boy 
 well win his spurs ; for, please God, the day shall be 
 Ms, and the honour shall rest with him.'" 
 
 In this instance, Edward required no more from his 
 child than he was willing in his own person to en- 
 dure. No one ever evhiced more chivalrous courage 
 than that monarch himself; and in the skirmish un- 
 der the walls of Calais, he fought hand to hand with 
 the famous De Ribaumont, who brought him twice 
 upon his knee, but was at length vanquished by the 
 king. After the battle, Edward entertained his pri 
 soners in the town ; and when supper was concluded 
 the victorious monarch approached his adversary, 
 took the chaplet of rich pearls from his own brow, 
 placed it on the head of De Ribaumont, and said, 
 " Sir Eustace, I give this wreath to you, as the best 
 of this day's combatants, and I beg you to wear it a 
 year for my love. I know that you are gay and gal- 
 lant, and willingly find yourselves where ladies are. 
 Tell them, then, wherever you may be, that I gave 
 you this token ; and, moreover, I free you from youi 
 prison. Go to-morrow, if it please you."^ 
 
 Such was the character of knighthood ; and 
 whether we read anecdotes like the above, or trace 
 in the rolls of history the feats of an Edward the 
 Black Prince, of a Duguesclin, of a Talbot, a Henry, 
 or a Bayard, we find the same spirit ; varied, indeed, 
 according to the mind of the individual, but raising 
 all his virtues to the highest pitch of perfection, and 
 restraining all his faults as much as human errors 
 can be restrained. 
 
 It would be endless to detail all those marvels 
 which Chivalry at various times eflfected ; nor have 
 
 I Froissart, chap. 290. 2 ibid. chap. 329 
 
330 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 I Space to dwell upon Crecy, or Poitiers^ or Agm 
 court. With respect to those great battles, where 
 England was so eminently triumphant, it is sufficient 
 to point out the extraordinary fact, that though the 
 glory rested with the British, no disgrace attached 
 to their enemies. Each knight in the French armies 
 did every thing that personal valour could do to win 
 the field ; and the honour to England consists not so 
 much in having conquered, as in having conquered 
 such opponents. For long, however, it appears that 
 the French commanders were inferior to the English 
 in skill, and that their forces were destitute of that 
 unity which alone secures success. At length, the 
 son of a nobleman of Brittany, who had been much 
 neglected in his early years, began to make head 
 against the English. From his infancy Bertrand Du- 
 guesclin had shown the most persevering passion 
 for arms, which had been always repressed ; till at 
 a tournament — from the neighbourhood of which he 
 had been purposely sent away — ^he appeared in dis- 
 guise, defeated all that encountered him, and was 
 only discovered by refusing to meet his own father. 
 From that hour Duguesclin rose in the estimation of 
 the world ; and after opposing, with considerable 
 success, Edward the Black Prince himself, on the 
 death of that noble commander he delivered the 
 greater part of France from the domination of the 
 English. 
 
 One of the favourite schemes of Duguesclin was 
 to restore to Chivalry its ancient simplicity, and h? 
 strove by every means to enforce the more severe 
 and salutary laws by which it had been originally 
 governed. Of course, an institution which had vast 
 privileges and obligations was not without rewards 
 and punishments ; and many of these were revived 
 by Duguesclin after he had become Constable of 
 France. 
 
 The custom of cutting the tablecloth with a knife 
 or dagger before a knight who had in any way de- 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 327 
 
 graded himself is said, by some, to have been brought 
 into use by Duguesclin, though others affirm that he 
 only renewed an ancient habit. Much more severe 
 inflictions, also, were destined for those who had 
 dishonoured the Order to which they belonged by 
 cowardice, treachery, or any other unmanly crime. 
 The criminal, condemned to be stripped of his knight- 
 hood, was placed upon a scaffold, in the sight of the 
 populace, while his armour was broken to pieces 
 before Kis face. His shield reversed, with the coat- 
 of-arms effaced, was dragged through the dirt, while 
 the heralds proclaimed aloud his crime and his sen- 
 tence. The king-at-amis then thrice demanded his 
 name ; and at each time, when the pursuivant re- 
 plied, the king added, " A faithless and disloyal 
 traitor !" A basin^ of hot water was poured upon 
 the culprit's head, to wash away the very memory 
 of his knighthood ; and, being drawn on a hurdle to 
 the church, he was covered with a pall, while the 
 funeral prayers were pronounced over him, as one 
 dead to honour and to fame. 
 
 Notwithstanding eveiy means taken to uphold it. 
 Chivalry gradually declined from the beginning of 
 the fourteenth century. In England the long civil 
 wars between the houses of York and Lancaster 
 called into action a thousand principles opposed to 
 knightly courtesy and generosity. Many flashes of 
 the chivalrous spirit blazed up from time to time, it 
 is true; but the general character of those contentions 
 was base and interested treachery on all parts. 
 
 The mean and avaricious spirit which seized upon 
 Henry VII. in his latter years of course had its effect 
 on his court and country ; and the infamous extor- 
 tions of his creatures Empson and Dudley, the ruin 
 which they brought upon many of the nobility, and 
 the disgust and terror which their tyranny spread 
 through the land, served to check all those pageants 
 
 I Alain Charlier- le Grand 2 I.a Colombiere Theatre 
 
328 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 and exercises which kept alive the sinking flame of 
 Chivalry. Henry VIII. , in the vigour of his youth, 
 made vast efforts to give back to knighthood its an- 
 cient splendour; but the spirit had been as much in- 
 jured as the external form, and though he could re- 
 new the one, he could not recall the other. The 
 wavering tyranny of his old age also did more to 
 extinguish the last sparks of knightly feeling, tlian 
 his youth had done to revive the pomp of Chivalry. 
 Then came the Reformation, and a new enthusiasm 
 grew up through the land. 
 
 In Germany the reign of the Emperor Maximilian 
 was the last in which Chivalry can be said to have 
 existed. Charles V. reduced all things to calculation, 
 and though the name of knighthood remained, it soon 
 became nothing but a sound. 
 
 The land which had given birth to the institution 
 cherished it long ; and there its efforts were conti 
 nually reawakened even in its decline. During the 
 unhappy reign of Charles VI., France, torn by fac- 
 tions, each struggling for the sceptre of the insane 
 monarch, saw Chivalry employed for the purposes of 
 ambition alone. While all parties turned their arms 
 against their fellow-countrymen, a stranger seized on 
 the power for which they fought, and the English 
 house of Lancaster seated itself on the throne of 
 France. Charles VII. succeeded to a heritage of 
 wars ; but, apparently reckless, from the desperate 
 state of his dominions, he yielded himself wholly to 
 pleasure, without striking a blow for the recovery of 
 his kingdom, till Joan of Arc recalled him to glory 
 and himself. From that moment Chivalry again re- 
 vived, and no period of French history presents 
 knighthood under a brighter aspect than during the 
 wars of Charles VII. At the same time, however, 
 an institution was founded which soon changed the 
 character of Chivalry, and in the end reduced it to a 
 name. 
 
 The incorvenienc es attached to tlie knightly mode 
 
HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 321» 
 
 of warfare were many and striking; order and disci 
 pline were out of the question ; and though courag*. 
 dI4 much, Charles VII. saw that courage well di- 
 rected would do infinitely more. To establish, there, 
 fore, a body over which he might have some controj 
 he raised a company of gen-d'armerie, which soon by 
 its courage and its success, drew into its own rank 
 all the great and noble of fhe kingdom. Thus came 
 a great change over the Order; knights became mere 
 soldiers, and Chivalry was used as a machine. Louis 
 XI. contributed still more to do away Chivalry, by 
 depressing the nobility and founding a standing army 
 of mercenary troops. Charles VIII. and Louis XII., 
 by romantic wars in Italy, renewed the fire of the 
 waning institution ; and Francis I., the most chival- 
 rous of kings, beheld it blaze up under his reign like 
 the last flash of an expiring flame. He, however 
 unwittingly aided to extinguish it entirely, and by 
 extending knighthood to civilians, deprived it of its 
 original character. The pomps and pageants, the 
 exercises and the games, which had accompanied 
 the Order from its early days, were now less frequent : 
 popes had censured them as vain and cruel, and 
 many kings had discountenanced them as expensive 
 and dangerous : but the death of Henry II., from a 
 wound received at a tournament, put an end to them 
 in France ; and from that time all the external cere- 
 monies of Chivalry were confined to the reception of 
 a knight into any of the royal Orders. 
 
 The distinctive spirit also had by this time greatly 
 merged into other feelings. The valour was as much 
 the quality of the simple soldier as of the knight ; 
 the courtesy had spread to society in general, and 
 had become politeness; the gallantry had lost its 
 refinement, and had deteriorated into debauchery. 
 Faint traces of the lost institution appeared from 
 time to time, especially in the wars of Henry IV. 
 and the League. The artful and vicious policy of 
 r>thp.*'ne dp Medicis did much to destroy it ; thn 
 
330 HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. 
 
 filthy effeminacy of Henry III. weakened it, in com* 
 mon with all noble feelings ; and the iron rod of 
 Richelieu struck at it as a remnant of the feudal 
 power. Still a bright blaze of its daring valour shone 
 out in Conde, a touch of its noble simplicity appeared 
 in Turenne, but the false brilliancy of Louis XIV. 
 completed its downfall ; and Chivalry is only to be 
 seen by its general effects on society. 
 
 Thus things fleet by us ; and in reading of all the 
 great and mighty deeds of whieh this book has given 
 a slight and imperfect sketch, and looking on the 
 multitudes of men who have toiled and struggled 
 through dangers, difficulties, and horrors for the 
 word GLORY, the empty echo of renown, or perhaps 
 a worse reward, I rise as from a phantasmagoria 
 where a world of strange and glittering figures have 
 6een passing before my eyes, changing with the ra- 
 pidity of light, and each leaving an impression foi 
 memory, though the whole was but the shadow of a 
 shade. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 NOTE I. — CHAP. I. 
 
 Mrnestrier enters Into a disquisition on the subject of the two Inter- 
 pretations given to the word miles, which would have interrupted thfl 
 thread of my discourse too much to permit of its introduction in the text 
 I subjoin it here, however, as a good guide for those who may be inclined 
 to piursue the subject further. 
 
 ''*'ll ne faut pas done confondre le titre d'ancienne noblesse, ou de no- 
 blesse mililaire, avec la dignity de chevalier, par I'^quivoque du terme 
 l.atiii miles, qui convient i I'un et k I'autre; ceque n'ont pas assez ob- 
 serve quelques autheurs, qui n'ont pas fait reflexion que dans la plQpart 
 des actes Merits en langue Latine, ce mot signifie ^galement ces deux 
 di£f6 rentes choses. .-.--- 
 
 " L'Empcreur Frederic avoit d6j4 distingu6 ces deux espices de Che- 
 ralerie, lors qu'il fit une ordonnance A Naples, I'an 1232, que personne ne 
 se presentit pour recevoir I'ordre de Chevalerie, s'il n'estoit d'une an- 
 cienne race militaire, ou d'ancienne Chevalerie. Ad militarem hojiorem 
 nullus accedat, qui non sit de genere militum ; L'une de ces Che valeries 
 est done genus militare, race de Chevalerie ; I'autre militaris honor, 
 honneurde Chevalerie, qui n'ont est6 confondu«s que par quelques au- 
 theurs, qui, 6crivansde cette mati^re sans I'entendre, n'ont fait que I'eni- 
 broiiiller, au lieu de la developper. 
 
 "Roger, Roy de Sicile et de Naples, fit une ordonnance, que nul ne 
 put recevoir I'ordre de Chevalerie, s'il n'estoit de race militaire. Sancimus 
 itaque, et tale proponimu^ edictum, ut quicumque nnvam militiam acce- 
 perit, il I'appelle nouvelle Chevalerie, pour la distinguer de celle de la 
 naissance, «ive quocumque tempore arripuerit, contra regni beatitudi- 
 nem, pacem, atque integritatem, a militim nomine, et prnfessione pent- 
 tils decidat, nisiforti a militari genere per successionem duxit prosO' 
 piam." — Menestrier ; Preuves, chap. 1. 
 
 NOTE II. CHAP. II. 
 
 St. Palaye, in the body of his admirable essays upon Chivalry, names 
 the day preceding that of the tournament as the one on which squires 
 were permitted to joust with each other : but in a note he has the Ibl 
 lowing passage, which shows that in this, as in almost every other re* 
 -{>ect, the customs of Chivalry varied very much at different epochs. 
 
i>32 NOTES. 
 
 '•Les usages ont vari^ par rapport aux tournois, suivant les diver* 
 temps de la Ctievalerie. Dans les commencements les plus ancieiis che- 
 valiers joutoient entre eux, et le lendemain de cette joute les nouveaux 
 chevaliers s'exergoient dans d'autres tournois, auxquelsles pnciens che- 
 valiers se faisoient un i)laisir d'assister en quality de spectateurs. La 
 coutume changea depuis : ce fut la veille des grands tournois que lea 
 jeunes chevaliers s'essay^rent les uns contre les antres, et Ton permit 
 aux ecuyers de se mfiler avec eux. Ceux-ci ttoient recompenses par 
 I'ordre de la Chevalerie, lorsqu'ils se distinguoient dans ces sortes de 
 combats. Ce melange de chevaliers et d'^cuyers introduisit dans la suite 
 divers abus dans la Chevalerie, et la fit bienf6t d^g^n^rer, comme le 
 remarque M. Le Laboureur. Les 6cuyera usurp^rent successivement 
 et par degris les honnenrs etles distinctions qui n'appartenoient qu'aux 
 chevaliers, et peu-d-peu ils se confondirent avec eux." — Note on St 
 Palaye. 
 
 This note is perfectly just in the statement that in after-times the dis. 
 linctions between knights and squires were not so strictly maintained as 
 in the early days of Chivalry. At the famous jousts between the Frencli 
 and English at Chateau Joscelin, as related by Froissart, we find the 
 squires opposed to the knights upon perfectly equal terms. The limit* 
 of this book are too narrow to admit of many long quotations ; but th J 
 passage will be found well worthy the trouble of seeking, in the sixt/ 
 fourth chapter of the second book of the admirable Froissart. 
 
 NOTE III. CHAP. II. 
 
 To show the manner in which reports of all kjnds were spread and 
 collected even as late as the days of Edward III., I have subjoined the 
 following extract from Froissart, giving an account of his reception at 
 the court of the Count de Foix. It also affords a naive picture of that 
 curious simplicity of manners which formed one very singular and inte- 
 resting trait in the Chivalry of old. 
 
 " Comment Messire Jean Froissart enquiroit diligemment comment lea 
 Gueires s'dtoient parties par toutes les parties de la France. 
 " Je me suislblonguemeni tenu A parler des besognes des lointaines 
 marches, mais les prochaines, tant qu'd maintenant, rn'ont 6t6 si fralchesi, 
 et si nouvelles. et si inclinanls i ma plaisance, que pour ce les ai misea 
 arri^re. Mais, pourtant, ne s6journoient pas les vaillants homines, qui 
 se desiroient d avancer ens [dans] on [ie] royaume de Castille et de Por- 
 tugal, et bien autant en Gascogne et en Rouergue, en Quersin [Quercy], 
 n Auvergne, en Limousin, et en Toulousain, et en Bigorre ; mais visoient 
 t subtilloient [imaginoient] tous les jours I'un sur I'autre comment 
 As se pussent trouver en parti de fait d'armes, pour prendre, emuler 
 [enlever], et echeller villes, et chateaux, et forteresses. Et pour ce, jc 
 «.ire Jean Froissart, qui me suis ensoingne [etudie] et occupy de^icteret 
 6crire cette histoire, a la requite et contemplation de haut prince et re- 
 nomm^ Messire Guy de Chatillon, Comte de Blois, Seigneur d'Avesnes, 
 de Beaumont, de Scoonhort, et de la Gende, mon bon et souverain mattre 
 ei seigneur ; consid6rai en moi-mfime, que nulle esp6rance nYtoit qua 
 aucuns faits d'armes se fissent ^s parties de Picardie et de Flandre, 
 puisque paix y 6toit, et point ne voulois 6tre oiseux ; car je savois bien 
 que encore au temps d venir, et quand je serai mort, sera cette haute et 
 noble histoire en grand cours, et y prendront tous nobles et vaillants 
 hommes plaisance et exenuie dc bien faire ; et entrcmentes [pendant] 
 
NOTES. 333 
 
 |ne J'avois, Dieu merci, sens, m^moire, et bonne sou%'enance de tomes 
 ies choses pass^es, cngin [esprit] clair et aigu pour concevoir tons lea 
 faits dont je pourrois 6tre inform^, touchants A ma principale mati^re. 
 Age, corps et membres pour souffrir peine, me avisai que je ne voulois 
 mie sojourner de non poursieure [poursuivre] ma matiere ; et pour sa- 
 voirla v^rite des iointaines besognes sans se que j'y envoyasse aucune 
 autre personne en lieu de moi, pris vole et achoison [occasion] raison 
 nable d'aller devers haut prince et redoute seigneur, Messire Gaston, 
 Comte de Foix et de Berne [B^arn] ; et bien sgavois que si je pouvois 
 venir en son h6tel. et Id 6tre A loisir, je ne pourrois mieux cheoir au 
 monde, pour 6tre informe de toutes nouvelles; car Ja sontet frequenter, 
 volontiers tous chevaliers et 6cuyers etranges, pour la noblesse d'icelu. 
 haut prince. Et tout ainsi, conmie je I'imaginai, il m'en advint; et re- 
 montrai ce, et lo voyage que je voulois faire, A mon trds cher et redout6 
 seigneur, Monseigneur le Comte de Blois, lequel me bailla scs lettres de 
 familiarity adressants au Comte de Foix. Et tant travaillai et chevau- 
 chai en qu(^rant de tout cot^s nouvelles, que, par la grace de Dieu, sans 
 peril et sans dommage, je vins en son chatel, A Ortais [Orthez], aupays 
 de B^arn, le jour de Sainte Catherine, que on compta pour iors en I'an de 
 grace mil trois cent quatre-vingt et huit : lequel comte de Foix, si tr^s 
 lAt comme il me vit, me fit bonne ch^re, et me dit en riant en bon Fran- 
 gois : que bien il rae connoissoit, '"t si ne m'avoit oncques mais vu, maia 
 plusieurs fois avc.t lui parler de noi. Si me retint de son hotel et tout 
 aise, avec le bon n oyen des lettres que je lui avois apportfecs, tant que il 
 m'y plut A fitre; et la fus inform^ de la greigneur [majeure] partie des 
 besognes qui etoient avenues au royaume de Castille, au royaurne de Por- 
 tugal, au royaume de Navarre au royaume d'Aragon, et au royaume 
 d'Angleterre, au pays de Bordelois, et en toute la Gascogne ; et je mdme, 
 quand je lui demandois aucune chose, il le me disoit moult volontiers; 
 et me disoit bien que I'histoire que je avois fait et poursuivois seroit, au 
 temps A venir, plus recommandec que mille autres: 'Raison pnurquoi,' 
 disoit-il, ' beau maitre : puis cinquante ans en 5a sont avenus plus de 
 faits d'armes et de merveilles au monde qu'il n'etoit trois cents ans en 
 devant.' 
 
 " Ainsi fus-je en I'hdtel du noble Comte de Foix, recueilli et nourri A 
 •iia plaisance. Ce etoit ce que je desirois A enquerre toutes nouvelles 
 touchants d ma matiere : et je avois prfits A la main barons, chevaliers, 
 et 6cuyers, qui m'en infbrmoient, et le gentil Comte de Foix aussi. Si 
 Tous voudrois 6claircir par beau langage tout ce dont je fus adonc in- 
 form!^, pour rengrosser notre matiere, et pour excmplier les bons qui se 
 desirent A avancerpar armes. Car si ci-dessus j'ai prologue grands faits 
 d'armes, prises et assauts de villes et de chateaux, batailles adressiies et 
 durs rencontres, encore en trouvere/,- vous ensuivant grand, foison, des- 
 quelles et desquels, par la grace de i)ieu, je feral bonne et juste narra- 
 tion." — FYoissart, book iii. chap. 1. 
 
 NOTE IV. CHAP. II. 
 
 As the Brotherhood of Arms was one of the most curious customs of 
 Chivalry, 1 have extracted from the Notes on St. Palaye, and from the 
 Disquisitions of Ducange, some passages which will give a fuller view 
 of its real character and ceremonies than seemed necessary in the body 
 of this work. 
 
 The Notes on St. Palaye also show to how late a period the custom de- 
 w_«ndpd 8'iJ •nere let me say, that of all the treatises on O^- i-- 
 
334 NOTBS. 
 
 which I possess, there is none in which I have found the real spirit of 
 knighthood so completely displayed, as in the Essays of Lucurne de St. 
 Palaye, with the elegant and profound observations of M. Charles No- 
 dier. 
 
 " Les Anglois, assembles pen avant la bataille de Pontvalain, tiennent 
 conseil pour d61iberer comment ils attaqueroient le conn6table Dugues- 
 clin. Hue de Carvalai, I'un d'entre eux, ouvre son avis en ces tennes ; 
 ' Se m'aist dieux, Bertran est le meilleur chevaher qui regne i present ; 
 il est due, comte et connestable, et a est6 long-temps mon compaignou 
 en Espaigne, oii je trouvay en luy honneur, largesse ei amistie si habun- 
 damment et avecques ce hardemeut, fierte vasselage et emprise, qu'il n'a 
 homme jusques en Calabre qui sceut que j'amasse autant d veoir ne ac- 
 conipaiguer de jour ou de nuit pour moy aventurer d vivre ou A mourir ne 
 fust ce qu'il guerrie, Monseigneurle prince. Carence cas je dois mettre 
 poyne de le nuyre et grever conime mon ennemi. Sivous diraymon ad- 
 vis.' — (Hist. De Bert. Duguesclin, publi^e par Menard, p. 407.) 
 
 " Boucicaut, passant a son retour d'Espagne par le Comte de Foix, se 
 trouva plusieurs fois A boire et ^ manger aveo des Anglois. Comrne ils 
 jugerent a des abstinences particulieres qu'ils lui virent faire dans ses 
 repas, qu'il avoit vou6 quelque entreprise d'armes, ils lui dirent que s'll 
 ne demandoit autre chose on auniit bien-tot trouv6 qui le delivreroit ; Bou- 
 cicaut leur r6pondit : ' Voirement estoit-ce pour combattre A. oultrance, 
 niais qu'il avoit compaignon ; c'estoit un chevalier nomme Messire Reg- 
 nault de Roye, sans lequel il ne pouvoit rien faire, et toutes fois s'll y 
 avoit aucun d'eulx qui voulussent la bataille, il leur octroyoit et que ii 
 leur volente prissent jour tant que il I'eust faict h. s^avoir ^ son compaig- 
 non.'— {Histoire du Marechal de Boucicaut, publi6e par Godefroi, p. 51.) 
 
 " Lorsque le prince de Galles eut d6clare la guerre au roi Henri de 
 Castille, il manda A tous les Anglois qui etoient alors au service de ce 
 prince de le quitter pour se rendre aupres de lui. Hue de Carvalai, qui 
 6toit du nombre, oblig6 de se separer de Bertiand, vint lui faire ses 
 adieux : * Gentil sire, lui dit-il, il nous convientde partir nousavons est6 
 ensemble par bonne compaignie, conime preudomme, et avons toujours 
 eu du vostre ci nostre voulente que oncques n'y ot noise ne tanfon, tant 
 des avoirs conquestez que des joyaulx doiinez, ne oncques n'en deraand- 
 asmes part, si pense bien que j'ay plus receu que vous, dont je suis vostre 
 tenu. Et pour ce vous pris que nous en comptons ensemble. Et ce que 
 je vous devray, je vous paieray ou assigneray. Si dist Bertran, ce c'est 
 qu'un sermon, je n'ay point pens6 a ce comte, ne ne scay que ce puet 
 monter. Je ne scay se vous me devez, ou si je vous doy. Or soit tout 
 quitte puisque vie'nt au departir. Mais se de cy en avant nous acreons 
 I'un a I'autre, nous ferons nouvelle depte et le convendra escripre. II 
 n'y a que du bien faire, raison donne que vous (suiviez) vostre-maistre. 
 Ainsi le doibt faire tout preudomme. Bonne amour fist I'amour de nous 
 4t aussi en fera la departie : dont me poise qu'il convient que elle soit. 
 Lors le baisa Bertran et tous ses compagnoiis aussi : moult fut piteuse la 
 departie.' — (Histoire de Bertrand Duguesclin, publi6e par M6nard, c. 
 jcxiv., p. 248 et 249.) 
 
 " Duguesclin tomba dans la suite au pouvoir des Anglois, qui le retiu- 
 rent long-temps prisonnier. Apres avoir enfin obtenu sa liberty sous 
 parole d'acquitter sa rancon, Carvalai, son ancien frere d'armes, qu'il 
 avoit retrouv6, et qui penciant quelque temps lui tint bonne compagiiie, 
 voulut lui parler encore du compte qu'ils avoient d regler ensemble. 
 ' Bertran, dit-il a son ami, avant que de se separer nous avons esl6 com- 
 pagnonsoupays^'Espangnepardelade prisons, et d'avoir (c'est-d-direen 
 
NOTES 335 
 
 soci6t6 tant pour les jtrisonniers que pour le butin que nous aurions) 
 dont je ne comptay oncques a vous et sgay b;en de piega que je suis vostre 
 tenu (redevable, en reste avec vous) dont je vouldray avoir advis : mais 
 de tout le moins je vous aideray ici de trente mille doubles d'or. Je ne 
 sgay, dit Bertran, comment il va du compte, mais que de la bonne com- 
 pagnie ; ne je n'en vueil point compter ; mais se j'ay mestier je vous 
 prieray. Adonc baisierent 11 uns Tautre audepartir.'— (/[*2d, p. 306.) 
 
 " L'adoption en frere se trouue auoir est6 pratiqu^e en deux manierea 
 par les peuples etrangers, qne les Grecs el les Latins qualifient ordinaire- 
 meni du Bom de Barbares. Car parmay ceux dont les mceurs et les fa- 
 jgons d'agir ressentoient effectiuement quelque chose de rude et d'inhu- 
 main, elle se faisoit en se piquant reciproquement les veines, et beuuant 
 « sang les vns des aulres. Baudoiiiu Comte de Flandr«s ct Empereur 
 de Constantinople reproche cette detestable coiatume aux Grecs memes, 
 non qu'ils en vsassent entre eux : mais parce que dans les alliances qu'ils 
 contractoiem auec les peuples barbares, pour s'accommoder A leurs ma- 
 iiieres d'agir, ils estoient obligez de suiure leurs vsages, et de faire ce 
 qu'ils faisoient ordinairement en de semblables occasions. Hcsc est, ce 
 dit-il, (^lUB spurcissimo gentiliumritu profraternd societal^, sanguini- 
 busalternis e.hibiti&,cum infidelibus sape ausa est amicitias firmare fe- 
 rules. L'Empereur Frederic I. atioit fait a-uparauant ce mesme reproche 
 aux Grecs, ainsi que nous apprenons de Nicetas. Mais ce que les Grecs 
 lirent par necessity, nos Frangois qui estoient resserrez dans Conslantt- 
 nople, et attaquez par dehors de toutes parts, fnrent contraints de le 
 faire, et de subire la meme loy, en s'accommodant an temps, pour se 
 parer des insultes de leurs ennemis. Cest ce que le Sire de Joinuille dit 
 en ces termes : A icebiy Cheualier oai dire, et comme il le disoit au 
 Roy, que I'Empereur de Constantinople, et ses gens, se allterent vne fois 
 d'vn Roy, qu'on appelloit le Roy des Comains, peur auoir leur aide, pout 
 conquerir TEmpereur de Gre<;e,<]ui auoit nomiVataiche. Et disoit iceluy 
 Cheualier, que !e Roy du peuple des Comains pour auoir seurte et fiance 
 fratemd rvn I'aiitre, qu'il faiiUt qu'ils etchascun de leJiir gens iTvns part 
 et d'autrc se fissent saigner, et que de leur sang ils donnassent A boire I'vn h 
 i'autre, en si^ne de fraternity, disans qu'ils estoient frer<i, et d'vn sang, et 
 ainsi le conuint faire entre i>os gens, et les gens d'icel.uy Roy, et meslennit 
 de leur sang aiiec du vin, et en be-uuoient I'vn A I'autre, etdisoient lors 
 qu'ils estoient freres d'vn sang. Georges Pachymeres raconte la m^nie 
 chose des Comains. Et Alberic en I'an 1187, nous fait assez voir que 
 cette couKime est pareiliement cours parmy les Sarazins, ecriuant que 
 la funeste alliance que le Comte de Tripoly contracta auec le Sultan des 
 Sarazins, se fit auec cette cirtmonie, et qu'ils y burent du sang I'vn de 
 Tautre. - ........ 
 
 " Cette fraternity se eoBtractoit encore par I'attouehejnent des armes, 
 en les faisant toucher reciproquerrient les vnes aux autres. Cette cofi- 
 tume estoit particuliere aux Anglois, auant que les Normans se ren- 
 dissent maitres de I'Angleterre, principalement lor.sque des communautex 
 entieres fai.soient entre eux vne alliance fraternelle. en vsans de cette 
 maniere, au lieu d« changement reciproque des armes, qui n'auroit pas 
 pa s'execater si facUement. ..... 
 
 " Mais entre tant de ceremonies qni se sont obserufees pour contracter 
 vne fraternite, celle quiaestfe pratiqu^e par les ;)euples Chretiens, est la 
 plus plausible et la plus raisonnable : car pour abolir et pour eteindre 
 ditierement les superstitions qui les accompagnoient, et qui tenoient du 
 paganisme, ils en ont introduit vne autre plus sainfe et plus pieuse en 
 la contractant dans I'Eglise, deuant le Pr6tre, et on faisant reciter quel 
 V«s prieres ou oraisons. nous ef auons la fonnule dans VEuchologium ■ 
 
336 NOTES. 
 
 NOTE V. — CHAP. III. 
 
 The fear of Robert Giiiscard was no chimera; for, after haTingraised 
 hmiself from indigence to power and aulhority, he opposed successfully 
 the whole force of two preat mor.archifij, and defeated alternately tin 
 emperors of the east and the west. 
 
 One of the most pointed accounts of thrs extraordinary freebooter 
 which I have met with 1 subjoin, from the Melanges Curieux. 
 
 " Robertas Wischardi de Normania exiens, vir panper, miles tamen, 
 ingeiiio et probitate sua Apuliam, Calabriani sage ditioni submisit, et 
 Insulam Siciliam de manu Ism;ielitarum liberavit, Rotgorinmque fratrem 
 snuin ejusdem Insulce Comitem appellavit. Demum mare transiens, 
 Duracliium urbem nobilem cepit, Dalmatiamqce et Bulgariam super 
 Alexium Imperatorem acqaisivit : insuper eum ter bello fugavit, et Ro- 
 manum, Ilenrrcum semel ab urbe fngere compniit, Pontificemque Ro- 
 manum, quern ceperat, ab eo liberavit. Qui cum innumerabilia pend 
 fecisset probitatis indicia, hoc de illo constans habetur, qudd nisi morte 
 praaoccupatus fuisset, fiiinir sunm Boamandum Imperatorem faceret, so 
 verd Regem Persarum, ut sajp^ dicebat, constitueret, viamque Hicrosa 
 lymorum destnict^ paganitate Francis a(>eriret. Nunquam victus est 
 quanquam srep^ pugnaverit. Venetos, qui coiitraeum omni virtute sua 
 convenerant cum stolo suo ita profligavit. ut nee fuga, nee pelagus illis 
 esset auxilio. Nee fuit terrarum locus ita remotns, in quo ramor, fama, 
 timor Wischardi per omnium fere ora non volitaret. Et ut verins de es 
 dici potest, nulii Regumaut Imperatorum Wischardas secundus extitit.* 
 -Pere I'Ablie. 
 
 NOTE VI. — CHAP. III. 
 
 This cry was not the only cry of arms which the crusaders tised rn 
 the Holy Land ITiough it was the general battle-cry of the whole 
 army, and each leader made use of it occasionally when he wanted to 
 animate the whole host, by rousing up their old enthusiasm ; yet when 
 he sought to bring round him his own vassals, he used the appropriate 
 shout of his family. Tlius we find, by Raimond d'Agilcs, that the battle- 
 cry of Raimond de St. Cilcs was " Toulouse .'" 
 
 The best general account of the old cry of arms which I have met 
 with is given by Ducange. 
 
 " Le cry d'armes n'est autre chose qu'vne clameur conceuS en deux oo 
 trois paroles, prononcee au commencement ou au fort du combat et de la 
 mfelfee, par un chef, ou par tous les soldats ensemble, suivant les rencon- 
 tres et les occasions: lequel cry d'arir.es estoit particulier au general de 
 I'arm^e ou au chef de chaque troupe. .... - 
 
 " Les Frangois que se trouuferent 6 la premiere conqu^te de la Terro 
 Sainte avoient pour cry general ces mots, Adjinia Deus, ainsique nous 
 apprenonsde Foucherde Chartres, et d'vn autre ancien Auteur ou bien. 
 Eia Dens adiuua nos, suivant I'Histoire de Hierusalem. Rayinoni] 
 d'Agiles rapporte la cau.se et I'originede ce crj' k la vision de Pierre Bar- 
 thetemy,qui irouua la sainte Lance an temps que les Turcs assiegeoient la 
 rille d'Antioche sur les nostre •. car durant ce sifege S. Andr6 luy estant 
 apparu plusieurs fois, il luy enjoignit do persuader aux Chretiens d'auoii 
 recours A Dieu dans les fatigues du siege, et de la faim qu'ils enduroient. 
 
NOTES. 337 
 
 et de prendre dans les combats pour cry d'amies ces mots Deus adjvua . 
 et sit signum damoris vestri, Devs adjnva, et reuera Deiis adjuvabit i-os 
 qui sent les paroles de S. Andre, Roderic Archeucsque de Tolede dit 
 qu'au si^ge et 4 la prise de Cordoug sur les Sarrazins dTEispagne, 
 les Chretiens crierent aussi Deus adjuva. lis ajoustoient quelquefois ^ 
 ce cry ces mots Deiis vidt, ou pour parlcr en langage du temps, et sui- 
 uant qu'ils sont enoncez en la Chronique du Mont Cassin, Diex el volt, 
 done Torigine est rapportie au Concile de Clermont en Auuergne, oii le 
 Pipe Urbain II. ayant fait vne forte exhortation pour porter les prince* 
 Cnrfetiens A prendre les armes pour aller retirer la Terre Sainte de- 
 mains des Infidfeles, Ita omnium qui aderayit nffectus in vnum conci 
 tauit, vt omnes acclamarent, Deux volt, Deus volt. Apr6s quoy le pap 
 ayant rendu graces a Dieu, dit entre autres paroles celle-cy, <S// erg 
 vobis vox ista in rebus bellicis militare signum, quia vcrburn hoc d Deo 
 est prolatum, cum. in hustem Jiet bellicosi irnpetus congressio, erit vni 
 uersis licBC ex parte Dei vna vociferatio Deus vult, Deus vult. D'oii oj 
 recueille pourquoy le cry est appelle Signum Dei dans quelques Au 
 teurs." — Ducange, Dissertations sur rHistoire de St Louis, Dissert, xi. 
 
 NOTE VII. — CHAP. IV. 
 
 I have used the term Counts Palatine, from the old writer whose namt 
 Btands in the margin. The peculiar position of these Counts Palatine, 
 under the ever-changing dynasties of early Europe, is a curious and in- 
 teresting subject of inquiry, but one too extensive to be fully treated in this 
 place. I hope, at some future period, to speak of it in a more compre- 
 hensive work. The learned author whose works have furnished me 
 with the preceding note affords a good view of the original functions of 
 the Counts of the Palace, or Counts Palatine. 
 
 " Sovs la premiere et la seconde race de nos Rois, les comtes faisoien 
 la fonction dans les prouinces et dans les villes capitales du royaumS; 
 non seulement de gouuerneurs, mais encore celle de jngcs. Leur prin- 
 cipal employ estoit d'y decider les different^ et les proems ordinaires de 
 leur just'iciables ; et oii ils ne pouvoientse transporter sur les lieux, ils 
 commettoient d cfeteffet leurs vicomtes et leurs lieutenans. Quant aux 
 affaires d'importance, et qui meritoient d'estre jug^es par la bouche du 
 prince, nos m6mes rois auoient des comtes dans leurs palais, et prfes de 
 leurs personnes, ausquels ils en commettoientlaconnoissanceet le juge- 
 ment, qui estoient nommez ordinairement, acausede cH illustre employ, 
 Comtes du Palais, ou Comtes Palatins. - . - - . 
 
 " 11 y a lieu de croire que dans la premiere race de nos Rois, et ni^me 
 Jans le commencement de la seconde, la charge de Comte du Palais 
 n'estoit exercee que par vn seul, qui jugeoit les differens,assist6 de quel- 
 ques Conseillers Palatins, qui sont appellez Scabini Palatii, Echeuinsda 
 Palais, dans la Chronique de S. Vincent de Wlturne. ... 
 
 * On ne peut pas toutefois disconuenir qu'il n'y ait eu en mime temps 
 plusieurs Comtes du Palais. Car Eguinard en vne de ses EpStres, dil 
 en termes expris qu'Adalard et Geboin esloieiit Comtes du Palais ea 
 mime temps. Et vn titre de Louys le Debonnaire de Tan 938, qui se 
 lit aux Anti<iiiitez de I'Abbaye de Fulde est souscrit de ce Gebawinus, 
 ou Gebuinv " ' Ruadbertus, qui y prennent quality de Comtes du 
 Palais " ^ 
 
 C C 
 
338 NOTES> 
 
 KOTE VIII. — CHAP. n. 
 
 The habit of carrying a small wallet when bound on a pilgrimage 
 one of the oldest customs of the Christian world. This part of the pi! 
 grim's dress was called afterward an aumoniere, and served either as a 
 receptacle for containing the alms received on the journey, or, when worn 
 by the rich, as a repository for those they intended to give away. The 
 curious fact of Char!emagne having borne one of these wallets to Rome, 
 and of its having been buried with him, is mentioned in the XVth Dis- 
 sertation on Joinville. 
 
 "Cassian traitant des habits et des vfetemens des anciens Moines 
 d'Egypte, dit qu'ils se reuetoient d'vn habit fait de peaux de chevre, que 
 Ton appelloit Melotes, et qu'ils portoient ordinairement I'escarcelle et le 
 baton. Les termes de cfet Auteur ne sont pas touiefois bien clairs, en cfet 
 endroit-li : Vltimus est habitus eorum pellis Caprina, quoe Melotes, vel 
 pera appellatur, et baculus. Car il n'est pas probable que cfet habit de 
 peaux de nheure alt estfe appell6 Pera. Ce qui a donni sujet & quelques 
 Commentateurs de restituer Penula. Neantmoins Isidore et Papias, 
 comma aussi ^1 Trie dans soa Glossaire Saxon, ont fecrit apr^s Cassian, que 
 Melotis. estoit la meme chose que Pera. Quant & rnoy j'estime que Cas- 
 sian a entendu dire que ces Moines, outre ce v^tement fait de peaux, 
 auoient encore cofltume de porter vn petit sachet, et vn baton, dont ilsse 
 seruoient durant leurs pelerinages. Ce qui ce pent aisement concilier, 
 en restituant le mot appellatur, on le sousentendant, aprfes Melotes. 
 Tant y a que Cassian parle du baton des Moines au Chapitre suiuant ; 
 et dans I'vnede ses Collations, il fait assez, voir que lorsqu'ils entrepre 
 noient quelque voyage, ils prenoient I'vn et I'autre : Cum accopissemus 
 peramel baculum, vt ibi moris est Monachis vniuersis iter agentibus 
 Le Moine d'Angoul^me ecrit que le corps de Charlemagne, apres sa mart, 
 futinhumfe aucc tous ses habits imperiaux, et que pardessus on y pos? 
 I'escarcelle d'or, dont les pelerinsse seruent ordinairement, et qu'il auoK 
 coiJtume de porter lorsqu'il alloit & Rom : et super ves^Tnentis Imperiali 
 bus pera peregrinalis aurea posita est, quam Romam porlare solitus erat 
 D'oii il resulte que le baton et Tescarcellc ont toujours est^ la marque 
 particuliere des Peierins, ou comme parle GuiUaume de Malmesbury 
 Solatia et indicia itineris. 
 
 " Les Peierins delaTerre Sainte, auant que dentreprendre leurs pele- 
 images, alloient rcecuoir I'escarcelle et le bourdon des mains des Pres- 
 tres dans I'Eglise. - - - .... 
 
 " Et cela s'est pratiqufe mimes par nos Roi«, lorsqu'ils ont voulu en 
 f eprendre ces longs et facheux voyages d'outremer. Car apr^s auoir 
 '.iiargfe leurs fepaules de ia figure de la Croix, ils auoient coutume de ve 
 nir en I'Abbaye de S. Denys, et lA, apres la celebration de la messe, ils 
 I ?ceuoient des mains de quelque Prelat le baton de Pelerin et I'escarcelle 
 et memes I'Oriflamme, ensuite dequoy ils prenoient conge de S. Deny* 
 Patron du Royaume." 
 
 NOTE IX. CHAP. vn. 
 
 I'he pretence of the Count of Toulouse for resisting the claims of Boe- 
 nnnd to the possession of Antioch was, that he bad vowed to the em- 
 per^ Alexius to de'' er up all conquests to him alone. This was but a 
 
NOTES. 339 
 
 specious covering for his own avarice. The terms in which Baldric 
 mentions the cession of Antioch to Boemond are as follows ; and it 
 will be seen that much more notice was taken of Alexius than that 
 contemptible usurper deserved. 
 
 " Locuti sunt igitur ad invicem Christianorum duces, et sponte sua 
 Boamundo subintulerunt : Vides quo in articulo res nostra posita 
 sit. Si civitatem ergo istam vel prece vel pretio, nobis etiam juvan- 
 tibus poteris obtinere, nos earn tibi unanimiter concedimus : salvo in 
 omnibus quod Imperatori, te collaudante, fecimus sacramento. Si 
 ergo Imperator nobis adjutor advenerit, juratasque pactiones custo- 
 dierit, perjuri vivere nolumus : sed quod pace tua dictum sit, nos 
 illi earn concedimus : sin autem, tuae semper sit subdite potestati. 
 Ex Historia Hierosol'ymitana Baldrici, Episcopi Dolensis.'''' 
 
 NOTE I. — CHAP. X. 
 
 Even in the days of Ducange the form and colour of the Oriflamme, 
 or standard borne to battle before the kings of France, was so far for- 
 gotten, that the learned antiquary bestowed no small research to ascer- 
 tain its texture and appearance. His erudition never left any thing 
 in uncertainty ; but though he proved the particular banner called 
 the Oriflamme to have been red ; yet Guillaume Guiart mentions one 
 of fine azure, which was carried before Philip Augustus to the siege 
 of Acre. Ducange speaks of the Oriflamme as follows : 
 
 " Pour commencer par la recherche du nom d'Oriflamme, la pliipart 
 des Ecriuains estiment, qu'on le doit tirer de sa matiere, de sa couleur, 
 et de sa forme. Quant a sa figure, il est hors de doute quelle estoit faite 
 comme les bannieres de nos Eglises, que Ton porte ordinairement aux 
 processions, qui sont quarrees, fendues en diuers endroits par le bas, 
 ornees de franges, et attachees par le haut a vn baton de trauers, qui 
 les tient etendues, et est soutenu d' vne forme de pique, lis ajoiitent que 
 sa matiere estoit de soye, ou de tafetas, sa couleur rouge, et tirant sur 
 celle du feu, et de la sandaraque, a laquelle Pline attribue celle de la 
 flamme. II est vray que pour la couleur, tous les Ecriuains conuiennent 
 qu'elle estoit rouge. Guillaume le Breton en sa Philippide, la decrit 
 ainsi : 
 
 ' Ast Regi satis est tenues crispare per auras 
 Vexillum simplex, cendato simplice textum, 
 Splendoris rubei, Letania qualiter vti 
 Ecclesiana solet, certis ex more diebus 
 Quod cum flamma habeat vulgariter aurea nomen, 
 Omnibus in bellis habct omnia signa preire.' 
 
 "Guillaume Guiart en son Ilistoire de France, en la vie de 
 Philippes Auguste, a ainsi traduit ces vers : 
 ' Oriflamme est vne banniere, 
 Aucune poi plus forte qui quimple, 
 De cendal roujoiant et simple. 
 Sans pourtraiture d'autre affaire.' 
 
 " L'Oriflamme estoit I'enseigne particuliere de 1' Abbe et du Monast«-e 
 de S. Denys. qu'ils faisoient porter dans leurs guerres par leur Auoiie. 
 
340 VOTES. 
 
 Car c'estoit-I^ la principaJe fonction des Auoiiez, qui en qnalite <ie de'en 
 seurs et de protecteursdesMonasteres et des Eglises, entrepreiioient }« 
 conduit de leiirs vassaux pour la defense de leurs droits, et portoienJ 
 leurs enseignes Ala guerre: d'oii vient qu'ils sont ordinairement appel- 
 lez, les porte-enseignes des Eglise, signiferi Ecclesiarum, comme j'ea- 
 pere justifierailleurs Les Conites du Vexin fit de Pontoise auoient ce titre 
 dans le Monastere de S. Denys, dont ils estoient les Auoiie/., et les pro- 
 tecteurs, eten cette qualite ils ponoient rOriflamme dans les guerres qui 
 s'entreprenoient pour la defense de ses biens. 
 
 " II faut done tenir pour constant que Louys 'e Gros fut le premier da 
 nos Rois, qui en qualite de Comte du Vexin tira I'Oriflamme de deseus 
 I'autel de I'Eglise de S. Denys, et la fit porter dans ses armees, comme la 
 principaleenseigne du Protecteur de son Royaume, et dont il inuoquoit 
 ie secours dans son cry d'armes. - - 
 
 " 11 est arriue dans la suite que nos Rois, qui estoient entrez dans les 
 droits de ces Comtes, s'en sont seruis, pour leurs guerres particulieres, 
 comme estant la bannierp qui portoit le nom du Protecteur de leur Roy- 
 aume, ainsi que j'ay remarque, la tirans, de dessus I'autel de I'Eglise S. 
 Denys, auec les memes ceremonies, et les memes prieres, que Ton aunit 
 accofiteme d'observer, lorsqu'on la mettoit entre les mains des Comtes 
 du V^exin pour les guerres particulieres de ce Monastere. Ces cere- 
 monies sont ainsi decrites par Raoul de Presle, au Traite dont je viens 
 de parler en cestermes: Premierement la procession vous vient i 
 I'encontre jasques & I'issug du Cloistre, et apres la procession, atteints 
 les benoists corps Saints de Monsieur S. Denys, et ses Compagnons, et 
 mis sur I'autel en grande reuerence, et aussi le corps de Monsieur S; 
 Louys, et puis est mise cette banniere ploise sur les corporaux, ou est 
 consacre le corps de N. S. Jesus Christ, lequel vous receuez dignemenl 
 apres la celebration de la Messe : si fait celuy lequel vous auez esleu A 
 bailler, comme au plus prud homme et vaillant Cheualier; et ce fait, le 
 bai?ez en la bouche, et luy baillez, et la tient en ses mains par grande re- 
 uerence, afin que les Barons assistans le puissent baiser comme reliqnes 
 et choses dignes, et en luy baillant pour le porter, luy faites faire ser- 
 ment solenmel de le porter et garderen grande reuerence, et a I'honneui 
 de vous et de vostre Royaume. . . . - 
 
 NOTE XI. — CHAP. XIII. 
 
 Villehardouin is undoubtedly the best authority for all the particulars 
 of the siege of Constantinople. Nicetas vvas extravagantly prejudiced; 
 and though the emperor Baldwin^ in his letters to the Pope, vv'as as frank 
 as any man in his situation could be, it was but natural that he should 
 endeavour to show the causes of the warfare in the most favourable 
 point of view — that he should represent the conduct of himself and his 
 companions with every advantage — in fact that he should see the events 
 which raised him to the throne through a peculiar medium, and re- 
 present them tinged with the same colours that they presentai to his 
 own eyes. 
 
 Villehardouin wrote without many of these disadvantages. He did 
 not belong to the pillaged and conquered chiss, like Nicetas, nor did ho 
 write to excuse himself in the eyes of the Pope. He had his preju- 
 dice-, of course, like other men, but these prejudices were greatly pre- 
 vented from affecting his history by the frank simplicity of chivalrous 
 manners, which no one possessed in greater purity than he dd himself. 
 
MOTES. Ii4 1 
 
 In two points Philippe Mouskes gives a different account of llie affairs 
 of Constantinople from Villehardouin. In the first place, he states that 
 Alexius Angelus, the brother of Isaac, commanded his nephew to be 
 drowned ; but that by entreaties the prince moved those persons who 
 were charged with the cruel order. In the next place, he says that Mur- 
 zuphlis caused Alexius the younger to be poisoned. 
 
 In regard to the destruction of the monuments of art committed by the 
 Latins, Nicetas gives a melancholy, though somewhat bombastic ac- 
 count. The 'amous works destroyed were as follows, according to hia 
 statement : 
 
 A colossal Juno, from the forum of Constantine, the head of which wag 
 80 large that four horses could scarcely draw it from the spot where it 
 stood to the palace. 
 
 The statue of Paris, presenting the apple to Venus. 
 
 An immense bronze pyramid, crowned by a female figure, which 
 turned with the wind. 
 
 The colossal statue of Bellerophon, in bronze, which was broken 
 down, and cast into the furnace. Under the inner nail of the horse's 
 hind foot, on the left side, was found a seal, wrapped in a woollen 
 cloth. 
 
 A figure of Heii'ules, by Lysimachus, of such vast dimensions that 
 the circumference of the thumb was equal in measurement to the waist 
 of an ordinary man. From the attitude of this statue, as described by 
 Nicetas, it is not improbable that it served as a model for that piece of 
 sculpture, the only part of which that remains is the famous Torso. 
 
 The Ass and his Driver, cast by order of Augustus, after the battle of 
 Actium, in commemoration of his having discovered the position of An- 
 tony through the means of a peasant and his beast, the one bearing the 
 name of Fortunate, and the other that of Conqueror. 
 
 The Wolf suckling the twins of Rome; the Gladiator in combat with 
 a Lion ; the Hippopotamus ; the Sphynxes ; and the famous Eagle fight- 
 ing with a Serpent ; all underwent the same fate, as well as the beau- 
 tiful statue of Helen, which Nicetas speaks of as the perfection of sta- 
 tuary. 
 
 Added to these were the exquisite figure on the race-course, and a 
 group, wherein a mcuister, somewhat resembling a bull, was represented 
 engaged in deadly conflict with a serpent. Each appeared expiring 
 under the efforts of the other; the snake crushed between the teetli 
 of the monster, and the bull tainted to the heart by the venom of the 
 reptile : no bad emblem of the struggle between the bold and furious va 
 lour of the Latins and the poisonous treachery of the Greeks them 
 selves. 
 
 NOTE XII. CHAP. XIV. 
 
 That St. Louis was threatened with the torture is an undoubted fact • 
 though what that sort of torture was which Joinville calls les Bemi 
 ties is not so clear. Ducange fancies that it was the Cipjms of the an 
 cients: and whether it was or not, the resolution of the .nonarch in 
 resisting showed not a little fortitude. I subjoin Ducange's observa- 
 tions. 
 
 " Le Sire de Joinville dit que le Sultan de Babylone, ou son Conseil fit 
 faire au Roy des propositions pen raisonables, croyant qu'il y consen 
 tiroit pour obtenir sa deliurance, et celle deceux de sa suite, qui auoieu 
 este faits prisonniers auec luy en la bataille de Massvoure. Et sur ce go* 
 
342 NOTES. 
 
 le Roy refusa absolument d'y donner les mains, il le vouint Imlmider ; «t 
 Ic menaga de luy faire souffrir do grands tourmens. Mathieu Paris : Cihn 
 frequenter A Saracenis cumterribilibus coniminationibus sollicitaretur 
 Rex vt Damiatam redderet, et noluit vlla ratione, postularunt summam 
 sibi pecuniffi persolui sine diminutione, vel diuturno criiciatu vsque ad 
 mortem torqueretnr. Ce tourment est appelle par le Sire de Jouinville 
 les Bernicles, lequel il decrit en ces termes. Et voyans les Sarazinsque 
 le Roy ne vouloit obtemperer A leur demandcs, ils le menacerent de le 
 mettre en Bemicles : qui est le plus grief tourment qu'ils puissent faire i 
 nully: Et sent deux grans tisons de bois,qui sont entretenans au chef. 
 Et quant ils veulent y mettre aucun, ils lecouschent sur le couste entre 
 ces dieux tisons, et luy font passer les jambes A trauers de grosses che- 
 uilles : puis couschent la piece de bois, qui est lA-dessus, et font asseoir 
 vn homme dessus les tisons. Dont il auient qu'il ne demeure A celuy 
 qui est lA cousche point demy pied d'ossemens, qu'il ne sojt tout des- 
 rompu et escache. Et pour pis luy faire, au bout des trois jours luy re- 
 mettent les jambes, qui sont grosses et enflees, dedens celles bemicles, 
 et le rebrisent derechief, qui est vne chose moult cruelle A qui sauroil 
 entendre : et la lient a gros nerfs de bceuf par la teste, de peur qu'il m 
 se remu€ lA dedans. 
 
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