£ 7U ■07C Cj/y X. 64th Conc;res3 { Id Session ) SENATK Document No. 361 E 766 ,°'" , THREE YEARS OF DEMOCRACY Copy 2 SHALL WE HAVE PEACE OR WAR? AN ADDRESS DELIVERED BEFORE THE DEMOCRACY OF NEW HAMPSHIRE ON THE OCCASION OF THEIR ANNUAL BANQUET HELD IN THE CITY OF CONCORD, N. H., ON MARCH 16, 1916 BY Hon. ROBERT L. OWEN United States Senator from Oklahoma PRESENTED BY MR. HOLLIS March 20, 1916. — Ordered to be printed WASHINGTON GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 1916 CAyi D. of D. MAR 28 1916 ADDRESS DELIVERED BEFORE THE DEMOCRACY OF NEW HAMPSHIRE, AT CONCORD, N. H., MARCH 16, 1916. J By Senator Robert L, Owen. Gentlemen of the New Hampshire Democracy, fellow countrymen, it gratified me to yield to the invitation and the demand of my be- loved colleague. Senator Hollis, to speak to you to-night as the repre- sentatives of the Democracy of New Hampshire, In the highest and truest sense, democracy is a religion, moving the hearts and souls of men toward justice, human brotherhood, and human betterment through self-government by the people. Its pi-in- ciples move many men of many parties, in many nations — from New Hampshire to California, and from the United States to France, from Persia to China, and from the republics of South Africa to those of Australasia. The Republican Party, when it was organized, in 18.56, to fight slavery, showed a clearer conception of true democracy than did the old Democratic Party of that date, which condoned, and even de- fended, slavery. Only when the Republican Party was allured from its high ideals, through the decades following the Civil War, by the corrupting influences of corporate power and self interests, which seized possession of the party management and party control, did the Republican Party fall from its high estate and finally become the recognized champion of organized private greed. As this gradually took place there cam.e a new birth of a purer democ- racy within the ranks of those who still climg to the old Democratic Party and its best ideals. It inay be fairly said that only v-ith the advent of Woodrow Wilson, three short years ago, was the Democratic Party completely restored in the affections and confidence of the people of the United States, and then for the first time in 60 years was it able to give concrete expression to its desire to make effective its principles of human brotherhood and human betterment. We must now give an account to the people of our stewardship. What have we done and what do we propose ? Have we been faith- ful to our pledges? HAVE WE BROUGHT DISASTER OR PROSPERITY? My fellow countrymen, when the Democracy in November, 1912, received the mandate of the American people to assume the reins of government all the great powers of special privilege, who have regarded the Republican Party as an instrumentality through which the invisible government might control the Government of the people of the United States, joined in a chorus prophesying hard times, in the obvious hope by thus creating hard times to lay the foundation for the defeat of the party of the people. The business of the United States is based on credit and confi- dence, and the organized plutocracy, with its control of vast agencies 4 AI'UHKSS \'\ HON. HOJJF.liT I.. OWKN. of publicity, liiis had iho powiT to paralyze conlidence and to shake the credit system of the I'liited States to its foundations, to frighten business men, keep tliem out of new enterprises, and make them ultraconservative in conducting current business. These causes ueighed heavily in the scale to further discourage the countr}^ as "Wil-on's administration began. The previous depression, due to Kepublican mismanagement, was intensihed by these vast influences, but as the militant Democracy moved forward in its high and n()l)le i)urposes, with the rechiction of the monopoly features of the Republican prohibitive tariff, putting the necessities of life on the free list, establishing the inccme tax, stabilizing the financial and commercial Avorld with the Federal re- serve act, abating the powers of private monopoly wdth the Clayton bill, protecting- small business men against unfair practices, do- mestic or foreign, b}^ the great monopolies, through the Federal Trade Conmiission act, the glorious sun of Democratic prosperity burst through the clouds of doubt and distrust, shov> ing the Ameri- can people that a true democratic government, described by Lincoln, of the people, by the people, and for the people, will give them for- ever the highest form of pros])erity, the greatest measure of happi- ness, and will best promote the welfare of mankind. WHAT HAVE WE DOXE ? We ha\e refoi-med the monopoly promoting features of the Repub- lican prohibitive tariff. We ha\e put the necessaries of life on the free list. We have removed its injustices and discriminating inequalities. We have opened wider the gates to foreign commerce, both import and export — and imports and exports in the truest and highest sense measure each other. We have diminished the per capita taxation which bears too se- verely on the poor through the reduction on necessities, and placed the tax more largely upcn luxuries and upon the wealth which should meot a larger pMrt of the necessary cost of government. We have established a progressive income tax and placed the taxes more largely ui)on those who can bear the taxes without suffering, and to that" extent taken the taxes from the shoulders of the very poor, who can not stand taxes except at the expense of suffering. We have been faithful in our promises to reform the tariff, and it has not resulted in diminishing our revenues or our exports or our imjjorts, which have both increased substantially apart from war munitions. It has been demonstiated overwhehuingly that the tai'iff sched- ules ai-e much higher now than the difference in cost of production at home and abioad since the tariff schedules have been put upon a revenue-prcxlucing basis, and that the incidental jirotection afforded by a i-evenue-producing tai'iff is more than sullicicnt to protect every honest and legitimate industiy. The i)r()of of the fact that the Rei)ublican tariff laws were grossly unjust, and were not based on the difference in the cost of produc- tion at home and abroad, was completely demonstrated by me in the tables prei)ai-ed in April, 1!)09, will suflice to show the gross false pre- tense of the last two Republican tariff' acts. ADDRESS BY HOK. EGBERT L. 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OWKN. SCHEDULE A CIIE^riCALS, ETC. This table sliows that the percentage of hibor to the vahie of the product in Schedule A, for example, by the very figures given by the Finance Committee itself, is only 7.5 per cent, while the proposed schedule is 28 per cent — four times as high as the entire labor cost involved in the product. SCHEDULE B GLASSWARE, ETC. In like manner in Schedule B the total labor cost is 36 per cent. The total labor cost in Eui-ope, if it were half as much, would leave the net difference in labor cost only 18 per cent, while the proposed tariff is 48 per cent for Schedule B. SCHEDULE C — METALS, ETC. In like manner Schedule C exhibits a total labor cost of 20 per cent. The difference in this labor cost and the European labor cost, accepting the statement of the chairman of the Committee on Finance that the labor cost in Europe is only half as much, would be 10 per cent, and the difference in labor cost for which the protection might be required would not exceed 10 per cent, but the proposed rate is 31 per cent — three times as high as it ought to be for protective purposes. SCHEDULE D AVOOD, ETC. In Schedule D the total labor cost is 27 per cent, and the difference in labor cost in this country and abroad would be 13^ per cent, not counting freight, Avhich would be as much more in favor of this heavy material; and here the proposed rate is 11 per cent, and this schedule ought to be absolutely free in order to piotect our forest and conserve our natural resources otherwise, as well as supply our people with cheap building material and our publishers with cheap paper. SCHEDULE E — SUGAR, ETC. In Schedule E, sugar, etc.. the laboi- cost is 5.(') per cent; the difference in labor cost would be less than 3 per cent, which would be more than offset by freight, and here the proposed duty is G5 per cent. giA'ing a complete monopoly to the Sugar Trust, which takes nearly all the profit, leaving a small fraction of the profit to the sugar planter. And so it goes for all the 14 schedules. I'KRMANENT NONPARTISAN TARIEK COMMISSION. 'iVj make assurance doubly sure of safeguarding ever}'' legitimate interest in the TTnited States, the Democracy is now about to estab- lish a permanent nonj^artisan tariff connnission of exi)erts who shall ^ve Congress and the President authoritative and reliable informa- tion with regard to every industry and enable the laws to be written in such a way as to develop to the highest extent our industrial activities and our domestic and foreign eonunerce. A\'e ha\e ])ro\ ided a means, and will pei-fect a means, through the Federal ^J'rade Connnission and other agencies, to safeguard Ameri- can industry against unfair i)ractices, foreign or domestic. ADDKESS BY HON. EGBERT L. OWEN. 7 The Democracy realizes that foreign nations can only in the long run pay for our exports by their exports, and that our exports will be ultimately measured by our imports, and therefore that we should encourage our imports from other nations, especially of those things which we do not ourselves produce to the entire satisfaction of our people, in order that we may enlarge our exports to other nations and stimulate, therefore, the industrial activity of our American Eepublic. This should be done by reciprocal agreements through mobilized tariff schedules, subject to Executive arrangement under a fixed legislative policy. The Underwood law produced $43,565,235 more revenue in 1915 than was produced under the Payne-Aldrich bill in 1912. The income-tax law, passed by the Democratic Congress, which puts the burden of taxation where it belongs, is estimated to produce $100,000,000 for the current fiscal year. The passage of the Underwood bill, with its income tax, was violently resisted by the Republican Party — the servants of privi- lege — through a prolonged filibuster, and the income tax was vio- lently opposed and denounced by the high priest of the Republican Party — the Hon. Elihu Root of New York — on the astonishing ground that it Avas unfair to "my people" — words which were pri- vately expunged from the Congressional Record and which made Senator Lewis's reply in the Record to his use of this term " my people " seem without point. I should like to inquire who are the persons whom the great Re- publican bugler describes as " my people." The Democracy, when it speaks of "my people" speaks of all of the people, rich and poor alike, and not merely of those who are able to pay an income tax. Even in New York State there are over nine millions of people who do not pay an income tax, and a com- paratively small number who do pay an income tax. Mr. Elihu Root received his conunission to represent all the people of New York as their United States Senator, and he should think of them all as " my people," and if he were a good Democrat that would be his point of view. THE FEDERAL RESERVE ACT. Under the crafty manipulation of the servants of privilege acting through the Republican Party, the funds of the people on deposit with the national banks were ccneentrated by the national-bank act, first, in 40 reserve cities, then in 3 central reserve cities, then in New York Citj^, and the funds so concentrated became a gigantic agency for the control of the credit system of the United States, wliich were thus guided by statute law into the hands of a very small group of bankers, who could, and who did, by expanding credits, make a bull market, and by contracting credits make a bear market at their pleasure, through which they could and did enrich them- selves and their parasites at the expense of the unlearned and un- wary. Through this power the panic of 1907 was brought about by a conspiracy resulting in the destruction of many financial and commercial lives, widespread dislocation of exchanges and of credits, further strengthening of monopolies, as United States Steel absorbed 8 ADDRESS BY HON, ROBKKT L. OWEN. Tennesiiee Coal c<: Inn, wholesale depression, and losses estimated by Senator Aldrich himself on the floor of the Senate, in January, 1008, as costing the American people over two thousand millions of dollars. It was an underestimate. I demanded of Senator Aldrich an investitration of this panic and its causes and its beneficiaries, and was refused. On the floor of the Senate on the ■25th day of February, 1908, 1 pointed out to him. as chairman of the Committee on Finance, that he and his colleagues had refused to accept an amendment to the act of 1900. Avhich I had drawn and caused to be submitted to the United States Senate, and which would have protected this country against panic, and invited him on the floor of the Senate to challenge this statement, and he sat silent. (Cong. Eec, p. 2429.) When the militant Democracy came into power in 1913 it made me chairman of the Committee on Banking and Currency of the United States Senate, and we immediately began the drafting of the Federal reserve act, which the Democracy put upon the statute books over the violent and prolonged filibuster of the Republican Party on December 23, 1908. This act established 12 Federal reserve banks, concentrated the reserves of the banks of the country in 12 Federal reserve banks, made these reserves mobile and available for the business interests of the country, put these vast reserves under the power of the (lovernment of the United States, acting thronirh the Fedi'ral Reserve Board, and took these reserves out of the con- trol of Wall Street. It did more — it provided a basis for an expansible, elastic cur- rency based on commercial paper, with the credit of the United States behind the Federal reserve currency. By establishing confidence in our banking system, a large volume of gold and currency has been brought fi-om hoarding, and from October 21, 1913. to December 31, 1915, the bank deposits increased $2.05r).37-i.l24. of which increase $1,498,978,097 was the increase in indixidnal deposits, and $557,395,427 was the increase in bank deposits with other l)anks. It made a future financial panic or currency panic impossible. It made stable for the first time in the history of the United States the credit system of the people of the United States and has lowered the interest rates below any point previously known in the United States. It gave business men a right to know that they could receive legiti- mate credit in legitimate business without fail at all times, and therefore encouraged every enterprising man to feel he could expand his business with safety and could begin new enterprises without the deadly danger of financial panic. The consequence has been that as soon as the people of the United States realized the value of this system they began to enlarge their lines of activity, to open new enterprises, and an era of prosperity has now begun which will never again be destroyed by a financial panic. Under any system imiirovi- dent. reckless business men will br^ driven tf) individual linuidation, but never again will the banks of the country, from Concord to Los Angeles, be clcsed in a day for lack of currenc-y, as occurred October 21, 1907, and never again will business men justly entitled to credit be deuicil ci-edit as under the plutocrati'j I'ule of the Republican Party. 'J'his act has brought our interest rates to the lowest point in our history. The Federal reserve act opened up the whole world to the ADDRESS BY HON. KOBECT 1.. OVVKN. 9 credit system of the United States, authorizing the establishment by American banks of foreign branches, thus affording for the first time responsible banking and credit agencies through which American ex- porters and importers could do business throughout the world through responsible American agencies. The Federal reserve act was passed over the organized systematic opposition of the Republican Party, backed by the Wall Street banks and all their powers. The great banks of Xew York, manned by very human beings, nev- ertheless perform a magnificent function in our economic life, and are entitled to receive the most respectful and considerate attention, and they Avere given the most respectful and considerate attention b}^ the Democracy in the writing of this Magna Charter of credits, but the control of the banking system of the United States was taken out of their hands, where it did net belong, and put in the hands of the people of the United States, where it did belong, in spite of their protests and in spite of the filibuster of Mr. Elihu Root's Republican Part}^, and even of Mr. Elihu Root himself. I rejoice to know that while the Republican Party has been under the control and guidance of organized human selfishness and private privilege, that nevertheless the true spirit of the Democracy is mov- ing the hearts of a respectable number of Republican leaders and of millions of Republican citizens, whose interest in the common good and whose patriotism is as great as that of any Democrat. THE CLAYTON ANTITRUST BILL. The Democracy promptly amended the Sherman Antitrust Act, which was deficient in many respects, and made unlawful various practices which, as a rule, singly and in themselves, were not covered by the Sherman Act. Tt seeks to pre\ent the creation of illegal trusts, conspiracies, and monopolies in their incipiency and before consumation. It makes unlawful discrimination in prices for the purpose of wrongfully injuring or destroying the business of com- petition. It makes unlawful various monopoly-promoting contracts, holding companies, and interlocking directorates. It removes labor from the commodity class and gives the American laboring man the greater measure of industrial freedom, for which he has so long strived, and is looked upon by wage workers of the United States as the new Magna Charter for labor. It does not prevent combinations of capital, but only those prac- tices injurious to the general welfare and the common good. Against this bill the Republican Party violently protested and filibustered. The Democracj' forced its passage. THE FEDERAL TRADE COMMISSION ACT. The Federal Trade Commission act was created not for the pur- pose of harassing business, not for the purpose of instituting long legal proceedings, but to bring quick relief against unfair prac- tices, to protect the small business man "and small business enter- prises against the ruinous cut-throat competition of the big fellows against the little fellows, and provide a convenient administrative agency to stop unfair practices and to advise business men, and help them in legitimate enterprise as against predatory and vicious prac- tices. 10 ADDRESS JiV HON. ROBERT I.. OWEN. The Federal Trade Commission is in a position where it will be able to discover unfair practices and unfan* competition of foreign competitors and prevent it. This act was violently opposed by Mr. Root's Republican Party. THE seaman's ACT^ No better ej-timate of the value of this great act liberating the toilers of the sea from substantial slavery can be presented than was stated by the Secretary of Labor: In the strufrgle of tlie centuries j;one by, step by step, all classes of labor, save one, liave achieved a measure of freedoui, until in this country workmen are no lon^-^er compelled to work ayainst their will or by physical force to fulfill a civic contract of labor. The single exception is the seamen of the world, including those of the United .States. After a legislative struggle of more than 20 years the seaman's bill was enacted into law by the Sixty-third Congress, and the last vestige of serfdom by legal requirement was thereby wiped from our statute books. The seamen are free men now and are able to stand erect before the world, the owners of themselves and ibeir own labor power. This act — not oidy says to the American shipowner that American seamen shall be free to leave their vessel when the vessel is in a port in this country, but it says to the foreign shipowner. When your seamen come into American ports the very fact that they are in our waters and under our jurisdiction makes them free men. This bill will ultimately inure to the benefit of the American ship- owner, as it will compel the owners of foreign vessels entering our ports to pay their seamen salaries in proportion to the salaries de- manded b}^ American seamen, otherwise they run the risk of losing their crews. Thus a potent factor in the suppression of our mer- cantile marine will have been removed, the high labor cost to Ameri- can shipowners in competing with foreign-owned vessels being a fac- tor of some competitive importance when competition is very close. 'J his l)ill provides for safety at sea for passengers and for crews; that the crew must understand the language of its officers, the lack of which has been responsible for some deadly disasters at sea. This bill was supported by Progressive Republicans, who deserve every credit for doing so. The act has not resulted in harm. On the contrary, because of this act, the act opening to American registry foreign-built ships and other liberal provisions, the American mer- chant marine is now growing by leaps and bounds. Every American shipyard is ta.xed beyond its capacity, and the American flag is alieady flying at the ma.st of himdreds of thousands of tons of American bottoms in excess of 1912, when the Republicans went out of power. It has been repeatedly claimed that the Pacific Mail Steamship Co. was forced out of business becau.se of the en- actment of the .seamen's law. The records of the House Com- mittee on Merchant Marine proved thsit statement to be without foundation. The ves.sels are still under the American flag, trans- ferred to the Athuitic. where business was more profitable because of the Kiii'opeaii war. and when they were sold on the Pacific more trade was being ofl'eied to the vessels than they could possiblv carry. All these iiills— the tarilf bill, the Federal" reserve act, the Clay- ton bill, the Fedeial Triide Commission bill, the seaman's act — lijive had one purpose — the promotion of tlie conmion good, the ADDRESS BY HON. ROBERT L. OWEN. H abatement of nionopoly, the betterment of mankind, the lowering of the cost of living, and the greater happiness of all our people,. Democrats and Eepublicans alike, and the Root Republicans fought them every one. THE SHIPPING BILL. » The strenuous effort of the Democratic administration to pass a Government-owned shipping bill for the purpose of naval reserve,, sadly needed, and for the purpose of establishing new lines of com- merce to South America, and to obtain some just standard for freight charges, was defeated by the violent opposition of the Root Repub- licans and a few disaffected Democrats. We hope to pass an im- proved bill on this line this session of Congress. PANAMA TOLLS ACT. The law repealing free tolls to the Shipping Trust through the Panama Canal and the recognition of our treaty obligations to Colombia and Great Britain was another great Democratic per- formance. We had a right to compel those Avho used the canal, built with the money of the people of the United States, to pay a reasonable tax for the use of that great international improvement,. and we had no right to violate our treaties relative thereto, as the Republicans had done for the sordid advantage of the unscrupulous coastwise Shipping Trust, and the Democrats in repealing this law, which had violated our treaties, put the honor and integrity of the United States back on the high plane it should always occup3^ SMITH-LE^^:R AGRICULTURAL EXPANSION ACT. The Democrats passed the Smith-Lever agricultural extension act,^ systematically promoting agriculture, thereby increasing the Ameri- can food supply, giving greater value to the farm lands of the country, cheapening food products to the people of the United States. Under it thousands of farm demonstrators are stimulating and directing the agricultural development, husbandr3% agricultural economics, and household economics on millions of farms. This was a magnificently useful act of far-reaching consequences. THE LOBBY IN WASHINGTON. The act of the Democracy in driving the organized lobbies out of Washington City and from the Halls of Congress should not be forgotten. DIRECT ELECTION OF UNITED STATES SENATORS. Nor should it be forgotten that it was the Democracy which finally compelled the passage of the constitutional amendment for the direct election of United States Senators by popular vote, thus taking Senators from under the undue influence of those Avho could unfairly influence legislatures to elect the servants of privilege, as in the Lorimer case. 12 ADDRESS BV KOK. ROBERT L. OWEN. AV()I!L1)-A\I1)K PEACE 'JUEATIES. Throusi(l('nt triists that your mission, manifesting these sentiments, will reassure the (iovernment of Mexico of his best disposition to favor their com- merce and their internal improvements. I lind the archives here full of comjilaints against the Mexican Government for violation of contracts and spoliation and cruelties practiced against Ameri- can citizens. It is nr»t the President's intention to send forward such claims nt the present moment. He willingly defers the performance of a duty, which at any time would seem ungracious, until the incoming administration In Mexico shall have had time. If possible, to cement its authority. ADDKESS BY HON. EOBEET L. OWEN. 17 So tliat Mr. Root had very good authority for his ovvn attitude when Secretary of War, Secretary of State, and United States Sen- ator under the Roosevelt and Taft administrations, in not permitting any intervention to be entertained because of the outrages of bandits on Americans in Mexico. When Senator Root was recently in the United States Senate he rebuked Senator Stone, who proposed intervention in Mexico. He vigorousl}^ dissented from intervening in Mexico as a means of re- dressing injuries, and said: Sympathy with the people of Mexico in their distress, a just sense of the duties that we owe to that friendly people, and the duties that we owe to the peace of the world, must forbid our assenting to or yieldins; to any such course.' (Congl. Rec, Apr. 20, 1911.) On his oath and responsibility as a Senator of the United States he urged the very course which Mr. Wilson steadily pursued. As a Republican bugler he viciously denounces Mr. Wilson for taking the course which Mr. Root, as a United States Senator, advised him to take. On April 21, 1914 (Congl. Rec, p. 6985), Senator Root again denounced the idea of intervention in Mexico when we were con- sidering entering Vera Cruz and demanding a salute to our flag for the Tampico outrage. He said : It is intervention, technically, but it is war in its essence, that we are to vote to justify to-night. How long will it continue? What its results and its In- cidents will be, no man can state. ]\Ien will die — men dear to us. ^vill die — because of the action which we are to approve to-night. American homes will be desolate ; American women will mourn ; American children wji] go through life fatherless, because of the action that we are to approve to-night ; and when those children, grown to manhood, turn back the page to learn in which cause their fathers died, are they to find that it was about a quarrel as to the number of guns and the form and ceremony of a salute and nothing else? Mr. Root strongly opposed our entering Vera Cruz and the pun- ishment of the insult by the usurper Huerta. He voted 1 of 13 against our authorizing the Pi-esident to use our forces in Mexico April 21, 1914. (Cong": Rec, 7014.) My fellow countrymen, on Saturday, April 25, 1914, Senator Root, at the annual banquet of the American Society of International Law, at the Willard Hotel in the city of Washington, not only did not denounce or even express his disapproval of President Wilson for not intervening in Mexico, but he said : But the President has acted upon his responsibility and upon his conscience. He is the head of this great Nation. It is for the Nation that he acts. No "natter how we may have differed in our opinions of policy in the past, we must all, every one of us, stand loyally by him. There must be no backward looks, but forward, for the success and honor of our beloved country, which we best serve in loyal support of the Chief Magistrate, upon whom rests the responsibility of leadership. Thank Heaven, we have a President in whose lofty character, in whose sincerity of purpose, in his genuine desire to do what is right, wise, patriotic, and what is best for the c(mntry and humanity. We can all trust absolutely. I trust in him. I have differed from him in questions of policy, and doubtless shall differ from him again. Men cnniins up with different environments and associations, and ideas, must differ ; but I have confidence in the character and purpose of the President of the United States. He is my President, and I will stand behind him in his leadership. S. Doc. 361, 64-1 2 18 ADDRESS BY HON. ROBERT L. OWEN. When Secretary Bryan, immediately afterwards, at this banquet, advised them of the proposed i)hin of mediation with Huerta, through Argentina, Brazil, and Chile, Senator Root expressed his delight that it avoided intervention. What a wonderful change has come over this distinguished states- man in so short a time. He now suddenly throws a political somer- sault and shakes his vehement fists in the face of Wilson, because Wilson has. since then, in effect, folloAved the advice of Senator Koot and of Ex-President Taft not to intervene in ]\Iexico. I have no objection to this distinguished citizen changing his mind, but I Avarn American citizens that Mr. Root, who for decades has been advertised systematically by the plutocratic press as a jirophet, is not a reliable or responsible leader of public opinion. Mr. Elihu Root makes the shameless observation in his New York Republican keynote speech that — A study of vlie ;ulministration's policy toward Europe since .July, 1914, reveals three fundamental errors: First, the lack of foresisiht to make timely pro- vision for backing up American diplomacy by actual and assured military and naval force. Second, the forfeiture of the world's respect for our assertion of rights for pursuing a policy of making threats and failing to make them good. Third, a loss of the moral forces of the civilized world through failure to truly interpret to the world the spirit of American democracy in its attitude toward the terrible events which accompanied the'early stages of the war. Whose lack of foi'esight is culpable except that of Mr. Root him- self, who Avas Mr. Roosevelt's Secretary of War and Secretary of State, and Mr. Taft's closest adviser, and his associates, who, having had control of the Government for all of these 12 consecutive years preceding President AVilson, had failed to provide what he now de- clares an adequate military and naval force? No one knows better than Mr. Root, who served as Secretary of War, that it takes years to build up an adequate military and naval force. No one knows better than Mr. Root that the Wilson admin- istration was compelled to face in 1913 and 1914 a continuous fili- buster to get for the people of the United States the present legisla- tion to which the Democracy was primarily committed, and that the opportunity of service by the Democracy was resisted to the utter- most by Mr. Root and his associates, and its efficiency thereby greatly impaired, but that President Wilson, nevertheless, greatly stimulated the upbuilding of our Navy. The ])lain truth is that the gigantic European war for the first time brought to the attention of our people the danger to our inter- ests if we .should be comparatively defenseless against very power- fully organized military or naval power. Mr. Roosevelt, in the Outlook of September 23, 1914, about two months after the Avar began, discussing the subject " World war, its lessons," stated that one of the main lessons to learn from that Avar Avas that — * * ♦ Arbitration treaties, neutrality treaties, treaties for the erection of independent trilnmals, treaties of all kinds, can do nothing to save a nation unless that nation is a1)le to defend its own honor, its own vital interests. This is a lesson which Mr, RooseA^elt dreAv in August, 1914, from the present Avar. Mr. Roosevelt Avould hardly haA^e charged the ADDRESS BY HON. ROBERT L. OWEN. 19 Wilson administration or the American people for not having learned this lesson before the cataclysm in Europe taught it. Mr. Root would make the country believe that Mr. Wilson was unfaithful to American traditions because he did not protest against the violation by Germany of the neutrality of Belgium. The genius and hypocrisy of this crafty assault on President Wil- son is sufficiently answered by observing that Mr. Eoot himself was Secretary of State when The Hague conference of 1907 was held, and it was from Mr. Eoot that the American delegates received the instructions to make to the conference a declaration of America's policy, which covered every act and every convention which the American delegates signed. The declaration was as follows: Nothinf? contained in this convention shall be so construed as to require the United States of America to depart from its traditional policy of not intruding upon, interfering with, or entangling itself in the political questions of policy * * * of any foreign State; nor shall anything contained in the said convention be construed to imply a relinquishment by the United States of its traditional attitude toward puroly American questions. Mr. Root knew that Mr. Wilson had no right, under the fixed American policy and practice of not entangling itself in foreign affairs, to protest against this breach of the German-Belgian treaty. Mr. Root, when Secretary, refused to interfere between Korea and Japan, notAvithstanding the United States was bound by treaty to use its good offices if other powers should deal unjustly. or oppres- sively with either party to the Korean treaty. Mr. Root was right in the Korean case, and he was right when, in Washington City shortly after the outbreak of the European war, he indorsed the foreign policy of the President of the United States as then reported by the public press, and he is wrong now, Avhen, as a Republican trumpeter, he denounces Mr. Wilson for not properly chastising Ger- many for its invasion of Belgium. Mr. Root, as Republican agi- tator is one thing and as Secrctarv of State is another. He is Dr. Jeckyl and Mr. Hyde. President Taft followed the policy of President Lincoln of non- intervention in Mexico wisely and properly, and President Taft, at Morristown, N. J., praised President Wilson's Belgian policy, and said : While I sympathize with the Belgians in this war, whose country, without any fault of theirs, has been made a bloody center, I approve and commend to the fullest the attitude of President Wilson. Mr. Roosevelt, four days after the invasion of Belgium, in a speech in New York, said : We should l)e thankful beyond measure because we are Americans and not at war, and he urged support for the administration in securing peace and justice, and said nothing of any duty of the Government to protest against the invasion of Belgium, and seven Aveeks later in the Outlook, speaking of the delegation of Belgians who had arrived to invoke our assistance, he said : It is certainly eminently desirable that we should remain entirely neutral, and nothing but urgent need would warrant breaking our neutrality or taking sides one way or the other. 20 ADDRESS BY HON. ROBERT L. OWEN. Of courso, it wuuUl bo folly to jump into (he .uulf ourselves to no g ^ocl purpose, and very probably nothinj,' we could have done would have helped Eelsium. We have not the smallest responsibility for what has liefallen her, and I am sure that the sympathy of this country for the sufferini; of the men, women, and children of Belgium is very real. Nevertheless, (his sympathy is comjiatible with full arknowledgment of the unwisdom of uttering a single word of ollicial i)rotest, unless we are prepared to make that protest effective ; and only (he clearest and most urgent national duty would ever justify us in deviating from our rule of neutralKy and noninterference. So that Mr. Roosevelt, Mr. Taft, and Mr. Eoot all agree on the wisdom of President Wilson's Belgian policy while Mr. Eoot, as Eepiiblican bugler, discovers an issue with Mr. Wilson because he did not maintain American ideals in protesting against the violation of Belgian territory. Yet Mr. Eoot did not protest the invasion of the Transvaal or of Korea. He charges President Wilson ^\ith making threats against Ger- many in the submarine controversy and failing to make them good, thereby forfeiting the respect of the world. President Wilson made no threats. He strenuously insisted that both Great Britain and Germany should respect the rights of the United States ; that they should respect the international law ; that he would insist on these rights and hold them to strict account and, as a result, Great Britain and Germany have gone far to respect these rights. Is this a threat of Avar? Could he have done less and discharged his duty in maintaining the neutrality of the United States and the rights of its citizens? President Wilson has had a most delicate and difficult diplomatic position to occupy. He has discharged his duty with rare fidelity, self- control, and Avisdom, and Mr. Eoot engages himself in rocking the boat and trying to build up a large American opinion behind more drastic action, which would easily lead us into war. Mr. Eoot demands something more than words. He would " fol- low words by action." What action? There is but one action re- maining, and that act is Avar, Avhich Mr. Eoot, in his first charge against Mr. Wilson, declares Ave are utterly unprepared for, and for Avhich lack of preparation he is more responsible than any living man. Will ho rush us into Avar for Avhich he and his associates haA'e left us unprepared? Mr. Eoot k-noAvs perfectly Avell that if he Avere charged with the responsibility of goA-ernment, he Avould do everything in his power to avoid Avar, just as Mr. Wilson is doing, but he thinks, as the great Eepul>lican trum])eter, he can by an ai^peal to passion, excite the peoi)le of the United States to desert Mr. Wilson and support Mr. Eoot, or .soiue other advocate of Avar, for the Presidency. Neither the Gorman allies nor the British entente would Avillingly do anything to forfeit the respect, confidence, or friendship of the American people. Tho.se unhappy, distressed, blood-choked nations in their life and death fratricidal struggle, may do many things, many regrettable things, aifecting oin- rights, Avhich Ave should Aveigh in the light of the distracting conditions under Avhich the.sc trespasses on our rights occur. America has the greatest opportunity the Avorld has ever ADDEESS BY HON". ROBERT L. OWEN. 21 known of promoting the foundations of world-wide peace, which shall be indistructible for all future time. The opportunity to render this service is of vast importance. If we keep out of this war we will not only protect the welfare and the advancement of 100,000,000 of our own people, we will be able to serve the 300,000,000 in Europe, and more than half the human race now involved in this titanic struggle. Mr. Eoot would have us go to war. Mr. Root, with greater op- portunities of knowledge than many other men in public life, shows the utter weakness of the Eepublican Party when he makes the issue between the Republican Party and the Democratic Party the issue of an unprepared and unjustifiable war or of honorable peace. Why does he ignore the magnificent accomplishments of the Democracy in preserving the peace, the honor, the prosperity of the Nation ? Why does he ignore the reduction of the monopoly tariff, the pas- sage of the Federal income tax, the Federal reserve act, the Clayton antitrust law, the Trade Commission act, the agricultural extension act, the seamen's act, and the conservation laws? Why does he ignore the splendid work done through the executive branches of the Democratic administration? He is silent on the magnificent accomplishments of both the legislative and executive branches under a faithful, energetic Democratic administration, and confines his keynote speech to charging us with the crime of keeping the country at peace. Mr. Root, as the mouthpiece and intellectual leader of the Re- publican Party, has been unable to find any just criticism of either the legislative or executive policy of the Democratic administration. His refusal and failure to properly credit the Democracy for it3 splendid work may be taken as a measure of his lack of franlaiess and generosity and fair dealing toward the Democracy. It shows the utter weakness of the Republicans — that this statesman, con- fessedly the ablest of them all, can find no other issue with the Democracy than the issue of war v. peace. On that issue the people of the United States will prefer to follow the doctrine of the great Republican leader. Gen. Grant, at Appomattox, who at the end of a bloody campaign and after the American people had fully tasted the bitter fruits of war, said, " Let us have peace." On that issue we have the faith to believe our people of all shades of political opinion will support and triumphantly continue in service our noble President, who with infinite patience and immovable reso- lution has protected our interests as far as humanly possible, has preserved our honor unstained, and has kept us at peace. God bless the President of the United States ! o LIBRPIRY OF CONGRESS 1 1 013 900 763 3