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Field Columbian Museum 
 
 Publication No. 102 
 
 Anthropological Series Vol. VII, No. 2 
 
 THE PONCA SUN DANCE 
 
 George A. Dorsey 
 
 Curator, Department of Anthropology 
 
 Chicago, U. S. A. 
 
 December, 1905 
 
/ 
 
 Field Columbian Museum 
 
 ii 
 
 Publication No. 102 
 Anthropological Series Vol. VII, No. 2 
 
 l^ 
 
 THE PONCA SUN DANCE 
 
 George A. Dorsey 
 
 Curator, Department of Anthropology . 
 
 Chicago, U. S. A. 
 December, 1905 
 
THE PONCA SUN DANCE 
 
 By 
 George A. Dorsey 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Introductory Note ----____. 6^ 
 
 PART I.— GENERAL OBSERVATIONS. 
 
 Name -------_____ 69 
 
 Time and Duration ------____ (^ 
 
 Participants -------_-__ 69 
 
 PART IL— THE CEREMONY. 
 
 First Day ------------ 71 
 
 The four secret tipis of preparation - - - - - - 71 
 
 The mourning feast ----_.__. 71 
 
 Second Day ------------ 'j2 
 
 Preparation for the sham battle ---_.. 72 
 
 Spying the centre-pole ---------72 
 
 Moving the tipis of preparation _-.___ 7^ 
 
 Inviting the dancers ------___ 7^ 
 
 Building the lodge --------- 73 
 
 Capturing the centre-pole - - - - - - - - 74 
 
 The four tipi altars --------- 74 
 
 Third Day ------------ ij^ 
 
 The race to the centre-pole ------- 76 
 
 Painting the centre-pole ----____ 76 
 
 Preparation for the altar - --_--__ 77 
 
 The dancers enter the lodge --------77 
 
 Completion of the altar -------- 77 
 
 Beginning of the dance ..______ 78 
 
 The evening and night performance ------ 79 
 
 Fourth Day -.-.---... .-jg 
 
 Fifth Day 80 
 
 The sunrise dance ..--.___. go 
 
 The final dance ---------- 81 
 
 Secret rites in the tipis of preparation ------ 81 
 
 The sacrifice ----_--_.- 81 
 
 Torture -82 
 
 Paints and Costumes ---------- 82 
 
 First paint -----------83 
 
 Second paint ---------- 85 
 
 Third paint -----------85 
 
 Conclusion ----.-.--■_86 
 
ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 PLATE 
 
 I. 
 
 II. 
 
 III. 
 
 IV. 
 
 V. 
 
 VI. 
 
 VII. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 IX. 
 
 X. 
 
 XL 
 XII. 
 
 XIII. 
 
 XIV. 
 XV. 
 
 XVI. 
 
 xvri. 
 
 XVIII. 
 
 XIX. 
 
 XX. 
 
 XXI. 
 
 :^xii. 
 
 XXIII. 
 
 XXIV. 
 
 XXV. 
 
 XXVI. 
 
 XXVII. 
 
 XXVIII. 
 
 Fig. I. 
 
 Fig. 2. 
 
 Fig. I. 
 
 Fig. 2. 
 
 Fig. I. 
 
 Fig. 2. 
 
 Fig. I. 
 
 Fig. 2. 
 
 Fig. 
 
 Fig. 2. 
 
 Fig. I. 
 Fig. 2. 
 
 White-Eagle, Sun dance chief. 
 
 Big-Elk, assistant leader. 
 
 Mourning feast. 
 
 One of the secret tipis of preparation. 
 
 Sun dance servants. 
 
 Sun dance pipe-bearers. 
 
 Sun dance priests assembling. 
 
 Mounted Dog-soldiers leaving the camp-circle. 
 Sun dance priests awaiting return of Dog-soldiers. 
 Sham battle after capture of the center-pole. 
 Fig. I . Diagram of first altar. 
 Fig. 2. Diagram of second altar. 
 
 Diagram of third altar. 
 
 Diagram of fourth altar. 
 
 View of third altar. 
 
 View of fourth altar. 
 Preparing the centre-pole. 
 Raising the centre-pole. 
 
 Entrance of priests and dancers to Sun dance lodge. 
 Entrance of priests and dancers to Sun dance lodge. 
 The Sun dance lodge altar. 
 Beginning of dance, outside the lodge. 
 Incidents of the noon dance, third day. 
 The dance to the setting sun, third day. 
 Incidents of morning dance, fourth day. 
 Incidents of morning dance, fourth day. 
 General view of camp and Sun dance lodge, fourth day. 
 Fig. I. Depositing wreaths at foot of centre-pole, last day. 
 Fig. 2. Depositing sacrifices of flesh at foot of centre-pole, last day. 
 Fig. I. Costume of first group of dancers. 
 Fig. 2. Costume of second group of dancers. 
 Fig. I. First paint of first group of dancers. 
 Fig. 2. First paint of second group of dancers. 
 Fig. I. Costume of third group of dancers. 
 Fig. 2. Costume of fourth group of dancers. 
 Fig. I. First paint of third group of dancers. 
 Fig. 2. First paint of fifth group of dancers. 
 Fig. I. Costume of fifth group of dancers. 
 Fig. 2. Costume of sixth group of dancers. 
 Fig. I. First paint of sixth group of dancers. 
 Fig. 2. First paint of seventh group of dancers. 
 Fig. I . Costume of seventh group of dancers. 
 Fig. 2. Costume of eighth group of dancers. 
 
66 
 
 Illustrations. 
 
 PLATE 
 XXIX. 
 
 XXX. 
 XXXI. 
 
 XXXII. 
 XXXIII. 
 XXXIV. 
 
 XXXV. 
 
 Fig. I. 
 
 Fig. 2. 
 
 First paint of eighth group of dancers. 
 Fig. 2, First paint of part of ninth group of dancers. 
 Costume of ninth group of dancers. 
 Fig. I. First paint of part of ninth group of dancers. 
 Fior. o_ Second paint of fifth group of dancers. 
 
 Third paint of second erroup of dancers. 
 
 Fig, 
 Fig. 
 
 Fig. I. 
 
 Fig. 2. 
 
 Fig. I. 
 
 Fig. 2. 
 
 Fig. I. 
 
 Fig. 2. 
 
 Fig. I. 
 
 Fig. 2. 
 
 Second paint of fifth group of dancers. 
 
 Third paint of second group of dancers. 
 
 Third paint of grandfather of third group of dancers. 
 
 Third paint of grandfather of fourth group of dancers. 
 
 Third paint of sixth group of dancers. 
 
 Third paint of grandfather of seventh group of dancers. 
 
 Third paint of seventh group of dancers. 
 
 Third paint of grandfather of eighth group of dancers. 
 
 Third paint eighth group of dancers. 
 
 Figure i. Diagram of paint of buffalo skull, p. 78. 
 
INTRODUCTORY NOTE. 
 
 The account of the Ponca Sun Dance here presented may, at 
 best, be considered imperfect and unsatisfactory. This is due chiefly 
 to the fact that I have been able to witness the ceremony but once, 
 and that opportunity has not been afforded to investigate the cere- 
 mony by questioning the priests. It must also be noted that, owing 
 to the rapid deterioration of the Ponca in recent times, the ceremony 
 has lost much of its former hold on the tribe. Owing to the prox- 
 imity of the camp-circle to the railroad and to white communities of 
 considerable size, the ceremony is witnessed each year by a large 
 number of white visitors. This has contributed much to weaken the 
 genuineness of the feeling for the ceremony. Not the least difficulty 
 which I encountered in -the brief time that I have been able to devote 
 to the Ponca, was my inability to secure the services of a satisfactory 
 interpreter. This does not mean that there are no educated young 
 men in the tribe, or that the priests are unwilling to give such infor- 
 mation as they possess about the ceremony. The real difficulty lay 
 in securing an interpreter who would be willing to confine his atten- 
 tion to the subject in hand. Imperfect as this account is, however, 
 I offer it as a contribution to the study of the Sun Dance in general. 
 
 It is with much pleasure that I acknowledge my indebtedness to 
 White-Eagle, the chief of the Ponca, to the minor chiefs, and to the 
 priests and dancers of the ceremony for their uniform willingness to 
 assist me, both in securing information on the ceremony and in pho- 
 tographing the more important events. 
 
 George A. Dorsey. 
 
 November i, 1905. 
 
PART I.— GENERAL OBSERVATIONS. 
 
 NAME OF THE CEREMONY. 
 
 The name the Poncas give to the Sun Dance ceremony is Sun- 
 Seeing-dance ; that is, the sun is a witness to the dance. Another 
 name at times appHed to the ceremony is Sacred or Myster}^ dance. 
 
 Time and Duration. 
 
 The time of the ceremony is determined by the Thunder-men 
 (Sun Dance priests), who assemble at the call of the tribal chief in 
 the spring for this purpose. The month being determined, they 
 choose the time of the month when the moon is at least half full. 
 All the Ponca ceremonies of which I have any record have been held 
 in June or July, the majority in the latter month. 
 
 Participants. 
 
 The priests of the ceremony are called Thunder-men, and are 
 medicine-men who have fasted at least four times during previous 
 ceremonies and who have learned the rites and paints. The priests 
 determine who shall dance in each ceremony, each priest selecting 
 one or more menwho shall report to the priests in general at a certain 
 time during the ceremony, when the dancer selects his instructor and 
 remains in his care until the end of the ceremony and compensates 
 him liberally for his instructions. Each individual chosen may be 
 expected to be thus called, on three additional performances, where- 
 upon he becomes a Sun Dance priest. To be thus chosen is not without 
 considerable honor, for each dancer is supposed to bear the sufferings 
 of the tribe. The priesthood of the Ponca Sun Dance is, therefore, a 
 close corporation with self -perpetuating power. Each priest selects 
 a servant and two pipe-bearers, one to take care of his pipe, the other 
 to look after the gifts or presents. The ceremony is in charge of the 
 oldest and most learned of the priests and more especially under the 
 direction of the war-priest of the tribe. There are neither pledgers 
 for the ceremony itself nor those who vow they will dance and fast. 
 During the ceremony the directors were as follows: 
 
 White-Eagle, Chief. (See PI. I, Fig. i.) 
 
 Hairy-Bear, Leader. 
 
 Big-Elk, Assistant Leader. (See PI. I, Fig. 2.) 
 
 . 69 
 
70 
 
 Field Columbian Musetm — Anthropology, Vol. VII. 
 
 Priests. 
 No-Ear. 
 
 Little-Walker. 
 
 Two-Crows. 
 
 4. Sits-on-Hill. 
 
 The following list contains the names of the priests, or grand- 
 fathers, as those who attend to the painting are called, and those 
 who were to fast and dance: 
 
 Dancers. 
 
 Through-Hole, 
 
 Black-Buffalo-Bull. 
 
 Frank-Eagle. 
 
 Fire-Shaker. 
 
 Yellow-Ricket. 
 
 Carl Four-Bear. 
 
 Philip Other. 
 
 Charles McDonald. 
 
 Martin Blue-Back. 
 
 Jack Rough-Face. 
 
 Edward Little-Warrior, 
 
 Little-Hale. 
 
 Willie Poor-Horse. 
 
 Albert Black-Coal. 
 (Oto.) 
 
 5. Little-Dancer. James Other. 
 
 Jessie Gives-Water. 
 Jack No-Care. 
 
 6. Polecat. Black-Horse. 
 
 (Osage.) 
 Clarence Black-Hair-Horse, 
 Joe Knows-the-Country. 
 
 7. Black-Elk. . Fred Smith. 
 
 Fred Crooked-Hand. 
 (Oto.) 
 
 8. White-Deer. Makes-Cloud. 
 
 Little-Snake. 
 Oscar Makes-Cry. 
 John Bull. • 
 Buffalo-Chief. 
 Mrs. Little-Snake. 
 
 9. Little-Hard-Man. Atkins White-Tail. 
 
 Leonard Big-Goose. 
 Leon Little-Turtle. 
 John Hudson (Oto). 
 (Oto.) 
 From the list it is seen that four Oto and one Osage participated 
 in the ceremony, and one woman. 
 
PART II.— THE CEREMONY. 
 
 The time and place of the ceremony having previously been 
 announced to the tribe, they aim to move camp and have formed the 
 camp-circle by evening of the day before that set for the beginning of 
 the ceremony. From this time until the close of the ceremony, all 
 who are to participate in the ceremony abstain from women, other- 
 wise serious accidents would result. 
 
 FIRST DAY. 
 
 The Four Secret Tipis of Preparation. 
 
 The camp-circle being completed, the priests selected four tipis, 
 located one on the southeast, one on the southwest, one on the north- 
 west, and one on the northeast of the circle. They assembled within 
 these tipis according to the following grouping: 
 No. I. White-Deer. 
 Black-Elk. 
 Polecat. 
 No. 2. Little Dancer. 
 Sits-on-Hill. 
 Hairy-Bear. 
 No. 3. Two-Crows. 
 No-Ear. 
 Little-Walker. 
 No. 4. White-Eagle. 
 Big-Elk. 
 
 Little-Hard-Man. 
 No rites were performed, but they visited back and forth from 
 one tipi to another, provided certain raw materials to be used later 
 in the ceremony, decided on the individuals who were to perform 
 certain rites later on, and discussed the names of the men who were 
 to be invited to participate as dancers during the ceremony. 
 
 Mourning Feast. 
 At about noon there occurred on the south side of the circle a 
 mourning feast, at which time many presents, including horses, 
 ponies, trunks, shawls, etc., were given away. This was followed by 
 the feast. (See PL II, Fig. i.) 
 
 71 
 
72 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. VII. 
 
 The most important event of the day was the appointing by each 
 priest of pipe-bearers and a servant who should run errands and 
 assist him generally. The servants (see PI. Ill, Fig. i) collectively 
 act as police and guard the camp. The pipe-bearers (see PI. Ill, 
 Fig. 2) always accompany the priest; one bears his pipe and paints 
 and fasts just as the priest does who appoints him ; the other pipe- 
 bearer looks after the presents the priest receives for instructing the 
 dancers. 
 
 SECOND DAY. 
 
 With daybreak the servants began clearing and making ready 
 the space within the camp-circle, and the principal participants and 
 mounted Dog Soldiers began to appear. 
 
 Preparation for the Sham Battle. 
 At about seven o'clock the chief, White-Eagle, made the follow- 
 ing announcement: "The enemies are coming to attack our camp. 
 We must be on the alert. All you young men get ready, for we 
 must drive them away and let them know that we are prepared to 
 repulse any depredation at all times. Mount your ponies, shoulder 
 your guns, prepare to follow your leader (Hairy-Bear) and repulse 
 them. They must be driven away for the safety of our camp and 
 of our women and children." Immediately following this announce- 
 ment, young men and old, gayly attired, began to appear and parade 
 around the inside of the camp-circle. Big-Elk from time to time 
 urged them to hurry and called for more men to volunteer. Near the 
 the center of the circle Big-Elk took his position with a standard, 
 and by him sat several musicians about a large drum. (See PI. IV, 
 Fig. I .) Near the drummers were gathered the men who had been 
 selected to fast and dance in the ceremony. White-Eagle stood to 
 their left and directed the performance, which was in the nature 
 of preparation to meet the enemy. Thus arranged, they sang war- 
 songs and related war stories for about an hour. (See PL V.) 
 
 Spying the Centre-Pole. 
 In the mean time the mounted warriors, the so-called Dog Soldiers, 
 led by Little-Soldier, set off to the north and went to the timber 
 to go through the formality of spying the tall willow tree (chosen 
 because the willow is hard to kill), which had been selected the 
 night before by the chiefs. (See PI. IV, Fig. 2.) Then they re- 
 turned toward the camp-circle, having painted themselves and be- 
 ing provided with grape-vine shields and willow poles for lances. 
 
Dec, 1905. The Ponca Sun Dance — Dorsey. 75 
 
 The majority of the horses were painted, and provided with wil- 
 low collars and bell pendants. They entered the camp-circle on 
 the north side, and singing, shouting and yelling, and brandishing 
 their guns, they rapidly rode around the camp-circle, passing via 
 the east and south. Then they charged upon the equally bedecked 
 and painted crowd in the centre of the circle, and for over half 
 an hour there ensued a very spirited and hilarious sham battle. 
 (See PL VI .) During the sham battle White-Eagle and the sub-chiefs 
 selected certain men to "capture the enemy," that is, to go with the 
 one who located the tree to the timber, cut the tree and bring it to 
 the centre of the camp-circle. It was then about midday and all 
 went to their tipis for the noon feast and to give away presents, 
 to show their joy at the successful outcome of the sham battle. 
 
 Moving the Tipis of Preparation. 
 Mention has been made of the tipis selected by the priests on 
 th'e previous day, which served as meeting -places. In the early 
 morning each of these was taken up bodily by women, relatives of 
 the priests, and carried within the camp-circle about one hundred 
 feet towards the centre. (See PI. II, Fig. 2.) These tipis then became 
 sacred and secret, and could not be entered by any one except the 
 priests who belonged to them, or later by the dancers who elected to 
 have as grandfather a priest, who, in conjunction with one or more 
 priests, owned the tipis. 
 
 Inviting the Dancers. 
 Immediately after assembling in the secret tipis the servants 
 were given the names of those who were to be invited to fast. They 
 at once made the round of the camp crying out the names. The 
 men on hearing their names called went to any one of the four secret 
 tipis they chose, and each selected as grandfather the one he pre- 
 ferred to be his instructor. Each grandfather, however, aimed to 
 get at least four men to paint and direct. Having chosen a grand.- 
 father, they henceforth remained in his tipi, except when they were 
 in the Sun Dance lodge proper. In this secret tipi they were painted 
 and costumed for the public performances, and from the time they 
 entered the tipi until the ceremony came to an end they fasted. 
 
 Building the Lodge. 
 At about two o'clock a large body of men and women went to 
 the timber and brought in many short limbs. With these, under 
 the direction of White-Eagle, the Sun Dance lodge was erected. 
 
74 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, ^'ol. VII. 
 
 This differed entirely from the elaborate and substantia' odgcerected 
 by the Cheyenne and Arapaho. The limbs were sharpened t one 
 end and thrust into the ground in the form of a circle about', v^enty- 
 five feet in diameter, with a wide open space or doorway towards 
 the east. In this condition the lodge remained until the following 
 morning. 
 
 Capturing the Centre-Pole. 
 In the mean time the men appointed by White-Eagle in the fore- 
 noon, led by the one who had located the centre-pole, had gone to 
 that part of the timber where the willow tree was standing. Arrived 
 at the tree they halted, and the leader, Little-Soldier, related a 
 war story, telling how he had killed an enemy. Then he rode around 
 the tree, thus capturing it. The man selected to chop the tree 
 walked around it four times, touching the tree once each time. Then 
 each man present marched around it, counting coup on the enemy. 
 After that it was felled without further ceremony, and carried by men 
 to the edge of the camp-circle, where it was placed so as to extend 
 north and south or crosswise to the sun, and there it was left until 
 the following morning. It should have been taken into the circle 
 in the afternoon, but the men were too late in returning with it. 
 As late as seven o'clock White-Eagle and Hairy-Bear rode around 
 the camp pleading that the pole be brought in, although they knew 
 that their plea would be in vain. Furthermore, the lodge should 
 have been dedicated on this night, but, as that was impossible, the 
 men invited to fast danced and sang informally, both within and 
 without the inclosure. 
 
 The Four Tipi Altars. 
 
 These altars, Qr dry sand paintings, were erected in the after- 
 noon, but the accompanying rites were not observed. Whether 
 each altar was the work of one priest, or of all in the tipi, was not 
 ascertained, nor is it known to what extent, if any, the dancers 
 were allowed to participate in any rites which may have accom- 
 panied the construction of the altars. 
 
 Altar No. i. A circular area within the tipi had been cleared 
 and the ground made smooth. The diameter of this cleared space 
 was about five feet. The space surrounding the cleared area was 
 covered with sage, the butts being directed toward the outer edge 
 of the tipi. The symbol itself consisted of four concentric circles, 
 the one on the inside being red, the second yellow, the third green. 
 These circles were made by excavating the earth to a slight depth 
 
Dec, 1905. The Ponca Sun Dance — Dorsey. 
 
 75 
 
 and coverin the excavated surface with dried paint. The three 
 inner ircles v\ ere distant from each other about six inches. The 
 outer c .iC V. is not excavated, but was produced by covering a broad, 
 irregular area outside the third circle with red paint, which extended 
 as far as the sage. (See PI. VII, Fig. i.) 
 
 Altar No. 2. As in the first tipi, the central part of the space 
 within the tipi had been thoroughly cleared and the remaining por- 
 tion covered with sage. In the centre of this cleared area was a cross, 
 with arms of equal length, produced by two lines of sand made at 
 right angles. At the end of each line was a peculiarly shaped symbol 
 representing in a somewhat realistic manner the. buffalo hoof. The 
 explanation given of this altar was that the sage represented the 
 people, the arms of the cross the paths of the buffalo and of the 
 four winds, the buffalo hoofs, of course, being symbolic of the buffalo. 
 (See PL VII, Fig. 2.) 
 
 Altar No. 3. The cleared space and the sage occupied the 
 same relative areas they did in the first and second tipis. In the 
 cleared area was a comparatively level sand field, about two feet 
 in diameter. Surrounding this was a shallow trench two inches in 
 width, with its sides covered with red paint. Over the sand field 
 the narrow trench and the area of cleared ground still remaining 
 were scattered eagle downy feathers. According to my informant, 
 "there should have been four colors in this altar, but the leaders 
 had changed it to suit themselves, in order to make the medicine 
 stronger." The red trench was the symbol of the sun, while the whole 
 altar represented the nest of the Thunder-Bird. (See PI. VIII, Fig. i, 
 and PI. IX, Fig. i.) 
 
 Altar No. 4. The altar in this tipi bore a general resemblance 
 to that in No. i, the centre of the cleared area being occupied by 
 four concentric circles, the inner by four concentric circles, with 
 equal space between them. The inner circle, two feet and a half 
 in diameter, was blue, the second circle was red, the next blue, and 
 the outer circle red. No explanation was obtained concerning the 
 meaning of this altar, beyond the statement that it was the sun's 
 symbol of one of the four medicine worlds. (See PI. VIII, Fig. 2, 
 and PL IX, Fig. 2.) 
 
 THIRD DAY. 
 
 At sunrise White-Eagle made the circuit of the camp-circle on 
 horseback, calling for the dancers to repair to their respective tipis 
 of preparation. 
 
76 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. VII. 
 
 The Race to the Centre-Pole. 
 
 Within half an hour the dancers, in charge of their grandfathers, 
 left the four tipis and assembled on the south side of the camp. 
 There they formed in one long line facing north. The dancers were 
 entirely naked except for a loin-cloth and blanket. Their blankets 
 were given to the servants of their grandfathers, and as they re- 
 ceived them they shouted four times. At the signal all raced to the 
 opposite side of the circle where the winner of the race, Crazy- 
 Buffalo, stepped upon the foot of the centre-pole, thus having the 
 honor of first counting coup on a dead enemy. The other racers 
 repeated this performance. One struck it with a stick, and all 
 sang a victory song in honor of the winner of the race. Then by 
 means of short poles, which had already been provided for the pur- 
 pose, they lifted the tree and carried it to the Sun Dance lodge, 
 halting four times on the way. The dancers and their grandfathers 
 returned to the secret tipis to begin preparation for the ceremony 
 proper. The Dog Soldiers went to the timber for additional boughs 
 to complete the arbor forming the lodge. When these were in place 
 women fastened four canvas tipis to the sides of the arbor and at- 
 tached the free ends to the lodge poles, thus forming a better protec- 
 tion for the dancers from the burning rays of the sun. 
 
 Painting the Centre-Pole. 
 
 The chiefs, leaders, and priests gathered around the centre-pole. 
 Standing-Elk related some war stories, each story stating that on 
 the return of each party they were successful and wore the black 
 paint of victory. Then White-Eagle related seven war tales, .each 
 one with an equally happy ending. Next Red-Leaf related a tale 
 in which the victors returned home wounded and covered with blood. 
 At the end of this tale a band of red a foot and a half wide was painted 
 near the centre of the pole by Little-Walker, who also painted the 
 skull in his secret tipi. (See PI. X.) Then Yellow-Bear related 
 the story of a victorious party who, upon returning home, found 
 that they had no black paint and so had to burn grass for use in 
 blacking their faces. Little- Walker then burned some dry grass, 
 and with the black ash thus formed he painted a black band just 
 above the red one. A large bundle of willows was placed in the 
 fork of the pole, tied by a long lariat rope which hung free, and a 
 black handkerchief was tied to one of the forks as a mourning symbol. 
 Without further rites the pole was raised into position. (See PI. XL) 
 
Dec, 1905. The Ponca Sun Dance — Dorsey. 77 
 
 Preparation for the Altar. 
 
 After the pole was erected the women cleared with hoes a cir- 
 cular space about ten feet in diameter west of and between the centre- 
 pole and the outer edge of the lodge. The dirt they piled just at the 
 foot of the centre-pole on the west side. About the outer or western 
 quarter of the rim of the cleared space they placed a layer of weed 
 sage. 
 
 In the mean time before the tipi of each man selected to dance 
 during the ceremony a long trimmed pole had been erected by his 
 mother or a female relative, from the top of which streamed a long 
 piece of calico or cloth. These were offerings or sacrifices, and 
 indicated that the. tipis over which they waved were contributing 
 to the ceremony. Should a man erect one of the banners he would 
 be classed as a woman. 
 
 The Dancers Enter the Lodge. 
 When the lodge was ready, a crier went forth to inform the priests, 
 who, during the time of the performance of the above-mentioned 
 rites, had been in the secret tipis preparing and painting the dancers. 
 The priests and their subjects came forth from the tipis and started 
 towards the lodge. On the way they halted four times, sitting down 
 on the ground for a few minutes each time. (See Pis. XII and XIIL) 
 Arriving at the entrance of the lodge, they passed on around the out- 
 side, encircling it by the way of the south and west, halting four times; 
 again, arriving at the entrance of the lodge, they turned and entered 
 by groups, each led by a priest or grandfather, in the following order: 
 I. No-Ear. 2. Little-Walker. 3. Two-Crows. 4. Sits-on-Hill. 5. 
 Little-Hard-Man. The dancers of each group were all painted and cos- 
 tumed alike, each bearing the paint and costume of his grandfather. 
 The grandfather not only paints himself, but dances and fasts as do the 
 regular subjects. As the names of the dancers proper have already 
 been given in connection with their so-called grandfathers in the 
 list of Participants, it is not necessary to repeat them. In describing 
 the Paints, the numbers of groups will refer to the numbers as ar- 
 ranged above. 
 
 Completion of the Altar. 
 As the line of dancers entered the lodge, No-Ear and Little- 
 Walker turned toward the cleared space and the latter placed the 
 painted buffalo skull, which he had carried from his lodge, upon 
 the sage, so that, at the outer edge of the cleared space, the skull 
 faced towards the centre-pole. Then No-Ear deposited on the 
 
yS Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology^ Vol. VII. 
 
 ground a pipe, which he so placed that its stem leaned against the 
 base of one of the horns. This completed the altar. The skull 
 bore the following paint, which presumably had been done by a 
 priest while in the lone tipi. (See Fig. i.) On the forehead of the 
 skull was a square, the anterior and posterior lines of the square being 
 continued down the sides of the skull. In front of these were two 
 additional lines continuing entirely across the skull. On each side of 
 the lines of the square were two other lines, which were continued 
 backwards to the base of the skull, the anterior ends of these two 
 lines being connected by two parallel lines. All of the lines were 
 narrow red lines. (See PI. XIV.) 
 
 Fig. I. Diagram of paint of buffalo skull. 
 
 Beginning of the Dance. 
 Immediately after the arrival of the dancers several musicians 
 entered the lodge and took their places about a large drum inside 
 the lodge and just south of the entrance. They at once began to 
 shout in a high voice and beat irregularly on the drum. The dancers, 
 grandfathers, and pipe-bearers, who had seated themselves in a 
 long, semi-circular line about the west half side of the lodge, arose. 
 The grandfathers began shaking their bells or whatever they held 
 in their hands. The dancers began to cry and heave their chests 
 in a peculiar form of prayer. All raised their right hand toward 
 
Dec, 1905. The Ponca Sun Dance — Dorsey. 79 
 
 the centre-pole. Then they placed the whistles in their mouths, 
 and, facing the centre-pole, they began to whistle and dance in time 
 to the singing and drumming, which had now become regular. Thus 
 they danced during four successive songs, which occupied half an 
 hour. Then the drummers arose and passed outside the lodge 
 towards the east. The dancers followed and, halting by the side 
 of the long poles with the calico banners, they formed in one long 
 line east and west and faced the sun and danced. (See PI. XV.) 
 All returned to the lodge, where they continued to dance at inter- 
 vals for the remainder of the day, dancing outside to the sun on 
 two additional occasions. On one of these two occasions they waved 
 towards the sun for long periods the wreaths or shields or whatever 
 else they held in their hands. 
 
 At two o'clock the relatives of the dancers provided a feast for 
 all the musicians and guests. During the day there was much 
 rejoicing and giving away of ponies, etc. (See PI. XVI.) 
 
 The Evening and Night Performance. 
 
 After a long period of rest in the afternoon, the dancers, just 
 before sunset, filed out of the lodge and passed around by way of 
 the south to the west side tipi, where they formed in one long line 
 facing the setting sun in the west. Behind them were grouped 
 the musicians about the drum. In front of the line of dancers stood 
 Hairy-Bear. In this position they danced for over half an hour. 
 From time to time the grandfathers stepped from the line in front 
 of their subjects, exhorted them, waved their leaves and sun-glasses, 
 etc. (See PI. XVII.) The dancing was extremely spirited through- 
 out this period, and the greatest religious enthusiasm was shown 
 by the crowd of spectators, who formed in long lines extending from 
 the east to the west on each side of the end of the line. After the 
 sun had completely disappeared, the grandfathers and dancers engaged 
 in a long and earnest prayer. Then they sat down and faced the 
 east for a short period. Thereupon they returned to the tipi and 
 rested until about eleven o'clock that night. Then they all arose, 
 passed out of the tipis and stood facing east and danced to the moon 
 for nearly an hour. They returned to the tipi and rested until after 
 midnight, when they again left the tipi and danced, facing the west, 
 to the moon. The two remaining hours of the night were passed in 
 sleep. 
 
 FOURTH DAY. 
 
 Shortly before sunrise the dancers began to adjust their kilts 
 and made ready for the sunrise performance. They passed out 
 
8o Field Columbian Museum -7- Anthropology^ Vol. VII. 
 
 of the tipi, accompanied by the grandfathers and musicians, as 
 on the preceding day. They formed in one long hne, facing the 
 east and danced until the sun appeared. Again they prayed long 
 and earnestly, as on the preceding night. They re-entered the tipi, 
 and after a short period of inactivity, they received their second 
 paint. Bv seven o'clock they were again ready for the dance, and, 
 rising, they stood and prayed for nearly a quarter of an hour. Then 
 they danced, facing the centre-pole, while the grandfathers earnestly 
 exhorted and encouraged them. 
 
 Several times during the day they left the tipi as on the pre- 
 ceding dav, and danced with their eyes fully turned towards the 
 blazing sun. Many times during this dance the grandfathers worked 
 themselves and subjects into a frenzy of excitement, waving before 
 the dancers their wreaths and shields, or by means of small hand- 
 mirrors reflecting the sun directly in their subjects' eyes; at other 
 times running about the dancers, gesticulating frantically, or directing 
 their attention to something in the sun which the}^ themselves could 
 see, and wished that the dancers might see. (See Pis. XVIII and 
 XIX.) 
 
 Throughout the day's performance there was much feasting 
 about the camp, and many ponies and other presents were given away 
 during the dancing episodes. Many presents, especially ponies, 
 were also given to a band of about thirty Pawnees, who were visit- 
 ing the Poncas on this occasion. During the day there were also 
 held many mourning feasts and dances, at different points in the 
 camp-circle, and in the afternoon the women held a scalp dance. 
 (See PI. XX.) . 
 
 FIFTH DAY. 
 
 The Sunrise Dance. 
 At five in the morning the dancers were still asleep, lying in a 
 circle about the edge of the lodge, their heads turned towards the 
 centre-pole. Shortly after, they began to awaken, and before sun- 
 rise they had brushed their hair carefully and adjusted their cos- 
 tume. Led by the musicians, who beat in irregular time upon the 
 drum, they passed outside the lodge and faced towards the east, 
 and, raising both hands towards the sun, prayed for fifteen minutes. 
 Then, to the exhortations of the grandfathers, or the jingling of bells, 
 the waving of bandoleers, etc., they danced during four songs. After 
 the dance they returned to the lodge to receive the third paint. By 
 eight o'clock all were ready. They passed out of the lodge in groups 
 and not in single file as before. Each group, led by its leader, went 
 
Dec, 1905. The Ponca Sun Dance — Dorsey. 81 
 
 either to the right or to the left and encircled the lodge, and in regular 
 positions danced for a quarter of an hour. Thus the forenoon was 
 spent. 
 
 The Final Dance. 
 Shortly after noon all the dancers in line passed outside the 
 lodge, went towards the south to the west of the lodge and faced 
 the sun overhead. Here they danced for nearly an hour, the dance 
 being of an extremely spirited nature. All then re-entered the lodge, 
 the dancers removed the cotton bands from their wrists and ankles 
 and the willow wreaths from their bodies, and deposited them, 
 along with the bunches of sage they had held in their hands, on 
 the mound at the foot of the centre-pole. (See PI. XXI, Fig. i.) Those 
 who had used black handkerchiefs and those who had carried the 
 little images attached them to the base of the centre-pole. During 
 this performance the Dog Soldiers formed in a semi-circle facing the 
 lodge outside, and the priests formed in a circle just behind them. 
 
 Secret Rites in the Tipis of Preparation. 
 
 After the dancers had removed all of their paraphernalia, ex- 
 cept their kilts and loin-cloths, they reassembled in groups, and 
 each, led by its grandfather, went to one or the other of the secret 
 tipis of preparation. The group from tipi No. 4, that of White- 
 Eagle, was followed by the author. Arrived at the tipi, the leaders 
 entered first, and were followed by the dancers. They all sat down 
 in a circle around the sides of the tipi. The pipe-bearers entered, 
 while a group of Dog Soldiers sat outside. 
 
 Female relatives of the dancers brought food to the tipi, and 
 it was passed inside. 
 
 The Sacrifice. 
 White-Eagle sat opposite the entrance of the tipi and having 
 the sand-picture between him and the opening, took a cup of water 
 in his left hand and with the thumb of his right made a small hole 
 at the edge of the sand-picture. Into this he poured some water, 
 covered the hole, took a bunch of sage, dipped it in the cup and 
 drew it across the mouth of the dancer who sat next to him. Then 
 with his hand he pressed the rest of the water from the sage upon 
 the dancer's head. He again dipped it into the water, and went 
 through the same performance with the dancer next in line, and so 
 on until he had gone entirely around the circle. He then passed 
 the same piece of sage over the sun symbol, drawing it back and 
 forth irregularly. Then he passed it back and forth on the symbo 
 
82 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. VII. 
 
 and destroyed it. Next a cup of water was handed to each one of 
 the dancers, after which each drank his fill from the pail. Then 
 White-Eagle took from a bowl some corn and offered it to the sun 
 symbol on the south side. Food, consisting chiefly of dog-meat, 
 was then distributed among the dancers. As each dancer received 
 his portion, he broke off a bit, raised it aloft, muttered a prayer, 
 and dropped it on the centre of the sun-symbol. After the feast, 
 White-Eagle uttered a prayer. 
 
 Torture. 
 
 At this point the author left this tipi, and went to White-Deer's 
 tipi, callea hitherto No. i. So far as could be learned, the same 
 rites had been performed here as in tipi No. 4. On entering, the 
 dancers were preparing themselves for the sacrifice. Seated in 
 the centre was the priest, and one after the other the dancers took 
 a place by him, each as he did so turning his right shoulder to the 
 priest. The latter thereupon took up an awl which he thrust in 
 the skin over the shoulder-bone, and, lifting up the skin, he cut off 
 with a knife a circular piece about half an inch in diameter, which 
 he placed in the outstretched hand of the dancer. Thereupon, 
 the latter stood up, raised the piece of skin upward, offering it to the 
 sun, then placed it on a small piece of cloth with tobacco seeds, which 
 had been provided for that purpose. During this rite of sacrifice 
 much good feeling and jollity and even hilarity prevailed in the 
 tipi. After the priest had completed taking the sacrifice from the 
 last dancer, each handed to the priest his little packet containing 
 the tobacco and the piece of skin; these he took to the lodge and 
 deposited them on the ground at the foot of the centre- pole. 
 (See PI. XXI, Fig. 2.) It was then about two o'clock in the after- 
 noon and the ceremony was at an end. 
 
 PAINTS AND COSTUMES. 
 
 All dancers at all times wore their hair loose, and were naked, 
 except for a loose, white skirt, over which hung in front the loose 
 end of a red or blue loin-cloth. None of them at any time wore 
 moccasins. Besides the paint which the dancers of each group 
 wore in common, the members of each group wore or carried distinc- 
 tive objects of special nature. When the contrary is not stated, 
 it will be understood that all the dancers, including the grandfather 
 or the one who painted them, and his servant and pipe-bearers, 
 were painted and costumed alike. Each dancer carried in one hand 
 a bunch of sage, and all wore wrist and ankle bands of cotton, which 
 
Dec, 1905. The Ponca Sun Dance — Dorsey. 83 
 
 are symbolic of clouds. Thus they make themselves plain to the 
 Thundef-Bird. Each dancer also wore on his breast the usual eagle- 
 wing bone Sun Dance whistle, which was suspended from a cord 
 around his neck. The lower end of the whistle, that is, the part he 
 inserted in the mouth, was covered with short sage stems. This is 
 said to prevent the dancers from becoming thirsty. 
 
 First Paint. 
 
 This is the paint worn on the third day of the first entry of the 
 lodge. As before noted, all preparations of costumes, painting, etc., 
 were done in the secret tipis. 
 
 1st Group. All wore an eagle breath feather attached by a short 
 string to the scalp lock, and a necklace of long, red horsehair, so 
 arranged as to extend well down on the breast and shoulders. (See 
 PI. XXII, Fig. I.) The entire body was painted yellow. Blue dots 
 extended down the arms and surrounded the face. (See PI. XXIII, 
 Fig. I.) The upper half of the face of the grandfather was painted 
 black. 
 
 2d Group. All wore an eagle breath feather attached to the 
 scalp lock, and a wide collar of eagle feathers about the neck. (See 
 PI. XXII, Fig. 2.) The entire body was painted yellow, except 
 the face, which was red. All the dancers, except the grandfather, 
 wore a row of large, red, circular dots on the left arm, and a red 
 zigzag line on the right arm. (See PI. XXIII, Fig. 2.) 
 
 3d Group. All wore the eagle breath feather in the scalp lock. 
 The grandfather wore around his neck a wreath of sage, so fash- 
 ioned that the sage projected outward on four sides, thus giving 
 it a rectangular appearance. (See PI. XXIV', Fig. i.) The bodies 
 of all were painted yellow. The faces were painted a bright red, 
 surrounded by a row of white dots. On the right arms were zigzag 
 lines, and on the left rows of large circular dots, both in bright red. 
 (See PI. XXV, Fig. i.) 
 
 4th Group. All wore an eagle breath feather in the scalp lock 
 and a collar of eagle tail feathers around the neck. Three of the 
 dancers carried in their right hands a compactly made ring of willow ; 
 the fourth carried in his right hand a similar ring of sage, to which 
 were attached eight eagle breath feathers. (See PI. XXIV, Fig. 2.) 
 The entire bodies of all were painted yellow ; so were the faces of all 
 except one, who had only a blue line across his face. The others bore 
 a row of blue dots around their faces. 
 
 ^th Grottp. All wore eagle breath feathers attached to their 
 scalp locks. The grandfather wore a necklace or collar of black 
 eagle feathers and all the dancers wore a collar of crow feathers. 
 
84 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. VII. 
 
 (See PI. XXVI, Fig, i.) The entire body of all in the group was 
 painted yellow, except the face, which was red, surrounded by very 
 large white spots. A row of large white spots extended up and 
 down each arm and a circular row was found on the breast. (See 
 PI. XXV, Fig. 2.) 
 
 6th Group. The grandfather and three dancers wore a bandoleer 
 of crow feathers, the last dancer wearing a bandoleer of hawk 
 feathers. All the dancers carried in their right hands a large sage 
 ring, to which was attached eight eagle breath feathers. The grand- 
 father in his right hand carried a black handkerchief to which was 
 attached a bell. (See PI. XXVI, Fig. 2.) The bodies of all were 
 painted 3^ellow. The faces were surrounded by small white dots. 
 On the breast, back, and arms were marks made by applying the 
 fingers when the paint was wet. (See PI. XXVII, Fig. i.) 
 
 yth Group. All wore the eagle breath feather attached to the 
 scalp lock and a black-tipped eagle tail feather in the hair. All wore 
 an otter-skin band on the right wrist, to which was attached a small 
 red painted human image of rawhide, and a bunch of crow feathers. 
 (See PI. XXVIII, Fig. i.) The bodies of all were painted red. The 
 face was also red, except within a white line which surrounded the 
 face. Over the red of the body were white lines, from ten to three 
 inches long, made by the fingers. (See PI. XXVII, Fig. 2.) 
 
 8th Group. All wore a red painted human image of rawhide, 
 seven inches long, suspended from a cord at the wrist. The grand- 
 father, in his right hand, carried a sage ring, and in his left a black 
 handkerchief, to which was attached a bell. One of the dancers 
 carried an eagle feather attached by a string; another a small hand 
 looking-glass. One wore a crow feather bandoleer, and the remain- 
 ing dancers wore a hawk feather bandoleer. (See PI. XXVIII, Fig. 2.) 
 The bodies of all were painted red. Around the faces and up and 
 down the arms were three rows of white dots, the ends of which 
 met in front of their necks. The tops of their heads were besmeared 
 with thick red paint. (See PI. XXIX, Fig. i.) 
 
 gth Group. All carried medicine war shields and wore in their 
 scalp locks an eagle breath feather attached to a long string. One 
 wore a plain rawhide bandoleer; another wore a red stained horse- 
 hair necklace; another wore a broad bead necklace and a red string 
 bandoleer. (See Plate XXX.) The grandfather and two dancers 
 were painted red. On the left side of the face was a crescent- shaped 
 line in blue. (See PI. XXIX, Fig. 2.) The other three dancers 
 were painted yellow, with a blue line passing across their nose 
 from one cheek to the other. (See PI. XXXI, Fig. i.) 
 
Dec, 1905. The Ponca Sun Dance — Dorsey. 85 
 
 Second Paint. 
 
 This paint, as already noted, was worn on the third dav. The 
 dancers were painted in the lodge on this occasion, and not in the 
 secret tipi. In costume and objects worn on the body or carried 
 in the hand, no change was introduced from the preceding day. It 
 remains to describe the paint of those groups which introduced a new 
 paint. 
 
 4tli Group. All the dancers and the grandfather were painted 
 alike. The body and face were painted yellow, and around the 
 breast and around the face were black circles. 
 
 ^th Group. All the dancers and the grandfather were painted 
 alike, except one, who was unpainted. The body was painted 
 yellow and the face red. Surrounding the face was a row of white 
 dots. Up and down each arm was a zigzag line in white and a white 
 circle was placed on the breast. (See PI. XXXI, Fig. 2.) 
 
 yth Group. The grandfather was painted differently from the 
 dancers. His entire body and face were painted yellow, and on the 
 right arm was painted a zigzag line of red. The dancers were painted 
 3'ellow, but on their right arm bore a line of red dots, and on their 
 left arm a zigzag line of red. 
 
 gth Group. The grandfather's body and face were painted 
 orange. On one side of his face was a semi-circle of blue. The 
 bodies and faces of two of the dancers were painted yellow. Across 
 the yellow-painted face was a straight blue line. The remaining 
 dancers of this group had a red painted body, with a blue semi- 
 circle on the face. The scalp line was painted yellow. 
 
 Third Paint. 
 
 The third was the last paint worn during the ceremony, and was 
 applied in the lodge on the morning of the fifth, or last day. As 
 during the second paint, there was no change in the paraphernalia 
 of the dancers, but there was a complete change in the paints. 
 
 1st Group. The body of the grandfather was painted a'cIIow 
 throughout, except the upper half of the face, which was painted 
 black. The bodies of the dancers were painted yellow. Around 
 the face and arms were encircling blue lines. 
 
 2d Group. The bodies of all the dancers, including the grand- 
 father, were painted yellow. The face of the grandfather was 
 painted red, filled in with large white dots. (See PI. XXXII, Fig. i.) 
 Around the faces of the dancers was a broad white line, and down 
 the left arm was a zigzag line in red and down the right arm a row 
 of large red dots. 
 
86 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. VII. 
 
 jd Group. The grandfather's body was painted red. Up and 
 down each arm was a series of large white dots, arranged in parahel 
 rows. (See PI. XXXII, Fig. 2.) The bodies of the dancers were 
 painted yellow, with the face red, encircled by a white band. Down 
 the right arm was a single line of large red dots, and down the left 
 arm was a red zigzag line. 
 
 4th Group. The bodies of the grandfather and dancers were 
 painted yellow. That of the grandfather was given a rough, grained 
 effect by the application of the finger to the wet paint. Around 
 the face was a black circle, and on each breast was a large crescent- 
 shaped symbol. (See PL XXXIII, Fig. i.) Around the face of 
 each dancer was a single row of large red dots. 
 
 ^th Group. The bodies of the grandfather and the dancers were 
 painted yellow. The grandfather and two of the dancers wore on 
 the left side of their faces a blue crescent-shaped symbol. The 
 remaining dancers wore a straight line across the face, passing over 
 the bridge of the nose. 
 
 6th Group. The bodies of the grandfather and dancers were 
 painted yellow. The face was painted red, surrounded by a row of 
 white dots. Across the breast and shoulders the grandfather wore 
 ten parallel rows of white dots. (See PI. XXXIII, Fig. 2.) The 
 arms and bodies of the dancers were streaked with white. 
 
 yth Group. The bodies of all the dancers and the grandfather 
 were painted red. The face was surrounded by two rows of small 
 green dots. (See PI. XXXIV, Fig. i. ) The dancers wore green dots 
 on their bodies, and a white line around the face. (See PI. XXXIV, 
 Fig. 2.) 
 
 8th Group. All were painted red. Around the face and down 
 the arms of the grandfather was a white zigzag line. (See PI. 
 XXXV, Fig. I.) Each dancer wore two rows of white dots around 
 his face, and four rows across his breast. (See PI. XXXV, Fig. 2.) 
 gth Grotip. One of the dancers was unpainted. The remainder 
 were painted yellow, with a red face, surrounded, by a row of white 
 dots. There were three additional dots on each cheek and one on 
 the nose, 
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 While it is not possible at the present time, owing to lack of 
 more extended observation and fuller information from the priests, 
 to make an adequate characterization of the Ponca Sun Dance, 
 certain points stand out prominently and seem worthy a moment's 
 consideration. Foremost among these is the apparent simplicity 
 
Dec, 1905. The Ponca Sun Dance — Dorsey. 87 
 
 of the Ponca Sun Dance as compared with that of the Cheyenne 
 or Arapaho. It is, of course, quite possible that certain rites are 
 conducted in the tipis of preparation which the author has not wit- 
 nessed, and which, consequently, are not even mentioned in these 
 pages; but, judging from what was witnessed in the secret tipis and 
 from the method of conducting the rites incident to the construc- 
 tion of the Sun Dance lodge proper, it seems more than probable 
 that the secret rites were of the simplest nature. At any rate, they 
 were, presumably, confined to the construction of the various forms 
 of sun symbols and to the painting of the dancers. The public rites 
 seem to be confined to those attending upon the spying, capturing, 
 felling, painting and raising of the centre-pole, and the race to the 
 pole before it is brought into the centre of the camp-circle. The 
 altar of the ceremony proper is of the simplest kind, and requires, 
 apparently, no rites for its construction, except such as may, per- 
 haps, have been performed by the priest when he painted the skull 
 in the secret tipi. Bevond this, there seems to have been no further 
 rites of any importance connected with the ceremony, until the 
 priests and dancers returned at the end of the dance on the last day 
 to the secret tipis of preparation. The. rites on this occasion were 
 confined to the sacrifice of water and food, and the cutting from 
 each dancer of a piece of skin from his shoulder by the priest. The 
 last rite of the ceremony is connected with this incident; the grand- 
 fathers deposit the pieces of skin which they have removed, together 
 with the tobacco, at the foot of the centre-pole in the Sun Dance 
 lodge. 
 
 While no satisfactory account of the origin of the dance was 
 obtained, a few points were brought out in conversation with White- 
 Eagle. According to the belief of this very earnest chief and priest, 
 the Ponca have always performed the Sun Dance. The lodge 
 itself is typical of the circle of tipis overhead. The centre-pole 
 seems to be symbolic of a man, an enemy, conceived of as naked, 
 that the Great Medicine may see him. It is also conceived of as 
 firewood, being of willow, which is said to be hard to kill and of a 
 clean nature. In the fork of the pole is the nest of the Thunder- 
 Bird, sometimes spoken of by the Ponca as an eagle, sometimes as 
 a brant or loon. This bird produces rain, thunder, and lightning. 
 The altar seems to be symbolic of a fireplace ; it is also spoken of as 
 the sun, which in turn is spoken of as the chief. According to Ponca 
 mythology, in the beginning of creation was the sun or fireplace, 
 and at that time it contained the four colors which are found in 
 the four tipis of preparation. Next came the buffalo bull bearing 
 
88 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. VII. 
 
 a pipe, offering himself to the people. The bull came from the 
 interior of the earth and brought the people the paints of the lodge. 
 Thus the exceedingly simple altar may be said to consist of the fire- 
 place, or sun, the buffalo, and finally of the sage, which is symbolic 
 of the people. 
 
 In comparing the Ponca Sun Dance with that of the Cheyenne 
 or Arapaho, the points of difference stand out more prominently 
 than those of resemblance. Most important of these points of 
 resemblance are the painted dancers, who dance with an eagle bone 
 whistle in their mouths towards the centre-pole, or towards the sun. 
 The chief differences between the Ponca Sun Dance and that of the 
 other group are as follows: The Ponca Sun Dance is an annual 
 ceremony, and not dependent upon the vow or pledge of an indi- 
 vidual member of the tribe ; the dancers neither vow to . dance nor 
 dance because they belong to some particular warrior organiza- 
 tion, but because they are asked to do so by the priests; instead of 
 one secret tipi of preparation, there are four; instead of many rites 
 in these tipis, there are but few, and these seem to be confined to 
 the erection of sun symbols; the lodge itself is nothing but a wind- 
 break as compared with that of the Cheyenne or Arapaho, which is a 
 very substantial structure ; the torture which the subjects in the 
 Ponca ceremony undergo are not practiced, so far as known, by either 
 the Cheyenne or the Arapaho; the Ponca ceremony finishes at midday, 
 the Cheyenne and Arapaho at sunset. 
 
 It should be noted, finally, that in the Ponca Sun Dance of to-day 
 we have a ceremony which has become, perhaps, much simplified 
 in the practice and nature of its rites, and which devotes a larger 
 proportion of its energies to the spectacular. It is quite possible 
 that in the attitude of the priests when dancing towards the sun, 
 they may be attempting to hypnotize the dancers; or it is possible 
 that their actions may be explained by their having been influenced 
 by their practice of the Ghost Dance. 
 
.D COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. 
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY, VOL. VM. PLATE I. 
 
 Fig. I 
 
 Fig. 2 
 
 Fig. I. White Eagle, Sun dance chief. 
 Fig. 2. Big Elk, assistant leader. 
 
FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. 
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY, VOL. VII. PLATE IV. 
 
 Fig. I 
 
 Fig. 2 
 
 Fig. I. Sun dance priests assembling. 
 
 Fig. 2. Mounted Dog-soldiers leaving the camp-circle. 
 
FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. 
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY, VOL. VII. PLATE V. 
 
 Sun dance priests awaiting return of Dog-soldiers. 
 
FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. 
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY, VOL. VII. PLATE VI. 
 
 tiM.^^M-^''i- 'rt..M*i 
 
 Sham battle after capture of the centre-pole. 
 
FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. 
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY, VOL. VII. PLATE VII. 
 
 t , 
 
 I'K^. I 
 
 ^'M^' 
 
 >■ -■ ■■ , ^ ' .\ i 
 
 Fig. 2 
 
 Diagrains of first and second altars. 
 
FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. 
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY, VOL. VII. PLATE VIII. 
 
 t '^ ' ! . , 
 
 ^.'■'^ ^ "■, 
 
 Fig. I. 
 
 '^'-^r'f^^ 
 
 ^ -:v^" 
 
 Fig. 2 
 Diagrams of third and fourth altars. 
 
FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. 
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY, VOL. VII. PLATE IX. 
 
 / ■ - 
 
 
 
 '■r ■ 
 
 1 _^ aa^^^^^H^^Hidi 
 
 
 Fig. I 
 
 Fig. 2 
 Views of third and fourth altars. 
 
:rw' 
 
ELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. 
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY, VOL. VM. PLATE XM. 
 
 .^^S 
 
 -^I'f^fl^jfej^*^ 
 
 
 )^...->^m-^^ 
 
 m ji.jfc yyt tPTMwamcisn:. .<».e» ' 
 
 ^i^y- 
 
 Entrance of priests and dancers to Sun dance lodge. 
 
FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. 
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY, VOL. VII. PLATE XIII. 
 
 Entrance of priests and dancers to Sun dance lodge. 
 
FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM 
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY. VOL. VII. PLATE XIV. 
 
 The Sun dance lodge altar. 
 
FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. 
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY, VOL, VII. PLATE XVI. 
 
 Incidents of the noon dance, third dav. 
 
FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. 
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY, VOL. VII. PLATE XXII. 
 
 Fig. I 
 
 Fig. 2 
 Fig. I. Costume of first group of dancers. 
 Fig. 2. Costume of second group of dancers. 
 
FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. 
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY, VOL. VII. PLATE XXIII. 
 
 Fig. 2 
 
 Fig. I. Paint of first group of dancers. 
 
 Fig. 2. First paint of second group of dancers. 
 
inuruLuijr, vuL. vii. kla I t aaIv. 
 
 Fig. I 
 
 Fig. 2 
 Fig. I. Costume of third group of dancers. 
 Fig. 2. Costume of fourth group of dancers. 
 
FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. 
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY, VOL. VII. PLATE XXV. 
 
 ,=A^" 
 
 Fig. I 
 
 Fig. 2 
 
 Fig. I. First paint of third group of dancers. 
 Fig. 2. First paint of fifth group of dancers. 
 
FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. 
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY, VOL. VII. PLATE XXVI. 
 
 -M. 
 
 Fig. 2 
 
 Fig. I. Costume of fifth group of dancers. 
 Fig. 2. Costume of sixth group of dancers. 
 
FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. 
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY, VOL. VII. PLATE XXVII. 
 
 Fig. I 
 
 Fig. 
 
 Fig. I. First paint of sixth group of dancers. 
 Fig. 2. First paint of seventh group of dancers. 
 
FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. 
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY, VOL. VII. PLATE XXVIII. 
 
 FKi. 2 
 
 Fig. I. Costume of seventh group of dancers. 
 Fig. 2. Costume of eighth group of dancers. 
 
FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. 
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY, VOL. VII. PLATE XXIX. 
 
 Fig. I 
 
 Pig. 2 
 
 Fig. I. First paint of eighth group of dancers. 
 Fig. 2. First paint of part of ninth group of dancers. 
 
FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. 
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY, VOL. VII. PLATE XXIX. 
 
 FiCx. I 
 
 Fig. 
 
 Fig. 
 Fig. 
 
 First paint of eighth group of dancers. 
 First paint of part of ninth group of dancers. 
 
FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, VOL. VII. PLATE XXXI. 
 
 ::^-..*»' 
 
 Fig. I 
 
 Fig. 2 
 
 Fig. I. First paint of part of ninth group of dancers. 
 Fig. 2. Second paint of fifth group of dancers. 
 
FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. 
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY, VOL VII. PLATE XXXII. 
 
 
 Fig. I 
 
 Fig. 
 
 Fig. I. Third paint of second group of dancers. 
 
 Fig. 2. Third paint of grandfather of third group of dancers. 
 
FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, VOL. VII PLATE XXXIII. 
 
 Fig. 1 
 
 Fig. 2 
 
 Fig. I. Third paint of grandfather of fourth group of dancers. 
 Fig. 2. Third paint of sixth group of dancers. 
 
FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. 
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY, VOL. VII. PLATE XXXIV. 
 
 Fig. 1 
 
 Fig. 2 
 
 Fig. I. Third paint of grandfather of seventh group of dancers. 
 Fig. 2. Third paint of seventh group of dancers. 
 
FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, VOL. VII. PLATE XXXV. 
 
 Fie. I 
 
 Fig. I. Third paint of grandfather of eighth group of dancers. 
 Fig. 2. Third paint of eighth group of dancers. 
 

 
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