ADDRESS TIKI.IVF.RKD TITIFOUK Tlir. m T^P) LITERARY SOCIETIES WAKE FOREST COLLEGE, xr^ c- JUNE 9, 1882. HON. ROMUTJTS M. SAUNDERS. :P«fefRj.c wliu arc cullcil to Uike part ill lliese interesting ceremoiiieis. It is not one o( those sj3ectacles where we are obliged to court the illusions of" fancy, and where a single touch of" the wand of reason dispels the enchantment. Here all is real, affecting, and interesting. Indulge me, then, while catching the glow of that oeneral interest which the occasion has kindled, I venture to address you on a subject whicli, however void of novelty, cannot fail to command attention. And as my purpose in appearing before you, is that of being useful, rather than from any expectation of literary distinction, I feel that I cannot so well advance my object as by exciting in your youthful bosoms an ardent devotion and manly pride, in whatever concerns the character, honor, and fame of our native land. To this end, I shall call your attention to The early History and present Resources of the State. I de- sign to vindicate the truth of history, and flatter myself in being able not only to enlist you in the cause of truth, but to engage you as future ad vocal es for the develop- ment of those resources, the judicious application of which cannot fail to promote the improvement and ad- vancement of the State. If it be true, as Lord Boling- broke has said, and others have so often repeated after him, " That history is philosophy teaching by example," then no study can be more useful to the ingenious youth seeking the improvement of the mind, than the history of his own country; nor examples more inter- esting for his contemplation than the distinguished men who have contributed so largely to the foundation of the republic. If this is to be the theatre of your future actions, whether your object be the pulpit, the forum, the halls of legislation, or the cultivation of the soil. the history of your own, your native land, will pros e alike pleasing and inblruelive. Here you will learn the trials and sufferings which the early settlers had to en- counter in order to gain an abiding place in the New World; and what the humble Christian had to endure in being allowed the high privilege of worshipping the Great Creator according to the dictates of his own con- science. Here, too, you will be able to trace and to study the rise and progress of the laws, from their first rough sketches to their more perfect enactments, and the causes and occasions which called them forth in the government of an infant community. Here, likewise, you will learn and be able to appreciate the wrongs and oppressions which drove our forefathers from their mother land, ard induced them to seek an asylum in the wilderness, through whose dusky shades the wild savage wandered, and by his horrible yells disturbed the intrepid settler in his humble cottage. Yet I very much fear, notwithstanding these general inducements, this branch of science is too much neglec- ed, or if studied at all, but superficially. When a few years since a foreign journal in criticising an American work, asked with an insolent sneer, " Who was Patrick Henry " ? we felt inclined to smile at the ignorant im^ pertinence ; and yet, I doubt if our youth and even those of riper years, are free from the reproach of neglecting the study ol their own State's history for less valuable information. This may be owing in part to the fact, that we have no State historian calculated to interest the reader by his classical style or the beauty of his narration. And yet w^e have, as general historians, a Marshall, a Ramsay and a Bancroft of high character, nvith a Williamson and Martin, and more recent inter- esting sketches of the State ; and though the former of these State historians may be somewhat dull and monotonous, still they are calculated to afford informa- tion of value to a North- CaroHna reader. Into some of these matters it is my purpose to inquire, and to vindicate as far as I may be able, and the truth shall warrant, some things, in which, as I think, injustice has been done to the State. The discovery by Columbus of a New World, is the most memorable event in the annals of the age. His bold and resolute spirit had well nigh sunk under the repeated disappointments to which he was subjected, before embarking in his noble enterprise. It was reserved for a female, Isabella the Catholic of Spain, to furnish the means of enabling him to engage in his hazardous undertaking. The most interesting narrative of his first voyage is to be found in the pages of Robertson and Irving. And it remains a disputed point, which of these authors is most to be admired in his descrij)tion of this highly exciting event. No reader can rise from the chapters in which are given the details of the voyage, its various and trying incidents and its triumphant result, without having his feelings excited beyond the power of language to describe. But the narrative, however eloquent the language, thril- ling the events, or beautiful the description, is lost in the mighty event which it records. " Columbus, " says the Scotch historian, "was the first European who set foot in the New World, which he had discovered. He landed in a rich dress and with a naked sword in his hand. His men followed, kneeling down they kissed the ground which they had so long desired to see. They next erected a crucifix and prostrating themselves before it, returned thanks to God, for conducting their voyage to such a happy issue"; when they took possession of the country with the most impressive formalities, for' the Crown of Castile and Leon. The grandeur and success of the mighty event leaves it in doubt whether we are most to admire the profound sagacity of him who conceived the thought of the discovery of a New World, or tlie persevering industry and undaunled Ijold- ness witli which he carried it into execution. It rniglit be hiohlv interestino- to follow the OTeat discoverei: throuoh his various trials, to the end of his illustrious career, but that other matters claim our attention. It may not, however, be out of place to say that Columbus, after spending many years in the service of /Spain, finally returned to claim at the hands of its sovereign, the restoration of "his honors and estates" of which he had been so wrongfully deprived. Ferdinand only amused him with fair words and empty promises, until worn out by the fatigue and hardships he had suffered, and broken down by his infirmities, he sunk to his grave with that composure of mind becoming his high charac- ter, and closed his eventful life, wath words, as recorded by Irving, evincing the deepest feeling of piety — ■'■'■In manus tiias Domine commendo, S]piritu7n meum.'" Into thy hands, O Lord, I commend my sj^irit ! But I pro- ceed. For several years the Spaniards and French became rivals in the discoveries which followed. The Southern section of North America was discovered by the Spaniards in 1512, to which they gave the name of Florida. They were the founders of St. Augustine, by forty years the oldest town in the United States. They had well nigh abandoned the country, when the French inspired by religious zeal and a desire to establish an asylum for the persecuted Huguenots and Protestants, engaged in these new discoveries. They were not more fortunate, and having left a 23art of their adventur- ers on the St. Johns, and given name to the country ■ — Carolina — in honor of their sovereign, they returned to their homes. The Spaniards soon after returning to the country, destroyed their rivals, and were them- selves in like manner destroyed by the French, each leaving: behind mementoes oi" the most savage cruelty ; 10 thus showino ilmt ibe demons of civil and relioioii?. persecution liad crossed the Atlantic antl lost nothing of the dark biootry and vindictive spirit, which led to the revocation of the edict of Nantes, the massacre of St. Bartholomew,and the establishmentof the Inquisition. Hitherto the discoveries and attempts to settle and colonize the North American continent, had been con- fined to the adventurers of Sj^ain and France. The English now embarked in the noble but hazardous en- terprize. Sir Walter Raleigh, in the year 1 584, obtained a grant from Queen Elizabeth, for "the discovery and planting new lands and countries, not actually possessed by any Christians." He immediately fitted out two vessels in pursuit of the lands, which his sovereign had thus granted him. It is not easy to ascertain to a cer- tainty, the part of the coast which was first discovered by the adventurers. It is quite certain, however, they first cast anchor at Wocacan, an Island supposed to be among those at the mouth of Albemarle Sound. They entered the Sound and landed on Roanoke Island^ with- in the present limits of Currituck County. This, like several other attempts under the auspices of Sir Walter Raleigh, proved unsuccessful; and though he had the honor of planting the first English settlement in North America, and that withm the province of Carolina, where was born the first of the Saxon race in 1587 — a female,, christened Virginia Dare — the whole soon perished,, leaving no vestige behind but its new made graves to tell the sad tale of its brief existence. Such being the unfortunate result of Sir Walter Raleigh's attempts to plant a colony in the New World, he was forced five years after the date of his patent, to assign over to Thomas Smith and other adventurers of London, the rights and privileges which had been so generously granted him by his sovereign. But the name of Raleigh will ever btaiid among the liighesl and brightest oi' those, who first sought the colonization of the country. And all must lament the hard fate of " the soldier, scholar and statesman," who was doomed to suffer an untimely death, under the hands of a common executioner. In the Tower of London, at this day, is exhibited to the sight- seeing and curious, among the relics of past ages, the axe and the block with and on which was closed the life of this illustrious victim. The charge, the trial, the con- viction, the sentence, its suspension for fifteen years and final execution, under which the atrocity was perpe- trated of ordering him to be beheaded, drawn and quartered — alike disgraceful to the King, his Attorney General and Judc^es — altoo-ether constitute one of the most extraordinary and unparalelled occurrences in the annals of judicial mairders. What would be thought at the i^resent day, of an Attorney General who could use, or of a Judge who could permit such terms as *' Traitor, Monster, Viper and Spider of Hell," to be applied to one on trial for his life, and that one of the most illustrious men of the kingdom, and whose only provocation was the defence of himself, "with temper, eloquence, and courage" ? Never, perhaps, has any case occurred so fully illustrative of the justice of the response as told of a Roman Enq^eror, as the case of Sir Walter Raleigh; when asked, "Who can be guilty, if it be sufficient to deny ?" " And who," answered the noble Roman, " can be innocent, if it be sufficient to accuse ! " Here accusation suppned the place of prool^ and denial was construed into guilt. But, I am proud to say, the Legislature of our own State, in 1792, sought to blot out this foul stain from the memory of this great man, by giving his name to our State Capitol — esto perpetna. The London Company, on the attainder of Sir Wal- ter Raleigh for High Treason, obtamed m IbOb", a new 1:2 ' charier Iroui the crt)\vii, exlciitliuy over llie pruviuce.s of Virginia and Carolina, which they managed by a Governor and Council. This Company enlisted in its service, the celebrated John Smith, already distinguish- ed by his chivalrous adventures and bold intrepidity, and who became still more famous in being saved by the intrepid Pocahontas, and as the founder of the Colony from which Virginia and Carolina were peopled. The Company, under various changes of fortune, con- tinued its existence until 1624, when a judgment of forfeiture was had against it, and the succeeding year its patent cancelled and the Company dissolved. From this period during the reign of Charles the first, and the Protectorate of Cromwell, little occurs of that pe- culiar interest to claim an especial notice ; as in a dis- course of his kind, simple allusion must supply the place of full detail. The intolerant spirit of civil and religious persecution, which had forced many a victim to abandon the mother country, and to take refuge in the Colonies, comjDelled them to fiee still further into the wilderness, to avoid the power of their persecutors. The peace-abiding Quaker, and unoffending sectarian, were thus obliged to fly or suffer under ecclesiastical and civil despotism. They sought the banks of the Roanoke and Chowan, then the abode of the wild sav- age, as a retreat from the persecutions of civilized men, and where there existed no legitimate government to oppress them. Here the founders of the Albemarle Colony were allowed, for near tvi^enty years, to enjoy freedom of conscience and a e^overnment of their own choice. But they were not thus to elude "the powers that be." Charles the 2nd had been restored to his throne. Of this Kino- it has been recorded that "he never said a foolish thing, nor ever did a wise one"; yet lip rerlTiinlv eviu'^cH his snoaciiv and loresiolit-. l)y the favor and eiicoiiragenieut he extended to the American Colonies. Having obtained the concurrence of his Council in 23ronouncing the previous grants and c^iarterS null and void for their non user, in 1663 (as en- larged two years thereafter) he granted the Province of Carolina from "about 36° 30' north latitude, west- wardly to the South Seas," to the Duke of Albemarle, Earl of Clarendon, and six others, as Lords Proprietors, who obtained the country under pretence of "a pious zeal for the promotion of the gospel," and used it to admin- ister to their own wealth and dignity. The province was divided into two Counties, the Albemarle, bordering on the Roanoke, and Clarendon, on the Cape Fear. Wil- liam Drummond was the first Governor ; and according to Bancroft, so carelessly has the Plistory of the State been written, that neither his name, merits, or end are cor- rectly stated. He is represented to have been a man of prudence and judgment, deeply imbued with a passion for popular liberty ; and after instituting a simple form of government, suitable to the condition of an in- fant people, he left them to the free exercise of their own consciences and the restraint of laws of their own making. The first Assembly, of wdiich we have any authentic account, was held in 1669, and though there existed no press in the country for many years there- after, (Swan's collections of acts, printed by James Davis, Newbern 1752,) the laws then enacted were con- firmed, re-enacted and of binding power for more than half a century. The Lords Proprietors were not dis- posed to leave the Colony to the operaJ:ion of laws in accordance with the habits and taste of the people, but desired to have a government to "agree as nearly as possible to the Monarchy of which it was a part, and to avoidcreating a numerous Democrac}^" To effect rhis. they assigned the duty fo the Earl of Shaftsbury, a 14 uiiin oi' (Jistiiiijuisiicd talent:?, who culled to his aid the celebrated John Locke, who produced a code, styled the "Fundamental Constitutions"; and most fitly has it been pronounced by a competent judge, "never did Imnian ingenuity devise a more striking specimen of inveterate lolly." A system of government, with its badges of aristocracy and vassalage, for an infant colony of some six thousand inhabitants, sufficiently demon- strates, however profound its author may have been as a metaphysician, that he was mostsingularly deficient as a practical politician. The attempt on the part of the Proprietors to enforce their favorite code, was met by the Colonists with the most decided opposition. The contest became warm and the parties were designated as the Court and Country — the lloyalist and Republican parties of the mother country. The Royalists claimed the right of prohibiting the Colonies from exporting their produce anywhere but to the mother country and of levying taxes at will, v\^ithout the consent of the latter. This enforcement of the navigation act and the imposi- tion of a tax of a penny a pound on Tobacco shipped from the Colony, led to open resistance. And we have in this act of resistance on the part of the people of Albemarle, an exhibition of the revolution in miniature. Yet it has been represented b}^ one of the historians of the State, as evidence of a disorderly and revolutionary spirit, and the leader as deserving the gibbet for his attempt to excite the "poor to plunder the rich." Whereas, the truth of history exhibits it as the first practical denial of the power of Parliament to tax the Colonies in derogation of their chartered rights. This was in 1677. The people of Albemarle were triumph- ant — ^the royal tax-gatherer was forced to give up his ill-gotten gains and fled the country in order to com- plain to ihc Lords Proprietors. He was followed by 15 the bold leader, John Culpeper, who justified his con- duct and claimed to be tried by a Jury of the vicinage. Thus was raised, for the first time in regard to the Colonies, the celebrated question, which in after times became a ground of complaint in the Declaration of Independence — how far it was competent to try an American Colonist charged with treason before an English Court and Jury. The question was decided against the accused ; he was tried and acquitted by the jury under the influence of Earl Shaftsbury, then the prime minister of the realm. It has been remarked by an eloquent English historian, "the primary and most efficient characteristic of a limited monarchy is, that money can only be levied upon the people through the consent of their representatives" ; and he adds, "the most brilliant diadem in the coronet of British liberty, is the representation in the House of Commons and the trial by jury," — and to which I would add. Religious tolera- tion and a Free Press, as the two brightest gems in the diadem of a representative government. And yet, not- withstanding this proud boast, w^e have in the liumble transaction to which I have been referring, an attempt on the part of Englishmen to violate these great princi- ples, so indispensable to the prol ection of life and pro- perty. And what is more to my purpose, we have in the record of this remote affair, the first successful as- sertion of these rights on the part of the Colonists, and there discover the cradle in which was rocked the infant spirit, that one hundred years thereafter animated our forefathers in the great contest of 1776. I hasten with all possible brevity to events of greater magnitude and which entitle the State to still higher distinctions. • In the year 1729 the government was changed from proprietary 1 o that of royal — the Lords Proprietors, with the exception of the Earl Granville, having surrendered their charter to ilie Crown. Hence- Ibrth the Colony is placed under the authority of royal Governors; commencing with Governor Burrington, continued under Governors Johnston, Dobbs and Tryon, and terminating witli Governor Martin, a 2)eriod of forty -seven years. I shall not attemjjt to trace the his- tory of the Colon}', its various incidents and vicissitudes during this very imjjortant period, farther than may be necessary to the introduction of the subjects it is my purpose ^particularly to examine. Most justly has it been remarked by a sagacious and intelligent historian of our own country, "that between limited monarchy and representative government, there seems to be no ground for political happiness." As we have seen, there had been the most incessant contentions between the proprietors and the inhabitants ; and even after the government of the Colony came under the authority of the Crown, things in this respect did not greatly improve. The government, as conferred on the Colony, purported to be after the model of the British Constitution. It consisted of a Governor, Council and Assembly — the Governor and Council appointed by the Crown, the Assembly by the people, the Governor having the power to convene, prorogue and dissolve the Assembly, as well as to veto its laws ; and such as he sanctioned, had still to be approved by the Crown, while Parlia- ment claimed the omnipotent power of creating laws at its discretion. Although the Colony increased, in popu- lation and wealth under the royal government, it was not long before the great contest arose between the j)rerogatives of the Crown and the liberty of the subject. In the year 1765, Governor Tryon succeeded to the government of the Colony — a year memorable in our Colonial histor}*, for those Parliamentary enactments, wliioli soon produced an open rupture. In this year 17 was passed the celebrated vStamp Act, and, though re- pealed the year following, it was but a few years before taxes were imposed on other articles, and the King advised that all such as might refuse payment should be brought to Eno^land for trial. This assertion of the right of taxation on the part of Parliament, without the consent of the Colonies, was most manfully resisted, and no where with more spirit than by the Colonists of North Carolina. The Assembly, as early as 1769, "Resolved, that the sole right of imposing taxes on the inhabitants of North Carolina has ever been vested in the House of Assembly, and that trials for treason, committed in the Colony, ought to be had here, and the removal and trial of suspected persons beyond sea is derogatory of the rights of British subjects." The Governor declared this resolution "had sapped the foundation of confidence and gratitude," and thereupon dissolved the Assembly. I am forced to pass over an occurrence which transpired about this time, and which I would gladly notice, but for the fear of being tedious. I allude to the measures as adopted by the Regulators, and which led to an open rebellion. This transaction has been highly colored by our early historians, as is clearly evinced by the original documents, as recently obtained from the Foreign Office in England and published by Mr. Wheeler in his valu- able " Sketches of the State." These documents fully show, whatever may have been said or written on the subject, and into whatever excesses the Regulators may have been driven, that they were greatly oppressed by the most shameful extortions, and were quite as much sinned against as sinning. I cannot fail to notice the spirited reply of the principal leader of the Regulators when called on by the Governor for his taxes, which shows the true character of the transaction : " We pay to honest men, and not to swindlers." 18 ( proceed willi my narrative. In 1771 Gcwernor Marlin, the last of tlie royal Governors, was appointed to the government of the Colony. He had neither tlie talent, discretion or abilities to qualify him for the station to which he was called. I cannot dally by the way, but hasten on to those acts of a belligerent character, which led to open revolution. The first of these was the%ppointment by the Assembly in 1773, of a com- mittee of vigilance and correspondence, with directions to inform themselves as to the proceedings of the min- istry of a hostile tendency, and to the injury of the Colonies. This was the first important step, looking to a direct concert of action with the other Colonies. It was followed by public meetings in the several counties and principal towns, recommending the appoint ment of delegates to a general Convention, to be held in New- berne. The first provincial Congress accordingly as- sembled in Newberne. in Auoust, 1774. A Continental Congress had also been proposed, to consist of delegates from each of the Colonies. Our Provincial Congress promptly responded to this call, and appointed Richard Caswell, William Hooper, and Joseph Hughes as its deleo;ates to the Continental Cong^ress. This august body met in Philadelphia on the 5th of September, 1774. It is said, "a silence, awful and protracted, preceded the breaking of the last seal," and that astonishment and applause filled the House, when this was announced by Patrick Henry. They adopted a declaration of rights — pointed out the difterent acts of Parliament, held in violation of their privileges — recommended the formation of associations with the proper test, and pas- sed with great unanimity a resolution enjoining ujion all true friends of the country, non-importation^ non- consumptio7i, and non-exportation of any article from or to the mother country ; \\\\\?- imposing on themselves 19 a system ol" disinterested self-denial, eniorced by no law nor guarded by any penal sanction, but resting en- tirely on the patriotism of the people, and their devotion to the common cause, and carried out in a way that challenges its equal in the history of the world. The Provincial Congress, after the adoption of a resolution " against the power of taxation, except with the con- sent of the representatives of the people, and any other tax a gross violation of the great charter of their liber- ties," adjourned, subject to the call of their Moderator. The second Provincial Conoress was again held in Newberne, in April, 1775, and met on the same day with that of the Colonial Assembly. John Harvey, of the County of Perquimons,was elected Speaker of the As- sembly and Moderator of the Congress, The Governor had endeavored to deter the people from electing, and the delegates from holding, their Congress. But neith- er were to be deterred by his royal menaces. The fact that John Harvey should have been elected, and have had the boldness to preside over both Assemblies, evi- denced the spirit of the times, and that they were men, neither to be alarmed or seduced by the powers or smiles of those in authority. If we are allowed to judge of the character of the man by the part he was called upon to act — the duties he discharged — the flattering resolution of thanks voted by the bodies over which he presided — I should say John Harvey must have been a man of highly reputable talents, courteous in his address, dili- gent in the discharge of his duties, and that he could not fail to impress upon his associates his entire fitness to enjoy their full confidence. But the cause of the coun- try was not long to have the benefit of his valuable services. He was cut off' at a time when his ardent patriotism must have been most sensibly excited by the stirring events then daily gaining fresh interest, and in which doLiblless he would lia\'e borne a conspicuous part. He was lield, as I learn from a private source, in great esteem, and his death dee])ly lamented. The Provincial Congress elected their delegates to the Con- tinental Congress, whose acts they highly approved, and having denounced the proclamation of the Governor interdicting their meeting as "a wanton and arbitrary exercise of power," they adjourned, subject to the call of their Moderator. The Colonial Assembly being equally refractory with that of the people's Congress, were dissolved after a session of only four days. The third Provincial Congress was assembled in Hillsborouo^h in August, 1775, and so general had been the feeling of discontent, and so determined the spirit of resistance, that 184 members attended, every county and town in the Colony being represented. They came to the solemn resolution, "That the Parliament of Great Brit- ain had no right to impose taxes upon the Colonies, or to regulate their internal police ; and that all such at- tempts should be resisted to the utmost, and they would cheerfully bear their proportion of the expense neces- sary for the supjDort of an army." This resolution speaks the language of open resistance, and that the Colonists hadtakentheir position and nerved their sjoirits for the contest, however hazardous the result. They accordingly appointed a Provincial Council with execu- tive powers, Committee of safety, with county and town Committees, who were armed with full jiower for the government of the province. The Continental Con- gress re-assembled at Philadelphia, on the 10th of May, 1775, an assembly as has been justly stated, "one of the most august the world has ever witnessed." It continu- ed in session, with short intervals, until after the declara- tion of Independence. On assembling, they found all hopes of peace hud ilcd. and that preparations ibr a 21 ■ it Vigorous resistance were loudly called I'or. ^ On the 15tli June, George Washington was appointed com- mander-in-chief of the American forces, with a pledge that they would "assist and adhere to him with their lives and fortunes." In the meantime, General Gage had opened the bloody drama of war at Lexington on the 19th April, 1775. I have thus anticipated, in some degree, the important movement, to which I purpose to call your especial attention, it being necessary to have these dates and events distinctly stated, in order fully to appreciate the momentous occurrence which I now design to examine, and which I am frank to say was the great object in the selection of my subject. I allude to the Mecklenburg Resolves of May, 1775, one of the most extraordinary events in the annals of the revolu- tion. As the subject has and is still attracting great attention, you will pardon me for entering upon this investigation with some degree of particularity. It is a subject of deep interest to the State, and from what has transpired, I feel called upon to examine the ques- tion with candor, to' consult every accessible authority, fairly and fully to state the proofs, so that all may judge how the matter really stands. As I am addressing young gentlemen, students of the State, who should be accurately informed as to a point of such great moment in our revolutionary history, I would not knowingly mislead them, or leave them in error. The people of Mecklenburg county claim the honor of having, at Charlottestown on the 20th May, 1775, adopted Reso- lutions declaring themselves free and independent of the British Crown. The fact has been called in question — how stands the proofs 1 In the Raleigh Register of the 30th April, 1819, there appeared a communication by Joseph Mc- Knitt Alexander, rsHtive to the Mecklenburg Declara- 22 » tiou of Independence. His account, m substance, was, that liis father, Jolui McKnitt Alexander, (who died in 1817,) had left in his hands certain papers, on which he predicated his statement; that a pubhc meeting had been called under the order of Col. Adam Alexan- der, to consist of two delegates from each Captain's company of Mecklenburg, to meet at Charlottestown on the 19th May, 1775; that the meeting was held accordingly, when it was organized by the appointment of Abraham Alexander, Chairman, and Jolm McKnitt Alexander, Clerk ; that after a free and full discussion it was Resolved, 1. "That whoever du-ectly or indirectly abetted, or in any way, form or manner countenanced the unchartered and dangerous invasion of our rights, as claimed by Great Britain, is an enemy to the Country, to America, and to the interests and inalienable rights of man. 2. That we, the citizens of Mecklenburg County, do hereby dissob o the political bands which have connected us with the mother country, and hereby absolve om-selves from all allegiance to the British Crown, and al)jure all political connection, contract, and association with that nation, who have wantonly trampled on our rights and liberties, and inhumanly shed the blood of American patriots at Lexington. 3. That we do hereby declare ourselves a free and independent peo- ple; are, and of right ought to be, a sovereign and self-governing associa- tion, under the control of no power, other than that of our God, and the General Government of the Congress ; to the maintenance of which inde- pendence, we solemnly pledge to each- other our mutual co-operation, our lives, our fortunes, and our most sacred honor." Two other resolutions were adopted, relative to the civil and military affairs and laws for the government of the country. That, after sitting in the Court House all night and discussing every paragraph, the resolutions were passed unanimously, on the 20th May, 1775. That Caj^t. James Jack was sent as an express with the pro- ceedings to be delivered to the State delegates, Richard Caswell, William Hooper, and Joseph Hughes, to be laid before Congress, then in session at riiikideliihut. That ihcv received for answer, ihJi'thc resolutions were 23 approved, but it was considered premature to lay them before Congress — ^that the original record of the pro- ceedings was burnt in Api'il, 1800, but copies had been sent to Hugh Williamson, then engaged in writing the history of the State, and to Gen. William R. Davie. Such is the statement as published, and the question is, how far is this statement corroborated or invalidated by the proofs ? I submit the affirmative and negative tes- timony, which I shall endeavor to state truly and at the same time with all j)ossible brevity : 1. The testimony as collected by Col. William Polk, in 1820, and published in pamphlet, 1822, under his authority. He states, though a youth, he was present at the meeting, and concurs "in the correctness of the facts generally," as given by Dr. Alexander, except as to the names of the officers, in which he thinks there are errors. 2. The certificate of Gen. George Graham and three other aged persons who state they were at the meeting, which was called by Col. Thomas Polk, and that Dr. Ephraiin Brevard was the Secretary ; the resolutions were drawn by him and reported from a committee on the 20th May; they declared "the people of Mecklen- burg County free and independent of the King and Parliament of Great Britain." The proceedings were sent to the Congress by Capt. James Jack, who returned with an answer. 3. Letter oiJohn Simson, who says he has "conversed with many old friends and others — all agree as to the main point, but few can state the particulars." The order for the meeting was given by Col. Thomas Polk ; the declaration was drawn by Dr, Brevard, cannot speak with certainty as to dates — thinks "the close of May," and that Thomas Polk, John Phifer, and Joseph Kennedy were appointed a committee to collect military stores. . 3t 4. Francis Cunwiins says, lie wa:? a stiidont in tbo Cliieen's Museinn, a college in Charlotte ; that many of the citizens of Mecklenburg held a public meeting in 1775, at the Court House and proclaimed Independence by their herald, Col. Thomas Polk. 5. The certificate of Capt, James Jack, who says he was present and heard the "resolutions proclaimed from the Court House door" ; that he was the bearer of the proceedings, in June, and delivered "the Meck- lenburg Declaration of Independence of May, 1775, to the State deles^ates in Congress." Such is the testimony as published in the Polk pamphlet of 1822. The General Assembly, at its session of 1830, appoint- ed a committee to "examine, collate, and arrange all such documents as might be accessible, touching the Declaration of Independence by the citizens of Meck- lenburg County." From the pamphlet as thus published under the authority of the Legislature, 1 give the ad- ditional testimony: 1. The certificate of Dr. Henderson, November, 1830, that he found among the papers of Gen. W. R. Davie, soon after his death, 1820, a paper which he recognized asbeino^ in the hand writinof of John McKnitt • Alexander, and which he gave to his son Dr. Alexander. This paper is identical with that as published in the Register of 1819, and is dated September, 1800. 2. Letter of Gen. Joseph Graham, October, 1830. He states he was at this meeting, then about sixteen years of age; on the 20th May, after organizing and much discussion "the question was taken, and they resolved to declare themselves independent." That as "the King or Ministry had by proclamation declared the Colonies out of the protection of the British crown; they ought to declare themselves out of his allegiance, and resolve an independence" ; that Dr. Brevard re- ported the resolutions, "as near as he can recollect in the very words since seen in print." 3. Rev. Humphrey Hunter s memoir: That the five resolutions, as now published, were rej^orted and adop- ted, and on the 20th May, Dr. Brevard appointed to draft "a definite statement of grievances, together with a more correct and formal declaration of Independence." The memoir states the author being present on the 20th May, 1775, "was a deeply interested spectator, was then 20 years and 14 days old." This is clearly an error, as he says he was born the 14th May, 1775. So that whether you calculate according to the Julian or old style or according to the Gregorian or neiv style, which commenced in England in 1752, neither com- putation would correspond with the 19th or 20th May. The memoir is dated in 1827, and appears to be a re- sponse to a request made by Dr. Alexander, and thus loses, in some degree, the authority to which it might otherwise have been entitled, had it been a contempor- aneous production. 4. Letter of Johii Davidson, October 1830. He says : "John McKnitt Alexander and myself were chosen from our company." After being organized "a motion was made to declare ourselves independent of the Crown of Great Britain and carried by. a large majori- ty." He does not speak particularly as to date, further than it was before the national declaration. Capt. Jack carried on the proceedings, and brought back an answer. Such is the published testimony ; to which I add a verbal statement of Judge Cameron, a gentleman dis- tmguished for the tenacity of his memory, as to names, dates and facts, and whose statement of any thing coming within his own recollection is entitled to the most im- plicit credit. He states he formed the acquaintance of John McKnitt Alexander as early as 1797 — who was ■2r< a highly respcctabblc old man ; that he conversed with him freely on the subject of the Mecklenburg meet- ing, and he uniformly gave him the same account as to the Declaration of Independence; that he saw him in 1800 after the burnino- of his house ; that after naming the fact he added most emphatically, ''hut, Cameron, the document is safe, as I gave a copy in my own haincl writing to Gen. W. R -Davier This closes the affirmative testimony. I shall now give some important documentary evidence, which has come to light since the foregoing has been published, and which, as I presume, may be considered negative testimony : 1. The letter of the Hon. Israel Pickens, a native of Mecklenburg and for some years a member of Con- gress from this State, dated March, 1823. He says, "he had rejDcated conversations with John McKnitt Alexander, a venerable old man, proverbial for his scrup- ulous accuracy in recollecting and detailing events." After referring to the officers and the organization of the meeting in Ajoril, 1775,hc adds, "The first and only question which gave rise to discussion was, whether it was then expedient for the County to declare indepen- dence. This question being decided in the affirmative, a formal declaration was unanimously passed, absolving the County from the British Crown." The letter adds, " understanding that Dr. Williamson was about to write the history of North Carolina some twelve years ago, I apprised him of the circumstance of the Mecklenburg Convention. He informed me he had many years pre- viously been informed of it by Gen. Steel and others ; but compared the act of anticipation of American In- dependence, to that whereby Virginia had claimed the title of "the Ancient Dominion," on account of her having declared in favor r>^ Charles the 2nd some time before 'K the revolution took place in England; both events being expected long before." 2. Two imjjers, furnished by Dr. Alexander, who certifies that they were found by him among some old pamphlets of his father's, the one a half-sheet in the hand-writing of John JMcKnitt Alexander, the other a full sheet in some " unknown hand." These papers were stitched together ; the half sheet is an old pajDer, and from its appearance, I should say in all reasonable probability is the oldest manuscript account we have of the meeting of May, 1775. The other sheet gives the same statement and resolutions as published, and has one or two corrections in the hand writing of John McKnitt Alexander. The half sheet, after stating the meeting was held on the 19th May — ^the names of the chairman and secretary, proceeds, "after a free dis- cussion in order to give relief to America and protect our just and natural rights, 1st, the County, by a solemn and awful vote, dissolved our allegiance to King- George and the British nation. 2nd, declared ourselves a free and independent people, having a I'ight and cajp- ahle to govern ourselves as a part of North Carolina. 3d, in order to have laws as a rule of life/or our future government, we formed a code of laws by adopting our former wholesome laws." Then follow the 4th and 5th rules, substantially as those published. It states the resolutions were adopted on the 20th May, and a copy forwarded by Capt. Jack. 3. The Resolves of the 2>lst May, 1775, as found in the South Carolina Gazette of the 13th June, 1775, and preserved in the Charleston Library: 1. '■'■ Resolved, That all commissions, civil and military, heretofore granted by the Crown to be exercised in these Colonies, are null and void, and the Constitution of each particular Colony wholly suspended. 2. That the Provincial Congress of each province, under the direction -of the great Continental Congress, is invested with all legislative and '2^ executive powers, williiu their respective provinces, and that no other legishitivo power does or c\ct\ ;i|)|)l(js ol i.lic Dciid 8cM, Ircsli and bo:iutiriil t(< llic sisjlil, but, when tasted full of bitterness nud a>^iirs. fleject then, 1 beseech you, the poisoned cup which iIk; enchantress pleasure holds up to the lip, and reineiiiber W'hat Anacharssis hath said of the vine, "it bears the three grapes of Drunkenness, of Pleasure, and of Sor- row," and happy it is if the last can cure the mischiefs which the former hath entailed. Whilst you thus guaM your conduct as individuals, and I'ulfil your duties as citizens of the State, remember you are citizens of a great Republic, which also claims your allegiance. Remember too, that no where has Liberty so splendid a Temple erected to her service as in these United States, and that in vain shall the serpents of faction hiss around licr altar, if our people shall fully understand and duly appreciate her blessings. I know that I stand on sacred ground, and I assure you I would not even, if allowable, lead you into the })olitical meshes and partizan contentions of the day. But I think I am not \'iolating that which is due to the place and the occa- sion, when I call upon you to stand by your country and its Constitution — that Constitution, which as you have heard, cost the Conscri]:)t Fathers of the land such mighty eHbrts to establish. And whilst thus ex- horting you to a faithful discharge of your duty as citizens, I do not know that I could give you better counsel than that you should follow the advice of the wise, the good, and the illustrious Washington in his Farewell Address,and likewise that you should study the republican principles, sound and constitutional, as you shall find them recorded in President Jctlcrson's first Inaugural. These great names, "like the mountain cedar," will ever extend their protective branches over ihe land. And so long as the advice and ])riiicij)les, as oivcn ill ihesc JHnn(.trtu[ 'lucumciits, sliull 1"j lollowcl 43 out and adhered to, the Constitution of the land, tho Union of the States, the rights and Hberties of tho people will remain fixed and immutable, like the firm rock, resisting the assaults of the ocean and Inddin.p defiance to the depredations of time. LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 014 417 877 4 i:' iJ^' c